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Millar MacLure 

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements 
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the 
University of Toronto 


THE PAUL'S CR03S SEmiOKS, 1534-16411 

Millar Mac lure 

13. 3. 4-3 

A Thesis submitted in coni'omiity with tho requirements 
for the degree of uoct or of Hiiloaophy in the University 
of Xororrto. 






FRIDAY, MAY 27th, 1949 AT 10 :.W A.M. 



Professor F. H. Uxderhill, Chairman 

Professor A. S. P. Woodhouse 

Professor H. S. Wasox 

Professor N. J. Endicott 

Professor H. M. McLuHAN 

Professor D. J. McDocGAlL 

Professor R. S. Knox 

Professor J- D. Robins 

Professor A. E. Barker 

Professor H. N. Frye 

Professor D. Grani 

Professor G. B. Harrison (Queen's University) 

1917 — Born, Albion Cross. Prince Edward Isliind. 
1939 — B.A., Acadia University. 
1944 — M.A., Queen's University. 
1945-46 — Instructor, Queen's University. 
1946-49 — School of Graduate Studies, University of Toronto. 
1947-49 — Lecturer, University College. 


The Paul's Cross Sermons. 1534-1641: An Introductory Survey 


The purpose of this study is to describe and assess tlie quality and impor- 
tance of those sermons preached from the pulpit in Paul's Churchyard from 
the abolition of the papal jurisdiction to the destruction of the pulpit by order 
of the Long Parliament. 

Tlie importance of the Paul's Cross pulpit in the polity of Tudor and Stuart 
England had been established long before the Reformation. Paul's Cross had 
been since 1241 a place of assembly for the publication of official proclamations 
both ecclesiastical and civil, and the institution of the sermon from that pulpit 
dates from the fourteenth century. Public penances had long been performed 
there as one of the penalties often imposed by the ecclesiastical courts ; heretics 
and zealots had published their recantations there for the edification of the 
populace. The sermons and the officially enjoined public penances, remaining a 
focus of public interest until the Civil War, constitute a striking survival of 
medieval manners and medieval habits of thought. Paul's Cross was among 
the most conservative of Tudor and Stuart institutions. But with their peculiar 
facility in transforming ancient institutions for their own purposes, the Tudor 
monarchs turned the traditional devices of officially inspired sermon and public 
proclamation from Paul's Cross into a powerful organ of propaganda. Henry 
VIII used these sermons and public recantations to instruct the populace in 
the doctrine of the royal supremacy and to force recalcitrant members of the 
clergy to conform to his ecclesiastical policies. Paul's Cross was one of his most 
effective instruments in consolidating his "Reformation" and the "reaction" 
which succeeded it. During the reign of Edward VI the sermons at Paul's 
Cross reflect an atmosphere of controversy and protest, illustrating the difficulties 
involved in imposing "the truth of God's word" upon a populace still pre- 

dominantly Catliolic, though it was from this pulpit that Ridley delivered his 
highly influential theory of the sacrament of the altar. The Marian sermons are 
significant almost entirely as pageantry, if one excepts Gardiner's remarkable 
defences of the Catholic reaction and the Spanish alliance. But the zia media 
of the Elizabethan Establishment was strictly and on the whole consistently 
defined in the Paul's Cross pulpit, first in the controversy with Rome, then in 
the intense but sporadic conflict with the Puritan movement. It was at Paul's 
Cross that Jewel set up his formal defence of the Church of England against 
the assaults of the Roman controversialists ; from Paul's Cross Jewel's successors 
in the quarrel inveighed against the power of Catholic Spain. It was from this 
pulpit that Bancroft delivered the first blast of the trumpet against the alliance 
of the Puritan lecturers with the gentry, an accusation to be repeated vehemently 
in the same place by William James and Stephen Gosson. The principles of 
Richard Hooker were defended at Paul's Cross against the assaults of the 
Puritan theorists by two of his ablest disciples, John Howson and John Spenser. 
The efficacy of this pulpit as an organ of authoritative persuasion declined 
under the Stuarts, particularly after the crisis of the negotiations for the Spanish 
match in 1620-22, and Laud relied more upon the High Commission Court 
than upon any pulpit. The Paul's Cross preachers of the 1620's and 1630's failed 
to come to grips with the issues of the day as their Elizabethan predecessors 
had done not because of any decline in their powers but because the holders of 
real power in the realm, the gentry, including tlie London Corporation, were 
at odds with the executive in state and church whose deeds and opinions the 
preachers were obliged to justify. The preachers admitted no compromise with 
the revolutionary political and social ideas which changed the face of England 
in the seventeenth century. They opposed the Pauline doctrine of obedience to 
the pretensions of the common lawyers and the squires of the House of Com- 
mons exactly as the Reformers had opposed the same arguments to the claims 
of the Pilgrims of Grace or the Devonshire rebels. They made as little com- 
promise with capitalism. Throughout the period, from the fulminations of 
Latimer and Lever against the rapacity of the "new men" in the days of 
Edward VI to the elaborate polemics against usury and fraudulent dealing by 
Thomas Adams and Charles Richardson in the second decade of the seventeenth 
century, the preachers set forth almost without alteration the ideal of the 
Christian society in which no man is outright owner of his goods, but holds 
them in stewardship from God for the benefit of "the common state." Those 
of them who admitted the Puritan ideal of godly industry hedged it about with 
strict safeguards and diminished it by pious qualifications. To a man the Paul's 
Cross preachers condemned the spoliation of their Establishment by impropri- 
ations and sacrilege, lamented the sad state of a poverty-stricken and despised 
ministry, and inveighed bitterly against the corruption of simony. "By yeomen's 
sons," said Latimer, "the faith of Christ is and hath been maintained chiefly." 
In all their protests against capitalistic exploitation and against excess in 
apparel, in eating and drinking, in building of great mansions and expensive 
theatres, the preachers set up as the ideal the sturdy English yeoman of bygone 
days, now supplanted by the landless labourer and the frivolous gentleman. 

As the Reformers followed in the footsteps of the preaching friars, so 
most of the Elizabethan and Jacobean preachers were disciples of the Reformers 
and rigid Calvinists. The majority of the Paul's Cross preachers between 1570 
and 1620 were representatives of a solid "Low Church" centre, Calvinist in 
doctrine though conforming willingly to the Anglican discipline. Their loyalties 
were shaken by the projected alliance with Catholic Spain in the 1620's, and their 
theology was repudiated by the Arminian party under Laud's patronage. The 
consequent decline in their authority marks the breakdown of the Elizabethan 
compromise, and suggests an important reason why the Church of England 
was unable successfully to meet the Puritan challenge. The Paul's Cross sermons 
were addressed formally to all estates of the realm ; the auditory was all 
England in a little room. The measure of success which attended the promul- 
gation of official views from that pulpit during political and ecclesiastical crises 
is therefore an index of the unity of the realm. The solidity of Elizabeth's 
achievements in state and church is accordingly reflected in the sermons at 
Paul's Cross, even during the dangerous days of the Essex rebellion. Divided 
voices begin to be heard there even during the reign of James I, and by the 
1630's the Arminian Royalists who defended the Laudian church and prerogative 
government from that pulpit were reduceil to helpless invectives against 
murmuring and disobedience. 

Yet throughout the whole period which preceded this collapse of effective 
persuasion from Paul's Cross, the Anglican Calvinist preachers preserved in the 
pulpit, within the traditional form of the sermon, a remarkable compromise 
between the proclamation of the condition of the elect and the homily of 
repentance the form and content of which they inherited from the preaching 
friars. They set forth the same theological convictions as their Puritan oppon- 
ents, but with moderation and ingenuity refrained from pursuing those doctrines 
to revolutionary conclusions. 

A Register is appended to this study, containing over four hundred notices 
of sermons and incidents at Paul's Cross, of which one hundred and seven 
are complete sermons. This journal is designed to provide a basis for further 
study of the Paul's Cross sermons in the period under review. 

Alajor Subject: 

English Literature — Professor H. S. Wilson 

Professor A. S. P. Woodhouse 
Professor N. J. Endicott 
Professor F. E. L. Priestley 
Minor Subjects: 

English Language — Professor H. Alexander. (Queen's L'niversity) 
English History — Professor D. J. McDougall 

THS PAUL'S CROSS SiilMOKS, 1534-1641 J 

But !it ny very first £n.tremce upon the Task, an in- 
tricate Mfficulty did very auch discourage me, i''or I 
lighted upon great i'iles and Heaps of rapors and Writings 
of all 30rt3, ro laonably well dige jted indeodi in respect 
of the Times, but in regard of the ''ariety of the /irguaents, 
very auch confused* 

Can^en, Preface to Elizabeth. 

The tjrete and thikke ratelers out of Textis. 

Bishop rocock. 


Chaptsr !• raul's Gross..... 1. 

Ch::L.pter II. ..inds of iJootrineJ Henry VIII, ijdward VI, 

uary... 44. 

Chapter III* Tne Jstabllshments ^lizFDibeth 145* 

Chaptor IV. liiterludos Jamas I, 1603-161:0 252. 

Ciiapter V, The Gathering -)tona: James I, 1020-1625; 

Charles I, 1625-1641.. 287. 

Chapter VI. Ihs Uhristlon .^ciety 331. 

Chapter VII, The Preachers' Vision of the .<orld. 401. 

Hotes 427. 

Appendix: Biographical List • 474. 

A Part of a .register of Paul's Cross jsnnons, 1534-1541,, . 480. 

Bibliogra.phy 550. 


This study vas undez*takeu in 1946 at the suggestion of 
Dr» G.B. iiarrison of ^uoen's University, 'A^ose judicious ad- 
vice and stimulating critician I here gratefully acknowledge, 
iaonie vestige of the original design remains in the ilegister of 
sermons » which is a journal as veil as a ohronoldgicol reference 

Thla selection of aenaons and notices of sermons is unevenr 
ly distributed in tine, and necessarily incoraplete. It is com- 
plete within the limits of the published materials at rry disposal. 
The conclusions advanced in this survey nay be altered by further 
study of published sermons and unpublished documents not avcdlable 
on this continent. Tae materials sire diverse, difficult of access, 
often alujost impossible to locate by conventional bibliographical 

Quotations are given in the original spelling and punctuation, 
with the following exceptions: normalization of i,j & u,v; expansion 
of contractiosas with m,n; elimination of italics to conform with 
modem usage. 

Because of the nunber and variety of the sources used, the num- 
ber of references is disproportxontitely Irjr^o. ihe number of notes 
has been roauced (with some sacrifice of readability) by the use of 
references in square brackets placed in the text. 

University oollege, 
7 key 1949. 


Paul's Cross was a Iflnd of tone Tent, Tlth leaden roof, at the N.E. 
corner of Paul's Cathedral, where sermons were .... preached In the 
open air; crowded devout congr«£;ation8 gathering there, with forms to 
sit on. If you came early .... Paul's Cross, a kind of Times Newspaper , 
but edited partly by HesTen itself, wee then a most Important entity* 

Carlyle, Letters k Speeches of 

Oliver Cromwell , ed. 1873, 
1, 55. 


1. "The only Correct Vestige that lemalss of this Ancient end 
Carious Object." 

Readers of that excellent coapendiam, Shakespeare's England . 
will haTe noted, at page sixty- four in the first Tolume, an engraring 
of Paul's Cross, es It appeared 26 March 1620. It is reproduced from 
an engraving made for y.ilktnson's Londinia (1811), from a triptych In 
the po^^session of the Society of -i^tlquaries, a serenteenth-centory 
work executed for one Henry Farley, "a pious, disinterested end 
zealous person," A larger, double-page reproduction of the sajM 
engraving is to bo found In the publication^of the Raw Shakspere Society , 
and it is upon this that the folloifing description Is based. The 
caption is instructlTe: 


An accurate delineation, the only Correct Vestige that remains of this 
Ancient and Curious Object, as it appeared on Sunday the 26th. of March, 
1620; at which time, it was rlslted by King James, the I.; His "^uesn, 
end Charles, Prince of ^ales; attended by the Archbishop of Cf.nterbury, 
Bisho-^s, Officers of 3tate, Nobility, L8di°s &o.&:c.; Who were received 
with great Magnificence by Sir .<illiam Cockalne, Lord Mayor of London; 
assisted by the Court of Aldermen, Hecorder be; when a most excellent 
Sermon was preach'd from a text purposely selected by his Majesty, 
(Psala CII. Verses 13:14) by Dr. John King; Bishop of London; recoianen- 
dlng the speedy x^paratlon of the ''^enereble Cathedral of St. Paul, which, 
with ita unsteepled Tower, and ineumberGnces of Houses &;e. appear on 
the back, and side grounds. 

The picture is obviously unrealistic as a nhole, especially In 
the repreaentation of the cathedral and the size of the audience,^ but 
it is a treasure of important details. 

To begin with the cross itself. It is an octagonal structure of 



wood, mounted on a stone bvise, with .stone steps leading up to it, 
surmounted by an ogee-shaped lead roof, <xa which is set an omareental 
eross. The whole structu e is of a fourteenth-century memorial type. 
The preacher stands between two of the supporting pillars; to his 
right, prominently placed, is an hour-glass, and on the wall beneath 
him is a coat of srins, which nay be that of Thomas Kempe, fifteenth- 
century Bishop of London, under whose direction this cross was built.* 
Three attendants upon the bishop, two of them apparently pages, stand 
within the cross, another upon the steps. The eross is enclosed with 
a low wall of brick (this dates from 1595),^ and within this sit a 
number of pririle-red persons, one of whom, a woman, sits somewhat 
elevated beneath the hour-^lass, facing the audience. I cannot deter- 
mine who she might be or why she is there; she is not a peni'ent, for 
no public penance was performed on this occasion. 

Against the walls of the church, which form the L feeing the 
cross, are built "incumberencos of Houses," on the right what appears 
to be a sort of house with four chimneys, in the beckgrocnd a tao-level 
gallery, in which the dignitaries are seated. To the left of this 
eorered place, which somewhat resembles the roofed part of the Cloba 
theatre, is a turret, built a>-ainst the buttress at the end of what is 
presunably the presbytery, and through this turret access is presumably 
gained to the gallery, and Indeed to its roof, for, perched precariously 
upon the roof, with their backs to one of the great windows, stand 
twelra choir-boys, ready to assist in the congregational singing which 
often was a part of these serrices, or perhaps to sing some special 
music composed for such an important occasion. In a bay of the upper 
gallery sits James, with the Cueen and the Prince of 'ales: an 


extraordinary error, for Qaeaa o.nns died In 1619. The rest of the 
upper gallery is filled with ladies, eccloslaytlcs and ne-nbers of the 
Council. In the lower gallery sit the Idayor and Aldermen In their 
robes of office; the Mayor beers his ceremonial sword, as this -^ce a 
notable occasion, with a procession and mach pepeontry. ^.long the fece 
of the gallery, over the heeds of the City officials, are placed three 
coats of anaa, perhaps of former benefactors who contributed to the 
bulldine, of the "house", a plaque reading B'Z^Tl PaCIPICI, three plaques 
on the bay (these perhaps added by the (Ortist) VI V5 LA ROI(XI^, vrvi3 US 
HOT, TIVS LS PfllliCJ:, and, beneath some scroll-work: Mr. .TILLI^ 

The main body of the audience (unrealistically tiny) l^ seated 
on forms in soniethlng like a •'garland or ring", as Bishop King termed It 
during his senaon. There Is a solid group of what are presumably the 
crcfts In their liveries, with a sprinkling of fine rentlenan and 
citizens' wires. Many of the audience carry bibles. To the left, two 
grooms hold the horaes of pentlenen in the congregation, and a mounting- 
block is to be seen placed thete for their greater conventoncsB. The 
men in the audience wear their hats, except for on« reverent personage, 
who stands at the rear, hie eye fixed devoutly upon the preacher. Beside 
him another gentleman has doffed his hat, but because he is engaged In 
sweet converse with a lady. In the right foreground a nolray dog is 
being lashed by the VT^eT, and at the far right a Christianly charitable 
person drops a coin Into the slot of a large poor-box. 

Above thao all towers the ancient church of 3t. Paul, route 


witness of the need for the bishop's exhortation, with Its tower 
lacking a steeple since the fire of lij61, stu^ipy and flat in contrast 
with the lift and surge of the »?indow8. Jeneath them, in the yard, 11« 
the dead, layer upon layer. Beneath lay the meaories of plague, above 
the prophecy of fire. 

It la now proper, by a survey of certain antiquities, to account 
for these details here described, and others not here included. 

2. "The very antiquity of which cross Is to me unimonn." 

How long 8 cr038 stood upon this spot is unknown. The cross 
probebly antedates tha erection of a church, and was perhaps originally 
set up ot the entrance of en ancient burial-place, to remind the nassers- 
by to pray for the dead there Interred. Certainly the cross of Paul's, 
before 1449, the e-Dproiimate date of its rebuilding by Bishop Kempe, 
was not a pulpit cross, but something like the "Merest" cross in 
Edinburgh, a pillar raised upon e flight of steps, where officials might 

stand, rnper cracea , as the significant phrase goes, to make proclama- 

tions. Althoa^ some historians find evidence of assemblies at Paul'a 

Cross from the twelfth century,® the earliest docu'-ientary evidence of 

Its use dates from 1241, when Henry III met the citizens of London there 

to consult with them about a projected visit to Gascony in connection 


with the French war. In fact, there is !>ome evidence to show that 
Paul's churchyard or eross was anciently a place for popular assemblies. 
From a writ quo warranto of 1287, d^eallng with a dispute between tha 
king and the city authorities, it is evident that the citizens had been 
wont to hold folk-moot there, and the essenibly of 1241 was probably e 


folk-moot, I.e., a handred court. Traditionally these gatherings were 
held at some marked place, such as a ford, a stone, a bridge, or a 
burial cross. ^^ There say haye been a narked mound, or something of 
that sort, on the site, and the Christian missionaries followed their 
custom of patting a cross at the spot. At all events, irtien first the 
Cross is mentioned in sorriTing documents, it is rather a place of popular 
assembly, for the hearing of proclamations, than a preaching place. 

Tet the use of the Cross for ecclesiastical purposes came about 
naturally, through the proclamation there of bulls and other ecclesia- 
stical instruments. A. bull was published there in 1£61, another in 1270. 
In 1299 the Dean of St. Paul's solemnly cursed a number of persons who 
had been excsTating in the church of St. Uartin-in-the-?ield for a 
supposed hidden treasure. ^^ Though the Cross continued to be used for 
secular purposes (as indeed it was all during the period covered by this 
study) and in 1311 the statutes made in the Parliament of that year were 
proclaimed there, the institution of the sermon began, and afterwards 
overshadowed all other uses. The earliest record(»d instance of a sermon 
at Paul*8 Cross is of 1330, when filliam de Renham, chancellor of St. 
Paul's, preached and pronounced sentence of excommunication against the 
Jteperor, Louis 17, nbo had been excommunicated in 1324 by John XOI for 
acting as emperor before receiving papal recognition. This is a hiphly 
significant instance: the association of sermon with official pronounce- 
ment is more typical of items in the history of Paul's Cross than any 
other form of ceremony. By 1361, sermons at the Cross were apparently 
an institution; in that year Michael de Northburgh, Bishop of London, 
provided by his will 1000 marks for small loans, and the preacher at 


Pnl's Cross was to announce the disposition of the pledge if any loan 
were not paid within the year,^^ 

The history of laul's Cross, like that of any accepted insti- 
tution, ecaaes down to us in the irregular way belored of the diarist 
and feared by the scientific historian. As the reader of this study 
will find to his occasional discomfiture, this history proceeds by crises 
and high points, with slack timea intervening between the notable events. 
The first of these crises cones in 1382, when the Cross was severely 
damaged by idiat Stow calls a "tempest of lightning", though it nay haw 
been an earthquake, of which there were two that year.^** In 1387, Arch- 
bishop Courtenay issued letters inviting contributions for restoration 
of the Cross, offering an indulgence of 40 days. The preamble of this 
appeal throws soote light upon the facts Just reviewed: 

... the High Cross in the greater churchyard of the church in London, 
(where the word of Ood is habitually preached, both to Clergy and Laity, 
being a place very public and well known, &c. 14 

The Cross was repaired in consequence of this appeal, for there are 
notices of senaons there two years later, but the whole structure ?»s 
replaced, c. 1449, by the pulpit cross which survived into the seven- 
teenth century, through the efforts of Thomas E«npe, Bishop of London, who 
also provided a fund for the maiatenance of sermons at that place. ^^ 
Owst, with characteristic love of what is most ancient, refers to the new 
cross as "Bishop Kempe's Inferior wooden structure ".^° 

Apart from such pre-Reformatlon sermons at Paul's Cross as have 
especial significance for events after the divorce, and are accordingly 


noted below, ceirtaln f i ftoenth-centary episodes are worth notlog, sloe^ 
in one way or enother they cast shadows before. On 4 December 1457, 
for instance, Reginald Pecock, Bishop of Chichester, 'Objured, revoked, 
and renoonced" his supposed heresies at Paul's Cross, "in his mother 
tongue." In 1465, a Ahite ^iar nasied Harry I^ricer preached that priests 
ought not to have property, bat live on alms. This led to a heated con- 
troversy, during idiioh further sermons on the subject were preached at 
Paul's Cross. In 1469, a nalediction was i>ead from the Cross, cursing 
those '^k>rdyner8" who nade shoes with "Pykys passing ij. yenohes in 
lengthe," a reflection both of the sonptaary laws and of ecclesiastical 
disapproval of excess in apparel. On 22 June 148o, John Shaw, clezic, 

aaserted the legitisacy of Richard Crookback's claims to the throne, 


declaring the illegitimacy of the children of Edward IV. 

3. "A convenient roome in Pauls churchyard.**- 

The whole idea of the outdoor semon, preached in a burial- 
ground, in the open air, and as will be sden, in the morning, is to us 
incredible. Some of the drawbacks were apparent even in the sixteenth 
century, Latimer, in a sermon preached there 11 December 1552, pointed 
out the unsanitary coMition of the churchyard: 

I do much marvel that London, being so rich a city, hath not a burying- 
place without; for, no doubt, it is an unwholesome thing to bury within 
the city, specially at such a time when there is great sickness, so 
that many die together. I think, verily, that many a man taketh his 
death in Paul's churchyard, for I myself, when I have been there in some 
mornings to hear the sermons, have felt such an ill-favoured, unwhole- 
some savour, that I was the worse for it a great irtiile after. 18 

Ihat is especially to be noted in this characteristic reproof, at once 


personal and practical, is the aasamption that the institution of sermons 
in that place is intrinsically mors inportaat than the use of the yard 
as a cemetery. I can find no evidence of a cessation of burial there, 
nor any further OTidence of inconvenience suffered in those surroundings. 
Indeed, there is little if any evidence for any arrangonents for the 
accomodation of the rank and file of the audience: the benches pictured 
In the engraving of the 1620 scene umst have been stored somewhere, but 
where? An air of improbability, sometimes dissipated by concrete evidence, 
as of multitudes in that presence, hangs over the idiole history. How, 
one sales, did those crowds get in there, and bow and where did they 
situate themselves for the sermons? Most assiduous search among the 
ordinary docuneots leaves these questions unanswered. 

On the other hand, there Is considerable evidence of provision 
made for the privileged hearers. Among such arrangeireats may be placed 
one of Henry Haohyn's ambiguous entries; he sp^Ucs, under 1553, of 
"grett bars" being placed at "evere gatt* in'Powle Churche yard", for 
*grett throng of pepull. "^ Whether this was to separate the notables 
from the multitude, or the multitude fr<»a the passers-by without the yard, 
he does not say. If this notice reveals nothinic: else, it bears testimony 
to the throngs at sermons at that time, but then 1553 was a significant 
time. One suspects that congregations at Paul's Cross varied consider- 
ably in numbers, depending on the Importance of the occasion. Of this 
more hereafter. In 1667, the City undertook to enlarge the bench for 
City officers, "so that they may sit quietly ther during the time of the 
sermons." At the same time it was ordered that the gutter iriiieh had 
discharged rain-water on the heads of these officials should be diverted. 


In 1569, Sir Thomas Roe, the Lord Mayor, 

of a godlle motion bailded a oouTenient roome in Pauls churchyard, on 
the south side of the cross, to receive a certeine number of hearers 
at the sermon tine: as nay appeare by sone ramembranoes of his name there 
fixed. 20 

This "rooBs" seeaifl to have been erected, at least in part, for the wires 
of the City raa^ates, "^^ It nay haye been part of the structure already 
described, appearing in the 1680 picture. 

In 1595, the Cross was repaired, pelnted, a surrounded by a nail 
of brick. ^^ The pulpit nas kept locked, at least during such times as 
It ms not in constant ose.^ I have found one notice which indicates 
that a caretaker, or sone one with sons such functions, Mas attached to 
the Cross; in 1629, an old man.^ 

Provision for the audience and against deterioration of the Cross 
were not the only problems. 'Rie weather night be unseasonable, and the 
semon cut short by a sudden squall,^^ If the aspect of the heavens 
was ominous at sermon-time, the senion was preached in the Shrouds, though 
on at least one occasion la the Gray Friaro.^^ Authorities differ as to 
the location of the Sirouds: one contends that the galleries between the 
buttresses are neant; another the church of St. ihith; another the crypt. 

One nay suppose that the audience was smaller on a wet morning. 
It seeas to have been exceedingly large on aaae occasions. It is dif- 
ficult to accept the suggestion that as many as six thousand persons were 
Boanetimes present,^® though Bishop King speaks of "so many thousand of 
aoules" present at his sermon of thankagiviog for the King's irecovery 




in 1619, and on Tarioua occasions the audieace is described as "lhtu;K,", 

notably to hear Gardiner on 29 June 1548.^^ If the preacher or the 
chronicler naturally wished to emphasize the great nustbers, and nan 
perhaps prone to exaggerate, it must be adMtted that even that dour 
Puritan John Stockwood, while coiRplaininp; that church-going is decayed. 
Is forced to report that you will usually find a "reasonable company" 
at Faul*s Cross. ^ Tbare is little doubt that Londoners went to Faal*a 
Cross mho did not attend their own parish churches, and indeed during the 
crucial tines of the early Eefoimation days, attendance at that official 
pulpit was oandatory, or at least strongly urged, ^tness this item tram 
the reiElaiseences of John Louthe, i^oh also gives us the hour at which 
the sermons began, at least at that time; 

A conaandament was gyvea that all ourattes (what so ever) should not be 
at sermones nor servyce longer than ix of the clocke, that then the 
curettes with the paryshes n^ght come to loles crosse and heare the 
pjrechers, "Po this sayd this good curatt, I wyll (quod he) make an ende 
of service at the proscribed howr gladly, seing I muate aeedes so doo. 
But so longe as any of these heretykes preche at the Crosse as nowe 
adayes thai do, I wyll never here them, for I wyll not cone there, I 
wyll rather hange. 32 

The pious louthe adds that "Tie did hange," This period was rich in such 
manifestations of special providence. 

Another factor which made for a large audience was that Paul's 
Cross was a place 

from irtience the soundest doctrine is alwaies to be looked for, and for 
such strangers to resort un^ as have no habitation in anie parish within 
the citie where it standeth. 33 

The audience was not necessarily of Londoners only, since the Cross was 


an obTioas place to visit fbr persona ap from the country,'^ and during 
Parliament and term times the auditory roust haye been all England in a 
little room. Hot only Englishaen but foreigners found there spectacle 
and instiniction, and Robert Sibthorpe says that it is the resort of "every 
nation under heaven." 

In those days, irtien araplifiers were happily unknown, a preacher 
needed a bi^ voice to reach all parts of such a large audience assembled 
in the open air. John Hales, a modest raan, made a prolirainary apology: 

Might it 80 have pleased God, that I had in ny power the choice of jey 
mys, and the free Banagement of ny own actions, I had not this day been 
seen, (for so I think I may better speak: seen I may be of many, but to 
be heard with any latitude and compass, ny natural imperfection doth 
quite cut off.),.. A aaall, a private, a retired Auditory, better accords 
with ny will and my abilities. 35 

Oeorge Montaigne, Bishop of London, though tamed as a wit, was on one 
occasion at least Inaudible to a large part of the aaxltitude; "scant 
the third part was within hearing. "^^ He too Kay hare Kore de8i3rcd a 
small auditory for the full exercise of his powers; but since part of his 
sermon was in defence of benevolences, it is perhaps not surprising that 
he Bumbled. 

Nor, it nay be prescoaed, was the auditory always uniformly quiet 
and attentive. There were socae violent scenes at the Cross, >rilen men's 
passions ran high upon religious matters: the riot of 13 August 1553, 
flrtiich is the most notable among these, will be noticed in its place, and 
there were many occasions when the tension in the crowd nay be inferred, 
thOMgh it did not break into open tumult. But not all the stormy or 
distracting scenes wore so relevant to the sermon itself. Once there 


was a fray during the time of preaching, and it was all the chronicler 
noted of the occasion. Not to speak of scenes of auch high temperature, 
there is evidence that many of the crowd walked about K\i5 talked during 
the sermon, with the manners of Paul's lalk,^ and there were those liho 
came upon their own affairs, as always, to such places of public as- 
semblage. 'Witness The Testament of Lawrence Lucifer (1604), a document 
of the underworld, in idiloh Benedick Bottomless, "most deep cutpurse," 
is licensed to operate in the sixpenny rooms at the playhouses and to 
ply his office "^t Baul*s Cross in the sermon time. "^ 

Often the audience must have grown i^stlve under a Itmg sermon. 
HeuEty preachers are conscious that they nay become, or have become tedious, 
and apologize accordingly. Tet the patience of the sermongoers, and their 
appetite for seiwions, upon which Bodem historians never fSall to comment, 
were truly rentaiicable. There is considerable evidence for the assumption 
that the customary length of an Elizabethaa sennon was one hour,*® So 
rarely does the published sermon represent exactly the spoken one that 
a ireading test is by no means conclusive, and f^ives results, in cases 
I have noted, from forty-five minutes to over two hours. There was an 
hour-glass at Paul's Cross, but if custom penaltted there was nothing 
to prevent the preacher from turning it twice. Certainly there was a 
definite allotment of time for the semons at the Cross: John Walsal 
speaks of "the ordlnarie allowance of tlrae,"^ and George Benson of 
"the time allotted to that exercise."*^ This time was probably two 
hours, though there may have been exceptions. John Ttove is witty upon 
It, speaking of his "two hours discours of this one and laste houre,"*^ 
and the unhappy 3arlow, in his sermon upon Essex, intimates that he has 



two hours to speak, of which he has given one to the sermon, and has 
one left for the application of it,** (If he took an hour with that 
first part, he must hare spoken very slowly.) In more cases than it is 
convenient to list here, the preacher was cut short for lack of time and 
scamped the latter parts of his division. Occasionally he preached the 
rest of the sermon elserrhare.* Upon unusual occasions, the length as 
well as the sermon-tine was elastic: on 1 November 1552, for instance, 
Ridley preached Id the afternoon, after a Dorning service in the cathedral 
in which the second Book of Connnon Prayer was introduced, and preached 
till five o'clock, so that the Uayor and other dignitaries went home by 
torchlight, and "oaiae not with-in ro%lles church nor the crafftes as they 
were wonte to doo, for be-cause they were soo wary of hys longe stondynge, "*^ 
He nay have begun as early as one o'clock. 

As for the other elcB^eats in the service, apart from the sermon, 
they may be dismissed in a few words. A^ opening prayer was custoBiary,*'' 
and of course a closing prayer. After the return of the Hfiarian exiles, 
and their appearance at Paul*s Cross, the fashion of congregational 
psalfi-singing found its way into those assemblies. How long this 
singing "geasvay ways" continued, I do not know. 

4. T labour to have one learned for that day."*®^ 

The institution of Spital and Rehearsal serr^ons is best des- 
cribed in Stow's words: 

A part of the large churchyard pertaining to this [St. Uary's] hospital, 
and severed from the rest *ith a brick -.vail, yet rer&alneth as of old 
time, with a pulpit cross therein, somewhat like to that in laules church- 
yard. And against the said pulpit on the south side... remalneth also 
one fair built house, of two stories in height, for the mayor and other 
honourable persona, with the aldermen and sheriffs to sit in, there to 


hear the sarmons preached in the Easter holidays. In the loft OTer th«ii 
stood the bishop of London, and other prelates; now the ladies and alder- 
men's vivas do there stand at a fair window, or sit at their pleasure. 
And here is to be noted, that, time oat of mini, it hath been a laud- 
able custom, that on Good Friday, in the afternoon, sone especial learned 
TMQ, by appointjnent of the prelates, hath preached a sermon at Baules 
Crosse, treating of Christ's Passion; and upon the three next Easter 
holidays, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the like learned men, by the 
like appointment, have used to preach on the forenoons at the said 
Spittle, to persuade the article of Christ's Resurreotion; and then on 
Low Sunday, one other learned sian at Paules cross, to make rehearsal 
of these four fonaer sersons, either coTnraendin/? or reproving them, as to 
hia by Judg&ent of the learned divines was thought convenient. And that 
done, he was to nake a sermon of hin own study, which in all were five 
sensons in one. At these seitnons, so severally preached, the nayor, 
with his brethren the aldermen, were accustoueA to ba present in their 
violets at r^oles on Giood Friday, and their scarlets at the Spittle in 
the holidays, except Wednesday in violet, and the ajayor vrith his bi^thren 
on Low Sunday in scarlet, at Paules cross, continued until this day. 49 

A colourful scene, beloved of the historians of pageantry. Two Passion 
sentons are noted in the Register which accompanies this study, for 1570 
and 1626. Six Rehearsal sermons are noted, for 1549, 155S, 1560, 1562, 
1563, and 1C14. TSiree of them, for 1559, 1560, 1562, were preached by 
Thomas Sanpson, who apparently performed that difficult task with much 
applause. The Rehearsal sermon for Lo-* Sunday, 1614, by John Hosicins, 
is extant, and illustrates the preacher's procedure upon such an occasion. 
He apparently suEnoarized the preceding sermons; for he begins: 

At length your patience hath conquered my harsh abridgecients of those 
delightfull treatises, which never in their whole so much as tempted 
your patience. 

and continues that it is now high time 

to blesse you with a dismission, or to dismisse you with a blessing, 
did not custocie rather... heere coi&Band see ... only to mention... 
some pas8ap:e of holy Scripture for conclusion. 50 

He lights upon a proper text for the purpose, Isaiah , 62. 6., concerning 



the Lord's "jremembrancers", and expatiates at -eooslderable length. 

In addition to these special Saster seimons, there were special 
serrlces in iSfhltsun week, with a sermon on Monday, Tuesday, and aoiae- 
tines Wednesday, for which it ime ordered that "not only ay Lord Mayor 
and Aldernsen to be there in scarlet for Btoitsan Sunday and Monday, and 
in Tiolet of Tuesdays, but their wiTes to be there... in such apparel 
as they like. ^^ One wonders if the wives were not perhaps more colour- 
ful than their Bagolfieent husbands, with such carte blanche . 

ftoo these dry records «aerges a glimpse of that great age, at 
once intircate and compelling, of a fat alderman struggling into his 
Tiolet gown, an{»rily asking his wife where she has mislaid his points, 
strutting into his i^served seat as the preacher bent frowningly upon 
late coiners. The colour and grace and form of the scene was not for 
show alone. The idea of each man in his place, properly attired, which 
f^ves to the I'rologue of the Canterbury -Pales its peculiar historical 
significance, had not died by any means; the solid burgher, fat with 
gains from usurious dealings, was still a nember of a stable body politic 
wMch was also in its iray a work of the highest art, and as such appeared 
in this hallowed place upon the greet festivals of the Church. Nothing 
changes, all is the same. In one sense all of this study is a commentary 
upon that theme, for the art of goTemment is the art of dress, as well 
as the art of finance, end the art of persuasion, 

TSiere were other occaaions for processions, pageantry, and 
foxnal asse^oblage at this Illustrious preaching place. Such were the 
anniversaries of the accession of the reigning oonarch: for Elizabeth, 


17 Noveaaiber; for James I, 24 i/!arch, the turning of the old year;^^ 
for Charles I, 27 Uarch. Every November after 1605» the preacher called 
attention to the horrors of the Plot, and pointed the inevitable lessons. 
Besides these recurring "^oly days", there were services of thanks- 
giving for victories, as that for St, Quentin in 1557, and the series 
of such services for the defeat of the Armada: such assemblies were 
rich in pageantry, acconpanied by procession and display. A visit from 
the monarch at the Cross was above all a scene to be remembered. Philip 
II was there on 2 December lo54, to hear Gardiner proclaim the re-adi&ission 
of the TcaliA into Catholic Christendom. Elizabeth appeared in state on 
24 November 1588, the last of the thanksgiving sermons for the defeat 
of the Armada; this was her only appearance at the Cross. Jajnes* sole 
appearance there has been already noted. ^ 

It has been noted above how since its beginnings as an institution 
Paul's Cross was a place for the reading of proclamations. During the 
time covered by this study, proclamation becomes propaganda, and the 
process is most instructive. But simple proclaioations were still delivered 
from that pulpit, in considerable variety, and some of these are noticed 
here. The thanksgiving service for St. (iuenttn, noted above, was in a 
sense a neivs report, since the preacher "declared how many wfaer taken, 
and what nobullmon they were. "^ Compare with this the news report 
element in Barlow*s delivery of the sayings of I£ssax before his execution, 
and observe this distinction between proclaiaation and propaganda, illus- 
trating, among other things, the development of the art of persuasion 
in an age which in this regard is much superior to our own, when per- 
suasion is an exact science, and therefore most fallible and pernicious. 



Other proclaciations include the declaration of Henry VIII, made after 
his death, for provision for the poor of London, ^^ a proclaiMtion for 
procession and prayer for peace with I?tance, on 26 May 1555; the dec- 
laration of the Pope's ball of reiaiaBion for En^and in 1555; of instmc- 
tions for confession and fasting in 1557; of Elizabeth's I'ecovery from 
illness in 1562.^ :For other sorts of infoisiatlon disseminated from 
this pulpit, see zsy Register, passim. One kind of appeal deserves 
especial notice. This is the appeal for the poor, or for dischareed 
soldiers and prisoners of war. In 1538, for instance, there is re- 
eoi^ied that two persons stood at evex7 door of the churchyard to collect 
iconey for the relief of the poor persons of London, and that a register 
was kept of the disbursements.^'^ In 14^86, the Bishop of London gave 
order that the preachers at Paul's Cross should recooaend to the audience H.^ 
distressed estate of naimed begging soldiers, who had lost their limbs 

in the ware in the Low Countries, and that some collection should be 

Bade for them. Ancient Pistols say have benefited fron this act of 

generosity. In 1590, the preacher was warned to exhort the people to the 

relief of John liattaie, t^chael Uornat, loatthias letrus, Hungarian rrisoners 

of the Turks unable to pay their ransoaus. The collection was to be taken 

as the people left the churchyard. ^^ About iilaster 1601, a collection was 

Bade there for the redemption of captives in Barbary.^^ 

Tho various waves of plague in London imy be charted from refer- 
ences in Paul's Cross sermons. Uost of these references are pros^osties 
of the wrath of God upon the licentious citizens, but there are other, 
sore practical allusions. On 8 August 1563, the preacher solemnly 
petitioned the City officials to bury the dead of the plague without the 




City, and forbear the incessant racking tollinfr of the passing bells, "•*■ 

Official plague proclamations were read from the Cross, such as the 
notice of the concellation of the Oaildhall and Balls of Companies fessts 
in 1692. 

5. "They that come from far to this place," 

rtho, under ordinary circumstances, apart from special appoint- 
nent and at special times, were the preachers? How were they escoted? 

Neweourt is upon this, as upon many such points, the final 
authority, and the discussion which follows is no more than a conrientary 
upon his statcnent: 

The Persons that are to preach these Semons, are from time to time 
appointed by the Bishop of London, and are chosen out of such as either 
have been or are of either of our Universities, by turns: They have 
usually about a Kontbs notice before; and had each of them 45 s, as a 
Howard, and Four days Diet and Lodf^in^, at the House of such Person as 
the Bishop did appoint, \Ao is oomKionly called the Shunamite, who, for 
the eaiBe was allow'd 15 s. per Week. But tho Treacher's Reward is now°^" 
reduc'd to 35 s. paid by the City, and 5 s, by the Church Q.e. St. Paul's], 6S 

There is other evidence that the preachers were ordinarily young men 
down frOTi the university to make their mark, besides the title-papios 
of the published sermons, which the reader may consult at large in my 
bibliography. One advantage of this, by the way, to the student of the 
period, io that he had before him the earlier efforts of men who after- 
•lards became famous. I have a remarkable collection of Juvenilia, and 
this should be remembered in assessing laany preachers* performances. 

There had always been a fund oat of which the preachers were 



paid, but wiLether it had been discontinued, or had shrunk in real value, 
by about 1581 it had to be re-established. (One doubts if Newcourt's 
figures, just quoted, applied before the 'QO's.) Bishop Aylmer was 
instrumental in proTiding for the preachers; about 1581, says Strype, 

our bishop was iastruKental,,. in setting on foot a very useful practice 
in London; namely, that a aouiber of learned, sound preachers might be 
appointed to preach on set times before great assemblies; chiefly, I 
suppose, for the laul'a Cross sermons; their pains to be spent mainly 
in conforming the people's Judgments in the doctrine and discipline 
of the present established church, so much struck at and undermined 
by many in these times; and for the encouragement hereof certain con- 
tributions to be made and settled on them by the city. This motion 
was so approTed of at Court, and by Uie ^een especially |^I think this 
is a pious fabrication, of a type beloved by StrypeJ, that Dr. Seal, 
a clerk of the Council, was sent from above to the Eishop, bringing 
with hi3i certain notes and articles for the more particular ordering 
of this business, which he and the ecclesiastical Conauissi oners were 
to lay before the Mayor and Alderinea, Sir John Branch was then Mayor; 
who, it seeiss, with the Aldermen, did not much like this motion, for the 
standine, charge it must put the city to. i'or after much expectation, 
the idayor gave the Bishop answer, that his brethren thought it a matter 
of much difficulty, and almost of impossibility also. Notwithstamding, 
to draw ther, to this good purpose, the Bishop had appointed divers con- 
ferences with thorn; but after all concluded, (and so he signified to 
the Lord freasurer,) that unless the Loivis wrote directly unto them, 
to let them know it was the Queen's pleasure, and theirs, little would 
be done in it; and so a good design overthrown by the might of mammon , 
as he expressed it. But withal he offered that himself and the rest 
would, if it pleased them above, proceed farther and do what they could, 
thinking it pity so good a purpose should he hindered, when there was 
80 much ability to maintain it. 64 

It is impossible to determine how much, if any, hostility was present 
in the City fathers against the establishmeat at this time. It has 
always been easy to exaggerate the 'Toritanism'* of the City. But one 
preacher, in Saptamber of this year 1581, attacked then for failing to 
respond to the bishop's appeal, stating "that if the appointing of 
preachers were coiamitted to them, they would appoint such as would defend 
usury, the family of love, and puritanism. " The Uayor and his follows 



were outraged at the preacher, Jolin Dyos, but the bishop defended his 
Bian, prxjtesting that no such ueaning could be taken from what he bad 

Aylner's first efforts, then, were not successful. He contlnaed, 
howerer, to keep the matter before the persons concerned, .ailiara Fisher, 
preaching at the Cross in October lo91, broke off the ordinary course 
of his sermon to make an appeal for 

a necessaxy Benevolence, and a Christian subsidy, to be supplyed in 
respect of the Godly preachers, called, and appointed for this place: 
'Rhich as you kno^ is usually end best furnished vtith learned men, from 
both the universities: But how hardlye, and unwillinglye they ar drawen 
hither, it is but to wel knowen. And .vhy? becausa they are faine to 
come at their owne great cost and charge, which can not stand with their 
poore and small ability. Qie goes on to say that he does not speak for 
such as himself, he is well provided for; he was Uaster of the Hospital 
of Ilford in SssexJ But for fellowes in Colleges, and other poore 
students in the universities, isen of rare knowledge and singular guiftes, 
ahioh being enjoyned to supply this place, are not more often set for, 
then coBBttonlye they refuse to come. T^He pleads with the Lord liayor and 
his brethren to contribute to this worthy cause, saying tbat he knows a 
godly bishop (certainly Aylmer) who has promised a good portion to swell 
the fund. It is a wonder, he continues, that London haa not attended 
to this before; the citizens maintai^ sundry notable free schools.... 
You hav3 store of faire and aweete Conduits to bring water to the City. 
And will you bestow nothing uppon the blessed I">pes, and sugred Con- 
duites, which bring you the water of lyfe? 

In the next year, A.W. , in his sennon at the Cross, raised the old 
faxoiliar plea for strangers and scholars: 

How youi* compassion is to strangers, I cannot say, ray selfe a etraunger 
in this place I hope the best: but unto the sohollers of the Universities 
(to whoiae you liave opened your haades wide in former times) your bene- 
volence and liberality is much decreased.... Are they [University men] 
not all at your comma undement, to come uppe from both the Universities, 
and wheresoever else in the i«4iole lande, to furnish this place (which is, 
I dare say) as sufficientlye in this respect provided for, as any assembly 
or congregation in Chriatendome: And yet verelye co speake truth (beare 
with ray boldness I pray you) they that come from far to this place, with 
great labour and to their cost, yet are little regarded or thought uppon. 



You (r,ive them the hearing, but how: Zven as Kzechiell complaineth. That 
the people woold oome to heare, bat as they were wont to heare a llinstrell, 
or Kasitlati. .. , but, wheathe song is doone, the IZinstrell siay go shake 
his eares. 67 

A./?, had in mind those who hear but do not practise what they hear, bat 
he also shook before them the student's empty purse. "How hardlye" the 
preachers were drawn to come, about this time, is indicated in a letter 
£Toa Aylmer to dhitgift, dated 25 December 1592, in which the bishop 
asks for iftiiteiift's help in persuading them of their duty.^ 

Finally, c. 1594-95, either by testaaentary disposition of Bishop 

Aylmer, or by provision jcade before hia death, the fund was established 

from which those payments were made which Newcourt found to be custoiaary. 

He gives the list of the names of the donors, and the sums lAiich they 

gave,^^ The total is considerable: £1814 6s 8d. The whole list is of 

interest, and not only as an illustration of Bishop AylEier*s generosity: 

£. s. d. 
Dr. John Ailmer, Bishop of London ^001. besides 
1001. left to his Disposal, by liJ-izabeth, Countess 
of Shrewsbury, and the Interest thereof 480 

Jeffry iilwea 200 

Jfillias Parker »}0 

Sir John Leoan, a yearly Bent charge 10 

George Bishop, a yearly Rent charge 10 

George Paul in 200 

Bobert Jenkinson 150 

Katherine Dayly, wife of Sir 91 llianv Bayly 50 

Roger Mountain 100 

Thomas Adams 200 


Thomas Chapman 100 

Anthony Risby 50 

Thojaas vel John Rassell, yearly 10 

Dr. Johnson, Archdeacon of Leicester, yearly 10 6 8 
Philip Iilalpas, Sheriff of London in 14J9, per annum 1 
Stephen Forster, Kayor in 1594 40 

Unfortunately there is no clue ae to the date of these contributions, 
but matters certainly must have improved after 1594, for in all the 
adjurations to charity in London citizens which fill the sewuons during 
following years, I find no further reference to the poor preachers who 
came up bo i-aul's Cross, On the other hand, j?ranoia <ihite, preaching 
there in 1619, expressed himself well satisfied with the treatment of 
the preachers: 

tor you (beloved) the Lords Voices are perswaded better things of you, 
how regardfull of then you have alnayes beene, and how carefull you be, 
not onelj' with the good Shunamite, to provide them a Chamber, a Table, 
L a Stoole, when they tume in unto you: but to send theii away, as 
Joseph did his Brethren; with their Sacks full of Come, and every can 
his laoney in his Sacks mouth: neat for the belly, and money for the 
back. 70 

I do not think this means that the ministers were paid in kind, the 
preacher is merely indulj/ing in Scriptural parallels; having made the 
conventional one, he must, silly nilly, make another* 

Row of all these arraag«nents for the stipend and lod^jing of 
Paul's Cross preachers, the house of the Shunairlte is alone well known, 
and that Justly, for it has been imnortalizod by a good man and a great 
stylist. The mistakes 3alton unwittingly made concerning the character 
of Mrs. Churchman, vAio nursed kr. Hooker through a coll so that he could 



preacli at Paul's cross, and then cursed him with her daughter, have 

been rectified by Pirofessor Sisson. iith those errors one is not here 

concerned, i?rom /Walton, one other detail nay be added to what is t^lven 
by Hewcourt: provision was made for the lod/^ins: and diet of the preacher 
for two days before and one day after his serDion.'^ i^'rom :%lton it is, 
too, that WQ get the unforgettable picture of the student, sanmoned from 
his College, where he had been continuing: his studies "Vith all quiet- 
ness", arriving; in London wet and raiserable, but ready to dare Calvin 
with quiet logic. 

That the preachers should be university men was aox, usually, 
I think, the only qualification. (I speak here of ordinary occasions.) 
As the biographical notes soattered through this study, and the title<- 
pages of published sermons will indicate, many of the preachers were 
rectors or curates of City churches. These are in the ciajority. Others 
wore officials in other dioceses, or in the universities. But one point 
which historians of the Cross have overlooked Is that during the period 
under discussion the precedent was set down for the mornin/^ sermons in 
the Cathedral by prebendaries of St. laul's which were established on 
the l-aul's Cross fund after the Restoration. Even with very unsatis- 
factory and franrmentary biographical information in iGany cases, and this 
worked over but cursorily, I find that at least eight of the preachers 
listed in cy Register were, at the time when they were called to preach 
at the Cross, either canons or prebendaries of St. Paul's. Thej are 
Thomas Adams, .'/illiam Barlow, James Calfield, John King (at the time of 
his first appearance there), Henry Pendleton, Isaac Singleton, Robert 
Temple, and Robert Tinley, (Adams was not strictly a prebendary, but 



a preaeber In a living dependent on the Cathedral.) 

These are the routine appointments. At certain seasons, and 

for special occasions, more distinguished talent was called up. Bishops 

always preached in "the Parliament time, " They were present for the 

session, and could be used to declare the mind of the govemiaant on 
ecclesiastical matters, as in 1534 end 1571.'''* The Bishops were used, 
one after another, upon other occasions also, as to prepare the people 
for a chanp-e in government policy concerning the state ecclesiastical, 
or to inaugurate suoh a change. "^ Ciey appeared in force at the begin- 
ning of Elizabeth's reign, for such reasons undoubtedly, but perhaps 
also that the Council might see how the exiles stood upon the funda- 
mentals of the Kstablishment, The Bishop of London preached there more 
than any other prelate, upon ordinary and special times, since Paul's 
Cross was the most lmi:>ortant pulpit in his diocese, and within the pre- 
ciacte of his cathedral church. Bishop Aylmer, in his communication 
of 1561, to the Lord Uayor, jHits the matter clearly: 

If you take this in good pt© as coming from him that hath charge over 
you, I ara glad. If not, I must tell you your duty cut of lay chaire, 
wAiich is the pulpit at laules Crosse, where you must sitt not as a judge 
to conptrole but as a ocholler to learne; and I not as John Ailmer to 
be thwarted but as John London to teache you and e11 London. 71 

Lenten sermons were important, and not only were especially talented 
preachers, like Sampson or Hoskins or Adams, called up at that time, 
but apparently prominent ecclesiastics preached there by custom every 
Lent. Gardiner writes, concerning the affair of Barnes in 1540: 

I niaded some Sonday of that Lent to preaohe at Paules Crosse, as I had 

ben yeai^s before accustomed; and upon the fyrst Saturday in Lente, s'oinge 



to Laiabehith, there to be occupied all that daye, I devised «ith xaj 
cbaplein that he should go that day aai knowe who should occupie the 
OTOsee that Lent, and to sreake for a place for me on one of the Sondayes, 
not aaeaninge the oondaye that shoulle be o:i the morowe, for I had in my 
fliind more reverence to that audience then, v/ithout some convenient pre- 
saeditaoion, to shewe myself there. 76 

The appointment of preachers was ordinarily within the power of 
the Bishop of London, as one might expect, end he theoretically acted 
in this aatter upon his own discretion. Grindal's visitation orders 

of 1562 indicate that appointments to the I-aul's Cross pulpit were in 

the saiae category as sen&one in the cathedral itself. There is extant 

one of Laud's letters of ap|>ointtfeat, for 29 November 1629, which il- 
lustrates the procedure: 

Tou shall understand that you are appointed to preach at St. Paul's 
Crosse on Sunday the 29 of November next ensuln3;e,,,. These are therefore 
to require and charge you not to faile of your day appointed, end to send 
your answer of acceptance hereof in writing to my Chaplaine Dr. %lce8 
at London House, and to bring a Coppie of your Sermon with you, and not 
to eiceede an houre and an halfe in. both Sermon and Iraier. As also to 
certifie your presence some time on. the Thursday before your day ap- 
pointed to Jolia Flemadag Draper in Wetling street at whose House your 
entertainment is provided, 80 

There are some points here iriiich deserve attention. I do not think it 
reckless to conjecture that Laud, while Bishop of London, shortened the 
tiiue of the sermons at the Cross; he was not given to very lengthy 
utterance himself, he distrusted the extravagant use of the pulpit; the 
shorter the time the less chance of sedition. The order to produce a 
copy of the sermon in advance is also, I think, rather an indication of 
Laud's tight discipline than of general practice in the past. Certainly 
many of the sermons dealt with in this study were not written before 
they were preached, and one cannot tell whet a man is going to say from 



his notes. At this time laud v»&s busy refonninp the diocese after the 
slack administration of Bishop Kontaigne, and he feared lest a Puritan 
"lecturer" should steal upon him in sheep's clothing. It is to be noticed, 
too, that the preacher is required to arrive In London on the third day 
before the sermon: this accords well enough with i^alton's account of the 
two days lodging before Sunday provided at the house of the Shunamite, 
I find no explicit statement of the reason for this procedure, but it may 
be conjectured that the preacher was to be on hand to receive any last- 
fiiinute instructions from the ordinary, as proclamations ond eo forth, 
to be delivered in his sermon. Even though a copy of the sermon misfht 
not be requii^d, there were many occasions when the preacher was instructed 
directly by the bishop concerning the main purpose of his sermon, or some 
of its details, ^2 

It is possible then, in cases where the Bishop of London appointed 
preachers without outside interference or advice, to reconstruct, from a 

variety of hints, his procedure. By conmunlcating with the Universities, 

usually through the Vice-Chancellor, or the Masters of colleges, he 

secured a sort of "master-list" of divinity students commencing M.A. 
or B.D, , or fellows of collej^es, From the list of ordinations in the 
various dioceses^ he was able to select from his main list those Just 
ordained, often no doubt before their presentation to livings or uni- 
versity appointments. He would also have a list of the canons and 
prebendaries of St, Paul's and other cathedral churches, of the replua 
professors in divinity, of his own and the royal chaplains, ftrom these 
naterials he made up a "bill" or list of preachers for a given period, 
such aa Lent, Whitsuntide, term time. Parliament time. He then sent 



out the letters of appointaent, directly if the preacher nes of rank, 
by his chaplain or the chancellor of the diocese if he were not. Upon 
the preacher's arrival, if matters of special moment were to be treated 
in the sermon, he probably interviewed the preacher, or at least sent 
him last-ndnute instructions. Finally he went to hear the sermon, 
hoping for the best, and often no doubt fearinfr the worst. 

This was the rule, but more often the exception. Rarely, even 
in ordinary times, did the bishop act in this matter without direction, 
end never in periods of crisis did he appoint without the advioe and 
direction of the Council, Indeed, there is evidence that the bishop*3 
power to appoint preachers to the pulpit at iaul's Cross was sometimes 
conffiiibted to him from the Crown. In 1575, Sandys, plagued by preachers 
of the "discipline|", wrote to Burghley, 

praying that I may have authority from her Majesty, (as soF.e of my 
predeceesors have had) in her name to require such as are fittest for 
that place.,, to ccii.e thither. 83 

This pulpit was, after all, of consequence to nore than the diocese of 
London, at all times, and in times when the multitude had to be in- 
structed upon matters such as ecclesiastical change, the growth of sedition, 
or the proper significance of goremment policy, the power of appointment 
and direction of pi-eachers lay with the Frivy Council, which exercised 
this authority through the bi^op« Paul's Cross was always potentially 
and often in fact, the mouthpiece of the administration, 

In 1534 Cromwell directed that the preachers at Faul's Cross 

should declare the usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome, 



and that tha Bishop of London is bound to suffer none to preach at Tsui's 
Cross, as he mill answer, but such as will j reach and set forth the 

same. 84 

la this year, as later in 1536, 1549, 1551, Cranmer appointed preachers 
directly, as aeraber of the Council and metropolitan. In 1537, preachers 
were appointed directly by letter from Cromwell. The rapid changes in 
the ecclesiastical establishcient were not the onlj'^ reason for such direct 
action; the Bishop of London from 1530 to 1539 was John Stokesley, who 
was in continual hot water over the administration of his diocese. John 
Hilsey, BishoT of Eochester, apparently interfered in Stokesley 's arpoint- 
ment of preachers to I'aul's Cross, and the state papers of the period 
1536-38 are fall of angry letters from one or the other of the rivals 
to Cromvell,^^ In 1561 the Bishop of London was instructed by the 
Council to send the preacher appointed for 25 October to receive his 
instructions directly from them. During; the controversy over the 
habits in 1565-6, Cecil sent Archbishop l-aiicer a 'Tsill" of preachers for 
the Cross; larker replied: 

I have altered but a few of your first bill, but removed Mr. Feme, and 
appointed either ny lord of Ely or Peterborough to occupy one day, 87 

T^e careful briefing of the preachers at the time of the Essex rebellion 
is d«alt viith at large in its place, and need only be noticed here. 
Upon another emergency, the Sunday after the Towder 1 lot's discovery, 
In 1605, Barlow, who had served so manfully as mouthpiece in 1601, was 
again appointed, and preached upon direct instructions from the Council, 
relying for his facts in part up-on "divers circumstances sensibly con- 
ceived and imparted... over nisiht, by the Sarle of Salisbury,"^ 



It has been said that there was considerable confusion, in 

the early years of JSllzabeth, in the matter of authority OTer the ?aul»s 

Cross preachers, and that from the later years of liJ-izabeth on, a much 

tighter control over appointments was exercised. But in the material 

here under review, I hare been unable, except in one Instance, to dster- 

niine, from the evidence of whet the preacher said, that the cause of the 

difficulty was appointment by the wrong authority. That instance Is the 

affair ofTho/nas Sampson and Laurence Ilumphrey in Lent 1565. These two 

stalwart Puritan scholars preached at Paul's Cross against the restnents, 

and Cecil '.Trote to Parker to inquire who had appointed then. Parker 

replied that it must have been either the Bishop of London (Grindal) 

or the Lord Mayor. Actually it may have been leicester, who at this 

time favoured the nonconformist party. By 1581, if one is to take the 

evidence of Dyos' attack upon the City officials, the lord Kayor was 

presumed not to have the power of appointment. In nost cases, through 

cooperation -.vith and supervision of the Bishop of London, the Council 

kept pretty firm control, all through the period, of appointments ; 

this vma no guarantee that the preacher, once on his feet before the 

multitude, would not grossly disappoint those who had called him to 

that place. 

To consider same examples of this kind. "^ It seems incredible 
that John Cbristopherson, Bishor of Chichester, should have been permitted 
to preach at the Cross on 27 November 1556, the Sunday following Dr. 
Bill, who was officially directed by, Cecil in thst crucial time. Per- 
haps it was hoped that he would recant; one cannot conceive of Cecil 
xermitting a Uariao bishop to appear just then without some investigation. 



But Ohrl storherson preached vehemently in answer to Dr. Bill, and In 
defence of the old faith. He waa imprisoned for it, but the damage was 
done. Consider also the difficulties of Sandys in 1573 with Mr. Crick 
and Mr. Wake. The former was chaplain to the Bishop of Norwich, the 
latter had ♦taade a good sermon'* the previous year, and in addition had 
been warned by Sandys In person, seeming; to ccwnply, if somewhat non- 
eoBBBittal, Yet to Sandys' disgust they both preached pure Cartwripht. 
Even under the firm hand of Bancroft, assisted by Cecil, there wore 
difficulties in 1599 with Cambridge men who seemed to favour the Earl 
of Essex, touching on itMtters of state not thoir concern, especially 
during the Carl's sequestration, and excusing their behaviour, justly, 
as Bancroft was forced to admit, by contending that thej' were supposed 
to pray for their Chancellor when they came to the Cross. 

Hiese are Elizabethan instances. But the sasie sort of eabarrass- 
ments occur in the reign of Jamas. John Drope of Magdalen, preaching on 
3 April 1617, complained of the King's unjust impositions, and was 
"called in question" for it. About June 1619 Isaac Singleton was com- 
icltted for railing against the Lord Chancellor's court and ridiculing 
the Chancellor's "Latlaities. " Although James had ordered that the 
London clergy should not meddle with state matters, a "j'ounp fellow", 
probably from one of the universities, sj-oke, on 17 December 1620, "Very 
freely in general" against the negotiations witb Spain. Mr. attlson did 
likc/fise in ieZ6, and in 1622 Ur, Claydon, minister of Hackney, lay in 
prison for a time for speaking against the Spanish iBafcch. Some of these 
effusions were undoubtedly to be expected from young university Ben, 
fresh fron the coiroion rooms, brash, unused to the subtleties of trimming 



between authority and popular opinion. There were daring spirits among 
the clergy, and they were not necessarily i-uritans. On© such was happily 
forestalled In 1620. The Council discovered that .Silliam Clough, vicar 
of Bramham, had said 

the King wss a fool, and fit for nothing; but cstching dotteirels; the 
Lord Ifesident was a fool, only fit for gaming; the north was governed 
by an old doting Eishoi jfobie ^athew'?} &xi; also that he '.vould get leeve 
to preach at 7'aul*s Gross, and would expose the evils of government. 94 

He was likely in his cups, and would not have gone through with it any- 
way, but the reniarK: illustrates not only the impojrtunee of the Paul's 

Cross pulpit, but the possibility of deliberately ndsunderstanding- the 

tradition of reproof from that pulpit, *^ 

5. '^ood people I ... am nowe conen hither as a penytent personne. " 

The institution of public penance or recantation at Faults Cross 
is one of the most significant aspects of the history of the Cross in the 
centuiv under review. It is significant for more than the record of that 
place, for it indicates a conception of society most foreign to oar ways 
of thoucht and Indeed little if at all considered in estimates of this 
period, in which it p.oes to nwke up the inanense coicplexity of a hif^hly 
active and revolutionary society which nevertheless never in many im- 
portant respects broke with the past. This appearance before a public 
puljit of penitents in white sheets, bearing tapers or fag-gots as they 
were execrated by the preacher, is the sort of thin^ which the unin- 
stracted are apt to refer to as "medieval". 

Is this the age of Hhakespeare and Bacon? It is. The modern 



hlstorlao is too apt to assume, as one of them most inexcusably does, 
that these spectacles, no doubt one of the "sights" of Elizabethan London, 
were very funny at the time. "Profane persons" were doubtless amused, 
and there must have been a high percentage of profane persons in the 
audience. But they were not always amused, and devout persons very 
seldom, and then probably only in spite of themselves. It ia incredible 
to think that the ecclesiastical authorities continued to order these 
performances if their effect was not salutary; they knew too well the 
art of manipulating the multitude. 

These public performances of penance are an expression of the 
continuing ideal of the Christian society, in which the commons are 
directed by wise and righteous governors for the weal of the whole body 
politic. The heretic and the malefactor must be rooted out, and by 
precept and the overpowering force of example ^life diseases of that body 
politic exposed in their nakedness to the general view. It Is indeed a 
medieval idea, and it is visibly expressed in that symbolism of apparel 
and act irtiich produced the moralities. It is not too much to say that 
a sermon at Paul's Cross, accompanied by the speech and act of the peni- 
tent, i£ a morality play, or, to be more exact, life become morality. 

The primary purpose, then, of public penance was to publish error 
and recantation as example to the people. But there were other purposes 
leas obvious but perhaps equally significant. On most occasions, the 
penitent was a kind of living exemjlnm for the preacher, and exceedingly 
useful for the sermon itself. Moreover, the act of penance was the 
publication of conversion from evil ways, or recantation of heresy, and 



so instromental in the salvation of the penitent's soul, not because it 
represented the actual act of conversion, but rather confirmed it by 
public ifitness. A contemporary counterpart is the "testimonial" services 
conducted by certain evangelical sects, with the significant difference 
that the iritnessin^ sinner is not tied to a set form of speech. In the 
case of those burned after having performed penance at the Cross, such 
as the Anabaptists who recanted their heresies on 15 Hay 1575, it may 
be assamed that they had relapsed into their former damnable errors, or 
had merely stood and recanted in form, having been already condemned to 
the stake. This was usually the position of serious heretics, especially 
the feared and abcadnable Anabaptists, and then penance was not a sub- 
stitute, as it often was, for a worse punishment, but merely a publication 
of error for the instruction of the people, 

Theire are several variations in the forms prescribed for public 
penance, and also in the practice, "^ A penitent heretic stood "in the 
eie of the multitude" by the preacher, wearing a w^ite sheet, carrying 
faggots, and a taper, signifjring the death by burning »rtiich he deserved, 
Sonetimea he wore thereafter a badge representing a faggot in flames 
on his clothes,^'' Strictly speaking only those doing penance for an 
offense punishable by burning should be spoken of a "bearing a faggot", 
but the term is used loosely by contemporary chroniclers for penance in 
general, Grindal's directions for public penance (in churches^ pre- 
sci>ibe a sermon, or at least a homily (apparently not necessarily upon 
the sin of the penitent), the position of the offender "directly over 
against the pulpit" in a sheet, and public interrogation of the offender. 
I note no example of this Interrogatory procedure at Paul's Cross, bat 



the penitent either repeats his form of penance after the preacher, or 

delivers it himself from a "prepared text*? Penance with the head covered 

was not considered adequate, and on one occasion noted the preacher 

struck the penitents as he "showyd their oppynyons''i" Recantation 

Blight take the form of a symbolic act, as when Becon cut his offending 

books to pieces before the audience, and the declaration of recantation 

night be printed and distributed if the authorities thought it important 

enough to do so. 

In order to illustrate the method of conducting these exercises, 
I subjoin accounts of three such occasions, which indicate certain varia- 
tions in procedure, and are most sufficient as description than a second- 
hand explanation or list of details. 

On 13 Harch 1586, there stood before the preacher at Pauls crosse, in 
the verie ele of the multitude, a most heinous malefactor in a ^ite 
sheet, with a rod about halfe a yard long in his hand, and about his 
head a paper fastened, with the inscription of the offense for which 
he did penance. [The phrase "papers on his head" occurs in contemporary 
documents also in description of persons in the pillory. 3 This lewd 
fellow (having a wife) did notwithstanding for the space of five years 
past, keepe in his house an harlot or strumpet under the name of his 
maid, whose bodie he unlawfullie used; insomueh ttet she bare him cer- 
teine bastards, which in time were made awale and murthered, this horrible 
deed still reirielninp undisclosed; untill the last whome she bare and slue, 
which was then bewraied, and she of the fact by course of law orderlie 
convinced [sic/ , was executed at Tiborne the laet sessions next before 
the publication hereof by the preacher. 

Now (saith the preacher) although the law have acqulted this 
heinous malefactor, and released him from the gallows; yet is it not 
likelie that he can be excuseable from privitie in the offense. JTor it 
cannot be, but that as he was not, nor could be ignorant of the harlots 
being with child; so must he needs know what became of them after their 
procreation and bringing foorth into the world. Nevertheless... al- 
though he have escaped the like execution as his fellow offender hath 
suffered; yet except he doo heartille repent, and be inwardlle sorle for 
the same, he is certelne to hang in hell fier. In signification there- 
fore of his heartie repentance, he was injoined to make open confession 
of his fault, the forme whereof was delivered in vnrlting to the preacher, 
he reading it, and the offender oaieng after him the same, with as lowd 



a TOice as coacelved sbame for so greevofis a trespasse wsuld admit. 

Now upon this repeatance and confession, the preacher tooke 
occasion to aggravat the dangerous sinne of fornication and adulteri», 
shewing by sundrie exajaples what punishments have beene inflicted apon 
offenders in that kind, by the laws of diverse nations,... all idxioh shew 
how odious a sinne it is, both in the sight of Gk>d and man. 

Havinr, waded so far in the argument, the preacher spoke verle 
honourable of the dignitle of marriage, and against the frequented vice 
of usurie, T»hereof he delivered examples verie dreadfull, intendla^ an 
ajiiendment of that enormitle. ... 103 

Usury, forsooth. One ain leads to another, as the student of devotional 
literature can bring abundant testimony. One notes here the elevated 
position of the penitent, the rod symbolic of stripes, the "papers", the 
"forme" delivered after the preacher, the sermon upon the sin, and the 
double standard of morality. 

The recantation of Robert lard, in 1544, is interesting for a 
number of reasons, especially for Its obvious direction toward the 
audience for their improvement: 

Good people I Robert Warde of Thapstede am nowe comen hither as a penytent 
personne trusting in the mercle of Almightie *7od, that, likewyse as 
heretofore I have sundry wayes declared my folie and lewde behaviour 
in woordes and dedes taking upon me to be a teacher of" instructor of 
other, where myne owne selfe being a man of anall ezperyence lesse wytte 
and of no lernynp, nor yet of other f300-i comendable qualities oughte 
rather humblle to have soughte holsome instruction good advyse and cath- 
olique doctrine of other declaring my self rather a good disciple and 
scolar redy to learne than a folyshe and a malapearte lewde rashe 
maister in presumptnouslie teaching, Soo by the goodness and healpe of 
Allmightie god I shall ever from hensforthe by all wayes possible unto 
as, endeavour my self not onelie in woordes but also in hearts and deades 
to declare perfectlie my self to have right faithe and to be a true and 
a faithfull christen man. And surelie full sorie I am that in tymes 
past I have not gone aboute this to doo, but like an undiscrete and 
folyshe nan have partlye of myne owne folye and partlye being seduced 
by other pretending to make me moche better then they were themselves 
doon cleane the contrarye. And good people ye shall understand that 
wanting... bothe experience wytte and learnynge I have dyverse tymes 
in alehouses and uncomelie and unmeate places taken upon me to bable 
talke and rangle of the Scripture ndiiohe I understode not yea and to 



expoande it after ny folyshe fantasie ehieflie these tymes vhen I have 
not bon myne owne man but over come with Ale. And lykewise I have dyverse 
tymes x'olyshlie and unrevereatlie spooken of the masse and not lyke a 
christen nan regarded the saine as I doo nove know that of duytie and 
reason I shalde have considered yt and all the sacramencs ox* christa 
churohe with the laudable rites and ceremonies of the saoe. And moreover 
I have kept unlawful bookes to mayntayne lay lewdnes and undiscretioii 
herein. And by cause I knowe that in tynes past this ny lewde behaviour 
and doyjac mighte have ben occasion for some of you to have fallen to like 
folie and lewdnes, I am nowe comyn hither willin^lie of myne owne self 
and nynde to declare syne faults and humblye to beseche you all that yf 
In any wyse heretofore you have ben offended «rith me in anny my salde 
sayengE or doyengs ye will of your charytie fre&lie forgyve me and to 
take example of this my penaunoe tavoyde and not to fall into the lyke 
sayen^es and doyngs, trusting in god that thoughe my behaviour heretofore 
hatha ben many wayes very noughtie and lewde yet this my humble penaunoe 
and repentaunca vfill taken heade of, thout^e yt be ferre under myne 
offenses, shal be profatable to me and you with all other tavoyde the 
lyke daunger and inconvenience: whlche I beseche allmightie god to graunte 
you: unto ishome be gyven laude and prayse nowe and evermore, 104 

On 11 February 1627, Stephen Denison, the minister of the church of St. 
Catherine Cree, spoke at Paul's Cross on the tried theme of false 
prophets, having in mind especially the familists and other "^stlcal 
Solves" then in England. After twelve sections of well -organized in- 
vective, he comes, in the published sermon, to "The Occasion of all nhich 

He explains that vdiat follows was added because of an order of 
submission enjoined by the Archbishop of Canterbury upon John Hetherington, 
late of iifestminster, now of latney, to be performed the same day this 
sermon preached at Paul's Cross. 

It was ordered that the said Hetherinton upon Sonday the 11, day of 
February should before the beginning of the Sermon at Pauls Crosse come 
within the walls there just before the l\ilplt, and there stand beftare 
the Preacher, bare-faced end bare-headed in some eminent place, where 
hee might be best seene and heard of the Congregation assembled during 
the whole time of the Sermon, having a paper on his breast expressing 
his offence in these words "for scandalizing the whole Church of England, 
in saying it was no true Church of Christ, and publishing other erronious 



opinions, proceeding from that ill ground:" for the which cause he was 
enjoyned this acknowledgement. 

iMhereas I John Hetherington stand by the depositions of sundry 
witnesses Judicially convicted before the Kings Majesties CoBimlssi oners 
appointed for Causes Scclesiastlcal, for that sine the 20. of December 
1623. I have maintained and published, that the Church of England as 
it is now by the Law established, is no true Church of Christ, and that 
it teacbeth false Doctrine, that the aabbath day or Sunday, which we 
coHunonly call the Lords day, since the Apostles time was of no force, 
and th3t every day is a Sabbath as much as that which we call the 
Sabbath day the Lords day or Sunday: that the Bookes of Eadras are and 
ought to be esteemed part of the Canonlcall Scripture: as also to have 
used reproachfull words to and of the ministers of the Church of England, 
and of their calling. And further, whereas it standeth proved against 
me, that beijif^ by trade a Boxmaker about five or six yeeret; since I 
gave over my said trade, and frequented private Conventicles, by the 
Lawes of tUs Healme prohibited taking upon me within the time articulated 
to be the chief e Speaker and to instruct others, not being of my owne 
fariilie in points of Joctrine, and natters of faith, giving-, expositions 
contirary to the received opinions of this our Church of England, and in 
defence of such Conveaticles have said or i^rit that Oaeaer may command 
a place in publike, so ashe forbid none in private. As also that I have 
bin of opinion with the Flomilists touching the perfect puritie of the 
Boule.... For the which I have been imprisoned by the order of his 
Slajesties Commissioners liccloaiasticall, and have beene enjoyned to make 
this ny publike Recantation or submission here this day. I do therefore 
before you all here present from n^r heart renounce, abjure, and dlaclaime 
all the said opinions as erronious and sohismaticall... , and doe blesse 
and praise God, that as a member of the said Church I may freely Joyne 
with the Farochiall Congiregations, i^ere I shall reside in the hearing 
of Divine Service said, Qods word preached, and in the participation 
of the holy and blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper rightly and duly 
administered, and in all other religious duties. For the due perform- 
ance whereof I doe here give xay faithfull promise: and that I may do 
doe, I desire you all here present to Joyne with me in saying the Loi^s 
prayer, . • . 105 

Note the legal tone of this document, compared with the others. This 
is a product of the lawyers of the High Commission, and what it lacks 
in naivete it makes up in emphasis upon the ideal to be enforced in 
cases of lack of conformity. "Hie position of the penitent is carefully 
indicated, and seems to have been within the brick wall of the 1620 
picture, on a sort of aovable stage before the preacher. In this case 
the "papers" were fixed on the breast of the penitent, and there is the 
added detail of the concluding Lord's Prayer far the fulfilment of the 



recantation, Denison improved the occasion by making a surrey of "Mvhe 
severall kinds of Jfysticall Vfelves breeding in ENGELAND. " 

Penance at Paul*s Cross was enjoined for a variety of offences, 
besides the holding or publication of heretical or seditious opinions. 
It was a powerful weapon against scandal, idiich is beat silenced by 
humiliating its authors. In November 1561 the diarist Henry Uachyn was 

forced to do penance for slandering the i^ench Protestant preacher John 

Teron, whose alleged incontinency had caused gossip amon^ what where 

probably the adherents of the old religion. A "young man" did penance 
for the saaie fault three weeks before Machyn, who vainly tried to con- 
ceal the disgrace in the entry in his diary. Somewhere between 1561 
and 1530, John Cooke, registrar of the diocese of Winchester, spread a 
slander about Home, Bishop of finchester. He instructed the boys of the 
graniLar school to say that, being in a tree, they should see the bishop 
commit adultery under the tree. ( Cooke *e imagination nay have been 
Inflained by the Uerchant*s 'Bale.) He was adjudged 'to stande at Poles 
erosse, and to declare and preche there hys owne shame; but with owt 
blushyng, for hys syde panche C^lcJ and Croydon ^ike the Collier of 
CroydonJ complexyone vfolde not suffer hvm to blushe, more then the 
black dogge of Bungay."*^ Fenance was enjoined for pretence of pos- 
session, and especially for offences against the marriage laws.^^^ 
On 16 October 1541, for instance, two piriests did penance for contracttng 
an illegal marriage, and there was another such penance on 21 August 1559. 
(I exclude here those penances of aiarried priests so co/ranon in the early 
years of the reign of Mary. ) A nan did penance for bigamy on 20 February 
1560. It will be noted that these offences are of the kind dealt with 



by ecclesiastical courts, and it is not altogether the accident of the 
materials gathered for this study that such notices reappear during the 
later part of this jeriod, when the High Commission began to intensify 
its operations, and, it would appear, against nenbers of the gentry. 
In November 1618, Lady Marichain did penance in a sheet for marrying one 
of her servants during her husband's lifetime; in 1625 Sir Robert Howard 
was publicly ezcommunicated at Paul's Cross for contempt of the Hiis^h 
Coimnission, then engaged upon proceedings against Lady Furbeck, with whom 
he was living In adultery; I note also another penance In 1631 for marriage 
within the prohibited tables. In this respect, as in others, there is 
a r«iarkable continuity and consistency la the ecclesiastical attitude 
through a century of rapid change in many other departments of the 
national life. 

One scarcely edifying episode in this series of penances for 
■oral offences deserves more extended notice. On 9 ?ebruary 1612 the 
notorious Moll Frith [iSoll CutpurseJ the model for Kiddleton*s Roaring 
Girl, did public penance at Paul's Cross for wearing men's apparel. John 
Chamberlain, writing to Carleton on 12 Februarj', had enjoyed the affair: 

Mall Cut-purse a notorious bagage (that used to go in man's 
apparrell and challenged the foild of divers gallants) was brou^t 
to the same place (Paul's Cross^ , where she wept bitterly and seemed 
very penitent, but yt is since doubted she was maudelin -Iruncke, beeing 
discovered to have tlpled of three quarts of sacke before she came to do 
her penaunce: she had the daintiest preacher or ghostly father that ever 
I saw in pulpit, one Ratcliffe of Brazen Nose in Oxford, a likelier man 
to have led the revells in aome ynne of court then to be where he was, 
but the best is he did extreem badly, and so wearied the audience that 
the best part v/ent away, and the rest taried rather to heare Mall Cut- 
purse then him. 109a 

Another account adds some picturesque if not perhaps so reliable details: 



An apparitor, set on by adversary of hers, cited her to appear 
in the Court of Arches, where was an accusation exhibited against her 
for wearin.-- indecent and isanly apparel. She aras advised by her proctor 
to demor the Jurisdiction of the Court, as for e crime, if such, not 
cognizable there. But he did it to spin out the cause and get her money: 
for, in the end, she was there sentenced to stand and do penance in a 
white sheet at 3t. Paul's Cross during raomlnp senaon on a Sunday.,., 
Uany of the spectators had little cause to sport themselves then at the 
sight; for soroe of her emissaries, without any regard to the sacredness 
of the placfcj, spoiled a good rjany clothes, by cutting p-art of their cloaks 
and gowns, and sending them home as naked behind as Aesop *s crow, whan 
every bird took its own feather from her. 109b 

A more edifying spectacle to be seen at Paul's Cross, from tine 
to time, was the burning of seditious or heretical books. Sometimes, 
as in the case of the recantation of Thomas Becon in 1543, the penitent 
tore up his own books, which were then burned before the Cross. The 
burning might be accompanied with a profitable exhortation, such as that 
of Usher vidien Lather's hereticeO. worics were burned there in 1521, or of 
Bishop Montaigne at the bornlng of Paraeus' dangerous works upon limitation 
of sovereignty in 1622. 

7. "It was pull'd down In the late rebellious Tijaea, " 

During the centuries vdiile I'aul's Cross stood in the churchyard, 
a sermon might well be published \vith "preached at Faules Crosse" on its 
title page, and that sermon not in strictness preached there, but, as 
noted above, in the Shrouds, in the Grey Friars, or perhaps in the 
Cathedral Itself. But these were preached elsewhere because of bad 
weather, or it may be for some other reason which I have not discovered. 
So long as they were preached on that foundation, they are I^ul's Cross 
serroons. It Is thus impossible to discover from the evidence of title- 
pages Just irtien the Cross was pulled down. Indeed the institution of 



the semons at the Cross continued after the Reatoration, but they were 
preached in the Cathedral; lists of laul's Cross preachers (which I 
have not seen) exist in eighteenth-century ecclesiastical documents, and 
Dean Hilioan, whose Annals was published in 1358, says that the endow- 
nants "still belong to the Sunday morning preachers, now chiefly the 
honorary Prebendaries of the Church.". 

One antiquary contends that the pulpit was not occupied after 
April 1633, when during repairs to the Cathedral, while the yard was 
cluttered with building materials, the sermons were removed into the 
cholr.^^^ This aeens to be an error, either In the date or In belieTing 
that the sermons were not ont^ raore preached outdoors. The docuBient upon 
which one most rely is a i>etition of the vergers of St. Faults, of 1535, 
to the Dean of the Arches. A certain Jtr. Thomas Chap'rean (see above, p. 82) 
had left a legacy of 12d. weekly "forever to some fitt person to keepe 
sweete cleans and decent the p rea ching place of Paules Crosse" ~ such 
was no doubt the "old man" of 1529 — and now the vergers request that 
this suro be paid to those who do the service isrlthin.^^^ The presumption 
that the sennons were not again roiaoved outdoors is strengthened by an 
entry in the charge books of St. Paul's for June 1635, which recoI^is 
payments to labourers employed to carry away "the Lead, Timber, too,, 
that were pull'd downe of the Rooiass whei^ the Prebends of the Church, 
the Doctors of the Law, and the Parishioners of St, ffaith'a did sett 
to heare Semons at St. I'aul's Crosse. "^"^ (This is apparently another 
set of '^oomes" besides those indicated in the 1620 picture.) 

The Cross Itself, however, still stood. Silent now, for the 
members of the Long' Parliament did not aaswnble there, but heard their 


preachers in their own place, la liay, 1643, Sir Robert Harlow, by order 
of the Houses, took down the crosses in Cheapside, Charing Cross, and 
Paul's churchyard, as vestiges of idolatry. ■*■■*■* 

In the eighteenth century an elm tree grew on the spot where 
the Cross bad stood: so goes one of those pleasant fictions beloved 
of the rojnaatlc antiquary. As a natter of fact, the north wall of 
lfren*8 church is practically on the line of the south side of the Cross; 
its foundations were uncovered by F.C. Penrose in 1879. *-^'^ In 1905, 
Mr. H.C. Richards, M.P, left a legacy of £5000 to bo applied either to 

the rebuilding of Paul's Cross or to new stained-glass windows for the 

Cathedral. The money was used for the latter purpose.-^-^" 




But after that... the vrorld once ruffled and fallea into wildness, 
how loog would It be, and what heaps of heavj- mischiefs would there 
fall, ere the way -were found to set the world in order and peace 

lk>re, Ihe Dialogue concerning Ilyndale. 

v ^ 


HMRY Till 

1. "QrieTOus heresies and slandars. " 

The period from 1533 to 1559 was the most troubled in English 
ecclesiastical history. The official religion was first Ronan Catholic, 
then the peculiar doctrine of the "Bishops' Bookj" . then English Catholic, 
then Trotestanty, then Booan Catholic. By the close of this tioe the 
nation was ready for the Klizafoethan settlement, that triumph of ex- 
pediency over all fonaa and conditions of zeal. 

In these pai^es 1 cannot reconstruct the whole history, but merely 
indicate some leading themes to which expression was given at Paul's 
Cross, i'hese, taken to*;ether in the proper chronological relation, are 
most significant. It is true that the result gives a simplification 
potentially misleading, bat that very simplification protects me from 
some dangerous errors. It is in this period that ecclesiastical histor- 
ians have exercised their most violent prejudices; the chief figures In 
the English Reformation are cast as heroes or villains, in solid primary 
colours. I have not tried to reiiialn impartial. I have not had to try. 
1 am concerned with certain facts. It is late now to be disturbed over 
the dispute of Hllsey and Stokesley, to suffer with the unfortunate Dr. 
Crome, to break a lance for the hysterical Elizabeth Barton, or, on the 
other side, for the exasperating^ Anne Aslcew. 

If the pulpit in Paul's churchyard was ever an important official 
sound Infi-board, it was during the period 1534-1547. Before joining the 
audience in 1534, whm the royal supremacy was being preached there 



under Cromwell's direction, It is necessary to explore, from the svidence 
of Paul's Cross sermons and other significant raflterial antedating 1534, 
how far it /ras necessary for Henry VIIT to cajole or coerce public 
opinion in support of his policies. How far had the revolution proceeded 
already in that pulpit? 

Shat the constitutional historians have decided concerning the 
nature of the aiglish neformation, its place in the traditions of the 
common and the civil law, the theories of kinp;ship adumbrated in the 
statutes of the "Refornietion Parliament" and their relation to the 
theories of Marsillus of Padua or Luther, is for the most part irrele- 
vant to the material here considered. For the revolution which Henry 
Till sponsored and directed with such Jtechiavellian skill was not mani- 
fest, at the time, in any such terms. JSvea the lawyers who drafted, 
with such profuse yet canny verbiage, the pi*eainbles to the statutes 
worked with only that lieceptive consistency which is the product of 
expediency. The preachers, like Tunstall, who io the 1520 's spoke from 
Paul's Cross against heresy upon the ancient assumptions of the Catholic 
faith, and found themselves defending the king's courses in the 1530's, 
were servants and not masters of their theories. Theory was, like all 
else, invalid before the royal will, whose dictates, brutal or subtle, 
swept now one party, now the other, into prominence or into the shadows. 
Moreover, the issues, as they were set forth from a popular pulpit, could 
be delivered, either before or after the separation from Home, only in 
the familiar terras of heresy or the still more faitilliar terms of Slander. 
Keither as they were presented, as one may describe them, nor in any 
summation or analysis of them, can these issues be divoiced from the' 



personalities or particular events In the lineaments of which they 

Yet though one cannot with any confidence find in eyery incident 
the evidence for a simple and consistent i«ttern, even the dullest 
member of the auditory at raul*3 Cross, as ho listened to fulminatlons 
against the t«ro great dangers of the tine, heresy and treason, must have 
perceived, betxeen say 1526 and 15J5, a fundanental change in view, pro- 
ceeding from the basic change in the relations of church and state. 
"Hie nature of this change, often misunderstood, is best defined, not by 
reference to the theories of medieval canonists or even to 'Ihe Obedience 
of a Christian Man , but by consideration of feudal "rights". The very 
essence of feudalism was the fusion of public and private rights; wrongs 
against individuals and corporations possessed of certain "liberties" 
were not distinguished from crimes, (Consequently there was little if 
any distinction between an act and an "award* of Parliament.) The 
early Tudors engaged to release Sngland from these "liberties," whether 
secular of the magnates, or ecclesiastical of the Church, and in this 
process the violent and abrupt acts of Henry 7ITI la Parliament which we 
call the English Heformstion were episodes in a larger process of niaking 
the Crown in larliaxsent omni competent in the realm. It is absurd to 
contend that the medieval Church in England was a "national" Church; it 
becajue a national Church if^en Sagland becajrie a national state in the 
modern sense. Nov/ as this applied to heresy, it meant that the deter- 
Biination of heresy rested yrith a national church, in which, even if Its 
Supreme Head did not claim potestas ordinis, hs exercised absolute legal 
control, either in hid own person or in Parliament (hare authorities 



differed), over those who did claim it. As for slander, slander became 
treason, either directly as it was slander of the supremacy or its 
ministers, or indirectly as it disturbed, or oouli be sho-wn to have dis- 
turbed, the peace of the realin. The citizen whom I have joatulatei as 
the norm found that his owa 'T.ibertles,", aaoh as they were, were sur- 
rendered into one authority, and not two or three or six, that definitions 
were at once clearer — and hence more useful for propaganda purpoaas — 
and at the saiae time more dangerous* He was not, as Foxe would have had 
his readers believe, bathed in the light of the Ooapel and persecuted by 
reactionary churchfuen for taking advantage of his rights under a systaaa 
of reforaed belief and practice, but rather carried about upon erery wind 
of doctrine, as the national policy in its various practical expedients 
to Insure the survival of the national experliaent veered now one way and 
aow the other. ^ 

A survey of sonte scattered notices of sermons at I-aul's Cross in 
the decade before 1533 discloses that the two ff.ain worries of the ecclesia- 
stical authorities during those years were the spread of the Lutheran heresy 
and the activities of tranelatorc of the Scriptures; the t-.5f0 jcade one danger 
In the Bdnds of Snglis-' Catholic churchrfien. It is Instmctive to note how 
uncomplicated the issues appeared in comparison with their axbiguity daring 
the first years of the "English Schisiar. The campaign against Luther was 
officially opened on 12 Ifeiy 1521, vAen, with Wolsey present In great state, 
John Plaher, Bishop of Hcchester, conderned the doctrines of Luther as 
heretical and pernicious, declaring that in buriiing the pope's bull. 
Lather had clearly shown that be *x)uld have burnt the jjope too had he 
been able. This saying was not forcrotten when, a few years later. 

•f 9 


"^'ndale's Sew Testaiaent was oimllarly attacked, and T^ndalrj observed 
that the bishops, in biiming Clirist^s word, had shown that they would 
willln/^ly have burnt also its divine author.^ (The extrece refonr-ers 
were given to such exasperetin<5 exhibitions of analoej' qase non scquitur. ) 
SoEUJ Lutheran books '>«jr© burned in the churchyard during the Gerwon. In 
February 1525 rieher again preached against Luther at Paul's Cross, at- 
tended by *3lsey in state with elevea bishops; on this occasion five 
persons did penance for Lutheran hei^esy, four "i^asterliags" and Dr. 
Robert Barnes, prior of the Augustinian friars at Cairibrid£^, whose 
troublea in that churchyaini wer« just bagianing. He bad on 24 December 
1525 preached a sermon ab 3t. Edward's churoh in Cambridge iriiieh, among 
other positiona conaldered heretical, had contained an attack upon the 
great festivals of the Church* He vias a convinced Lutheran, and it is 
significant that he reappeared at all in a public pulpit, bat be naa 
useful bo Henry in his relations with the Gorman Irotestant powers, and 
it could always be explained that he was perMtted his liberty in the 
hope of his reolaiaation froa his errors. But this is to anticipate. 

la 152G, through the efforts of London nsrchants of Trotestant" 
ayrapatkias and with continental business connections, began the Clandestine 
circulation of fyadale's ITew Tostanent, that traaslation in which the 
text itself became a vehicle for controversy. In October, Tunstall 
preached at Faul*s Cross against the book as "naughtily translated,", 
as from the Catholic point of view indeed it waa.^ During the next four 
years Tunstall, jrovidiag unintontiooally the means for further editions 

of the book, oou^ii up copies of Tyndale's translation for confiscation, 


souia of which were burned publicly at the Cross in Khj 1530. The klng*a 



abtibude toward the Biole In fiogllah should not have bean ax. this time 
obscure, since he was still Defender of the J^ith, but it was said that 
he socretly i'avoured its oii>culatioa; he vias busy securing opinions on 
the diTOtce fron; continental universities, and treating earnestly with 
Clement at the same time. 

Qxe Kew festcuaent was not the only heretical book current in 
England in these years. In lo31, the first 3unday la Advent, the preacher 
at Paul's Gross, on the authority of Stokesley, now Bishop of London, 
forbade the reading of soue thirty heretical books in English, some of 
which, though with the colophons of continental printers, were no doubt 
printed in London. Besides I^yndale's book, this group of prohibited and 
dangerous works inoladed a Psalter, Simon /ish's SuppliGatioa of the 
Beggars (one of the most violent books of the period, since it reconmieaded 
the dissolution of the whole Church establishment), a book called the 
Burying of the Mass, the "Books of Koses" (apparently Coverdale's trans- 
lation of the Pentateuch), the ''ABC against the Clergy", a book against 
St. Thoaaa of Canterbury, a Disputation of Purgatory, and the Traotico 
of Prelates."' How wide a circulation these works had is hard to say. 
Nor is it possible to guess with any assurance the extent to which the 
king already had assessed the true outcome of his continued negotiations 
with the pope, and expecting failure was encouraging :;he spread of such 
wox^s to prepare the aiinds of at least some of his subjects for the 

changes to come. It has been said that he kept Fish's inflaiunatory book 

in his desk, and the record shows that he studied it to sooie purpose. 

Ihe incidents Just reviewed show, of course, the solid Catholic 



front. Until 1533, the activitlee which were directed to the destruction 
of that front were not of the sort which could be published at Paul's 
Cross. TTntil the die was cast, until the icarriage with Anne in January 
1533, the king had no consistent iclicy or theory to which he MBht 
eonnand the assent of the people. She various steps in the break with 
Some vrtiich had been taken by the Parliaiuent with one exce^ition were 
only of a refonnlng and not a constructive character. Such were the statutes 
of 1529-31: the act abolishing abjuration by sanctuary men, the act to 
remedy abuses of plurality end non-residence, acts restricting fines for 
probate of wills and for fixing mortuary rates. The pai'doa of the clergy 
of both provinces for being In a praeoBUDire, which cost them £118,840, 
was OKlnous; but the first Act of Annates, of 153S, was held In abeyance 
In the expressed hope of a full agreeaoent with the pope. Now, however. 
In 1533, oame the notable Statute of Appeals (24 Hen. VIII, c. 20), which 
repudiated the papal jurisdiction and asserted that England was an "empire, " 
alleging historical precedent for riiat was actually without precedent. 

The nead for the most virile exercise of persuasion now became 
clears At 3aster, whan Dr. George Browne, prior of the Austin Friars, 

prayed for :^eea Anne at the Cross, nearly all the congregation left the 

place in protest. Ihe 'Vlght-crow" was detected by the people at large. 

On 11 July the pope excoacsonicated Henry, and towards the end of the year 

the Council ordered that none should preach at Paul's Cross without 

declaring that the authority of the "Bishop of iteffio" was no greater than 

that of any other foreign bishop, ^^ 

Before turning to the nethods used In preaching the supremacy. 



it Is necessary to nake some Eientlon at least of the cause celebre of 
1533, the case of the so-called Holy Haid of Eent, since it illustrates 
the aethods used by the government and also throws some li^t on the 
condition of religious belief at the time. Ihere are, besides, other 
such cases to come in this history, though none so important or so com- 
plicated as this one. 

The Hun of Kent, Elizabeth Barton, ^^ had long had a reputation 
for sanctity. While still a serTing-mald at Aldington, she had had 
trances in which, she asserted, she had Tlslons and reyelatioos from 
the Virgin, She was installed by Dr. Edward Eockine, a monk of Canterbury, 
in the convent of St. Sepulchre's in that town, and in her fits of prophecy, 
which continued and even increased in numbers, she rebuked sin, including 
the sin of the divorce. She said that she had seen the place in hell 
prepared for the king should he persist in his courses. She was obviously 
becoffliag the dupe of certain persons who were using her for political 
ends: her chief advisera were Dr. Booking, Dr. Dering, another monk of 
Canterbury, and two Observant Friars of Greenwich, raembers of the most 
devout and conservative of religious foundations then in England. She 
had been investigated by persons as exalted as ntarham, Fisher and Uore, 
and the two former, at least, were apparently persuaded of the validity 
of her visions, though in spite of the Council's efforts to implicate 
them, there was no real evidence that either ?isher or Ittorej^involved 
in her later pronouncements about the king's affairs. 

Ihether or not Henry and Cromwell were able to implicate the 
prominent adherents of the old order in this affair, they obviously had 



to see to it that theJr view of her pretensions was given the neces- 
sary publicity. Accordingly, after a confession hal been forced from 
her, the Nun with nine of her associates ^^as coEinanded to do public 
penance at Paul's Cross on 2-5 November 1533, on which occasion the 
sermon v»as pireached by John Salcot jcapoii] , friend of Anne Boleyn, and 
Bishop-elect of 3an^r, "Hhe object of this comedy," said Chapuys, the 

laiperial ambassador, "was to blot out of people's minds the impression 

they have that the Nun is a saint end & prophet. " 'ISie same seimon 

was preached at Canterbury on 7 j>eceKber by Ificholes Htjeth, Archbishop 
of York: under Mary. Soiree parts of the freenetit of thie sermon which sur- 
vives have the phraseolo^ of an indictment, and the tezt nay have been 
in part prepared by the attomies nho exandned the unfortunate woman, 
13x6 fragment begins: 

,., and to the intent that you shall plainly understand the beginning, 
the progress, and the final intent of this false, forged, and feigned 
matter, I vdll declare the ^ole unto you shortly and briefly, under 
such aianner ao, ... you shall perceive what guile, '«hat Trfalice, what 
conspiracy hath bean imagined and contrived — aot only to put our most 
noble 3over8l5;n in danpar of h±^ realm and crown, and the nobles and 
coimcona of this realK in continual strife, dissension, and mutual ef- 
fusion of blood, but also to dlstain his Grace's renown and fame In 
time to corr.e, as though his Orace had been the niost wicked and detest- 
able prince that ever reigned in this world hitherto. 

That ifaa ptitting it rather strong, to say the least. Having so prepared 
his audience for disclosures of horrible enonr.ltiea, the preacher re- 
viewed the case. He related how KLizabsth Barton had been troubled at 
fli^t with "an Inposthume in her stomach" ^»hich brought about "such 
weakness and illeness of the brain" th>>t she made 8tr«a?o speeches. 
Perceiving herself to be much Tirade of, she "feienned herself to have 
trances" in which she receive'^, revelations, some of them from the 



Blessed Virgin, Thereafter, added the preacher, "she came with the said 
Booking's senrants to Canterbury in an evening; and Dr. Bocklng brought 
her to the said Priory of St. Sepulchre's in the morning." (This In- 
sinuation of incontinency he repeated later in the sermon, saying that 
she went abroad at night "not about the saying of her Pater Noster. ") 
Up to this point in his suosary of her career, Salcot had not been able 
to suggest any meddling with state matters; but 

after that she had been at Canterbury a while, and had heard this said 
Dr. Booking rail and jest like a frantic person against the King's Grace, 
his purposed marriage, against his acts of parliament, and against the 
maintenance of heresies within this realm, declaiming and blustering out 
his eontrlTed nsllce to the said Elizabeth in the said lutters,... and 
after that the said Dr. Booking had desired her to make petition to 'lod 
in many things concerning the said oauaev: then soon after she began to 
feign herself to haye visions and roTelations from God, and said that 
God cooBDanded her to say to the late cardinal and also to the said 
Archbishop of Canterbury that, if they married or furthered the King's 
Grace to be rarried to the Queen's Grace that now is •>- they both should 
be utterly destroyed. 

This revelation was spread abroad by "certain priests and religious 
Bcn," among whoa, besides some Observant iJ'rlars, were "divers prelates 
of this realm, whose names ye shall know or it be long."- (In the US. 
the last nine words are struck out). After this dark saying, the preacher 
advanced tbe astounding contention that "under this manner, by false visions 
and revelations of tbe nun, hath grown the great sticking, staying, and 
delaying of this the King's Grace's marriage." He assured the auditory 
of the Kan's confession to the Council of her feigned revelations, and 
attacked Dr. Booking's "greet book" treatin*' of those revelations, assert- 
ing that it was "so full of malicious and spiteful terms of dishonour, 
reproach, and slander amilnst oar most noble sovereixrn" that all good 
subjects ourht to detest it, "Tor it Is evident to all the world," 



he added piously, "that there be no such ill qualities in our moat aoble 
sovereign." In his conclusion be returned once more to the argument that 
OFPOsition to the marriage with Anne had been srounded upon such false 
revelations, "where they could not be learning, reason, by the law of Gtod, 
the law of nature, the pope's law, or by the emperor's law" find true 
ground for their position. The "they" of this peroration was left pur- 
poselj-- indefinite. 

If this seens a crude performance, illogical, full of wild state- 
aants and proceeding by faulty inference and unjustified innuendo, it 
should be remembered that idien officialdom makes the tnost of a good thing 
for propaganda purposes the result is always s<»idtMng like this, whether 
it is the product of a ran or a refined age. Other examples of this sort 
of performance will be noted in the course of this study, but perhaps 
no other exanple will show so well the dancers of being in great place 
during a political crisis. The Tudor governnent kne'.» thoroughly how 
to use any suspicious contact, any ambir^uous incident, for the purpose 
in hand. So dangerous wag association with any sort of religious enthu- 
siasja that aven in orthodox ^sulse it was suspect. Canes like this one 
helped to keep down the theological temperature during the idiole period, 
Sho was sqoipped to Juige true piety without by-respocts? Even if one 
were convinced of the piety, '.ms not 3uch sincerity uncoiafortable and 
even danr-^ivMis? 

Parliasent met again in January, and among its statutes passed 
an act of attainder against the Nun of Kent and her associates. Before 
this act was dra?m up, an official document was framed accusing six 



persons, besidas those who were to die with the Kun, of '^sprision of 
treason," wMoh included the crime of not revealing matters politically 
daneerous. Amon/?; those so accused was Bishop Fisher, who escaped on this 
occasion with a fine of £300. *^ The Nun and six of those accused of 
promoting her treasons were han^ced at rynurn on 20 April 1534, having 
been kept so long, one soepects, not only because of the necessity of 
parliamentary attainder to dispose of them, but also in the hope that 
they mipht serve as a focus of disaffection, and provide an excuse for 
further proceedings a^inst the disaffected. There is a confused record 
of one such ease, of a dangerous seraon at Paul's Cross — an odd circum- 
stance, considering the evidence for strict control of that preaching 
place at this time. It is certain that about February 1534 a sezvon 
against the divorce was preached there, on Romans '6. 2iS, in the course 
of which arguments were given concerning marriage with a brother's widow, 
and reference was made to the decisions of the universities on "the 
King's matter,"^ I venture to suggest that this may be identical with 
a sermon preached there before 8 Karch by John Rudd, who wrote from 

prison on that date to "the Elect of Chester," affirming that what was 

imputed to the Nun and her associates in public confessions was a calumny. 

I have been unable to trace the affair to its conclusion, but at least 

it indicates that the Nun was still, until her death, a point of reference 

for controversy on the theme of the king's marriage. 

2. "The usurped authority of the Bishop of Heme." 

Once coiniPitted to the policy of establishinp- the absolute su- 
preaaey of the Crown in Betters spiritual in the realm, the government 
found it neoesaary to instruct the people In the new doctrine. The two 



chief means used \9ere the press an(5 the pulpit, and although the poaai- 
bilities of the former were exploited to a decree perhaps anequalled until 
the Furl tan Resolution, the pulpit was all-imrortsnt, and especially in 
London, where the chief preaching place of the city became the most im- 
portant weapon of the reformers. "An Order for Freachin*;, and bidding 
of the Beades in all Serinons to be isade within this Realme," of June 
1534 [?], enjoined 

that every I'^eacher shall Preach ones in the presence of the greatest 

Audience a.-rainst the usurped Fower of the Bishop of Rome, and so after 
at his Lybertee: and that no Man shal be suffered to defend, or Biayntene 
the foresaid usurped PoKsr. IG 

The Injunctions of Henry VIII to his clergy of 1536 were more specific. 
ItfyCOSBaanded that 

the Dean, Farsons, Vicars, and other... shall, to the utter-most of their 
Wit, KnowlecS.^e, and Leomlnc, jHiroly, sincerely, and without any colour or 
diseictulation, declare, nnnifest, and open, for the space of one quarter 
of a year nezt ensuinCt o!^ce every Sunday, and after that at the least 
wise twice every quarter, in their Sereions and other Collations, that 
the Bishop of Home's usurped Po-yer and Jurisdiction, having no estab- 
lishment or ground by the law of Ctod, was of most just causes taken 
away and abolished; and therefore they ovre unto hixd no nnnner of 
obedience or subjection; and that the Kin<?;'s rower is within his 
Doriialon "tKi. hlfAest '^ower aad Totontate, under God, to w*-.on all Ken 
within the saaie Dominions, by God*8 comraandinent, o«e most loyalty and 
obedience, 17 

Since considerably leas than a oajority of the "Parsons, Vicars, and 
other" were capable of performing this task competently, special preachers 
were sent about for the purpose. One of these was Richard Croke, who in 
1530 had been active in the king's business, having been caoaBissioned 
to search the Italian libraries for opinions in support of the divorce. 
From his report to Cronarell on his preaching, one learns the stock 



material of serrrons on the snppomacy. He elaborated upon six ssHln 
points, proving them by scripture, by the "doctors," and "by the salng 
off More and other papists them selffes. " Phese were: 1) Peter never 
had primacy jriven him by God; £) the scripture of Peter's priiaacy ip«s 
meant for the Ts^ole church; 3) the Nlcene Council named four patriarchs, 
of whom the Bishop of Home waa last; 4) in the primitive church priest 
and bishop were all one, till bishops were made pre-orolnent to avoid 
schisms; 5) the Bishops of Borse have always been causers of the greatest 
schisms; 6) the Bishop of Rome may be bishop only in Rome, for the 
office of a bishop is to preach and teach, and h© may do that only vfhere 
he is. This is the argument from scrtpture and ecclesiastical history. 
There was also the argument frcMfii English history, interpreted to suit 
the occasion; preachers at Feul'c Cross were ordered to declare, Sunday 
after Sunday, 

that he that now called (sicj himself Pope, and any of his predecessors, 
l3 and were only Bishops of Gome, and have no more authority or Juris- 
diction, by Ood's laws, within thi? realm, than any other bishop had, 
which is nothing at all; and that such authoritj*^ as he has c^d^imed 
heretofore has been only by usurpiition and sufferance of the FTinces 
of this realm, 19 

To these aii^ht be added the proof ttuit the Pope was Antichrist,^ or 
the statement that the power of the civil maciistrate in ecclesiastical 
causes bad from the beginning been of Clod's ordinance,^ 

These were the doctrines set forth by the bishops of the Henriciaa 
church in lu;54 and liJ36, at Paul's Cross. Xhey v/ere the doctrines of 
the treatise De vera differeatla (1534), and of the Necessary Doctrine 
ana jjlmidition for any Christian ton (154^), iYom. them emerged a new 
definition of eeclesia. with piwfound effects upon iingllah theology 



and .Snglish politics. But at the time these long-range results were 
for the most part hidden, not only from the laity who stood in Faul*s 
churchyard and elsewhere under the apolo^iists of the new dispensation, 
but from the clerpy themselves. Fbr though what the king had secured 
was clear enough considered in the light of Jurisdiction, it «es by 
no means clear in the light of Catholic doctrine, and the preachers 
spoke accordingly from the midst of a dangerous confusion. How far 
did acceptance of the royal suprei&acy imply the rejection of the trad- 
itional sacraments? As early as Saster 1534 Cranmer was forced to 
inhibit presohlng triiich tended to the slander of Catholic doctrine, and 
on 26 April of that year Stokesley, Bishop of London, preached at laul's 
Cross on the virtue of loassee. Some clerics were willing to go far, to 
see the spirit of Irotestantism in the letter of the statutes. (As a 
matter of fact, there was, beyond some pious persiflage, no religious 
spirit of any kind in those statutes. They were nationalization acts 
framed by hard-headed lawyers.) Aoong these was John Hilsey, 

which sometyme was a blacke fryer [boBlnicazi] , and came from Bristowe, 

and was (in 1533] Iryor of the Blacke Fryers in London [sic] , and was 

one of then that was a great setter forth of the syncerity of Scripture. 22 

He was appointed in April 1534 the provincial of his order, and ooanmis- 
aicmer with Dr. George Browne to visit the friaries. Thoir visitation 
was unpopular, and was denounced by the Pilgrims of Grace. He succeeded 
to the see of Rochester on the execution of ?isher in 1535. Ihe 
ohronicler continues: 

[Hilsey] occupied preaohinge most at Fa«Ies Crosse of any bishopp, and 
in all the seditious tyme, when any abuse should be shewed to the people 
eyther of Idolatrye or of the Bishop of Rome, he had the doeynge theref 
by the Lord Vlcegerentes |Cronjwell*s] conmaundement froc; the Hinge, and 
allso had the admission cf the preachers at ?awles Crosse thelse 3 yeeres 
and more. 23 


tbese simple phrases conceal a middled story, some of which I have 
been able to make out, but not all. Hllsey was close to Cromwell, 
and seeas to have been admitted far enough into the official designs 
to be sure that the revolution was to proceed much farther than was 
apparent early in 1534. He accordingly began to preach not only against 
the "Usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome" but against certain orthodox 
uses and doctrines, probably beginning with pur^tory. This nay be in- 
ferred, in spite of the peuclty of the evidence, from dtokesley'a 
opposition to him. It has been seen that 3tokesley was preserving the 
orthodox front in doctrine, though loyally supporting the king's designs 
on the papal jurisdiction, and he desired, naturally, that such orthodox 
doctrine should be preached froK all pulpits in his diocese, at least 
until he was cocscanded the contrary. Hilsey, however, backed by Cr<Hnwell, 
■oved quietly to get control of the Paul's Cross pulpit, and by December 
1534 he seems to have acquired some such authority, though it was dis- 
puted by the bishop. In that month Hilsey xsrote to Cromwell that he had 
been appointed by Cranner to preach at the Cross but that Stokesley had 
willed him to subscribe to '•certain articles without which he should 
not preach either at the Cross or in his diocese."** The "either... or" 
Is certainly most significant, since it seems to indicate that Stokesley 
then had lost, or perhaps never had, the same control over that pulpit 
as over the pulpits of the City churches. Hilsey went on to say that 
he would not preach on this occasion, "lest it mifrht be thought that he 

should say sooiething against the Bisho]:." Instead he ax>polnted in his 

stead "one from Norwich" to "declare his mind in the King's matters." 

In the next year, Stokesley appointed a Hr. ^nons to preach on 16 July, 

but 3>r. George Browne preached instead, probably at Hilsey 's direction; 



certainly he was of Hllsey's persuasion, and Stokesley feared he jrould 
preach "pernicious doctrine, "^^ The fend nas still active in 1539, "^ 
hut hy that time its ground is not so clear, for the religious aituntlon 
had changed. 

In 1536 the official line for preachers to follow was set dovn 
with some coherence, more, one suspects, from motlTes of greed and ex- 
pediency than from •'the synoerlty of Scripture." Ihe sreeller religious 
foundations were to be suppressed, and the Imperial aaibassador shrewdly 
suspected that the purpose of the course of important sermons at Paul's 
Gtobb in Lent of that year \«s to persuade the people there was no 
purgatory, for these foundations were endowed to say masses for the 
dead,^ I note eight sermons between 30 January and 19 Harch, all 
reported by contemporazles as defences of the euprenaoy. A fairly full 
if occasionally ambiguous report of one of these surrlTes, preached by 
Latimer on 12 Baroh. It is most interesting as an indication of how far 
the more radical of the reformers were permitted to go, Shaxton pre- 
sumably went so far, but certainly not runstall. The report was written 
by one Thomas Ooz^et, curate of St, Margaret's in Lothbury, and its 
opening illustrates how Latimer, the yetaaan's son, was, as often, carried 
away by the theme of injustice. 

He saide that byehopis, abbatls, prloris, porsonls, canonis resident, 
prlotis, and all, were stronge thevis, ye dukls, lordls, and all; the 
kyng, quod he, made a oarvelles good acte of perlianent that certayne 
man aholde sows every of them ij acres of hempe, but it were all to lltle, 
were it so coche more, to hange the thevis that be in England. Byshopis, 
abbatls, with soche other, shold not have so many servauntes, nor so 
many dysshes, but to gad their first foundaclon, and kepe hoepltalytie 
to fade the nedye people, not Jolye felowis with goldyn chaynes and velvet 
gownes, ne let theym not onis come to the howsis of religioun for repaote; 
let theym call knave byshope, knave abbat, knave irior, yet fede non 



of theya all, aor their horses, nor their doggea, nor ye[t] sett nen at 
lybortye [?] ; also eat fleahe and shit aete In lent, so that It be ion. 
without hurtynr or weke conaciencas, and without sedition, and lykewis© 
on frydaye and all dayes.... Ihe byshope of Canterbury scythe that the 
kingls graoe la at a full poynte for fryors and chauntry pristis, that 
they shall anaye all that, saiyng the that can preche. Than one saide 
to the byshope that thoy had good trust that they ahold serre fforthe 
there lyffe tymes, and he saide they shulde serve it out at cart then, 
for any other service they ahold have bye that. 30 

It is to be noted that Latimer's attack is oharaoteristloally upon the 
high living of the sonks, end the unprofitable dumb dogs of friars, 
without specific sention (at least in this excerpt) of the doctrine 
of purgatory. They are "thevis" and that is all^ But the advocacy 
of relaxation of the Lenten fast is significant, and Latimer speaks as 
if the tfround had been prepared well enough for the vigorous invective 
upon the religious. It had indeed been prepared, if sooieahat diffidently, 
by the "book of articles* prepared in this spring and signed by CrOEwrell 
and the bishops, in which transubstantlation was upheld, but \riiich set 
forth only three saorasents (bapti&ia, penance and the eucharist), and 
discredited the doctrine of purgatory. But these articles wore not 
published at this tise, and <m 12 July the king forbade all preaching 
except by bishops until ISichaelJ^s. The inference is obvious. Ti^ 
first major dissolution was to be carried out with as little use of 
theological argument as possible, but with as vigorous an appeal as 
possible to the ancient prejudices of the people. It was a sound pro- 
cedure, if one soiBewhat disconcerting to the pious historian. 

fwo very different M>aroe8 of opposition to the new order 
illustrate nicely the distinction which has been nade between the 
•apreoMcy issue itaelf and the theological ijipllcstions of it explored 



by some of Croowell^s preachers. (I do net meao to imply that the (Jis- 
tinctlon could aver b^ clear, but there is a differeace betweea the 
erents of 1534 and those of 1536, and that differeace is the result of 
the clear maaifestatioo, by 1556, of what the supx^eioacy really aeant. ) 
The chief centers of resistance in 1534 were the Carthusian laonks of the 
Charterhouse (an order of speoial sanctity), the Brigittine brethren 
and nans of Si on, and the Observants of Greenwich. The curioos or the 
derout will read their sad stozy in the standaird histories of the rczlod; 
here I stay consider only sooe aspects of their resistance, early aade 
known at Paul's Ciross. In 1534, probably befoi*e the opening of the 
I^rlianent in November, one of the preachers pi*oclaiaing the royal 
suprenacy at the Cross was interrupted by Father Robinson, one of the 

Qreenwich friars, idio offered to dispute with hio. In Oeceober 1535, 

Hilsey, then endowed with acae authority to oake arrangements for the 

Cross, reported to Cromwell that the aonks of the Charterhouse werH to 

attend the Sunday seroons there, to receive instruction and also as a 

kind of penance. On 27 February 1536 four of these oonks did public 

penance for refusing to acknowledge the sapreoiacy, Tunstall preaching 

the B&naon, It is likely that these four were supporters of the 

isportant group arrested under an order issued in April 1535, a group 

which included John Houghton, prior of the London Charteiiiouse , and a 

priest naraed Robert Feron, who saved himself by accusing one of the 


Sie evidence of this Feron suggests at once the grim story of 
Tri^T Forest, one of the aost notable of those who suffered for their 
consistent belief in the pope's authority and all that it implied. 



Bo was an Observant, and had been confessor to ICatherlne. Froffi the 
first he religiously opposed the divorce, and not only bh passive re- 
sistance. Cromwell had an agent in the house at Greenwich, a disgruntled 
lay brother named Richard Lyst, idio pursued the unfortunate Forest with 
all the ener^ of a spiteful nature stisiulated by greed end ambition. 
In a letter to Croamwell, written while Anne Boleyn was still only Mar- 
chioness of Tembroke, Lyst reported that Forest was attecipting to expel 
a brother who was on the king's side, that he affirmed that Croiawell v/ould 
not have him removed for fear of i*«at he might reveal, and that he had 
nade a sermon at Paul's Cross, 'ta>re lyker barkynge and raylynge than 
prechlnpe," spealclng of the decay of the realc and slandering Dr. 
Rowland Lee. His authority in the friary undermined by Lyst and 
others. Forest was subjected to a long imprisonment, with rei>eated 
examinations, which shook his resolution to some extent, since he per- 
forssd a partial recantation of his beliefs. He was kept till 1558, 
but in that year, after refusing to recant publicly at Paul's Cross 
on IS Uay, was burned ten days later, in the flames of the Wel^ irasi^e 
called Darvell Qadarn, one of the inaees and relics destroyed in that 

rao years before the end of Friar Forest's case, however, a 
far aore serious opposition to the new order had become active over a 
large ].->art of the realm. The real stance from the Carthusians and Ob- 
servants had been, after all, dan/:;erou8 merely for the example set to 
other leas com^istent if not lass devout persons. But in 1536 Henry 
and his Council »ere faced with widespread insurrection against the 
religious changea. This Insurrection, really a series of abortive 



uprisings datiii£', iron September 1536 to June 15J7, is known as the 
PllgriBiage of Grace. Herirj' had moved too fast in the spring of 153G. 
The steps taken toward the dissolution o;" the sj.iallor ifionaBteries, 
coming after the ambiguously trotestant articles of the convocation, 
and the Injunctions, which coinmanded the clertry to preach the articles, 

to urpe the people not to observe superstitious hold days, to disconrage 

pilgrtmagea and to cond«tin iioa^es and relics, were too much for the 

Korth to bear. The supremacy itself, with restraint of annates and 

appeals, thoufh it established a national chui'ch* did not by itself 

make for any p;reat chanR;e in the ordinary habits of the people. But 

these orders entered into the everyday lives of all tien, put an end to 

a hundred harinless customs, sounded the death knell of the antique time. 

In the little villages scattered u]x>n the lonely inoors iSngliehinen rose 

in wrath, and gathered under juarket crosses baorinj'; the banner of the 

five wounds of Christ. 

Two days after Norfolk i«s forced to make a truce with Aske and 
his followers, on 29 CkJtober 1536, Latimer, whose r&aoval the rebels 
demanded, loudly condemning him as one of the chief heretics, preached 
at Faul*s Oross ai^ainst them, upon Sphesians 6.10ff. Latlner was 
ever econoinical in his orsning of the test, the more so here since he 
sou^t to come at once to the doctrine and its application. His etate- 
aent of the "cohsrenee" of the text is also a statesient of tiiat ideal 
of obedience in charity which recurs in this history in any troubled 

Saint laul , the iioiy ai)0£iile, wrxteth tlus epistle unto tiie Epheslans, 
that is, to the people of the city of Ephesus. He writeth generally, 
to tiieai all; and in the former chapters he teacheth the;a severally how 



they should beh&ve themselves, lu every estate, one to another; how 
they should obey their rulers; how wives should behave themselves towards 
tht'ir husbands; children toward their purentc; and servants to^jards their 
masters; and husbands, parents and masters should behave them, and love 
their wives, ehildi-eu, and servants; and peuerally each to love other. 

Kie cairistian brethren are enjoined to put on the armour of God, for 
they wrestle not "&cainst flesh and blood, but with the devil, that 
joighty prince," who, thoup:h conquered by Christ, is still "a Bdghty 
conqueror in the world, " 

Think you not that this our enercy, this rrince with all his potentates, 
hath great and sore assaults to lay ageinst our armour? Yea, he is a 
crafty -.varrior, and alco of .,^reet power in this vsorld; he hath great 
ordnance and artillery; he hath great pieces of ordnance, as mighty kings 
and enprjrors, to ohoot ng-ainst Ood's people, to persecute or kill them; 
Nero, the great tyrant, lifco slew Paul, and divers other. Yea, what great 
pieces hath he had of bishop;; of Soiae, which liave destroyed whole cities 
and countries, and have slain and burnt manyj vhat great guns were those! 

Yea, he hath also less ordnance evil enou-;}i, (they nay be called 
serpentines ; ) swne bishops in divers countries, and here in England, 
v/hioli ho hath shot at some *20od christian men, that they have been blown 
to ashes. 

But If yoa have the armour of God, you need fear no auch assaults. You 
laust gird up your loins, not with the feigned .Girding of religions persons 
who bind knots about them but are not puttein heart, but eschewing such 
"feigned gear", be clothed with the arxaour of righteousness, "and not in 
any feigned armour, as in a friar's coat or cowl,". 

For the assaults of the devil be crafty: to make us p<it our trust in such 
armour, he will feign himself to fly; but then we be uost in jeopordy: 
for he oen give us an after-clap when we least ween; that is, suddenly 
return unawares to na, and then he givuth as an after-clap that over- 
throweth us: this amour decelveth us. 

In like maimer these utan in the North country, [jtnus, with seeidng 
casualness, Latimer came to his application^ they nsake pretence as theou^ 
they were armed in CJod's arfitour, gird Qsic] la truth, and clothed In right- 
eousness. I hear say they wear the cross and the wounds before and behind, 
and they pretend much truth to the icing's grace and to the conunon.vealth, 
when they intend nothing less; and deceive the poor ignorant people, and 



brln.-: their, to flcht. a^inst hoth the kirif-, the church, and the conanon- 

In these terras Latimer presented the rebellion. If one sees the Pil- 
grlmage of Grace as a spontaneous uprisin^^ to defend the customs of a 
traditional piety, one must find this disingenuous, to ssy the least. 
Tet Latlaer was sincere enough. la what other terms, after all, could 
the refoi'ssr conceive of this disaffection? He was not ignorant, surely, 
of the state of rdnd in the north (and not only in the north), but his think- 
ing "^ras detennined by two assumptions of the new order Tshich made his riew 
Ox tho rebels the only possible view. Note how he laovsd at once to a 
dafinitioa of the eccleaia and of passive obedience: 

Thsy anu then lYith the sl'»n of th-? cross and of the 'vounis, and go clean 
coatrary to him that bare the cross, and suffered thoae wounds. They rise 
with tho kin,?, and fif;ht aj^ainst the king in his rainlsters and officers; 
they rise .rith the church, and fight against the church, aiMeh ia the 
congregation of faithful Tien . . . . 

3ut if we «111 resist stron^rly indeed, we must be clothed or 
araed with the habergeon of very .iustice or rij^hteousness; in true 
obedience to our prince, uad faithful love to our neighbours.... 

Lo, what aanner of battle this vwrrtor Gt, Taul teacheth us, 
"to be shod on our feet," that we may go readily and prepare way for the 
gospel; yea, the =jo8rel of reaoe, not of rebellion, nor of insurrection: 
no, it teacheth obedience, humility, and quietness . ^talies nlnej 

The church, then, is "the ooogregation of faithful men". 3ut who Is to 
determine whether they are faithful? 'Shy, the king's vice-gerent in 
affairs ecclesiastical. The gospel teaches obedience. To vboD? To 
God surely, but after him to the prince, who is to deterralne what Is a 
true or a false quarrel. These are doctrines of great impoirt, and 
Latimer realized their revolutionary oharacter, for he oontinaed: 

But ^e say, it is new learning. Ko.v I tell you it is the old learning. 
Yea, ye say, it is old hsresy new scourei. Nay, I tell yon It is old 



truth, long rusted with your canker, aad now made bright and scoured. 
Shat a rusty truth is this, ^uodeumue ligiaveris. ... This is a truth 
spoken to the apostles, and all true preachers their successors, that 
with the law of Ood they should bind and condemn all that sinned; and 
Trtiosoeyer did repent, they should declare hlE loosed and forgiiren, by 
belieylng in the blood of Christ, &it how hatb this truth over-rusted 
with the pope's ruet? For he, by this text,.,, hath taken upon him to 
oake what laws him listed, clean contrary unto God»s word, lAlch wllleth 
that every man should obey the prince's law: and by this text,,,, he hath 
aade all people believe that, for aoney, he mlpiht forgive what and whom he 
lusted.... "i«hat la this but a new learning; a new canker to rust and 
corrupt the old truth? 

Now In any piroclamation to the multitude, statement Is more 
satisfactory than proof, but even granted that proof Is often Incono 
venlent and tedious, it is remarkable that Latimer was able to assert 
these fundamentals on the ground of a continuity with the true Christian 
tradition, upon the assumption that his audience would recognize the ex- 
istence of such a tradition and the righteousness of accepting It In those 
troubled times. Were these affirmations of the prince's "dominion" ex- 
pected to awake notions Kriiich had sluBtbered under the papal exactions 
since the days of ;^cllf? It is to be noted that the preacher addressed 
the congregation as If they were hostile to his statements; one suspects 
that, however confidently the reformers might face the Issues as they 
studied the scriptures of the ibima of the king, they oould not sustain 
that confidence in the face of the people, even the London citizens. 

The day was saved; the crisis of Henry's reformation was weathered 
successfully. By July 1537, Archbishop Lee was able to report to the 
Paul's Cross audience the Just executions upon the northern rebels,**^ 
The London citizens wore net yet so proficient in searching the Scriptures 
as they were to be a century later. Latimer little knew the light his 
candle was to shed upon 2ngll3h history. 



3, "Which images, if they abuse... they commit idolatry." 

One aspect of the Henriciaa reformation has been already suggested 
in this discussion, the crusade against images aad relics, which was in 
full swing with official sanction in 1538, though it declined aftenrard 
until the reip,n of Jidward VI. Ihis progras. was instituted in the so- 
called "Second Royal Injunctions of Henry VIII" drawn up by Cromwell 
in 1537 or ISSS:*-"" 

It«i, that you /jihe clergy] shall make, or cause to be made in the said 
church, and evei'y other cure you have, one serjion evei-y quarter of the 
year at the least, wherein you shall - urely and sincerely declare the very 
gospel of Christ, end in the seme exhort your hearers to the works of 
charity, mercy, and faith, specially prescribed and commanded in Scripture, 
and not to repose their trust and affiance in aay other works devised by 
Ben*s phantasies beside Scripture; as in wandering to pilgrimages, 
offering of money, candles, or tapers to images or relics, or kissing, or 
licking the same, saying over a number of beads, not understood or minded 
on, or in such-like superstition, for the doin*^ triiereof you have no 
proiaise oi' rewai^l in Scripture, but contrariwise, great threats and 
maledictions of God, aa things tending to idolatry and superstition, 
i^ioh of all other offences God AlMghty does most detest and abhor, 
for that the same diminishes most His honour and glory. 

Item, that such feigned images as you know in any of your cures 
to be 30 abused with pilgrimages or offerings of anything made there- 
unto, yo 1 shall for avoiding that most detestable offence of idolatry 
forthwith take down and delay, and shall suffer from henceforth no candles, 
tapers, or images of wax to be set afore any image or picture, but only 
the light that eooaionly goeth across the church by the rood loft, the 
light befoi^ the Sacrament of the altar, and the light about the sepulchre, 
which for the adorning of the church and divine seirvice you shall suffer 
to reiTiSin; still admonishing your parishioners that images serve for none 
other p'xrpose but as to be books of unlearned men that cannot know letters, 
whereby they might be otherwise adiaonished of the lives and conversation 
of them that the said images do represent; which images, if they abuse 
for any other intent than for such remembrances, they conunit idolatry 
in the sane to the great danger of their souls; and therefore the kinp:'s 
highness, graciously tendering the weal of his subjects' souls, has in 
part already, and more will hereafter travail for the abolishing of such 
images, as irdftht be occasion of so gjeat offence to God, and so great a 
danger to the souls of his loving subjects. 41 

It is indeed possible, though aiany have denied it, chat Henry did tender 


tho vrsal of his subjects* souls In this and other inatters of religion; 
certainly reformers like Latimer were convinced of the dan^r of what 
th^ considered superstition, either In the use or the abuse of inar'es. 
But Cromwell's ffiotiTes^ and likely the king's too, were less eoralted. 
Soma of the ImHpes were themselves costly In materials and workmanship; 
many of theni were heaped about with offering of gold and silver and 
precious stones. Cromwell desired to add these treasures to the spoil 
of the monasteries in general. Even Gardiner, we are told, from what- 
ever motives of policy or movsnents of conscience "did not dislike the 
doings at Canterbury".'** that is, the looting of the fajnous shrine of 
Thomas a Becket, the '^aarvel of all Europe,", in which there was nothing 
of leas value than pure gold. '>9agonloads of gold, silver and jewels 
were carried off to the roj'al coffers, the bones of the saint were 
burned, and afterward men noted that Henry wore the gi*eatest jewel 
of the shrine in a ring.*^ 

The manner of proceeding against linai»:eB in general was politic 
indeed. Phere were many false relics throa,'3hout the land, still reared 
in churches, monasteries and oratories, sometiiTies no doubt by reason 
of a sentimental affection for the olden time, ofter because of the 
superstitions of simple folk permitted or nourished by ignorant curates 
or greedy monks. Such were 

our Lady's Cirdle, shew'd in eleven several Places, and her Milk in 

eight; the Bell of St. Guthlac, and the Felt of St. Thomas of Lancaster, 

both Remedies for the Head-ach; the len-koife and boots of St. Thomas 

of Canterbury, and a piece of his Shirt, much reverenc*d by Oreat-belly'd 

Women; the Coals that roasted St. I^wrence; two or three Heads of St. Ursu- 

line; Malchus'r, Ear, and the paring of St. Edmond's Nails; the Imaf:e of 

an iijigel with one Wing, *(hich brought hither the Spear's Head that 

pi ere 'd Christ's Sldej an Image of our Lady with a Tiaper in her Hand, 



which burnt nine years together without wasting, till one forswearing 

hliaself thereon, it went out; and ivas now founi to be but a piece of 
Kood; our Lady of Kforcester, froro which certain Veils and Dressings 
beinf; taken, there api<ear*d the Statue of a EiBhop ten Foot high. 44 

Such simple foolish things as these were taken down with sanctiinonious 
zeal, and their destruction seinred as the pretext for a general de- 
stinictlon of iiaages, upon the safe assuiaption that abuse of images is 
all to easy for the simple Christian. Aa part of this program of ex- 
posing the false images and relics Hilsey preached at Paul's Cross on 
two occasions in 1538. On 24 February he exposed the abuse of the Rood 
of Grace, from Boxley, near liaidstone, "so holy a place, where so many 
miracles are shewed". So ^rham wrote once to Wolsey.*^ rimes had 
changed; in 1510 Eenry VIII had offered 6s. Bd. to the Rood.*^ It was 
a renarkable mechanism, a "bearded crucifix" made of wood, wires and 
jaste, supposed to hare been the handiwork of a French carpenter taken 
prisoner in the Hundred Years* Sbr.**^ By nanlpulation from the rear the 
eyes and lips of the imace could be Eade to movo, and Hilsey exhibited 
this superstition during his aeriaon, one eyewitness reporting dramatically 

that while he preached ''it turned its head, rolled its eyes, foamed at 

48 __ 
the mouth, and shed tears.", TPhe abuslon" being so divulged, Hilsey 

broke the image, which was rotten with age, and threw it aioong the 

audience, who completed the «ork of destruction. On 24 November 

Hilsey once more exposed an image at Paul's Cross, this time the Blood 

of Halles, a Cistercian luonastery in Gloucestershire.^^ rhis relic passed 

as the blood of our Lord, and nas much visited. Latimer wrote in 1533: 

I live within half a mile of the Fossway and you would wonder to 8e« 

how they come by flocks out oi' the west country to many Images, but 
chiefly to the blood of Hayles. 52 



Lord Herbert of Cherbury tells a malicious tale of the manner of showing 
the Blood: 

It was said to have this I'roperty. That if a li&a wer« in mortal fiiay 
and not absolved, he could not see it; otherwise, very well: Herefor* 
every loan that came to behold this Irliracle... was ilrected to a Chapel...; 
the irieat... putting forth upon the /Utar a Cabinet or rabernacle 
of Crystal which being thick on one side... but on the other side thin 
and transparent, they used diversly: For if a rich and devout Man 
enter *d, they would shew the thick side, till he }iad paid for as many 
Kasses, and given as large Alss, as they thought fit; after vdnich... 
they peradtted him to see the thin side, and the Blood. 52 

Saoh were the means of extorting charitable donations from the rich in 
the g<wd days of popery, Perhaps a small regret troubled nanj' a re- 
former in the worldly days of the new dispense tion, as he sought to open 
the nerchant's purse by the word of exhortation alone. Be that as it 
may, the zeal cf the Irotestants adisltted at this time nc images, and 
the Blood of Hailes was declared to be that of a duck. So Hilsey had 
affirned in hie serrjsn ujon the Rood of Srace, alleging the confession 
of a Ciller's wife who had years before been latiinate with the Abbot of 
Eailes and had received froic him jewels from the shrine.*''' The commis- 
sioners who examined the relic in October 1536, after the Abbot had 
offered to surrender to CroBwell the £30 worth of offerings then in 
the shrine, found it to be "hony clarified and coloured with saffron,". 

In this fashion wes the first wave of iconoclasm in the English 
Reformation justified at Paul's Cross. Of this aspect of religious 
change one hears no more till the days of Edward VI. But the example 
bad been set; the precedent, far-reaching in Its implications, estab- 
lished. VKhat had been undertaken In greed and policy could be continued 
in greed and religious enthusiasm. JSie revolt against the supernatural, 



uadeirtaken as a method of dlsoredltlng the religions fooadatlons nhen 
their r«Tenues w«ra badly noed«<l by the orown, was potentially a rsvo- 
lutlonary aentioent of the first iMportaaca, rhe stimulus applied b^'' 
this public policy to the ^powinR feeling that religious expert eaoe laas 
Intejpnal, subject only to the rsf^ulation of the consoienca and the in- 
tuitlTe appreheneloa of divine truth, stifled though this feeling vies 
by the conaerrative reaction froa 1539 to 1547, irraa aerer entirely lacking 
thereafter in the direction of spiritual ooveoieats ia ^ingland. Once it 
had been deiioastrated that the days of so-callad superstition were past, 
it becaee easy to call (cany things superstitious which were not so at 
all, to season the fiery independence of the Zjiglish yeoasan with a little 
continental theology, end so to sake possible John Eooper and Ibosas 

4. "lliese that call theib selfe brethren in iuiglyche. " 

Ih^ episodes so far described were the results of a religious 
policy desperately onsettled and detemined purely by the exigencies 
of the jKnent, fcore espeoially by fluctuations in popular sentiment and 
the aaount of the belanoe in the royal treasury. But ia. 1539, the spoil 
of the monasteries safely secured, the necessity or indeed the possibility 
of alliance with the r!en,«n Protestants receding in his mind before the 
liiBiediBte threat of alliance between the ifimrreror and Francis I, U&nry 
detcmined to publish his essential orthodoxy before all Europe. ITie 
decision i«as taken as a neaoa of self-y-rotection and also perhaps from 
Catholic con'victions never seriously shaken at aR.y tine in the last six 
years. This decision resulted In the famous Act of Six Articles, the 



"whip with six strings" which cost the conscientious latimer and the 
simple LJhaxton their bishoprics, but which scored the backs of remark- 
ably few of the faithful. It was, as Gairdner has rut it, the old 
religion with the pope left out. Urged by Henry hiicself , irtio "confounded 
them with God's learning", the bishops assented to an act the purpose of 
which 'was avowedly to abolish "diversity in opinions", an act which 
established the religion of England in the familiar terms of transub- 
stantiation, clerical celibacy, validity of private masses and of auricular 
confession. Ihere was no mention of images. The cold wind was be^^in- 
nin^ to blow on Cromwell, who had now only an earldom, frusti^tion and 
death before him. It blew too upon those who had begun to flourish 
under his protection, the convinced Lutherans like Hobert Barnes, 

Barnes seems to have been a violent, resourceful and bigoted 
Bian. He was chief of the Lutheran party (If one oay use the term) in 
England, having done penance for Lutheran opinions as early as 1526, 
and he with others of the same persuasion owed their safety and idiat 
license they had to diasemioate their doctrine to Cromwell, idio supported 
heresy in a typical blend of faith in politics and cynicism In religion. 
It proved a fatal course; as the balance of power swung to Gardiner after 

the Act of Six Articles, the Lutherans' position becasie untenable. On 


15 ifebruary 1540 Gardiner struck. Hie own account of his sermon not 

only throws some licht upon his quality and temper, but is in some re- 
spects one of the most important docunents in the ecclesiastical history 
of the period. 

I minded aoae Soaday of that I^nt to preache at I'aulee Crosse [he begins] , 
as I had ben 3'eareE before sccustosied; end upon the fyret ijaturday in 
lente, goinge to Lambehith, there to be occupied all that daye, I devised 



with lay chajleln that he shoulcl go that daye and knowe who should occuple 
the crosse that Leat, and to spealce for a place for me on one of the Son> 
dayes, not 3ieanin,<;9 the Sondaye that shoulde be on the niorowe, for I had 
In By mind more reTerence to that audience then, without some convenient 
preffledltacion, to shewe myself there. Neverthelosse, ray chapleiae, 
repayring to knowe howe the Sondayes were appoynted and understand! nije 
tliat Darnea shulde preach the fyrat oondayo.,,, thought in his mynde 
rather to take that daye for ne then any other, specyally becase he thought 
I wolde speake that was good and i3arnes shouldo be dlsappoynted to utter 
that was nought. And so... ny ohapleln... told me he had ben so bolde 
over me to appoynte me to preach the next daye at loules Grosse. 

Miaind Bonner had succeeded Stokesley as Bishop of London, and surely 
would not hlBiself have appointed Barnes. It would appear that Cromwell 
was still, directly or th3X)ugh the ordinary, drawing up the bill of 
preachers. It Is also to be noticed, however, that the Bishop of Win- 
chester's chaplain was able to make substitution on that bill without 
any difficulty, though perhaps only because he dared to act quickly, 
knowing there was no time to hare his request refused. Qardlner con- 

Iherupon^gathered my wittes to me, called for grace, and detezmlned to 
declare the Gospell of that Sondaye, couteynynge the devllles thre tempt- 
acions, the raatter wherof semed to ma very apte to be applyed to the 
tyme, and good occasion to note the abuse of Scripture among some, as the 
devyll abused it to Christ; which matter in dede I touched somewhat 
playnly and, in my judgment, truly. And alludinge to the temptation of 
the devyll to Christ, to cas^ him selfe downewarde, allegyng Scriptures, 
that he shulde take no hurte, I sayde now a dayes the devlll teacheth, 
come back from fastynge, come back from prayirif , come back from con- 
fession, come back from wepioge for thy synnes, and all is backewarde, 
in 80 much as he mast leme to say his Pater Noster backward, and where 
we aeyd, 'forgive us our debtes, as we forgyve our debters', now it is, 
•■8 thou forgiveet our debtes, so I wyll forgyve my debtors', and so God 
must forgyve fyrst; and al, I sayd. Is turned backewarde. And, amonges 
other thlnges, noted the devllles craft, what shift he useth to deceyve 
man ndiose felicltle he envleth, and therfore eoveteth to have itian idle 
and void of goal workes, and to be ledde in that idleness, with a wan 
hoi e to lyve merely [jnerrilyj and at hie pleasure here, and yet have 
heaven at the last; and for that purpose procured out pardons from Rome, 
wherin heaven was sold for a 11 tie money, and for to retayle that mar- 
chaundise the devyll used freres for his ministers. Nowe they be gone 
with all their tromperye, but the devyll is not yet gonue. And nowe he 



perceyveth It can ao lender be borne to buy and sell heaven (both the 
sarohaundyse is abhorred* and the ministers also •— we can not asay with 
freres, ne caa abyde the name}* the devyll hath excogitate to offre 
hearen without wozices for it, bo frelye that men shall not nede for 
heaven to worfce at all, what soever opportunitle they have to worice. 
Eary, if they »yll have an higher place in heaven, God wyll leave no work 
unrewarded; but as to be in heaven, it nodes no woi^ea at al, but onely 
belefe, onely, onely, nothing: els. And to set forth this the devils 
craft, there were... icynlsters, but no so fryers. Fye on the name and 
the ^rmentl But no»e they be called by an Englyshe naioe, brethrene, and 
go apparelled like other men, anonges which be some of those that were 
freres, and served the devyll in retaylin|?e of heaven in pardons, for 
they can skyll of the levy lis servyce. But if the Kynges icajestie, as 
he hath bauyshed freres by the Frenche name, wolde also banyshs these 
that call them selfe brethren in Englyshe, the devyll shulde be greatly 
discomforted in his enterprise, and idlenes therby banyshed, urhiche the 
devyll wyll elles perswade by ajsunderstandlnge of Scriptures, as he lid 
in thadvauncement of pardons. 

Ihere are two lines of argoaent here, both of ioaense Influence, 
both often misunderstood or deliberately misinterpreted by Protestant 
historians. The first is the classic attack upon the doctrine of 
justification by faith alone, that "men shall not nede for heaven to woiice 
at alL." The Catholic apologists were not la England defending the con- 
templative ideal; they argued with the reformers on their own ground. 
Both sought the ideal of the active Christian Ufa, and for a century 
the Irotestant divines defended themselves with all the resources at 
their ccai»nd against this very attack of Gardiner's upon the alleged 
idleness produced by the new teaching. It must be emphasized that their 
subtle and vigorous statements of the doctrine that true wozics ere the 
fruit of faith, which only Justifies, were directed against not only 
formal and learned expositions of Catholic theology, but also (and indeed 
chiefly) against such simply, colloquial and therefor* dangerous state- 
ments as this of Oardiner*s. This most astute man knew well the value, 
in an appeal to popular aantlaent, of the unequivocal statement of 



equivocal truths. In the second place, Gardiner here voices the ancient 
pjrotest of the regular clergy against the friars, that thay circumTented 
the ordinary powers of mediation possessed by the Church in selling easy 
salTation, But the worst is that they have been succeeded by ministers, 
some of Whoa (like Barnes) were friars before, and now continue with a 
new technique the same campaign against the Church which is the guardian 
and repositarv of the faith. With his usual perspicuity Gardiner had 
noted a fact of the deepest import for the ecclesiastical history of 
England jn the century to follow, A century later Selden nas to say that 
the liiritan lecturers were the descendents of the friars and stood in the 
sane relation as they did to the Establishment, This continuity of 
opposition bstween the established church and a corps ot Guerilla soldiers 
of God, "plesaunt" in absolution or expert in the Scriptures as the case 
Bight be, is a fact which the followers of Foxe, Neal and I'roude always 
fall to see. To see it is to see the Tory point of view; Gardiner was 
the first and in some ways the Bost astute of English Itories. 

He had in this case taken the first round. But Barnes with 
great self-confidence secured permission to preach at the Cross two 

weeks later, on 29 February, Gardiner's account,^ which does not differ 

substantially from that of Foxe, shows pretty clearly what sort of man 

Barnes was. He joints out that his serraon on the 15th "was thought to 

S03B0 very plalney and that Barnes v»as later, in exaainatlon, obliged 

to confess that he "coulde not digest It.", Accordingly, Gardiner 


\he] was perswaded and comforted to handle me somewhat rudely, idilche 
he dydde the Sondaye fourtnyrbt after, in the same place, where he 



toke to intreat the same text of the Gtospel that I had declared, and 
lel'te the Scripture of the Sonday he preched on; which had not ben 
sene In that place before.^ There he beganne to call for me to come 
forth to auDswer him; he tersed me to be a fightyn^oe cocke, and he was 
another, and one of the garae; he sayde I had no spoores, and that he wold 
shewe. And after he had pleased hliuselfe in thallegorie of a cookefight, 
then, upon a foolyah conclusion, he cast me openly his glove; and, not 
content therwith, he called ae forthe by my name, Gardener, and opposed 
me in ny grammar rules, and sayde if I bad auuswered him in the schole 
as I had there preached at the Crosse, he wolde have geven me syxe 
strvpes; and raped after such a sor&e as the lyke hath not ben herde doone 
in a pulpete (ordered to declare the A'orde of God in, and not to toucbe 
any perticuler man), as he ray led of me by name, alludyuge my name, 
GSardener, what erell herbee I sette in the garden of Scripture, so farre 
beyonde the temes of honestie as all men wondered at it, to here a bysshop 
of the realme as I was, to reviled, and by such one, openly. 

Nor vtas this the end of the troubles that Lent. On the follow- 
ing Sunday, 7 Kerch, an adherent of Barnes, Willi aii. Jerome, vicar of 
Stepney, "confirmed Barnes' doctrine" at Paul's Gross, On that very 
day, Barnes, having; been convented before the King for false doctrine 
and railia<? 8(?:ainst Gardiner, made his submission to Gardiner in 
properly abject terms. But "the said Jerome", 

preaching at Paul's..., made there a semon, wherein he recited and 
mentioned of llapjir and Sarah, declaring what these two signified: in 
process whereof he showed further ho;ir that ^rah and her child Isaac, 
and all they that were Isaac's, and born of the free woman Sarah, were 
freely Justified: contrary, they that were born of Hagar, the bondwoman, 
were bound and under the law, and cannot be fully justified. In these 
words what was here spoken, but that which 3t. Paul himself attereth and 
eipoundeth In his Epistle to the Gelations 4. 22-31 , or what could here 
be gathered of any reasonable or indifferent hearer, but consonant to 
sound doctrine, and the vein of the gospel,..? The knot found in the rush 
was this: for that he preached erroneously..., teaching the people that all 
that were born of Sarah were freely justified, speaking there absolutely, 
without any condition either of baptism, or of penance, &c» 61 

There was more than one knot in the rush, foxe prints the essential 
document, an instance of his remarkable practice of providing the 
evidence In an appendix, even when it obviously speaks against his 



The effeete of certain erroneous doctrine taught by the vicar of Stepney 
in hi 8 sermon at ]>olles crosae... the vljth or March. 

That noo Kiagistrate had power to wake that thing which of itself 
Is indifferent to be not indifferent. And after thiese words generally 
spoken he said thus -- aoo that thiese things shuld Judge or accuse his 
conscience. And theouu said he wold bo loth to •;oo soo far as sainote 
poll doth wt other woi^Ib to that effeete. And finally said that honesta 
men and p;ood christen men wold obserTe and kepe al iBives and ceremonies 
that tende to the honor and glory of God. 

TiX0 proaise of Justlficacon Is wt out the oondlcion for he that 
puttlth a condicion unto it doth exclude freely. And like as In the 
first byrth wa have remission of synnes wiout works. Soo whenne we fal 
from that iP-race apain we obteyne remission of synnes wtout works also 
which he called the seconde byrth, 

A sume of thiese articles Is th^ the first persuaded cuakith 
obedience to prynces an outwarde behavour oonly, ?Qiioh is but a playe 
eyther for feare or manersake. 

The secounde enf^endrith such an assured presuiaptlon and wantonnesse 
that we care not gretly wether we obey god or noo, 62 

The first article, said Gardiner, conflnaed Barnes' book, "wdiere he 
teacheth that jnen's constitutions bind not the oonsoience,". " ^Dils 
was a far ir.ore den/rerous pronouncement than the exposition of justification 

by faith alone, and in this regard Jerome seenis to have gone beyond 

Barnes in daring to propose such belief at Paul's Cross, The bounds 

of Christian liberty were as yet far from ciearly set in English theology. 

On the following Sunday a third Lutheran spoke froia the Paul's 

Cross pulpit, a certain iSioioas Garret or Gerrard, distributor of Lutheran 

books In Oxford as early as 1526, who In 1528, having been arrested on 

Wolaay's order for heresy, nads a draisablc escape frou Oxford, though he 

was later captured and recanted. He too preached seditious doctrine,"' 

Chiefly to blot out from the popular mind these grave errors, the 
three culprits were conraanded to recant in the Spital sermons during 
Saster we^, and though their perforsaances were not entirely satis- 
factory, Dr. Wilson, vicar of St. liartln's, Bishopegate, rehearsed them 



at Paul's Cross on Low Sunday, according to the custom. TiiB offenders 

were cosmitted to the Tower, and on 30 July, two days after the death 

of Cromwell, they were burned at Saiithfleld. There are two footnotes 

to these incidents, each open to a variety of interpretations. On 11 

April, the Sxmday after the rehearsal sermon, Gardiner preached again 

at Paul's Cross. There was, says the chi^nicler, a Traye" astong the 

serTlnRmen, that is the apprentices, durin/?: the serjaon. Saa this the 

result of the heat generated by the Lenten controversy? Surely such an 

inference is not without foundation. In May, Sampson of Chichester, 

one of Gardiner's party, was arrested before he could fulfil his preaching 

duty at Paul's Cross, and Cranmer filled his place, preaching "the con- 

trary of irtiat Cerdiner had preached in Lent,". Sainpson had just been 

nominated to the new bishopric of itTestirdnster, and his arrest was an 

indication of the continued influence of C]?oni«ell. ait did Cranmer, 

with his talent for the workable coieproiRise, preach "the contrary", as 
the Catholic liistorian testifies? Surely not, for although Henry VIII 
was even nore inconsistent than the L^chievellianfi who nodelled thec- 
selyes, howerer obscurely, upon his policies, he could not hare rMiained 
Craniser's chief protection against the conservatives froa 1540 to 1547 
«s the record shows he did if he were convinced in 1540 that his arch- 
bishop was of the Lutheran party. It would be difficult to preach the 
"contrary" to Gardiner's sermon of 15 February without endang,ering the 
subtle comprorrdse which Henry had effected. All this, however, is 

There was trouble in 1541, too, with a Lutheran "brother^". Alexander 

Seton, "a Gcottlsh man, and worthy preacher" as Poxe puts it. On 13 



November Dr. Eichard Sbiith, first reglus professor of divinity at Oxford, 
preached a sound orthodox sermon at Idol's Cross, In the afternoon Geton, 
who was "lecturer" at St, Antholine's, reproved Jr. Smith for Englishing 
Iteecnelliaslni deo as "Reconcile yourselves to Godj'V since the words have 
8 passive and not an active significance; there is nothing in man per- 
tairdnr to reconciliation, but all in God. He also attacked Dr. Smith 
for allowin.5 man any merit by his good works. "^ For this sermon both he 
and "Polwine, the parson of St. Antholine ♦ s , were forced to do public 
penance at the Grose on 18 December. 

5, HiTanity of opinions," 

The incidents just reviewed, though they illustrate the means 
taken to consolidate the so-called Catholic reaction in the last eight 
years of Henry's rel^n, do not brin^ to our attention the major problem 
confronting the Henrlcian church, the diversity of opinions concerning 
the ffiass. The doctrine of the sacrament of the altar is of course the 
Bost izcportant issue in English theology until the accession of Elizabeth, 
and the chans^es in popular and official opinion concerning it present a 
complicated if rather depressing subject of study, Bie heretical 
opinions prop-ounded in the reign of Henry or the various rrotestant 
theories which won acceptance in the reign of Tdward did not arise simply 
from lutheran influence, but from the bewildering conclusions of the 
private judgment influenced or not by continental opinions. If a preacher 
set forth the doctrine of justification by faith he might be labelled a 
Lutheran, since that fundamental point of Lutheran doctrine was easy to 
understand and could be presented only unequivocally — Indeed that was 



its very ixjwer, that it was so sollily aneiuivocal. It swept the board. 
But who was equipped to discover whether a Ban vjas preaching consub- 
stantiation or veering into the doctrines of Zwingli? It might be 
easily enouorb discerned that he was in error, bat the dei^ree of error 
could be diSfTUised by adept phrasing. All too few of either partj' 
could be clear in the scholastic technique of substance and accident, and 
fewer still clear enough to eirlain beyond the possibility of misinter- 
pretation the subtleties of their views to such an audience as that at 
Paul's Grosa. 

Officially the goverosient had done nothing to stimulate the dis- 
cussion of the mass or to brini; l-Vd efficacy into disrepute. The doctrine 
of transubstantiation was never officially repudiated during the reign 
of Henry VIII, But other Catholic doctrines were repudiated and chief 
among theoi the validity of nassea for the dead, of trantals, and of images 
in general. A major blow was struck against the Mhole edifice of Catholic 
beliaf, and in the reaction it was not possible to salvage some vriiile 
expecting that some to enjoy the credit of all, What was even more im- 
portant was the jt^eneral inpetus given to discussion of religious dogmas 
by the very act of the refonaation. All that had been lonp; accepted was 
disturbed, debated in the most important forums of the realE — and in 
the meanest alehouses. The operation was successftil, but if ttie patient 
did cot die she was at least never the sane a^ain. fhe king encouraged 
heretical opinions to bring pressure to bear upon the conservatives; 
when the need for the pressure was r«at the heretical opinions could not 
be entirely scotched. Nourished by ancient grievances, by the study of 
the works of continental Protestants, by freer access to the Scriptures, 



revolutionary thcolo<7loal opinions eontlnuel to flourish lite tender 
plants In a dry ground, spriagla^ op and dyinr, waiting for the blessed 
rain of official sanction, and that ■ots to coifie. 

In the convocation of 1536 the rrolocutor of the lower house 
laid before the blshors a list of sixty-seven aiala dopgata i^leh the 
clergy comrlalaed of as having too much currency in the realm. These, 
which Fuller reasarked to coatain "the rrotestant rellgioa in ore", in- 
cluded ojlnlons disrespectful of the mass, denial of some of the other 
sacraEentfl and of the freedcan of the will, protests against honouring of 
saints, against fasting in lent, against the observance of some holy 
days. SBiere the eoffirlslQants found these opinions rife is not clear, 
though it is unlikely that the clergy themselves had a nonopoly of 
heretical ideas. Ixll sorts of fantasies were apparently being aired 
in these years. In this year 1536 a "^yler" did penance at laul*3 

Cross for nelntainlng the opinion that the passion of Christ vns of 

benefit only to those who died befcre the Incarnation. Four Gerwans 

(called "!>itchmon") did penance thero while Hilsey «bs exhibiting the 
Blood of liQlles on 24 Koveriber 153fl. ' On 22 Tecember 1538 the first 
of the self-appointed interpreters of Scripture nad© his appearance in 
the role of a p-eaitent at Faul*3 Cross. John Harrydaunce, a bricklayer 
of ^1Mtechap«l, did public penance for exteirpore expositions of the 
Bible delivered from a tub in his garden. One wonders what he had 
found in the saored text. The thunders of apocalypse no doubt, or the dawn 
of /^dispensation. A priest named George, otherwise unidentifiable, ap- 
parently imbued with some rooenslon of Lutheran opinions, nes forced to 
undergo penance In 1539 for proclaiming that Christ himself nor any creature 



had merit from the Fassloa, avA for refusin,"* to be impressed by the bles- 
sing of '.vater or brearl. He called it exorcislar;; ono aotes in the 
heresies of these years a teudaacy towarcl empiricism not without sig- 
nificance for the later developrasat of '^Totestantiara. In 1544 Robert 
Sterol, vho ray have been at one tiae a friar, did penance at Paul*3 


Cross for having "taken upon hi.m to bable talke and raagle of the 
Scripture whiche he undorstode not," ?7ard had exercised the right 
of the private Judgment often "in alehouses and unconelie and onmeate 
places," and had kept unlawful books; he had spoken of the mass "folyahlie 
and unreverentli e," 

One result of foolish and irreverent talk of the waas seojns to 
hara been that ignorant priests, faced with unbelief among their parishioners, 
attempted to inculcate 1 1 by emi-irical evidence. Taere are dark hints 
of abuaes In the sei^ice of the mass in ?oxe and Bale, abuses beyond what 
they of course considered the blasphemy of the ortho-iox rubriss. One 
such instance has cone to jrry attention. On 8 February 1545 a prtest froa 
Kent did penance at Faul*s Cross for having sought to coanterfeit the blood 
of Christ at the mass, by cutting his finder and letting it bleed upon the 
hosC This was a curious case, and there were probably no others exactly 
like it. 

Penance at the Cross for promul^^ating heretical opinions was not, 

liowaver, confined to such aioall fry. On Relic ounday 1545 three rring 

Biini Stars proclaimed their en^BS before that audience. ISiese were 

Robert Wisdom, at this time curate to Or. ^ward Cr<me of St. llary*s 

Aldennary, the distinpnished Protestant pamphleteer Thoiuas Becon, and 

Robert Singleton. <iiBdou declared his errors in denying jiian*8 fz>ee will. 



in preachlag against venoration of saints, in affirmlne that persecution 
is a nark of tiic true church aod that Barnes, Garret and Jerome had pro- 
claiiiied the true church. (It laay be noted here that the Protestants wer« 
clroady coniilinc on infonaal rcartyrology, a typical expedient of dis- 
gruntled minorities, 3uch a course makes for some <iistortion in the 
received histor:^ of laea's opinions, obliterates very important differences, 
and tends to faring isany different shades of opinion into one party. If 
such a course results, as it did in IftsdOiU's case, in official coenizance 
of some such "party", it must inevitably lead to much more strict repres- 
sive sioasaros than would otherwise be the case. The I'rotestants suffered 
much Kore persecution because of their practice, well-established before 
Foxe elevated it into a system, of gathering all degrees of heresy under 
one banner.) 3isdora was forced to say in this recantation that if per- 
secution be the mark of the true church then the true church must admit 
Urians, Sacramentaries, Adamites, and Anabaptists, "all whiche be these 
dayes nowe rysea up agnyne," 

Becon, ^»heu it cajae to his tarn, acknowledged that he had preached 
false doctrine in Norfolk and Suffolk, and that after that he had lurked 
in Kent as a layman under the nane of ^eoloro Basil. This naute, meaning 
a kin^:, was vainglorious, as vns the use of bir words in his books, "as 
Sncomion for a praise mneinisinon for a Reiaembraunce and suche other 
monstrouse wories". He confessed that he was not learned in the Greek 
tongue at all, ani continued: 

In my booke called the Newoa owte of hevyn I have so playnely and so 

evydectelye set forth and avaunced my folye and pryde as I have nervayled 
that yt hathe not dysooura^^ed men, to pyve credyte or redo eny other 

of '"" books hf^rs. 



The authorities were determined to hamlllate him, and did so by the 
shrewd device of attacking that very po'jrerful vanity, the vanity of an 
author. He confeaaed farther that as Becon he had preached against 
the sacramenta of oonfirrRation and extreme unction, against the con- 
tinence of priests, against prayer for the dead, and had spoken so of 
the sacrament of the altar "as men were offended with ne". He affimied 
that he was convinced that 3od Is satisfied irltb. the cerenony of the 
Mass, and -/Ith his 0'*n hands cut uj before the multituds his dangerous 
books: "a book of policy of '.-jar, of a Ohrlstmas banquet, of a new cate- 
chism, ne?re out of heaven, the book called the rotation, the golden book 
of christian natrlaony, a pleasant new nossgay, a ne-j patrvsay to prayer, 
a new years cift,". 

After these important recantations, theare was little for poor 
Singleton to add. Be was brief: 

Sbrshypfull Aodyence ny Companyons hare presente have spoken onto you 
nany woordes for declaration of them self. I shall conclude in a fewe 
whiohe be theaae. I am an unlearned fantastycell foole, Suche bathe 
been my preach! nge and suche bathe bean my wrytinge, which.e I heare 
before yoo all teare in pieces. 

This public hunllletlon of three prominent Gospellers is as 
nothinf» compered with the troubles of Dr. Edward Crone, rector of St, 
fcry'e AldeiTnary, He had been infected -alth Lutheranisra as early as 
1529, for he was forced to recant s serr-on preached In his church in 
that yeer.^ Janes Balnha» affirmed durinj^ his Interrogation in 1532 
that in his opinion Crowe and Latimer were the only preachers who ever 
preached the Wbrd of Ood sincerely, thou/^h he would not believe even 


Crome when he preached the validity of the doctirine of p^fr^tory. '^ 



Craoe*s opinions ««re like Latimer's, bat he was a brittle nan aad not 
so highly placed and therefore coald be made an example. He was in no 
trouble until 1539, for in those years there vras some tolerance of 
variety in opinions, but in July 1539 he made a sermon In the church 
of Allhallows Bread Street for lAlch he v»as reported to the Council. He 
was convented under the Act of Six Articles, and forced to recant at 
Paul's Cross on 13 February 1541, being conraanded to say that because 
there had been "ranlty of opinions and contentions among the people of 
london" about his sermons he would now declare his true mind and opinion, 
having seen his errors. He then declared that scripture nay be lawfully 
restrained for the lay people by the prince, that prayer, fasting, alms 
deeds, and other aiff rapes are profitable for souls departed, that masses 
public and private are a sacrifice acceptable for both the quick and the 
dead, that 

no man syns the Apostles hathe auctorytle to ordeyne any thing as an 
Artycle of our falthe: notwithstandlne; every klnge and prince within his 
Healme hathe auctorytle to ordeyne diverse things whlche the subjects 
are boonde to obseinre and keape obedyentlye. 

After this declaration of the king's potestas jurlsdlctionis . irtiich, if 
the king nay restrain the Scripture is really a poteatas ordlnls. Crome 
affirmed his belief in the royal suppeniacy, asserted that the authority 
of the church is not above the Scripture but that the church may Interpret 
the Scripture, He then admitted that althon^^h masses are profitable for 
departed souls, nevertheless the king in parliament had .lustly and law- 
fully suppressed the abbeys and monasteries of the realm. He then 
delivered a curious phrase, which indicates how fearful was the con- 
fusion In the popular mind over the Henri cian eoirprondse: 



Such preachers as s«y that raasjjes are profitable for the souls departed 
do not, so far as I know, go about to deprive the king of his Bupremaoy. 

The Inference is that he himself had argued, as he yiaa to do five years 
later, tbat the dissolution, an act of the royal supremacy, involved the 
repudiation of masses for the dead, and so had jo;ot himself Into a dlleisiBa 
between IorIc and lllosjlcal public policy. 

The root of his difficulty was that he could not a»»ay with the 
nass, and in 1546 he once more returned to the attack, fortified by what 
seemed to him the implications In the act for the suppression of chantries 
which had just passed the parliajaent. The chantries were suppressed to 
provide nuch-needed funds for the war with France, but their removal 
suggested to Dr. Crome an argument to resolve his former difficulty, 
(te Passion Sunday he preached in the Mercers* Ohapel upon Hebrews 9, and 

declared with the text, that Christ our hi;5h Shepheard, entring into the 
holy place once for al, not with strange bloul, but with his own precious 
bloud, hath found plentiful and eternal redemption. TJt on the which occasion, 
said he, I said, and sav again, that the Bishor of Rome hath wrongly applied 
the sacrifice of the iiass, caking it a satisfaction for sins of the quick 
and the dead, as he heth done the bloud of martyrs oftentimes. 86 

He then proceeded to the quick of the ulcer. 

Amon? other roasons and persuasion, to rouse the people from the value 
opinion of rurgatorle, /jhej inferred this, /grounding upon the said act 
[for dl;»3ol'itIon of ch^ntrieB] : that if trantals and chanterie masses 
could avalle the souls in purgatorie, then did the parlement not well in 
•^Ivln^ awaie nonaBteries, colleges, * chaateries, i.(#iich served princlpallle 
to that purpose. But if the parlement did well (as no man could denie) 
In dissolving them & bestoolng the same upon the king, then is it a plalne 
ease, that such chanteries and privet masses doo nothing conferre to re- 
leeve tbe»T\ in purgatorle. 87 

■This dllemcia of doctor Crome^ continues the chronicler with perhaps 
unconscious Irony, '*no doubt, was Inaoluble." It was Indeed a hard 



ease, to reconcile ihe oauaicoaipeteoce ef l:inc In parllaaieifc adth the 
OMBicooipetence of 3t. Taul. It gravelled £ore subtl« men thaa JSr. Crome. 

Be was z^qaired to pabllsh his reoaatation at Paal*8 Cross on 9 
Itay. la the jjieantiice a oaapalgn of treachlag ageiost his errors vas 
instituted ani "the v. sarssondes* at the Spltal and at laul'e Crose 


in Easter week "spake all agayTie the sayd oppynyons'* of Dr. Crooe, 

One Richard ^llaot, a prentice in Eov-lane, who apprcrved Croioe's doctrine, 

and aaid that he shoold be sorry to hear hiBi recant It, was whipped as an 

89 90 

exaaple. On the day appointed Croae preached froa John 10, 11, de- 
claring that Christ was a good ahepheri chiefly in t«o points: in teaching 
a doctrine not reproTable and in giring his life for his sheep* He went 
on to aoitrast gooa and evil sheji^herds, calling the latter "etrajige 
voices,". "Anl then he gave dai thanks, Mhich hath layl aside tsany 
strange voices." Ihe Bishop of Roue, he charged, is a strange voice. 
He defended his callin{f the pope a be^ar, alth his rater's Penee, and 
rejoiced that the lope .las oow gone. 

Bat, alack! this bold's staff hath this be^j^r of Rote left 
here behind hia: which tttaff beatolrh both the bodies and :x}uls of 
Ken.... And I ST-self have been beaten vith it. 

Ibis was on outright attack upon the Six Articles; nothia<^ ao far in 
his senr.on shoved any sign of sabaission. ISieu, after pra/in£, he said: 

Worshipful audience, I eoite not hither to recant, nor yet bm I oonaanded 
to reccj:-, nor, ^oJ w'.lli iji, I vil ir,^. re;:ia'o. Tot /lotAi v^istaadln^', 
divers and aany have aent letters abroad infoming their friends that 
I shool-i recant, to the ^reat slaunder of Ood*3 *ford, and of me being a 
poor preacher of the Mao, adMttod within this reals of Eln^and. 

Ee then repeated his orijuaont agaiaat aasssa froE the litre 3rs' CShapel 


Cro7ne*3 allusion to letters sent abroad indicates how closely the 
continental reformers natched developments In England, and how close ivas 
the bond between the Snpllsh radicals and their continental counterparts, 
Crome was becoming not only a champion eunon^ certain persons et home but 
seemed to be aiaklng a potentially dangerous appeal to Protestant sentiment 
abroad. TSie Council examined him on the day after this senaon, appointed 
him to make a true recantation at Paul's Cross on 27 June, and, sus- 
recti np thet his stout front the day before had not been entirely of hie 
own determination, got him to confess who had encouraged him to this 

seditious course and to promise to repeat that confession when he should 

preach again. Accordingly on 27 June 

befor my Lorde Chauncelor. , . and other nobles and knights, and on th* 
other side (of the gallery?) the Bisahopes of london and Wburcester, 
all principal ;)octors and 'Jenes,,., the reverent i^ather jutit named 
openly declalred his true meaning and right onderstanding ... of the 71, 
or 711. Articles you herd of, as he shuld have done upon the ijde Sunday 
after Ester, but that he was letted from his said true intent by the per- 
suasions of certain perverse itQrnded persons, and by the 8is;ht of lewde 
and ungodly hooks and writings, for the which he ?ras very sorry, and de- 
sired ell Pien to beware ol such books,.., and so exhorted all men to 
embrace auncientnes of catholike doctrine, and forsake new fanggelnee, 92 

He acknowledged that the mass used in England was agreeable to the institution 
of Christ, that it Is not a thing of necessity that the sacz>ament should 
be alMnlntered In both kinds, that it is no derogation of the mass that 

the priest receives the sacrament alone, and that he had never had suf- 


flclent ground or scripture or of holy authors for his foiroer opinions. 

This sermon "had a very good effect upon the ooinmon people, who 
ware greatly affectedj'. The Council proceeded also against the 
"perverse minded persons' who had influenced Crome in his unwise proceeding. 
Latimer was investigated, though it appears that Crome did not accuse him, 



and Has consnltted to prison. ISie rersonn accused by Crome were four; a 
roan named Halck, John laseelles, viho was shortlj- after burned for his 

heresies, John "feylor CardEaker Vicar of St. Bilde*e, vtio recanted, and 

an unnamed Scottish friar, 1*0 did likewise. 

Eren before the case of Dr. Crome was cleared up to the Council's 
satisfactloa, the annoying Anne Askew had agalr. to be dealt with. In 
the preceding year she had been coimltted to the Counter for asserting 
doctrines contrary to the received Catholic position on the sacrament of 
the altar, but after she had thoroughly exasperated Bonner, who thought 
he had conyerted her to the true view, she was released. The mildness 
of the authorities In such a case as this, consideriag the penalties 
possible under the law, Kias truly renarkable. She had become offensive 
again, and in May 1536 she vbs examined by the Council, notably by CSardiner, 
who, corapletely and understandably exasperated by her insistence upon the 
bare letter of the Scriptures, called her a parrot. On 18 June she was 
arraiened at the Guildhall for heresy, with Nicholas Shazton, late Bishop 
of Salisbury, and two others. Shaxton was persuaded to recant, but Anne 
would not, and when Shaxton preached at her burninc on IG June (a pecu- 
liarly shrewd move by the Council) she criticized his exj-oaition of his 
text, still coDvlnced of the ric-hteousnese of her opinlonc. Two further 
steps were now taken to stamp out t^'is danc;erous upsurge cf heretical 
opinions In this year. On 1 August Shaxton recanted hie heresy of the 

sacrament of the altar at Paul*s Cross, and "Vepte cere and aade grete 


lainentaclon for hys offens,". A proclariation horlnf teen tnade for the 

surrender of heretical books in EncHs*'-. such ac those by Trith, ?yndale, 
Wyclif , Barnes, and the T?*»w Teptcrents of T^.dale and Covcrdale, a great 



bonfire was made of then at Paol^s Cross on 26 September. 


The reign of Henry VIII ms nearly over, and all se«sed quiet. 
Slthcut maoh persecution the country had accepted the Catholic reaction 
of the Six Articles; what dissent there had been had been put down. 
But behind the scenes, in the corridors outside the king's sick -chamber, 
in scattered ^rera in Cranner'e desk at Laisbeth, were nsovinf; the forces 
which should make e real religious revolution. One very shrewd and com- 
petent nan, John JTeckenhara, then chaplain to the Bishop of London, preaching 
at Faul*s Cross a few days before the death of the king, lamented the 
growth of heresy aiaonfr the younger generation. "Sanctirooay of life la put 
a\ie3^" he conplained, "with fastinra on Wednesdays and Saturdays, and 
beads. And therefore good men dare not now use then for fear tbej'^ should 
be laughed to scorn." Christ and the Baptist, Szekiel, Joseph and David 
began their isissions only after they were thirty, from tiftilch he inferred 
that none younper ought to preach or have rerriment, "iShat a world shall 
it be," he added, "when they shall have the rule, for if th^ have the 
swing it will be treason shortly to 'jsrorship God."^ 

From this surrey of the history of Paul's Cross in the last thlr- 
te«n years of the reign of Henn' Till t-.flo sip;nificent facts emerge. Die 
first is the aiabiguous position of the preacher In whom "syncerlty of 
Scripture" was a habstitute for the subtleties of persuasion. Such a one 
Bight be privately encouraged or merely left alone to preach so lonr as 
he served the purjxjse as a spearhead of innovation, but when his perusal 
of the text led him to seditious conclusions or when the current was 
set against innovation and "newfangglenesy then he liad to be corrected. 
Hot all such preachers were "unlearned iantastycall roolear. I^. Crome 



Ttas not unlearned or fantastical or a fool; he siiaplj' haa the habil of 
adnl '?hl3h follo*;s simply fron eTi,ieaco to a coasluiiioa. Such a iidnd, 
which one associates witL the ruritea apolosists, z:3.y ia brokca, aa liis 
xas, but lot beat,. It is slGaificant that Tthoa Crciv/ell ioasht for 
preachers to spreS'I an aL2V3spl:sre of cala reascaableness after the 

^''ilcriioa^e of Grace he sent for t-.rfo able acadaHJics, Jr. .'iaad-*ich and 


Vatthe.7 r-arker, to preach at T^'il's Oross. They could bo counted upon 

to consider the situation in a clear and raasonnblo liciht, to iut theory 
before the recital of embarrassing facts, and aeasrally to exercise 
"Incori^pte jutjeiaent". But the use of the sulleloaa I^roteatants created 
anong the auditory, aad perhaps ©oj;et;ially in London, a sort of standard 
by vhich othar preaeherg »ore useful in the long ran to the gOTerasient 
were adTeraely Judged. For instance, In 1537 a bishop (not identified but 
most likely Rovtland Lee) vias 111 recei-rod. The oontcRporary Froteatant 
coiBuent is interesting: '^e deoeiTod the people «lth his crafty bowling 
wit, more fit for the ohatterin;^ Arches than for the true sincere 
caarlstlan preachiag place. "^ 

If the use of the tcna Irotaatant troubles any roedor of these 
pageo, it shc^Jild be linnifoct that I use it oX" such as either preached or 
epproTCd of i-r«iaching '*the syncority of Scripturoo" aad in no larger 
sense. That there was a TrotoBtant party one cannot bo auro; probably 
not, although n tradition and a nartyroloQ' v,«b bciofj created. Ihat the 
foundatiunc for such a party wore being laid by prcachin,^:, including 
preaching at Paul's Cross, there can be little doubt. 

Further, it is evident both iroB the hititory of the olTicially- 
Inspired destruction of inagee and froB the ooatroversias over the raaae 



that there existed in flourlshinfr state a revolt against the suporn? tural , 
at least against the surcrnzitural when Ite ojerfjtioos were charted by the 
rational faculty, 3o far as lEiages viero concerned, the extraordinary 
ciu-e was susrect, was even regarded with derision, but the operations of 
a special providence, inscrutably the product of the Divine /ill, and'n- 
depeadent of any object, time or piece, were accepted perhaps even laore 
than in "the f^ood old days of popor\-J'. To put it in the nost obvloua way, 
the '«ay in -.vhich it was apparently perceived by the arp3rentices of Tendon, 
the mass was suspect because it was eispirically iiapossible, fhe scholastic 
distinctions, never apprehended by the vulgar, had been broug;ht Into the 
question by the back door, had beesi nr^ued upon rrounds which adiaitted of 
no philosophical distinctions but only of rlg^t or vjrong, had been generally 
mlsonderatood and either deliberately or by accident laisinterpreted in the 
attejapt to aake them ci^dlble in enpirical terti^, and so suffered the fate 
of all acadoEdc vanities when exiK)sed to the rub3k5 foruia. lUxe way wras 
open for vanities and blaspherdes of a cnaver kind, Thor© are few episodes 
in history '^nch serve tc illustrate cere clearly tlie dauber of submitting 
ftindair£ntal£ to i ubllc discussion, even when tlwt discussion Is ireaumably 
carefully controlled. The lesson was lo^t upon the unfortunate Sonerset, 
and It has been lo^t ujon "liberals" ever since, 


6. "All the %-olden goies cane dowoe with heyho Rombelo. " 

In his famous Serein of th: Plouph, preached at at, Paul's in 
the Shrouds on 18 January 1546, leticer set forth adciratly the ideal 
of "reforiTBtion without tanrying for any" which refonncrs of Ids persuasion 



bolifrvfid In process durlnr the reirn of W^-ar!^. TT. He described the devil 
as "the nost dilirent prelnte and rr^-^cher in all Fji^-lan^^", end thus re- 
vlGwed the ststp of rellrlon in the ■1ovll*f^ dioccEer 

IQiere the devil is resident, and hsth his plouph poing, there away with 
booVrB, and i:r Mth condlrs' m^'ay with bibles, and iif with beodn; awey 
with the lieht of the gospel, and up with the lipht of candles, yea, at 
nnon-dnya. v?hore the flevll is resident, thnt he r»y •rrevnll, or- with 
all superstition and idolatry; censinp, paintin/5 01' images, candles, 
^fl?r.n, ashes, holy ^later, ant^ nem service of nen*s Inirentlnr; as thouf^ 
luan could invent a better way to honour God than God hioself hath 
anointed. 102 

iJven ytt, the devil has servants who would hinder the doinc away of 

And when the lrlnf;*s nsajesty, with the advice of his honourable council, 
goeth about to pronote ftod'^ rrord, and to set an order in iiBtters of 
religion, there shall not lack blanchers that '.vill say, "As for images, 
vfheroas the^' have used to be cenned, and to have caiilea offered unto them, 
none ba so foolish to do It to the stock or stone, or to the imape It- 
self; but it is done to God and his honour before the imapo. " And tliough 
thar^ should abuse it, these blancers will be ready to whisper the king 
in the ear, and to tell Lin, thet this abuse is a sraall matter; an;^, that 
the sair.o, with all other like abuses in the church, may be reformed easily, 
"It in but a little abuse," <»ay they, "and it may bo easily amended. But 
it ^ould not be taken In hand at the first, for fear of trouble or fuiv 
ther inconvenieices. The people tslll not bear sudden alterations; an 
insurrection nay be aiade after sudden mutation, which may be to the sreat 
har;/! ani loss of the realr.. Therefore all things shall be well, but not 
out of hand, for fear of further business.*... Riere be so iiany put-offs, 
so irany put-byes, so many resisects and contflderf'tions of worldly wisdom: 
and I doubt not but there were blanchers In the old time to whisper in 
the ear of pood kln^ Hezekleh, for the nolntenaace of Idolatry done to 
the brasen serpent,,.. But rood kinj? Hezekiah would not be so blinded.... 
And f^ood hope there is, that it sjiall be likewise here in England; for 
the king's majesty Is so brought up in knowledge, virtue, and i^odlineas, 
thet it is not to be ndstriisted but that we shall have all thin^rs well, 
and that the /»lory of God shall be spread abroad throughout all parts 
of the raaln. If the prelates will dllls;ently apply their plourh, and 
be preachers rather than lords. 103 

In the history of this experiment which Latimer so extols, there 
are two landmarks which no historian of the Church of '"^land way ipnore. 


Li (53) 

The first, th« creation of b5 stops by betters patont, rinrking the corcplota 
svihserviencf' of the ohitrcli to the A-ill o" the crown, he i/'lp^t wis!; to 
overlook. The seconl, the Book of Coiramon Prayrr, Is the ^lory of the 
Church of IHInf^laml. Tn this sui^e^r of cartnln asi>0ctf; of the Sdwardian 
Refonnation, hovrsver, I can cl'© ^'it passiri;'' notice to thene important 
rootters; nqr conoern is not with constitutions and canons ecclesiastical, 
bat \«i th the methods used to sweep av»ny f'-e hindrances to the spread of 
CJod*2 ^•^lor^r, and the sometirtes nelsncholy results of tiiose nethols in 
the practice of the people. The effect left nrion the mind as a result 
of studyin.7 such evidence is rather of a revolution feverishly impermanent 
than of the first flowerinp; of a ffpeat Institution. Pirtharraor© it was 
darlaG the reign of 3dT»ard that the church v»as subjected to a process 
of spoliation and Inpi^priation which effectually weakened it and left 
it ill-equipped for the troubles of the next century. This subject villi 
be dealt with at large In a later part of this study; here it is enough 
to say that the noblest productions of the Mwardian pulpit ere Latimer's 
and Lever's attacks upon the j«pacity of the i?entry. 

The campaign against irfi^es and superstitious obsej-vances in 

general h/id proceeded very considerably befoi-e Ixitimer spoke in January 


1548. Feckenham's Gloomy warning seems to have had sone foundation 
in fact, for the remarkable thing and the dangerous thine about this 
caHpaif.Q was that the iconoclasts wei*e ahead of the administration, 

radical though the adisinistratlon vos. The case of the Innumbont and 


wardens of 3t. l^artin's, Ironreon^^er Lane, Is of great interest as 

showing the extent to which Preformation without tarr/i nc_; " was active 
even before Edward «aE crowned. ISene zealous persons had taken down the 



images in the cbarch, set up the royal arms instead of the crucifix and 
painted the walls with texts of Scripture "perversely translated,"- But 
soon after there was evidence that some highly placed in the church 
were ready to no as far. In Lent Barlow, Bishop of St. David's, preached 
at Paul's Cross against veneration of imapiea, and was followed by Ridley, 
then chaplain to Cranmer, on the same theme, vdiile later in Lent Hu^ 
Glasier, Cranmer's conanissary for Calais, declared at the same place 

that Lent was not of God*s ordinance, and that the fast might be kept 

or not at the pleasure of iten. Not until July were the Injunctions 

Issued, cojmiTiandin? the destruction of iBiages which had been abused by 

superstition and other objects of 'T)lind devotions", i\vo such were 

exhibited at Paul's Cross on 27 November by Barlow. One of them was an 

ixoage of the Virgin which "they of I-aul's had lapped in cerecloth" and 

hidden in a corner of the cathedral, the other a picture of the Resurrection 

of a mechanical kind, like the Rood of Boxley. After the sencon, "the 

boys broke the idols in pieces; . Ihat has an unpleasant sound. The 

distinction between images abused and ims,c;e3 properly used was probably 

never intended to be maintained, except as a convenient pretext of the 

same sort as that used in 1558 for the same purpose. The fiction was 

cast off on 21 i'ebruary 1548, with the issuing of an order in council for 


the general destruction of images. iVhereupon, as is well known, the 
gentry enriched themselves with the spoil of the churches, manuscripts 
•with idolatrous illuminations isere shipped to the continent to be used 
by bookbinders, and while the interior of many a country house shone 
with plundered cloth of gold the Lord was worshipped in the due nakedness 
of a whitewashed chapel. Even hero the Crown was behind-hand; in 1551 
and 1552 the Council belatedly took order for the seizure of all church 
plate and vestments still ren-aininf^, and appointed commissions to inquire 



how much had been already embezzled. 

The fanaticism of s(xne of the clergy ^c stiffluleted these disgrace- 
ful courses w-as alicost incredible. It is also, in perspective, aniusing. 
Consider the curate of 5t. Ketherine Cree, as itow records his activi- 
ties in the year 1549. 

At the North -west corner of this warde JAldgate^ in the said high streete, 
standeth the faire and beautifull parish Church of S, Andrew the Apostle, 
with an addition, to be kno.vne fron other Churches of that nane, of the 
Knape or Undershaft, and ao called S, Andrew Undershaft, because that 
of old tine, everie yeajre on Hay day in the riorning it wss used, that an 
high or long shaft, o^ May-pole, was set up there, in the midst of the 
streete, before the south doore of the sayd Church, which shaft when it 
was set on ende, and fiied In the ground, was higher than the Church 
steeple..,. This shaft wee not raysed at any time since evill Liay day 
(so called of an insurrection made by the Prentices, and other young 
persons against Aliens in the yeare 1517.) but the said shaft was laid 
along over the doores and under the lentises of one rovre of houses, and 
Alley £.ette, called of the shaft, shaft Alley,,,. It vras theire I say hanged 
on Iron hookes aany yearea, till the third of King 7,dward the sixt, that 
one olr ."Stephen, curat of S. Katherine Chrii^ts Church, preaching at laules 
Crosse, said there, tiat this shaft was iriade an Idoll, by naming the Church 
of Daint Andrew:, with the addition of under that shaft: hee persvraded 
therefore that the of Churches might bee altered: also that the 
names of dayes in the w-eeke mifht be champed, the fish dayes to be kept 
any dayes, except Friday and Saturday, and the Lent any tin.e, save only 
betwixt Shrovetide and Haat&r: I have oft times seene this man, forsaking 
the rulpit of his said Parish Church, preach out of an high islne tree 
in the middest of the Church yarde, and then entering the Church, for- 
saking the Altar, to have sung his high Kasse in iilnglish upon a Tombe of 
the deade towardes the north, I heaivi his iSerinon at Paules Crosse, and 
I saw the effect that followed: for in the afternoone of that present 
Sunday, the neighbours, and Tenants..., over whose doores the saide 
shaft had laine, after they had dined to nake themselves strong, gathered 
more helpe, and with great labour raysing the Shaft from the hooks,... 
they sawed it in peeces, everie iran taking for his shfipe so raich as 
had laine over his doore and stall. 

In CJBO. like this the fear of idolatry was an obsession. In others it 
wac tempered by the instlrncts of the hoodlum. The storsr told of William 
ij'orde, usher of i'iykeham College at iVlnchester will serve to illustrate 



Ther was many ^Iden iraa<^es in i^kairi's colleape by iVynton. The churche 
dore was directly over agaynste the usher's chanber, Kr. Forde tyed a 
lonce coorde to the Irages, lynkynp then all in one coorde, and, being in 
his chamber after midnight, he plucked the cordes ende, and at one pulle 
all the crolden r^odes came dovrae with heTrho Rombelo, Yt wakened ell men 
with the rushe, 112 

So far as one can tell the zealot to whom we owe this tale thought Kr. 
Forde*s jape highly admirable. 

Of all "idols" the Host was chief. Released from the fear of 
swift and terrible punishment for heresy concerning the sacrament of the 
altar, numbers of persons debated wildly concerning the nature of the 
SuchariEt, and of the sense in which the Saviour may be seld to be present 
in it. There seems to have been in the first year of Edward's rei^n an 
orgy of dispute on this point, as if energies of disputation were re- 
leased from the confinement of the Henrician reaction, ,/hence this 
intensity and kofi wide-spread were its effects? Surely it must have had 

Its roots deeper in time than the days of the Seformation parliament. 


One sug;?estive explanation, advanced by an Anglo-Catholic litureiolo.o:ist, 

derives the controversies over the ^charist from the late medieval lovj 
mass and the concept of the sacrament Inculcated by that rite. He points 
out that the Isolation of the priest in that mass and the reduction of 
the laity's participation to seeing; and hearin/^ gave currency to the 
concept that the mass was an insufficient sacrament of mumble and gesture 
by the celebrant and nothing more. On the other hand the low mass 
created the habit of emphasis upon the thinp said i^ther than upon a 
corporate action , and thus helped to develop the passivity of the 
Protestant rite. As he puts it, "the Reformers were the victims — as 
they were the products — of the medieval deformations they opposed,". 



Another and very different tradition has been explored by an Americaa 
student of devotional literature. She finds that the "Piers Plownnan 
tradition" of the plain inan's censure of ecclesiastical abuses vras a 
useful instrument for those successors of the Lollards who attacked the 
pretensions of the learned in religious matters, and cites "A Godly 
Qyalogue and Dysputacyon betwene Fyers riowman and a lopysh Ireest 
concernyng the Supper of the Lorde" (l530?J , in which, when one of the 
priests with whom Piers argues in the course of the work makes a plain 
statement of the doctrtne of transubstantiation, iiers is moved by 
"the secret oiotyon of the holy goost" to ask v/hether the body to be 
received at the approaching ii^ster cranmunion would be the very same as 
the Virgin conceived — a common crux in the popular discussions of the 
time, .^hereupon 

the other iii. prestea sayd If these hobbes and rusticals be suffred 
to be thus busy, in readyn^.e of English heresy and to dyspute after this 
Fianer \ryth us, which are sperytual luen we shfll be fayne, to learne sorae 
other occupacion or els we are lyke to have but a colde broth. 

To which Piers said Amen. Phis very important idea tliat "the secret 
motyon of the holy goost" is valid in such natters cannot be traced to 
any one source. It has affinities with the Anabaptist das innere Wort; 
its ancestry may be traced alike from mystics and fanatics. In England 
as elsewhere it was often nourished by the friars' ], reaching; perhaps 
it was enco;ira/3;ed amon^, the devou^ by the slackness and tolerance of 
the unrefoniied fifteenth-century church. But "the secret motyon of the 
holy goost" found fa tiie new learning an intellectual training; wraith- 
like in the niystlc and inarticulate in the angry peasant, the shaking 



of the spirit acquired a vigorous muscular dialectic from the study of 
the Scriptures in the light of i^rasmus aad Golet, To wrestle with the 
text unimpeded by over-subtlety of expositions was the means; the end 
to be attained was the Verbum Dei . the genuine soul-shaking, wonder-working 
verbuiTi . the very hearing of which was in a sense a partaking of Christ. 
There is in this citation of the word somethlni^ priisltive: It is like 
incantation. If the radical Reformers eschewed the mass because it could 
not satisfy thea empirically that does not mean that they were empiricists. 
It means that they had found a new talisnan. "By faithj" cried Luther, 
*by faith 2" and rose from the Book a new ran. In like manner the preacher 
shouted his text until its phrases burned into his brain, and then went 
forth to transmit the holy message to his flock by the same means. (It 
Is in the brilliant correlation of this method of preachinp; with the 
homiletlc tradition of the friers that the ?iory of the Anglican pulpit 
resides.) ,.ith such an attitude it was possible to believe that one 
could arrive at the soul-eaviae: truth about the euchorist by talkln?' 
about it , by repeating thd crucial texts. iVhnt was unfortunate and 
dangerous was that mingled vdth this reliance upon the texts in the 
preacher's mind was all the rag-tag- of scholastic tcrrnlnology froia his 
course in divinity, which he often desperately and sincerely or no doubt 
sorcetines lewdly and viciously attenpted either to harmonize with or to 
oppose to the warrant of Scriptur*. The result was chaos. 

There should have been some order in this chaos, and i>erh»p3 ^r 
those enlif^htened by the theories of continental Irotestantisir. these .vas 
a sort of order in disorder. It was sRld, during a disputation at (Hford 
in May and June 1549: 

to I 


For this propoBltion, which we have in hand, is doubtfull, wherein it is 
said; This is my bodie. for hereof some do gather transubstantiation, 
others, a bodilie presence with the bread; others impanation, whereby 
the bodie of Christ and the bread ioo joine together into one person: 
others appoint a bare signe, and others an effectually signe. 11^ 

by elisiinatinf' minor variations it may be said that the sacramental 
theories of the period fall into four lasia pjroups: the Roiaan doctrine 
of transubstantlstion; the Lutheran doctrine of consubstanti'ition; the 
eagB3neir<orative doctrine of the ZwinfrJians; and the Bucorian (^or 3averi.-;ferian) 
doctrine of the spiritual presence of Cliriafc in the secrament.^^"^^ Hhe 
impacl" of these classifications upon English divines, throufih contact 
irtth forei,7n books and theolof;ians, did nc ioabt in soiao cases clarify 
the issues but for the jost ]art seems only to have stirred the boiling 

There be some (Cranjaer complaineii]^, whose not only cars and tonp;ue, but 
also their fists, keen whitted and ready bent all to contention and 
unprofitable disputation; -.vhooi 1 would wish, as they been vehement and 
earnest to reason the Liatter with tongue, so they were also ready and 
practice to do good deeds. Put forasmuch as they, subverting the order 
of all g-odlinese, have respect only to this thiof,, how they may bind and 
loose subtle questions; so that no.v everj' maricet-plaoe, every tilehouse 
and tavern, every feast-house, briefly every company of men, every assembly 
of women, is filled '«ith such talk. 15 

^e first statute of the reign was an act concernin£r the sacrament, 
ordaining that henceforth the communion shoul i be adrainisttred in both 

kinds; the act contained provision of fines and imi'risonment for irrever- 


ent disputation concerning; the sacrament. rids was in November 1547. 

In the same month Ridley preached at 1 anil's Orcsf; against the abuse of 


tfhB jwvrraraent. Both his motives In preaching then and what he 

lly said are of the utmost importance. 

/ ol^ 


All we know of this sermon cosies from three exaialoations, the 

firel of Gardiner in 1551, the other two of Hidley himsfclf in 1554 

and 1555. In 1555 Kidley explained how he caste to preach: 

As touching- me sercon which I made at I'aul's Cross, you shall understand 
that there were at Paul's, and divers other places, fixed railing bills 
against the sacraiuent, terming it "Jack of the box", "the sacrament of 
the halter", "round Efcbin", with such like unseeicly tenos; for the which 
causes, I, to rebuke the unrevereud behaviour oi certain evil disposed 
persons, ireached as reverendly of that iriatter as I might, declaring 
what estfiiiation and revereuce ought to be given to it. 120 

It may be inferred that Bidley was instructed to preach duiring the par- 
liament to give public proncmncesieat to the proceedings against irreverence 
in the statute, the Biore because there were other perhaps even more danger- 
ous discussions of the sacraiaent than those which bred the blaspheniies 
he refers to. tibat these v-ere may be gathered frosi the froclamation 

ihhich followed on £7 Zwcember, "concerning the irreverent talkers of 


the Sacraxuent". like proclaication asserts that 

]&any not contented with such words and terms as scriptux-e doth declare 
thereof, do not cease to move contentious and superfluous quesi;ions of 

the said holy sacrajuent and supper of the Lord; e-ntering i-ashly into 
the discussion of the high mystery thereof. 

It then proceeds to detail what some of these questions were, as 

?Diether the body and blood aforesaid is there really or figuratively, 
locally or circuuiscriptly, and having luantity and greatness, or 
but substantially and by substance only, or else but in a figure or 
isanner of speaking; whether his blessed body be there, head, legs, arms, 
toes f-ni nails, or is broken or chewed, or he is always vrhole; whether 
the bread there reioaineth as we see, or ho«' it dei^arteth; whether the 
flesh be there alone and the blood, or part or each in other, or in the 
one both, in the other but only blood, and what blood; that only which did 
flois out of the side, or that which renalned: with other such irreverent, 
superfluous, and curious questions, which of huisan and corrupt curiosity 
hath desire to search out such luysteries, to the which our hujnan imbecility 
cannot abtain; and therefore ox't times turneth the oaiuc to their ovm and 
others* destruction by contention and arrogant rashness. 



Ridley, therefore, preached not only "to rebuke the unreverend 
behaviour of certain evil disposed persons,", but to establish in the 
Einde of his audience the true notion of the sacrament, the view which 

he desired to see the official view, and to which he iray have already 


persuaded Cramaor. He explained in 1555 that he had preached, 

affinaing in that sacraaient to be truly and verily the body and blood 
of Christ, erfectuously by firace and spirit ; v/nich words the unlearnel, 
understanding net, supposed that I haJ raeant of the gross and eornal being 
which the Romisli decrees set forth, that a body, having life and motion, 
should be indeed under the shapes of bread and wine, 1£J jltalics MneJ 

How what does "effectuously by grace and spirit" mean? Ridley appears 
to have been converted about 1545 to a new vie(7 of the sacrament of the 
altar by reading the ninth-century treatise of liatraKus [Bertrairij called 
De Corpore et Sanguine Doaini . which had been reprinted at Cologne in 
1552 and at Geneva in 1541. 

Thii Bertram, was the first that pulled me by the ear, and that first 
brought me froic the coouion error of the Hoslsh church, and caused loe 
to jitstiich tiore dilie,ently and exactly toth the scriptures and the 
writln^,s of the old ecclesiastical fathers in this zaattor;. 124 

The doctrine of ISatracinus approximates that of Bucer, which, as already 

noted, stands between the Lutheran and the Zwinglian positions. In 

every celebration of the Lord's Supper, he ara;ued, there exists both 

verity and luystery, ULe verity is the bread and wine; the aystery is 

the body and blood of Christ, fhe first is outwardly taken, refreshing 

the body; the second is inwardly taken by faith, refreshing invisibly 

the soul, iha rite is not as the Z-Alngliuna vjould have it, purely 

coBiiMfaBiorative, but the elements are sipjio. exhibitiva not signa representativa. 

In this position Ridley seeias to have been consistent all his life after 

/o •»«• 


his conversion to it, and fron this convictioa he preached at Iaul*s 
Cross in November 1547, while the Order of Coffiiiiunion of the Book of 
Coiaccn Prayer was still in draft. 

But "the unlearned", said Ridley, thou^hfthat he preached 
transubstantiation. This is not s<arprising, V/hat would be surprising 
would be any evidence that the unlearned perceived the subtle distinction 
he was making. He whs after all preaching an effectual presence of Christ 
in the sacrament; the Zwinglian doctrine they might have perceived without 
much difficulty but not this. For Ridley's opponents the occasion offered 
an 14^1 opportunity to aake him uncoitfortable later. In 1555 John .Vhlbe, 
Bishop of linooln, asserted: 

Also in a senrion of yours at Paul's Gross, you as effectually and as 
catholicly spake of that blessed sacrament, as any aan aiight have done. 127 

rour years before this, when men's memories iaight be thoaeht to be greener, 
Gardiner, at the t*.irentieth eiairdnabion to Ahich he iras subjected, brou^^ht 
forvrard certain witnesses to deaonctrate that Hiiley had preached true 
catholic doctrine in 1S47. He himself contended 

that the bishop of London that no.? is, then being bishoi of Rochester, 
did openly in his sermon made at Paul's Cross..., in the first year of 

the kint^;'s majesty's rci^n..,, veiy earnestly and vehesr^ontly preach and 
teach the true presence of Ghrict's ioost precious body to be in the 
sacracieat of the altar, 12S 

In this he was supported by his witnesses, '.Villiain Medowe, l^urice 
Grtffith, Gilbert Bourne and Thomas Watson, who should have known what 

was said, "for he stood behind the said bishop, within the cross, and 

heard the bishor declare the premises; . To all these affirmations 



Ridley answered in 1554, during his examination by Bourne in the Tower: 

^(hat say ye, quod he {Bourne], to Cyprian? Doth he not plainly, "lanis 
lue.T. rorrigebat Oomlnus, non effiisie sed natura rautatus, oronipotentia 
Verbi factus est earo?" 

True, sir, so he doth say; and I answer even the sane which once, 
by chance, I preached at Paul's Gross in a sermon, for the viiich I have 
been as unjustly and as untruly reported as any poor man hath been. For 
there I speakint' of the sacraiaent, and inveighlnc against them that es- 
teemed it not better than a piece of bread, I tola even the same thing 
of poenitentes, auiientes, c^techuiceni [those excluded from the coimnunion 
in the iTlinitlve churchj that I spake of before: and I bade thea depart 
as un'A'orthy to hear the aysteiy. And thea I said to those that be 
"sancti", Jyprian the martyr shall tell you how it is that Christ calleth 
it, saying, 'Tanis est corpus, cibus, rotus, caro", etc; because bhat 
unto this ma&erial substance is given the projerty of the thias whereof 
it beareth the name". And this plact the;: took I to utter, as the time 
«ould then suffer, that uiaterial substance of bread did reirtain. 130 

[Itelics minej 

That this serrfiOB is a crux in the history of the Church of England 

•hcjuld be apparent. Vhether or not, as Snyth affircss, Craniaer con- 
sistently held to Ridley's doctrine of the eucharist till the tine of his 
final recantations is irrelevant to this discussion, '^et is important 
is that Ridley, at this early date in the Edwardian Reformation, pro- 
claimed the p.ost influential of the reforrlnc theories of the Lord's 
Supper from Paul's Cross and set up a direction post for the others to 
follwf at a time when they aadly needed one. In 1550 Ridley preached 
at Paul's Cross, on ./hitsunday, followed by the fantastic Ilooper, 

Cottisford, and Dr. Kyrkhajc, The last asserted that in the sacreucent of 

1 52 
the altar "was no substance but brede and wynnei,". This does not 

contradict RlUey's statement of 1547, unless oni: cares to quibble ^bout 

the word "substance"; on the other hand it Kay indicate what is ordinarily 

considered to be Craniner's change of opinion under the influence of 

continental divines, and a swing to the Zwinglian view as evidenced in 

/ O (, 


the P5?ayer Book cf 1552. These are COTipllcated questions, too larre "or 
this study. All one might venture in the way of coiruaent Is the obvious 
fact that what little has survived of the matter of the sermons of 1550 
indicates that the Reformers had learned by that time the value of un- 
equivocal statement on these matters, at least so f&r as unequivocal 
statement was possible. Indeed one might say with some confidence that 
if there was a tendency to forsake the subtleties of the Bucerian position 
for the siiripli cities of the COTunereorfitive rite, it v/as owing to the 
practical necessity of convincinp the people that a significant cbanre 
had been made. 

This brings us to the second significant element in this coiri- 
plicated episode. Ridley affirmed that the "unlearned " rd sunders tool 
him in 134?. Yet the stalwarts of the conservative group, men of no 
small learning: or perception, men like Gardiner, White and .'fatson, 
asserted flatly that on that occasion he had preached true Cetholi^ 
doctrine. If one follovre Foxe relipiiously there Is no difficulty. 
Those prelates used the ccmfusion of the auditory for their own ends; 
though they really understood the fine points of his position, they chose 
deliberately to jut a false face upon true Gfospel teachinp, to condenm 
Ridley. This view I cannot accept, I rrather believe that even Gardiner 
was perfectly sincere in believing that the doctrine *ich Ridley preached 
was transubatantiation, and so the others. In their minds the tradition 
of substance and accidents had only recently been disturbed; they prasped 
eagerly at points of contact with the new theories. They saw the more 
obvious revolution- ry doctrines of the Reformers as aberrations from 
what they all believed In common; once they had all been Catholics 

/ 1>7 


together, and they samestly wished to maintain, that continuity ani \thea. 
they in turn were in authority to save the heretics from their own errors, 

7. ^iiilfia and rebellious papists." 

But from the mooent Somerset had his way viith Henry*3 will con- 
tinuity was aji illusion. This was apparent in the first ncnths of the 
reign when on 15 L5ay Dr. Richard Suith, first regius professor of divinity 
in Oxford and "the greatest pillar of the toman catholic cause in his 
tlmey*, as Anthony a A'ood calls hin, iras forced to recant at Faults 
Cross his book of "un';vritten verities,", end another book cf the mass, 
\b for the "unwritten verities", omith asserted that 

there be inany thinges ascribed to thappostlea, and called traditions 
deduced fron the tyiue of thappostles and read in the naric of oLIe Authors, 
and set f'orth under the pretensed title of their nane, which be feyned 
and forced and nothent' trew, full cf superstition and untrcwth, feyned 
by the::i which v/old magnify their ovrae po'.ver and auc tori ties, as is the 
Splstles of Cleiiens, Anacletus, Evaristus and i'abianus and other which 
arr set furth by the byshoj of RoKie and his complices, iThich be forc-^ed, 
feyned, and of none auctoritie for to be bcleved, but counterfeyted by 
theyra: who vdth the color of antiquitie /;olde raaj!:aify that usurped power 
of the byshor. of Rone, 134 

He listed such traditions, left to the churc:. "without vrritinc"» as the 
observation of Lent, "keeping of the Secraiaent in the pix",^*^^ hallow- 
ing of water in the font, consecration of oil, hallovdns of altars, 
censing of the altsr, "and aiiany ko beside these^. *" 

I do no-fl confess [he continued/ the said doctrine, as concerning the 
observing of the said traditions, to be false and tyrannical, and unjust, 
unlavjful and untrue, burden of men's consciences, not fit to be tau<~ht, 
preached or defended. 138 

Concerning his other errors of the mass he confessed that he now believed 

/ o ? 


that Christ made his sacrifice upoa the cross "perfectly and absolutely.", 
so thnt "neither he nor any other creature should at any time after make 
any mo oblations for the same,". He recanted Ms statements of the doc- 
trine of transubstantlstion, afflrmlnr tiiat thp t'abs Is blasphemou-'^ , 
since it mafces the priest as celebrant equal to Christ, It will be 
obserred how in this recantation the Reformers rut into i3mith's mouth 
their O'vn peculiarly historical Tj.e:w of the sacrifice of Christ, w'ich 
for them wss an hlotorical act; the high theorj"- of the jnass, that in 
the elevation the timeless intersects with time and this laoment is in 
eternity with th« passion, was not in their nurvlev;. Dr. Smith later 
recanted his recantation at Oxford, was relieved of his pref enfients , 
and succeeded as rejrQus professor by Peter Kartyr. 

Pillar of the faith he may have been, but a greater one stood in 
the see of Winchester, "Sfily Winchester", as Foxe delighted to call him, 
pliable thoup;h he had been in the jast to the supremacy, had always acted 
within what he considered the lefjal liicits of that supremacy. It should 
be remetiibered always that (Jardiner was a lawyer and thought as a lawyer, 
and he looked ??lth jufjtifiable distrust upon the revolutionary acta of 
the Council in the kind's minority. He was sunmoned before the Council 

on 21 Sertember 1547, for refusinp; to set forth the Injunctions and 

Eorailies of July, and committed to the neet. He was released on 

8 January 1546, but eleven days later was confined to his house for 

refusing to subscribe to the hcwnily of Juetifl cation, composed by Cranner, 

since it affirmed that faith excluded charity in justification. Stiff 

In his objections to Ridley's attempts to convert him, ho .fas allowed 

in Tent to retire to his diocese, whence he was soon sumnoned by the 



Council on the charge that he wis secretly arming; his servants, upholding 
abolished cerersonlea, and warning the people against the "novelties" 
of the ecclesiastical administration. To clear himself of these charges 
he offered to rreach at Paul's Cross. The Council demanded a copy of the 
semion; this Gariiner refused, on the .ground that this :«)uld amount to 
treatia?^ hira as guilty '/rith nothing proved against him, While preparing 
for the sermon, which vras to be preached on 29 June, he received a warnlnn' 
from Somerset, expressly forbidding him to speak of the sacrax&ent or the 

-he night before he was to preach he neither ate nor slept. 
The audience was the greatest seen there; there was naturally a burning 
curiosity as to what he rii^t say, since men Icnew both his stubbornness 
and his subtlety. They were not disappointed in the display of either 
of those qualities. He began by assertinip; the royal supremacy, uslniEr the 
familiar ar.Tiuinent that Peter is not head of the church in the sense of 
prljsacy, that the only foundation of the church is Christ, He affirmed 
his acceptance of the act of the king's first parliament suppressing 
chanties, if they had become occasions of abuses, and even aimitted that 
he iTOUld submit to the act imposing communion in both kinds. He said 

I like well the rest of the King's iiajesty's proceedings concerning the 
Gacranient, If an order be set by such as have rower, 've must follow 
it, and we rr.aot obey the rulers,,,, I have ever been of this opinion. 

Thus did he display his consistency with De 7era Obedientla , But in spite 
of Somerset's warning, he spoke of the mass, affirming: the "very presence" 
of Christ's body and blooJ in the sacrament. He had been warned not to 



sijeak of "doabtful Matters", but for hlni transubstautiation was no 
doubtful matter. Thus he cleared his conscience and put his freedom in 
jeopardy. The next day he was coFtmltted to the Tower, On the fcllovdng 
Sunday Dr. Hicherd Oox, then the kixigls alinoner, preached at Paul*M Gross 
to justify the iiaprisoruaeat of Gardiner, 

jilej declared anri read the articles that he [bardiner] projnified to the 
KiUtjes counsell to have shewed his conscience in according^ to the truth 
of scripture, which he conteraptuouslie and obstinatlie did contrarie to 
Ids prordse, wherefore he was C0JTiL.itted to ward.... Exhorting all the 
auiionce to praj' for his conversion to the truth, and not to rejoyce of 
this his treble, which was ^odlie done, 142 

Another chronicler records that "all thoys prechers that prechyd at 
Poivlles crosse at that time spake Eoche agiayne the bysshoje of iVynchester, 

Thus was Gardiner disposed of, but greater dangers awaited th© 
adriini3trHtion than could be expected from one man, however brilliant and 
influential. One turbulent spirit was silenced on 20 March 1549, when 
the rrotector*s brother, the Lord Adnilral, '.vas executed for sedition and 
treason under an act of attainder. Latimer was called upon to Justify 

this course to the people in a serjnon at raul*5 Cress on 29 karch, but 


his ar2:uri£'nts wcsre ill-received. This crisis ivas followed by the 

risings la NorfolL and :Jevon3hix^, both arising from the evils of enclosures 
and the injustices suffered at the hands of the land-hungry parvenus who 
followed Somerset's star, but the imposition of the Act of Onlfonnity 


enj(5^n^ the use of the ilrst ii*ayer book, on 9 June, vras the signal 
for the dangerous rising In the west stimulated by grievances in matters 
of relif^ion. The sixteen articles which the rebels deoianded^*^ involved 
the resfcoration of the old reli/rion unier tae ...ix Articles, with the 

/ / / 



perpetuation of other O'lstoma an! iastitutiona dating ?ron before the 
nGfarrnation Tarliaaent, In these deraands the Insurgents were oallinc in 
question not only the Innovations in religion but the authority by lAich 
they had been inposed, and Cranner, in his ans.ver to than put the whole 
c[uestlon in terns of the theory of obedience. An important consti- 

tutional question :yas involved, inplicit in the royal supi^macy, Hov; 
far couli the advisors of the king ^^o in thp ■-i'-i,r;»s minority? Here 
Gardiner was as usual consistent; he had always argued that the supremacy 
rested in the king's person, while lawyers like St. Oermaln had believed 
that it T-93lJ3d in the king in perliainent,-*-^" But one questions if even 
Henry's lawyers would have recor'^nized the powers tiAich the Edwardinsv par- 
liaments gave to the Protector. At all events, Cranmer was convinced of 
the validity of those powers, and after celebntinr Cotnnion IVa^rer acicordlng 
to the "king's Book" in 3t. Paul's on 21 July, ho preached there on the 
evils of sedition as denonstrated in the Devonshire rebellion. Afterward 
his chaplain Kr. Joseph rehearsed the sercion before a larrer rsultltn'^.e 
at tlic Gross, -^^ 

The Council now deterr.inad to talce action against the second- 
rankin;!; Catholic stalwart of the kingdom, Edmund Bonner, still Bishop 
of T-onion. If he could be persuaded to preach in his diocese against 
the rebtillion, and since he had subaltted tc the royal visitation there 
was some hoje of it, both ecclesiastical discipline and the Council's 
authority would be strengthened. Accorlinr^ly the Council subnitted to 

hiffi throe weeks in advance a list of three articles on which he ivas 

to preach at Paul's Cross on 1 Septenber. These were: 



1 That all such as rebe3 afialnst their prince, get unto thera damnation, 
and those that resist the higher power resist the ordinances of Cioi, 

Here he was to con-leinn the rehels in Worfolk, Cornwall and OeTron, asserting 
their sins by the classic analory of Korah, rtethan and Abiram, 

2 rhat the extern idtes and ceremonies be but exercises of our religion, 
and arnointable hj' superior jiowers; in ehoosin*^ 7'hereof we ?trust obey the 
magistrates.... If any man use the old rites, and thereby disobey the 
superior power, the devotion of his ceremonies is made teaupht by his 

3 Ye shall also set forth In your sermon, that our authority of royal 
pcver is (as of truth it is) of no less authority and force in this 
our younc age, than is or \ms tiiat of any of nur ijredecessors. 

Bonner preached as connanded on the appointed day, but onsatisfactorily, 
Foxe reports bitterly: 

-VhereRs he w«s commanded to treat only upon such sr^eclal points as v/ere 
r.entloied in the articles, he j'et, both besides the council*i5 comnandiAent, 
and to the wi thdravjl n^r of the minds of the coinnon people, as jnuch as in 
hln lay, from the rip'nt and true understanding of thf; holy sacrament, 
r^lnistered in the holy comnunion then set forth by the authority of the 
king's irajesty..., did spend iao4Yrart of his serraon about the ^ross, carnal, 
and papistloRl presence rf Ohrist*s body and blood in the sacrament of 
the alta"; and also, contrary thereunto, did not only slenderly touch on 
the rest of Ids articles, but, as a rebellious and vrilful carelessness, 
did utterly leave out unspoken the whole last article..., notwithstanding 
the sane (because it ««s the traitorous opinion of the jjopish rebels) 
vras, by specialcoimvandicent , appointed him to treat upon. 151 

?0Te»8 hatred of Bonner is well known, and here, as in other places, 
he is not entirely fair, Tt is certain th^it Bonner did set forth the 
doctrine of transubstantiatlon, but he seems to have spoken sharply 
a^lnst the ain of disobedience as ctHaraanded. These natters come out In 
his examination, which of course appears at lariP;e In Foxe*s own work. 
The "special coimnaniirient'* to which Foxe here refers was an afterthought 
not contained in the first instructions, and as he approached it in his 

// 3 


semon a bill rei,ortin(^ the victories over the rebels was banded to him 

in the pulpit, ao ttiat in attending to its proclaiiEtion he lost his 


pl£;ce and the point slipped his sand, ' The inpartial reader oi" I'oxe 

nust aake ui his luina as tc Liie exLcno ci Bonner's disingeauousness. 
DiGobedient or not, he was coianiitted to the t-arahalsea. 

Follo-.iring the pattern of the procoedinr, against Gardiner, a 
eerjaon '.vas preached at the Cross three weeks after Bonner's, by John 
Hooper, soon tc be Bishop of Gloucester, attacking Bonner's opinions 
and condeEinine his disobedience,-^*^ 

3o far, froK what has survived of the sermons at Paul's Cross 
darin{? these dangerous years, no preacher had gone to the root of tlie 
matter, daring: to set forth the evils of the rich as wull as the dis- 
obedience of the poor, emphosizinR; the duties of all estates with equal 


force. But on 2 February 1550 such a sermon was preached, and by 

the can. who, after Latiner, vKst; undoubtedly the inoct povrorful speaker 

of the time. Ehomas Lever was a r^n of Tmuch natural probity and blunt 


native honesty*, fresh from St. John's, Caribridge, and, as his second 

great effort on 34 3ecei(.bor 1550 vras tc shovj, chiefly exercised over 
the decay of learning and good morals Which accompanied rapid reli'^ious 
change under unprincipled administration. In the beginning of the year, 
however, rebellion mibs his theme; the result is one of the most eloquent 
of the laany homilies upon obedience which enrich the pulpit literature 
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a sermon remarkable in 
this time when too laany preachers were either rash or servile or both. 
I reh^rse it here at some length for this reason, and also because 
in it are aduiLbrated cany of the oiajor themes which 7d.ll recur with 



iKinor variaiions throughout the history of Tsui's Cross ia tihe days of 
ii3.1zabeth and the Stuarts. 

In his exordium before the text Lever adranced ia specific tenaa 
a notion fundamental in the refonElii,<?; consciousness, the conviction 
of God*s special providence tavdri ^aglanu in her a^vaitsixinj: from the 
long sleei of ilolatiy and of the certainty of 3ngland*s destruction 
if icen do not accept this gift cf God in charity ^vithout idolatry or 
covetousnesi:, Ihe alliance of Scotland and France, the border raids 
of the Scots, exaggerated with a preacher's license, provide hlir. with 
a manifest occasion of God*s wrath. 

Se hov; rauche good counsell and earneste threatenynge God hath geven of 
late unto ijiglande, by settyn^e forth of his worde in the eaglyshe 
tron^xe, cuusyxige it to be read dayly in ye churches, to be rreachad purely 
in the pulpites, and to be rehearsed every where in couniunicacion, and 
hou taay continuing, yea increesinf;e their i7>'4ktd lyves, regarde not gods 
word*, dyspyse his threateninges, desyre not his mercye, feare not his 

Yea but what mercyes of God have we refused, or »/hat threatenynge 
of God have we here in Lngland not regarded: -vhyche have forsaken the 
lope, abolyshed idolatryc and supersticion, receyved goddes worde so gladly, 
reformed all thyages accordinc;lye Iherto so spedily, and have all thinges 
Eiost nere the order of the primitive chorche universallye?... It is a 
wondercua playne -.vorde to saye that Englande shall be destroyed: and 
upMsn thye worde ensuinge, it should be a terrible sight to se hundred 
thousandes of cicotteB, Frenche inenne, Papists, and Turkes. entryinff in 
on every syde, to rmrther, spoyle, and to destroye. ^ i??J 

A kinedom divided must fall, and England 

by reason of covetousnes is full of division, is full or conternpte 
of CT>ddes mercye, is full of Idolatrye, is full of pryde. ^. £^ 

Let iin^land therefore repent, as Niniveh repented. 

xlis text was the classic one, "a lesson cost mete", from Ror>anjB. 
13. 1>7, «hich reads in his translation: 


Eveiye souIp be Kub.Te<?t,e unto the hyrher pollers, for there is no jov.-er 
but of God, Those powers whych be, are ordeyned of God, «hereforc he 
that reeysteth power, resystcth the ordinaunce of Cod, hut the;.'- whyche doo 
reaiste, shall receyve to themselves Judgement, For Holers are not to 
be feared for rood dolnr;er, but for evil. A'ouldest thou not feare the 
power? do that whlche is good, and thou shelt have praise of it. But 
if thou do ev!,'13 , fesr' r for he beareth not the sweard v;yt}iout a cause, 
for he is the minister of God to sveni^e in vrrath, hyn that doeth evyll, 

■flierefore ye mist nedes be subjecte, not onlj' for vrrathe, but 
also for conscience sake. For thys do ye paye tribute: For they are the 
rdnisters of Ood attendynf'e to th3rs sarr.e thj'n.^i'e. Gcve therefore unto 
everj' one dueties; tribute to vihome trybute is due, custome to whome 
custum is due, feare to whome feare ic due, hcnoure to vshom honoure is 

Thus you hear, he continued, how every one ouf'ht to be under obedience, 

howbeit experience declareth howe that here in fnglande pore men have 
been rebels, and ryche men heve not done their duetie, (^, 26} 

This is the keynote, the foundation of his sermon. He proceeded to 

confute the Anabaptists, vho arj^ued wron^^ly from the coimnunity of goods 

in the Acts, pointin.? out that their error stems in part from the 

evil disposition of many rich men, who take unto themselves more than 

ie their due, prey upon their customers like the merchants of london or 

upon benefices like the magnates. The pure orijrinal intention of f-i-*^ 

dissolution of reliiriious foundations has been corrupted; the first latent 

was Rodly, but those who have nilsueed what they gained bj' the dissolution 

offend the kinf , an} have •^roup',ht a comen welth into a comen mlser^'-e''. 

Then some wyll aske thys questyon: Seynsie there is no evyll of God, howe 
can evyll rulers or officers be of God? You honeste men thnt be hero, 
and dwell in the countrey, heare this lecson, and marke it, and take it 
home wj'th you, for yrur selves, and your neyfl;hboar. It is God, '^ut facl t 
hypocrita ref^nare rropter peccata popull. ,,. It is God that maketh these 
evyl Fien to bn "entleinen rulers, and officers In the countray: it is the 
sinnes of the people that causeth God to make these jnen youre rulers. 
The iren is sometymes evyll, but the authoritie from God Is alirayes r:ood, 
and Ocj fr,ev " ',od authoritye unto evyll men, to punyshc the synnf^r. of 
the evyll . . It is ",ot therefore repynvn", rcbell^nr, or resi.'jtyag 
gods oriinanco, that vryll amende evyll rulers. jf. .yij 



Neither rebollion on. the one hand nor opprocsion on the other is accor>iing 
to the ordinance of Ood. 

Hherfore ye people, if ye fele your burden is heavye, and your yocke 

frrovouce, pacyontly ijufl'er, sau call unto the lorde: for then he w^rll 
heare thee, and he wyl relieve thee, and he wj'll delyver thee. 

And you rulerti, bocaucc he knovfe that the people oughte not to 
forsake or refuse whnt burden or yote so ever ye charge them ^yth all, _ 
see that ye charge ther: no more then they rnaye beare and suffer, fe, 36J 

Upon this he renewed his attack upon covetousness, the root of all the 
evil in the realm, chiefly as nanifest in enclosures, advancinf: the re- 
rearkable argument that when the people were trapped in the ciazes of 
popeiy they were ;iot able to feel their misery; now lijhen by God's mercy 
they have the true "Jord, they are unthankful. 

5/horfor« we havyn^e thys terrible example in fresh r.eraorye, 

and seynf-e a gracyous Kiynp;, and Godly rulars ordeyned of OOD, to amende 
oure pryefsB, althGtiirhte all that cannot be amended in one day, v/hyche 
hath bene appayrj'^nr Txrje yeres, yet let us pacientlye suffer for a tyme, 
not doubtyn^e but that that reliefe, conforte, and wealth, whyche God 
hath promysed unto J-;niE»lsnde by hys word, offered of hys goodnes, and 
befeon by this ordlnaunce, shal be brounht unto passe, by hj'^s ir-sione and 
myghte: in cuche Tyse ac shall be moste for hys slorye, the Icj'nges 
honoure, the wealth of the roalse, and raost to the conforte of theyri that 
riooste pacyentlye in hope, truste to goddes {rocdnes, ^ 4l] 

It is well kno»m to students of Tudor and Stuart history that 
these pronouncements are commonplaces of political theory for a century. 
Yet within the picture of such platitudes there are varyinp^ shades of 
ejnphacis, .ihen the theory of obedience was set forth, as on znis oocasion, 
in a moment of crisis, it had aaturelly a special force not so obvious in 
an accession sermon, to name an ordinary infstanoe of ita occurrence in 
laul's Cross sermons. As lever uses it, it is a palliative, a nostr'jun 



of tho inruGdiate Jis'sase, a timely rebiik?. "/hen inTolvGci in the or-iinary 
course of thixijo, iii^ ciiEory ^saff-arsd bacaaoe of its real wealiness before 
the fact of power. lofty in its idaaliaci, the argnmeat always showed the 
liaeaiuents of its origia as crisis Eaaifesto: it was ever a weapon of 
attack, first in I^Male against the- lope's "usurped authority", later, 
as in rtliitc.ift and John Jhite, against the many-headed aultitude and such 
feckless rdnorlties in. that jLultitude as the Anabaptists, who dreamed un- 
certainly of a real revolution. Fortunately for the stability of "nglish 
institutions the words of St. laul .were for a time enforced by the vigorous 
tradition of the comaion la* of the realic, which infact rut all men, king 
and comrrions and clergy , under the lex coinmunalis. and caught thezn In their 
small dealings, where It hurt, rather than in their ideals, where it 
usually did not. For I-ever in 1550 there y/as no dichotomy between the 
theory cf obedience and the law of the land; for liis Puritan successors, 
Bs the royal prerogative in matters ecclesiastical encroached upon the 
sphere of the conci.on law, there wes a conflict which, to the astonishment 
of the historian, lut the Inns of Court .Tien ■"^'' !•■'-- "^uritan thcorirts into 
the same ranks, and contributed in no siiall Q6f^i*ee to the great divisions 
of 1641, There is some irony In the fact that such protest as there was 
against the alleged illegality of the Edwardian acts of uniformity rnme 
from the Catholic conservatives like Gardiner, while lever, twenty years 
later, was to be convented for breached of church discipline before a 
court constituted by the royal supreisacy. There were nany like hiin for 
whom the reign of Edward VI v«u a sort of golden age, for only then was 
the church discipline sufficiently large to accomniodate their tender 



Of the three blocs of disaffection which troubled the course 
of the Hefomation accordlns' to Somerset, Northumberland, Ridley and Granmer, 
and which found expression at laul's Cross, two have been described: the 
Catholic bishops and theologians, and the discontented country folk. There 
viee yet another source of opposition, Mary Tudor. Her opinions, tested 
bj' zealots who tried to convert her, were well known and unchangeable. 
No argument from any cleric or politician could shake from the popular 
Bind the simple conviction of her legitimacy, or take the shadow of the 
ci*own imperial from her round and stubborn brow. But with the folly or 
zeal and the blindness of ambition it was atteir.pted. On 31 August 1650, 
one Stephen Gaston alluded obliquely in his sernion at the Cross to "a gret 
woman, v/lthin the realms that was a pret supporteV. .. of popery", ana 
called Henry VIII a papist, irtiich the chronicler thought "Tiarde", i'Ms 
sort of thins' did not f^o down very well, ifiven less support could be ex- 
pected for the supporters of RorthunJberland in July 1553, On 2 July Dr. 
Hodgkin, suffraf^n Bishop of Bedofrd, deliberately failed to pray for 
Iftdry and Elizabeth, as was the custoiii, and the next Sunday, after the 
death cf E.lward , Ridley, preachinc on the sane theme as Sandys at Cai!ibridf:e, 
"sore anoya" the >aul*3 Gross audience by pTorio^' tory anu ilizabeth il- 

lejRltiEiate, supporting the claim of Lady Jane, and warning the people 

that the accession of ttery would mean the subversion of true religion. 

•jhat a fantastic adventure was this of Northumberland's, under- 
taken af'ainst all the overwhelming evidence of peneral support for the 
Tudor and no other, atralnst the very considerable evidence that the mass 
of the populace was still Catholic. If they were not good catholics, 
at least they were more addicted to the comfortable assurances of tradition 



than to the distua-bixij; iruxovafcions of fclie last siz years. Perhaps it vms 
because thay v/ere bal Catholics that they wished to remaia so. Only one 
change had passed beyond reverKion into the national lift:: the secularization 
of chui'ch la-oper'olas. Iingliahi.tea wished to : ursue their conifortable 
worldly ways, to which the new relitiion was not yet accoBit-''^&''ed, rhat 
it would some day be so acccHipdated was then only a burgeoning idea in 
the brain of Elizabeth or of Viillia;-; Cecil, At the tiuie the new faith 
was to iiany merely a passing fanaticism; there vms a crude but powerful 
undercurrent of opposition to it, the opposition v&ich had been v*aked 
un.tfisely b Eenry in 153G and by Sonerset in 1545, Kenry had i^cifled 

it; ..Avmrd^s council never aucceeded in doinp so. It coines to the .'jurfaca 


in such small w«ys aa in "A T opish Hliyme fastned upon a pulpit in K, 

Sd-d«ardr» rel/^ne", p little bit of doggerel .vlth the revelatory character 

of suuri in;itive ;i(jru;;s in e<-t'-t)i*al J 

This pulpit ivas not here set. 
For knaves to prate in and rayl. 
But if lO man laay tho,"i let, 
Kischef wil couie of them, no fail. 

If God do pendt thein for a tyiae 
To brabble and ly at thoir v^^l. 
Yet I trust or that be pi'ine 
At their fal to laughe ny fill. 

Two of the knaves already wo had, 

Tlie third is comyny as I understand, 

In all the yerth ther is acne so bad, 

I pray Ood soon ryd them out of this land,,,, 

Al christen men at us now laugh and scorne 
To se jiovr they bo taking of hie and lowe, 
Dut the child that is yet unborn 
Siisl curse al on a rows, 

Kov7 Ciod sped thee wel, 

And I wil no .^ore raell, loO 



The point often ignored is that the people were uot used to religious 
disputation; they were by turns bored and outreped by the preachers' 
insistence. Too much was happening too quickly; they ate the air proioise- 
craimiied and they wished to get back to their capons. -Vitnesa the Capper's 
outburst in John Hales 's "Discourse of the Coinraon Vieal of this Realm of 
England" ^549j : 

The devell a vrliit the ^ood doe ye with youre studies, but set aien to- 
gether by the ^ires. Some witli this opinion and sone witli that, some 
holdia^^e this "wave and some that waye, and scaae an other, and that so 
stiffly as thoughe the truthe must be as they save that have the upper 
hande in contention. And this contention is not the least of theise 
uprors of the jeople: some holiinge of the one leai-ninj-e and some hold- 
inp;e of the other. In my irdnde it made no matter yf theare weare no 
l«?arnedrr.en at all, 161 

Lever mig:ht complain bitterly of the decay of the universities; did not 
he and his fellows help to discourage support of learnixitT by their 
"stiffness"? iew Seek the truth; the desire for ."^lobos and messuages 
is more to be exp«cted of hufiian frailty. Perhaps the best piece of 
evidence that exists for the determination of the state of the public mind 
during this reriod is ilyat's remark to a friend as he prepared to iiarch 
on London^l554. It is a vignette, but a inoet iiu]-ortant one. 

There came to him [y'yat] one.,, oi (jood wealthe, saiyiv;: "Syr", vmod he, 
"they saye I love potaj^e well, I wyll sell all riy spoaes, end all the 
plate in my house, rather than your purpose shall quayle, and suppe my 
potai-e vfith my nouthe, I truste," vmod he, "you wyll restore the lyght 
religion Sfrayne. " "Vfiilste," wuod ^at, "yo\i may not so much as name 
religion, for that wll vjithdraw from use the hear tea of manye: you must 
only sake your quarrel for overninninre by atraungers. And yet to thee 
be it sayd in counsell, as uuto say frende, we I'^u.nde only the restitution 
of God's word." 162 

8, "oorae there be that labour by virestyng of the scripture to 
pulle ther. selves from under true obedience. " 

To this history of laul's Cross in the reign of Edward VI must 


be added one important app-endlx, the penances of Anabaptists there in 

1548-9. Such penances are a recurring phenomenon at Iaul*s Cross: the 


iffiiortant dates are 1538, 154S, 1575, l^ach of these dates indicates 

a phase in the Mstory of this remarkable sect, fhe first group of 
penitents were foreif^ners, and an example was made of them at that time 
prusunably because of the Iiuniiter episode three years before, when the 
radicals for the first tiiie eaiployed force, which they had hitherto 
abhorred, seiaed the town, organized it upon coEiniunist principles, per- 
mitted such cnoriidties as polygamy, and in effect founded the Hew Jerusalem 


according to their dispeasation,-^ * It was this episode, rather than the 
opinions of Anabaptists, which caused the odiuBi in which they were there- 
after held. "Thev had struck at the social an.1 volitical saseeptibilities 
of the time at their ciost sensitive point, the fear of anarchy.*^ 
The government, in 1538, in effect proclaimed by putting such persons 
to penance tliat it recognized the dan^^er in the sect, and that it was 
watchful to see that It did not find a foothold in England, Such were 
the victims and such the penances of the first of the groups dealt with 
in 1575. Continued references to Anabaptists la serrjons dovm to 1640 
intiicate rather the continuance oi their tradition of dangerous opposition 
to the constituted order than their emersence as a positive and immediate 
threat to that order, fhey became a bojrey. They v;orc a horrible example 
viha vihicj- to i-jrriiy all potential revolutionaries aaj. to enforce the 
doctrine of passive obedieace. As for the Family of Love, which owed 
its origin to Anabaptist zealots, and became for Englishmen the half- 
feared, half -ridiculed repositary of Anabaptist opinions (and in fact 
any other unusual opinions otherwise difficult to classify), one notes 



without much surprise its appearance in the Huts of seditious groups 
piously and steadily rehearsed by orthodox treachers. It .was a bo^ey also. 
at once ruore to be hated and xaore to be dismissed with a sneer since it 
was close at hand. Historians of dissent give it more rroMnence t.ban it 
deserves; thoufih some of the ideas held by its aembei-s were to have a con- 
siderable influence, as a sect it was uniiaportant. 

But the AnabaptiEts of 1549, harmless though they appear in their 
casual intrusion into the history of Paul's Gross, are worth a little 
iLore considersitioii. I have collected records of three penances: by 
John Chaiapneys of otratford on the Bow, by Putto a farter of Colchester, 
and by a butcher dwelling, in Ould Fish Street, lutto did penance twice, 
having offended the audience by wearing his cap the first tiirse.'^^^ These 
ere siaall fry, no doubt, but they probably are representative of a greater 
nuKber. Kow jrany of these persons were there in Lngland about this tine? 
Such a sudden sequence of penances points to the discovery of a conven- 
ticle, and also to the adirdrably i-olltic habit of Tudor administrations 
of repeatin,^ a good occasion to u^e the lesson stick. Latimer, preaching 
before the kine on 29 Inarch 1549. hinted that many such heretics as 
these were in iaifdand; 

I told you that it was good and lawftd for honest, virtuouii folk... to 
use the laws or the realu. as an ordinary help against thtir adversaries, 
and ought to take them as God's holy ordinances, for the remedies of 
their injuries and wron,'-s, when they are dittreesed.,., 

I should have told you here of a certain sect of heretics that 
speali against this order and doctrine; they will have no ir^^istrates 
nor judges on the eartli. Here I have to tell you what I heard of late, 
by the relation of a crediblu person; and a ■TOrshiprul roan, of a town 
in this realm of ilngland, that hath above five hundred heretics of 
this erroneouj opinion in it, he said, 167 



He continued with an argument 'ihat is Milton's "Closing up truth to 
truth", on its negative side: 

Oh, so busy the devil is now to hinder the word coming out, and to 
slander the gospel! A sure argument, and an evident demonstration, 
that the light of God's word is abroad, and that this is a true doctrine 
that we are taught now; else he would not roar and stir about as he doth,... 
There is no such diversity of opinion among the Turks, nor among the 
Jews. And why? For there he reigneth peaceably in the whole religion.... 
And this is an argument that we have the true doctrine.... 

Then he proceeded to tease his audience in his best manner: 

And will you know where this tov;n is? I will not tell you directly; 

I will ' ut you to must a little; I will utter the matter by circumlocution. 

'^ere is it? -Vhere the bishop of the diocese is an unpreaching prelate, 166 

He seems to have been speaking of Colchester, and the unpreaching prelate 
would in that case be Bonner, for Colchester lay in the diocese of London. 
There is considerable evidence that Colchester, a center of radical 
Protestant activities in the reign of Mary, was at this time harbour 
to numbers of Anabaptists. Futto, the penitent farmer, came from there. 
The fantastic Christopher Vittels was there in 1555, and in the years 
about 1575-80 the town was a J^milist center, Colchester was to 
Anabaptists what Lancashire was later for Puritanism. But the sect and 
its doctrines ray have been n-ore widely spread than this, for John Hales, 

the royal commissioner on enclosures, found it necessary to clear himself 

of any suspicion of sympathy with them in 154B, in his Defence , and 

Lever, in his sermon of 2 February 1550, devotes some care to the repu- 
diation of the theory that the Christian society must imitate the 

communism of the Acts, 

Professor Allen had explored the main doctrines of the Anabaptists, 



deciding that their greatest contributions to politico-ecclesiasticsal 
thought during this period were their idea of the visible church as a 

voluntary association and their insistence upon the validity of das tnnere 

jfort. These ideas have an intiiaate relationship to some influential 

theories current in the days of the Coraciomrealth, But vdien John Gharapneys, 
of Stratford on the Bow, appeared at Paul's Cross in 1548 or 1549, his 
recital of his errors suggests rather than explicitly states these im- 
portant ideas, which had ot yet found a fruitful soil in iwhich to f^row. 
due may see, however, why he vas rut to correction; he had had dangerous 
notions. He confessed that he had "taught, irrote, and defended", that a 
raen, after he is regenerate in Christ, cannot sin; tiiat the outward man 
mifjht sin, but the inward man could not; thet the Gospel has been so 
much persecuted and hated since the Apostles' times that no man mlpht be 
suffered openly to follov; it, Ee had believed further that f^odly love 
never falls away from theoi vrho are regenerate In Christ, wherefore they 
cannot do contrary to the coffiiiiandments of Christ, He had asserted that 
the ecclesiastics keep from this truth for their own purposes, 
finally, he had taught that God penrlts to all his elect their bodily 
necessities of 11 earthly things, "^ The belief in the inner light, 
thouiP:h heretical, was 'Ot so dangerous as the last of these corollaries 
from the Anabaptists' special version of the doctrine of election, By 
holding to the former a man mifht fail of salvation, but if too irany 
men held to the latter the magnates would fail of their privileges. 

But the belief in the inner -fas nourished by the relip-lous 
policy oi .jO.Tierset and florthmaberlaxid, noi, oa.& oj. piety but from policy. 
So intent were they upon the spoliation of what reiminod of the old 



peligioiis foundations that they too much ignored the daivgerous develop- 
ments wnioa iaeir innovations encouraged. If there were not very iiany 
Anabaptists by count of heads, there surely v/ere nany undisciplined 
intellects which embraced the radical Protestant doctrines out of piety 
or greed, or even a combination of both in one believer. If one examines 
with great care the long reports of the esaminations of the martyrs in 
Foxe, one is left wondering bow many of these persons were not of the 
tradition of Laticier and Hldley and Cranmer but believers in sjore radical 
doctrines, doctrines which Cranmer \«Duld have most violently eschewed, 
rhere is no iisss of definite evidence in one place, but a hint here, a 
dubious phrase there, -.vhich coEoine into a hall-forrj.ed suspicion that the 
Marian aJiiiinistration was perhaps fiot aioved by the specially vicious 

bigotry iciich JTose himself attributes to it. No state, said Cecil, can 

live in safety where there is toleration of two religions, and one 

suspects that there were in i^ry's realia net two religions bat two 


It aaiat be repeated here that the Edwardian Reforsiation if 
viewed fron ]aiil*s Gross fresents a ver:' imperfect sight. Here if any- 
where this approach to the ecclesiastical history seens surely to distort 
it, anu all that is proper is to recount in sequence the names of preachers 
and what they said so far as it is known, and leave the time as on« finds 
it, supplying a series of little footnotes, straws in the wind perhaps, 
certainly not signposts or milestones. Yet surely it is as legitimate 
to make much of these sermons and penancos which show the Mwardian 
church in operation as it is to dwell securely uron Craniaer's liturgical 
theories or Gardin's view of the royal supreracy and its limitations. 



lb is salutary also to reflect that this period of tentative experiment, 
of troubled and unsure opinions, so thoroughly revealed In all their im- 
perfections at Paul's Cross, was surveyed in retrospect by the Elizabethan 
preachers as the a/re of Josiah, the dawning- of the new day, the tir.e of 
the triuinrh or the Gospel. Such are t.he delusions of the godly. Actually, 
as the 3aul*s Cross Eiaterial dein'tonstrates, the reign of Sdward did far 
more daiu3/?e to the Chui>5h of England than the I/!!arian persecutions. If 
during these years Cranifter framed the ritua] of the .establishment, diirinp 
t?iese years also the gentry spoiled that establishment unmercifully, the 
politicians laid dotrn the precedents for onscrvipulous manipulations of 
its jTj.:iistera ior pur^'ost;^ oi i tii^riciue unu "*ic.j.tace, and the fanatics 
succeeded in makiiw? it suspect with the conservatives and the ordinary 
worldly citizens. If the theologian exercised his right as political 
theorist, laying down the rule of obedience according to St. laul, it 
is also true that the politician exercised through the powerful precedent 
of the supremacy his right as theologian, and stiffening secular authority 
nlth the niiture of the private judf;ment learned to make the churchmen 
his creatures and the word of God his instrument of tyranny, fo pass 
over any evidence which juts theae facts in their pix)per focus is to be 
indiscreet indeed, 


9. "The restitution of the Jope's primacy in I^gland, " 

iivents at laul 'a Crotts during the reign of L^ary have a simplicity 
and continuity which is at once reassui'ing and depressing; reassurinpj 
because uo unexplainable cr aiibiguous things happen, depressing because 



wtiere one had hoped to supplement the rather unsatisfactory materials 
on the ecclesiastical history of the relg-n, to fini some conteiaporary 
justification of the use of the act de haeri'Lico coir.burendo . for in- 
stance, which should throw some light on that difficult question, one 
finds only tlic statecent of conventional Catholic principles and some 
evidence for the existence of active but usually ill-orcanized and un- 
disciplined opposition elements. One could scarcely expect to find 
anythin^^ correspondiac to Gardiner*£ senr.on of 1548, but the material 
is still disapjjointing. 

The truth is that Kary did not "tune her pulpits", did not use 
the forum at Paul's Cross with her father's clevernese or the careless- 
ness of her brother'^ Council, I'l tMs perhaps she was wise; certaloly 
her distrust of the pulpit luust have been enforced by the riot of August 
1553. fhe iaul's Cross pulpit was used, as before, for proclamations, 
spectacles, and instruction in officially-accepted doctrines, but the 
important sernons of the reign v/ere preached st Oxford and Smithfield, 
where the rituals of disputation or burning co'ild support the preacher's 
arguiaents. It is aot accidental that durinr: this reign the most im- 
portant occasions at laul's Cross were theatre — whether the play went 
always as arranged or not. 'fhe naterials are nost nieaf^re, but one 
wonders whether the rei{^n does aot mark a decline in ongliah pulpit 

Svery chronicler, every hi.Jtoriaa has had >.is say about the 
flrst^^^ laul's Cross sermon of the reign, at which Gilbert Bourne, 
chaplain to the queen, preachin/^ on 16 August and condemning the lin- 
prisoninent of Bonner, had a dagger thrown at him from the crowd and 


narrowly escajied nanhandlin^s by elerients ia the audience. It Is In- 
struotlve to set side by side a contenporary account and one ehaped by tjraditioa, to see iphat lartisanship oan do to a irood story. 
First, the fullest contemporarj' version cl" tliia notorioue affair: 

In the sennoa tyiue, becauso he [Boarne3 prayed for the eoules departed, 
and allso in declarin^e the vnroasfall iiaprisomrient of doctor Bonner, late 
Bishop of I^n:?on, certeine leude and ille disiosed persons Bade a holloi** 
In^e and auch a cryin^e thou lyeat, that thf3 audytnce was sc di:itarbed, 
that the preacher was so affrayd by the ooira;iotion of the people, that 
one Si^dford, e preacher, pulled hia backe, and spake to the people, 
desyrinc thcu. in Jhristes name and for the bloods of Christ to pacific 
theiikeelves, -vhich people were so rude that they would not, but one lewde 
p/crson drffs© a dascer and cadt yt at the preacher, 3 Ool iTOald, 

hitt ai^inst one of the posts of the pulpit. Ky lor , . ir then and 
Aldsrjcen rysinge from thlr places, went about the churchyard to cause 
the people to iepart away, .ihieh ^ere so rude that in a great space they 
would not daiarta, but cryed kill liim; and so, «rita great payne and feare 
the aayd Boi^e was conveyed from the pulpit to the scholehouse in Fowles 
Churchyard. Ihe Lord Oourtney and the Is " lea oi" i-xecoter otoode 

above my Lord iayor, with Ooctor Boanor. . .of London, 4iich were 

sore astonyed to se the ruocur jhomourTJ of the people, and had as much 
adoe by their nieanes to see the sayd Bishop conveyed in safetye through 
the church, the people were so rude, 176 

In the traditional life of Eradford, the incident has a different slant: 

In the beiTinnlns; of 'i^een Marie's reign. Bourn, Bishop of Sath made a 
seditious sermon at l^ul*c-Croose, which so B.oved the people to indir'na- 
tloQ, that t" •• to pull him out of the Iul]it, and one thjrew 

a dat';?er at j . i bourn requested «astc-r Bradforu, .^hc was 

behind him to stand in his place, and to quiet the people, which accordinf^y 
he did; whor^ when the jooplo Ea.v, the;/ cried, Bradford, Braiford, Goi save 
thy life Bradford: Bourn not yet Jiiiriself safe, requested I/Rster 
Bradford to conve i e hia. into the i-fChool-Bsaster't. house, vhich aecordinfjy 
he did, eoloi' at his back, and shelter! ng Mr. from the peaple; aiiereupon 
one said to hir.. Ah .'Jradfcrd, Bradford, Thou savest hlai t/h:.t will heir to 
burn thee. In the afternoon 2£aster Bradford preached at Bow-church, aad 
sharply r------ ■* the people for their seditious carria5;e: Yt-t within 

three dal .r, he was sent lor before the Ooanolll, and charr;e<I with 

sedition for this act, and by thesi was sent prisoner, first to the 
Power.... 177 

That last piouB clairvoyant ejaculation froia the crowd sounds apocryphal 
to Be, Foie and i\iller are chiefly I'esponsible for the 3 rotestant account. 


Foxe treats the affair as one ini{5ht expect, adding one detail, that 

Bourne spoke "much to the lero.^ation and disprai=;c of Kinr Sdvsard, which 

thinp; the people in no case could abidej'. Fuller contributes a typically 

telling phrase, "the people Joyfully iogerainated with a loud Toice, 

Bradford, BradforL" and conjectures that Bourne ?sas light in persecu- 

tion because he was saved by Bradford, a pleasant postulate, Burnet, 

following in this tradition, explains the crowd's behavior by their hatred 

of Bonner, aids that some flung stones, contributes a picturesque detail, 

that Bourne ducked to escape the dapger, and says that Rogers, as well 

as Bradford, "gently quieted" the audience, I have not found any 

other evidence that Rogers figured in the affair; hv had preached in 

the midst of the troubles on 16 July a "godly and vehement" semon, 

avoiding politics,^ 

Tvro other contemporary accounts n»ay be of help in discovering; what 
actually dii happen* ^c Grey Friars' Chronicle , in a brief notice to 
the episode, differs from all the other accounts; it recoris that Bourne 
"there was pullyd owte of the pulpyt by vacabonddes". Eeaxj Xachyn, 

whose rre.ludices seen: usually to have been nullified by the inveterate 
diarist's honesty, has a version not unlike that ol cae ..riothsley 
Chronicle at some points: 

Ther [was aj gret up-rore and sho'.vtynr at ye sermon, as yt [were] lyke 
mad pepull, watt yonqe pepell and \(onan ]ps] ever was hard, as herle-borle, 
and castyng up of capes jcajs?/ ; ^if^ my lord mer and ray lord Cortenay 
ad not ben ther, ther had bene grett myscheyl'f done. 134 

Observe that two of the three eye-vd tneos accounts mention Gourtenay, 

and that none of them mention Piradford. It seems rather odd, too, that 

Bradford should have been in the pulpit with Bourne, but not so odd as 



that in such a situation he should have been the preacher's sole or eTsn 
principal i-rotection, '.Jriothsley's and liachyn's accounts suggest that a 
claque began by howling down the preacher, that some of theiJi tried to drag 
him out or thepulpit, that a dafger was throv.n during the confusion, and 
that a nuriiber of persons, including the city officers and Courtenay's 
attendants, and perhaps Bradford, surrounded Bourne and hurried hln-i 
off to the safety of the schoolhouse. The rest is eiribroidery and pious 
fabrication, London iiiay have been laore strongly Irotestant than any 
other part of the realm, but the same peojle who had acclaimed Eary 
a few days before with bells and bonfires -i^ere not likely to rise in 
v;rath against her chaplain, as if moved by a general infusion of the 
Gospel, There is besides another weal: point in the later i-tory, vihy 
should the Londoners have hated Bonner? There would be some ground for 
supposin"- thev v.'otild hate him after the heresy hunt, though even that 
is doubtful, but why juat then? He had never done them any hants. Only 
the highly unjustifiable assuaption that the audience was solidly of 
the reforming temper will make the Bradford story credible, Desides, 
we do not kr.ow what he sail at 3o«-church in the afternoon, except that 
he condemned sedition, Ke likely condeiJied other things as well. 

But no matter how niuch one discounts what propaganda has made 
of this cTisoie, there ?ras a riot. The reasons for it need not be those 
advances uy -oxe una jii-- follo.vors, but others no loss inoereating and 
son.ewbat more satisfactory. It was much easier to start a riot in those 
days, when the people did not know for certain what #as going on: they had 
no newsjapers, no radio, they were not es carefully "conditioned" as we 
are. In the midst of a political crisis they behaved as Shakespeare 



aFiong others describes: they reeled tc endt fro, swept from one party to 
another, moved by i*umours, seduced by shouts, 'Jfcat else couli be ex- 
pected? A cro-^d is always an unstable compoun!; it was the more unstable 
then becauee it lacked the easy certainties v:hich advanced technology 

ii.i::;i,orians regard uneasily the influence of the London mob upon 
the course of events during; the first years of the long larlianent, but 
those Eobs seen to have been directed froia behind the scenes; at least 
their dtJirx)nstrations occurred at moments useful to the parlieimentary 
radicals. But such demonstrations as this juiit described, thourh perhaps 
set off by disaffected, "lowd and ill-disposed" persons, have the 
sinple quality of boisterous uceaslnesE, They are futile siniply because 
they never were intended to accomplish anything, Phey do not Indicate 
disaffection so auch as simple uncertainty. 

The governoent took iminediat© steps to enforce subiniseion. 
The Council .jas juctly alarmed, and as always hajpens in such cases 
proceeded with sone violence against the most blameable authority. 
They threatened the liberties of the City, and the City officers, to 
preserve their position, pronised to take steps to keep apprentices and 
children in Ev;e, to have special regard to the vjstch, and to apprehend 
if they could *ive or six of the rinp.leaders In the riot. The Lord 
Kayor offered a rev/ard of £5 for information leading; to the arr«t;b of blm 
who threw the dagger; on 15 and 16 August two men, r/illiam £utter and 
Kuiaphrey raldexi, vfer© comaitted to prison on evidence that they had 
spoken again:^t the preacher, though it is not clear whether this was 
durim; the tioe of the sermon, and a surgeon vho lived by laul*c was 



set in the pillory with his ears nailed back for similar naughty obser- 

vatlons. On the next Sunday, 20 Auff;ust, the inculcation of ri^ht 

doctrine was jTorraally instituted, under iwther forbidding if necessnry 

conditions. IDr, Ttetson, chaplain to Gardiner, --reached at Taul*s Cross 

before the lords of the Council, the crafts in their liveries, and 

surrounded by two hundred of the royal puard, vrf-io "stode there alle the 

sermon t3'me with ther halberttes,". The seinaon v?as "quietly ended 'rlthout 


any tumult,". ".liat account of the sermon survives comes from a letter 
of a certain ii^llllar. Dalby, no friend to the Catholic faith, bat in spite 
of prejudice he gives the facts. 

His sercione was no more eloquent than edeflens, I meane it was nether 
eloquent nor edefien,7e In my oplnlone for he medled not withe the OosTclle 
nor i;pistle nor noe parte of ocripture. After he had red his theano 
he entred into a by nattere and so spente his tyir.e , 4 or 5 of the cheefe 
poynts of his sennone that I cane reiceinber I will... rej'orte unto you: 
vilz, he reculrede the people not to believe the preachers, ^^^ but that 
ther faith should be firne and sure because theare is suche vanetiea 
anongests them and yf any mane doubte of hln faithe let hlme goe to the 
Scriptures, and also to the olde Interpreteres of the doctoree, and 
interprite it not aftere their owne bi^yne, he vrlsshed the people to have 
no newe faithe, nor to build no newe ter.ple, but to keepe the ould faythe, 
and edifye the ould Temple apiaine. He blace.l the people in a manor for 
that heertofore they would have nothin<r that was manes tradissyone, and 
no7je they can be contented to have manes tradlsnyon, shewlnp: that in the 
first yeare of the rainge of our soveraipne lorde kinr Zdward the 6. 
theare r,-SB a lawe established that in the sacrarLente theare was the bodie 
and blood of Ghrlste not really but spiritually, anl the nexto yeare 
aftere thej- established another lawe that theare was the body of Christe 
nether speritually nor really . fhes 2 in themselves are contrarj'-es 
thearfor they cannot be bothe treT/e , He shewed that «e should ground 
our faithe uppon cods word which Is scripture and scripture is the 
bible which we have in Hebnie Greeke and lattine and nowe translated 
into ' ' e: b ut he ioubteth the translatyon was not true . Also he 
said , hathe byne in hin tyr.e tliat he hathe seene xx Catechesjneses 
and e-rexy one varintc fron other in ooice points, and well he said they 
lalghte be all false but they could not be all true, and thus percuadln p 
the people that they had follo-ved ncnes tradinhyones anri had gone a 
straye, wlahin g then, to come home agayne and reedefy the ould Temple. 
Thus with many other persuasions he spente the tyrae tyll x1 of the cloke 
and ended. 191 



Even from tlds helter-skelter rerort» it is clear ho?/ astute was V/atson's 
atproack to the problem of bridj^ine the gap in the lopular coascioue- 
ness between tlie Irotestant innovations and the old faith. He attacked 
the order just past at its weakest point, its divei'sity of opinions, and 
specifically the diversity of opinions about the lord's Gupper. ?;.' l n- 
Q weapon froci the ariuory of his opponents, he grounded the faith upon 
Scripture, dei'bly shifting the onus of blame to the translations. If 
the Refonriers had bused their attack upon Catholicisiu upon the arirument 
that the old faith was Iciperfect since it depended upon "manes tradi- 
shyones", he could show that the varieties of Trotestant doctrine v;ere 
also the traditions of men, lie had to support his arrtirient the powerful 
liictive of distrust or change, which supports arx iastitubiou when nothing 
else will. Ihis is not profound theology, but it is excellent persuasion, 

Ihis course of edifying, sercions, designed to establish once more, 
though ba dcp;rees, the old usages end doctrines, was continued in ser/rions 

by Dr. ..illiaru Chedsey aiia x^eckenhad., and by Dr. i-eston, now dean of 

"rfestndmiter. The last of these willed the people to pray for souls 

in piirgatory, denounced the Protestant catechiein, and ventured upon a 

slighting reference to the con-jrami on- tables of the Edwardi<l8i ritual, 

calling thexn oyster-boards. On 1£ llovember, Jajues Brooks, after 

Bishop of Gloucester, preached from Jiatthew 9. 18, celebrating the 

return oi the realm under the tutelaf,e of tlxe queen to the Roman foli. 

fhe application of the Kew i'estaiiieat stcry was perhaps a bit strained, 

and was censured by Irotestauta who objected that it made the queen equal 

to Christ, ^^* Brooks, whoa Jewel called "a beast of r/iost impure life, 

and yet tore iapui-e conscience". had to defend one iiajortant point 



in his exposition against Latimer, at the latter's examination in 1555, 
Latimer argued on that occasion that the Bishops of Home had turned r'lle 
according to the word of God into rule accordin,^; to their own pleasure, 
and contended that Brooks, in this sermon, had imposed upon the new 11 s- 
pensation the rif^t rej^ere in the power of the Levites as laid down in 
Deuteronoiay, Brooks replied that if in the old law the priests had poT»er 
to decide matters of controversy, the same power ought to reside in the 

priests of the new law. Latimer insisted that he meant they mipht decide 


matters of religion according to their ovm will and not the word of God. 

•But the men who might have contended with the official preachers 
upon such terms were in prison, and what opposition there was to the es- 
tablishment of the old faith was channeled either into such abortive 
risings at rfyatt'a in the early part of 1554, or issued in strange sur- 
reptitious fashion, in deeds in which zeal and charlatan! src, wrath and 
mischief are inextricably blended. Fnere are notices of some such acti- 
vities ivhich find their wsy into the history of It-ul's Cross; as one 
considers them it is proper to remember tliat they indicate popular 
opposition to the liiatch with Ihilip of Spain, decided upon tn Dctober 
155o, arranged for durinp the early ~.onths of 1554 and solCiTjiized on 25 
Ji^y* just as much or more than simple objection to Catholicism, Here 
berinc that distrust of Spain -.vhich was the dominant motive in English 
politics lor t.-v'0 genera Glons, and vHilch cropped up again upon a very 
important occasion in the 1620 *s. 

rhe first of these episodes, however, i^ simply an act of mis- 
chievous irreverence, blaspher.ouE; and obscene. Early iiunday morning, 
8 April lo54, there was aiscoverea naiigin^. on o.\t; {n'QtiL, la '/iieapside a 




a dead cat, vrLth shaven crown and a vrafer-like object in its mouth, 
naie llko a rrlcst celebrotinc the 5iass. Tbe thirir^ -vras at once taken. 
dovni, and exhibited during the semon at I'aul'o Cross preached the same 
laornins by Dr. Henry Pendleton, canon of St. Faiil's and chaplain to 
Bonner, who vnis once more bishop of the dlocesp. A revjard of 20 nobles 
was ofxcred for the apprehension of the culprit, but it was not collected. 
Tliis sort of enorirdty may be thought peculiar to these tiiaes, but the 

spirit of it did not die fror. controversy. In 1571 Dr. John Bridges 


usGerGca tiist a priest at I'saso is like a cat with a nouse, eating Christ, 

The roots of this blasphemy bj' analof^r vvith animals ro deep into the 

folk consciousness; they have not to ir^ knotvledge been studied to any 

purpose by the students of i*elicioUi> syiabollsn. Duc)i ideas reach the 

surface only in times of crisis, find expression j^erhaps in a wood-cut 

as stv^^estive as an obscene drawing on a ?js11, and pass off into metaphor 

to die. 

Dr. Pendleton preached again at the Cross on 10 June, and on 
tliat occasion vrent in danger of his life, for soiueone fired upon him 
either from the crov;d or from one of the houses by the churchyard,*' 
The would-be assassin remained undiscovered, T'endloton may have con- 
mended the project of the queen's marriage with Ihilip^ it is clear that 
disaffected persons (some of \Aom may have been Catholics) were prepared 
at this time to use any means to stir up popular antagonism to the match, 
Terhapa follo^rtng the precedent of the Nun of Kent, "diverse lewd persons" 
promoted a pious fraud, usinj as agent a c?irl named Elizabeth Croft, who 
was called "the whyte byrde, or the byrie that spake in th' wall", 
fhc little conspiracy vvas discovered, and on iLi July the girl did penance 

/ 3t 


at Paul's Gross, 

where she confessed, that she bein^ mooved. by diverse lewd persons there- 
unto, had ufon the fourteenth of I&irch last before r,«s3ed, counterfeited 
certeine speaches in an house ivlthout Aldresgate of London, through the 
which the people of the \-4iole citie nere v.-onderfullie molested, for that 
all r.ien irdght heare the voice, but not see hir person, aoiii© said it was 
an nni^ell, some a voice from heaven, sone the TIolie-,T,host, &c. This vjas 
called the spirit in the uall; shee !iad laine whistling in a straa^^e 
whistle iBade for that purpose, 'Aich was given hir by one Di-akea: ther 
where diverse companions confederat vdth hir, which rutting thesnselves 
aj3ion;'?:st the presse, tooke upon theiu to interpret what the spirit said, 
expressing certeine seditious T7ords against the queene, the prince of 
Spainc, the aasse , and confession., te. 202 

This Drakes isas a servant of "oir Anthony 'Sj". viho V£iy have been a priest. 
The girl v/ept pitifully, asked forgiveness of Ocrl and Biercy of the queen, 
and confessed that she participated in the fraud in the hope of "iaany good 
things given her". fhe sermon on the penance was preached by John 

a^yiranesley , Archdeacon of London, vAo was reputedly one of the natural 
children of "old parson Sava^ie" of Davenhaju, and brother to Bonner. 

Froifi the same religious underworld which prcsnpted these futile 
and silly protests came three other outbreaks in the next year. Co 19 
llay 1555 tivo women did penance at laul's Cross for promoting a fraud not 
diasirrdlnr to the Croft affair. They had affirmed that a new^brown child 

had spoken niraculously, rrcrhesylnp; the apocalypse. Latrr in the year 
two Eien were punished, ror railing ana slander, performed about Taul's 
Gross, ^4 

Kdfr's marriage with Philip, i^hich was the political sanction for 
the reconciliation '.rtth Rome, was performed 1n "^nly 1554, Proiiiptly the 
preachers u.& aul'a Oroiijs ^vere set to proclci; i-^s virtues and advantages 
to the multitude. On 29 July Harpsfield prayed there publicly for the 



kinc and queer., aad on 50 Se]:t6irJ>er Gardiner preached tliere what was 
prestujiably the first seriaon since the inarriage vihich set clearly before 
the people the implications of the new political ani ecclesiastical dis- 
pensation, and delivered the duties which the alliance with Spain ail the 
return to the old faith necessarily involved. 

First, he prayed for the kynge and quen, and for fruits of them; secondly 
for the spirialty (cicj, ia e;E;p£cialle for the byshope of London.,., 
thirdly, for the sowles departyd and yeate reinayne,,,, 205 

Speaking very much of love and charity, at last he had occasion,,,. 
to speek of the true teachers, and of the false teachers; saying, that all 
the preachert; almost in King Edward's ttfi, preached nothinf; but volurtuous- 
ness, and filthy ani blat:>phe:.'iouE lies; affirridn,' their doctrine to be that 
false doctrine whereof ot. James speaketh; saying, that it vias full of 
perverue zt«l, earthly, full of discord and dissension, that the pr--^aehers 
aforeneji.ed ivould report aothin«.; truly, and that they taught,, that it was 
lawfiil for a iian to put sway his wife for adultery, and la&rry another; 
that ir Q man vov,-od today, he udght break it ton.orrow at his pleasure: 
with Fiany obhur things v/hich I omit. And when he spake of the sacrament, 
he said, that all the church from the beginning have confessed Christ's 
natural body to be in heaven, and here to be ' n the sacran.ent; and so con- 
cluded that inatter. And then willed all aen t-o say with Joseph's brethren, 
"Feccavimus in fratreni": "^e have sinned against our brother": — "end 
BO," said he, "have I too." fhen he declared what a noble king and 
queen we have, sayin,^, that if he should go about to show that the king 
came hither for no necessity or need, and what he had brouf,ht with him, 
it should be superfluous, seeing it is evidently knov/n, that he hath 
teii times as much as we are in hope and possession of; affirffiing fclr. to 
be as wise, sober, gentle, and temperate a prince, as ever y«s in /nrland, 
and if it were not so proved, then to take him for a false liar for is 
so saying: exhortine all mea to rake &uch of hin, and to v«ia hlBi viiilat 
we had him; and so should we also win all such as he hath brought with 
hiDU And so made an end, 206 

Phe ola xox had lot-t none of Ids cuiming, though daiiiQf.;od by illness, and 
no.v full of honours. Shrewd indeed was the praise of Ihilip, shrewd 
because for the laost part so negative. Gardiner knew well enough th«t 
lingllshZien':. chief foar ^;as that they i;ii£,ht loct their vjorldly goo... i.... 
tlie Spaniards, and he soiight to reassui-e the/a by affiraing that the 
rapacious follo-ers of a temperate prince would not bother to pick up what 



sxnall spoil £.ngland afforded. 

Tet anotiier official act waited to be published at Paul's Cross. 
Cardinal lole, .vho as papal legate «as to bear the news to isngland of 
the reconciliation with th© Holy See, had been delayed by Charles V in 
the perforxaauce of his embassy until the emroror v^ss assured of the con- 
summation Ox the inarriage. lole finally arrivea la i ovfe.Jjtr 1054, and on 

28 November delivered his message with legatine authority to the king and 

queen in parlisiisnt. On 2 December the good news Tms proclainied at 

Paul*s Gross, jxo: u t,i.ectacular procession and a sermon by Gardiner. 

Sunday the 2 of December Cardinal Poole cauie froin Lambeth by water, and 
landed at Faules wharf e, and «ent from thence to laules Churche, \«ith 
a crosse, £ pill&rs, and 2 pollaxes of sylver borne before liim. He was 
there receaved by the Lord Chauncellor ^CardinerJ with procesuion; where 
he taried tyll the king came from iVestminstre by land, at xi of the clock* 
And then the lord Chauncellor entred laules crosse and preached a sermon,.. 
In vjhich sermon he declared that the King and ;,ueen had restored the lope 
to his suireBiacie; and that the ii estates assenbled in the larliament 
(representimre the whole bodie of the realme) had submitted themselves 
to the sarie. 206 

One caxmot help wondering what Ihilip must have thought as he remembered 
this occasion thirty years after. He was not apt to perceive ironies. 

V^e have, fortunately, a more full account than the foregoing 
of these proceedings, an account which demonstrates how effectively 
Gardiner, preacUine his last sermon at the Crocs, rose to the occasion. 

And so the kynges majesty and my Lord cardinall, v;yth all the lordes of 
the privy counsell beiuge preseute, with suche an audience of people as 
was never seene in that place before, oy lorde chauncellor entered J ole 
crosse. Ani after that the people ceased, that so rr.uch k3 a whispering; 
could not be hearde emongst them, more then emongst those of whome the 
poet Yirrile cpeaiitth, Continuere oj'-nti.o intcnbinut^ i-a tcncbant . but 
every bent© hartelye wyth eares to here, eyes to perceave, and bandes 
to vvryte,^^^ hie lordshyr preceded, and tooke to hys tbeaiL these wordes 
of the epystle oT that daye, wrytten by saynte laule the holye apostle 
in the xiii. chavter to the Romaynes, i'ratres. HCientes quia hora est 
Jeua nos de surRere , whyche parcell of scripture was so r.oolye and 
sc clearkelye handeled by him, ae no manne alyve (all flattery ioutles 



set aparte) was able to meande it. 

He appealed to his hearers to return to the old faith, held in England 

until kinf; Henry the eifrht toke on hs'ia to be supreine head of the church, 
Froifi whych tyme unto the raygne of the quenes majestie that novf is, his 
lordshippe declared what Mseries, what calamities, what sorrowes, and 

griefes England had sustained. 

Aaiong these sorrows and griefs Gardiner cannily included the debasing of 

21 1 

the coinage and consequent rise in prices during the precedinc rei^n. 
Amid the silence and the silver "pollaxes" the Lord Chancellor was still 
the realist. He went on to deplore 

what aboialnable heresyes, what synistratf?} and erronious opinions were 
in iinglande without anye restreynt taught and receaved.... rhese, wyth 
manye other notable, yea, and lamentable lessons, to lonjo here to be 
rehersed, hys lordshypje there declared, whyehe reoved a g-reate nombre 
of the audience with sorro-vf ull syghes and wepynge teares to chaunge 
theyr cheez'e.... 

He declared also, how xix. yeares agoe, at that tyme when the in- 
surrecion in the north of Anglande in defence of religion, that King 
Henry the eyt^ht was adnded to have geven over the supremacy to the poises 
hclinas, but the leat therof was thea because he thou^hte it would be 
sayed it shoulde have been done for peace. lie declared also how the said 
king sente him and ser Henry tjiyvet, knyghte, to the emperoure, exhorting 
him imperial cajestie to be intcrcessour for him to the pope to receyve 
the supreiaacye; but it tooke none effect, because the time was not. He 
declared further, howe in Kinge Mwardes dayes the counsell were once 
mynded co have the pope restored to the supreBjacy, but the let therof 
in those dayes was because, as it was supposed, it v/ould have been sayd 
t)iat the rouLue could not be defended durynge the kynges ininoritie 
without the popes adsistaunce. 

rhese are important revelations. Of Gardiner's good faith in publishing 
theis there is little doubt; one way accuse him of no more than a dis- 
ingenuous desire to i^veal these state secrets at the time most useful 
for Ms lurposes. There is little to surprise the student of Henry's 
foreign policy in the first of these disclosures. It illustrates that 
nice balance of expediency and bluff which characterized all of Henry's 


dealings nlth European powers; It must be emphasized that for Henry and 
his advisers the pope was a Europeaa power before he was the keeper of 
the keys. As for the state secret from the reiga of Edward, \^ich nay 
be dated nlth some confidence about 1549-50, it seems evident that a 
party in the Council were even a reconciliation vfith Rome 
to avoid the peril in 'iiriiich the kingdom stood diplomatically. In this 
period as in our own time, English policy was determined by the realities 
of a strong navy and a weak land force. The defence of the Island rested 
upon the bottoms ufcich Henry VIII had set down with the funds from the 
spoliation of the houses of religion; but the exigencies of attack de- 
pended upon a a artiy larger and better equipped than any Tiiiioh could be 
developed out of the nucleus of the trained bands or the dregs of the 
old feudal levies. In this suggestion for an alliance, ignoring religion, 
with an Italian power, one may perhaps discern dimly the subtle voice of 
Cecil, at that time winning his spurs in discussion around the council 

Be that as It may, Gardiner, having established with the rory*s 
desire for continuity the historical necessity of the reccnciliatlon with 
Rome, proceeded to declare 

how the queues majestie at her coronacyon thou^bte for to have restored 
the popes holsrnes to his supremacy, but the tyme, ., was not then. But 
now... the tyme is... that the klnges and queues majesties have restored 
our holy father the jope to his supremacy, and the thre estates assembled 
in the parliament, representing the whole body of thys noble empire of 
England and draninions of the same, have submitted themselves to his 
holynes, and nis successours for ever. 

He ].nibli8hed how the cardinal and full and ample commiesion from the 
pope to bless the realm of lilngland. 


and here also he declared, howe muche boanda Englande is to thanke Gk>d, 
who of his diviae providence hath appointed sache a godlye and vertuous 
prynce as the kynre that now is, he beinge sonne to soo victorious and 
inost riche an emperour, and he beinge also so riche a prince hiiaself , to 
joyne in mariape with the quenes majestie, vdio for the moat hartye love 
that he had to her hyghnes, lefte his owne countreys, realaes, and regions, 
to strengthen hir most noble grace, and to enriche her empyre of Englande, 

After this, England was officially part of Catholic Christendoia, 
and a partner in the fortunes of the Hapsburgs, Two further sermons at 

the Cross in that December inculcated the orthodox doctrines of purgatory 

and of the sacraitient of the altar. On 26 Kay 1555, Dr. Chedsey pro- 

claijned froti that pulpit a procession and prayer for peace vrith France, 

and in the same month another sermon was preached on the same theme. On 

15 Septeiaber the pope's bull of plenary remission for the sins of heretical 

England was published at the Cross, and early in 1557 Cardinal Pole's 

instructions for confession and fasting were there published. On 15 

August 1557 Londoners took part In a Paul's Cross ceremony celebrating 

the victory of the imperial forces at 3t. ^uentin. Thus in a few 

fugitive notations in diaries and chronicles persists the memory of an 

unhappy and unsuccessful marriage and an unrealistic and uneasy alliance. 

The chronicle of Paul's Cross exhibits little of the dealings with 
heretics which have made the reign notorious. The course taken with the 
flBrried clergy of the Edwardi^jR establishment finds its way into the 
record, and there is more than one notice of the penance of married 
priests, ^^* tinder the ruling of clerical celibacy about one-quarter 
of the incumbents of iinglond end Wales were deprived. The greater number 
of these were able to re-enter their livings by putting away their wives, 
and by performing public penance for their offence, '^^^ 



One echo of the controversy which has raged over Foxe's con- 
dennatlon of Bonner as a malignant persecutor of Irotestants appears in 
this record. On 26 May 1555 Dr. Chedsey, acting under the usual instructions 
from the ordinary while preaching in the }-anl»3 Cross pulpit, read a 
"declaration" apparently designed to clear Bonner from the charge that 
he wilfully persecuted heretics without authority or by stretching what 
authority resided in him as Bishop of London. The preacher announced that 
Bonner had receired upon the Friday preceding t^o letters from the court, 
one from the Council eonceraing procession and prayer for peace with 
France, the other from the king and queen "for the charitable instruction 
and reformation of heretics, if they irould amend, and for their punlshaient 
if they would be wilful and obstinate," 

And whereas by these letters, coming fi-om the king's and queen's inajesties, 
it appeareth that their najesties do charge iny lord bishop of London an? 
the rest of the bleeps with remissness and negligence in instructing the 
people infected Y?i th heresy. If they will be tauf-Jit, and in punishing 
them if they -jidll be obstinate and vdlful, ye shall understand that my 
lord bishop..,, for his part, offereth himself to do therein his duty to 
the uttermost; giving your knowledge that he hath sent to all the jrisons 
of the city to know Krtiat persons are there for heresy, and by whose 
coBonandaent : and that he will travail and take pain with all that be of 
his jurisdiction for their airieniment ; and sorry he is that any is in jrison 
for any such laatter. And he willed me to tell you, that he is not so cruel 
or hasty to send men to prison as some be -» slanderous and wilful to do 
naught, and lay their faults on other nen's shoulders, 216 

It is not necessary to agree with Foxe that this was a transparent 
subterfuge, designed to shift the blame for the bishop's enormities upon 
the court, fhere is little doubt that the blaitie rests upon the court, 
though to say this is not to accuse Mary of cruelty but only of a single- 
mindedneas more Spanish than Tudor, Moreover this document, if taken 
without prejudice, servos to indicate that many of the iinprisonmants and 
e^raminations for heresy were initiated more by interested parties than 


by the ordinary himself or >ds officials. Joxe makes Bonner the ecape- 
goat in the diocese of london; behind his fulitiiimtlons is to discerned, 
dimly like so many hidden things in his great book, the lineaments of an 
embairassing chaos, in which men accused one another with the reckless- 
ness of zeal or the calculation of ;olicy. 

If this searmon gives us a olue to the complicated question of 
responsibility for the execution of the acts de haeretico comburendo . 
another sesion at the Cross in 1556, by Feckenham, illustrates the state 
of opinion aiiioag some of the ccndeiuned. On 14 June of that year feckenham 

declared that the thirteen heretics condetmed t*o days before to be burned 


for their opinions "had as many sundry opinions as they were sundry persons," 

rhie has alirays been an effective argument to denigrate the Reformation 
sects, but on this occasion the martyrs determined to try a rejoinder, 
"A letter or Apology of the Uartyrs, purging themselves of the false 
Slander of Kaster li'ecknam,'* which reposed, with so many other fugitive 
documents, in the cabinet of John Foxe, If this document is exanilned 
in due perspective, it becomes appai^ent tliat Feckeahani*s contention, if 
not true exactly, vras so f&r true that the articles to which the condemned 
found thenselves able to subscribe in common contain some interesting 
variations of doctrine, which, submitted to free discussion among the 
faithf'il, could scarcely have failed to breed dissension. Phey declared 
that they were condemned "for the most pure and sincere truth of Christ's 
verity," and listed six articles of belief, of which the first, after 
asserting their baptism into the faith of Christ's church, concluded with 
the statement of the validity of the baptism independent of the good or 
evil in the officiating minister. Phis was the doctrine of the church 



catholic, and if these martyrs held it they held to the traditional 
concertlon oi' the irqrstical body of Christ. But they proceeded to affirm 
that in the church are but two sacraraeats, of baptism and of the Lord»s 
supper, containing the faith in two testaments, the law and the gos]~el, 
and ttfflt there is a visible church, though it is not credited, confirmed 
by the death of saints. Now although these are not radical doctrines, 
they must have had for the iJarlan divines a radical sound; to assert the 
existence of a visible church, into which the believer is baptized "in 
the faith in which we continue," which althoup:h not credited is the re- 
positary of Christ's truth was in those days without wore elaboration 
to condenin oneself an Anabaptist, iVhen the brethren went on to affirm 
that the see of Rome was the see of Anticlirlst, and that the nass was a 
blaspheiaous idol, they were perhaps goinj^ no further than the generalty 
of ardent Jrotastants; but they asserted, in their final article, the 
Zwinglian doctrine of the sacrament, repudiating specifically both the 
doctrines of transubstantiation and of spiritual presence. Each of 
these articles was potentially a source of division; only the Edwardian 
church could possibly have embraced persons believing in all of then, 
and even then some definition of what was meant by baptisn in the faith 
and by the visible church viould have been necessary to remove discord or 
the shadow of the stake. 




Thoa^ for no other cause, yet for thl:^; that posterity nay know 
we have not loo?«ly throufii silence permitted things to peas a vay as in 
a dream, there shall be for men's information extant thus much concerning 
the present state of the Church of God established Tmongst us, and their 
careful endeavour which would hive upheld the same. 

Hooker, Preface to iiccleslastlcal 
?oli4y « 

Two thin; 8 there be which greatly trouble these later times: 
one that the Church of iioma cannot, another that GeneTS will not erra* 

Hooker, MS. note on Clirlsti'n Letter. 



It has been agreed that the Slizabethan church was within certain 
limitations a settled and solid institution. The church historlens have 
understandably emphp.slzed this aspect of events by contrast with the 
uneasy times preceding* and the disaster to follow. Surveyed in proper 
perspective the Klliobethan church i.° consnieuous neither for holiness 
nor efficiency, but for endurance and e remarkable stability. It 
remains a monument of stubborn yet valuable Imperfection, n slowly 
developing, sluggish but dependable orf nism, easy ami broHd In its 
canniehenslveneBS, successful by its very snomallGS, typically Snglish 
In ell those characteristics. 

Ml of these impressions are true. The claws of crisis were 
pared, zeal was diluted, fanaticlsn cooled, violence atrophied. Sunday 
after ounday the persons road the services from Cranmer's great Book; 
the dignified yet supple phrase? j;ank Into the popular consciousness to 
form an ine^faceble pattern of sober ;?race. Little by little the ancient 
religious traditions of the parlLh, drawing their strenfrth as always 
from tombs and chancels, growing In the shadows of -. thousand little 
opires, ^came pettled nfter the Interlude of violence, and, tolerated 
by the comprehensive discipline, provided thit continuity with the good 
old dayc without xhich no institution csn hone to flourish. The drone 
of the ho- lllee replr<ced the mutter of the mass. Babies we^e christened, 
Komen churched, even the recusants and llberl In^^e turned out for aster 
coDsnunion; a ganeretlon was committed to the ground In the comber sim- 
plicity of the English service. Son aacoeaded Tath^^r In the responsi- 
bilities of the churchwarden, and men grew old and full of tales as 
sextons and bell-rin^rers, A generation arose nurtured upon the <'.BC, 




a generation of men who flnpered their Bibles instead of their beads. In 
all places the preacher's voice was heard, in season and oat of Beason, 
anfojrcing the stem doctrines of the via media, Sngland became ^ji^llcan. 

It in not only this picture of an Snpland resting idyllically in 
the lap of nhat seems to us a kindlier time which impresses the historians. 
They survey the .cts of Uniformity and 3upre^:6cy, sftaing there that 
political wisdom which insists upon po little but inoists intensely upon 
the sseentlals. In those docuioents the etudent finis foundations, finds 
an interpretation of the Kingllah constitution partaking at once of the 
Henriclan revolution and of a spirit of comproniise as old as the 
Heptarchy. He observes that these documenta etlll control some virile 
and important elements of xinplo-Saion culture, and conclud«5s, however 
cautiously, that the lizabethan compromise represents one aspect of 
the "folk", that it la natural , growing Inevitably In that .~oil, the 
plsntinc of wise men who perceived and unoerstood the prinoiplos by 
which the -Onglleh nation exists, a nation which insists upon yet circum- 
vents protocol, a netion which is proud of its eonstlt-jtion but has 
never written it down, which always hides its revolutions under t he 
nantle of tradition. 

These ajre the sober Judgmen'c which transmit to us the Elizabethan 
establishment as a work o art, a finished and tranquil parcel of England's 
herltae«. They are the fruits of meditation In the ccxnmon rooms of many 
an ancient and noble foundation, of evening 7?alks in 'uany a cathedral 
close. The historian of Paul's Cross must regretfully forsake these 
certainties; he is on the firing line; he observes the outwarfts of this 
bastion which the historians, with a Jcind of scholarly prlraltlvlsm, have 


described for posterity, t Paul's Cross the preachers peer out from 
the hardly-won fortress, and, blessing their gracious queen, survey the 
desolation waste and wild of the papist world, casting by tlraes an 
uneasy ilaace at the ze^ilots boring within, shuddering at the worldli- 
ness of the tines, and eallin? dovn the wrath of an angi*y God upon all 
who would overturn the righteous order e«tabliahed. The fulminatlons 
of these warriors of Anglieanian militant present at first reading no 
consistent pattern; situations are dealt with -js they arise, incoberendes 
flourish; there are bewildering Tarieties of opinion and degrees of 
zeal. Yet as the years p»sR the preachers are easier to classify; a 
standard emerges by which they may be Judged. The .stablishment begins 
to claim her own, and the preachers begin self-consciously to speak from 
a dlstinctiye platfoiTB, end to insist upon the fruitfulness of a church 
blessed by long-continued peece and piety. In the fullness of time the 
Elizabethan church brought forth hichard Hooker. 

The chronicler of Paul's Cross, then, must begin by recording a 
series of battles in the course of idiich as baiaTcred out a theolo?-y, a 
polity, a system of homiletios and e pattern of exegesis. But as one 
gathers from this sermon and that the i^iaterials of a system, the 
differences between this pulpit and other pulpits continue to defeat 
coherence. The Paul's Cross sermons reflect faithfully the perils and 
triumphs of Elizabeth's policies. The preacher may be officially 
inspired or even directed in detail, or he msy be so hed^'ed about with 
warnings in time of crisis that his utterance may be of pious irrelevRnce 
ezaspsratiag in the extreme. T^hat w^s said at Paul's Cross war always 
Important, and what was not said. Under these circumstances one cannot 
expect from the preachers, even at critical times, "slgnifissnt" sermona. 


Apart from the cersorship Imposed upon thea, they were poor Interpreters 
of policy because they were therarelTOs pert of that policy, and no 
unimportant part either. 

I have i^ought, therefore, to present In these pages the main 
themes of the Paul's Cross sermons first of all as they relate to the 
various politico-ecclesiastical eripes of the reign of Elizabeth. As 
this material is reviewed, it will become apparent that certain bnple ideas 
and recurring symbols underlie the iamediate apolication of doctrine; 
this 1& particularly true of the attoek on Home. Other central tenets 
and symbols will also emerge repeatedly: the obsession with apocalypse, 
with the fall of the wick'^d city. Theae theass recur, with variations, 
throughout the nhole period till 1641, Tihen these observations end. 
In a later Chapter I attempt to collect them in some sort of synthesis. 
There they constitute the elements in the preachers' "world-picture"; 
here they appear in the chronological frame of reference. 

There would be little Justification for such commentary upon 
method as this were it not that the problem of organi/ation reflrcts 
intinately sad in v sense explains the essential nature of the rafiterial. 
The preacher at Paul's Cross was the mouthpiece of the administration, 
involved in the .'^und«y-to-3undey expedients of F.iithorltstlve -iBrnuasion; 
he was jIso the minister and voice of the Body of Christ, eniUpod to 
interpret eternal verities in the terms of history and raorila; he was, 
firsally, ia the tradition of Jeremiah and Johah (si.cmificantly hie 
favorite prophets) the Lord's voice crying dnto a city, where London 
stood for the earthly pole of the tradition-il symbolic axis of two 
cities, civitas Dei et civitaa hominnm . To seosrate these functions of 
the preacher, then. Is riot arbitrary, and to explain it in advance not 



adventitious. To cops even ciechanically with the problem is to interpret 
the rnaterial, to po^^o the Christian prsradox of time and eternity. 

1, "The Pulpits often serve as drumm^^s and fiffes, to inflame fury," 

Afflid the general rejoicing and confusion nhioh attended the 
accession of ^^llzabetb. Dr. iUlllsa Bill, chaplain to the queen, oreacbed 
at Paul's Cross, on 20 Noveiaber, Neither his sermon nor the instructions 
from Cecil upon which he bassd his remarks heve survived, but since 
Christopherson, Bishop of Chfohester, atteckad him ar e beretic in the 
same pl?ice on the following unday, it nay be presumed that he celebrated 
the hope of a return to the reforaied relis^ion unuer the new queen, although 
Hizabetb had as yet given no hint of what coarse she Intended to pursue. 

Bill was a moderate, having effaced hin-iself under Mary without 
going into exile, but competent r.en of his sta -p. were not, if latthew 
Parlrer be excepted, numerous among the possihllities for a new bench of 
bishops or any other important positions in the new order. TTiore wse 
denger, amid the ceo^i^"! disorder concerning religion, that men's minds 
would be dangerously stirred up by the preaching of eontrfcry doctrines. 
The Catholic party, still hopeful of maintaining their ascendancy, s>poke 
out boldly. How Christopherson got to the Cross Is a mystery, consider- 
ing Cecil's cere in :^uch aatters, but the funeral sermon for the I'jte 
Queen could not easily be interfered ?;ith, and on that occasion Bishop 
White of .sinehoster ppoke very sharply against the "wolves coming out of 
Oeneva," putting unequivocally before his audience the unease that both 
Catholics and the minority of moderates felt at the thought of the 
return of the exiles. He also denounced the idea that !>lizabeth should 


take her father's title of supreme head, and said darkly that "Mary 


hath chosen the better part." Nor did trouble come solely from the 

partisans of the old relig^lon. The exiles were already beginning to 
return, at least those who had gone no farther than the Low Countries, 
where they had lived in the housea of iJiglisb Merchants, and others 
long silenced at home now r&lsed their Tole**, hoping for a return to 
the good days of "dward 71. 

In the meanwhile [says Gamden] , some ^.celesiastle 's there were, of a 
Temper too impatient to »ait for the slower Itenedles sMch the Laws 
might provide, who began to preach the Hefonn'd Doctrine with too unwary 
a Freedom, first in private Houses, and then more pabltckly in several 
Churches, and other fonn'd rtssembliea. 3y which means, they drew after 
them a numerous confluence of such Raarers, «hose chief Property *ti8 
to have itching ^'ars; and «t leneth proceeded so far as to bandy 
controversial Topicke among tliamselves, and to vfraagle about 'em with 
those of the Hcnnlsh comrauiBlon. 5. 

One party feared that the queen Would not reform rellg-lon, the other that 
she would. T^ecause of the danrers inherent In such undisciplined and 
uninformed wrangling, en order was issued inhibiting preaching, on 27 
December, and there was no further preaching at the Cross until Thomas 
Sampson preached the Hehearsal sermon there on 2 iipril 1559, when the 
pulpit was found filthy through months cf disuse and neglect. 

Meanwhile the Parian ezilss had returned en masse , the Parliament 
had met and passed the Act of Uniformity. In the acts of this Parliament 
the i-eformatlon was restored by the animate! voices of the gentry, and 

the rupremacy of the state and the secular mind maa restored. Worldly 

policy triumphed. The new church was to be essentially Calvinlstic, not 


solely from theological conviction but partly from diplomatic necessity. 
Ko diffuse and vulnerable statsztents of policy or belief were made; the 
materials at hand, including the returning-, clergy, fresh from the seminars 


of Geneva, Zurich or 3trassburg, were used; a supple and usable instrument 
was created which could be swung to move with the passing wind* Much 
wisdom went into thin settlement, more th«n the Mai-isn exiles realized; 
in their dissatisfection gi^w the skeleton of a new party. 

At first, bowever, all was well, at least as far as one is 
permitted to senersllze from the utterances (or even the aopearancos} 
in the Paul's Cross pulpit. For the publication of a re-^lly Important 

i»sue Dr. Bill was again requisitioned; he Justified the impriaonnient 

of the Marian bishons atson and iWhite on 9 «pril 1559. Grindel, 

newly appointed riishop of London, and a Reformer to the core, was 

required to display the revolution (ao far as it was a revolution) 

Involved in the restoration of "King Edward's Book." Bonner was still 

le^ially the ordinary, so far sa the dignitaries of the cathedral were 


concerned; they still adhered to the Latin service.**" In the next 

month, however, the new bichops appeared at the Cross, fall of their 


continental sojourn and the nice theology of the foreign churches; 

even the extreme left wing of the Protestant cohorts found a voice there, 
perhaps as part of an official policy ready to take advantage of the 

unexpected respite afforded the aew regime by the divided counsels of 

France and Spain. One "Makebray" a Scottish oreacher, for instance, 

preached on 3 September 1559; he may have been a disciple of Khox. John 

(or Jean) Veron, a French evanfolistic preecher, who had been ir.volved 

In the Bourne riot of 1553 and had languiahed in Jell during the reign 

of Mary, made his fippearaneo at the Cross two weeks later, and Robert 

Crowley, the Protestant satirist fire-brand, appeared there on 15 October 

1559. The extroTe left wing Protestants of the exiles wejre coldly 

received by the new administration: Knox had been refused permission to 



enter the realm, and though rsuch follvwers of the G^enevan discipline as 
the old translater jSiles CoTerdele were allowed to exerclee their 
minletry under the £llzabethoa dlspenaatlm — Coverdale preached at 
the Croee on 12 HoTBDiber 1559, 26 ^pril 1560 end 27 Marchi 1562 >- they 

were not rewarded «ith bishoprics and their influence did not proceed 

beyond what they could exert from a controlled pulpit. For all this, 

the roll call of Paal*s Cross preaehers daring the first four years of 

the reign, nhich ve owe to the indefatigable andertalcer Hetvy linehyn, 

includes the names of most of the exiles viho desired refoi*mdtion without 

tarrying. Of these, besides those like Jewel, .vandys, Pllkington or 

Cox, who secared bishoprics, Veron was continually on the bill, Thomas 

Sampson's talents were drawn upon for the hehearsal sermons, and Robert 

Wisdom, whose humiliation we heve witnessed, reapoeared on 7 April ir;60. 

Continental usages were imitated in the service at the Cross: Psalms 

wore sung after the sercion, "Gsnevay ways." There must here been some 

considerable hostility to these preachers among those who either desired 

the eontinaunoe of the old faith and customs or those who simply felt 

disturbed at the Incursion of -en whom they considered strangers. Yeron 

ia oerticular was the target of some loose talk and casual slander. On 

2 NoT«nber 1561 a young Ban did penance at the Cross for slandering him; 

three weeks later the dlarlat Mochyn, tiho hRd apparently called the 

Frenchmsn "'Vhite-halr" and had accused him of incontlnency, was forced, 

in spite of his excellent connections, to do ll'rcewlse.^^ Machyn*8 

anthusiasffl for sermons wbs undiminished by this unpleasant episode. 

2. "I laid out before you a number of things that are now in controversy. 

While the people were getting accustomed to the Marian exiles 
and thi^e r^xiles to the policies of Elizabeth's government, the apologists 


of the Church of England were forced to reea^^a the defence of the 
?8tabllshneat against Rorae. Tn this first stspe of hostilities between 
the SlizBbethsn ohoreh and KooaQ CBtholioiSG the i^:sues re-nainad 
dootrinnl ratber ban political; the .'ungllsh con trorersial lets »ere 
engaged to defend :renmer*s Book. r-Jot until the Loll f^etrnans in excel .^ta 
of 1570 was the burden of political equiTocation laid firmly upon the 
eonseienoes of i^nglish Catholics. Before that tirae, the stelwarte of the 
jinglican ceupe, hampered by the indifferences of the wdralnistrBtion, by 
the high incidonoe of t^e old f<^ith in their cures, by nant of books and 
by seru^ies of conscience, coodacted a remarkably .uistalned sttaek apon 
the doctrines, rites tnd ceremonleiJ of the Ohurch of t\<Km» 

Of these 8tttl:tarts the chief was John Tewel, Bishop of "ollsbury. 
It was at Paul's Cross t-iat he began his campaign a~ainst the adversary, 


on 2fl KoveTiber 1559, ' challenging the l«ramed of th« Catholic church to 
prove tMkir doctrines. This challenge he repeated in the sare oulpit on 
31 ifarch 1560, tn these tertTis: 

If any learned -an of all our udveraaries, or If all the learned rren 
that u3 alive, be able to bring any one sufficient sentence out of any 
old cTthollc doctor, or fathor, or out of any old .general council, or 
oat of the holy scrlpturss of God, or • ny oar example of the prlQltlve 
church, a'lereby It ^- y be clearly and plainly prov d that there was any 
priTKte oBss in the whole norld a* thnt time, for the 8r>sce of six 
hundred years after Christ; Or that there was then any coannunlon ministered 
unto the people under one kind; Or that the people hnd their comaon 
preyern then In a 8tran|:e tn^dtthet thoy understood not; Or that the 
bishop of Bome was then called an unirersal bishop, or the hoed of th« 
unlTsrssl church; Or that the people was then taught to :. el leva thnt 
Christ's body is really, cubstantlHl ly, corporally, carnelly, or naturally, 
in the saorer^ent; Or that his body is, or JTsy be, in a thousand rlficos 
or more at ne tine; Or that the priest did then hold up the sacrament 
vrer hi:, head; Or that the :>eople did then fall do*n and worship it *lth 
rodly honour; Or that the saerartent ws then, or now ought to b:3, hanged 
up under a canopy; Or that in th=» saerament after tho worda of consecration 
there seE^lneth only the ".ccldents er;d s'.ews, without the substance of 
bread and wine; ')r that fie priest then dlrtded the aacraajent In three 
oerts, end afterward received hlnself all elono; Or that whoaecrer had 
said the saersraent is a figure, a pledge, a token, or a re'rie^brance of 


Christ's body, had therefore been jadisred for a heretic; Or thst It wsia 
lawful then to hcve thirty , twenty, fifteen, ten, or five naeBfts said in 
one church, in one day; Or that images were then set up in the churches, 
to the intent that people mirht worship them; Or that the lay people was 
then forbidden to read the word of ("Jod in thoir own toncue ~ If any 
a«n alive were able to prove any of these articles by any one clear or 
plain clause or sentence, either of the scriotures, or of the old 
doctors, or of any old general eounoil, or by sny example of the 
primitive church; I promiseSthen that I would give over and subscribe 
unto hiffl. 20. 

It will be observed that the criterion is the primitive church and the 
practice thereof. For a century the Anglican apologists were to point 
to this Islend of light, sue^eded bv darkness, as the shining raodel. In 
the sermon which con ained this challenge. Jewel girnifiCRntly emphasized 
the first words oT his text, from 1 Corinthians, 11.23, " For I heve 
received of the Lord that which also I deliTered unto you," since they 

can be Interpreted at Pfiul's restoration of the primitive rite of the 

sacrament for the church of Corinth, Moreover the same reading of 

history w^s applied by Jewel (as later by others) to the Irrmediate past 

of the Church of England. The sis as wsj abolished "by the noble prince 

of godly memory. King >^»ard the Sixth; 

and the next prince, for that she knew none other elifrion, and thousrht 

well of the thing that she had been so loni; trained in, would needs have 

it put in ure a ain through all her dominions. 23. 

How is the time of the true rs'-glorificatlon of Ood, by the example of 
our brethren the martyrs In the dark time*^ 

The main object of Jewel's attack was the nass, and this not only 
beeause upon this point it wa possible to find » clear ground for 
effective controversy «lth the Catholic continental divines (Including 
English Catholic exiles) but also In support of the reinstatement of the 
Book of Common Prayer in the affections and coavietions of the ngliah 


people. It should not be forgotten that this sermon was dellverad at 
the chief preaching place in the kingdom both becaurfie it itas a listening 
post for foreign emissariea and because it .served as a trumpet for 
proclauoations to the country at large, especially to the large and 

difficult diocese of London, Thus began '^ long-cuntinued controversy 

of lar-.ense complexity, which, although it may be s&id to have exercised 

the intelligence, patience and diligence of many divines, bad for the 

Church of '-agland only one enduring good. Jewel's Apologia Eeclesiae 

Anfrlicanae , which suasBsd up In remarie bly amall compass the main points 

upon which the defence of the validity of Anglican orders and ceremonies, 

renujiaa one of the classics of English theolo y, and the only monument 

of any importance in its literature between Cranmer end Hooker. 

Some chapter."! of the controve^-sy were rehearsed at Paul's Cross, 
appropriately since the first important blow was struck there. Cn 20 
February 1560, before Jewel repeated his ohallenf», lexander Nowell, 
dean of >:t. Paul's, entered the llstn <Tlth i^ione intemperate colloquiallsja 

(impeffectly reported) which was used against him in his subsequent 

entrance into the controversy. Jewel's chiff Catholic opponent was 

Thofitfs Harding, who in 1564 published an -tnswer to Jewel *8 challenge. 

On 30 April 1564 Nowell read some passages fron this work and confuted 

thaai in the Paul's Cross pulpit. ^° In the same year Dorraan published 

his Proof , a treatise on four of Jo'wel's erticl p of challenge; to this 

Nowell replied with a ivCproof of the Proof , In which he controverted 

only the first fifteen of Domiun's pages before pausing to recuperate. 

His sermon at the Cross on 19 Movember 1564 was apparently a trial 

flight for some of his ergunents. A parallel situation occurred In 

the iSln line of the controversy in the next year. Harding's Answer 

/6 7 


«es of sach Importenee that 1^ merited a reply from Jewel also, and 
part of this rp^ply »&3 framed in h asreion at the Cross in that year in 
the course of which the bishop ridiculed some of Harding's less 

reputable -mthorltlQS, filleglng that his defence of prlvnte masses 


"stood upon old men, women, and boys." 

Such close arguments, however enlivened by vigorous phrases and 

scurrilous personalities, must still have been dull fare for the 

Paul's Cross audience. T ere were, however. Issues to be discussed in 

that pulpit with possibilities of arousing public Interest. In 

January 1561, for Inst nee, James Calfield, Canon of Christ-Church, 

Oxford, "published the disslmulfitlons of the papists" in Oxford, where 

he contended the old faith still held sway.*^ It was in June of the 

sa^e year that better occasion offered for the exercise of controversial 

weapons upon a topic of ^eat popular appeal, 'lien the steeple of Paul's 

was burned in a thunder stonn, Pllklngton, Bishop of iJurhara, preaching 

on orders frc« the iovem-^ent, took the opportunity to point the obvious 

moral and impose the obvious doctrine. In the four days between the 

fire and the sexTson there WiS time enough for partisan^ of the old 

faith, and probably not a few of them, to publir-h their opinion that 

the fire wa- undoubtedly an instance of 3od's Judgment upon England for 

alteration of religion. This the bishop set hlmpelf to Rnswer. Re 

exhorted the auditory to a general repentance, and nsTiely to 

bumble obedience of the laws end supe lor powers, which verjrOe ir \Ti\ioh. 
iecr.yed in there our dales. : een<la^- to have intellyrence from the ^ueens 
highnes, that her Majestic Intendeth that more -everitie of loves shell 
be executed nrainst oerson? diaobedyent, as well in causes of rel Irion 
SB civil, "^^ 10 the great rejoysing of his auditours. He aiiiortsd nlso 
lis fiudienee to take this as a general wamlnir to the whole realme, and 
namelye to the cltle of London, of riorae prt;ater plague to folow, if 
Eendements of lyfe in all stated Sid not ensue: He -Tiuche reproved 
those persons whiche Aould asslgne the cruse of this wrethe of God to 

- ! 

ill (14) 

any perticular state of men, or that were diligent to loke Into other 
men's lives, and could see no faultes in th«nself 1^8,35 but wished that 
every man syould d-^8cer>d into himself e, and aay with David, 3eo rum qui 
peccnvi: I aa he that hath sinned; and so furth, to that effect very 
god lye. 

He also not only reproved the prophanatyon of the said churche 
of Paulas, of long time heretofore aouecd by talking, jangline-, bi^wling, 
fighting, bargaininfr, Scc., namely In sonaons and aervlce tine; but also 
answered by the way the objectior.s of evil-tun.^ed persons, whiohe do 
impute this token of God's deserved iro, to alteration or rather 
reformation of rell ion, declaring oat of ancient records and histories, 
ye like, yea and greater matter;^, had befallen In the time of puner- 
etition and ignorance. 

For In the first year of King - taphen, not only the said charche 
of Paules «as brent, bat al?o a great part of the city .... was by 
fler consamed, itnd in ye dales of King Henry VI. ye -teple of Paulas 
was also fired by liphtaing .... Many other such like comon calami ties 
he reherped, which had happened In other couatrieE, both niph to this 
realm, 'ind far of, share the church of Rome h: th mo'!t authority, and 
therefore concluded the surest way to be, yt every man should jurtsre, 
examin, ami a; ende himselfe, and e-brfce, beleve, and truely folow ye 
word of God. 36. 

Ibis Interpretation of Ood's providence in history was too provocative 
to piiBB unans«ered, especially in a clloate of controversy. John Itorwen, 
formsrly chsplein to Jonaer and himself a preacher at Paul's wross In 
the reign of f^ary,^" answered Pllklngton with x-n i^ddltion, with ^n 
Appologle to the causes of the brinninpe of F-ul^s Church . &c. This 
work opens with a re-'iew of God's judgments apon oodom and r.omorrah, 
the Egyptians, Korah, Dathan and Abiram (the clt;sslc citation aaelnst 
wilful reL-ellion) , and the Jews In their Captivity, followed by a 
brief hlPtoriccl sumawry of the estriblinhment of the Chrirtlan church 
by Christ, itr perpetuation in the Church of Home, End itr foundint' and 
continuance in Britain* Xhere is now, he continues, no ra^n so simple 
but he may see thot the realm has declined from the belief so 
established, xieturn to the old religion, or a greater plr]gue is at 

Also, where the said preacher did recite certain a buses of the raid 


ohurche ...., e.lthou?-h thep«9 b« -ery evil and worthy much rebufce, yet 
there be worse aouaes, aa blaspheming God in lying sermona, polluting th« 
temple with schlsraatical service, destroying and pulllnp; down holy 
altars, that »ere set up by ifood blessed men, and there the aaorifice 
of the blessed mass ministered according to the or'^er of Christ*!? 
catholic church. Yea, ^bere the altar stood of the Holy Ghost, the new 
bl.-hops hrve made a place to net vhelr "ell? upon, find there set in 
the Judgrient of such i^e be catholic and live in the fear of Ck>d« 36. 

It is the clergy themselvee who are ^llty of disobedience, fjince they 

disobey the coconiands of the church catholic; they do not obserre Lent, 

end their order of rasking blrhops is corrupt. 

To this Pilkington was enforced to reply with A Confutseion of 
Ab .-ddicton (li^SS), In which he reviewed the whole question of the 
validity of Roms's claim of universality, and, taking the contro'reray 
out of Its original limited field, made the inciting episode the bri5?l8 
for a full-scale defence of the Church of England. * The exehangs 
mercifully ended at that. 

3* "That Hierlcho of which »e have now to consider Is the spiritual power 
of dsrkness, that restetb only in flRSh and worldly promises, that 
'.Ithstaodeth God's people." 

The incredibly rubtle tnd devious pollcle." by rhlch Sllzabeth 
and her advisers managed to malntfiln alliance with 3paln and at the same 
time aid the Huguenot: were not known to the Paul's Cross preschere. 
If they had been known, they would not have been comprehended. For thoee 
ntill fresh from IntLxiate contcct with the problems and terrors of 
continental Protestants, the I sues were uncomplicated by Statecrr-ft. 
Grindal seas ready in 1562 to point the less on of God's Judgments upon 
the king- of Kavarre, since he naturally had no conception of the 
derperate intrigue necessary to rein control over thrt most unreliable 
instrument, the mind of Gharles IX, The-e was at least one sermon 



pleading the cnuse of the Huguenots preached et the Spital and rehearsed 
ot Paul's Cross in Saster week 1563,^^ .."hother or not such sermons as 
these were a source of erabarrass-^ent to the administration there 1? no 

Bssns of knowing, . t least no one could object to a public thsn^'Si^lvlng 

for the Peace of Troyes, 

The chronicler of Paal's Cross has some little cause for co»> 
plaint it such vttgae notices as this; he has still oore c^.ase to inveigh 
Dg-alnst the inadequacy of records w.ien, arriving at the real crisis of 
Elizabeth's reign, the period from 1&68 to 1571, ;hen the imprisonrent 
of Mary, the rebellion of the nortliem earl-, and the bull fiegaans in 
exeelsis corr.bined to create a sltustlon of the utmost (graTity, he finds 
in the attacks upon Borne at Paul's Cross only oblique reference to ths 
dangers of the time. The i^iul's Cross preachers, at this time as 
later, preserved a stranste silence concerning the \,ueen of Gcots; they 
E«y have been sternly warned to do so. One has to turn to the Book of 
Homilies to find disobedience and wilful rebellion dealt with in proper 
terms, and diligent search produces no definite attack upon the ueen's 
excoamunl cation. That eurrlves is a triad of fulminations against 
Boas, from Jewel, Foxe, and Bridges, esch senaon interesting in its way, 
but 6' ch exasperating In its evoldnnce of toplcsl allusion. 

Jsvcl preached upon the annlTernary of the ueen's accesdon in 
1569, '" 3y an allegorical method which he explained in his exordium he 
was enabled to see in the fall of Jericho the fall of the power of darkness 
which is Hotae. The new Jericho is fenced with blind zeal and wilful 
ignorance, and is being overturned by good princes who are the instruments 
of God b3 Joshua was* Upon fan day conuaeniorated in the semon, "Ood sent 



his handmaid nnd delivered us," At one point In the sermon Jewel 

seeias to glance at the troubles of the time: 

Was God able in those days to avenge the cruelty of tyrants, to 
j^ithstand the nroufi , to defend the humble and lowly; "-.nd ?hall we think 
that his hand is shortened? Greet Is our God, end his power la v-onderful, 
and there is no end of his judgments. what leagues and confederacies, 
what practices and policies have we seen defeated! ^;'hat abuudnnce of 
blood hath been shed by sword and by flrel 45. 

Foxe, who was at this time engaged apon the preparation of tha 
necond edition of the i>cts and MaBoments , consented to pfeach at the 
Cross, though after much hesitation, on Oood . rldr^y 1570, betv'een the 
framing of the bull of exeoianainicatlon and its publication in rin^land In 
June. He ma-^e no Bpeclfie reference to the political crisis then brewing 
an-i contented hlsself with aach general reference to the troubles within 

the realm as mi^t be taken from the traditional .aetaphor of the "body 

politic," His main purpose was to attack the mass, the eiround of hla 

arpuaient being thtt tba ~ass Ir. a superstitious repudlHtion of the new 

covenant of the Gospel, ay whieh Christ aada remlBsion once for nil for 

our slna. TViere are some matters in the sermon typical of Foxe: an 

opening anecdote concerning Pole's ler^tion to 'fCnglEnd in 15:4,*^ and a 

set piece entitled "Tbe Or t ion of ChMst hanging upon the Cross, to 


the Devlll." 

Dr. John Brldjt'es, later famous as the author of The lefcnce of the 

Govem^tent .'.etHbliahed , preached at Paul's Cross after thd Cdis;<olutlon of 

the Parliament of 1571, in which action was talcen to inflict the 

penalties of high treason upon any one who should by any rieans attempt 

to tJeprive ^.lizabeth of the crown, or introduce bulls from Home to 

absolve any of tba .ueen's subjects from their allegiance. Like 7oxe, 

Erldgea launched a barragfi of scurrilous InvectlVK arainst all asoects 



of the catholic religion, and instructed his hearers in Jur-tiflcation 
by fsith. He did, however, note in passing the dllemzna in ichieh TLngllsb 
Catholics had been placed by the bull of the preTious year, though for 
him It was not a dliemna but an occasion of deadly sin. He ftpoke of 
"dissembling papists", and reprehended the allsi^iance to the Pope which 
made a devout Catholic into a traitor." It is possible, of coirsa, 
that some aoro specific rafei-ences to the plight of Catholic profascore 

Tey have enlivened the spoken sermon, though eliminated frcwi the 

T)ublished copy. 

Indeed In all this -leterial here reviawed on auapectB editing of 
thie -ort. It is n-;tural that the rjreachers should seek continuity and 
forirelity ifhen their eermons faced the whole public of Knerlend, and 
especif.lly since they were also no doubt intended for eoasumption by 
the faithful nbroed. Their friends and former associates should I'^sra 
that sound doetrlns, undisturbed by political crises cr by chenees in 
papal policy continued 'o be preached from such an important uulpit. 
Let the heathen rfife; they were unmoved. If in the day to day exercise 
of their ecolesiestical functions they were beginning to find the value 
of shifts and evasions, in the controversy apisinst Rome they could at 
least sound the trumpet ^ith no uncertain note. 

4. "Under the happy reign of her Mcjesty which now Ip, the greatest 

a'itter 'jwhile contended for vias the wearing of the c".p and surplice, 
till there caie admonitions directed unto tho high court of '^rliament, 
by men who concesling their names thought it glory enough to discover 
th^ir ninds and affections." 

Of the first crif^es In the development of '.lizabethan ruritanisra, 
the vestl rlen controversy made but little stir at Poul*s Cross. 3y Its 
very nature this issue had to l;e fought out in the nerirh churches. In 



quarrels over in^actlons at visltatioa and In convocation. The 
"scrupulosity touching certain thln^u," i.e., the Proyer 3o.i1c rabrics 
touching the ate of the Cross In baptism, kneellnj? at ccmmunlon, "rid 
clerical hebits, »hich anltnated the more thorough-goinp of (he HeforTierB, 
cajie to a head in the Loner Hou&e of convocation in 1563* The successors 
of Hooper, Bishop of Gloucester, fired by contact with the Swiss 
discipline, presented a petition demeadinpr the abolition of cope and 
surplice. A more moderate petition, framed by those ^(ho could tolerate 
the surpliee but no more, was rejected, on 13 February 1553, by s 
cajorlty of one vote.^^ Fifty-eight minority votes repres-^nted the 
powerful sentiment among the English clergy de-'Snding the abolition of 
the I'ist rags of Popery. There were ^reat difficulties to be faced in 
the eniorceiient oi the decisions of convocation, tad .'urohbl-hop Parker 
was caught between the steady resistanca of the ministers and the 
alternately indifferent and querulously insistent ;ueen« He lacked 
authority; his bishoDS sere si -ck or hostile; for a year eriih man did 
that which wea rlpht in hie o*n eyes. In the rumacier of 1564, however, 
the vueen, from what motives it is not quite clear, determined that the 
bishops must clean hour-e, ^. directive issued in January 1555, demanding 
a report from the bishops upon conduct of services in their dioceses, 
disclosed an intolersble variety of dress and perfor apce of the services 
among the incumbents. till the queen hesitated to support Parker in a 
positive campaign to compel conformity on pain of deprivation. 

The Puritans, if .jne rosy call tt;Gm that, had raised up unto them 
tKO distinguished cmmpionf , Laurence EuiRphrey, President of i;48.xialen, 
and Thotons .ampson, .lean of Christ Church* T.^ese t«o stalwarts had 
engaged in a dir^putation upon the vestments at Oxford in 1564, and in 

ill (20) 

itiarch of the next year were sumrioaed to Liimbeth, where ParJcer soufrht 
to win thee to conformity by persue/ion. There is no means of knowing 
whether their conformity .voulu have served as an effeC-ivo oxp'-iple to 
those ?!ho followed their bnnier, but they did not conform, end while 
under what wes virtup.lly op«n arrest In London they bot^ appeared In 
tho Paul's Gross pulpit.^* 

Leicester was their chari.pioa, and seeniB to have apootnted them 
to thet pulpit, or at least inatigated their appolnt.niftKt.^ From his 
receipt of some correspondence from the «1i8affaGted it nay be s-athered 
that he favoured their views or was at least inclined to support them 
for reasons of hi?- own. 'alton Lad no douUt of It: 

Those very nen, that began with tender and meek Petitions, riroceeded 
to Ad-iionitions , then to -lyrical -^ emonstrenees , and at last, having like 
Abaolom -jumbred who was not, and who was, for their "ause, they got a 
supposed certainty of so :reat a Party, that they durst threaten first 
the Bishops, and then the C.ueen and Parlla'ient; to all which they were 
secretly encouraged by the larl of Leicester, then in great f^Tour with 
Her Majesty, and the reputed C erlsVier and Patron-peneral of these 
pretenders to reuderness and Conscience; his design beln?, by thslr 
means, to bring such an rdiam upon the Bishops, ss to procure an Aliena- 
tion of their Lands, and a large proportion of them for hiifiself. 56. 

V.lthout, however, atterqjtln- to decide either what Leicester's motivee 
were or whether he acted in this case or not, it T.ay be aafcly B.'^aumed 
that these sermons at the Cross might well have been preEched «ith the 
consent of Grindal, who in this as in other thing's was sympathetic to 
the si.Tis of the radical parsons. 

There is, of course, no surviving report of what Sampson and 
fiumphrey preached, but the probably substance of their arguments (assum- 
ing that they preached on the vestments) nny be gathered from the notes 


of the disputation at Oxford^ Parker's position, clearly defined in 



the preface to his Advertise- ents, was that aoparel was a thing indifferent, 
to be settled by the eeclcslasticol authority In the interest of ^ood 

These orders end rules ensuing have been taoueht inset aad convenient to 
be used and follo^-jed; not yet prescribing these rules as laws equivalent 
vith the eternal vord of God anci as of necessity to ivind the cor.sciences 
of .... su . jects in the nntarfi of them considered in themselves, or ae 
they should add sny afficacy or more holiness to the virtue of public 
prayer and to the sficratoentB, but as tempoi^l orders mere eccleai^stlcal, 
iRithout any vain F.uperstltion, and ss rules in soaie oart of ditcicline 
concerning decency, distinction and order for the time. 58. 

To this 7iaw the dissentients replied that the surplice, bean 
consecrated to idolatry, cannot be held s thing indifferent; Valnps 
^- ■ -, ■ ■ =?=^. may oe enjoined in worship only if they have in 
Scrinture. It is not baseless conjuncture to assunie that this knotty 
point was enforced at ?aul*s Cross in Lent of lo65, end the auditory 
enlightened upon doctrine to beoorie tioto familiar p.s time passed, the 
doctrine of the infallibility of scripture in all matters of church 
foveroiMnt '. s in all matters of faith and morals. Bdmund ^este, 3l6hop 

of Tioehester, who had opposed ampson and uufflphrey at Czfoi-d, reaehed 

at the Cross in the ICaster season, and it Is likely that be repeated 

against thorn the arguments which he had used before. 

Parker ^as desperate, and took the risk of proceedings atfjinet 
the offender-, and the further risk of issuing the -4vertise'";eat8 ulthoftt 

the royal authority, of applying them in the diocese of London end 

ela^^where. Ilis corraspondence revnals how carefully he rupervlBed the 

sermons at Tsui's Cross in the sprln/ of 1566, seeking to ensure the 

pre-iching of sound doctrine d rliig a diffi ult period.®^ Had the dispute 

seen-.ed likely to end *ith no itjore than a few deprivations, barker would 

not have acted with an independence and temerity unu!?uel In a Tudor 


official. But as he had from the first perceived, the flurry of 
opposition to the cap end surplice wae out the nrelude to s --.ajor 
dtsafTeerent over church discipline. Ominous sig;ns of xne lor: iion of 
ft party followed the issuiag of the i^dvejrtiBements; Ciantp-on and Humphrey 

corresponded assiduously with Sullinger In ^.urich, receiving no very 


aetisfsctoiTT ansiier from that oracle for the clearinf of their eonseiences, 

Both Sampson and Himphrey oq the one side snd "rindal on the other sought 
the 'sdvice of -eza, but that divine, like the other, was er,utlous of 
expressing an exact opinion u;5on what he perceived to be a qaestion 
purely for the English ecclealssticsl polity* "" Between 1565 and 1567 
several pemphlots were issued against the vestments, and in June 1567 a 

conventicle #as dlfcovered in -lumbers' Hall In London, the rirst formed 

conRrep'tion of those with scruples of conscience. The conscientious 

objsctorF were no doubt exasperating, an'l considerins their powerful 

resemblsnce to Anne Askew or John Hooper and their potentially revolu- 

tlonai'y InterprelBtion of ^ierlpture as a guide to their "dlscii^llne" the 

pntience of Parker and aorae of his blrhope is admirable. In 1570, for 

instance, rishop Benthera of Lichfield sought to persuade a cert; in brother 

naiTied ;arton in the^e terns: 

Vlr, Alton, you s>iall yclde somewhat unto me, and I will lykewise yelct unto 
you rhat I can. For the cropse in bHptlsme, I will never require it of 
you, and for the surplesse, yf you will ^erre It cut some tyoes, or but 
twise or t'.rise, or yf you will ware it but ones, I will urge you no 

But the Tiinister refused thle p-e'^.erouB offer, saylnp it ^cs a,-alnat both 
the word of God ar.d hia conscience, for the surplice '.-as "a polluted and 
curred ^arke of the Beaste.'* He regained stubborn, and wos eventually 
deprlvod, A moderation 'iS benii^n but more r98er\'ad than Benthara's 
distingaiahea Jewel's re.Tiarks upon the question in his sermon at Paul's 



Cross in 1569. The ressels ivere brouf^t out of Jericho, he obsei^red, 
but not thins-s "meet to furnish sad rralntetn superatltian, bat such things 
es be strong, and may serve either directly to serve Ood, or else "or 
coraellneFB nnd rood order." 

From Jewel to Laad the orthodox contended for ''coeli.iess and 
good orJer," "hat could there le In that harmless phrase to which any 
minister ould object? The answer is to both of its terras. Cood or-ier 
jieant to a frrjwlng number of the faithful a set of rubrics enforced by 
eccl-^siF'Sti-jfil authority and not by the coavlction of the individual 
conacierjce from Sod's wort. Coraeliness mea t to them Popi^ shows and 
iflfif^es. The generation *ho sat at the f.^ot of Cartwright had no notion 
of the r.ervice of God as an art form, as a Judiciously proportioned 
observance nhich sanctified the gestures end apparel of ."ten by informing 
th«a with stylo and order. ?or then the ser Ice ves functional rather 
then artistic; its purpoee las the repentance of the sin;!er, and to this 
;^ipcipllne of the coa"clcncc the resource? of preachinn-, cr;refully 
iiesiipsad to produce the laixliaum effect or urc from any gi"en text, were 
turned with "^ill the devotion with ithich the de-'^out in'^llcan vas rMe to 
irrfi'iiate the foms of the Prayer P/Ook. If ehind the controversy over 
the ve?;taenrc lurked the question of the foi'sn of church rovemrent to e 
established in the r aim, there loornod sIfo behind the cold eneners of 
a nran like .^xton a much larger question: In what docs the serrice of 
God consist? 

The rlrst of these questions, however, was importa-t ^aoutth in 
itself to provoke two generations of controversy and to contribute in no 
snail part to th*? fir.i-l arbitrament of ,',ar. Had the precl^lnns won in 
the Convocation of 1563, it Is Just possible thnt some sort of cofr>proaii8e 



might have sarisfled all pftrtlar, thoug'h It is c^oubtful if it would hare 
satisfied the ^,uean. 3ut they did not win, and were forced back upon 
issues more central to their existence. They be on to fra e odels of 
church dlsciplirie. -t'he triuraph of the Elizabethan church msde the 
Puritans into acadeniic theorists upon disclnllna, and such thoy renaloed 
until the Commonwealth, ^t was an activity aot new; witness such an 
elaborate pattern of congregstionnl rule as that set forth In Tamer's 


Hgntynge of tha ivotayshe ■olfe (1554) • Yet the attempt was aiade to 

secure by the machinery of Parliament some alteration of the forn of 
church govei'nraent, and in April 1571 . trickland iatro.iucad his bill for 
the reformation of the 3ook of Common Prayer. The cf ce is interesting 
from the constitutional alaadpoint, for .triclcland had exhibited a bill 
in daflancfl of the u-^en's px*eropati7e to introduce legislation,^^ 
and was accordingly Inhibited; it Is also infomuitivo to aee how quickly 
the adintnistrotion acted to put ap preachers arainat the dlscir>line at 
Paul's Criss.. 

In the :^revious year Sandys had entered upon his duties as Bishop 
of London, and thereupon preached b sermon to the diocese at i-"'aul's Cross. 
Whether or not he foresaw the stormy time before him, ho wept on beholding 
his Jerusalem ani confessed that he shrank fran the great responsibilities 
of the tnsk. It lE an office, he said, of high peril ami dan/or; 

if this office require a strong v,an to oear the burthen of so sreat a 
travail, certainly it is altos'ether unfitly cast upon rae. I '.^ould have 
wished rather rest for my -Aecrifh body, full of Up assr- and, cp the 
prophet speaketh, almost Kom a*8y like a clout .... Her raj^^sty could 
spy notiainp in Jte worthy of this room .... The Lord be merciful unto 
me* 69. 

He southt also to draw the teeth of Puritan opposition in hi" affirmation 
of the validity of the ceremonies of the church: 


Ood be ppHisad for everJ In oar churches 4f F.nglend, to our great 
eorTort, God Is served e-ren In saeh sort as himself by his holy word 
hrith prescriiied; ro th; t no Ipcoatented person csa ille^e any reason 
BQfflclent why to ^rlthdraw himself from our assemblies. Our church 
prayers are the psalms, our l^saons the scriptures, our 3aerH"ientE 
according to Christ's institution. 70# 

The Imnwdlate debate, however, was not with tho^e irho would withdraw 
Into their own conventicles, bat with those who would refom the Prayer 
book Bccorrtlng to the warrant of Scripture. Yet the possibility of 
trlthdrewal was considerable. Field and ''llcox, the authors of the 
^vdmonitlon. protested vehemently that they were not seperfitistsi 

Becc-'pe nany lye" find scl'JunneiT hav« bin spresd abroade of us that T^e 
shoulde perswade others to wlthdrawe them elvea from publlque asfenblles 
to nrlvEte conventlclfi-s, w.e protest that ^<s thinke it utterlio unlawfull 
for any to withdrewe ttemtelves from that congregation '^hert; the worde 
of God ip trawlie preached, the S^^crament:- rlncerlle miaiptred, and tne 
eccleaieeticall disclplln.' exercised. 71. 

3ut if one were to decide that the Chuixh of England was not such a 
•congregation"? There Is ambiguity also in their effirr.atlon that 

it Qq not meete for private persons of their own t;uctorltle without 
learnlnpe or •<noT!ledfe to sstpollshe churchcjs. 72. 

Many of this persuasion were to affirm that the substantial points of 
the GhrlFtlan religion are there open in the criptures for all to read, 
and havinp- reed to assert their learning. 

In 1571 the ousRtlon of withdrawal wa<? not ps important .^s the 
quarrel over the veEtmentr and whet that dispute implied 's to th-» seat 
of authority in the church. The lishopa were busy in convocation framing 
the iVrtlclea, ^nd in the three weeks follo*in,'r the introduction of 

Strlcklnnd*8 bill, ; andys secured the rervic^p of Cox, Jewel and Home 


for the pulpit at Paul's Cross. All presched aRainpt the precisians, 



end for the seiinons of Je'sel aad Home thera eurvlve confute tlons written 

prouBuly by Ailllain k'-Mte and liioinJis ilcox. In "Certoine rirlef-s justly 


coccelTed of 3. Joitolls sermon," the bishop Is addressed ap "Beloved 

fr^tlier in the lord Jesus", and is r.Bked not to be offended ^'t the 
Dfitholding of the title "Lord" which ip contrary to Clod's word, The 
authors set forth some seven "grlefes" arising from his argument snd some 
of Ito detailn. He preached from Jeremiah 23, probably from the first 
verBe: "i^oe be unto the sstors tbst destroy and scatter the sheep of 
my pastureJ raith the Lord." He pleaded that we who have the wheat 
should not contend about the chaff, l.e. things Indifferent, to Rhleh the 
objector:- replied: 

If oae of your feimera -ould give you freely 100 quartern of lure and 
cleans ^heat, £nd hi* servant, whom he put in truste, f^hould f^ellver 
you wheat and chef torother, would you thinke him a good servant? 

They required the bishop t'* give the people the pure wheat of God»e 
word, without the chaff of "Antlchriatian tradltlone." Gfiremoaies, they 
argued, huve their beginning "from the Dlvell and -ntichrist, 'vhose 
i'pplMiantP and trappings they are." They reproved him for his alender 
argument in defence of the words "F.eceive ye the Holy Ghost" in the 
service of ordin.tion, an; condemned hi^ words as paplstiofil. Jewel waa 
apparently forced into a defence of the authority of bishope, anrt his 
opponents iraplied that they were ready to oppose the "baaAtifal f&ce and 
purity of the Apoatollcke Charch" ognlnst such authority. Here in the 
heat of debate, in scribbled notes upon a sermon, one obBcrves the lines 
of the lon^ struggle being laid down. The arguments o" Martin Marprelate 
and of Hilton may be found in this little memorandum. Ketornin'- to the 
innediate faestion of the vestments. Jewel argued that they vsere useful 
and necessary, as meet for the belly, and that black, white, round and 

/7 / 



square are "tha good creatures of God." He was defen<3in|^ thr^ concept 

of Christian liberty in things indifferent, so they be asf>d *lth sobriety, 
but his opponents would hflTe none of It, r^leat an(3 apparel are unefal, 
but not so the Popieh garments; they »!-e nothing more than -intlchrlstlan 
trifles, and yet man hfiv« been thrust out of thRlr livinpa for refusing 
thea, and the mouths of "many grav«, learned, and godly zealous ^reachera" 
have been ptonped. It is slngiklnr to hear Jewel accused of popery. The 
authors made their position clear on this point; 

Even so *'j: [note the appellationj Jeull, in defendinge Ghrists Church 
apalnst the open peplet, did well and In much to be comiended, but now, 
beiup, an -meray to syncorlty p.nJ the truth of Ohrlsts godpell, ho doth 
evlll and 1p worthy to be reproved, 76. 

Home, Bishop of ^'tnchoster, preaching on the following 3undsy, m;s eren 
.-nora rouE^hly treated in "An nn^wer to puch /.rgumanta ar; 3, Home used 
in his sermon nt Paules Crosse ...., to alntsyne the romnants and 
rellques of -atlchrlste," So sngry vlth him were the note-trkers that 
they permitted but a few of his phrsses to survive. He 'sdmltted that he 
had heazv! only three sermo-s since he came to London, "nd they affirmed 


thet this nas disgrnceful, ° Ke commended Jewel's sermon, and they 
replied that David was a good king: but he did e/il thinifrs — a nangeroua 
analogy Indeed, He said he would not deal with controversial matters, 
because the place ^ee not meet nor the hnarers fit Judges; but this 
apnroach, so .tirferent from that of the conscientious Jewel, did not aare 
hltii from criticism. He feared the light, noted his critics, because his 
deeds are evil; mnny in the audience («ere "honourable, worshlofull, 
learned, wise, and fodlie." Home affirmed that he would cewpc his 

ctlons in enforcing ecclesiastical discipline if it could be shown that 
they were unlawful. They replied that his own conscience should tell him 



that; In other words, thoy astced an impossible thing, that an Elizabethan 
bishop atould b« tvulded by the private Judpr.^nt. Ke wished, in conclusion, 
thfit "those might be cut off which trouble us," To this the writers said 

Jittch "answers" as these probably had a con^^lderable clandeBtinc 
circulation aanong the disaffected* A party was far.-nlag under the stress 
of what Its members considered the persecution oT the bishops and Its 
principles were being l^id down in C^ertwripht's te£ichinp ht CJs abridge. 
But it was a party sithin the Ghorch of England, as it continued, and 
there were many odeiates who, in spite of their re -udea were f^Jr from 

despairlnfT of compromise. One of these was iildwerd mibti, who orea-'hed 

at Paul's Cross three days after the new canons appeared in June .1571, 

Hie exhortation was based upon PBalm 75, and he opened with b paean In 

praiso of the Psalms: "the boke of Psalmep is a r-iost precious oesrle 

.... I would to Ood yong men voald seeke to stay their frallo and 

sllopery youth with the diligent resdln? of thys books*'* Be set forth 

the proper lay of oraiainn God, anc c ndemned 'he papists' "unfruitfull 

mumbling in a strbnge tounge." Ve ax'e to praise God earneBtly and not 

negllffently, as the spirit of God stirs up our hearts. But now the 

world reproves zfial and fervour of spirit; those »ho would sti; us up 

to reforration are called foolish arici indiscreet. (Slg. C3tJ In his 

second part he dealt with God's judiaaent of the world in his convenient 

tLae, end applied the lesson of God's juritlce to naglntrfites, that they 

should deal Justly with "stirs and uprores," and to Enpland's deliverance 

from the ^(rjpt and babylon of Hooe. Men, llKe God, have n eonv-^nlent 

tlBfie, bat worldly wise laea refuse to see thr.t r-ellglon should seize ths 

tins of reformation &? the geneiral sees the time to attack or the marlnsr 



takoH the noment of tha fSTourable wind, 'hen reform tion first cRtne to 

then «.o drew not oat of the booke of ".od s right piat, neither laid w© 
a sure foandr.tlon of rij-ht refomvitlon, «e did not then utterly abolished 
£sicj all uperstitious vsnitiss, ;,iiich no« by Ooos just jud ' -nt ire 
p; icices in our eles: and thornes In our sides. [^ig« E4j 

All things ere not well or in good order. 

Bush proceeded to li«5t some abuses still lemoininf: in the church. 
Some popish priests still remain ministers by virtue of their idolatrous 
orders; they are like iregona who will overthrow in the ni?bt all that 
is built In the day. inhere are 'lewde ignorante and umneete ministers," 
end there is "wonderful great rant" of good preachers in the country. 
Gjreedy ena simonincal petrons pass over "good end godly men, leernod men 
of long continuance in the university." Dut the ^r^atest fault is the 
forcing of ifien's conseiencas. 

It 1? not a capne, tippet, or simples only, which are but si, ell matters, 

and the s.nallest of many matters, which are to tse reforrried in the Church 
of England, 

but these matters "clog mens consciences." He made 'uit to the ecclsai- 
astical authorities that men's connciences should not be f oread in this 
matter, but persuaded, and added that it was "a convenient tyme that 
these things were redressed." fig* -Jl] Heformation muat not trrry for 
any worldly policies or carnal counsels. 

There is nothing in this sermon of the "discipline." Bush was 
no Presbyterian; Pimply a scrupulous believer in reformation according to 
warrant of . crlpture, uneasy but conformeble. The famous admonition to 
the Parllartient of May lb72 ans of • different character from this sermon. 
The authors jased their complaints upon the scheme of church povemment 


set forth by Cai-twripht in hi?, lectures at Cambridge. This consisted of 
five points: the names of archbishops end bishops should be abolished; 
in their stead should be appointed bishops aid deacons, th^ forner with 
a purely spiritual oifice; church povermient should be by minister and 
presbytery; each minister chould be Ettached to a definite conpregatlon; 
ministers should be elected by the congrepetion. a11 thin ororram, which 
was not a separatist piogram, cfic based upon the practice of the primitive 
church, -iS recorded in the Acts of the Apostles,^ The AdT'onitlop 
accordingly demanded the removal of all "popish" 'abusas which should 
Etatid in the way of euch a platform for the Church of England, contending 
that though they had borne with the f nulls in the Prayer ' ook. 

yet now being eoripQlled by sabscription to allow the snre and confess it 
not to i-e afcein&t Ihe w rd of Sod in any point, out tolerable, we murt 
needs sey as folloveth, that this book ic an anperfect book, cullnd and 
cicked out of thav popi-h dunghill the poituise and r/jss-book ull of 
all abominations. For some and many of the consents therein be such as 
are cainst the »ord of '"^od. 81* 

They de-^jnded a learned ministry, the overthrow of some ecclesiastical 
courts, the "ancient purity and siHipliclty" of the apostolic worship 
at all points. The contention over spparel, though they could not deny 
ItE importance, they did not set as the roal ground of controversy, but 

esserted that the real controversy was ''far greet matters concei^inp- a 

true rainlstry and reginent of the church according to the sord." 

The Admonition ivas at once solid and picturesque; its anlraed- 
versions upon the state of the Eninlstry struck home, end the i:lshops 
winced. It was el^out this time that the ',enti "Puritan" beean generally 
to i-a applied to tho^e «ho ought to Impose tiie enevan discipline upon 
the Church of Snglaad, *^ though Field and - iloox objected r.trenuously to 


its theolo^icsl imolicHtl'jns: 

V,e truste tnat this our open end plf^ine coufessioQ siiaibe surflcisnte to 
cle'sre uf from those de.-pltefull na-jes which the devlll and his instruunenta 
have devised against us, thorby the riither to hln<ier our Joalie purposes 
in seeklnge for Christian information, calling u-^ reprochfullle puritanes, 
onspotted bretherno and suche like, i'hoso names vie abhore and detest and 
openly professe th^it n ourselves we fynde nothiage but aynae and 
uacleannes. S4. 

The official answer to the Admoaition at Paul's Cross was, howe/er, 
renarltably moderate and liberal in tone. Ihoaaa Cooper, Jif.hop of 
Lincoln, vna the appointed standai'd-bearer of the via media on this 
occasion; unfortunately his sermon, like those of the preirloua year, 
must OS reconRtructed rr<Mi "Aa Answer to certain pieces of e sermon, fee.," 
surreptitiously set forth soon afterwards, •^"^ Cooper maintained realis- 
tically, that good ministers were not to be had at the beginaln,}- of the 
reign oecauae of oaitauility of religion in the days of iid ard and ilary 
which caused "many to*aj7dly niits to refrain the ministry .... anc to 
comrait their studies to physic, to law, to teaching '^chools, &c." He 
added that the people would have been in the condition of heathens "if 
there hud not been such made to read the scripture unto them," ihe 
"Answer" celled this "maintaining of an ignorant and unlearned ministry," 
Thlch stunf Cooper to add to his cooy a marginal note: 

I did not allow them, nor Fhesv myeelf to like well of them, .-ut bewailed 
the cause, and wished the continuance only in respect of necesr ity, 'nd 
in connsrlson of oaniGtlcal priests, I somewhat diminished the )7rlevoua- 
ness of the crime, 

?Ie also .>om:ne!ided ••iibove tho -oon" the Book of Common Prayer, "saying, 
it is most egroer.bie to God* wori of any since th^ opostles' time, and 
least clogged with unprofitable ceremonies." To thlf the Puritans 
replied flatly that the Genevan discipline, and much oreachlnff, were more 
in Hccox^ *lth God's word. They raided the same objection to his argument 



in aofence of church 60'^<'^D3''6'^* by bishops, which he traced beck throu^i 
the history of the church to the first council of Nlcea; it was feeble 
since it Gid not rest upon crlr tarsi warrant. Fin-lly, they rere noved 
to cries of "Blis-jhefflyl" by what seem in retrospect his most telllop; 
points: that it is erroneous to br;3e the external govern.-- :nt of the 
church upon the ^/criptures at all points, and that the prooirsni of the 
disciplinarians would 3s8d Inevitably to the dissolution of the 

At this point it does not seem t^at the bishops were moved to 
more than such routine arguments to support their authority. I'he 
iesuea of the debate were indeed grevo enough, but all the implications 
of the Purlten position had not bean perceived, 3ut in the months that 
followed Cooper's sermon, a flood of pamphlets maJe their appocrnnce 
recontnending the discipline and v^ritten on behalf of the imprisoned 
^ield and '^llcoi. The chief oT these was the so-cslled Second -d.-nonitlon 
which, if not Yirltten by Csrtvjrlght, wrs certainly ia-'pired hi/ him. 
In iiUfeiist tho jaBssacre of Jt. Bartholo;aew roused Protestant sympathies 
to fever heat, and lullzubath's teiipori'<:atlon contributed to the anger 
of thoES who were ready to oae in the compromise of thr^ stwblishment a 
coraproalse with popery, I^eanwhile the bichops found a chanpion in John 
Whitgift, ilester of Trinity, who, aldod by them, took up the tfjsk of 
answoriuf' the ..daonltions . His Answer appoRred in February 1573, but on 


2 iiovember 1572 he preached st Paul's Gross on Ssnays* appointment. 
It id likely that he there rehearsed his :nain contentions a.^inot the 

Puritans, and chiefly his rein arfuraent, that Puritans were like Catholics 


in denying to civil aiegistratos authority in relation to th? church. He 

was to argue in his ^ujwer that there le "no onc= cer aln and perfect kind 



of f-roverBnent pra3crlbe<i or conrasnded in the cripfcure to Ihe Church of 
Christ," consequently tho pattern of procedure I?, "th") coitinaal 
practice of • hristiflo Churches, in the tine of Christian naeistratea," 
which has been ''to gl /e to Christian princes supremo authority in 

making ecclesinstlcal orders and lavs, yea and that which is more. In 


deciding of matters of religion, even in the chief and prinoi'.ol points," 

This was a e-ood argunent for Paul's Cross, because of Its application 
of the ecolesiastical dllenria to political xealitles. It is n significant 
arguinent in two vays. In the first place, it was the first really 
effective rlpaste to che Puritan aeraande for further reformation; if 
they ciilled e olehop a "petty pope" who stood in the way of pure 
Pi^testant doctrine and pruotice, they were by inevitable logic calling 
the vueen a "petty pope" end in so coinfc they stood in danger of treason. 
-'Secondly, one notes how the necersity of the controversy forced Vhitgift 
into attrioutiag to the Jupreiws Ckwernor the poteafas ordtnin , which she not in theory clain, by statuse, but which for purposes of ecclesias- 
tical discipline her ministers must either attribute to her or to 
themselves. l«ot until Bancroft spoke at Paul's Croaa in 1539 did the 
bishops presume to claim it for themselves, and then the clain met vtith 
a storm of opposition from all quertors. The ffict is thet the Elizabethan 
church was not fitted to serve as ezsmplar for any abstract argument; 
to defend it was almost as perilous ss to attack it. 

It may be conceded that the "Briafe confession of F'aythe," 
written by Field and Vilcox from Uewgate anv". dated 4 December 1572, waa 
in answer to such nllegntions as these In •ihitgift's sermon of 2 "ovember. 
Thin document contains not only the familiar objection to such careless 
and slanderous terms a- have been applied to them by the bishops and 



others in tho h^at of controversy, but a repudintlon of Whitfflft's 
contention concernLag: thair attituda to ard the cItII c-overn.-ient. The 
pasari e In queatioa runs aa follo/.s: 

And alactca, who selth not that her© amongest us the same accusations 
and wor38e, if AorsB© may be (than in Germany S Prance),^ ; re used against 
the Oodlie, that seelringe at a parlyarnents tyrce for Christiane raformatlon 
of a&ases, yea anc' of any sache abuses, as are confessed, and of 
themselTes wished removed, ere not onely feared, but also afflrrred to be 
.nabaptists, Donatists, .... ..rians, Rulnckrelclians, MeBsallnss CJJ » 

pirltans, and I ran not tell what? 

Yea, the prince and aagietrates (whose eares we bee-^eche God to 
stoppe frort! sach rwlloious counr-ells) are s.i red up to awaire, to loolre 
abowt* them, to drawe owte the eworde, as if thene men were raadie to 
thrunte ttera o^te of theire places (to whom in rr. ny pieces of their 
wryti ige they iteh« lonce continuance with all happlnes),®^ to overthrowe 
t^atr kln-'i-doTio and to brin'^e all thin-?? to conf .'- lone. 

iecsuse they wOuld have L>y?shope3 uniorded accordin./e to Gods 
';7orde, therfore they conclude thnt they senlte the overthrowe of '"Ivlll 
Irtag-istrates. i:»ecaw8e th^^y aaye, sll byshoppes and ministers are equall, 
aid therfore tiaye not ererclse sovemirntle o-rer on<? another, therfore they 
conclude that they, when they have broughte this in amons-e the Byshops, 
7.'111 slco brinp-e it in amonse the nobllitie ani all the people. 93. 

•Thitglft'n sermon, perhnps becaaee it opened up new I as of 
discord, did not silence the onpoFltion; indeed it moved tht=>in to further 
efforts in reprisal. Since the puritans were anxious to obtain the 
widest possible clroulstion for their argunents it ^as natural that they 
should storm the Paul*8 Cross pa).pit. The brunt of the attack fell upon 

the unfortunate Sandys. His letter of complaint to Cecil, dated 5 August 

1573, 1g well knorvn to historians of "liTiabethan Puritanism. >en 

before the events which ha records «ith melancholy cfindour, r. Thorryis 

filckley, one of the lesc known "sllzabethan binhop8,"°8tte"ipted n defence 

of the !:8t,T ■.llshmant slth little success,** if one is to Jiidw by the 

fulrr?'. i-iois of B Puritan sBquaintance. The comment upon t>i" -«rmon by 

a Puritan critic lllastrr.tes exnctly the position of both perti'^s at thi*- 

crisis. Dr. Bickley, like Cooper, was in all conecience viilllnr to admit 

that the Church of Lngland had not a oerfect "discipline," and from this 


adralssiou hir, opponent was ready to infer that such & church was not. a 
"perfeat" chor-ch according to the 'ord, CalTin had said that a church 
Kithout discipline is a ".nainjijd church," and jer.a had affijmed that such 
a church allocs latitude to licflntlousness of life among Its memb9"s. 
On the other hsni, Blckley's Puritan critic was leilliniS- to adnlt "that 
the Church of England is the Church of Christ" and an a me.-riber t^iereof 
to confeFB this fundamental point sith all frankness. He spoke of 
Eickley's seraon ^.9 "catchyng and cavilling to defarne a brother.? It 
may be tiat hn thought of Blckley as e lost leader, for he had been one 
of the most extreme among the reformers In the days of "duard, and waa 
suDpoaed to bare expressed his horror for the idolatry of the "^as by 
breaklnt; the Lost In pieces and tranplinp it beneath his feet. 

^.ickley, who was at this time arden of .V'erton, f^&y hfive had hia 
zeal a little tempered by preferments, but the preachers who trou .led 
Sandys in i^ugust 1573 were out-and-out supporters of the discipline. 
One difficulty in selecting preachart> for the Cross at that ti^ce was that 
the sheep were very Imaerfectly separated from the goats, and the •-'ood 
bishop did not knee vhoB he could trust. Crick, chaplain to the Bishop 
of Norwich, was, he coipleined, "much commended unto mc for learning and 

sobriety," but he attacked the church goveriuaent established and extolled 

"lir, CJartwright's book" as the "true platform of the sincere and 

apoatolicfil Church." Tandys ralfT-ht have expocted something like thla 

from Parkhorst'a chaplain, for Parkhurst *Ha very nyrapathetlc to the 

Puritans. lir, '.ake, of Ci-rlst Church in Oxford, was also Infected 

with Cartwrlght^B opinions, though he hod preached a "good sermon" at 

the -ro3S tho previous y.'ar. He wasj aou-coramittal when interrogated 

by the bishop, but was permitted to pre>ch on 2 ^ugust, and like Crick 


before him took the opportunity of attac Icing; tho bishops and corainending 
the new plntform. :^ianfiyB oould pet his hands on iiolthrtr of the offenders 
by 5 August, v?hen ho wrote to Borghloy, and he was sor-; disturbed: 

Such men rauat be reformed, if the r>tate shall stand safe. Truly, my 
Lord, I havQ doaLt as carefully as T can, to keep such fsnatlc'il spirits 
from the Gross: but the deceitful Levll, enemy to ralirlon, h-th so 
poured out tho ooli'on of sedition, and so .?,iddanly tjhrm^ed taese wavering 
nlnds, that it is aai'd to ell whom a man may trust, 103. 

He preached at the Cross himself la I'ovember, admitting as Cooper had 
done that the^e were "certain maculsts" in the inlnlstrj-, but pointing 
out that Lhey must be deaLt ulth according to th»T authority residing 
In the r.o^emraent established for tVie church, and not by appeal fr-au 
unconstltuted minorities, ^0* Mis appeal to the Council, with others 
like it from th ; hard-pressed bi.~hopfl, brougiit sone aiore «s8lstance 
In the taankloss task it enforcing; conformity, and st Paul'- Cross at 
least there was a seSBon oT quiet; at Least no more such grievous 
breaches of aui^hority as these hav^e oonie to my n^>tlco, 

Thef.e "answers" or "confesBions" upon which one ht s to depend for 
the content of so- >e of these sermons point to the hr-bit of note-taking 
at the Paul's Cross ser^iona, and ndead note- taking vsith a purpose otjjer 
than pure edification, ^ne of rhe most significant aspects of such 
controversy as that Inspired by the Admonitions Is the development of a 
haoit among the brethren if using a 3srmon by a member of the opposition 
as sn opportunity for eiercise in th«lr favorite techn4<Sae of testing 
by proof te-.ts. The authorf of the "Answer" to Cooper's sornon warned 
him that many were not prepared to swallow his doctrines ?;itho'Jit such a 


Thern resort tc tnat pls.ce [^ uI'p CrossJ such as cajti try fell thin^p, 
and prove the spirits, whether they bs of God or not and, though they 
lack yoar counter.ence und estim tion, ere cblQ to rienl vith you, or 
the bftst bishop In this church; in any oolnt of Christian rali;rion. 
ho cone not to pl'^en, ae ro^v , or for a s'-n- , ?'lfch other '-o"'.8, or to 
tangle you {as you unjustly report), but to hear your doctline, anci to 
sear -h thR scripture d.lly, whether things ho so '.het you soeak. 105. 

It is not clear whether thene are Inynen or clortry; one suspects the 
learned layrB^n in ariong thera. certainly fiis was the 1ft vhich the 
"nrophesyin-Ts" sought to cultivate in the nlnlstry, and thero 1? no doubt 
that it could be piibTersive, as the Queen, believed. It ?fns the fcilure 
of the refomln'5 brethren to focure a hesr5n^ in such en Influential 
nul7)it at ^nul'p Orose after this chanter of errors which forced their 
energies into thn prophe8yin(?s and Into thft production of a lltex-f^ture. 

5. "le proade druncken whoore of Sfibylon, the triple crooned .inhop 
even ye preat Antichrist,** 

The opposition to Aoaa was expressed not only in fon-;slly 
constituted controversy, not only in invoctivcs a.ninst irrvedlate 
daa«rers, such as Jesuit missionaries, Spain, or recuFants wavering in 
th'^ir allegiance, but also In a continuous general polemic from the 
Paul's GrDSS pulpit. It Is not necessary to assume that the an/rers from 
Catholic powers abroad vai-e trreater than they were or that a I'jrse 
proportion of the population remained "ntholic In nympathi?"? in or-ier 
to explain the long-continued and violent assaults upon Ro'e froji that 
and other .Tllzabathan pulpits. Scholars will never agree upon the number 
of English recusants at any date dirlng the period, and apscul tion is 
it once fruitless and raisleadlno-. The real reason for th«:se full-scale 
attacics u-^on all aspects of the rioman faith was that tha faith, 
the so-called via raedia , ^sb being defined by this process, Anpllcanlsga 


was still revolutionary, for all the protestations of the Parltans and 
sectaries to the contrery; It .vaa « reforming doctrine. Its validity 
coald be aasaaaed by nefiatlTas, and the vaat apparatus of invective by 
which the preachers organized their virulent and uneeaainp- assault upon 
the old faith nrovided the foundations for the nf?w, ^.t the saTie time 
It was obvious that such an approach left room for an attack from the 
left srithin the reforming movcnent. Those who Insisted upon their 
status as reformer.'; could easily be accused of not having reformed 
enouiTh or quickly enough. All too clearly they realized that In certain 
respects the practice of the iZstabllshraent failed to Illustrate their 
shlnlnfT precepts, and in their defence of this compromise (a copiproalse 
forced upon them by a «oddly and astute \:ueen) they almost unconscimsly 
created the ides of the middle way. It was left for Hooker to give It a 
philosophical oaBia, and for Bancroft to defend it by the procet^ses of 

No ^'uznmery of arguinents, no collection of jxoerpts can eonvey 
the InRlatence, the overwhelmingly tedious energy of these tirades 
against Rome from the ?aul*8 Cross pulpit. There is nothine- else In 
Sll7Bbeth8n and Jacobean literature thot can compare ,;lth them in 
ubiquity unless it be the Joke about the cuckold's horn^ In the drama. 
Such repetition argues more than Infelicity of ImsglnHtton in the 
pre.'.chers, though that must always be considered an Importent factor 
In performances which were, after all, pretty standardized and conven- 
tional. Phe continued appearance of this theme, often Introduced by 
some straining of the natufal course of the sermon. Illustrates the real 
Insecurity of the Church of England during this period, a church not 
sincerely cherishud {for all the preachers* protestations to the contrary) 
by the ,'overnment, exposed to the formal ancault of controversisllsts. 


the intermittent infiltration of trayelling zeolots, and the debilitating 
incuri'lons of en a:;tive secularism. t Paul's Cross, too, the pre-jchers 
were cut off from the coniforteble pernonaliti ;e of the parish; they 
••re engaged to promote the interest.- of en 'stablishment the functions 
of which in the nsttonal organism ware not alway? clear in any specific 
political crisis; they found in the tested platitudes of the old 
controversy an ar a for exhortation not subject to any out the moat 
general controls, on outlet for that Infective which they had inherited 
In an un . oken tradition from the friars. They roEo, then, and smote 
the papacy with the resources of a considerable if stereotyped learning 
and a prose style enriched as well oy the Tulgar cadences of the alehouse 
as by the reading of Jewel or Ualvin or Augustine, .'ith calculated {or 
sublimely uncalculated) simplicity they harped upon a few tested themes; 
they were rarely '^ibtle, but they were persistent, and pers^istence 
reBches beyond subtlety to conTiction. 

A fe« typical arguments will serve »■- Indfr to the ».hole. John 
Dyes, a defiant rnan, to Judge by his record at Paul's Crossj ^ took 

upon himself to detect "the false Church: or rather nialignr-nt rable" 

in a sermon on 19 July 1579. His teat was Luke 5. 1-11, and he 

compered the ship from which Christ taught to the Church militant. It 

is shaken, he said, by "Tur'^kas, Jewes, Anabaotlstes, LibertineB, 

Sectaries, Atheistes, .':;chi8matikes, the Familie of Love, and the Ronishe 

rable, and to be short the devlll and all his members." [sig,F4Tj H« 

then set forth to prove that Home is not the true church, though it 

pretends to be the true uhip. It hears not the voice of the nhopherd; 

it shakes the true ship because it is a persecuting church and the true 

church does not lersocute. Tertullian has affirrjied that e matter of the 

spirit nwy not be submitted to a temporal fire. "These," he raid of the 
papists, "are the rirht Canlbals!, like to the barbarous people of Anierlca 
yt eat one another. Yet they say all this 1b for love," pic. 76t\ The 
weapons of the true church are spiritual jseapons; heretics are to be 
Instructed by the »ord. 

The church of iiome ha- not the true aarrant of Christ's word; 
there is one shepherd, Christ and not the Pope who usurps His office. 
The title of the Bishop of Rome to the position and authority of pope 
derives only from Phocas, who wan a murderer. The Pope Is Antichriet; 
Home is Babylon. Rome urges antiquity, universality and succession, 
but these make nothing for her. Her "antiquity is iniquity"; Christ is 
more ancient than all traditions. 

For all this I will not strike to eraunt these men entlqaltie 
eren from Namrod, yea ^o pleasure them from Cain. 

Universality is no note of the true church; Christ teeehes that many 
more 5;hall be damned than saved, and the iU*k of Noah Ib type of the 
true church as are the righteous of S^dom, They pronounced Hurs a 
heretic, thoui'h he preached the pure doctrine of Christ. The true 
members of the body of Christ sre few, bat the Church of rome, being 
arabitlous, refuses none, t^s for succession Khlch they allef-e, it means 
nothing since It Is a succession of those impure In doctrine. 

Dyos then passed to the figure of the broken net, I'he Catholics, 
he claimed, break the net oy the idolatry of the tjss, which was invented 
by Pope Honorlus about 1210. \_i?» 17j He Inveighed a lust the adoration 
of the Host, pointed out thnt the word mass is not to cjS found In the 
Bible, and entered upon a long argument to prove that trsnsubstantiatlon 


Is false. They break the net olro, he continued, by the iocirinae of 
JuBtlf lc«tion by trorks, by Purgatory, which bus no :^crlp1.ural sarrant bAt 
dates only from 1<139. Authorities of their own differ on the location 
and ireogrfiphy of Purgatory. 

It earae from Virgill and Plato and other Heathen w-lterr. If a nan 
aske them where it ia: Some of them 3ay in Ireland, r3ig.K7v| 

They break the net by affiiroing free will and by larocatlon of saints. 

This is poor stuff, a more serious set of ars?umenttr, presented 
more in the form of argument from authorities then by casual invective, 

is to be found in a sermon prenched at the Cross on 25 June 1587 by 

William Gravet, for thirty- three years vicar of 3t. Sepulchre's. So 

rarious and insistent were his citations from the doctors that he was 

atta ked by a brother on this ground in a Mer sermon from the same 

pulpit. ^'^" Prepchiag from John 16.33, he declared how the true foundation 

of Christian peace is in Christ, how both law and gospel are two ^jspeets 

of the spiritual truth, thi law pertr, ininf to the old man, and 

abrogated by the sacrifice of Christ, the new Morses. Thus the two 

teataaentF ire bu' stantiplly th? same, one contained in the other; »e are 

therefore to add nothing' to God's word; the ^crlpturer are sufficient for 

felth, and the doctors testify ebundently to this point. The Komish 

i^ntichrist, however, de'"aces the pure T,ord of ^od, thoujdi not onsnly. 

Lven the Homish doctors are divided upon the truth of transubstantiatlon, 

and may be confuted out of their own mouths. Their only r^^al cllegiance 

Is to holy church, no matter what divisions may be proved in its authorities. 

They blasphemously assert that the crlptures must follow the Church. 

Gravet then turned, after irome animadversions upon papist 


mlBtranslntiona of a passage In Aueustlne, clngalflrly unsuited to a 
pulpit out apparently Trae.chod, to an attnck upon the Catholic cl:^lm of 
auccession, upon the validity of their use of catholic, and upon their 
false claim of ualveraallty, since they never had the consent of the 
Greek church. Holding their noses to the grindstone still further, to use 
his own phrase, he disputed with them tho signiflcHnce of cer ain ambiguous 
te}:ts of AuKustine concerning faith and works, and resisted the clelm of 
antl ulty In similar torms to thore used by Dyos. These, with a few 
scattered remarks concerning "Jackanapes toy-^s" of ImSi-es, cmplete his 
assault upon OetholiciaDi in this sermon* 

One notes little variation in the familiar linr-a of atteck in 
Manninghfcm* a notes of a seraion preached on 19 December 1602, by **one with 

a long browne beard, « hanging looke, a glotlnp eye, and a toseinp learlng 

Jeasture." He preached upon false prophets, and "ran over manie 

heresies," then proceeding to the sins of the pap sts* He attacked their 

pretence of universality, of antiquity; their elnglng by note in tho 

church, the ado ntion of the Host, auricular confession and "unlversall 

pardon, !cc." He produced the same arpu^.ents as Dyos that "multitude is 

no« slgne of the churche, for Noah and his family in the old world, Lott 

in Sodome, to." 

His whole sermon Qtennin-^ham concludes conterriptuounlyj iibf a strong 
continued invectlTs against tho pnpistes ani jesuites. Not a notable 
villanous practise eoaiml ted by a pope, a cardinall, a birhop, or a 
priest had a hand in it; they were still at the worst end. 

Such aensons as these are typical. They are dlstln^-uished neither 
by subtlety of argument nor variety of a p- roach. They lack either dignity 
or dullness; their strength Ilea in a colloquial harshness and violence, 
their weeknese in ;. capacity to produce tedium that is perhaps unequalled 



in the ecclesiastical literature uf the tirne. ManQinghsm ^as not pious, 
but he was not entirely veorldly, and his reaction to these efforts must 
haye been sh^ired by many another in the audience. Yet such sermons serred 
their purpose: they inculcated in the hearers a solid body of precepts, 
limited in number end sustained by argoraents transpnrently simple and 
trustworthy. The higher flights mlfht be left to such men as ^Vndrewee, 
as the Church of Sngland began to bring forth some respectable theologians 
and casuists. Popular persuasion was safer and more effective in the 
efforts of the less gifted and less reasonable of the clergy. 

If the Paul's Cross preachers were perhcps not especially Impres- 
slT* in sustained contention over doctrines or in Intejrpretrtion of church 
history, they could be counted upon to do «rell enough with aspects of the 
homan menace which were of more immediate concern for the prosperity of 
the church. Chief among these was the long threat of subTersion from the 
recusants and Roman missionrrlen, especially the Jesuits. 

The history of English «atholiolsm in the reign of Elizabeth is 
as difficult to trace as thst of any underground movement. Certain 
prominent i^nglish catholics, who would in a ieess eorapliceted situation 
hare been rather less than distinguished in the national record, have 
been elevated into -artyrs; acts of public policy which under other 
circumstances would have been branded as brutal perseofttlon. It is un- 
deniable that the lot of the English Catholic after 1570 was anything 
but a happy one, ospeeAtily if he were a good Englishman as well as a 
good Catholic. The act of 1563, extending the provisions of the Act 
of Supremacy concerning those forced under pain of treason to taka the 
oath of supremacy, an act inspired b' the danr-ors growing In France and 


Scotland, was not preesed Into rlgorouR execution, but the orents of 
1569-70 made all hope of reconciliation either deploraatic or rellgioas 
impossible, and tbe acts of 1571 to preserve the ..ueen In her title and 
her subjects In their allegiance laid a considerable strain upon the 
consciences of her Catholic subjects. Ihe bull of Pius V failed both as 
a political implement and as a religious weapon. More dnnrerous to the 
Enrilsh state were the olasions of the Jesuits, oe^un about 1579. The 
mlssion&ries set about to organize secretly the centers of Catholic 
resistance, to convert the disaffected, and to educate those hungry of 
an imagined martyrdoa. The governinent retaliated with the roost severe of 
penal lews to date: by the act of 1581 to retain subjects in due 
obedience conversion to Homanis-n wes laade « treasonable offence, ;--'aying 
or hearing of iTa-s was forbiddeti, and a fine of iiZO a month inposed on 
recusants. In 1585 Jesuits and semlnsry priests were banished the 
country under pain of death. Logilatlon arolnst the Catholic laity 
reached its heit^-^ht in 1503 with an act which inhibited the movements of 
"popish recusants". As a result of this legislation, increasing in 
intensity and enforced with intennittent out consider' ble severity, the 
numbers of English Catholics decresf^ed but their zeal, animated by a 
Catholicism necessarily more Roman than English, bees -« of an intense 
and dangerous kind. The Counter-Refonnatlon in r.ngland became an affair 
of plots and poisons, of secret passares and secret masses, of spies 
and subor ed servants, of tortuee and blood »^^^ 

From the 1570*8 to the end of the reign the preachers' invectives 
against the prectices of the Catholics paralleled thoir attacks upon 

Catholic theory, and increased in intensity with the fears of the 

administration. In 1577 Gurteys of Chichester eiforeed the n ^ed of 



discipline to compel recasant-8 to ooaoe to the feast of God*s word to 
nblch all ^agllshmen ere bidden: 

It is now requisite that Judges and Nobles, and Counoellors, ahlche hsve 
in thii: camsion welths the authoritie & countenance, should draw out the 
rod of discioline ...., use the iron rod of correction. 

The recusants are armed with the girdle of falsehood: 

false speeches, false rumours, false sarmlses, scleanderoas Bookes and 
infaxioas libels. 

He undoubtedly hod in luind the propaganda of the Englleh Catholic 
colleges abroad. He had his suspicions alRo of Rosjinlsm In universities 
or perhaps in the Inns of Court. There Is loose conversation over the 
wine at "coiiBTion tables. " This suspicion vua uttered more forcibly and 

directly by John Stocknood in 1579; some of our obstinate Papists, he 

said, roost in the Inna of Court. The preechere feared for the souls 

of young intellectuals in general, and espeoially those who letarned from 

the Grand Tour not only Italiaaate but papist, aad if papist traitorous 

and promoters of treason. Thomas .vhlte was exercised over this danger: 

I Hill say nothing of Gentlemen travelers, yt hold in c:ood fsadnespe this 
devilish opinion ...., when thou art at Korae live after ye Kaalsh rv-iner: 
but they learne their ler.son so perfit there, yt a great number cannot 
forget it here .... k nan may be a very naughty person k yet a good 
servant ..., but he can never ,a a right Rooaine k a faythfull subject, ^^* 

It vas not neoessary to go abroad to be subverted from true 
allegiance and rlgjit religion. The great Catholic lando^nerrs of the 
north and vest could afford to have private instruction, secular and 
perhaps relieloue, for their children. The government sow in this course 
the possibility of danger, and guarded ar^ainst it in the act of 1563, 



vhich provided that "all schoolmasters and public -nd private teachers 

of children" should be enforced to take the oath to the ct of Supremacy. 

John Stockwood, hlmcelf mf-stcr of a grammar echool, ettaoked the Catholic 

tutors ot Psul'a Cross In 1578, even oetore the estnbllshaient of 

anything like an ort^anlzed Jesuit cempelgn In England. He discussed, 

with sher«cteri»tlc prolixity, the office of a schoolmaster In general, 

and affirmed that one of the most dangerous infections of the time was 

the neglect of schoolm- sters to teBCh tbelr ch rges God's word. Looming 

Tilthout thla Admixture is "but a ring of .?old in e swlnes snoute." JP.88 j 

•Tullie his Offices or Aristotle his Sthlckea, or Plato his preoeptes of 

maners, n ever yet laado a godly and a vcrtuous man," thougii profane 

authors have their use, and he does not dorplce them* ^.91^ The Papists 

full well understand the aallesbility of young minds, 

and therefore have tlSLr picked seholemai sters orlvately to nousel up 
their children in their houses in th© Popes religion .... By this meanes 
are -neny towarde gentlemen otherwise, utterly marred & spoiled. Howe 
(I pray) you falleth it out, yt you have at thys day in this Innde, 
many yong gentlemen not above 24 yeres olde at the moste,_that are more 
obstinat and stubborne Papiates than their fathers. |j*^3] 

In many noble houses ere rotten Papists, the sweepings of the Universities, 
and also "olde Poplshe persecuting '.tesse Priestes." ^« 95^ The children 
of Papists should be taken from them ami committed to rodly teachers while 
their parents still *ould pay for the expenses of their education. 

If Stockwood feared especially impurity of religion others feared 

more impe feet allegiance. The celebration of mass in holes and corners 

was bed enough, but It indicated piety and not sedition. But the oanie 

persons who showed disobedience in not coming to church %era suspected 

of harbouring traitorous perf>ons in their own households or of supporting 



them beyond the seaa* John Dyos went so far as to suggest "If you 'noke 

diligent search: you ehall finde fat bulla s of 3asan of this company 

in Cathedrall Chruches." Theae foxea, he went on, would ran to Rome 

If the chain of gOTemment should break* It wee a fifth column* 

spear^-headed by Jesuits and supported by foreign and domeatle subsidies, 

«hieh the preachers were instructed to attack from this pulpit. The 

Catholic Pharisees of Rome, said villlam Fisher In 1580, hare two 

swords Indeed, tyranny and infamy. !?e are, thinks be to God, out of 

reach of the 'irst, but with the sword In infamy 

eTen now hee [the rope\ leyes about him in England k strlWes more 
desperately et all estates than ever he did: for al our bold I^cusarts, 
al our quondam priests, el our harper? upon a change, all c^r lookers 
for a f?olden daye, all our private whisperers, and subtile surmlsers 
shiche we have in Sn^^lande, what els are they but the Popes souldlers. 

(sig. at] 

This is an acute sociological obserTntion, of which the historians of 
Catholic raartyrdoiis naturally take little account. The Catholic 
causa enlisted more than the devout; like all such movements it Included 
a legion of disreputable cdventurers. The secret history of salsingham's 
use of 3uch persons will never be fully known, but now and then one of 
thai swims into prominence. In 1563, for instance, one Lawrence Caddy, 
who had been used as a spy in the Bnglish College In Kome while still 

a professed Catholic, performed a not very edifying recantation at 

F8al*s Cross. Perhaps the most unstable and th'ts one of the most 

useful of theae oonscleneeless renegades was the notorbus Anthony Tyrral, 

who with another of the same staap performed one of his many recantations 

at the Gross In December lb87. In the midst of the dlaturbnnces which 

attended the death of Mary ^ueen of Scots and the Spanish expedition, 

and who was used in the following January to reveal .'^ome of the ^^atholie 


plots from the sarae pulpit. ^^^ 

There Is remarkably little direct attack upon the Jesuits from 

the Paul's Cro«8 pulpit during the thirty years under review, considering 

their Importance end the fear and loathinir they Inspired, In 1592 

Robert Temple imrelghed against the -murren sect of heretieka .... that 

fib jure a lawefull allegia,^nce to their Prince ...., and by forreine 

oonaplracie .... put In practice the death (j3f the prince^"; these 

desperate men are 'aspired 'oy Jesuits. Their jastificstion end 

support of bsssssinatiou Is not, however, touched on as much as one 

migh)^ expect. Perhaps the govemisent sought to play dovin the dangers 

among which the ,usen moved equally as much ns thay soinetlmes eniphesized 

then for propaganda purposes. Horer Kenton in his sermon of 21 November 

1602 glanced at the Jesuits* self-seeking in attaching themselves to rich 

men. This method of attack upon them suited a less desperate time* 

From the dangers to the klnrdom and the ""wueen which the efforts 
of the Catholic minority created, as nwch as from the theories Inherited 
from the first days of the Reformation and more rB^iotely from the Tsritlngs 
of ttarslliac of Padua, emerged a doctrine of allegiance and obedience which 
•stiB preached steodily from the Paul's Cross pulpit during the whole 
period. Uo subject called forth Bore eloquence than the defence of the 
Queen's right to allegiance and the duty of obedience arising from tha 
law of Gk>d and from the dictates of national expediency. 

Of those preachers who found in Klizabeth Buch an example of 
righteous governJTient deroandir.g tot^.l allegiance bs tbat establl^^hed by 
Ood among the Jews perhaps the most forceful was Thomas vhlte, a clothier's 



son »lio establislied by his will a profossorship of sorel philosophy 
at Oxford, a "noted and fraqueat fJreacher of God* a word." He 

preached et Paul's Cross on 9 Deceaiber 1576, upon Jeremiah 23.5, the 


prophecy of the "righteous Breach." Ha dealt first with the pi'ophecy 

ae it applies to a heavenly kingdom, the kingdom of the Messiah. The 
icerk which the prophets all shot at is Jasus Christ; Christ Is the right 
breach of I'^avld according to the spirit. Gut God*!? love to his Th .rch 
is ertended to the visible church, 

and hone graciouslie he hath dealte «ith us of Hlnglaode ..., raaye not 

passe unspoken of in plantln^^ e ryght braunch to ^aygne over uc, not a 
bastarijr braabXe, as Abimelech was. fp.SS^ 

Elizabeth has gone "rartl-,er in lleli^ion than uiany of them" her prede- 
cessors. lAay the Lorxi "lengthen hir lyfe lon^e to r^ygne over us: And 
though I jaaye not saye as the Olyve tree to beare fruite, yet to 
floriahe as the Palme." fp.SOj Having thus at once eeteblithed the 
uean as the earthly "ryght braunch" and at the oBTr.e time carefully 
okirted a suggostive uiCtaphor applied to a virgin quaen, ^ite proceeded 
to the doctrines which eioerge from the phrase "a King shall reign and 
prosper." jill other hesdn of God's chiirch except Christ are traitorous, 
OS iney "king or Caesar, or Turks, or Pope, or Devyll." The true head of 
the church is Christ, ho bears rule i.-nmed lately aa he is God, and 
mediately through Prince and pastor. The example adduced is t^isit of Moses 
and Aaron: the sword and the word. To the end that God's word raay be 
pref^ched and defended the ponero that be are ordained of God, arid a 
Prince is subjeet to no oneunder God. "Both good on' bad fprinces^ 
gracious and tyranrious?, are all of the Lord," [p, 37 1 Throu^ the 
minister, as the voice of Ood, has authority to rsL^uke princes, yet 

/ 9<f 


"whether for our .eneflt the Prince be good, or for our trlall he be 
naught, «e are and must b« yet subject unto both, becs'ine they are both 
of God." JF, 41^ Ab for the maimer of the Prince's rule, hi? wisdooi 
is a glimpse of the greater wl^idora of God, end misAtm is the most 
powerful attribute of en earthly king. 

ETen the subtilty of l^ernentes qualyfled with the Innocencie of Doves, 
l8 a perfect Mlthridate a -ainet all treasons, seditions, alterations, 
•varreH, and whatsoeTer Popish pollicie, for the which ye Lorde sonde a 
purging pyll. 

All eboat U3 are examples of the dangers in which good princes s^end. We 
need the wisdom of TTlysses as well as the velour of '>chllles, but In this 
we are fortunate becFuse of the wlsdo?'. of our Tlnce and Hounctl. Upon 
this he entered upon a general eulogy of the wisdom of the Queon, which 
was Indeed, ris he adtriitted, beyond his elaple cppaolty to a ppre end. 

He returned to the sane theme In hl^ serraon on th" anniversary 

of the ueen'n accession In 15B9, God is to be praised or every good 

and perfect gift, not only for the redemption of !>ln;'ul man by Christ but 

also for external and worldly benefits, e enjoy a comsnon goo<l in our 

gracious sovereign, who has reigned for thirty-two years unrter submission 

to Cod, Like David, she has come to the crown through many dsnger^-, and 

like Solomon she hae been blessed with plenty. Like Joslah she h?s 

restored religion. "I do not say ehee exeeedeth these, to flatter hir, 

but I say shee reseir.bleth them, to Ctxnfort us." 

For Dangers, whether shee resembler. David or no? Consider you: He afriade 
of J lie, and shee of her Sister, «.nd who was worse beset, he, with eul 
before, and iibsolom behinde; or shee, set bet.Qen two (Mfirahs) th> one 
Crowned before hir, the other shrewdlle h'Steninh- to hlr Crowne, (3i=r, Hiv3 




(This is oae of the few referen es -- r.ll of than mo.-t oblique ~ to 
Uary (<.ueen of ..cots In the P8ul*t- Ci^jsb sermons.) For plenty, lugland 
is not to b« canp<ired ulth 2gypt or Csnaan jnly, but sith T':ng;lRnd before 
alixabeth, -iha best tradition;-, of the Tudor monarchy btb hroufht to 
their high pitch in the rule of the great ,;aeen. 

A fflore precious, more elaborate and perhaps lass convincing 

parallel with Old Testament history was drawn by. Dr. Thomas Holland, 

regias professor of divinity in Oxford and "mighty in the scriptures," 

who preached the annlver.Tsry sermon in 1599, In this sermon, nerhans 

Inspired by the renewed threat of Spsnlnh InTaslon and by the atmosphere 

of sedition aurroandinp the activities of S»M»x, Holland prefixed to an 

apology for the obeervance of the anniversary a virile If overworked 

analogy between Elizabeth and the C.ueen of -heba, based upon Matthew 

12.42, The hlstorier? of the Old Testament, he be -an, are qH for the 

instruction of the faithful; not a Jot or tittle of Cod's work is idle. 

In this text we have the ioage of an honooreble person, a prince, ."^e 

Is a cueen, a wonan; Gtrabo records that she was a virgin. In one 

"ayaticall" sense she shadons forth the faithful who have followed Christ. 

Qig, D2j Ihls senrse he pursued th.rou,thout his sermon, hanunering home 

the doctrines which emerged from every infrenlous sppilcation. 3ut he also 

in. Isted upon the ujon of -heba as type of Zllzabeth, "a rare ?benlx," 

and supporter of the true religion. 3y this -neans he :T«de TSllzabeth 

aLaost the equlval'^nt of the church of the faithful, and her safety froai 

conspiracies a mstter of relij'loufi CRre. 

Elizabeth told her laet rarllaraent: "Thi^^ I count the ^lory of 
my crown: that I have reigned vith your loves." It was true and It was 



the secret of her amezing success. The preachers who drew these laboured 
comparlsoaa between their ueen and the pr.ragone of Old ^eatamont story 
were only expresalag in terms of pulpit exhortation -ihrt nad become an 
Immea^e, comfortinp yet exhiierating platitude. Only once or twice does 
any sign of popular discontent with the ^ueen appear in the records of 
Paul's Cr.sB. 3he almost Kent too far in straining her subjects* loves 
in lier diplcxaittic flirting with i>nJou in 1579. John Stubbs' puulicstion 
of t-iscovery of r^ C»aping Gulf , and the punishment inflicted upon him in 


September of that year are well known. The sullenne&s of the cro^-d 

who vatched his a»:ony disturbed the ^uoen, ss well it might, end a preacher 

was appointed to extol the .u en's gorernfflent and her true Christian fi4th 


at the Ojroas, probably in October. His remarks got a mixed reception. 

It is worth noting that ;7iHlam Fisher, in his sermon in the ?ame place the 
following January, while the negotiations with Anjou eere still, a:? far as 
the people knew, in pro.-ress re before, totk it upon him to assure the 
audience tnat the vueen 70uld never return to tho damnable idolatry of 
the nassa 

No, it '.ath caused too many conspir- cles end rebellions Sfffiinst her most 
noble person, for her raajestie ever to brooke it: even in polllcie. 134. 

YoT the leneth of a phrase, the pleasant fiction of the ueen's ringle- 
.-nindedness was abandoned. "Pven in polliclet" no wonder that the preacher 
went on to utter n rodly and fervent prayer that hee ■ - nly tviedom might 
direct the .ueen's proceedings. 

Six years later ho^ differott wsp the state of affairs, Catbolic 
plots against tho ""ueen, culminating in the rjally serious efforts of 
Ballard and i3abington, finished the task of cementing the affection 



between Sllzabsth and her people. Tlien Candys prowched at the Cross, 

probably in .august 1566, "at what time the mnio treason ^sa discovered,'* 

Share Is little doubt that his pious fear and heart-felt priase found an 

echo in raont -nen's minds, lie preached from Psalm 4.5, The princely 

prophet," he began, ''wrote this psnlm |ln3 the great distress whei-eunto 

ha was brought by the monstrous and unnatural rebellion" of jibsolon. 

In the psalm he alleges his own rir^teousness as a vise and merciful 

ruler, praises God for his mercy, and reproves those who conspired 

against him. David was "a merciful and Just prince," and In TRSpect of 

this he affirms his righteousness of heart. God has many times delivered 

him from danger end treason. 

Thus we see, that the security of princes doth not rest upon their power, 
by they never so strongly guarded, but upon their innoceacy: ^lee aee from 
whence they ought in their troubles to look for succour, fp. 40f»J[ 

After asserting this nultable doctrine, which perhaps gives too little 
credit to alsinghaa, Sandys reviewed the eopepirecy of Absolon as it 
applied to the present situation. The contrivers of that conspirscy were 
men of high place and authority. 

Conapirncios are not vont to be bred in the haads of the risanest sort .... 
Sore, .■■athan, and ^ibirara, which conspired p1-o arainst Mo.ies, sere not the 
meanest men in their tribe .... If I should eater into profane histories, 
and recite unto you the nuthoia 8n>1 contrivers of civil seditions "rom 
time to time, it would aopear that they were for the most part filil vlri . 
It Is sometim^r- otherwise. For we re> d that simple r^ien, that "\ea whose 
names are not apoken of lirlthout rome ?peoiol note of extreme bisenese, 
hove notwlthstnndinff etlrred up danj-erous tumults. 3ut such f^r« either 
set on by otUar of :fraater c illln r, or else, as heedless men, thi?y soon 
vanish and come to nothing. ^p. 4"5-fi^ 

Tas this a glance at Mary, or raor^ likely "it Philip of pain? He con- 
tinued to rehearse the rebellion of .bsolon, to show how it? continuance 



illustrfites the malice of the consplrato s and also the :»rcy of the 
king, Atolon oretended zep.l to religion: "this holy hypocrite -would 
hide his xrep.son under Ihe clo«fc of religion". For tale reason ir.8ny 
of the chief noblr^s followed him — « reflection upon the Eyran^ithles of 
the English Catholic gentry. 

From this we le«m: 

Contreralscite ; "Be afraid" to set ; oar ss Ives against God and your 
Prince, to utteapt such an overthom to the conunon state. GsRse from 
conspiracy: leave your treachorous devices: be not deceived, you cannot 

Antichrist x-enews his hollow sacrifices every day, but the i)eople of God 
offer their sacrifice of righteousness by •: Just priesthood. Each has 
his proper sacrifice to offer: the minister .-nust feed the flock 
entrusted to his char§-e; the m-igistrate rauct mete out the nrath of God 
against evil-doers. Ihesa days all are cold In their devotion sad feint 
In their sacrifices. Oar sins have provoked the wrath of God, and it is 
hiah tiiiie that *e offered a sacrifice of thankfulness. 

L»t ue herein with hunbla and penitent h srts, with cure trunt that God 
will i.ear uh out of heaven, crave at his hands the delivaanea of his 
anointed, our sovereign Lady, out of all distress, from the rebolllon of 
^beolon, froo the counsel of , hltophftl, from the rage and fury of sll 
that cii3plre to do aer li; rm. ITiou kno'est, Lord, that she hath not 
deserved this ■ reachery at their hands, iieing raost mild and jerclful, 
doing good unto -J.!, hurting none. (_P^. 415-6] 

Here at lenst the David-Hilizabsth parallel found expression in a pdgnant 
prayer, in which action: 1 feeling end piety kissed each other. 

S tlonallsm and Protestant piety found united xprcsBlon in 
fulminitions :. gainst Spain. In one sense the ^ar vtith "^pain ran a cift 
of God to the .'hurch of lingland; the .-urs^lnK spirit of Knglirsh pride was 


Into a project at onc« adventurous end. cmsadlng. En^^laad was fighting 
a holy irer, sad the bloody banners rhich wcved over the flats of "Innders 
and t'?^ splintered deckr of Snglish oriv^teers vtere the bunnor- of the 
church militant. The precchers at P'-ul's Croos rose to the opportunity 
with p;usto; too long they had had to stifle their thoughts upon foreign 
affairs. The stern slmplloitlea of ^ar serr. more ruited to kheir 
e^trava^rant r.etaphors than the devious complications of rJiploaacy ■shlch 
Informed those affairs until 1580. Antichrist had always elevated the 
Host; his instrument had dow raised a naked sword. 

The O'binntlon of olety and policy which miide Philip II the 
champion of the Catholic world aratnat 3%nglend in written in htp 
namberless deariatches, and n'^^ed not be reviewed here. En was urged fran 
every side: by a ruthless Pope, f^regoiry XIII; by angry exiles like 

Nicholas Sanders, who in 1577 shouted that "the S5tatr! of Christen<^ome 


dependeth upnon the stowte assallynge of England"; by the urplngs of 

hlB own extraordinary conecleace. Every interested party depended upon 
him for help: itery of cots said that she "set more hooe In the M.p 
of the king of Spain than on any other," and <«lth the hope of aligning 

English Catholics against France ee well as afr-alnst Slizabeth rhillp 

pensioned them largely and foatered their most reckless designs. He 

was accordingly oven befo e the formal outbreak of hostilities a figure 

of anathema to ?ji<?liBb churchmen, a pillar of /Antichrist. 

Appropriately, the :>pani8h mannee first appears In a Paul's 
Cross sermon as a menace from Irel-'.nd. Philip Lupoorted n rebellion in 
Ireland In 1579'^ nartly aa a diversionary me'.'3ure to engatre the attention 
of Elizabeth while he en'orced his cl ims in Portairal, A motley force 



was recruited In Ferrol, and this detaclment assisted Desmoad In hla 
attacks upon the new Lo:d Teouty, Lo d 0; ey of 55iltoa, durinc the 

Etimrierc of 1579 an^-^ 1580. By rJoveaber 1590, I'ray, though fighting under 

great cTlfflcultl&s, ha*"! succeeded in stampinf: out the reb«illion. ' In 

January 1581 Janifts Sisse, f^lloic of Ma^ialen, preeched at the Cross, 

and In the coarse of a general invective ai-jainat the sins of the r -aim, 

pointed to the victory in Irel.nd r.s earn-Ht of what 3^gland can accomplish 

under a Deborah in the service of God. 

3y Illzabeth, a woman^ the Ooates of Italy, the wolves of 3paln, the 
cormorentes of iioaie (shall be overcome^ • The Irish coltss, a id the 

Foxes of T^ngland , that are now in Ireland, an.' all other her snemif^s 
£>iiall bee broUj^ht to sV.Hme .... Goe tell them {if they have any fi*tend 
here) that those Goates, .olvaa, ormorantos, Coltes, Fox':;8, shalbe 
so hunted and bftr'ted by an English ^'rey, t.iQt not one of t:xeia s'.albe 
left to plsse agninst a wall .,,, JThp" foes of England^ shall bee like 
isater th'-it laanetfa ti pace, like a suaile, like the untimely fruite of 
a woman, like a totterlnp wal, 139. 

Bisse was obviously enjoylne hi .:i?elf. Eat sareater triuraoKh sere 
to core. The yeer *88 *as a legend almoet as eoon as the l-st cri oidsd 
galleon reached the shores of cpeln, and a legend with power even In 1940. 
This was r.n ms mlxabllis, mundt cli iiecteriua beyond all raclroQlns'. For 
generctionB preachers mentioned it with ewe and r-ride. Je hnvo lit le 

evidence for ^ ;ct they said In the five se tnona of thnnkaglvin.'» at raul*s 

Crons from 20 August to 24 JIovMilaee, but sonething of their conception 

of the defeat of Philip's fl^et -iB the Tiovenent of God's provic^ence may 

be found in the icscrlplion on the ->edal struck to comreraoreve the event: 


Tu leus na ^^nus et r.apna faoifi '.u aolus Leus . The estates of the realm 

had fought against /OJtichrist, end bed triumphed, /.s John Pier?, Bishop 
of Salisbury, stood in thfit pulpit befo.-e the i.ueen on 24 l.ovember end 
exulted in her glories, one wonders whether he divided the credit for 

J. 1 


the victory as Drake divided the necessities of preparing for it. 

"^The Lord is on our side," wrote thet expert, "but I boaeech you to 

consider powder and shot for our grent ordnance." 

Just as Ellzfibeth could irith profit be compared to the heroes of 
Israel, so Philip*8 prototype might be found stoong their enenies. Thomas 
"hlte saw in him the lineaments of -Oennarcherib. -s he reviewed the 

sins and dutifis of the realm in hlr= anniversary sermon for tho year 

following the ^^rmada, he could extol Elizabeth's care for the 

icinRdora in ',he hour of Its 'Ire peril. Aho can number the soal4 T»ho 

perished in the Spanish attempt? 3ut 33 the devil dies not, so 

3enn«cherib Is not daunted by hie ill success. He prepares again, and 

means to :nake his second ccRiing r.orse than the "irst. 

They say their 3hippe8 were too bigge: They will trie what less c an 

Tyrants like Sennacherib love war, but our queen '*did suffer long:, und 
too long, almost uefore shoe tooke the Zworde In hande." May she now 
!7lve ae rest to thor« iiho would sot up again in Sngland the Idol of 
Degon. .a for the king of Spain, 

sre would not have him to come into our countrie neither o Friend nor a 
Voe: for we have tried his conming both wayes to bo, though 
worse to ua in (Mrriage) that in iMort.) (sig. I^ 

Publish it around, he cried, "tell Itln SpRlne, and In the Ilsnds there 
•ibout, flhere (perheps) you may come "that God hsth nagnlfled Sllzabeth. 
[ ig. 12vJ 

They did coeoe to the islands. In the three years follow inp the 
defeat of the jirmada the ."English sea-does preyed upon wpsnish coitHnunlca- 


tions with imiifferent success but T.ith magnificent bravado. 

On 14 rebraary 1590 Roger Haclcet, son or a Lord Moyer of London and 

"cried up lor an eminent preacher," preached at Paul's Cross ^. 

Sermon Needfull for the~e times, wherein ir s hewed, the Insolencler. of 

Naaah King of ^uniaon , Naash repre'-enting Philip II. In hi? 7-plt?tlo 

Dedicatory to ^Ir Henry Norris he rehearsed the hatred of the oopish 

ruction for the ueen: they have attempted to do violence to her person, 

and some have sought to -nove rebellion;^. Her state hos been threatsnied 

of late "by the great o&tron of the holy leaue, who unaor a show and 

couler of rellfion" affects the sovereignty of all kingdoms in the west. 

In this emereency it stands all ^ood people upon, to obey their superiors. 

He began hi?, sermon by asraohraslng the story of the plif~ht of Js .esh Gilead 

from 1 --nmuel 11, noting hot* the klnp of .-'n'on saw that the time was ripe, 

for the men of Jebesh were at varence B-ong' themselres, and ho» his 

attack -.Rs upon the pi^tence of en onclent title. The modem Naash Is 

the great monarch of the wert, those tre iruiep f r© fed rith. theqold of 
Indy ..., whose navy as & forest hath sh'^doTred our seas,,.,, havin^ of 
late espied the dissensions of Israeli, vfiriaunce of France, and howe 
mfmie of them refur-ed Saul [i.e. Henri iv] , the Lordes annointed and 
naturall soveraigns, to bee their sovemoure: uppon « title to the 
Dukedomne of -rrittaine .••, h/ith entered vith hin forces not only iito 
Brittanne, but into Lanculdoeke, Province, Dalphine, o'hampaigne, P'^irls, 
the very he:;do citty an;; chamber of Iraunce. 147. 

The Icing of Spain is raore cruel than Haash of Aramon, for he seeks to 
bring in the 'blindine darkoieose of I'operJ" again, sad fate of France, 
thf^t the faint gllnimer of Cod's t.uth jihould s-o out in theft altogotherl 
iihen the tidings of t!.e plight of Jabeah Cller d were brought to iaul the 
people nept because the itilserlcs of their brettien were their own. bother 
your brethren be French or :ietherlanders, the troubler of .'ngland is the 

^ 0-3 


troubler of thenu ..'e fight for the same faith ocaiast the same eneny. 
If wo cannot weep for them, weep for yourselves, for if he comes again 
it will not be vdth a navy froG Spain, but from nearby France or Flan- 

Saal*6 demani for recruits against Amnion throughoat all Israel 
is a model of good princes' care for their people; England is full of 
abases, but we have a good nursing' mother, a ^ul to help us. Saul isias 
angr<y, and anger in such a cause is justified before God, He was obeyed, 
and this is a lesson of obedience much needed in these times; when the 
prince coisnands he cormands with the voice of God. For him who loves 
England, thrn, what better occasion to show it than now? It does not 
rest in your choice to have peace with Spain; Ood has decreed waf. 

May the spirit of God strengthen us, for all things are in 
his power. 

A more thorourh.'»oi n^ and elaboi^te justification of wnr was 

provided in l&9a by the redoubtable Stephen Gosson. Like Hacket, he 

soucht a precedent in Olu festanent hiatoi^r, this tine in the war of 

Jehoshaphat against the men of Moab and Ammon, recounted in 2 Chronicles 

20, He distinguished between false and Just causes of 7»ar, Revenge is 

a false cause. 

Neither is it enoucJ^ to jus ti fit the warre, that the people upon whoni 
the warre is Biade, are Inferiour in witte unto the wairriour, except they 
be so poore that they live like bruite beaates, or feede upon huaiane 
flesh. In which case peradventure it may bee lawf'oll to invade them, 
not to kill the; , as the Gpaniardes did the naked Indians, but to brine 
them in order to live like men. ^iR. B5] 

There is only one Just cause of '.rar, necessity. Ihe Gospel may be broupht 



In by anas against Tuik or loje, but not if the people willingly embrace 
the idolstrous religion. Injuries, as insult to a prince's honour, af- 
front to his ambassadors, or invasion Biay be Ju:itly revenged by action 
of war. 

Iter is undertaken on the lawful authority of the prince, which 
iDBkes it different from an affair of private revenge, since a prince, 
havin,^ no superiors, cannot have recourse to them for redress. "A 
Prince may be a Judge and actor in his own case." [^ig. Clj The action 
of war includes beginning, progress and end. The beginning is properly 
be deliberation: possible loss to the church has to be considered. 
All preparation is vain without the help of God: "Rerfiembex- the great 
Airoada in the year 1588." All neans to prosecute a war avtjust if the 
end be just and the innocent discovered and sj.ared. ""Hhe varres of the 
enimie," in the Indies, in }'ortugal, in Granada, in the Low Countries, 
in Franca and against ua you will find to be "uncharitable and unjust." 
Uncharitable because they weaken Christendom and strengthen the Turk; 
that they are unjust appears "oy the roujrh regiment of his nwrriours. * 

looke upon your own warres another while, you shal find thee, to be very 
charitable and Just..,, Qindertakei^ in defence of l^ngland and an innocent 
maiden .^eene, whose glorious life hath injuriously and dishonourably 
been fought and thirsted after these rany yeers: and to this purpose, 
raerceaai'ie raorderers, Jewes ^opez?] , unnatural iaglish, and batefull 
traitors hyred by the eneciie frora tiaie to tine bo destroy it. ^g. D^ 

It would be perhaps unfair to search Oosson's arguioeat for evi- 
dences of Bore than a solidly patriotic piece of special ;:leading, induced 
by hatred of Sj«in and that happy insular vi/^our which the events of the 
tims produced. But there is a hint, and no jiiore, of stirrings of con- 
science, although they become conveniently applied to the end in view. 



There is this to be said, that^holiness of these preachers is little 

foulod by sanctliaoniousness, aai their fuliainations agaiast the executor 

of popish designs Ijave freshness if little subtlety. 

6, "^his cloudy tenpest of naliciousness, whereby all parts are 
entered into a deadly war amongst themselves. " 

It is needful to turn again, froia these vigorous certitudes, to 

the intestine stru3£:le in the Church of aagland. Step by step, the 

quarrel vjith Puritanism as a platform of church discipline and with 

the undisciplined supporters thereof aay be traced at i'aul's Cross in 

the years following the publication of the Admonitions. Now and then 

a voice aas raicod in defence of those v/ith scruples of conscience, but 

not in defence or Iresbyterianiaia. No one spoke against the Puritan 

ethos, because rany of the preachers were in the larf;e sense Puritan 

themselves, hov/ever loyally conforming to the ecclesiastical organization. 

Between 1572 and 1508, vihen the Varprelatc tracts stirred so much 
contention, the energies of the disciplinarians were turned chiefly to 
formation of their pro?»ram throu^ what are usually kno'.m as "prophesy ings, •♦ 
These sodly eieireises, which flourished chiefly in lancashlre and North- 
amptonshire, were really elaborate debatinr societies, with strict rules 

and pious formularies; th^ were very useful to the less learned of the 

ministry. But iuizabeth feared theci, as those in authority distrust 

"pink" discussion groups in our tine, lest thej' should lead to faction 

and "^nvection" against authority, rhere is little doubt tliat out of 

such sessions often ere-*- unorganized associations with the assurance of 

their ovm righteousness. Bishop Curteys jointed to this danger in his 

sermon at the Cross in 1577: 

I. C>«c 


Now there is an Art to lieavQ and tltroa'?; a aorte into one faction, and 
they bend themselTes to speake and doo all the evlll they can devise by 
such as they .-nislike be Wiey never so good. Aad to speake and doo all 
the good they can, for such as they like, be they never so bad. 150 

As for the contention that the prophesy in.53 improved the learnine of 
such of the clergy as needed some inatructlon, there were those who 
deprecated the extremiats' attacks ujon the "dunb dogs" who filled icany 
a benefice. John .ialsal, once tutor to Francis Bacon, in his day at 
the Cross in 1578, took note of the care to be used in the creation 
of ministers, of the objections which aoi?ie have taken to rdnisters of the 
Chmrch of England, ss'-infr ttiat there may have been some excuse for unraeet 
Incurabents Just ifter the castlnR out of ropery but none now. He rejoined 
that England has greot oaune to rejoice for a p;oodly store of wise and 
good rdnisters, 

The meanest of all our ministers, though unable to preach, ^^ are not- 
withstanding such, as for their true relipion, right ^TOrshipping of God, 
zealous affection to the Oospell, prayinpe for and with their congregations 
in a knowea lan^uaf^e, onely to thf- Lord, ami their wishing well, and 
seeklnj;, as they can, to doe ^ood in their charges, &c. may Justly be 
preferred to the learnedest, to the wisest, and ievoutest of all that 
Boxnish rabble of sacrificing priests. 152 

It is no doubt fanciful to see in this charapionshij of expediency any 
influence, hoivever remote, upon the laind of the young lawyer and phil- 
osopher, .falsal's case would have been better had he been able to 
point to a power in that "fie." Generations were to pass under the sickle 
before thab inclusive and delightf-il tera was to include studies of 
natural history and old gonoalo^ies, or any of the various pastimes by 
which the rectors in little parishes have enriched the cultural heritage 
of the Ghurch of England, dese v/ere stern tinea, tiwen in which a 



catchword or a slo^aa was the viatioam to death and dis^^raoe. Ihat grim 
and resolute "Puritan" John 6bock'.»ood kne^ this well enough, and like 
the outright reforiaers Field and «ilcox rebelled against it. Perhara» 
he suggested, the antipaWiy to those v6io are pure in heart rises from 
hatred of those wiio fearlessly rebuke sin in whatever rank of life it 
appears. But is this to follow the law of CJod? 

ilftiat if for hatred of him that rebuketh in the cate, and through abhorring 
hin that speaketh upri.'?,htly, tie be tearmed by the odious naines of PTii-itans, 
Frecisians, unspotted brethren. 154 

iJtockwood, garrulous and singularly humourless, stands out unpleasantly 
from what one comes to reconnize as the usual run of I'aul's Cross preachers. 
One suspects that he achieved that sicinence because he was patronized by 
the CoEipar^ of Skninners. He does not represent the expected orthoddsy 
of that ul>3it. 

A different kind of unorthodoxy, easier to classify, having no 
iiffiJiediate effect but si{;nifioant for the later development of Anglican 
theology, vras heard in the raul's Cross pulpit in 1581. liLchard Hooker, 
fresh froH "his colled^e, where he had continued rds studies vrtth all 
quietness, for the space of three years , ''^"''^ broke a lance v»ith Calvin 
upon a knotty theological ; oint which he was later to explore in Book 7 
of his great v/ork,-^^" fhe preachers at Taul's Gross durinj^ this period 
were for the /nost part indifferent theologians; so far as their attacks 
upon Puritanism went, the;.' condemned faction and the institution of the 
Presbyterian discipline, and, good Calvinists themselves, left the 
Institutes alone. Hooker alone v«s prepared to aj proach the very 
ati^nghold of the opposition. Kith whatever diffidence, and to lay the 



groundwork for hia elaborate defence of the Book or CoaBiiaa Prayer. 
One woalers what the audieaco cade of his doubileso subtlo and elegant 

dis>^ui3itlon upon the double will of God, "It was not excepted against*. , 

by Jotin iilmer, then Bishcj: cf London," says ./alton, "when Mr. Hooker 

luaa accused for it," liany good students of the Institutes were doubtless 

present to "try the spirits." They would be satisfied with John Dove's 

1 CO 

paraphrase of Calvin upon the same points in l^'cbruary 1596."^*^° 

The issues at stake were, however, not doctrinal but disciplinary. 
In 158o 7/hitgift succeeded to the priiaacy. Calvinist in theoloey, he was 
starnli'' epiEcopalian in principle, and prepared to defend episcopacy 
not only on the perhaps doubtful ground of its divine institution but 
also upon the iiaraedlate issue of Its i^>le in the relations of the 
ecclesiastical and civil ixjwers. ..liat inconsistencies existed in foroal ~ 
theory between bishops Jure divine and bishojs as crcnm officials did 
not bother lilizsbeth's beat disciidinariau. He Tsas prepared to enforce 
conforuiity u^on grounds of national unity and popular obedience if nothing 
elstj. Consequently, he at once upon his consecretion took steps to secure 
uniforiaity of subscription to the suproritacy, the ixnx Articles and the 
Book oi' CcMia'-oa Prayer, and in Ilovesiber, preachinf at the Gross upon the 
anniversary of the Queen's accession, took occasion to preach upon obedi- 
ence, an appropriate theiue, but one with special significance for the 
clerfj at that tiee, 

liis text was Titus 3.1. Enlarging- upon the Apostle's injunction 

to obedience delivered to the prioitive church, .ihit^ft observed that if 

such varnings were necessary when "the church was in her virginity," 



they were much r»re needful in such corrupt tinoB ea those In fdiich he 
spoke. Indeed the Apostle spoke oi" latter dayr, in which should come 
"despisers ol" government, end such as speak ill or men that be in 
authority." Obedience is needful because of the express 

conaaaadinent of God; "ye ntust needs be subject," said 3t. laul, who so 
charged the faithful when the magistrates were infidels, in the time of 
the cruel Nero. How much more oupht obedience to be cojnnanded now by 
us, and "yielded by you to e Christian ica^ristrate that saveth you froa 
persecution." "The maaristrate is appointed by Gtod. He is his 

vicar and vicere<?ent.... All power is of Ood." If the iniler do ill, 
that is sin in himself; Jiis power is of CSod. 

This is the familiar ar^^maeut — say rather the faiidliar paradox — 
fron iViidale, or from wishful readiae of Calvin, .ifliitgift continued upon 
the difficult ther.e of conflict of obedience and conscience. Some ^-^lll 
say, ahall wo obey the raaf^i strata in all things ^vithout exception? The 

ansver is easy: the corapandiaent of BiQsistrates, being not against the 

word of God, bindeth in conscience and is to be kept u~on pain of 

damnatioa. la cases where the magistrate commands anything against the 

law of God, answer xidth the Apostle: aeliuiJ est obedire Deo quam hocdaibus. 

^. 590l Is it that .fhitgift's notes are defective here, or did he depend 

upon the large authority viiich he was ready to clair.; for the episcojal 

direction aa to the interpretation of the word of God? 

The iiaobedlent, he proceeded, are of three classes: papists, 
anabaptists, and "our wayward and conceited ; ersons. " He brushed away 
aunmairily the claima of the t;wo former, and apiainat the last, his chief 



opponents, argued that the supremacy does not incluJo the potestas 
orijlnls . The office of the prince is "tc see (Tod served, and honoured, 
and obeyed by his subjects." Christian liberty frees us from 

sin, from the subjection to Satan, but "not from subjection." ^. osi] 
wayward p-eraons will obey the magistrate only when they list; "they go 
from house to house, and from tabic to table, especially to the houses 
of wilovfs and simple women.* Q". 59151 So much is evil in the "lecturers." 
They speak ill of bishops and magistrates , and the original cause of this 
carping is the devil. "This hath been always in all af^es the lot of 
bishops, to be evil spoken of," 

Although a raan hold all the articles of reli^iion, and break the unity 
of t/ie church, he is not of tiie church. Yea, albeit ho have never so 
p,reat a taultitudo of hearers at Mb senuons, ... iuid yet these men colour 
their contention by the naiAe of religion, faith and perfection, (i-. 595^ 

He could not have jut it more clearly; the most orthodox in theologj'' is 
still subversive unless he obeys the formularies of biaho s and napistrates. 
Perfection is not perfection vdthout the crovm of obedience. 

i!he same theme, the disturbance of unity by private fancies, 
was reieated in a sermon at the Cross the followin*>- February by John 


Eudson, canon of Chichester. In these times i.Tany are puffed up in 

their own conceits. £he devil divides us into juany factions, and sows 
tares in the Lord's wheat. vVe cannot be joined to Christ unless we are 
joined to one another, .ve Kiuat all obey the coxfljiiandraeiita of our rulers, 
and not follow ever^/ ojinion that aeecis ^rood to our faacios. Sometimes 
dissension "Tiath. .. an usuri>ed face or shoyi of holine^ o^' zeale or con- 
science, but the sequel is pernicious." ^ch tiaes as these 



ore to be deplored, when 

every one wil like or jnlslike» wll censure L controll whatsoever is not 

aunewerable. to ye levell of his o«ne ooaceite, ahile everjQ one hath 
a song, hath a vision, hath a fancie, hath a revelatiOQ, hath an inter- 
jretatlon by hiraselfe. [oig. G2vj 

The wrath of God raust coae upon as for such iissensioa; there are many 

examples in God's book against such breakinic? of the bonds of unity. 

The days of our pilgriieag^e are short eaough; the day of wrath approaches; 

let us theiv ^ut asida tbese ""etty quarrels. 

But the quarrels, insteai of beini-^ rut aside, bej-^an that very year 
to increase; another paper war ^ras bre^win^:. It -.vas in this year 1584 that 
Dr. Sojcot of Caiiibrid,n:e answered in a seniion at the Cress the Gounter- 
Poyson of Dudley Fenner, that ubiquitous l\iritan pariphletoer who was 
associated with Cartwripht in the I resby terian pastorship at Middelburg. 
In this year also the Presbyterian faction brought forth tliat very im- 
portant 'doctuaent, A Brief ana Jlain Jeclaretion , usuallj' knomi as the 
Learned JiGcourse , in which the vdiole luritan position as it then had 
developed was put with great clarity and force, ^e authors, starting 
with the usual assumi tlon that a rifcht platform i'or ecclesiastical 
organization ie to be found only in C-od*s word, set forth their prograiiB 
of church government by pastors, elders and synods, and defined their 
Bubnission to the royal supresiacy as contingent u]on its ccnforitity to 

T /■ -2 

God's law, a subrclssion already explored ano found wanting by f?hitfift. 
Dr. John Bridges, now dean of oallst^ry, rreached again&t this woric at 
laul's Cross in 1584,^^^ an^ "in an evil hour," as Irere luts it, under- 
took to exiand hie arriments into the r.cnmiifntal .')efence or the Government 



established in the Chiirch of Tiinf^lgnd , a line by line refutation cf the 
Discourse , tedious, weip.hty, of 3409 j:aj;6s, inviting ridicule. ATiat it 
invited it received. Ta the follov/inf year the first of the liarprelate 
tracts bepan. to be surrertitiously circulated. "C, reao. over D, John 
Bridges, lor it is a worthy vrork," criec its title-ia^e irreverently, 
Tlic most myctifyin^ an.i fascinating chapter in the liistory of Puritanism 
v-as just beginninr. 

On 15 June 1587, Vdlllani Gravet, in the course of that part of his 
discourse at the 3ross -which implored jeace and unity, referred to lewd 

slanderous libels, defaadng the adnisters ox .oa's word, to vrhich the 

■writers have not set their names, Soite, he .vant on, are so curious and 

perverse "that they v/111 forsaice a sure, -t^olosome, and handsome houue, 
for the standing a'.«ry of a window. These for inatters indix'ferent, for- 
sake our societie. " The last sentence nay refer to separatists, 
though I can discover no Brownist ramphlet v»hich is libellous in the 
sense he means; it laif'ht equally well refer to Puritan pamphleteers, and 
perhaps some iiartinist squibs preceded those which are Icnown to history. 

1 fifi 
fhe story of J'^artin is too vjell known to need rehearsal here. 

The riposte of the Sstabllshment Is too little erarhasized. The major 

attacl: was made on 9 Februar}- 15i39 in a seri.oi, uu caul's Cross by Richard 

Bancroft, i)reached on the firut Sunday of the larllainent. Bancroft's 

allusion to the Jure divino validity of ei>iscopac3?- has received much 

ettentio.'i, but few if any historians have taken the trouble to reproduce 

the brilliant if facile arguments with ?<hich he opposed the anonyicous 

pamphleteers. Some attempt will be made here to fill this gap. 



The soriTOn aa published is preceded by three quotetiona fror. the 
£^'^nGr3 u:o'i one dangers of schlsiiatics. Augustiae says that thej' 
separate theaselves froR the diurch for inlifferent orders and ceremonies; 
Jerome tliat ia a short tine theij' are likely to ];rove lieretics, and that 
th^' cast abroad infaiaous libels. The scholars of schismatics are .Yorse 
thea their iiiasters, added Bancroft, with the castomary bow 

in the direction of Cartwrifiht. His text '.vaa that utterance so popular 
for a century with the defenders of the status quo . 1 John, 4.1: "Beloved, 
believe raDt every spirit, but try the spirits whether they are of God: 
because raany false prophets are gone otot into the world.'* In this, said 
he in his iivisioa, is contained a prohlbitioa, a coranandinoat, and a 
reason of thaivi both. She last in order (false prophets^ is the first in 
nature, "and I neaac to proceed accordiOi^ly. " 

The false prophets are inany, as they were in the time of the 
priiaitive ch;irch. 

After the Apostles tines, as it were out of the asses of these false 
prophets, there grew and sproong up raany other schisFatics and heretics, 
[Gig. 31] 

The Apostle prophesied of these times in vrhich we no.v live: "aome shall 
depart fron the faith, giving heed to seducine spirits." TM-S is fil- 
filled in 

Arians, Donatists, Papists, libertines, Anabaptists, the ITaKille of 
Love, and sundrie other (I knowe not of what opinion) so many sectaries 
an! schiomatikes, as t'lat ia very deed dlverr> do revolt daily to 
Pacistrle, iiiany "re become nearly Atheists, and the beat do stand 
1.1 soma sort at a gaze, (big. 52j 

The prophets are false , in doctrine and in conversation, spirits 

'L\ 1^ 


of error, by nature 'Verle contentious and unquiet," They despise govem- 
Bent and apeak evil of those In authority; they are libellers ^dio speak 
111 of what they knoir oot. Some perrert scripture and find false doctrine. 
They affirci that where Christ used the words Die eccleslae- ^^^ he meant 
that In every parish should be established the form of ecclesiastical 
government vhich liSoses appointed from Sinai. 

They had (sale these men) in their synagoes their prl^^sts, me nast have 
in every parish o-or psastors: they their levltes, we our doctors: they 
their rulers of their syna^^ogs, ae our elders: they their leviticall 
treasurers, -ae our deacons, j^ig. 83] 

ahere such discipline as this is not erected they say God*s ordinance 
Is not perfonaed. In their vehenence they pass "^he measure of a n»iest 
nan's concelto. " As for the force of the argument froia tMs place of 
scripture, never lid ancient father or any living or dead church so 
eocpounl that flace; It is strange that this interpretation should sleep 
for fifteen hundred years, 

Ihe fietlse prophets are f;one out. "Before th^y lay hid in the 
Church, but nowe by their schisiss th^* have mede thenselves knowen. " 
This they do, though it has been ever acknowledged that the church 
which aalntains without error the faith of Christ and retains the 
lawful use of the sacraments appointed by Christ, though It nay have 
BBoy imperfections, yet is to be accepted as the mother of the faith- 
ful, niey pp out from us, these would-be schlsotatics, because they are 
not of us; they are the chaff in the wheat. Martin af fires tl3t there 
■re nany schiess in the Church of England atthls day because bishops 
"will :jot suffer sea to do as they list (for I can make no better sence 



Of hlB discourse touobiog that letter). " Phis oontempt of 

bishops Is the joore to be abhorred, alaco they bBve had government of the 

church since St. liBxic*s time, Qsig. B7y1 The disaffected have, as 

Qregory puts It, "desire of priacl pall tie." rhey affect the places and 

prefenosats of their superiors. They are noved by self-love; Cyprian 

says that the beginning of all heresy derives frcsi isan's desire to please 

himself. "Alledge against tha& the geaerall consent of all the ancient 

fathers, and they esteejce it not a rush." 

These were generalities for the raoet part. Bancroft then proceeded 
to a shrewd practical attack. The Tresbyterlana, he went on, ere above 
all moved by covetousness. 

ifOT 1 ajB fully of this opinion, that the hope vdiich ii>anie taoa have 
conceived of the sjoile of the Bishors livings, of the subversion of 
cethedrall churches, and of a havocke to be made of al t}}e churches rev- 
enues, l3 the cheefeot and mor.t prlacipall caus€_ or the creetest schlsBtea 
tliat we have at this day In our church, (olc?. 04^ 

The "clergy factious" contend that all church livings ought to be em- 
ployed for QBintanance of their presbyteries, and that the old spoil of 
abbeys and religious houses should be restored again to their use. In 
• supplication to the rarllaaent in 1585 they submitted that things once 
consecrated should rejraln sacred, [pig. C4v^ The "laie factious" are 
naturally of a contrarv opinion. They contend Uiat the preachers should 
conforsi to the jractice of Christ and his ajostles and live without 
preferments, SUhat do the clergy answer? Ihe author of the Ecclesiastical 
Dicclrline says that It tickles the wrs of the rich to hear him and his 
brethz*en attack the bishops, for "they have in their harts devoured al- 
readle the churches inheritance," They are cormorants, say the Iiiritans, 



their lapropriationa are alreaJy a burden upoa their coasoiences. 

"And is not then deere barethron," added Banciroft, '*the consider- 
ation hereof very pitiful onto yoa?" This was hitting home 

Me are coiamanded» he pursued, to try the spirits. The rapists 
suffer the people to try nothing; they forbid the readinc of the 
scriptures and bind the Bible, once translated^ to the authority of 
councils and decrees, fhere are another sort of "giddle spiirits who 
will have the people to be alvaies seeking and searching." 'fhese take 
it upon theai to be masters before they deserve the oaoe of scholars. 

They wring and wrest the Scriptures according as they fansie. It -^ould 
pittie a aans hart considering what painca they will take in quoting; of 
places, to see how ;erver3ly they will apply thta:. ^ig. D*] 

This has ever been a ripht property of heretics. The »eaa, then, between 
these two erross iu best. Read the Joriptures, but with sobriety; dutiful 
children ought to subodt to the church for the resolution of their 
doubts; nov; that porery has been banished suz>ely some authority is due to 
our lawful assemblies. Galvln hitsself is witness of the danger of con- 
tention about patters in-lifferent. [3ip. D7v3 

dfe are then, to believe not every spirit, ^^ihen the .^ueen came 
to the crown her chief care was to piece in the people's hearts a rifriit 
feeling of Christian religion, and at the banishment of popery all the 
refoiuked churches of iiurope clapped their hands for joy. Who would have 
thourht to see Irotestant^ rejrove our relifrlon? Yet qaarrels are picked 
against the "oormainlon booke," so often revised and submitted to the 



ceasure of the best divines of the age. Great account was made of it 
in tiaes past, but now two or three years* study Is as good as twenty. 

It la woonderfull to see, how some aen get perfection. One of fower 

or five and twentie yeeres old, if you an^er bini, will aweare he knoweth 

more then all the ancient fathers, (pip, ESj 

Instead of our order they vwuld have a book cf their own making, and 
in their perfect platform the civil magistrate is quite forgotten. 
Indeed they mention the magistrate "for inaners sake" but in such a cold 
and sparing way that there is not a priest in s^isbeach who would not 
subscribe to their limited notions of obedience. (Gig. E8v] So far as 
their fona of prayer is concerned, they would have the minister pray 
"as the spirite of God shall ooove his hart," and what sort of edification 
could we expect froia that? Phey cry out that the government of the 
Church of England is antichristian and devilish because the civil mag- 
istrate is aade a temporal pope; Uartin reasoned against the bishotfi; but 
in doing so he has implied the very saiue reasons against the temporal 
po*ar, for upon his principles a man may call Her Majesty a petty poje 
who is not to be tolerated in a Christian commonwealth. 

No church has been planted since the apostles* time without 
bishops. (Sig. F3j Bancroft, intent upon his clever insinuation of 
sedition in the luritan painphlets, did not pause to elaborate this highly 
suggestive statement, but ret'irned to the isaln attack and pushed it home. 
The '^een has suprejuacy in ecclesiastical causes; she is endowed with 
ordinary authority for making laws and coneititutions ecclesiastical, 
Biis the papists dispute, but ow another sort deny that this authority 
belongs to pope or to prince and would rest It in their presbyteries. (Sip-. F4j 

x V8 


Ihe experlenceo of the Scottish fclnp with presbyteries should be warning 
onough,^'^ Indeed a preacher of this faction in :LiiglBnd produced these 
"desperate points" In a sermon, labourii^ to persuade his auditory that 
in France it vee lawful for the people or the inferior laagistratea to compel 
their prince to a reformation of religion. 

Bancroft had i^ade his two points, repeated in his closing ex> 
hortation to Kagiotrates and people: the Puritans are covetous and they 
are seditious. His sereion was neither profound nor logical but it nc^a 
expert maaipulation of the issues, an artful Jugeli^ of half-truths. 
It proTOked an answer fr<»i the other party, written by that earnest .Velsh- 
oan John lenry, entitled A Brief e discovery of the Untruthes and Slanders 
apialnst the true government of the Church of Christ contained in a Serron, &o. 
and printed by 2teldegrave the next year. But tiiis was as nothlDf; compared 
to the stomi which t^rose over Bancroft's assei^ion of the authority of 
bishops from apostolic times. Chief aiacng those dlcturbed by what such 
doctrine could lead to was the Lord Treasurer, Sir Francis Knollys, who 
was sure the Bancroft was indirectly attacking the royal supremacy and 
dosei^Qg of a praemunire. He wrote to oaqj' persona, among thwa the 
learned Jr. John Hainolds of Oxford, who replied with a learned treatise 
which s»s reprinted in 1641 as The Judgaent of Joe tor Reynolds, being one 
of the zsanlfestoes issued by the antiepiscopal party in the Long Jarlia- 
sent. '' Or. R«ilnold8 did not agree witb Bancroft, who had sierely made 
a statesient without arguing It to any extent. Bancroft was cunning rather 
thalh subtle, and did not apparently perceive all the ijtplloatioas of his 
doctrine. It was left for Bishop Bilson to develop the case for the 
luro divlno episcopacy; "^^'^ even at that the quarrel did not develop further 
in the reirn of Elizabeth. 


So much of a landmark has Bancroft's serFosn bacome In the history 
of Puritanism that a worthy successor to it, preached in November of the 
saEie year and rehearsing the same arguments, has been overlooked. Wlllian 

James, Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, fonaerly chaplain and death-bed 


confessor of Leicester, later Bishop of Durham, was not one to let a 

good field lie fallo?/. He perceived the force of Bancroft's method, 

apparently, and hastened to use it himself, .;hile adding some grace 


notes of his ovm. His senzKin as published was dedicated to Sir 

Christopher Hat ton, whether because Eat ton was Chancellor of his Uni- 

versity or from a oolitlcal motive is uncertain. His chief purpose, 

he says in his iiipistle Dedicatory, was to assua{^;e contentions. He has 

not kept back his opinion, he continues, "touching the man that troubleth 

us, and the laatter by hiiu entended, "^ 

I am sory, and lb ^rieveth mee to see the heapes of Novelties that in 
her Uajestles most gracious ralgne, and in so jlentifull a li^ht of the 
Qoapell, our inconstant Islanders have brought into the world. 

Ihere was a time when zeal for a learned ministry was not accomp>aaled, 
as it is now, by zeal to extinguish "the ancient names and functi<»s of 
Bishops in the Church... and overturning the estate established." 

If any Bishops have transgressed in their callings, especially in ad- 
mitting of insufficient Uinisters, (as it must be confessed they have 
done).,., sorely it is ill physlcke for this bleard eye, or for this sore 
hand or foote, to choppe off the head, or kill the body. 

James's text, 1 Corinthians 12.25-27, treated of divisions In the 
body of Christ. He developed the metaphor of the body politic at some 
length, pointed to the analof^y of the harmony in nature, and set before 
his auditory the ideal of the unity o± the church catholic. Jesuits and 

i,x. © 


the Bamily of Love break this unity, and there are others who rend the 
fabric of the church by tradacing loinisters from tlie pulpit, in talk about 
dinner tables, and in '*lewde and shamelesse libels." Martin is eneii^' of 
the universities: 

As oft as 1 behold his ^latfonue, whome I am lothe to name, that 
persona tj.3 his trio Kartine, who thirstefch at the overthrowe of Bishop- 
rickes, and Gathedrall Churches, like unto him that reapeth where he 
soweth not: sic oft me thiaketh that I see a miserable ruine, first of the 
Universities, and so consequently of the Church. [Sig. C3\ 

Even as it is young men forsake divinity for law and physic; their 
parents think only of a naite and a posterity here on earth, and little 
chance there is of this in the conteiuned juiaifitry. Seform is needed, 
sure enough, but there are those who seek in the cause of ref orir:ati on 
to overthrow all. 

lo speake what I thinke, and to si eake my conscience freely, they that 
with Kartine seeke the overthrow of all, ioe offer sacrifice to their god 
their own bellie: and although they would seeaie the most sincere, yet In 
this seeking after the church spoils, they are in deed the greatest 
idolators, serving their God Uanmon. [Sig. C4vJ 

Picking his authorities with care, James quoted Calvin and Gualter as 
prophesying that monitions should be sought for munitions, that church 
lands should become a prey for the seeming godly. He quoted a letter of 
Calvin to Cranmer, urging the necessity of authority in the reformed 
church of ISngland: 

Yet I understand [v;rote CalvliG that there is one or en let or liinderance 
(jbo unity in the church} , that the Church revenewes are laid open for a 
pray, A misohiefe truly intollerable. ^liat thinke you would he have 
said, if he had seens liartlnes platforms? [Sig. D2\ 

fhe signs are about us. OxlJord's comnon rooms are empty; many are led 



astz*ay by Uartla. As for Martin's manners, 

NeTer did any godly aaa write or speake on this maner. None of the fathers 
of the primitive church ever Aelt in this sort, qo not with niost darmable 
heretikes,.,. No man that by reading of the holy scriptures, praying, 
or neditatinjij, talketh with Ood, can speake with a spirit so void of 
God. [pie. eQ 

Ijartin is let by avarice and ambition; to sneer at the church wtoich Is 
protected by the Queen is to attack the Q,ueen, Shy are such men 

so bitter? "Do wee approove the faith by the jersons, or the lersons by 
the faith?... Good come is not the woorse for a patched sacks, nor bad 
wine the better Tor a golden cuppe, " 

The weapons are Bancroft's, it will be perceived, but they are 
dulled by a piously protesting temperament. Jaiaea was no flghterj hia 
tone is alBtost plaintive. The change of tone in itself marks the end 
of a phase of the controversy with the Puritans. Throughout the following 
decade, as the quarrel with the disaffected settled into sporadic skirmishes^ 
exhortations froa; Paul's Cross became sore or less stereotyped appeals for 

unity in the bond of peace. The first of these is contained In ISiofflaB 

rijhite's anniversary seroion In this same Movember. The Church, he said, 

is one, 

yet shee is not in one Union, but laboureth with the pains of hlr wombe., 
I know how that I have a f7oolfe by the eares, and can ;ot tell whether 
I should hold him, or let him goe (for both is dangerous) I choose this 
rext Luke 3.10-14 to misse him, and yet he meetes ne, and so raeetes 
me, that 1 cannot well avoile him. 

Having ao tentatively and piously entered upon this theme, iVhlte pro- 
ceeded to ''warble Si^eetlie, to east out the foule spirit of the Faction, 
with Devids barpe. *^ Should we not strive for the truth which shall 



njake us free? 

But on the other side, to pretead such a cause, Sl not to prove it, or if 
there be any other good course, as the redresse of some abuses,.., y t 
to follov.- it out of time, and Place, by inportunitie, and unlawfully, by 
false, or foolish libels.,,, I suppose that no wise san can allov/e the 
course; sure I am, the evill successe thereof doth disalovve it; and if 
his nana should answere his doing herein, as It seemeth bee would have 
it by the Title, and lurpose of his bookes, sure hee should bee called 
for Marre Irelate, l^arre Preacher: for there are fewer cf these, and no 
lesse of those, if not more, since he practised so to mari^ them. {Sig, GItJ 

Hen liice Hartln pretend conscience and zeal vAo have it not. But the 
fault is not all on one side; there has been intemperate language used 
on both sides: 

Likewise they are to bee admonished that fill the lulplt too fiil with 
these controversies, I doe not meane our lunatike libellers, «^ich cast 
phrases on both sides,,.,-*-^-'- but I ceane iien cf iriy owne Profession and 
Mnde, that they consider: that the lope hath had too long a Pause, and 
hath gotten ground apace, since wee have spent our breath about these 
things, jSig. G2v] 

Exhortations such as these recur steadily in these sermons. iJhe 
thene is ever the same: the peace of the church imist be preserved; Home 
is the real eneicy; troublemakers ahould bold their jbongues. So Gervase 
Bablngton in 1590: 

Bay that most fearefull division, bitternesse and ga'xLe both in word & 
writing yt hath now too lon^, so spotted this famous Ghui'Ch of England, 
and oany worthy r;en in it proove unto any guiltie causer of the sair.e 
his coniinc to Christ? Surely it doth net. 182 

Richard Lewes, preaching at the Cross probably about 1591, pleaded for 
tecperance on both sides: 

And inasmuch as the counsels of GOD cannot be hindered by any pollicie 
or po«er of ffian, I wish with all my hearte, that our learned and grave 
Jfathers v/oulde sonewhat refraine themselves from thca-i thut sue for 



reformation, and let thoia alone; for if this counsell or this worke be 
of men, it will come to nought; but if it bee of (3od they cannot destroy 
it, lest they be fouade even fighters against God. And withall the veines 
of ciy soule I wish that they that seeke reformation, would take heede, 
that they inake lot the cause the worse, by their indiscreete zeale, un- 
brotherlie reproches, unchristian slanders, unsavorie and unlearned 
libels, and almost Fharisaicall contempt of their fathers and brethren. 183 

Roger Racket repeated White's warning that Bome is the real enemy; let 
us not ga].e after the shadow, he said, and lose the substance. 

The which I speake not to rubbe and fret the sores of any, which mourne 
in Sion for the sins of there people, and would have Jerusalem builded 
as a city that is at unity -.vith itselfo. But to advise our overheidy and 
hasty splrites, ether for a while to rebate the edge of their il tempered 
fury, or els to turn their keene and wel sharpened humours, against a 
knonen and aoat bloudy enisiy; which lAiill none of oar Bishops, nor yet our 
pastors; none of our religion, nor yet our discipline; none of oar 
protestantes, nor yet our puritans. 184 

Robert Temple likewise preached discretion, and quite properly suggested 
that the answers to loartin and his ilk might well be left to others of 
that stamp, and not suffered to disturb the gravity of serious religious 

Hee [Marti li] haniUeth diviaitie with scurrilitie, & scripture with 
laughter, nore pleasant to a sight o£ gospell libertines, and Church 
robbers, then medling at all with the inat;,er in hande, mich lease de- 
ciding the controversies by aionient and wayght of argument, and therefore 
better ans'.vered alreadle by some merriB mates like hlmselfe, then to 
bee vouchsafed so ouche as a silable by learned rexlye. 185 

The direction of attack upon the Furl tans was, in fact, cha aging. 
Hie original issue of the discipline, clouded by the libels, receded some- 
what, to be succeeded by consideration or the threat involved in an 
alliance of the Itiritan ireachers with the gentry and the coBUBon lawyers, 
an alliance against the exercise of the royal prerogative in oatters 
ecclesiastical tliDuglt the iUgh Cosunicslon court. This alliance laanlfe^^ted 



itself in the oonstitutionally important Cawdrey's case, and in the 

disturbances iu the rarliament of 1593 which resulted in the imprisonment 
of Peter tjeatworth and of Jaiaes Morrice, who had been Cawdrey's counsel, 
"Sroia the tyranny of the olerta' of Sngland," wrote Morrice from prison 
to Burghley, "good Lord, deliver us. "^ It is not then merely a con- 
tinuance of that good stroke of Bancroft's which enlivens Adam Hill*3 
attack upon what he calls (generically) "ilartin" in a sermon at the Cross 
in Septeiaber of 1595. He asserted that 

■artin findeth fault that a Minister should have two benefices, but 
for a nobleioaa or Gentlexisan which hat): sixe hee reprehendeth it not.... 
'dbat is the reason, he reproveth the ministers so sharply, and leaveth 
the other unrep roved?.., The net is not laid for the hawk or the kite, 
or theiL that do ill; it is laid for them that do no harm. 188 


Five years later the intrepid GtossoD was even laore sweeping in his con- 

de£in.ation of the reputed alliance of the disaffected parsons with potenti- 
ally seditious laymeat. The faithful ninlstr:^, he complained, are little 
regarded. Now the j'iore ireacliiag the less devotion. 

In the beginning: of her Kajost. reign every man begafi to treir.ble at the 
word of God and to give hoed to the preaciJLnf; of the same: but the happy 
continuance thereof hath laads it so fairdliar unto you that you care not 
for it. 

The age is plagued by diistortint: f:lasses. 

Such a glasse was Harding to ttuel, the lerned Bishop complained of it, 
that whatsoever he spak was to lone or to short, or one way or other it 
stoode away, uuch a glasse is the new Presbyterle couchiof^ downe at the 
gates of great personnes, .-(ith her bellie full of barckin; libells to 
disgrace the persons of the best men, and the laboure of the best learned 
in the Jhurcu of Lngland.... Ae best way the devill can finde to disgrace 
preaching, is to disgrace the preacher. (Sip. li^l 

The gentry and the lawyers persecute the poor niini^ters; sohisioatics 



and "caterpillars " are deteriuiaed to reduce the Establishmeat to dlsi^race 
and penury. 

I!he Cleargie of Snglande may nowe joyne hande in hande In a falre roundelay 
and slug and record one to another, as little children do in the streets, 
whea shall we eat white bread? when the puttock is dead. 

Libel and robbery go together: 

To this purpose it nsay be you shal perceive some broker belonging to 
the ccHicaon Lau, or socie jester hanging i-on the Court, or some lyris Toet 
and comaou uiicer hovering about this Cittie, subborned and bolstered to 
deale in derision of the Church ia time of Parliament as Italians do in 
their plaies. ... A gre&t part of this mischief being lootched by the 
presbyterie. ^ig. FSJ 

He concluded that the innovators had not been properly dealt with: 

Conference, connivence, tolleratlon, disputation, printing of bookes, 
and preaching of sermons, have beene applied unto theoi..., one draia of 
iilleboras would fiave purged their huraour, ... By favour and support these 
Vernine that were long since, by the labours of learned bishoppes hewen 
in pieces, have crept out of their holes,.,, and by continuall rolling 
recovered tiioilj taile, their tome papers end inaim©<l paiiiphlets have bin 
atickt together againe with a skainc of jiaters thred, and v;rouFht round 
with a white selvedge of reTortiation to grace them, whereby the earen of 
the Church have been filled vdth a newe hissing, to the very aiockerie of 
religion, and the ixapudent slander ox' the church of iijiglaade. j^ig. Fsj 

It is the younger generation of preachers ndio stir up trouble: 

A great isrt of the troubles of the church of England hath sprunr out of 
greene heards, that have ouch busied themselves about the state of bisho. a, 
these are yong cockerels, th£.t have learned only to clap their feeble 
wiivgs, &. to crow upon the roost in time of peace, but \ih.ea religion is in 
danger they dare not come into the cockpit. (3ig. Gl\ 

In all this there is a suggestion, corefully veiled, that some great 
person or j arsons well enough known, coulil they be named, are behind the 
defamers and robbers of the Church of England, The melaacholy youngsters 



have a patron, Gosson renarked in his conclusion that he had been re- 
prehended (though not officially "celled In question") for a sermon 
treating of the "Churches quarrel" preached at raul*s Cross in 1596 [?\ , 
in which he seemed to strike at "seme groat person.'*^ This whole 
I^BBsage in the sermon of 1598 is heavily portentous and exceedingly 
ajubiguous, but it is safe to conjecture that if Oosson had in mind any 
great ierson, that person vras Essex. 

In all these attacks upon I-'uritanism, there is little or nothing 
of reasoned objection to the religioua Ideal of the opposition p^rty, no 
analysis of their view of the nature of the worship of GoJ, Yet before 
the end of the reifjn one champion ox' the listablishment arose at the Cross 
to point out eiuphatically how the luritan idea of worship was related to 

the contemit for the physical fabric of the church wMch was leadinc to 

such spoliation of its effects by the greedy patrons, 

John Eowson, alumnus of 3t. l-^ail's School and of Christ Church, 
Oxford, had a laost distln^-uished career, .\fter proceeding IL.A, in 
1581, he held prebends In Hereford and l;xeter; in 1598 he v«8 made 
one of the Queen's chaplains, ami in 1602 became VIce-Chancellor of 
Oxford, where he strove to put down Puritanism with a heavy hand. He 
won the favour of James by these efforts and by his violence in attacking 

popery, and in 1619 he was consecrated Bishop of Oxford. Nine years later 


he was elevated to the see of Durham and died in that difficult office. 

But it was in the last decade of Elizabeth's reipin that he made his mark, 
with two sermons at Paul's Cross, the one preached againat simony in 1597, 

the other upon sacrilerie and neglect of common prayer in 1598. It is this 

latter sermon M^ich must now engage our attention. His theme, the 



thene also In general of his sermon of the year preceding, was CSirlst's 
casting out of the thieves from the Temple, and his interpretation of God's 
law as revealed in human reason and in God*s word indicates how close a 
student ho vras of the Bcclesiastlcal lollty. He proceeded to describe the 
proper condition of God's house. The Temple hud much furniture, for God 
will be worshipped not onl:-' '.idth the spirit, but £he body also. Such fur- 
niture is as proper under the gospel as under the law. In our 
days the Temple is spoiled by "irrelicious Julianists" who have made some 
village churches no better than "pigstyes," and in cities the churches are 
like "a country hall, faire whiteliited, or a citizens parlour, at the best 
walnscotted, as though we were rather riatonistu then Christians." (sif. dJJ 
To contend for oeemly furniture in the church is not superstition but "true 
Christianitie"; the sin of spoliation will not escape without punishment. 

Hie reason why such avarice is sanctioned by some is that they 
differ from the true Christians in their view or the end and use of God's 
house. Christ said that his Father's house was a house of prayer, Thet 
is, of ' ublic service, in which prayer is the chief eleiaent. In the 
primitive church the house of Go i was called onatorium. 

Now we say... let the first and chiefe place be given to preaching: 
and a proviso is cade, that the people be not ovei-wearyed with too nmch 
praying. And though the Church of England liath no such constitution, yet 
the people entertaine the practice of it, luany of them condetoninf coimnon 
prayer, but a greater part neglecting it , and holding it the only ex- 
ercise of the service of God to heare a sermon, fSig, flvi 

This la an ancient error; St. Chrysostoic corailains of it, Even under 
the law of nature without the benefit of revelation men were moved to the 
service of God not be external inr^truction, "but only by a naturall and 
inward notion." Phis must have been the fruits of prayer, not preaching. 

In the time of Abraham the whole service of God was invocation 

I zsB 


or ador-.tion; leter and John went up to the teicple to pray; Christ and 
St. Paul both exhorted to contiaoal prayer, with "^o such testimony given 
to hearing," "The blessing is not promised to hearini?, but to doing," 

Such vas the complaint of Gardiner against the extreme reformers 
SLLmost fifty years before: 

These men speak much of preaching, but note well this, they would we 
should see nothing in remeiabrance of Christ, and therefore can they 
not abide icages. fhey would we should sriell nothing in remeitbrance of 
Christ and therefore speak they againat anointing and holy water. They 
would we should taste nothing in meicory of Christ, and therefore they 
cannot away with salt anJ holy bread.... Finally, they would have all 
in talking, they speak so much of preaching, so as all the gates of our 
senses and v.'ays to laan's understanding should be shut ap, saving the 
ear alone. 195 

There could be no clearer danonstratlon of the kinship between the radical 
Reformers and the later Puritans. One scholar would make the "puritan" 
faiidly much larger and of more ancient lineage, and his provocative con- 
clusions deserve nobice here, since they alone seem to resolve the obvious 
contradictions faced but not escaped In Howson, who was forced into a 
paradox: that the service of Cod Is not to be referred to hearing, but 
heailng is to be referred to the servico of God, This scholar 

contends that 

no small part of our liturgical difficulties In the Church of England 
coffie froia confusing tv.o things: jrotestanti sr... anrl ruritanlsm — which 
is a general theory about worrfilp, not sj«ciflcally proteatant nor Indeed 
confined to christians of any kind. It Is the v?orklng theory upon which 
all mohaianiedan worship is based.... The puritan theory is that worship 
is a purely Hiontal aotlvity, to bo exercised by a strictly jsycholopical 
•attention" to a subjective enotional or spiritual experience. For the 
puritan this is the essence of -ivorship, and all external things which 
might inp«ir this strictly aental atteAition have no rightful place in 
it,... Its princiial defect is Its tendency to "verbalism," to suppose 



that vjords alone can ezprees or otinulate the act of v.'orEhip, ,,, Phe early 
Cistercians were profoundly puritan, but they v/ere never Irotestant. 
rhe thorou^'ii protestantism of the Swedish lutherens, with their vestments 
and lights and crucifixes, has never been puritan. 196 

He contend not, said the scrupulous objectors tc the vestcicnts, for a cap, 
tippet and eurplice, but for the true coveiniRent of Christ's Church, 
tight not the statement be reversed? Balked of their hopes of the right 
discipline, the Puritans exercised their immense spiritual virtuosity in 
the exarcination of the nature of their religious experience, and found 
it inward, found it to be the effect of the J^fORD. The attack upon the 
vestments nas in one sense the real battle, and the establishment of 
synods incidental to the main ifi^ulse of the otoveioent, which was to 
bring the wayfaring Christian to a consciousneas - a shattering but 
renovating consciousness - of the overpowering will of the Almighty. 
Against this po-.rerful impolso a genemtion of the orthodox were to 
tilt in vain. 

7, Tfonstrous and horrible heresies. " 

No connected hlstor:' of the separatists during the reign of 
Elizabeth can be constructed from references in the Faul's Cross sermons. 
There were times when the danger from those withdrawn from the body of 
Christ and holding opinions danceroua and wild seemed to be greater than 

ordinary, and at those times the preachers warned and condemned, and that 

is all. Reference has been m^de above to the recurrinp fear of the 

Anabaptists, whose tenets, horrible as well from the political as from 

the theolorical roint of view, served as a sort of devilish locus for 

dangers as terrible as those to be feared from papacy, Fowc foreign 

heretics named as Anabaptists were burned in 157t>, having in liiay of 




that year performed a public recantation at the Cross. I3i,e next month, 

fire Snio;llsh meiabers of the Family of Love recanted the heresies of the 

author of their sect at the sense place. This sect had been founded by 

Davll Geor^, an Anabaptist of Delft, who diei in 1556. His disciple-, the 
Apostle faul of the noTsment, was Henry Nicholas O^endriok Niclaes] , 
flfteei of :^ose works were translated Into Inpllsh by the visionary 
Christopher Vittels of Soathwark and printed at Amsterdam, Vittels 
promoted one of the conventicles of the sect in Colchester. In 1575 the 
Fanlly of Love addressed an Apoloocy to Parliament professing their inno- 
cence of dan/rerous opinions and their loyalty to the ^ueen. Answers 
began to appear to Nicholas* works. In 1578 John Sogers published the 
Displayinr of the Famllle of Love , attaokinp the licentlouaness and 
•atheism" of the sect. Laurence Chaderton, rroachinr at the Cross the 
sane year, mentioned the erroneous doctrines of H.H,^^-^ In the following 
year t^«) more pamphlets were issued aj^ainst the family of I>ove, the Con- 
futation of rfilllan Wilkinson and another Confutation by John Knewptub. 
In the same year John D:'08 condemned the books "or rather babies of R,K, " 
in his i^ul*s Cross sermon,*^ ^ The preachers were ready to enforce the 
paper war with exhortations from the pulpit somewhat more elaborate and 
intense than the passing mention th^* usually ^ave to these errors. 

References to the Brownists are confined to the year 1592, 
This is not the place to review at large the career of the founder 
of the Independents, and his important rlace in the history of non- 
confomitv In p-eneral and of political theorv In riarticular. I have 
found no mention of him or of Jtobert Harrison In the foraative years 
1575 to ISS*^, precedine; the exile in Middelburp-, Bro'.vne disappeared in 


Hi (87) 

1591 into that mysterious silence vrtilch covered his confArraing ministry 
until his death, but his successors Oreenwodd and Barrow took the road 
to nartyrdonu They were imprisoned and interro/?^ated in 1586, and the rest 
of thettr lives were spent between sessions in Newf^te and continued patient 
interrogations. Phe two persisted In objecting to the Establishment on 
the ground that It included the profane, that its miaistry was anti- 
chrlstlan, that its worship was idolatrous, and that its government by 
bishops was Romish, fhe crisis came in 1592, A silly read conspiracy 
had been mooted to muivier the c^aeen; the utterances of the sectaries, 
once laid to their charge, could be interpreted by the nervous authorities 
as aore fleditlous than in fact they were, and the re-arrest of Greenwood 
in December 1592 paved the way for the execution of the two zealots in 
1593, »ifhile the last act of the sordid little tragedy was in inaklng 

the l^ul's Cross preachers took occasion to condejiji in general terms^^ 
the Brownist opinions. Robert Temple, preacliing in the month before the 
re-errest of Qreen-rood, took notice of the Bro-wnists, who would be alone, 

perfect, unspotted. If they are let alone, they will seduce numbers of 

silly people, A,S,, called to the Cross in the same year, observed 

of the Brownists their "prerosterous and rash disordered zeale, " They 

have not yet openly rebelled against the order established, but let them 

take care, or their schism will be changed to heresy and sedition, 

8, Vollov/ers of this dacmable paradoie, " 

If the separatists were not yet a menace sufficient to demand such 
extended and vigorous counter-attack as that delivered upon papists and 
I-uritans, the so-called atheism of the time sadly shook the security of 
the good men who exhorted the multitude in Paul's churchyard. It mast 



be made clear that rtien the preachers conieirmed athelan they meant one very 
definitely definable sort of unbelief, or they meant almoat anything at 
all. That is, atheists neant those "of whom God is altogether unarprehended" 
JHookerJ , or it was a penaral term of denunciation. Both these uaes aprear 
in the Paul's Cross sermons, and, except for a brief period in the '90 's, 
the second is the niost common one. Thonas '.^ite describes a sermon preached 
by him in 1577 as a sermon against "covetous Atheists, "207 ^y which he 
obviously meant the covetous in general, and Kowson refers to the spoilers 
of the Church as atheists and "Julianists. "^ In sermons dating froE 
the lasl'year of the reif;n, one finds atheism identified with poperj'. 
Francis Marburj' observed that such papist doctrines as the treasury of 
merit, free vidll, purgatory, bixiught atheism into the world (a singularly 
demagoeic argument), A Topish Atheist," he continued, 

Is a hideous mungrell, evert a verie Centaur. As to say the very truth, 
loperj' and Athelame are ver:/ coincident, and their differences veiry 
obscure.... Ae Papist is a make-god, and ye Atheist is a mock-god. 209 

Dr. John Kin? came nearer to an analysis of men of unstable opinions 
when be observed in the sane year that 

laen thinke nowe a dayes, thr».t Arrlanisme, Atheismc, Paplsrce, Idbertinisme, 
may stand togither, and like salt, oyle, ani neale be put togither in a 
sacrifice, rheir conscience is sett in bonde, like Thamar when shee went 
to play the harlott,... ilyevy religion yd.ll serve their turne. 210 

In fact, anyone who denied the validity of the Scriptures, deists, 

agnostics, seditious persona who denied that the king was the vicar of 

God on earth — all these were atheists by Elizabethan standards, and 

in consequeoce the term has often little more than a pejorative csnnotaticn. 



nie last phrase of King's ladle fciasat, however, sugsests that for 
the pious atheisir. -aas :nore or leas eciulTalent to ilachiavelllanisin, or, to 
put it more broadly, '^lorldliaess ia general, nils is the suggestion In 

Aihite's ani Hoursoa's use of the terju, to cite onl,' two of many, anl 


their view is amply enlarged ia Hooker's treatment of the same subject. 

JJaohiaTellianlsis in religjoa he attributes to contentions in religion: 
"Ilothins pleases them [atheists] better than these manifold oppositions 
upon the matter of religion,... For a politic use of relieion they see 
there is, and by it there would also gather that religion itself Is a 
mere politic device, forged purposely to serve for that use, "^^^ It is 
significant that one finds little or nothing of this attitude in the 
preachers, thoush they were warned In 1593 frora a very different quarter, 
from T""oaas Tiasho: 

University men that are called to preache at the Crosse and the Court, 
arne your selves against nothing but Atheisme, laeddle not so much with 
Sects 'i. forraaine opinions, but let Atheisiue be the onely string you 
beate on; for there Is no Sect ao* in England so scattered as Atheisme. 
Ia vaine doe you preacb, in vayne doe you teach, if the roote that 
nourisheth all the branches of security be not thorowly dlgd up from the 
bottome. You are not halfe so wel acquainted as theii that lyve con- 
tinually about the Court and Cltty, how laany followers this daicnable 
paradoxR hath: hor.i ciaay hi^c^h wits it hath bewltcht. .Vhere are thejr that 
count a little ssiatterlag in llberall Artes u 6he reading over the Bible 
with a late Coaaeat cufficieat to oake a Pather cf Ji vines? What wyll 
their disalowed Bible or late Conaoents helpe them. If they have no other 
readiag to resist Atheists? Atheists If ever they be coafuted, with theyr 
owae prophanc Authors they roust be coafuted. 214 

ifashe's warning suggests a good leal more about Elizabethan 
atheism than that it mqb stimulated by undiscirlinod contention about 
"Sects u. forraine opinions," It is a smart paragraph; Kashe was a good 
reporter, ritere had been for forty years before he wrote enough free- 
thinking about such fundaiaentals as God'e providence and the Immortality 
of the soul to furnish the faithful with materials for denunciation. 


rhe sources of heresy or unbelief were various: jerhaps the Aristotelians 
of ladua, Iliny, Lucretius , snatches of wiextus Smpiricus and Epicurus, 
The evidence that such STeculations existed is in various attacks upon 
then., in a jnarginal note or tv/o in Robinson's translation of the TJtorla . 
in Eocer Hutchinson's Iiiage of God or laynian's Book (1550), In John Yeron*8 
rrultefull xi-eatise of rrcdestinetion and rrovijcpce (c. 1558), in John 
Woolton's Ihe Imi.iortalltie of the Soul (1576), In Arcadia . ill, 10, which 
contains a reasoned attack on the Eaterlalisra of Lucretius. John Hudson 
In his senrcn at the Cross in 1584 provhesied the wrath of God upn "dis- 
tempered and discontented huiriours which doe troubJe most mens heads 
now a days": 

our braynes are busied about Pithagoras nuiabers, and Hatos Idea, and 

Ai'istotles coMuon wealth, we build castols and towers in the eyre. 216 

Carryinc too far the allcsorical nethod of interpreting the Scriptures 
was thought equivalent to atheicia. In 15G1 Bishop ISoolton of fixeter tm- 
frocked a certain Anthony Randall, arho had affirmed that the Scriptures, 
and especially the book of Genesis, were to be interpreted solely as 
allegories,^^'' anl about 15C4 one John Hilton, priest, made confession 
in Convocation of his blaspheicous opinions, including belief that the Old 
and New Testanents were fables. He was set to recant at Paul's Cross, 
Such opinions as these, carried farther in the speculations of libertines, 
are similar to those laid to the charge of Christopher Uarlowe and others 
in 1593.^^^ 

It was between 1592 and 1594 that the fear of atheism reached 
its heieht. ITashe's Chrlsts feares, which contains the warning to the 
preachers already quoted, belongs to that period, and during that time 



also the raiil*55 Cross rreachers -Yere unusually vehement upon the subject. 
In September 1593 Adajr. Hill called atholar: the "sinne of oil sinnes," 
reportinp; that "our Atheists" deny the divinity of Christ. He raado some 
cloudy and euphulstlc alleviations concerning the pirovenance of atheism: 

As poison when It entreth into the body, it infecteth first the vains, 
secondl" the blood, thirdly, the nembers, *: last of all the heart: so 
AtheisFie began in the vains of the lighter sort of people, and from thence 
it hath crert into the blood and p;eneroaltie of this land, by meanes 
whereof it is spread into all the members and parts of this realme: God 
keepe it from the heart, thfit is, from the Court and the Citie of London, 22 

It is hard to tell what he meant, because it is impossible to guess how 
■ach he knew, and how amch was merelj' general exhortation and high style. 
It is rossible that by the "lipihter sort" he meant mad wits like Uarlowe, 
or perhaps illiterate village atheists. It is possible, indeed probable, 
that by "^lood and fjenerositie" he meant members of the gantry. He was more 
careful than Nashe, who implied that atheists wore about the court and 
isany "high wits" bewitched. He certainly meant Marlowe, and he may have 
Bieant aalef»h, I^is presumption is strengthened by the remarks of John 

Dove at the Cross on 3 November 15S4, He said flatly that atheists "^re 
i.T the courts of crinces.*^ I believe that those references Indicate the 

Interest and disquiet felt over the gossip about Ralegh and his circle, 

whlo'i culminated in the inquiry at Gerne Abbas in 1594. Dove, as It 

happened, did not follow the advice of Nashe to confute atheists by their 

own authors: he answered Aristotle "not by witte or humayna reason, for 

that I cannot ," but by "the doctrine of Saint I^aule, "^ 

By 1598 the scare had ao much subsided that Gosson's Invective 
against atheism consisted chiefly of an extraordinary exemplom: 


lii(92)« vjp.b but fe^ yeeres Rince a prophane con^nny about this Cittie, which 
were called the daioned Crewe, ntenae without feare, or feeliog, eyther of 
Hell or Heaven, .^el Irihtlnp; in thnt title: It pleased Ool to dravje therr: all 
into one net. Th^ were shlpt all into one Bark, and passing downe the 
River vritU sound of Trumpets, in a falre day, a faire tide, a faire wlnde, 
and a faire new bark, aodainly about one or the Reaches a perryoi' winde 
cone fron the laado, and ao filled the snilos, that th^ were all run 
under water before they came to Cravesende, I coulde never heare to this 
day that any one of them escaped. 224 

I have been unable to find any record of this episode. 

9, T-ossessed he is with greatness." 

rhere remains to be considered the very important events e.\i the 
Paul's Cross pulpit during the last act of the tragedy of iisseic, ending 
with Silllam Barlow's sermon apon the Sari's confession preached on 1 March 
1601, three days after the execution, a sermon which I believe '^lliam 
Shakespeare listened to with some attention. The story of Essex's last 
two years of life is most eoropllcated, chiefly because Robert Deveraux 
was a jiost comilioated man. In studyin;? him one has to consider a 
political situation involved with severe psychological struggles, and 
in spite of brilliant efforts the definitive analysis of his character 
regains still to be made. It cannot be made without close study of his 
religiousness, and for that Barlow's sermon, taken with other evidence, 
Is most valuable if somewhat exasperating in its omissions. 

For the most part, however, the Paal's Cross sermons which contain 
allusions to Essex or which were j reached directly upon his case are in- 
teresting as propaganda and counter-propapands. Essex had immense popular 

appeal, and this may explain the puardedness and ambip-ulty of Gtosson's 

references to a "a;reat person" in 1596 and 1598. Cto-* says that 



sioh and so graat ^as the hearty Iotg aril ;!ee- afxootl ons of the i eople 
towards him, by reason of his bounty, liberality, affability, and inlld 
behavio'ir, that as well acholars, soliiers, citizeas, sailors, etc., 
Protestants, Papists, Sectaries, and atheists, yea, women and children 

uhicli .lever anv; hi-^., that it -«j3 held ia the.a a happiness to follow the 
worst of his fortunes. 2E6 

la the collapse of his fortunes he becaiae the rallying point for the dis- 
affected, and for this reason it vras aeooaanry both to guard against 
praise of him at the Cross and to proceed with p,reat care in condeirmin^. 
hla frojn that pulpit, Essex's abrupt return froin Ireland and bis violent 
irruption into the :iueen's chamber took place in September 1399. Daring 
his inrrisonnsent in the Lord Keeper^s house, and liis serious illness, 
Gaabridge liviaes who came up to the Gross to preach prayed for him in 
that place, to the disgust of Bancroft and Cecil, protesting that since 
he A'as their Chancellor, they were in duty bound to pray for hia. There 
is little doubt, ho^Tever, that their sympathies were with liim. One of these 
preachers who was interrogated on tJiis charge was Or, John Richardson, later 
Vice-chancellor of Oarabridge an! one of the translators ol' the Authorized 
Version of the Bible, 

After examination by the Council, iissex was set at liberty and 
Client do'jn to the country to await the Queen's decision on the farm of 
the sweat wines, upon the rene^vsl of ivhich in hia gift all his fortunes 
depended, la October of IGOO uhu ^uecjn decided to hold tMs nionopoly 
for the Crown, In Jeceiaber Essex cam© ap to London, and from that day 
forth iLaaex. House became a place of resort for reckless young gentlemen, 
Puritan preachers, and the disaffected generally. Jedition was taUced 
there, and this holding court under the Queen's nose was noted with general 
uneasiness, fo all objections iCssex answei>ed tliat he supposed he might 



rreeljT entertain iiij xriends, siace he waa under no inMoidon, ami as 
for the x^reachars , they were for his spiritual conforfc. Oa the afternoon 
of 7 Zebruar:' loOl 3one of the geatleirien cf lissex's company'- attended a 
i-erAorL^ance ai Globe o2 Ajchax-d II » having iorsuaded the Lord Ohainber- 
laiu's mea to revive tho i-lay for 40s. and the prooise of a irell-filled 
houae. The aext ir.oraing Jasax raaJe his abortive atteiapt at rebellioHj , 
beiaij raaeivad .a on ndneled affeoticu and Tear by the citizens of London, 
and by night be was a prisoner -.vith some of his coafederatas at Laiabeth 
Palace. Ihe Council acted i^ith dispatch, iiuspected persons were rounded 
up and iatorrogated,*^® a proclaaation .vaa issued setting forth the facts 
of the rebellion and warning against seditious rumours, and directions 
were issued for the preacher at the Cross the following tJunday, The 
speaker ohoseii was John Ilayisard, rector of 3t. LSaiy tioolchurch. So jreat 
vias the fear of disorder that the Lord iiiayor contemplated keeping five 
hundred arioed men all day in ;^ul'3 churchyard, ^^ There was no demon- 
stration, however, and Bancroft expressed hinself well satisfied with the 
preacher's perfonaanee: 

The preacher at St. Tad 'a Cross this day hath dischiriiod his duty ex- 
ceedingly well, and delivered to the people the whole matter of the arch 
traitor, accorliag to the instructions you were acquainted nlth. fhe 
auditory ssas great (though the Lord liayor and his bretiireu were absent) 
and the applause for her iiajesty'a deliverance froia the raischiefs intended 
exceeding (p:eat, loud and Joyous, The traitor Is no laid out well in 
colours to every jnan's saticfaction that hoara the scr/aon, as I suppose 
or couli Juir:e by men's countenances. Phe preacher (nac;ed Kr. Hay.rard, 
a man ^fery gracious in the City); Ms text was II oam, 21, 17, in these 
words: "Then iDavid's men eware unto hira, saying, thou shalt go no more 
out .dth uc to battle lest thou :iaench the li^ht of Israel," and he 
handled it exceedingly isisll, being a nost fit text for the present 
occasion, 2:51 

./ell received the aorcon i-ay have been, but in uheir aaxiswy the Jouncil 
and Bancroft went too far and accused i£ssex of Imasons for ndiich he was 



not arraigned, thus keeping alive s consldei^bln rympathy for him 
which might othemise havo been dissipated. This orror was noted at 

the time: 

Order was taken... that the preachers at Peal's Cross and other chifirches 
in London should deli-er the rame matters from the pulpit, and decry the 
Earl 8s 6 hyDOcrlte, Ppist, and confederate with the Pope and King oi^ 
Spain, to ake him King and bring in idol;try. But as usual in ai ch c ises, 
they, from malice or desire to please, amplified it beyond all 
probability. On the one side they cry "Crucify," on the other there is 
such fi Jealousy of li-Jht and b d felloAf^, that it is rumoured the 
preachers of London STIfill rise and deliver him out of the Tower.^'^"' 

This contemporary seems to believe that the exagger'^tlon or outright 
falsehood in these declarations was the fault of the preachers (i.e., 

Hayward and the preacher on 22 i<'ebruary) ; a moder-n scholnr is inclined 


to lay the blame directly upon liencroft and Cecil* The fact reraaina 

that these charges were not used againrt him. 3o John OhamberlQln 

I must needes say that o^e thinrs sticks much in mciny mens minde th -t 
whereas (iiver? preachers Tsere comviaaded the Sonday before to deliver to 
the people araong his otoer treasons th .t he had compietted with Tirone, and 
vcB reconciled to the Pope; c-nd where e Msfter jitturny at Tom Le'.8 
arraigniaent, averred the -«nie combining with Tiron, and that he had 

pr-ctised by the mean^s of seminarie preists with the Pope and the king of 
Spaine to be king of England: there was no such m tter once lentioned st 
his rraiganent, and yet there wcs ti .e enough for jrt, fjx)m nine aclocke 
in the morning till almost seven at nipht. 236. 

One suspects that they 1 cketl the evidence in the ''black bag" which 

Sasez burned nfter his return to isaex House on the 8th. 

The trl-il took place on 19 February. :i;8sex, c indemned , n^eiting 
execution in the Tower, tins In i strange mood. He was first visited by 
Dr. Thomfis Dove, Dean of Wo;wich, who caie r^ri ed to get a confession 
from him and failed, nev. nbdy Ashton, one of Essex's favorite gospellers. 



wsB more successful, convicting him of hla sin against God In rebelling, 
und nromptin^: him to miko a confession to Cecil eni; Howard. He wrote 
a full confession, nblch disgusted his tou; <h and vici >us secretary Cuffe. 
He recelTod Dr. William Barlow with cheerful desire to orepare hlmF=el'" 

for death. He nee, says his biofrrnpher, a "fected by v;cute rellplous 


nsel:jncholl8,'* fter hi execution Dr. Barlow, later to achieve 

prominence as reporter of the Hanwton Court conference and Bishop of 
/Rochester, set up to report the confession and its sig'nlflc nee to 
the multitude at the Cross. Eis directions from Cecil survive, snd must 
here be reproduced in full: 

I 1 ave all the things which I htive delivered you by my Lords' 
direction to be ca ried -ind applied as you like, only the Lor s desire 
that when you touch the practice anri ourpose or coming to Court with a 
power, you move them to consider he oeriloua ;. thln»r it -^r.s to h ve put 
a lady, a ueen, in fiat friffht she must hnvvi boen in; 239 for when it 
WIS appointed tbet -Ir Christ. Blount with one c;:.ompi.ny ■^^hould seize 
thr c-ate, nnotrer comp'>ny should possess the hall .vith 3ir John vies, 
and a third should master tht. iruard oy seizing the helberts it th.^ ruard 
chamber, and ir Ch. jsnvers master the presence eh'raber with another 
company, how can It be ImTlned '.iut rome resistance would be m de? 
Bloo- once drown more would have folio ed, which vrould have b en no 
s-nfill horror to the uien'a n- tare. Neither en it be erpected th'^t 
the«e thT'^e commanders.,, would hove cared much to commit any Insolence 
rather th'^n be frjstrated in their deslor*. Tha^ thir was true the 
Earl penitently confessed..,. 

Tel the arl ever protested that *hen he entered into the aurpose 
and sent the erticles to be considered at . rury Hou'e, he ever resolved 
to hfave all things done with as little blood n.- could be; -md for the 
stoeen's o'-m person, would never have suffered it to receive rny h'rra. 

In any wise remember to name the pnrticulnrs of his obstinate 
speeches to 44r. DoTe, which my Lord of I^ondon (B ncroft] cen deliver 
you. nemember also precisely to decln e it, so ',3 it nay be clearly 
conceived how great cult the i arl nade that he mlipbt die priva'.ely In 
the Tower, and ho^ much even to yourself he eTpressec* his thankfulness 
for it, therein also you rauy not forget how himself tihs pons ssed *ith 
an opinion that he i;h:iuld h ive hvd of the pnople : re';t ac- lawi tlon. If 
you C6n bring it in *«11, It will be very fit to remember that his 
purpor-e of ticking the Tower was only to have been h brldlo to the city, 
if happily [haply]] the city should mi."li-ed his other utte pt. 240. 



The sepfflon got a mixed reception* -hen It was published, with 'n account 

of ' 8sex*s oehs-'lour and words at hl8 execution, 3arlo;» saw fit to 

prefix to the -ermon end confession a preface "To the "eader," of an 

apologetic^^l n;^ture, 'Ahatever a m n sneaks, he bepsn, is, as eneca 

said, open to other men's censure* The bartest have the mo~t Invlsh 

tongues. In this sermon he was 8ubJ«?c:t to offence to authority If he 

renounced his duty,cf offence to the auditory "If I should speak of 

uncertRtntie." Accordingly he reports that he spoke "with much feer 

and trembling." For three ir>y8 before, he continued. 

I was not one day from the Court, still labouring to informe myrelf of erery 
thing which I doubted, that I might in these rdumnious times, keep my 
selfe, for anything I wcnld there deliver; from the co trolment either 
of 111 tonp-ue:?, or mine owne conscience: to which purpose I both framed 
a «!hort preface -lersonRll, before I en ered the discourpe, which raip^ht... 
rubbe out oil opinion fore stalled; and abstyened from all bltern sse 
ageyaat th ; person and action of the 1 te "';rle, least thereby I should 
exasperate mindos not resolved; and conpared every sps^.ch of his, uttered 
by rr^f joth with his confession to the Lords, whose wltn^^sse tha.eln I 
humbly rs-quest, appealing thereuntj; and with tha*. conference he h'^d with 
ur, let my >issoclBtes fce Judges, which mi ht satlsfle any imt even 
indifferently affected. 

In spite of all his care, "the mallgnitle of the aZ_e7'2 eny" was such that 
It was given out after the sermon that ho was struck with nadness or a 
dre dful rickn ss or th-t he was next day committed prisoner to the Tower, 
or at least that he had offended the ;.ueen and Coijncll, The first two 
charges he en easily confute, and the Inst too, though not "'without some 
opln on of vanity and selfe priory." {Either the public mind was 

in b sftd state of confusion, or these reports were s"iread by Interested 
nartles.) Some contended that he broke the c?'nons both of i-ell^rion and 
law in revenilng a penitent's confession. To this may be replied th't this 
confession was gi'en la cudlence of three or four, th'it the '"tI's crimes 
were confessed by subscription (I.e. In writing), and that they were 


rehearsed In tb« pulolt not ad scfendalmn 'jut 'to satlsfle themvho 
deslrei resolution, and to glorifle God." 

Others objected that he spoke for s^en, be-aase, although he had 


proclaimed the victory of Cadiz with prals« of "saex nt the Cross, 

he had not received any emolument for it. But 1* is knovn that 

I used all the m anes I could to avoide tt the sermon of 1596 , 
alleagins- coth the phortaesse of the ti-se, but three ikyes full; my Iste 
beeing in that place, scarce two monsths before; my youth and unexperince 
in those state natter-; and such other deleyes, till as he Dr, Stanhope 
knoweth, it was injoyned by a eom-nendemeni BETRmptory. 243 

Be did not follow the 'arl after thr, never saw hire until about a year 
after his return from Csdiz; surely this may be credited. 

The senaon proper, the printed form of which he asserted was as 
far as possible verbetim, »ar upon !''»atthew 22.21, "jriender unto C- eear, ..." 
Ab the Pharisees hunted ■■. u>ut to t-ntrap Christ In hie t' Ik, so ever the 
proud lay their snares for the righteous. At this time the Ph-risoos 
■nought to trip up the Lord upon matter of religion and policy, but 
counsel and wisdom may not prevail a-aint the righteous, thoach their 
question s.e aeagerous: one answer tended to trenson, the other to 
blasDhemy. In his answer we arp to note the word Bender ; grudging and 
murmuring mnrs royrlty, and like t lorns under a pot turn ». at'll fire 
into ■; crackling flame, -subjects should fona their obedience from the 
soul, not frc«n the eye only. 

Snrlow descanted at some length upon the virtue of obedience. 
The nation is heppy thi>t hos o good prince, though even a tyrant is God»» 
minister and to oe obeyed for the Lord's <^ake. Those therefore .-ho *ould 
kill their lie e lord or ffill from hla "are gulltle not onely of rebellion 

tut of Irrellgion." 

And hero I mlctit encounter thnt trnyterou^ lioeller Parsons w'-o nakes 
the er'Mtne of "ngland u tennis bhl, and tosaeth tt from P-iplst to Puritan, 
and from Purl ten to Protestant,^** but... the whole sway of disposing- It, 
when It Ir V Id (aa I hope to God non*^ here shall see It volde) hee 
ascrlbeth to the Inte TCcrles power of plficlnfr It where It -hodd please 
hla, and to hlm therefore he dedicates hie booke, in my conscience I am 
persvaded, a principal, if not the oria;inall poyson of the lote "Varies 
hart. {oig. B5-^ 

Parsons also proves from Scripture the lawfulness of a subject rising 
against hin ;^rince. .^fiinst this is to^enforced the docttine thet the 
enthroning oa>'' deposing of princes is God's "prerogative royall." 
God honours princes; reverence and obedience is due to the crown, and 
supplies must be grantod for it? maintenance. If these duties hfid been 
granted to her idjesty by e,ine of l«te, the realm would not now be so 
disquieted and scandalized. 

This ouch w;8 sermon. Barlow then proceeded to the "short preftce 
personall." He begnn by observing the necessity of defendiiif his sermon. 

becnu!ie we, beln^ commanded by authority, on the ^aboth after the 
insurrection, in our r.everall cures, -45 did describe the nature and 
ugliness of the rebellion, ere become tlie servers & men pie sors, leaving 
the grot man that Is d«ad, and nos cleaving to others, en^ clo^-ing with 
them for prefer-^ients. Qlg. 07t3 

To this accusation, which suggests that the City preachers were oxnected 
to be followers of "snex, Bsrlow replied by citing the • erraon on the 
Cadiz victory which he mentioned In his published preface: 

Why should thin be imputed to rne, who ^bout foare yesres slthence. In 
thlr pl-ce, uppon lilco suddeyne warning, celebrated the elory of both the 
generols, the right honourable the Lord Adnlrall, and tho late Irrle, the 
victorle :-t Caliz: at which ti.~ie, and loni^ since, he roared In his hlis-hest 
pitch of favour with her M' Jqstle, and yet from that Any to this, though it 
weie given out th t he wold advance rne, I am not either a oenny the richer 
or a stepoe the higher form him: and in truth I nover moved hlra, neither 

ill (100) 

did it move my effectlon from him, which I continued as Intlre unto him 
a- any follower of his until his? open fail, (Slg. B8t1 

Always, he oontlnaed, he has abhorred flettery of great persons and 
popul Jlty with the multltide; at he Is a subject and n tare and ^crioture 
bind him to obedience. In this cjpr.clty he la appointed to declare *hat 
he knows, "and what is fit for you to heare." He promised to deliver 
nothing upon oiere infom tion or report* 

but '.That these eares of mine have heard from his o'^^n mouth, in thrt two 
hour«8 conferences with him ^efore hie doath, and there eyes of mine s ene 
undar hi" o ne hand, f--nd subscribed with his nftme, ' . 1 

So he began: 

Non for the late T^arle; dead he is, and his eoule, ao doubt, with the 
Bslnts in he-ven: you will ay, then, that dead men bite not,... nor 
by reason, or religion should be oitfeen. 

Solomon notes it er f. point of athelaro to peefer a living dog before a 
dead lion. But there in a difference in fnults of men: those who hurt 
only themselves, let their ffiults be buried with their bodl <;8; others 
will annoy, and so must be remembered after death. .ould to God the 
Earl*3 offence mlAt have been burted with him, 'which hluselfe confessed 
to be a leprousle infected f« re and nearo." j^lg. C2v\ Thcreapon he 
proceeded to ^-. pener jus praise of '^BSex; 

First (give him his du ) who grieves not that a mnn so noble by birth, so 
honourable in office, so gratlouf with his prince, ao witty by n- tu:e, so 
learned by conference and ^tudy, so religious in crofesBlon, eo v':li"nt 
in warre, r?o jelovid by the common.-,, so follo'sed and honoured by men of 
all sortes, should not use those great fovours of God snd his overaigne 
to gods rlory an: his c-ountrios rood? for coul' he in any mo'erfitlon 
h've CFiri d hlnself, md h-ve fteene contented with his tcTout ptete, iph t 
poofi might he hove done to this church and realm? ^'Ig. C2v] 

But he would be "the onely great rT-an," and so he has fallen, dragrlng 


others with him. t this point, 3arlo' quoted In illuBtriition riutarch 
upon Corlol9nu£?,"a gallant youne, but a discontented Komane, who mlpht 
ralilce a fit p-.ralell for the Ir.te ITarle, if you reid his life." Dig. CStJ 
He maa persuaded , he continued, of Essex's hearty repentaoco. The 
heinoasness of his crime n-"ds no emphasis: consider the -ueen's 
favours to him, with his disobedten e to her and his eihaurtins^ her 
treapury in the "raitl'^as Irish ceiapslgn. In this connection one !nr:tter 
may not be OTr«r»itted: "namely hlr strenge ^pologie of hinpelf unto 
Malster Teane of Norslch, 

sent unto him by the Lordes for his souIbp good, the next day after hia 
arraignement, who urging hLr to hcknowledre his offences, the late 'lerle 
utterly denied, 'That in anythiag he had done he ras guiltie of offending 
Almighty God.' (pig. C4V] 

So also, the night of his appi-enhension, <^t Lambeth, he aid sailingly 
to the Archbishop, "'thnt the Einceritis of [^i-'\ conscience, -md the 
goodnesse ofxjtiv/c-iuse" coTiforted him. aut how is it possible to be patient 
when one se^s '^od'a word alleged af^inet God*!? ordinance? 

Clem nt the Frier who killed Henry the third the French Jcinc, reasoned 
thus with hlrr^elfe to his bloudy m'jrther out of (iods booke, ^hud killed 
king ^glon, therefore I m>y kill Henry. Ei<-lon was aklng, :-o is lerny, 
.'7hnt t':en? "-.'glon r.ignfticth t- 'alve and Herny Ir, o C?ilvlnist. Kr^o 
I m^y kill hlra oy authoiitie of crlpture. 

To wrest Scripture thus fro:" it? true sen?'© is heresy or frenzy, aid 
tearing the bowels of the text like a viper. 

Barlow then celled to m^nd thtt ^asex had said his of ence ^aa 
tB a l-iprosy, and this shows well in ».hat hn mid to r;r. j.ov ; 

If you knew how -nany motlone hovj b ena ade to mo to do my best to rerm^oTe 
such eville as the contnon wealth ie burthened with, you would vastly 
wonier.... It :==«eme8 the contagion is S'jred. Qig. C6tJ 



Upon tills, the dean tsked him wh t autho: Ity he had to redress wronpe, 
and he nnswered that he was ■.•arl Mnrshal and needed no other wrrant. Hie 
comoHint from be?lnnln« to * nd was "some things to be reformed." For 
all thir slffncBs with the dean, he wae easy when Sarlow himself c'.-no to 
him. He aid, "I eii beoaae another ^an," an- epcribed his change to God's 
apirlt working in hio throuip'h i:r, Ashton. I.-«fore his execution 

he had conference with members of the Council and laid open the whole 
project, eonfec^sed it, and prayed psrdon of the Secretary for the unjjust 
calumniation he had cnst upon nim at the trial. He asked to die in the 
Tower, and to set down hia confession in rlting. 

The confeasion It selfo filles foure sheetes of paper, every worde in 
his owne hand, and his name at the end, *hich my sel 'e have seene, and 
will shew unto you -o much ae ie fit. 

In this is confessed that his purpose was to surprise the court with 
a potver, Blount at the gets, Davies in the hall, a third to f;eize the 
halb rds, Danr era to possess the privy chamber. R'hht a cau&e of fear to 
the CueenI Two of these commanders were 

stiffs aad open Papists, and the fourth, by report, affected thatw- y, 
whcit aneer to her person, to ral igion, to the "ealrae they rcay p-ease, 
who have reade the libells ofiieynolds, Oifforde and others of that 
church, writing slaunde oulsy of her :j8je8tle8 person, blasphemously of 
our reliclon; snd basely of our ; -alrrie and pollcie. [^ig. DiJ 

If you think. Barlow went on, that this wf.8 but "a nichts conceit," note 
that he has confessed "that it was plotting and devising not long after 
hee lays In the i.orde ^^epers house." iVe may indeed believe t'lot he 
mf^ant the ueen's person no h rm, but a.hs it in his power to have her 
Icept safe "at the time of their rage and in whot bloud?" No papist In 
the world is to be trusted if he has opportunity. 



They thought of cslllnc a Parliament, but who in England has 
authority to do that but the monarch? Bodin is witness upon this point 
of the nglish constitution. The Enrl himself hns 8;'id that 

God was to be thanked that, the device was prevented; he admitted th-it 
"he knew that the ueene could not ue in safe ie so long ac. he lived 
upon the earth." Qsig- D4] He has spoken hiinself of "his great slnne, 
his bloudy slnne, his crying slnne, his Infectious slnne." 

His offence an^ treason QwnsJ the compound of nil the fnmoua rebellions 
eyther in Gods booke, or ourn owne land,... cons^tinp of ^-bnfirs dlscontment, 
or Corahfl envie, of bsalons popularity, of ■ hebes defection, of c-.blmelechs 
faction, and bandinjr his fomilie ftnd allyes, of Hsmans pride and 
ambition: in pretence finall, all one with that of henrie Duke of Lancaster, 
against id chard the second, S'^ 6 remoovln? cert ijne ivhich ni sled the king. 
In pretence orlglnall, that of Kettos and Tylers for the king, ss they 
In your citty cryed in that insurrection for the ^ueen , for the uoene . 

This was shrewd stuff; i«rlO'. was following Cecil cp.refully. He continued 
to do so. You may say, he continued, addressing the City reprasentstivps, 
hat he loved you .veil, but the night of hia taking. In L mbeth Houne, 
he said 

that you were e very bTS3 people: that he trampled up onrf downe your city 
without any r^slstaaea; that he would undertake with four hundrsth men 
of his choice to b .ve overrunne your citie. O^lg. D6] 

Ha said further thnt to trust in the multitude Is vain, th- t your love 
was bat vanity, and that he wished to die in the Toiser lest your 
acclamation ''should hove hoven hlra up," and he desired to remain huinble 
in s^it. .^hen he wa^ asked why he purposed to relze the Tciter, he raid 
that It should hove been a bridle, to your citie." 

After thl. stroke, Qarlow sunwsed up, desiring hlf= auditory to 
"conferre these points top-ther": (upon which au Juration he sunraed up his 

ill (104) 

Indictment of the S rl's proceedinf:s In thirteen points). He then 
read sppropriata p^.&sa es from the "true copy" of the Sorl's confession 
at the tinie of his ^xeeutlonp and closed. 

On« must conclude th.-3t, although the -ermon throws much light 

upon such 4ifflcult questions as the popular sentiment to 9rd -KSex uni 

the state of his mind an- sTfections, it yet le'.ve? the heart of his 
mystery pretty well untouched* 

10, "Their careful endeaTOur," 

Dlvexse Indeed are these utterances from the most Inportrsnt 
Sllzebethsn pulpit, yet there i* e llkenes in them all. It Is not 
only that the preachers' theology is Calvin's — that Is to be taken 
for granted, snd Ister In this surrey some attempt will be msde to 
es e^s the importance of the feet. There Is In these sermons s singular 
oreoccupatlon with that In our time la li^jbelled security , Trlth the theme 
of unity and the power and happ^nes.-- which ^ittends unity nn>J ju'tlfies 
It. In no other collection of Cll7,abethan documentr doe.*; this thene 
emerge with more polgnnncy than intk^se sermons, England wsa made by 
such ferrld exhortations bc well es by profitable speculation at 
.^twerp and daring upon the high Feas. It was Elizabeth's great 
virtue ss queen thnt she pp.rcelved ind fostered this revolution In t e 
Snglieh spirit, and built upon It a legend at onea romantic and 
commonplace ithlch has endured to this day. 

ihe clergy who »»*re rumi'ioned to Paul's Gross, fresh fron the 
co.">mon room^s, from convocation, from the mixed buslnesr of the dloceaas. 



were Impelled to these affljrmetlons as much by the motive of self- 
preservitlon ^.b by the mora lofty Impulses proper to their theoreti- 
cally indispen^^able position. They felt engaged to maintain e tradi- 
tion older than most of them nould formally ncknowledge, the tradition 
of the namlns voice, h';llo'.fed by generations o)^ IJominlcfins, nnd hallowed 
for them by the gsieration of the Heformerr, upon whom that danreroas montle 
*11. They were all sont- of Latimer, and Latimer wBb the on of Bromyard, 
iVhat was Latimer, after all, but the preching friar nith o n -* theology 
but an old ihetorlc? How should such men at Stockwood and Hill perceive th^^t 
th«y were to be eupplemnnted in a century by the poll tic 1 ec noralsts, 
that their divine certitudes were to be replaced by stetlstlcs, and their 
apocalypse by propheci s of progress? To the extent thrt they saw from 
ofar the dawning of this new day they were the more tireless In r>xtolllng 
the sensitive fabric of the Tudor alon^^chy, In Inrl sting upon their ri^ht 
to attsck all who would separate entirely the ideal from the r;Bl. 

Yet in spite of whnt little s-'n'^e of aefstlny they h-id they rere 
forever being distracted by cripes. They Svelt In the midst of sltustiona 
the full import of which they coalo but fe«oly understand, i'he foreboding 
^iflfeffl of a Hoolcer was not for them. How could Bancroft or JeiiJ^s see 
that the Morprelate tracts were the fore runners of the intempernte pamphlets 
which accompanied the meetingr. of the Long Parliament, or Hill thnt what 
he called "atheism" was the effluence of r secularism destinec to produce 
eithr a theory of government by "natural lew," or an o^'errossterlng 
empiricism? iJid i>arlow sea in the icnominious tllure of ?;ssex the last 
emergence of that feudal Inaoucisnce over the f«ce of which the Tudor 
monarchy had been created, and hlch -nsa to trouble the -taKrta not atlall? 
Be belaboured nn amchronism, t/ut it v. as very present to him. To the 



preacher In th« rhado* of Paul's these lessons were hidden, a was 
proper. Praechere, like sple.*? and lawyers, ere Instruments of destiny. 
This much may be said, that the Sliznbethsn Paul's Cross preacher was 
still nbreast of history. If not enough in advance of it to meire it an 
effective i7e8pon In his armory; me shall see how under the Stuarts he 
becarte a peilod piece, and a contributor rather to a herlt?j>-e then to 
£ program. He stood still, and the sw-ep of events w shed over him, and 
left him, dwelling in a dry place, his power surreridered to the cabal and 
the coffee house, and hi:-; eloquence out of fasbion* 



IFrESLUDE: JMESS I, 1603-1620 

ThiB little Goshen of ours. 

Francis vihite, londoa^; .farain^?;. by 
Jerusalem, sig. iA, 

Fow he that planteth and he that watereth are one: and 

every iran, shRll receive his own reward according to his 

own labour. 

J?or we are labourers together with God; ye are God*s 

husbandr:/, ye are God's building. 

According to the grace of God which is piven unto ffie, 

as a Klse saterbuilder, I have laid the foundation, and 

another buildeth thereon. But let every nian take he«d 

how ho Ifulldeth thereupon. 

For other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, 

which is Jesus Christ. 

Kow if any man build upon this foundaiion gold, silver, 

precious c bones, wood, hay, stubble: 

Every irian*s work shall be made manifest: for the day shall 

declare it, because it shall be revealed by fire, 

I Corinthians, 3. 0-13. 



The circumstances of James I's accession set the tone for most 
of the sermons at Paul's Gross during the first seventeen years of his 
reign. It had been generally supposed, says Bacon, that when the nueen 

there must follow in Ensland nothing but confusions, interreip.ns, and 
perturbations of estate; likely far to exceed the ancient calamities of 
the civil wars between the Houses of Lancaster aad York, by hou Bouch ciore 
the dissensions were like to be usore irjortal and bloody when foreipn com- 
petition should be added to domestical, and divisions for religion to 
matter of title to the crown. 

But James succeeded q^uietly, and 

it rejoiced all men to see so fair a morning of a Kingdom, and to be 
thoroughly secured of former appirehensions; as a man that awaketh out of 
a fearful dream, 1 

There was nothing surprising in this peaceful march of affaii^. The 
Tudors left to James a furnished house, with most things handsome about 
it. A social and ecclesiastical revolution had been effected with c:reat 
effort but remarkably little Internecine strife; the realm mts secure, 
really secure, against foreign Intervention in its internal affairs. 
Upon this capital the first Stuart drew lavishly, but it was sufficient 
to last him for some time. This happy state of affairs, disturb€>d by only 
one episode of terror (and that odngled vTith thankfulness), is reflected 
in the sermons at the Cross, the more because James's mistakes (or the 
more serious of them) were made in his Parliaments and in his relations 
with the law courts. It was there that the issues were brought forward 
which were to split the i>ealm; it was there that £liot and Coke laid down 
the principles of a revolution in the Jinrlish constitution. The pulpits, 
nourished studiously though inconstantly by a pedantic connoisseur of 



clerical eloquence, reflect rather the atabilitr and self-grati^tion 
of the tii&es, thoush in the background one inay see the lines of the 
coming struggle being laid down. In the background, because the con- 
serratisEi of the preachers (or niost of them), their insistence upon the 
traditional forms of argument aiKi the traditional foci of belief which 
they inherited from the Reformation and the Elizabethan compromise, makes 
them into commentators rather than actors, belatedly recognizing forces 
already effective, not fighting against the;a in the battle line like 
Jewel or Bancroi't. 

1, "An Hyperbolicall, yea an hyperdiabolicall divelishness," 

Janes •s tolerant attitude toviard English Oatholicisra at the 
beginnine; of his reign is clearly suiraned up in part of his address to 
his first Farliainenfc on 19 l^reh 1604: 

And now for the Papists, I must put a difference betwixt mine own private 
profession of mine own salvation and ay politic government of the realm 
for the weal and quietness thereof. As for ndne own profession, you have 
lae your head now a.-nongst your of tho same religion as the body is of.,.. 
And I was never violent nor unreasonable in my profession: I acknowledge 
the Roman Church to be our Lother Church, althoufrh defiled with scaiie 
inl'inaitles and corruptions,,,. Bat as I would be loather to dispense 
in the least point of mine own conscience for any worldly respect than 
the foolishest precisian ol them all, so wojld I be as sorry to strait 
the politic government of the bodies and oinds of all luy subjects to :?iy 
private opinions. Kay, my luind was ever so free frrai persecution, or 
thrallinr of :.iy subjects in iratters of conscience, as I hoi>e that those 
of that profession within this kingdom have a jroof since ny condng, that 
I was so far from increasing their burdens witV^ Rehoboaci as I have so 
much as either time, occasion, or law could permit, lightened them, <d 

Cleared of his characterintic verbiace, this means that he was prej^red 
to use his dispensing power to make lenient the execution of the penal 
laws against recusants. Unfortunately the Catholics were their own 



noTQt eneiiies, ani the effort at toleration was short-lived. The "Bye 
Plot" and the "Kain Plot"^ hardened James's heart, as well they might, 
and in February 1605 Jameo announced a change of policy to the Council, 
asserting; that he \ma so far from favouria'- the religion and practice 
of the Papists that "if he thoufi;ht his son and heir after hin would ?',ive 
any toleration thereunto, he would wish hiir. fairly buried before his eyes,"^ 
The penal laws were accordingly enforced with some severity, and this 
severity contributed to the formation of the Gunpowder riot. 

The Hot is part of our folklore, and the jireachers helped to 
jsake it so. The first of these, preaching upon the Sunday after the plot 
was discovered, was J.llliara Barlorv, again appointed to instruct the auditory 

at the Gross in a time of crisis, but on this occasion with a somewhat 

easier task. His serrson vras published early in the next year, with a 

preface contributed by "the Preachers friend," in ?&ich some apoloi^ is 
made for any faults in the exegesis. If Barlo.v 7»as nervous in 1601 be- 
cause of the mixed opinions of the auditory, he vras upset in 1605 because 
he had had, like many others, a bad scare: 

Ho-a gratefull, or distastefull it was to the Audi tori e, the present 
Hearers can best report: but Tjfcether to the censorious reader... it wil 
be either currant or refuse is a que."tion, which none but he, v7hich 
bringes the assay and scales can assoile, and yet if he will withal, 
remember the shortnes of the time for the gratulation, the dreadfulnes 
of the danf^er, the fresh escare whereof could not but leave an impression 
of horror in the Preachers iriinde (able to have confounded his Kemorie,) 
who should have bin one of the hoisted number, the late receivlnf^ of the 
Instructions which in that short space could not be cany: he All per- 
hapi'GS not bee so ripide in his Censure. [Sip. A3y] 

Barlow constructed his serraon with the aid of the King's speech to the 
larliament, the lord Chancellor's speech, and "divers circumstances 



conceived and imparted to him over oight, by the iSarle of Salisbury." 

His senaon proper, upon Psalm 13,50, was nothing at all. He 
hurried to the application: the dangers which Javid escaped by God's 

were great indeed, but compared to this of our gracious Iling,.. is but 
as a niniuiii to a large, whether we consider therein, eyther the Plot it 
selfe, or the Concooitance with it, or the Consequences of it. 

In the plot, we are first to note "a cruell iliecution, an inhumane 
crueltie, a brutish imnianltie, a develish brutishnesse, & an Hyperbolicall, 
yea an hyperdiabolicall divelishness. " There was cruelty in the effusion 
of blood, cursed both of Ood and man; iinmane cruelty in the multitude 
of the slain ~ by the reiort of the military the provision of explosive 
was so larpe that the v;hole of .Vestiainoter should have gone up. There 
was "divelish feritie," in the cu^powder which the devil invented as a 
copy of the fiery raassacr© from the infernal pit. The plot was inore 
than devilish, since by taking away so naay unprepared with all their 
sins upon then, the plotters aimed at the death of the soul as well as 
the body, flie devil would draw to him only the third part of the stars 
of hoaven, but the authors of the plot would draw to then stars, sun 
and raoon and all. 

Lastly, oarke in this Plot, a prodition without a Batch, {and yet it 
GhO'ilde have beene effected with a match) but I nieane a treason with- 
out Paralell; a slaughter beyond© comparison, (pic. 04] 

The nearest analogy he can find to it in the records of the past is that 
of the sohoolxnaster of the i?&lerians, whon Camillus besieged; as for 
slaughter, there was lliaraoh's slaughter of the males of Israel and 



the roassacre of the innocents, the fury of Achilles, but all these were 
kioga and tyrants. 

At this point he read the confession of those taken/ in the dis- 
covery or u-c treason, "so much as concerned the Hot." 

He hurried to the "Con-cosiiitance of it." Usually a state is 
changed gradually, but in this design, 

with one blast at one bio-., in one twinklin^r of an eye, ^oald have been 
crushed top.ether, the GSovernnent , the Councell, the wiseSom, the Religion, 
the Leaminc;, the strength, and Justice, of the iidiole land. 

What should have been our condition, with all of our lights at once ex- 
tinguished? Loss of the king, the joints of the «iiole state loosened 
without counsel, nc priests, magistrates — what rapes and rapines had 

The hedge lying open for the vdld boare of the forest to enter, a Forrener 
to invade,*^ or the slie ?oxe of the wood to clime, a domesticall usurper 
to intrude, this had bin the CJiiamerian darknesse of our nrtion, when 
these lightes had bin extinguished, (sig. OSJ 

In this one deliverance there were many: even if the king alone had 
escaped there v»ould have been many, for the lives of the \diole nation 
are contained in the king's person." 

But this was not all, for vjithall was delivered both his fruitfull vine, 
and his Olive branches, as David calleth then,.., his iueene, and Children, 
the Crowne of his Table, the Diademe of his Crowne; the glory of his 
Diademe, the hope of hifi glory, the assurance of his hope, and the 
pledges of Ms assurance. 

The King's vrtiole life has been a succession of deliverances: 



It seemeth by his Majesties speech yesterday; that his case and race 
hath bin the same with the Irophet, beia^ preserved in utero, ««« Ab_utero,,, 
Ex utero. ... i'OT no sooner was he conceived in the v/ombe, but presentlie 
he was hazarded, no sonaer delivered from the woiabe, but inviix)ned with 
danger, and what perils he hath passed ever since he was borne, need not 
to be related, they are so rnanifest: dismissed from those parts with a 
dreadfall farewell of a desperate Preacherie, and entertained aisKin-p: 
us vrith a Conspiracie unnatural &. as dangerous: there crowned with 
Thoraes, before hee coulde get on the Crowne of Golde. jsig, D4vJ 

Barlow f^ave most of toe credit for the discovery of the Plot to 
the King's perspicuity. He read the letter to itonteagle idiich revealed 
the design to the King's sensitive apprehension, making him suspicious 
of "some fiery engine, perhaps remembering his Fathers case, who was 
blowne up with powder." /vfter a lone and florid eulory of James, 
and exhortation to thanksgiving, the aermon ended. 

2. "Cur seducior; and seduced laplats, " 

Our Parliament which had bo narrowly escaped being "hoisted" 
proceeded to pass severe penal lepiislation against recusants and Jesuit 
missionaries,-'-^ On 2 Kovanber 1606, the neai-est Sunday to the anniversary 
of the Jlot, a stern exhortation was delivered from the Paul's Cross pulpit 
to nagistrates to seek out the papists and i]n;ose upon them the full 
rlGOurs of the law. The preacher was Richard Stock, a Cambridge man and 
pupil of i*hi taker, who had two years before been appointed curate of 
Allhallows, Bread Street, (He succeeded to the rectorship in 1611, and 

it was under him that the youthful Milton sat, )^^ In his dedicatory 

epistle to the sermon of 1606, addressed to the Bishop of Bath and 

A'ella, he denounced Popiah idolatry, and apolop;ized for ooramendiog the 

punlshmoat of papists tc those in authority, alleginf; as excuse for his 

boldness the purest necessity of justice instead of mercy. Treatia'^ of 

Isaiah 9. 14-16, he exj;atiated upon the terror of Ood'a Judgments: we are 



full of the sins of Sodoia; vie contemn the ;Vbrd. This is instruction for 
Christian oasistrates to deal properly with laalicious malefactors, es- 
pecially "our seducing and seduced papists." This day revives the 
memory o^' the terrible plot; the lesson is that more severity ou^ht to be 
used toward them. Parliament has confirmed inore severe laws, but some 
executors of them are possessed of a lethargy, "being laid asleep like 
Sisera with the milke of that harlot," Love of yourselves as well as 
the peace of the state demand action; it was the leniency of the last 
six years of illizabeth and the first three years of James that caused 
the hatching of the Hot. L'ven noi» the papists may be plotting a 
revenp:e for the harsher la'ws. Cruelty is not to be condoned, but the sword 
of justice must nov: be drawn. 

If Courtiers for money will procure pardon for such as have offended 
(abusing the lenitie of his Kajestie) or else some dispensation for the 
tiiiie to cofue; to suspend the lawes af^alnst soiof great ones; If Judges 
favour them in their trialls, and Justices in their committments, one set 
at libertie, \yhom another hath conatiitted: If Sheriffs, and other oiTicers, 
bee remisse in their searching for them, and informing against them: If 
uhen inforireitlon is given, ani the Jury hath found tlie inditement, Clarices 
and Officers both know how to doe it, and doe jractice to smother of 20, 
or 30. cr r.iore of the princlpallest, and most daun2:erous; If I say they may 
finde this favour, and rerdssion of the lawea by these meanes: ho.v bolde 
will they grow, and how will they insult, that though the face of the lawe 
be against them yet the edge Is turned from there, ^ig. B33 

The sturdy Irotestant could feel fears w4iich had never risen during 
the reign of Elizabeth, when the whole controversy with Home stood in the 
clear terms of war and peace. V<hat n.en like Stock really feared was "the 
lenitie of hii. Liajestie," There was cause to fear it, James, re- 
markable moderation and reasonableness, unfortunately seasoned with in- 
stability in action and obscurity of purpose, wished to separate the sheep 
from the goats, and for this policy t 1' it could be called a policy and 

2 5-^ 


not a dreaiii, some leniency was necessary. After he had recovered frcaa 
his l^anic over the I'lot, he was disposed to relax the severity of the 
administration of the penal laws, and to present the probleraa arising 
fron the Oath of Allegiance in such terns as r-,i?*ht make gaod Catholics 
into good subjects, fixe oath, he contended, 'jaa aesigned 

onely for inakinp of a trev? distinction betweene papists of quiet dis- 
position, and in all other tldn^^s good subjects, and such other papists 
as in their hearts niaintained the like violent bloody maxiaies, that the 
powder- trai tours did. 15 

Jaoes was a good theorist but the worst of adr.d.nistrators, and what 
he really failed to perceive was that all depended on the practice of 
his officers in reiuovine the recusants from the horns of their dilerwia. 
The whole effort could easily be nullified by unintelligent or corrupt 
tendering of the oath or implementation of the laws. Yet he was right, 
and had learned more from the Hot than aiany of bis subjects. In his 
speecV- to parliament in lolO, he pointed out that it is a sure rule of 
divinity that 

God never loves to plant Ilis Church by violence and bloodshed; nnturall 
reason may .,. persuade us, and dayly experience rroves it trew, thnt 
when men are severely persecuted for relif^ion, the gallantnesse of many 
aens spirtts, and the vrf.lfulnes of their humoars, rather than the justnes 
of the cause, make then, to take a pride boldly to endure many torments, 
or death it selfe, to gaine thereby the reputation of martyrdome, though 
but in a false shadov/. 16 

All this was not so clear to his rarlianents or to the preachers. 
Stock's adjuration is repeated almost in the sane words in the Petition 
concerning Religion presented to the Kinc from the Oocimons in July 16IO: 

Whereas good and provident lavs have been made... against Jesuits, 
seminary priests, and Topish recusants: 



An<i although your Majesty by your eodly, learned and judicious 
writings have declared your Christian and pilncoly zeal in the defence 
of the religion established...: 

Yet for tliat the laws are not executed against the priests, who 
are the corrupters of the people in religion and loyalty, and many 
recusants have already comjounded, and... mere and more... will compound 
with thope that beg their penalties (the iuformersi, which rraketh the 
lav/s altogether fruitless or of little or none effect, and the offenders 
to becone bold, obdurnte, and uaconfortable: 

Your I/ajesty therefore vjould be pleased... to suffer your Hii^haess's 
natural cleuency to retire itself an.' give place to justice,.,, Anl that 
your I'jijosty would be pleased like7riLse to take into your ov.-n hands the 
p-enalties due for recusancy, and tlmt the same be not converted to the 
private ,^ain of some, 17 

The preachers echoed the same fear and the same reproach, Thomas Adams, 
preaching at the Cross in 1612, coupled the Hot with the massacre of 
St. Bartholomew, affirmed that papists could only take their orders from 
the Itjpe and him a usuri)er and tyrant, and declared that papistry can 
never be made into Christianity, No truce is possible,-*-" Thomas Sutton 
adjured the judges and other officers, in his sermon of 1615, to rise to 
their duty of protecting the week against the malicious, hence to punish 

recusants and Jesuits, and to prosecute their offices against the papists 

without fear or favour. 

Considering^, then, this difference in principle between Tames 
and those in the Church of the solid centre and the left, it is not sur- 
prising that although formal attack upon Itomish theology is certainly not 
abandoned in these sermons there is a higher incidence than in the reign 
of iL'lizabeth of complaints of an imrvediate and practical character, com- 
plaints about tlie every-day machinations of the eneir^y. These warninfrs 
have a tone of urgency about them which was perhaps justified by the 
steadily grouring uncertainty amonr> the rank and file of the clergy about 
the real riositlon of the crown and its servants in the upper hierarchy 



oi" state and church. One or the less in; ortaat of these warnings came 
from John Hosklns, who determined tliat It isas impossible to trust a Papist 

because of the doctrine of equivocation, There is no safe society ivith 

a Papist, Observe that he oade no diatinctlon between the persecuted 

recusant and the captured seminary priest, who was authorized to proceed 

by this means, ^/illiani .forship brieicly flouted the Jesuits and their 

converts in 1616: 

Are these the men so renowned for Artes, Tongues, Resiling? Are these 
the Kil-Cowes of the -Vorld, for learninR;? Aie these the beet Sohollers 
of their oeven-healed Parnassus? Coioe, come, the Jesuits, the iopes 
Roaring Boyes, know well enou^^h we have pot the start of them, and there- 
fore they cake now no iiyllogismee, but in FiilUC. Yet some of our 'Gentlemen, 
tbat have made a stepi/e beyond the Alpes, looke as bigge as 8ull-beefe, 
if we offer to compare with them: and tell us with a shruggie, that raey, have 
Scripture, Gouncels, and the i''athers on their side. 21 

In fact there is less to be feared front the ar«:unients than from the daggers 
of the eneay. Such are the rebellious exiled in^lishmen against whom 
itobert dibthorpe T.vsrned his audience in 1618, Fney may be found, he 
said, creeping into houses "and leading Captive simple vraiaen laden vjith 
sinnes. " They mark out ministers for martyrs and magistrates for inassacre; 
they are not son« of the realm but slaughtermen. 

lie that returnes vdthout license, into the confines of that Kln/^dome, 
from whence the la^es have baniaht hliu, ir he be ajj^rehended and adjudged 
to execution, hee dyes not as in case of Rellg^ion, but for the cause of 
nebellion; not as a i^rtyr, but as a malefactor, not as a Christian, but 
as a comi£)nweales di;;turber. 22 

But, as the King had observed, such a death vrould not seem like that to 
the Catholics. 

AMle behind the scenes, fostered by disgruntled gentlemen of 



the Cojiuions and by rigorous preachers, a daage-oua unease G2*e<» aaong 
the people conceraing the secret danger from Hoiaa, the formal con- 
troiroray with the chaiapions of Homan orthodoxy contiaaed vdth renewed 
vigour, made the ::»re significant by the champions raised on both aides, 
Dollar;.iine and Andrewes, The audiences at the ^ross still £*ot their 
share of these broadsides for their better edification. On 14 February 
1508 they listened to the first draft of a treatise by Uilliam Crashaw, 
prominent axuong the Irotestant controversialists, ironically remembered 
as the father of one of the chief of English Catholic poets. iJir Kenelra 
Digby, v.Trtting to the 3"ope on behalf of Hichard Crashaw, termed hin "the 
learned son of a fanous heretic. "^ The elder Crashaw collected a hug© 
library of Catholic v/rlters, whose \TOrks he combed for citations to use 
in his own polemics, and it has been suggested that the poet read them 
for a different sort of edification. *e do not have the sermon of 1608 
in anything like its original form, since it «as enlarged and "justified" 
before publication tc ansTier a "pernicious boo^" published in French by 
H.C. , and exists for the Bxist of it in the lor; of a treatise, exploring 
"the X* iltounds found to be in the body of the present KoMsh religion, 
in doctrine and in manners: "roved in this Serr^oa not to bee yet healed," 
i.e., not removed by the Council of Trent. .; toe "wounds" are of interest 
since they illustrate the points upon which what Frere calls the "lower 
level" of controversy was canried on, the level Judged appropriate 
to be aired in a popular pulpit. Soob of these points of dispute — or 
simple slander ~ are meretricious and vulgar, therefore all the more 
powerful to stir populf^r prejudice, Crashaw lists the "wounds" con- 
veniently; they thunder in the index; 



1. The Pope is a God, & the Lord Gfod, aad such a head of the 
Church, as, infiiseth spiritual life &. heavenly crace iato the body 
of the Church.... 

2. Ihe Tope hath done more then God: for he delivered a soule 
oat of hell, 

6, God hath divided his kingdome with the Virgine Marie, keeping 
Justice to hiffiselfe, but oofliadttinr and giving up his mercie to her; so 
that a iitan iray appeals from hixn to her. 

4, The iopes decrees bee equall to the Canonicall scripture. 

5, Phe Christian Religion is founded rather from the lopes 
mouth, then from Gods in the Scripture, 

5, rhe holy Scriptures are therefore of credit, and to be 
believed, because they are allowed and autorized by the lope: and 
being by hia authorized, they are then of as f^iood authority, as if the 
Tope hiRselfe had made them. 

7. ImatTes are good books for lay niea, and better &. easier then 
the Scriptures. 

8, An Image of God or a Grucifixe, or a Crosse are to be wor- 
shipped with the saiTie worship as God and Christ, with la trie that is 
divine worship.,., and that vse may speake and pray to the Crosse it 
selfe, as we do to Christ. 

9. frier Francis vias like to Christ in all things, and had 
5. wounds as Christ, thst did bleede on p;ood-i''ridaie; yea, he did 
more then Christ ever did, 

10, 'Che Pope nay and doth grant Indulgences, for a hundred 
tliousand yeares, and give men a power to redeer, soules out of Jur- 

11, The rope inay annexe Indulgences for nany thousands of yeares, 
to such beades, crucifixes, peictures and other like toies, th'^t 

are hallowed by bis hands.... The popish Churc}; baptizeth bells, 

12, rht Pope denieth the Cup in the oacaament to the Laitie, 
tho Christ ordained the contrarie. 

13, i'he popish Church alloweth many sorts of sanctuaries for 
wilfull murder. 

14, Rosiish religion x>ublickly tolerates, and permits Stewes, 
and takes rent for them, 27 

15, By the lopes lawe, he that hath nol> a wife luay have a 

16, Some xoen had better lie with another inanswife, or keep a 
whore, then marry a wife of his owne. 

17, Iriests in popery ijoaj not jnarry, but are permitted to keep 
their whores, under a yeerely rent. 

18, ouch priests as be continent, and have no whores, yet must 
pay a yeerely rent, as they that have, because they iray have if they 

19, Their Liturgie is ful of blasphemie, their Legend ful of lies, 
their Ceremonies of suierstitioa. 

CO, A generall corruption of all estates. 

There are only nineteen "wounds" since the last numbered is a vigorous 
attack upon sacrilege and plays. It is not unimportant that this is 



deliberately included with the others. 

A Tery different preacher resumed the controversy in Kay of the 
same year. It is time that Joseph Hall, "the iinglish Seneca," revlevred 
the sins and shortcomings of Catholic theolo^'y and practice, but he 
sought to apply them to the '/rorldliness and carelessness of Englishmen, 

to make the^a an occasion for correction (as befitted one by temperaisent 

a moralist) rather than for virulent and selfrirhteous invective. 

He preached upon Roman "Pharisaism" and contrasted it with the pure 

faith, ho"/fever tisat pure faith is corrupt in the practice of the 

worldly, first he set down the justifying arpujient that the Jrotestant 

is the true faith: the rapists say that one is Calvin's, another Luther's, 

but we disclaim and deny these titles; we are one in truth. "It is the 

lace and frin^^e of Christ's garment that is ciuestioned among us; the 

cloth is sound. " 

The Romish Pharisees have £-one before us in their devotion, their 
holy carriaf:e, their strict observance of their law, in diligent teaching, 
in proselytizin/?. He must learn to go before them in our diligent reading 
of our law, the Bible; we must emulate their strictness and cease to 
associate with "Romish Samaritans," 

Our young students, the ho) e of posterity, newly crept out of the shell 
of philos^)hy, spend their first hours in the great doctors of popish 
controversies J Bellarmine is next to Aristotle; yea, our very ungrounded 
artisans, young gentlemen, frail women, buy, read, traverse prordscuously 
the dangerous writings of our subtlest Jesuits. ^. 1]J 

But their alms is a lesson to our extortion, and their hypocrisy and 
vforldliness a model for ours; their "strange crlosses and ceremonious 



observances" are absurd, but we too are guilty of their covetousness 
and ambition. 

IMs is the finest kind of pulpit controver^iy, since it combines 
the statement of the position v»ith the true purpose of preaching, vihlch 
is to brinp the hearers to a consciousness of their sins. It was not 
coiw*on« Doubtless the auditors enjoyed Crashaw niore. Hall was accustomed 
to hold the mirror up to nature; others were prepared to have no such 
traffic with human failings when the subject was the evils of Rome, rhe 
preachers who v/ere to fonii the core of oi^position to Laud sharpened their 
Invective upon what they regarded as the papist comfrojrdse with human 
nature, with the Inconstant faculties which do not aid in the true service 
of God, Such a preacher was John Hoskins, who in his KehearsalserEon 
of 1614 cleverly made the occasion itself — the rehearsal sermor ~ 
a point of Turitan" theology and a point of attack u]:on Rome, The nat'ore 
of a preacher's errand, he said, is "no late device starting up upon 
occasion in the phantasie, but en ancient record long since enrolled in 
the meBBrie." After the Ck)spel, there is no need of further inquisition: 
all serr-'ons are rehearsal serrions. Only tone faculty, then, "the memorative' 
faculty, is engaged in the forraation of the Christian's fiaith; his belief 
and acceptance is a mental act; no comprcHnise is to be made with his 
"humourous appetites." In other words, the repetition of the fact 
of grace is designed to elirtinate fros: the consciousness of the hearer 
the "gree and unseasoned" conceits of his human nature. Could there be 
any more clear and apt statement of Furitan theory than this? Upon this 
basis Hoskins is equipped to attack the truckling of the papists ;vith 
what he calls "imnjciinatlon": the papists well know how men are transported 



by phaatasibs iMhich arise froin their baae nature: 

rherefore have they devised a penance in app-arell, a devotion uj;on the 
ringers ends to please iuiaginatioa, a i^nsubatantiation like a Leta- 
inorphosis, to please imaf^ination; lives ot Daints, like tales of the 
^ueene or the dairies, to please iffiaginstion; ordera of I-'riars of all 
colours, like the dreame of a lainters apron, to please imaglnetion; 
Liaises, jilevatioaa, irocessions, like Lleasures, iiuDiioeries, ilnterludes, 
and all to please imaginiition. |lp. ;52>3] 

jSie reader will observe in such arguaents as this the clue to the 
popular association of Laud's reforms with papitjtry, and the possibility 
of a natural shift in the focus of attack from liosae to Canterbury. 

,5, "The troublssoae spirits of some persons who never receive 
contentment, " 

But those issues were as yet but imperfectly seen. There were 

more inusediate disturbances within the church, uneasy stirrings as of 

a giant yet in his swaddling clouts, voices lifted in cries of protest 

at once silenced, steru censure froja the pulpit of those -/ixo would read 

the seaialess garment upon a presumption of their unspotted consciences. 

The Puritan party, infinitely complex and diverse in its composition, 

animated by a single theology but by a thousand motives of legal injury 

and economic inhibition, was gathering; strength for the day of wroth 

as yet far off. 

The clergy were not concerned r.ueh with separatists or atheists, 
except as "atiieist" meant libertine or carnal professor. '^?e be not 

much molested now" \rlth separatists, said Georf^e Benson in his Taul's 

Cross seriiion in 1609, and this is borne out by the paucity of references 

during the period. As for atheists, Samuel Gardiner repeated in 1605 the 

usual warning so common in the late Elizabethan sermons, that theire are too 



iiiauy oi' them in the city, that they sho.ild be lisrked like lepers, 
aad X'hoEias Adanis, detertJ-ned as always to include all sorts of vices 
vdthin the limits oi' his castigation, describe i their unbelief in 
general terjiis: 

Atheists: such as have voluntarily, violently, extinguished to them- 
selves the sunliejit of the litoripture, moonlirht of the creatui*e, nay, 
the si«rks and cinders of nature, '^'^ that the )uore securely, as unseen 
and uncMdden of their own hearts, ;.hey jaiftht prodigally Adt the works 
of darkness: not Athenian-like, dedicating an altar to an unknown pod, 
but annihilating to themselves, and vilipending to others, altar, re- 
ligion, Goii, and suffocating the breath of all jwtions, arguments, 
iiianifest convictions that heaven and earth produced. 34 

tlhen one comes to review the allusions to luritanism at the 
Cross during this period, it is necessary to make careful distinction 
between the minority who desired the abolition of episcopal government 
and the large number — perhaps a xaajority — of the English clergy who 
desired further reforination according to the warrant of Scripture, At 
the accession of James the Puritan group in the Ghurch was still moderate, 
still devoted to the coimnunion of the Church of England, A man like 
Ilosklns, in whose thought one sees the luritan assumptions very clearly, 
died quietly in his cure of Ledb'Jiry, suffering neither e^ibarrassraent 
nor deprivation. The ICing made hi.'; mistake in publicly humiliating and 
alienating the conforming Puritans at Sampton Court, in allowing his very 
understandable prejudices «ad hiu cloudy notions of absolutism to blind 
ilia to the possibilities of compromise, and by showing so little discretion 
in what he permitted his bishops to exorcise of the royal prerogative 
in matters ecclesiastical. 

If these distinctions are remembered, it irlll be perceived that 
the attacks upon Puritanism from the Cross In the reign of James are 



directed chiefly, if not, solely, against the railitaut i^erfcy of jotential 
nonconformists, and that the defence of luritanism from the same pulpit 
is for the most part the nioderate protest of scrupulous men who had no 
intention of quittin^r their cures and prefen::ents but were vdlling to 
break a lance in favour of either some institution of the "discipline" 
or wore likely some (Effective protest against the oppression of the hier- 
archy. They were anxious to preserve the jure Gospel against any sort of 

In the sermons of those jAio issued isamings asainst the precisians 
the expected arguments appear. Barlow, in his excited observations upon 
tlie Plot, jointed out that the "fiery spirites" Knox and Buchanan, supported 
by soiae iinglishmea, were not averse to the shedding of the blood of the 
lord's anointed,*^" but this ivas not re.pptod; it i»ras a spark from the anvil 
of his anzious wratl'. L'xjre usual was the vjarninf- af;ainst the Puritan 
"lecturers" delivered by Benson in iSOS, Thty are never well, he de- 

but vdien they have their scicklos in an other mans harvest, as though 
they would rob all the I.'inisters about theiii of their crowne of rejoicing 

like Ivie winding about the oke, that it iuay stand it selfe, but yet 
sucking the juice out of the oke they flatter so, they winds theEselves 
into favour v/ith great ones, thereby standing themselves in credit. 37 

lie aims at no particular roan, and he is not opposed to friendly inter- 
change amons ministers, only to those idio for advantage sake keep this 
unsettled course: 

these oyly mouthed Absolons apeak plausible thin^Sf to brin^ the people 
out of love with their true Father,,,, their .3avid. 



The metaphor ic telling, but Benson's chief coinplaint is as old as the 
conflaint of the parish priests against the friars: the regular pastors 
are disgraced while people listen to these wandering souls: 

The people come to heare their own Itirson or Vicar, as K. Bliney sayd 
the people came to heare him, like ^^alchus, having their right earcs 
cut off: they bring their left only, sinisterly interpreting whatsoever 
they hearo. So the nurses of Schisme do invade the possessions of 
many painefull labourers. Qjig. C4vj 

They are so careful to avoid evil company that they look disdainfully 
on all men: 

They are so teasty that they quarr«ll with the orders of the 
Church, reputing" them as olde haire which superstition hath shaken 
off. • . "- 

Tliej' are near friends to the Church but are impatient at careiaonles. 
But there was never a successful army without order; let us not be so 
conceited of our own holiness that we breatc the bonds of unity. 

The same theme finds expi^ssion in Robert 3ibthorpe's sermon nine 
years later. Obedience is necessary in church as in commonwealth: how then 
can the disobedient children in the church plead exception? "Their pre- 
tended pure tender conscience is impurely polluted, and their faith worse 
then infidelity, "^ He who is disobedient to his spiritual father 

vfill not sticke to spot himselfe with any impietie, yea Atheisme it 
selfe, upon occasion, wlxilest he dares to derof^ate from his dignity, v^;tome 
Christ hath substituted to supply Ms owne seate in this earthly Con- 
sistory, [cig. CZ^ 

Sibthrope was far on the right, in the alif^mnent of parties which was 
proceeding behind the scenes. Soger Ley, fresh from Jesus College and 
jnaking his mark at the Cross, was less extreme though just as decisive. 



"Out Novel ista... have contended to breake the bond of Ecclesiastical 
Jurisdiction." But "if our rainistry be yet subject unto sinne, and 
specially to fall by erroneous doctrine, there nust be rulers to 
supprcisse snd censure it, '^ In this life we are in cur nonage, not yet 
advanced to the heritage of heaven: as long as we live here we need 
guidance, and each one that is iix>re than a private ran has a special gift 
of God. 

Apart from such general censure there were few attacks upon the 
centres of iuritan activity fjpom the iaul's Cross pulpit. Attacks froja 
that pulpit upon the City adiuini strati on, such as that of George Closse 
in 1586, Stock in IGOo, ana Kverard in 1610,^*^ were rather social ri'O- 
tests ttian ecclesiastical controversy. Lven those preachers most aternly 
opposed to tht luritans did not ain at particular persons. One preacher, 
however, larlcer, preciTufccr of lincoln, vras so ill-advised as to censure 
the Coaiiicns' proceedinsss upon ecclesiastical questions, Earlj' in May 
160G the Coitaivons sent up to the lords a bill intended tc "restrain the 
execution of canons ecclesiastical not confirraed by parliament. " fhe 
Lords rejected this bill, but the Comnons jave short shrift to a bill 
sent down to thea by Bancroft, making provision for recovering impro- 
priations by parliamentary subsidy, *2 ;,'ith the two Houses at such cross 
purposes, the serraon, whicii condemned certain nejabora of the GomiaonG for 
defending lurltan ministers deprived under the canons, could not fsil 
to cause trouble. The House protested, and Parker was ooirmdtted to 
custody for hii; rashness, Ihie isolated incident illustrates pretty 
clearly how sensitive vras the balance of cooper?ition in the affaire of 
the state ecclesiastical, and to a certain extent explains the decline 



or the }aul*c Cross pulpit as an effective apotit of the crovm, 

This decline, v/hich becomes taore noticeable as one considers the 
times about 1620, is also partly attributable to the divided counsels in 
that pulpit. It ',?ill be recalled that the ilizabsthan preachers spoke, 
upon all iiri] ortaat natters, with one yoico. They did not, even in the 
quiet times of Jaaies. She solid centre of the clergy, Jnen essentially 
iilizabethan in theology, confoniable but scrupulous in polity, were 
alienated or if not alienated actively disturbed both by the enforoeiaent 
of Bancroft 'e canons and by what they considered a dangerous trend in 
Anglican theology. Anglican thought, under the influence of men like 
Andrawes, vas bein(^ purged of the -iOre rigid elements in Calvinism, ^ma 
becoiainf. more "benevolent and rational," The ministers who htid learned 
nothing since the Lambeth Articles were highly suspicious of doctrines 
i«hich to Lhelr tender consciences sinaciied cf loj-ery. liven before bhe 
Synod of Dort they called this body of doctrine Arminianisrc, and they 
laada little distinction between Arminianisia and popery. Liberalism in 
theology and the broader vie* of the nature of the visible church -^ich 
Bay be traced in part to the influence of Hooker frif^htened theia also, 
Those authors -who admitted that the foundations of the Roaian church had 
not been ruined by error and superstition, ani that Rome enbraced vrln- 
ciplos which can lead to salvation,'* alai^.ed the preachers exceedi.n,-ly. 

Accordingly one finds in some of the sermons at the Gross during 
this period protests if^ich one ajoy hesitatingly term Tiiritan," protests 
which should rather be termed "JSlizabethan, " thoup;h the first of theni, 
by Richard ^tock, io at leajt potentially schismatic. Governors and 



ministers of visible church, he declared, may err in faith, manners 
and doctrine: the best know but in part, since the prardse of incessant 
guidance from the Holy Spirit x»as made onlj' to the Apostles. Sve3r7 
man, then, r.ust labour for the knoy/ledge of thf; word, to try the doc- 
trines which are delivered from the seats of authority. In the past, 
persons in positions of ecclesiastical authority have alx«ays fallen 
into error, 

so that the sinceritie of religion 'sas upholden, and the truth defended, 
and laaintained, only by soase fewe, that were molested, persecuted, 
traduced, as turbulent and seditious persons, and eniinies to the coimaon 
peace of the Church,,,, Often times meaner mea may sound the depth, 
and see more then purest schollers. 45 

The others who protested vjere considerably more moderote in their 
conclusions, though not necessarily in their language, fhomas Sutton, 
condemninp the Laodiceans, called those who would mediate between the 
Church of fJod and the "Ronilsh synagogues" perfect examples of the luke- 
wam. He delivered a violent exhortation against "Church Papists," 
and it is clear that he did not mean recusants who attended church. 
The lukeTfflrm professor is a continual disturber of the church, and is 
it !JOt then most improper for such to condemn the pious and scrupulous? 

iShlch conclusion nay serve to stop the stentorious mouths, and to pare 
the Satyricall and bloudy pencils of some men, '.vho in all their learnlnf; 
can finde none that either disquiets or endan/^ers the Church but the 
strict J recislan, who cannot awallov? dovme some of our Church Gerer.onies, 
and tiierefore employ their whole strength, and spen>l their v.hole life, in 
humblin," thejii -^ho are brourht alreadj- to the Iwrest nadir, as if they then 
had swept and purified the Church of all her imposthuraes; whereas yet 
our Churches hanp full of Romish spiders, who in their Italian cobvjebs 
v.'ould straniBile our linclish aoules. (jp, 232-3| 

&itton irajst probably had in mind the welcome accorded two Italian friars, 
who professed allegiance to the Church of Eag-land; the Ai^shbishoj: of 



S.nalatro 11<1 loh some to Kn<^land until 1516, but vihen he dic\ he becarrie 
a centra of adherence for certain of the Arrainian party,*" iVllliam 
Worship, preaching ia 1616, confessed that he could not abide the "^'evvtrals' 
?fho wo'ild mediate between the Church of England and Ronie,^ and Sanuijl 
mrd, who -was prosecuted for non-conformity in 1623 and 15J5,^^ delivered 
in the same year a blast against Torery and n-;tare, and the old leaven 
of Felaf-iu3, newly lorse scoured by Arirdnlus, affirming that no minister 
can keer a good conscience and be given to ropery and Ansiiaianisitu 
Roger Ley launched a similar attack upon Arr.inlan theolo/y in 1618,^^ 

Amid these attacks and counter-attacks, amid the almost universal 
temper of unyielding assurance and controversial determination, one small 
voice was heard at the Cross, inipioring moderation in all controversies 
and the exercise of Christian charity. The preacher vms John Hales, 
"Ht, Hales of Ston," "a prettie little man," as Aubrey affectionately 
called hirr,, and a modest retionaliat, v/ho at the Gynoi''. of Dort "bade 

John Calvin pood-nlr:ht. "^ His IbuI's Cross sermon v;as "of dealing with 


errin/- Cliristians, "^ uj^on Roraans 14,1. Goodness, he began, is the most 

notable of Christian virtues, for it is the sociable virtue; the ancient, 
professors of the faith of Christ were called Chrestians, Tihich sip- 
nifies benifnity. This is a note too often forfotten in our days. 
In the church, as in civil society, there are high and lor, the stronp: 
and the weak in faith. The eoori Christian is benipn to the weak and 
ouerulouE. Compassion whould be bounded by discretion, "but not to 
doubtful disputations": 

For many there are, otherwise ri^ht good men, yet weak in judj?ment, who 
have fallen uj'on sundry private conceits, such as are unnecessary Oiffer- 



eJiciiTG o£ lieats and .Trinka, d3.3tinction. of .Oayo, or... none singular 
opinions concerning the state of Souls departed, private interpretations 
of obacux-e ri5:A.ts of ocripture, and others of the same nature; Of these 
or the like thoughts, which have taken root in the hearts of men of 
shallow capacity, those who are luore surely grounded, may not presume 
themselves to be judges, J^. Z2\ 

..■ho are the "weak" ones of whon ot. }'«ul speaks? Surely all 
persons v;ho are within the bounds of Christ's compassion. In come thinjPia 
all nea agree, "and thus far the very Heathen themselves are to be re- 
ceived. " It is true that a good life is not eaough without true pro- 
fession, but 

all those jood things which iiioral sen by the li^^ht of Nature do, are 
a part of Gods ?;ill vnritten in their hearts; wherefore so far as they 
wsre conscientious in perforniiuf them (if oalviamis hia reason be good) 
so far have they title and interest in our Faith,.., I must confess that 
I have not yet made that proficiency in the ochools of our age, as that 
I could see, why the c;cconi Table, and the Acts of it, are not as properly 
the parts of Ktili^ion and Christianity, ss the Acts and Observations of 
the first, jf?, otJ 

The weak, then, whether he is n "Inoral laan" or a true professor of 
profane life, is to be received, bat weak nen are to be restrained 
froE doubtful disputations. 

for nothinc is there that hath more prejudiced the cause of 3ieligion, 
then tJiis promiscuous and cureless adriiEsion cf ell sorts to the heariing 
and handling of controversies, vsrhether we consider the private ease of 
every nan, or the publick state of the Church,,,, For what need this great 
breed of .vriters, with which In this ai^e the world doth swarm?,.,. For 
vjiiat else are the i/ritinfs of riaay men, but nutual Tasquilc and Satyrs 
agaln;-,t each others lives? JFp, 33, 42} 

Controversies hinder the growth of the weak in Christ, and passionate 
men stir ip strife upon false ground, 

for it is not the vari«ity of opinions, but our own perverse wills, who 
think it meet, that all should be conceited as our selves are, which 



hath so inconveaieaced the Church; were we not so ready to Anatheiratize 
each other, where we concur tx)t in opinion, we raipjit in hearts be united, 
though in our tonpues we were divided, &. that ;cith singular profit to 
all aides. |l , 4fcJ 

Opinions about predestination, for instance, which is a mystery, are set 
donn not as opinions but as necessary truths. 

i/ith such views, it was natural that Hales should conanend the 
mild treatment ol the ijajlsts by the laws of the realm and the practice 
of the Jhurch: 

ii'or out of desire to make the breach seem no greater, then indeed it 
is, to hold cojtEunion and Christian fellovvship with her (the Church 
oi RoneJ , sc far as we possibly can; ive have don«? notbinp- to cut off the 
favourers of that Church, The reasons of their love and respect to the 
Church of Roir.e »e wish, bat we do aot conanand the::; to lay down: their 
lay-bretiiren have all i^eans of instruction offered their.. Our ICdicts and 
otatutes fijade for their restraint, are such as serve onely to awaken than, 
and cause thes. to consider the inaocency of that cause for refusal of 
coBuiiunion, in which they enaure (as they suppose) go great losses. 
Those who are sent over by them, either for the retaining of the already 
perverted, or perverting others, are either returned by us baci: aj^ain to 
theiu, is;ho dispatch* J thei. to us, or >d.thout an^A wrong unto their jeraons, 
or danger to their lives, suffer an easie restraint, iidiich only hinders 
theii. froKi dispersing the j.oison they brought. And had they not been 
sticklinr in our state business, and lae'-ldlinf;; wdth otjr Irinces Crovra, 
there had not a drop of their bloud fallen to the ground; unto our 
Sermons, in which the swarvin^is of that Church are necessarily tc be 
taxt by us, we do not bind their presence, onely our desire is, they '.vould 
joyn with us in those Ixayers and holy Cereriionies, which are common to 
ther. and to us, (jp, 52-3J 

ouch was the lone voice which cried in the midst of disputation 
and bitterness. }i>r. Hales went back- tc istou, tc hie books and his 
"vlolet-colouT'd" (iressinr gown, and laul's Gross regained the dwellinfr- 
place 01 wrath. 

4. Tie reineu.berinf; his mercy hath holpen his servant Israel." 

Yet lor some time this wrath renained :f.ufiled in the preachers' 



breasts. SUch notes of anger as have been here reviewed are for the 
most part incidental and unsustained, and of course in many preachers 
there is no note of coroplaint excepting the general complain of sin. 
The Biain thene of these seri-aons during the first seventeen years of 
the rei^n of James was thankfulness for the hapiy and 7>eacef-il state 
of the realr;!. under a wise and gracious klnf. i?he nation vras at peace 
and for the most part exceedingly prosperous, end few preachers were so 
dour as to neglect this xranifestation of God's abundant mercies. Our 
state is blessed, cried Geor^se Benson; v;ltnesn the failure of the Papists 
to baptize the realn in bloou. For all their plots the late ^een 
"lived... til she ivas olde and mellowe for the kln^dome of God," and 
when tt-e chanr ed , "we changed alpictt nothing but the sex," ^ter a David 
we have a oclonicn. If ever KarcL cacie in like a lion and went out like 
a lajnb, it was then. God*s minions we are. Let us be thankful for our 
peace, said Adams in 1612, a peace they enjoy not in France or in the 
low Countries. This peace is a gift of God: 

Though nature hath bound up the loins of our kingdom with a j^lrdle of 
■paves, and roUcy raised another fence of wooden walle, yet God EUist put 
about us a third girdle, the ... circle of his jirovidcnce, or our strength 
is weaker than the waters, 55 

tie are the wonder of the worl3, "we are the Lillies ind the Rose," we 
have hiph <snd rich prerogatives,^" 

Many and mighty deliverances hath the Lord given us: from furious A.tale- 
kltes, th3t cair.e with a navy, as they bragged, able to fetch away our land 
in turfs; froiii an an§:ry and raging pestilence, that turned the r>opular 
streets of this city into solitude;^'' fron: s treason wheroia men conspired 
with devils, for hell was broupht up to their conjurations, and a ivhole 
brewing of that salt sulphur ms tuianed up In barrels for U3 to drink. 58 



Our land Is a Colchis, delivered from the tyranny of Rome, blessed by 

a wise king and the meaicry of a Miriam, a gracious queen, by an Aaron, a 

holy and learned clergy, ^*^ 

A mightie Nation »e are, whose bulwarke is the Sea, whose con- 

fedeirate Feigkhours round about are onr Sentinels..,, The bees may hive 
thetiselves in our helraets. 61 

The loyal — and sycophantic — preachcre affirmed that the 
highest of these gifts of God was the King, Upon him and his virtues 
they heared praise without stint, lerhaps the most ftilsone exhibition 
of tMs order i^as Harlow's in the Hot seraicn in 1605. Our Kin<7 is 
the chosen of God, and this is evident, whether we look unto the lip'ht 
of nature. 

of pregnant wit, or ready apprehension, of sound judgement, of present 
dispatch, of imrrernable ir.cEtoiy, 

Or the light of /o-t, being an universall ujholler, acute in 
arguing, subtle in distinguishing. Logical iu discussing, plentifuli 
in inventing:, powerfall in pei-swadin^^, aaMrable in discoursing. 

Or the lif/ht oT (r.race, whether intellectuall, for speculative 
Theology, a perfect Textuar, a sound Sjcpoaitor, a faithfull Christian, 
and a constant Jrofessor, or affectuall, for Regeneration and assiduous 
prayer, a chast husband, of sweete carria«e, of humble deportment, of 
mortified lusts, of sanctified life. 

Or the light of government, an ujricht, arbitrator in cases of 
Justice, a loving father to his subjects, a carefull guardian of bis 
kingdODies, a wise manager of his itate, an especially, favourer of this 
Cltty, an absolute Stonairch both for Repiment & judgement, 62 

One is reminded of Osric, praisinr: "a soijl of srreat article," Hall, 
proaciiinf; ujon the accession anniversary in 1514, vms less fanciful 
and more corivincin^. He praised Jares'r. lc?.rnlnr-, as evidenced in his 
Apolo-yy lor the Oath of Allu.7;iance; i^is ,:u' u,ic« in governing; his piety 
and fimness in religion. He has extinguished the feuds In Scotland ani 
reduced the Herder to civility and order. To the Klnf; we owe deliverance 



from the I-lot — by an act of divination, freedom from persecution for 
religious faith, the Authorized Version or the Scriptures. England owes 
to hiiti the priceless and inclusive blessing; of peace. "^ 

rhe preachers hastened to assure their audiences especially of 
Jaraos's care for religion. Upon the anniversary of the Gowry conspiracy, 
on 5 August 1605, Richard Vaughan, Bishop of lonclon, declared that the 

had made a protestation before God anl His anpels thst he vras so constant 
for the iraintenance of the religion publicly in F.ngland pi^afessed as that 
he woul.i spend his a-.n dearei^t blood in the defence thereof rather than 
that the truth should be overthrown; and that if he had ten times as many 
ihore kinf^doK.E an. he hath, he \Jould iiflpend ther; all for the safety and 
protection thereof; and likewise, that if he had any children that should 
overlive hin, if they ahoixld f.iaintain or uphold any other religion, he 
desired of God that he mieht see them brought bo their graves before 
liin, tl-iat their ahame mirht be b':rj.ed in hia life time, never to be 
spoken of in future ages. 64 

Upon the accession day in 1516 .)onne called for thanks to God that when 
the KiOt' oaiie, 

hs saa beholden to no by-religion, The papists could not make him place 
any hopes upon then, nrr the '.uritans make him entertain any fears from 
them; but his God and our God; as he brought via lactea , by the sweet 
way of peace, th^t flows witlx &ili: and honoy, so he brought him via rei'i; ia, 
by the direct aud plain >«y, without any devietion or descent into i/^noble 
flatteries, or servile humouring of any persons or factions, 65 

The most strikinc of those sermons in which the audience at the 
Gross vjore invited to ,^ive thanks for their blessing; in sudi a king 
is Bishop Kint^'.T Sor^ion of Publicke fhanksf^ivim- in A' :ril 1619, upon 
the Kin/^'s rwcovory from .^rave illness. It is a magnificent effort In 
the •Vitty" style, upon the themos of death and recoveiy so enriched by the 
genius of Donne and f&ylor, -.northy indeed to stand by their best efforts. 



His text was from Isaiah 38, "the writing of Hezekiah king of Judah, -Ahen 
he had been sick, and was recovered from his sickness": 

It is written with the point of a diamond, to remaine for eternitle, and 
it; a part of the evidences and muniments of the Church, layd up amongst 
her sacred Records, for a cieLioriall of his thankf ulnesse , offered, and 
consecrated to God upon that deliverance. 

King descanted elegantly upon the sickness of Hezekiah and upon the 
bitterness of death: 

Death hath ever her arrow in her bow, though in the prime ages of the 
world she was some times nine hundred yeares before she sped, yet now she 
hittfetii quickly; and whea God saitb, shoote, she shooteth; and so lone 
as God saith, spare, she spareth. For what is they life? Breve suspirium . 
a short panting. 

Death came upon Hezekiah "in his peace," for death is an intestine 
enemy that cojies "without Beacon, or any admonition at all," £very part 
of our frail bodies is an invitation to death. ^'^ But the recovery is 
sweeter by ho;v asuch the danger is greater: "Kora is Horsus, death is 
but a biting not a conauming**; the flesh is consumed indeed but "the 
hony of the soul ia taicen out." Tiie stoiy is a noJel and pattern of 
the condition of our gracious king. He has not restored religion, like 
Hezekiah, but he has maintained it; he has spared not the high places 
of Antichrist more than Hezekiah, his deliverance from the Hot is like 
Hezekiah's fx^rri Sennacherib, Under hin; we have enjoyed the blessings 
of peace for sixteen years. He has been sick unto death, but God has 
brought coKifortout of bitterness in his recovery; the prayers of the 
king's lovin;?. and devoted subjects have reached the throne of grace, 
"have pierced through the clouds, and knocked at the gate of his mercy 
at nidnleht, and given hlra no rest on behalf e of their king." So we 



have cone to raake this place an altar for our thankfulness. 

How are we to explain this traasfoi*ination of the raonr.rch into an 
object of veneration? Certainly JEi;ues*6 personal character did not deioand 
any such reverence, although no doubt he attracted many of the clergy 
by his genuine interest in theological problexas, by his pompous and 
heavily witty flattery. He was for them in some respects a kindred 
spirit. To iiJizabeth the bishops were ageats of the crown, required to 
serve; to Janies they were its ornazaents, required to shine. But there 
are deeper reasom. than these. The Church of England, reconstructed by 
the Canons of 1004, had become more of a coherent organisn than was per- 
JGitted by Elizabeth. It vras more efficient but it vjas also more of a 
kingdoxft within a kingdom, existing by the virtue of the royal prerogative, 
TJiat prerogative, already challenged in the reign of iilizabeth, vvas 
seriously attacked in the reign oi" Jacies throu/'h rulings of the coranon 
law courts and exercises of privilege by the Coraiions. As the rift widened, 
it was inevitable that the preachers should turn their energies to the 
exaltation oi' their true source of io.ver, jhen Holland extolled lillzabeth 
in 1599, he saw in her the type of the faithful, syrriool at once of the 
nation and the congregation. The Jacobean eulogist was deter/dned to 
set up the image of the King*s person. No letter had actually been 
changed in the constitutions ecclesiastical, but the iiaplioations of 
the prerogative were insisted upon first of all by James in his capacity 
as mediator at Hampton Court, and wtien thus emphasized the prerogative 
changed as a colour changes when it is placed under a strong light. 
Hbat had been comforting was now blinding. Bancroft and the other 
bishops acquiesced in this shift of emphasis to pirotect themselves 

2,1 » 


from the iuritan lecturers, and the damage was done. Had Bancroft vjorked 
out his apprenticeshij in an acaiemic chair or in a rural diocese instead 
of in harrying the Puritans as the bishops' apent, the history of the 
Jacobean church fldt»ht hare been very different. Even in those who had 
risen in the church from the academic halls and the disputations up»on 
theology the saiiie tendency was to be expected, fhe reaction from Cal- 
viniaia in a man like Andrewes took the foim of reliance upon the doctrine 
of the apostolic succession, and upon the "Catholic" elements in the 
English creed. It was easy to forget, especially in the atmosphere of the 
controversy witJi Bcllarrdne, that the Ghurch of England was created by an 
act of J-arllamtat, and not evei by one act, but by inany petty incursions 
upon the Papal power. This historical fact could be interpreted, it is 
true, in support of an argument for the essential theological continuity 
of the Sngliah Church in the Catholic fold, iihat was too easily overlooked 
was the si<?:nificance of that phrase of Parlioinent. and the precedent there 
established of refonu as an act of the nation. I'rom St. Geriaan to Coke 
and Trynne the lavr,'ers and genti-y explored this aspect of the ecclesiastical 
situation, and in doine so virtually pushed the orthodox clergy into a 
position of unqualified support of absolutism. 

This does not mean tht^t when a preacher under James set himself, 
up-on the accesaion anniversary or at another time, to exhort to obedience 
he drew upon doctrine different in source or raeaninc from the Homily of 
Disobedience and 5fllful Rebellion cf 1571. In this case, as with the 
eulogy of the royal person, it is a matter of emphasis. Note that when 
Donne approached the matter at laul's Cross, he bej^an as it were from 
the top of the hierarchy. The king is a step below God, kings have no 




example but God, Such are the fervid pronouncements of John .Vhifcc in 
his accesaion aermon in 1615. Kings are God's anointed, though bad ser- 
Tants laay come like clouds between a king and his subjects; so was our 
Xing anointed to reign over us, "All the ecdneacj- and distinction of 
authoritj'" under the King' is equally of God's ordinance,^® It was to 
be expected that the substitution of anointed for set over , of right 
for duty , made a preat difference both in the delivery and the recej tlon 
of these doctrines. It is the diffei-ence that may be found in the 
sreeches of Elizabeth and James upon the prerogative: ISlizabeth Jias ac- 
castomed to rei.iind li&r subjects ohat such matters were her concern, her 
business , in her i)Ower; Jeiues observed loftily that these things are a 
riiyaten'-. Y&t in all these exhortations one fails to find a statement 
indubitably setting forth what we call the "divine right of kings," 
The differentiating, idea is that of the kine as above the law. Uiere 
is nothing of this in Zln£, in Jonno, in ribite, in Sibthorpe, I'o say, 
however veheaiontly, that tdie kinp is ancintod, that klnp;s are as gods, 
is the necessary ripoito to tiuu lope, but it does not grapple with 
the peculiarly Znglish tradition of the relation of the king and the law, 
exjAored so ably and aitti such historical insight by i'ortes^ue. Sir 
Thomac ar,iith ana oexaen. I have sought ia these seniHins for an unequivocal 
statement of the "divine right" idea, and have not found it. To assert 
that disobedience is a sin is not necessarily to assert indefeasible 
hereditarj' right in the king, since, if civil society is the ordinance 
of God, disobedience is a oiu oven under a contract theorj' of kingship. 
The "divine right" ilea is in Gowell'a Interpreter^ ^ but it is not here. 
Instead one finds enthusiasm but o instruction, emphasis ;daich nuat have 



been disturbing to some of the auditory but nothing; revolutionary. The 
preachers echo the double voice of James hiiaself, who before he cauie to 
the English crown iBas clear enough upon the divine right by Scottish 
precedent,'''^ bat fsll into a strangely twisted dialectic as Kinr. of 
England, in one speech proclaijoinf; that J-lings exercise ''a reseablance 
of Divine povrer uft>n earth," and that "^ king governing; a settled king- 
dom leaves to be a king and degenerates into a tyrant as soon as he 

leaves off to rule according to his laws." Still he was concerned to 

raintain "the nystieal reverence th^it belongs unto then that sit in 

the throne of Ctod," .'Jhere are we to have hii.i, and vdiere are we to have 

his clercy? Not in certainties, but in asserviJtions; not in logic but 

in exhortation. The best Iaiil*s Cross preacher of the reign never 

preached there; Jaties would have been happier in that pulpit than in 

the chair of iitate. His talents were exactly suited to that office. 

One inay find an appropriate finale to this period of stifled 
aninosities and dubious <^uiet in the acrmon of Bishop King in March 
16S0 uion the rebuilding of 3t. Paol'v, a serrxm attended by the Kinp 
in state. The tbeme of the sermon is the re-odifj^ing of the ter-ple, 
specifically the repair of St. r^ul*B and in the larger sense the preserva- 
tion of Sion. There is little in Bishop King's words to suggest the storm 
already brewing which v.-as in the end to overturn the teaple, Ilis pious 
ezaltation is sustained by a sure sense of God's great mercy to Israel. 
■.Titnoss his text, which was chosen for the occasion by Janes himself:'"^ 

Thou Shalt arise, and have mercy upon Zion; for the time to favour her, 
yea, the set time, is come. 

For thfu servants take pleasure in her stones, and fnvour the 
duflt thereof. 



As the verses arc t<vo, so are the parts: one belonging to dod, the 
other to man. "The korasll ond sjarrow" of the tert Is Ood*3 boundless 
mercy; our faith rests upon this, not upon "the bricke sad slime of 
riortall ccrru^tloa. " Xhc object cf Gcdȣ icercy is Slon: 

Slon, a Mount by nature: by nature and art toeether, a Fort; by mis- 
prlsioa an.l errour, fcr whc tire, 3 Fort of the .Tebuslter., cnenieD of God; 
by conquest anJ -urchase... the Fort of David; by accession and Imiroove- 
r.ent o::' honour, first th3 lalass, oni aftnr.'-Aiz'Lx'i tha Oitic of the great 
king; by grace, tho Habitation and Shcmsion of God;,,, by type, the Jigure 
cf the Church, both nllltant in this '.vorld, and trluniphant in the world 
to co.'ae. [Sie. C4J 

The tine is nc's: 

It is a stronr pcrs^aaioa th-.Ht floweth f om time: and it lo as sfcroaply 
enforced in ay teit, nayle after aayle, driver, hoiae fco the head, riae 
and (by apposition) time ti£aiae, and (at the period «ai full point) 
apr^^iPtQ*^ tiffie, and ti^^e come : that is to 3ay, tine aaJ season of tii'.o, 
and 3oa.3oa of season: or tirr.e, and opportanltle, and accessitie of 
Ofportunltle, and extremitie cf necessltie, aai the veiy dreg;s and sotling 
of exbremetie: the i ; t inotun , the nunc, the nomont and indivlslbilitie of 
time. TeKius facieadi do;aino. no.v or not at all, ^ig. uf 

In his applioation of the text so wittily divided, the bishop 
first proclainied the ^jreatiess of the occasion, iwde luralnouK by the 
presence of the sovereign and the hair to the throne, "th-it glorious Staire 
that follov/eth the Suane," rer?dnded the audience that he had but recently 
prayed there in thankfulness for the recovery of the Kinf. Then too he 
spoke of a temple, the teitple of the Klng*s bo^ ; nca he speaks of 
another Slon — "ce are under the bower of it." He revlc^sd the history 
oX the cathedral, pointed to its "sickly and crazle constitution," and 
eoBEended it to the nercles of the Kii^ and his lovlnr subjects. After 
that he entered into a pene.^rlc of the honour and happiness of the realm; 
there Is "no Oountrey beyond it" in cianifestation of Ood*o mercies. 



iinslaad is "the Ring of Europe," aai Lonion the gea in the Tiap» Yet 
the gem is not complete until this te^iple is refurbished meet for such 
a glorious church, liay the rebuilding of Paul's be the crown of these 
seventeen years during; which the iiing has nourished and protected the Church 
of inland. 

"I doubt not," he concluded, "but our Chjronlcles will make report 
of this, to future a^^es. " The present chronicler accepts the good bishop's 
challenge, but with a difference. It will be his melancholy task in the 
pages that follov/ to record the sequence of events, reflected at the 
Cross, which for the time obliterated the glory of this occasion, and 
drowned the exultant voice of "the King of Ireachers" in the hurly-burly 
of angry controversy and bitter reproof. 


JHii GArUiiRING SSOmi JAMES I, 1620-25; 
CHAHLiJlG I, 1625-41. 

The tines require a sharper physic. 

lilark Jrank, A 3erir,on Ireached at 
S. Faul's Gross ^6411. 



It is not arbitrary to divide this history in the middle of 
1620. However sparse the materials brought under scrutiny for the 
years 1620-1641 the change of mood and manner in the T^ul*s Cross 
sermons is striking, and the manner of the change abrupt. One enters 
suddenly into a time of faction and stern admonition. Even if one is 
forced to admit that only one preacher of those who defended the royalist 
position at the Gross, Robert Sanderson, explored the ideoloc.ical con- 
tent of the situation ^th any perspicuity, the fact reirains that the 
serucns are imrked by a stiffness of attifede, a desperation if you 
will, which is absent fron the sermons of the reign of Jawes until 
1620, fhe entrance to this teriod is marked by an unusual circumstance: 
for the first time since the troubles of Hllsey and Stokesley^ the Jaul*s 
Cross pulpit got rfcally out of hand, and that occurred during the turmoil 
over the "Spanish match" in 1620 and the two years following, 

1, The abuses and extravagances of preachers, " 

'aholfe cohorts of ironies attended Bishop King's great appeal 
for the re-edification of 8t. I^ul's in 1620, James appointed a com- 
mission which included Inigo Jones to look into the problem, and £22,536 
nas raised, but a larpe part of this fund was used for Buckingham's 
house in the Strand.^® The energetic and conscientious Laui, ever anxious 
conceminjsr the fabric of God*s house, took up the problem upon his ac- 
cession to the see of London, persuaded Charles to appoint a new coirjnission, 
used his personal influence to get contributions, and by 1632 was success- 
ful in gettine the "Tiouses" which diminished the glory of the nave de- 
molished, fhese and other cleanlnf; up operations rut an end to the 



outdoor sermons in the churchyard, but the re-«difylng of the cathedral 
proceeded no further, having yoae so far in opite of the ruritans, who 
regarded 3t. Paul's as a "rotten relic, '^ Besides this failure in Bishop 
King's purpose, there is the fact that many or the vast crowd gathered 
to hear his words of trust and sec;irit;r carip hopiop for some official 
pronouncement on the negotiations with Spain or perhapti a declamtion 
in favour of the Bohemians. Protestant sympathies were at fever heat 
as at lo time since 1572. 

The negotiations for e treaty-natch between Prince Charles and 
the Infanta of Spain^ be.-^an in 1614. The pedantic and intenaittently 
confident James hoped at first for a aiajor alliance TiAiich should turn 
swords into plouchshares; after the outbreak of hostilities in the 
Empire in IGia ho sought to naintain his Bohenuan son-in-law by diplomacy 
since he vras by teir^eranitnt Inccsnpetent to face the arbitrament of war. 
?or this cause he sacrificed Haleph; in this cause he tried to protect 
the pro-Spenish Howards, but failed because of their crimes and incom- 
petence and because of the charros cf Villiers. AlthoueJi in all the 
complicated ne/rotlf tions he vies acting within the fact as well as the 
theory of his prerogative, popular distrut-t of the royal proceedings 
became nteadily rnore Intense. Gondoirar, the ilachiavellian Spanish am- 
bassador, was thought to have alsiOGt complete ascendancy over the king's 
mind, and was feared and hated by the j^ultitude. Vilhat, r.en asked them- 
selves, could be the res'olts of this repudiation of the Protestant 
cause? A Spanish Catholic to be the r.other of a line of Pnplish kings, 
Catholics in all the chief positioiui of state, the end cf irdlitant 

Ii^testantisni in Europe, In and out of Loon on the feeling was de- 

scribed by a contemporary as "wth all violence agaynste Catholiques. "'■^ 



In October 1620 the Elector Palatine lost the battle of the 
White Hill, .Then the bad news reached iSngland popular an^^er and anxiety 
reached a nevi pitch: Gondomar's life was threatened, and in December, in 
spite of express warnings frop the king that the clergy vifere not to mdddle 
with state matters, a "youngc fellow" spoke at the Crx>ss •'very freely in 
general" against the mooted Spanish alliance. James's third Parliament 
net on 30 Januarj' 1621, suspicious of whet conarltments the kinf, mir-ht have 
made to Gtondomar, and deterruined , in spite of the king's iffirnlnf;s, to make 
their stand known on foreign affairs. In February the Houses Joined in 
a petition requesting: the llill enfoixiement of the penal laws against 
Catholics, and received what they regarded as an evasive answer. On £5 
February John Everard, a Comtarldge aam and powerful preacher, who had 
been in trouble tvjo years before for a senrson nt the Cross, preached 
there against the Spanish match, Qlleginir the "craft and crueltle" of 
Spain, For this he was conanitted to the Gatehouse, was released, un- 
repentantly and stubbornly preached on the same the«ie in City churches, 
and V9as again conimitted. Janes, on being appealed to in his behalf, 
angrily made a characteristically atrocious pun. "vJhat is this Dr. 
iiver-out?" he inquired, "His aa:iio shell be Ilevei^out." The extent 
of anti-Jatholic hysteria about this time nay be judged from the 
Cominono' treatment of Floyd, a Catholic lawyer v;ho spoke slighting words 
about the Klector lalatine and his wife; on him the House laid "the 
most ferocious series of punishr.ents ever ini'iicted in iJigland for a 
political offence,"^ Once this Parliament, after having made the 
famous protestation which James rent out of the Journals with his own 
hand, bad been dissolved, relaxing of the penal laws proceeded apace as 



part of the prograai to consuranate the long drawn out aegotiations with 
Spain. '£he relaxation of the yenal laws increased the old suspicions 
of fingj-lahnien and considerably strengthened the prestige and 
of the iDore extreme Irotestant (i.e. "Inritan") preachers, who ful- 
irdnated vrf.thout ceasing against the Homish AnticJ-irist and Spain, 
lecturers who a few years before v;ould have been sneered at as prec^ sians 
were now in the tuiault of popular feeling received with acclaim; the im- 
portance of this wsB considerable. Jaiues was destroying the solid centre 
of opinion in the Church of England.^-^ 

Two serffions at laul's Cross seea especially to have moved the 
king to silence the intemperate preachers. At some time in the suauaer 
of 1622 one Richard Sheldon, self-styled "a Convert from cut ol" Babylonj,"- 
perfcriaed his duty in that pulpit. He had green a student in the ijiiglish 
College in Rome, had returned to iiiigland and suffered imprisonment in 1610 
under the recusancy laws. Seeing the error of his ways, he published 
in 1611 a treatise on the lawfulness of the oath of allegiance, and 
later, iaaving conviuccd the king of the purity or his convictions, was 
euiployed in the controversy against Vorstius and ir^de a royal chaplaln,^^ 
Being as his ser/a)n shows an exceedingly dull r:an, he made the ndstake 
of entering in his laul's Cross sermon upon that ancient controversy 
over the identity of the Beaso of the Apocalypse, deciding with more 
euthusiasi.i than logic that the 3eust is the Antichristian state of the 
Pope.-^ He condemned with violence the "tleutralizers" who saw any ground 
of i&ediation vith Rome, and in his closing exhortation dared to suggest v;hat 
policy should be i>ur3ued with those who worshir the cursed Beast and are 
narked with his mark. Ee adjured magistrates to lay ,-iaste the dwelling 



of the whore of Babylon; there is only one ground on which Antlchristlan 
professors should be allowed to worshix freely in the realm and that is 
if in their cities a siniler privilege should be accorded to iTotestants. 
(This was precisely what no araount of negotiation could secure from the 
Spaniards.) The truth of God ^idll prevail, he continued, so long as it 
is not cut off by censorship; the eneir;y's chief weaix>n is eensorshir, and 
ours freedom of discussion. In this 3heldon v»as practically throwing 
the ministers' glove at the king's feet. Ee hastened to what he called 
a neces3ai7 instruction for those "who trembling and fearing where there 
is no just cause of feare, do fearefully presage, and feare to them- 
selves, that there loay happen (ana also th&t the sariie is at hand) some 
senerall fall, and change from Religion to Popery in this renovmed state 
and Klngdone. " This, he affirmed, is morally and divinely impossible; 
we have the "perfect reformation, "^ hence we cannot return to the fold 
of Aatichriot. It is luoreover "royally imjsossible, " How should our 
"religious David" be anything but semper Idem? 

For this meddling wi th state affairs iiheldon received a severe 
reprimand, and probably only his position as chavlain prevented his 
being, nare thoroughly chastened. On 25 August i-i". Glayton of Hackney 

preached a scurrilous sermon at the Cross against the Spanish match, 


upon a lewd parable oX' a "opanish sheep." Ko was at once cast into 

l.riaon. Before this. In a letter to Archbishop Abbot dated 4 August, 
James had issued directions to forbid the handling of controversial 
topics in the rulpits. These were: 

rtiat no preacher under the degree and calling of a Bishop of 
Dean... io take occasion, by the expounding of any text of Scripture 
whatsoever, to fail into any set discourse. •• which shall :iot be com- 



preheaded. . . vdthin some one of the Articles of Relision... or in some 
or the Houalies.... 

That no parson, vicar, cui'ate or lecturer shall i reach,,, in the 
afternoon,,, but upon some part of the Gatechisiii or some text taken 
out of the Creed, Ten Cofflfiandnients, or the lord's I'lreiyer. ... 

That no preacher,,, under the degree oi' a Bishop, or Dean at the 
least, do Irom henceforth presume to preach in any [opnler audiiiory 
the deep points of predestination, election, reprobation, or of the 
universality, efficacy, resistibility or irresiitibility, of Ck>d*s 
grace,.., being fitter for the Schools than for simple auditories. 

That no preacher of what title or denomination soever from 
henceforth shall presume in any auditory within this kingdom to 
declare, Dimit, or bound out by way of positive doctrine in any 
lecture or sercon the power, prerogative, and jurisdiction.., of 
Sovereign Iriuces, cr otherwise iiieddie vdth niatters of State 

rhat no preacher,,, shall,,, fall into bitter invectives and 
undeoent reiliof; speeches against the persons of either Papists or 
luritans..., 15 

Now on the day following Clayton's serreon the Venetian ambassador 
wrote that some extension of these orders was belnp discussed, to forbid 
attacks on Roman Catholics; in this, said the ambassador, the klnfi is 
sovvlng the seeds of civil war,^^ On 31 August these orders xere issued 
through the Bishop of London: icinisters "shall not preach the damnation 
nor cry out against the pope or any of his sect, or any thing pertaining 
to hir., but simply uvon faioh and good works"; they must not venture to 
interrupt the worship or liberties of the p-api.-its, but on the contrary 
"preach this purpose of his majesty discreetly to their parishioners," 
Of these measures the Venetian an-bassador shrewdly observed that "the 
idea of bridling the tonsrues of thepreachers in matters considered to 
pertain to their faith is like damming torrents,"-^' It v«s left to 
John Doane, itean of St. laul's, to defend the preaching orders and 
the king's proceedings at Taul's Cross: this he did upon 15 September. 
He preached from Judges 5,20 -- "the stars in their courses foarht 
againat oisera" — • which was, as Chamberlain observed, "somwhat a straim/;e 
text for such a business, "^^ In a long exordium he described )eborah's 



song of deliverance as evidence that God*s power to deliver his people 
should never be doubted, God may effect his purposes in most obscure 
ways, but he needs the cooperation of subordinate means and persons, such 
as those who contributed to the defeat of Si sera. He is to speak of the 
God of battles, but vrarned his auditory that he vmn "far from glvlnf fire 
to them that desire war," God's purposes are not abandoned because they 
are sowetijaes slackened — here an obvious reference to the king's desi^rns, 
which the populace were r>ot inclined to consider the woikine out of ofod'a 
purposes. Chief ainonp these subordinate meons and persons are princes, 
and their services In God's cause are not always seen: TQngs cannot 
al\«iys 5;o in the sii'Jit of ir.en, and so they lose their thanks," Governors 
and great ofricers have their piece, so lon;^ as thej-^ assist in the 
pronotion of the king's will. All callings have their place. 

Phe stars foaf^ht in order; the stars in their courses are the 
preachers, Ihey maat fight in order "and accoi^iinE to those directions 
vjhich they, to whom it arpartains, shall give theni." In a spiritual 
war there may be no peace between Christ and Belial, but there may be 
peace between laen and aen. rhe ministers preach against Sisera, that 
is against error: 

Ckjd hath placed us in a church, and under a head of the church, where 
none are silenced, nor discountenanced, if beinc; stars, called to the 
ninistry of the Gospel, and appointed to fi,?ht, to preach there, they 
fight i-vith-ln the discipline and limits of this text, I'^nentes in ordine. 

In ordine inrlies a head, and the head has lately issued an order, 
Donne then . roceeded to set forth pruoeaerita for such an act: in this 
the king has the authority that Josiah had, or Charles the Great; and 
the kin)7, like the latter, has acted upon advice given hin by his hlo^lier 

■2. <?M- 


clergy of abuses in preaching. In this kingdon there Is the precedent 
of Henry VIII, of the regents of iikiward VI, of Elizabeth. Indeed the 
king has established his own precedent: 

It is a seditious caluiony to apply this wliich is done now, to any 
occaaiori thit arises but now: as thoufh the kln^ had done this nov/, for 
satisfaction of any persons at this tiii;e, ioi- some years since, vvhen 
he vras pleased to call the headt* of houses from the univei'sity, and 
intiitthiie to thsw the inconveniencos that arose from the preacVilng of 
such xaen, as v/ejrc not at all conversant in the fathers,,,, and gave 
order to those p,overaorE for remedy therein. 

Co'old it be that Jonne thought in his conscience that the two occasions 
were elikt, or that the "persons," that is Gondonar, really had no in- 
fluence on the king's action? This one cannot decide. Certainly 
after this Dassape he hi:i himself in a cloui of citations to prove 
that the injunctions to preach the substance of the Creed and the 
HoBdlies were actually a return to the practice of the pririitive 
church. ITie king, he concluded, is grieved that any should think 
he wishes a restraint of preaching itself oi' a reduction in the nunber 
of serjaons. Gould so learned a prince bo suspected of laying a plot 
to brfns in ignorance? losterity vail sse in thest orders a zeal in 
his Eiajeaty Tor God's truth delivered without indecent railing and to 
edification. Preachers and people should alike be obedient to the kin^:, 
have confidence in his goodness, and thaaksf?lvin/: in their hearts for 
their blc^soiiif in aira. 

This is a poor perfomsance, whioli adds little to a great 
reputation, thougih there is i erhaps no need to "correct" one's view 
of Donne by it. The art of perauosion bed fallen off sadly since 
the days of Itencroft. There is in this effort an intense enibarrassment , 



8 preciosity oi" definitions, an awkward casuistry. Pliese failings In 
what might be called the totality of appeal from the pulpit happen when 
the king is a theolorian, and when the theolop-ians are something like 
kin^s. Donne "gave no great satisfaction," says Chaniberlain, and indeed 
seemed unsatisfied himself. One suspects that he had his doubts as 
strong as those of some his auditory. Four years later in a serinon la 
St. Paul's he recalled the preaciiing orders and set them in what he was 
then prepared to pronounce their proper context: 

There was a time but lately, when he who was in his desire and intention, 
the peace-makor oi' all the Christian world, as he had a desire to have 
slumbered all field-drums, so had he also to have slumbered all pulpit- 
drums, so far, as to jiass over all iinpertinent handling oi' controversies,..; 
that so there might be to slackening of the defence of the truth of our 
religion, and yet there might be a discreet and temperate forbearia,^ of 
personal, and especially of national exasperations. 

He who was then our hope, and is now the breath of our nostrils, 
and the anointed of the Lord ^harlesj, being then taken in their pits, 
ana, in that great reapect, such exasperations the fitter to be forborne; 
especially since that course might well be held, without any prevarica- 
tion, or cooling the zeal of our positive laaintenance of the religion 
of our church. But things standi ns: no..? in another state, and all Peace, 
both ecclesiastical and civil, with these men, being by themselves i^- 
ffioved..., and he irtiom we feared, returned in all kinl of safety, safe 
in body and sale in soul too..., it beconies us also to return to the 
braaing and beating of oar drums in the pulpits too. 19 

If "taken in their pits" means, as it must loean if we take it in con- 
junction with "returned In all kind of safety, safe in body and safe 
in soul," the wooing journey of Charles and Buckingham, during which 
there was indeed very considerable fear for his physical and spiritual 
safety, then Donne was certainly guilty of some dlsingenuousness, t.o say 
the least, in setting down this excuse for the preaching orders. They 

were issued in August 1622 and Charles did not leave England until 18 

February 1623, iiven in so alniple a matter as this, one strikes that 

tortuous vein in Oonne's mind. 



On the Sunday following the Prince's departure for Spein the 
preacher at the Sross -*a3 eipected to make eoEie official annoanceiaent 
concerning the Spanish match, since it v/as be.3lnning to be known that 
Charles had left for 5pain, secret though the departure had been. Btit 
the preacher merely prayed for Jils prosperous journey and safe return, " 
I liave noted one raore instance of trouble with the Cross preachers in 
connection with this affair. On '60 March the preacher, a Mr. iUllson, 

spoke "general words of evil interpretation" In an invective against 


popery. Some Indication of the low level of the king's popularity at 

this time may be gained from Chamberlain's account of the anniversary 
sermon on 24 March, preached by John B}chardson of Uagdalen: 

He perfoijned yt reasonably well, and the better because he was not long 

nor Immoderate in comniendation of the tiioe, but gave ^ueen Elizabeth 
her due. 22 

In October Gharles returned, to be gi^eted by a treoendous surge of 
bappy welcome and rejoicing, and the whole sorry episode was finished, 
for no Blatter how Jaaes might still cling to the possibility of a 
success in his diplomacy, his heir and his favorite were ready for 
revenge. The era of the peace-maker was at an end, and his last sus- 
tained effort to play that role upon the stage of Europe had lighted 
some fires in i^ngllsh breasts which jolght turn into a general con- 
flagration even upon a different pretext. The virus of the wars of 
religion hod infected, however lightly, the inglish polity. 

In other invectives against Rome from the Paul's Cross pulpit 
during the last years of James there is little instruction. Two 
dramtic incidents deserve mention, since one provided the theme for 

T-T T 


a sermon at the Cross and the other served as epiloprae to a sermon, 
ihan Bishop John King died the Jesuits circulated a pamrhlet containing 
an account of his alleged conTersion to Rome an-l recelTlnp comaunlon 
before his death at the hands of the priest Thomas Preston. This 
scandal the bishop's son, Henry King, confuted at large in a sermon 
preached at the Cross on 25 November 1521,^^ to the published form of 
which he was able to subjoin "^Phe SXaminatlon" of Thoaas Preston before 
the Archbishop of Canterbury on 20 December, from which it was evident 
that the wtole business was a gross fabrication. The sermon, upon John 
15,20, is an eloquent monuEient to Henry King's loarninif and ingenuity; 
the attack on Rome consists not only in a devoted and careful account 
of the late bishop's virtuous Protestantism and Christian manner of 
dying, but also of some animadversions upon the Pope's pride and pre- 
sumption in elainin^ authority over kings, and upon the Jesuits, "the great 
Paracelslans of the world, »rtiose practice Is Thlebotoiuy, to let States 
blood in the Heart- vei ne... , the onely Inventories of adschiefe, " Pheir 
weapons are steel and gunpowder, also slanders and caluzmies such as this 
which it Is his business and filial duty to refute, 

rhe other incident occurred on 26 October 1623, twenty daya after 
the return of Charles from Spain, while anti-x)apiDt feeling was still 
exuberantly bitter among the populace. On thet ::9unday afternoon some 
three hundred persons '^ere collected in a large upper room in a house 
attached to the French wabassy in the Blackfrlars to hear the Jesuit 
preacher Father Clrury, In the midst of his sermon one of the floor 
Joists gave way and the congregation was carried in a shrieking mass to 
the floor below. Some ninety-one persons perished in the accident. 



»rfilch the pious could attribute oiily to "Ood's wisdom permitting," Iho 
"fatal Tespers" served as a lesson of God's fearful judgments upon 
papists, especially since the coroner's jury found that there was no weak- 
ness in the floorinc» "in utter disregard of the fact," as Gardiner 

observes. That ioiornlng Thosaaa Adams had preached at the Cross on 

Luke 15,7, the cutting down of the fig tree, mentioning asiong other 

sins condemned by the parable the papists' abuse of the doctrine of 

excomsiuni cation and Jesuits' iaoaarchoaachy. In a postscript to the 

published sermon Adams insinuated himself into the scheme of God's 


It pleased God Almighty to make a fearful comment ujon this, his own 
text, the very saae day it vias preached by his onworthiest servant. 
■i3ie arsoRent was but audible in the morninp;, before night it 'Jias visible, 
Eis holy pen had long since written with ink; now his hand of justico 
expounded it in the characters of blood,,., s'e pass no sentence upon 
them; yet let us take warning by them, fhe remarks bleness would not 
be neglected; for the time,^° the place, the lersona, the aumber, the 
manner. Yet still we conclude not this was for the transgression of 
the dead; but this we are sure of, it is meant for the admonition of 
the livine, 27 

Another sermon by Adams, preached in 1624 upon the anniversary 
of the Oowry conspiracy, deserves special attention, not because of any 
novelty In the arguments apalnst popery, but because the choice of those 
arguments is not insignificant at that time. He preached against idolatry, 


upon 2 Corinthians 6. 16, A sermon probably similar In tone and intent 
had been preached at the Cross in the previous year, Anti-Catholic 
sentiment -*as in full flower in 1624, after the period of inhibition 
preceding, but the concentration and bitterness of Adams' attack upon 
forms and "Idols" illustrates clearly the sentiment amonf; solid con- 
formlnr Calvinists of his stamp, the sentiment which ^as to produce such 



steady opposition to the reforms of Laud. Adaros flourished under the 
regicie of Abbot, It is true that he attacked specifically the abuses 
of the Roinan church, but it cannot be too strongly emphasized that the 
attitude toward the worshlj of God which he, like so aiany before him, 
condemned seemed to men of his stamp, whom I have called the solid 
centre of the Church of iingland, to be implicit in the Eigh Church re- 
forais of Laud. Phese reforms end their impress upon church tradition 
make it possible for posterity to label Adams a lurttan and for dis- 
eenbing historians to labli Laud a lapist."^^ Sven to contempraries the 
dissolution of the centre made for strange judpoients: Richard llontafju 
called tlie framers of the Lambeth Articles Puritans. iHhitgift was a 
luritaa to hin. rhere was little difference in the ininds of those on 
the left between lapist and Arirdnian: Lir. House asserted in the I&rlia- 
ment of 162S that "an ArUiinlan is the sj^wn of s Fapist. "^^ In ahort, 
what Adajos had to say in 1624 of the Papists might be applied ten years 
later without too ouch strain upon the intellect or the zeal of the 
opposition to the lords of the Church of England and their policies. 
It is for this reason thnt the distrust of James' pro-Spanish policies 
had such a sinister aftermath. 

The argumant of Adams, then, indiich belongs as well to 1570 as to 
1624, is by this time familiar to readers of this survey, Christ and 
fiellal may not be reconciled; the temple is Qod's castle and idols the 
invaders of it. 

The champions that Cod hath set to defend his castle are especially or 
principally princes and pastors, the magistracy and the ministry; the 
adversary forces that flpht against it be the devil's mercenary soldiers. 
The aunitioD on the one side is the divine Scripture, the sacred wor<tv 



of God; the eoglnes, ord^nee, and instrtusents of assault on the other 
side are idols, traditions, and those carnal inventions wherewith the 
corrupt heart of man seeks to batter it. 

The temple is opposed by Anabaptists, sacrilegious, and defiled by 
wicked priests, "Our clergy is no charter for heaven.... It is no 
unpossible thin^ for mea at once to shew the way to heaven with their 
tongue, and lead the way to hell '.«fith their feet. It was not a Jewish 
ephod, it is not a Romish cowl, that can privilege an evil-doer from 
punisbBient. " ^ery idol is an image, bat not every image an idol. Fopery 
abounds in idols: 

An old laan, aittinc in a chair, with a triple crown on his head, and 
pontifical robes on his back, a dove hanging at his beard, and a cruci- 
fix in his arms, ia their image of the Trinity, 

Nothing should be iiaap^ed which cannot be imagined; idols and images are 
men's babies. It is idle for tiieiu to say that they worship God and not 
the ioaf^e, for what if the watchman who is to guide then, in these things 
should fall asleep? Idolatry quite removes faith and can turn men into 
the stocks and stones which they worship. 

How vain, then, are the endeavours to reconcile our church with that 
of Rome, when God hath interposed this bar, thei*e is no apreembnt 
betwixt him and idols!... Ihere is a contestation between us and the 
pontificlans, vrtiich is the true church; but should not we. In the 
meantime, carefully defend the faith of Christ against idols, super- 
stition would quickly decide the business, and take the possession of 
truth from us both. 

Ihis is of course the crux of the senr.on. For ^dams only the 
purity of the Church of England from all that savours of superstition 
separates the sheep from the goats. Should this be lost.... "tie have 
but one foundation," he concluded, "the infallible word of God." 




2, "Due obedience," 

The chorus of exhortation to obedience in church and state from 
the I^ul*s Cross pulpit during these years had as justification the ideal 
of order set forth elegantly by Henry Kinp; in 1621. The Word proclaims, 
he said, that the servant is not greater than his lord. 

There is nothing so much sets out the Universe as Order, to see how 
subordinate causes depend of theJrr Supertours, and this sublunary Globe 
of the Celestiall. 35 

Eierarchioal order brought the creation out of chaos; the elements are 
subordinate one to another; harxsony in music consists in variety of stops 
higher and loner, Squllty anong men would breed nothing but confusion* 

Looke up to heaven and reade over that bright booke, you shall see an 
inequality of lipht in those celestiall bodies. 

Hen are not bora equal, but each to his appointed station: Dominus and 
Servtts "were the two differences which in the Heraldry of Nature were 
first put to blazon the coates of all moii>ality, and make a distinction 
betwixt the elder and younger house, " The host of heaven is so ruled : 
there are two lights in the heaven, sun and moon, and two on earth. 
Religion and State, 

shining like lampes in the great asnembly of rarlianent; and a n.,.. 
imperiall Starre, whose peacefull influence hath many yeeres blest our 
Land, l!ay it bee long ere this Sunne goe downe, or by his set, leave 
us in darknesse and mourning, /^ig. ^] 

Note hero the significant shift in the metaphor: in the climax 
of adulation of James, the sun becomes State not Religion, This is 
an important variation upon the doctrine of the two swords. The idea 
was developed in characteristic fashion by iX)nne in May 1627, Preaching 



from Hosea <3.4, "lor the children of Israel shall abide naoy days nithoat 
a king, and without a prince, and without a sacrifice, and without an 
image, and without an ephod, and without teraphlm," Donne asserted the 
primacy of the royal power from the order of the words in the text: 

Pherefore also, in this place, God pir) poses first the civil state, the 
temporal coverninent, (what it is, to have a klap; and a prince) before the 
projoaes tho hajpiness of a church, and a religion; not but that our 
religion conduces to the greater happiness, but that our religion cannot 
be conserved, except the civil state, and temporal government be con- 
served too. 66 

This is not strictly an Erastian position, since he did not assert the 
subordination of the church to the state; Donne was a long way from Sel- 
den. But whatever the opinions of Anglican apologists concerning the 
divinely con^tuted authority of bishops, the exigencies of current 
politics as well as the theory of the supremacy made it necessary for 
them to set first in their exhortations to obedience not Just the "civil 
state" but the rights of the king by prerogative. They were committed 
by their position to defend the royal policies just as if they had 
■ade those policies; this was the tragedy of Laud, that he was blamed 
for activities of Charles and his ministers or courtiers with vihich he 
had nothing directly to do, and if this was true of Laud how much more 
true was it of the rank and file of the royalist clergy. 

Accordingly one finds Bishor Mountain, that graceful and inef- 
ficient prelate, preachinc at the Cross in June 1622 to justify the bene- 
volence required in that year. In January a cijrcular letter had been 
sent to the bishops, demanding that they incite their clercy to contribute, 
and that they should cause the preachers "In a grave and discreet fashion 
to excite the people, that nhen occasion shall serve, they do extend their 



liberalities to so Chiristiaa and worthy an enterprise. " Uountaln set 

oat to prove "that vftiat we hare Is oot our owae, and ^at we gave was 

bat rendering and restoring."^ Phis concept of stetvardship was fajniliar 

enough in the social criticism from that pulpit, but in that context 

goods were considered the property of Ciod; here they might be thought 
to be the king's, and that was very different. We have no copy of the 
sermon, and consequently cannot find bow much this little difficulty embar- 
rassed the "Canary-sucking and swan-eating" prelate, 

Donne probably showed embarrassment more easily. His Powder 
Plot sermon in this same year, upon the familiar themes of deliverance 
and provision against a relapse into danger, extolling the kinf: as the 
soul or the kin^^dom, its anima, contained a halting' and apologetic 
passage p^exhaps designed to excuse Jaraes's late proceedings in the 
Spanish, match or even the inJuBtices of his government in general: 

If this breath, that is, this power, be at any time soured in the pessage, 
and contract an ill savour by the pipes thpit convey it, so as that his 
[the king's] good intentions are ill executed by inferior fnluiBters, this 
muct not be imputed to him;... princes purpose some things for ease to 
the people,... and if they ^rove grievances, they took their putrefaction 
in the nay. 40 

One is reminded of the protestations of Charles's Jarliaraents, though 
in thciiu the profeasion of loyalty to the crown, impaired by evil ministers 
such as Buckingham, had always in it an element of legal fiction. Donne 
was as sincere as his position allowed him to be. Here, as in the 
preaching order, sermon in the sajue autumn, one sees in his emotional 
(if not intellectual) honesty the essence of the preachers' difficulty. 

Fortunately the preacher engaged to defend the royal prerogative 
in matters ecclesiastical found no such embarrassment in dealings with 

3a «f 


the luritaoB, whether he set out to condemn their religious practices or 
their political theory. He inas upon solid traditional ground in his re-* 
futation of both, and in his opinion each nourished the other. Henry 
Eing paused in his review of the enormities of the papists in 1621 to 
ecsBsient upon the abuse of the good practice of preaching: 

There are many now adaies who never thinke they have preaching enough: 
but as exq^uisite gluttons lay all markets for fare, so doe they lay 
all Churches where there is any suspicion of a Sermon, and all is... 
to glut their eares, 41 

To such behaviour the strictest Puritan lecturer could and did object, 
but King feared untaught preachers and daacerous conventicles: 

No wonder then, if I'reaching cay breed surfets, that so many Crudities 
lie in the stomackes of this Citty; that so many Funies and giddy vapours 
file up into the head, to the no small disturbance of the Churches 
quiet; that so many hot spirits, like Canons over-charged, recoyle against 
all Discipline, breake into divers factions, and with the sj-llnts of those 
crackt opinions doe iiore aisohiefe tlian deliberation or Justice can 
suddenly solve.... This conuriuaitie of Ireaching hath brought it into such 
cheape conteiapt, with Biany, that, as if the gift of tongues were pros- 
titute to Idiots and IVades, you shall have a set of Lay Ueohanicke 
Presbiters of both sexes ( iraedieatores and Iracdicantissae ) presume so 
far upon their acquaintance with the Itilpit, that they will venter upon 
an £xi.osition, or undertake to manage a long unv;eildy prayer conceived 
on the sudden, though not so suddenly uttered; nay, they are so desperate, 
they M.11 tonoeat a lext, and in their Conventicles teach as boldly, as 
if thej-^ were as well able to become Journeymen to the lulpit, as to their 
owne Trades. (sig. BSv] 

The phrmse lay Keohanicke Presbiters" is a slander, of course, for the 
sectaries against whoa King so cunningly shifted his attack were not 
"Presbiters," quite the contrary. There was this imich Justice in his 
case, however, that bcrutamini Gcriptores was already beginning to undo 
the world, as oelden prophesied, iiix years later the danger from the 
illiterate ftkiS undisciplined preachers was more real, at least in the 
eyes of Stephen Oenison, sdnister of St. Catherine Cree. He took occasion 



froa. the public penance at the Cross cf one John Hetherington a boxmaker 

and preaching familist to review "the Severall kinds of Mysticall Wolves 


breeding in a'GIAKD." j'irst of these are the Papists who fight by force 

and flattery to bring us again into blindness and superstition. Next 
(for Denison was no Laudian) cojcb the 

Arminian wolves, which make a bridge betweene us and I^opery, endevoiiring 
in some points to reconcile the Wolves and the Laiabes, 

rhen there are the 

AnaJTaptist 'Solves, which Juape with the Aminians in conditionall election 
upon foreseeae faith or workes, in denying the doctrine of reprobation 
ia tlie true sense thereof, in iiaintaiain^r oniversall redenption of all 
eorts, in maintaining the doctrine of free-will, in defending the 
pleading for fallin{j froa grace, or the total Apostacy of Saints, Sco, 

Fourthly, I would we had not Koeey-crosse Solves whiche tume Divinity 
into phansies, 6 idle speculations of their ovme braine, esteeirdng 
text-aien, or such as endevaour to keepe to the naturall sense of Scripture 
(net darinc; to laake an ullegorie in a Text where the spirit of God de- 
sires to be understood without an allegorie)'^'-' to bee vulgar Divines, as 
they inculcate in soiue of their phansifull bookes; boasting of their 
ability to worke such miracles as I should tremble to name: but be- 
cause they do this more privately, being either ashamed or afraid it 
should corae to light, I passe it by for the present. |sig. FovJ 

A^o there are various sorts of FaMlists, as Denison calls them: those 
of the "KJastalian order," who oppose every syllable of orthodox doctrine 
but show outward conformity, 'Nrhich tearme theicBelYes Eagles, Angels, 
and Arch-angels ," who hope for special spiritual illuniinotion, who 
"allegorize the places of Scripture concerain*- Christ, drearalng onely 
of a sanctifying Christ, and abhorjring a justifvinp Saviour," who expect 
salvation by their own norks. There are also "Gringltonian Familists 
in the North parts of England, 



who Ixolci: that the Scripture is but for novices: that the Sabbath is to 
be observed but as a Lecture day; that to pray for pardon of sin is to 
offer Christ again; that the Scripture is to be tried by their spirit; 
that we aust go by motions not by aiotives; that irtien God dwells in a man 
there is no core lusting; that liinisters need aot reprove sinners since 
the wicked can do nothing but sin; that boast they have given over faisily 
prayers and sermons; which scoff e at such as aakie Conscience of words, with 
aany other parnitious points, {sig. If^J 

Besides there are F&milists "in the l&juntainea" who say they have van- 
quished the Jevil and are pure f^i'om all sin. 

2ach of these sects, it will be observed, finds its source in 
some aberration based on the interpretation of Scripture or Scripture's 
place in the believer's world. Henry King's condemnation was not 
without Justice, But interesting though it would be to follow i3enison'8 
classifications into the history of sects in the Coimnonwealth, both his 
and King's outbursts are digressions from the main theme of these warning 
sertnons at the Cross. Itaogerous glosses upon Scripture with political 
implications were Biore respectable objects of attack, such as Saengler's 
interpretation of an aiobiguous p'assage in Calvin which is itself a gloss 
upon "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers," the indispens- 
able text for the doctrine of obedience. John Knight, fellow of Pembroke, 
preached at Oxford in 1622 that "Vf kin^-s grow unruly and tirannicall 
they may be corrected and brought© into order by theire subjects," 
i.e., by the inferior magistrate, '^^ and was accordingly comndtted. t^illiaiB 
rierce, Bishop of Bath and tfells and Tice-Ghancellor of Oxford, comnitted 
the case to Laud,*^ and on the sa»e day that Mountain j reached the bene- 
volence, Pai^eus* jjliaengler'sj books were burnt at Paul's Cross, 
though the sophisticated Chamberlain observed that it vas of little good 
when the theme of Paraeus' thirteenth chapter was "current all Christendom 



over. " 

Another glosa upon Irotestant doctrine, the jossible revolutionary 
extension of the doctrine of Chrlatian liberty, was first handled at the 
Gross in 1624 by Robert Sanderson, then as long afterwards rector of 
Boothby Pagnell in Lincolnshire, destined to be Bishop of Lincoln and 
to be iacjortalized by Jalton. Sanderson was a Galvinist and a conserra- 
tive. In a letter of 1649 he set forth his position with great clarity, 
as befitted one by temperament and training a logician and casuist: 

iilhen we have iKPangled ourselves as long as our vsits and strengths will 
serve us, the honest, downright sober Snglish I^rotestant will be found 
in the end the «an that wallcebh in the safest v/ay, and by the surest line. 


1. /oaketh the Written ilord of God the sole and perfect Rule of 
all matters proi/erly of Faith, and of all the essentials of God's Worship, 
and oi Church Governinent. 

2, A3 for all inattors of Ceronony and Order, and other accidental 
forms and circumstances belonginc either to Church Government or Worship, 
he leaves tlie particular dQtorinln':ition thereof, as of all political or- 
dinances, to the Civil and Ecclesiastioal Governors respectively. 

o. But in all other miattors, whether oi" Opinion in points of 
smaller importance or not clearly revealed, or of Practice in things 
not comoanded nor forbidden by ar^y higher jower, he useth the liberty 
of his own judgment and discretion, leaving all others also to do the 
like, according to the zonoTQl rules of CHxpistian Sobriety and Charity, 

In this Religion I have lived hitherto, by the Grace of Go;l, not 
without comfort; and in this Religion, the same Chrace assisting', me, I 
hope to die, 49 

His sermon of 1624^° was upon 1 Timothy 4.4, uron the goodness of God's 
creatures, our liberty unto there, and the condition of receiving that 
liberty, with thanksgiving. He began by praising the "goodly system 
and fabric of Tlaturc," its harmony and usefulness in all its parts; that 
every creature of God Is good is so evident that the heathen equated 
ens and bonun . and this truth serves also to confute the V*nichees. 
Let no nan say then that he is tempted of God, for there is a natural 



goodness in e^ery action; let eTeiy mn Harvel at the goodness of GoJ; 
let us not carp at unprofitable thin^.s. for the inost unprofitable things 
profit us. if our corrupt understandings could see it. All the creatures 
of God ar. lawful to us, "so as it is against Christian liberty, either 
to charce the use of them with sin, or to place holiness in the abstaining 
froB them." rhe ground^cf this liberty are our ri^ht by creation of 
sovereigiity over the creatures; and since we have lost this liberty by 
the i^ll. Christ's purchai»e of It in the work of redemption. The legal 
imparity of creatures under the law was scoured off by the blood of 

The "just extent" of our liberty iianderson defined in eight points. 
It extends to aU the creatures of God. It equally respects the using and 
non-using of any of God's creatures. It nay without prejudice extend to 
some restraint in the outward practice of it. as sobriety; our liberty 
does not excuse pride and vanity in silks and scarlets. Another re- 
straint is charity; another is duty we owe to our superiors from the 
bond of civil obedience. Let no nan under the colour of Christian 
liberty preach disobedience: 

•;&osoever then shall interpret the ^«*«^f ^J^"?^ °^,f f/'^i/tia^ 

°' inMret:r'fh:U°".T^ee °anf sib/unui dlf/ers»ce b,„ the. 

and c;«n»ditieB. and enjoined f^---^,toL^y"tbl\at for order 
Ghurch-Oovernora may. upon good considerations, say it> ub 


and uniforEiity*s sake, proscribe the times, placae, vestments, gestures, 
and other Cereiiionial Circimstances to bo used in SccleslasticQl Offices 
and asseiiiblias. §-p. I6O-9] 

It is quite obvious that, as all the earlier part of Sanderson's dls- 

cassion follows Calvin aliaost to the letter, so this adjuration to duty 

in ecclesiastical and civil natters contradicts the Institutes III, :cix, 

15 only in seeaniing. For in that crucial passa/^e Calvin places th© seat 

of spiritual Jurisdiction al thin the soul, as opposed to civil ordinance 

which regulates outnard conduct, and he assei^s later^^ the necessity of 

discipline in the church, "for to it is owing that the members of the body 

adhere tof^ther <»ch in his ovm place." The seat of difference betv/een 

3anderson and his inodel does not arise in this semon, for he assumes the 

legitiEiacy of Anglican discipline by vjarrant of Scripture, as in Article 

XI; Calvln*s doctrine of liberty is in question, not differences between 

the Anglican and Genevan disciplines. Storeover, Sanderson proceeded to 

Justify obedience to superiors on the ground of restraint in respect of 

charity. Els argument is of greet interest: 

Suppose, In a thing wSdch, sirtply and in itself, we nay lawfully either 
use or forbear. Charity aeeisieth to lay restraint upon us one way, our 
weak brother expecting we should forbear, and iXity a quite contrary vmy, 
authority requiring the use, in ouch a case whet are we flo do? It is 
against Charity to offend a brother, and it is against Duty to disobey 
a superior.... In the use of the creaturos and all indifferent things, we 
ought to bear a greater regard to our ] ublic Governors than to our pri- 
vate brethi'en, and be n»re careful to obey than to satisfy these, if the 
same course will not in some mediocrity satisfy both. Alas, that our 
brethren, who are contrary' minded, would but with the spirit of sobriety 
admit common reason to be the umpire In this case . Alas, that they would 
but consider .vhat a world of contradictions .vuuld follow upon the contrary 
opinion, and whst a world of confusions upon the contrary practice. Say 
irtiat can be said on the behalf cf a brother: all the sane, and TiOre, nay 
be said for a Governor. For a Governor is a brother too, and something 
more; and duty is charity too, end sociething more.,,, ijo that, if we go 
no further but even to the eoHanon bond of Charity and relation of Brother- 
hood, that iiiaketh then equal at the least; an: therefore no reason, why 

^ 10 


I should satisfy oae that is but a prirate brother, rather than the public 
MagiBtrate, iHio, that public respect set aside. Is uiy brother also, 

la this exercise of casuistry it seems to me that Sanderson deliberately 
goes if not contrary to Calvia at least upon a line which does iK>t meet 
him, am tnat most significaatly, CalTin's judgment upon things indiffer- 
ent, followed by the Tori tans against viiom. Sanderson contended, is loost clear: 

?<[hate7er I have said about avoiding offences, I vtish to be referred to things 
indifferent. Ihlaga which are necessary to be done cannot be omitted from 
any fear of offence, i^or as our liberty is to be made subaenrient to 
charity, so charity raust in its turn be suboriinete to purity of faith. 
Here, too, regard ttust be had to charity, but it must go as far as the 
altar; that is, we itiust not offend Goi for the sake of our neighbour, 53 

Obseznre that Sanderson willed his opponents to use "comnon reason as 
umpire; they were prej^red to invoke the decision of the Individual con- 
science ujon "purity of faith," guided by the oioni potent ^ord. Their notions 
of duty were different from those of oanierson, who in this respect stood 
in the tradition of Aquinas and Ilooker; behind the revolutionary extension 
of the doctrine of Christian liberty lay an iadividualiaa wliich, like that 
of our time, considered obedience privative rather than positive, For 
iianderson duty is charity, and charity is a positive virtue. Sanderson*s 
"duty is charity" was becoaiOR as outmoded In the jolltical theory of 
the gentry as the doctrine of "stewardship" in their econoniic theory. 

If Sanderson's position upon the lawful exercise of Chz^stian liberty 
was quite clear in 16S4, his second Paul's Gross seiuion upon the same theme, 
preached there on 6 May 1632 when laud's ouremittlng efforts to sectire con- 
fomlty had been some time in application in the diocese of London, il- 
lustrates by change in emphasis and more extended application of the 
doctrine the change in the times. Phe sermon "concerning the right use 

3 II 


of Jhrietian liberty" -was publlBhed la 1636, and dedicated to Laud. In 
Ms dedicatory epistle Sanderson asserts that he has always been reedy to 
vindicate the gororiunent and rites of the Church of England, now so much 
defamed. ""jJoo too ciauy,'' he coiajlains, "pleaa liberty end Conscience, 
in bar to Loyalty and Obedience,'^* It la probable tlxat even in 1636 he 
had reached the conclusion Torced upon him by events to i«hich he gave 
voice in 1649 : 

Truly, when I have considered well of then, I find no security at all, 
either in Itopiah or Puritanical principles. Yet, of the two. Popery hath 
this advantape, that it keeps the Iroselj'te, thoui'h with insufferable 
tyranny, yet confined within some limits and bounds, like water shut up 
within the bunks of a laudd;' unsavoury lake, "thereas, this wild thinir, 
for want of a more proper noiae cotnoouly called Puritani&ju, like a sea- 
breach, runs itself into a thousand channels, and knows not where to 
stop. 55 

The relative emphasis given to dangers from papists and Puritans in the 
seriion seens to bear this out. His text upon this occasion m\s 1 ieter 
2.16, expressing strongly the negative aspect of the exercise of Gospel 
liberty. He struck the new note in his axordi'uu: "There is r.ot any thing 
in the world :i.oi^ generally desired than liberty, nor scarce any thing more 
genei^lly abused." Even the bleasing of Christian liberty is often cor- 
rupted by disobedience, and 3t, Peter was careftil to frame the early be- 
lievers to reverence and obedience to the temi^oral powers. We must, as 
free, perform our duty to authority with cheerfulness of spii^it: we must 
neither "usurp mastersiiip, nor undergo servitude," as we are servants 
to Ood alone. V7e are charged in this regard by Christ and by 3t. Paul, but 

God forbid anj' inan of us, possessed vdth an Anabaptist! cal spirit, or 
rather frenzy, should understand either of those passages Qlatt. 23. 8-lOj 
I Cor. 7,23) , or any other ol like sound, as if Christ or His Apostle 
had had an,r purpose therin to slacke;' those sinews and ligeunents, and to 
dissolve those Joints and contignations, «rtiich tye into one body, and 



clasp into one struct are, those many little members and parts whereof all 
huiian societies consiat: that is to sny, to forbid all those matual re- 
lations of superiority and subjection which are in the -florld, and so to 
turn all into a vast chaos of anarchy and confusion. For such a meaning 
is contrarious to the express determination of Christ, and to the constant 
doctrine of St, I'aal in other places {Hon, 13,1; JEph, 6.5; Col '6,3^ ; and 
we ought so to interpret the Scriptures as that one place may consist with 
another, without clashing or contradiction,,,. The true and plain meaning 
is this, that we must not acknowledge any our supreme lister, nor yield 
ourselves to be wholly and absolutely ruled by the will of any, nor en- 
thrall our Judsments and consciences to the sentences or laws of any man 
or angel, but only Christ, our Lord and Master in Heaven. (T. 277| 

The offenders against this true Christian liberty are of tv/o sorts. 
First the papists, who encroach upon the liberty of others through the pre- 
posterous elaiias of the papacy. Second, there are those who 50 about to 
deprive us of the risht exercise of Christian liberty by "secret under- 
minings. " 

rhey inveigh against the Ohurch Governors, as if they lorded it over God'a 
heritage, and against the Church orders and constitutions, as if they were 
contrary to Christian liberty, Vherein, besides that they do manifest wrong 
to the Church In both particulars, they consider not that those very ac- 
cusations, which they thus irreverently dart at the face of their Mother, 
to whom they owe better respect.,,, do recoil in part upon themselves, and 
cinnot be avoided. For -.thereas those Constitutions of the Church are made 
for order, decency, and unlfonaity sake,.,, and not with any intention at 
all to lay a tye uion the consciences of men,,,, as if there were some 
necessity or Inherent holiness in the things required thereby; neither do 
our Governors, neither ought they to press ther. any further: ?riiich is suf- 
ficient to acquit both the Glovernors from that lording, and the Constitutions 
froffi that trenchirv? upon Christiai liberty, wherewith they are char=-ed. 

This is the old art^ument dating from the vestiarian controversy, thnt orders 
for conformity's sake are things indifferent which bind aot the conscience, 
Sanderson, however, turned the argument upon the Presbyterians with some 

Alas that our bretljren, ;ho thus accuse them, shotild suffer themselves to 
be so far blinded with prejudices and partial affeotioz>s as not to see 
that themselves, in the r^an time, lo really exercise a spiritual lordahip 
over their disciples, who depend in a manner ujon their judgments, by Im- 
posing upon their consciences sundry Magisterial conclusions, for which 
they have no sound warrant from the Virltten rtord of God, (Pp, 284-5/ 



Ifevf jresbyter is but old priest writ large. He proceeded to push the 
ar-ijuraent home: 

rhey that positively make that to be sin which the Law of God never made 
so to bo, hoj can they be excused froia symbolizing with the Iharisees and 
the Papists, in isaklng the aarro ways of God yet narrower than they are, 
in teachinT for doctrines ioea'c precepts, and so castinp a snare upon the 
consciences of their brethren? If our Church should press things as far, 
and upon such grounds, the one way, as some forward spirits do the other 
way, if, as thev say, it is a sin to kneel at the GoBununion, snd therefore 
we charge you upon yoiar consciences not to do it, so the Church should 
say, it is a sin not to kneel, and therefore we require you upon your con- 
sciences to do it, and so in all other lawful, yet arbitrary, CeremDaies, 
possibly then the Church could no more be able to aoquit herself from en- 
croaching uion Christian liberty than they are that accuse her for it. 
«hich since they have done and she hath not, she is therefore free and 
theiaaelves only guilty, Q'p, 2o3-5] 

If in this, then, the Church of England may be said to define and 
ezhibit the due exercise of this liberty, the wore reason for not using 
liberty as a cloak for maliciousness. There are four ivays of abuse. The 
first is to hold ourselvtja discharged froir. the *hole iioml law of Ctod or 
any p«rt of it. LibertineB and Antinomiuts have fallen into this pestilent 
error; Christ cane not to destroy but to fulfil the law; he has freed nen 
fron the law as a covenant but not front the law as a rule. fhe second 
abuse is to stretch our liberty beyond the just bounds of sobriety. The 
third to use it uncharitably, so as to stumble the weak consciences of our 
brethren. The fourth is to pretend on this warrant disobedience to lawful 

These are the aamie abuses dealt with in the first sermon. But 
under the last heading, of disobedience, Anderson adopted a far loore ef- 
fective method in his second effort. He assumed — what was quite true — 
that his luritan opponents valued obedience in all things except in certain 
points of church csreuionial, and ;;hen pointed out to than the logical 



consoquences of their position: 

The Anabaptists, that deny all subjection to LJaglstrates in indifferent 
things, do it uron this ground, that they iiiiagine Christian liberty to 
be violated vdien by human laws it la determined either the one \iay or the 
other. And I cannot but 'jronier that rany of oui" brethren in our own Church, 
who in toe question of Cereooniea oust argue froio. their ground, (or else 
they talk of Christian liberty to no purpose) , should yet hold off, before 
they grow to their conclusion, j^hich to ay apprehension seesteth by the 
T'Oles of good discourse to issue most naturally and necessarily froK it. 

The objectors are jooreover unconscionably partial, 

in laying the accusation against the Ecclesiastical laws only, vAereas 
their arguiaents, if they had any stren^^th in them, nould as well conclude 
against the Political laws in the Civil State, and against domestical 
orders in private ij'anilies, as against the Laws Ecclesiastical: yet must 
these only be guilty, and they innocent, wiiich is not equal. Lot theE 
either danm thoiu all, or quit them all: or else let ther; ahow wherein they 
are unlike, which they have not yet done, neither can do, j^. 50lJ 

This point aade, 3anderson continued in a gririly prophetic passage: 

If they were put to speak upon their consciences, whetlter or not, if power 
"rfere In their o%?n hands, and Church affairs left to their ordering, they 
would not forbid those things they nov; dislike, every vmy as strictly and 
with as much imposition of necessity as the Church presently enjoinoth 
theru, I doubt not but they would say. Yea; and what equity li: there in this 
dealin/;, to condeirin thut in others ^?hich they viould allov; theiaselves? ^, 502\ 

The Anglican apologists and the Presbyterians necessarily collided in this 
line of argument, but the situation changed when the Independents took up 
some of Janderson's weapons. 

There follows a long and ezceedln^y complicated jjassa^e, most 
onsuited in our view to a popular pulpit, in which Sanderson answered five 
objections to the orders ecclesiastical. The objectors first assert that 
the ecclesiastical eoni-tltutlona bind precisely what Christ left free. 
This is not true. 



for the liberty oi^ a Christian to any thine iniiffei^ent conslsteth in 
this, that hi3 judfyaeat is thoroughly persuaded of the ladiffereacy of 
it;aad therefore it is the dtstenniaatioa of the Judgment ia the opinioa 
of the thlnfr., aot the use of it, that taketh away Christian liberty. 
Otherwise, not only Laws Political and I-xclesiastical, but also all voi7S, 
proElses, covenants, contracts, aad what not that pitcheth ui:on any cer- 
tain resolutioa de futuro. should be prejudicial to Christian liberty, 
because they do all determine aocietiiing ia unam partega, -^hich before was 
free and indifferent in utraaque partejo. .,.. fo what purpose hath God left 
indifferent things determinable both ways by Christian liberty, if they 
may never be actually determined either way without impeachiaent of that 
Liberty? It is a very vain ;ower that loay not be brought into act; but 
God jjaie no power in vain. (l^p. 30?;-3l 

The second allefiation against the ecclesiastical lavfs is that by nsakiog 
indifferent things necessiari' they chaof^e "the nature of things," In reply 
to this Sanderson adduced the prefatory matter to the Book of Coianion 
I'royer, *'0f Cereoonies," observing that iJ? the ChU3?ch allov;s ceremonies 
used in other churches, and teaches her ovin rites to be aaitable, she cannot 
conceive the nature of thincs to be changed or their Indlffereacy removed 
by her constitutions. '2)ie thlrl is that the imposition of these con- 
stitutions takes av;ey the freedom of the conscience, by binding the be- 
liever in conscience to obey, This is not true. 

for obedience is one thing, and the thing comniai.ddd another: the thing 
is coiaruanded by the Itivi of inan, anu in regard thereof the conscience is 
free; but obedience to men is coiiuaanded by the Law of C!od, and regard 
thereof the oonscieaoe is bound. 3o that we are bound In conscience to 
obedience in indifferent things lawfully comrrianded, the conscience still 
reiBSininf' no less free, in respect of the thinf-s so cora:.ajtided , than it 
was before, [ip. J03-4J 

This is one of what Ifelton called Dr. Sanderson's "clear distinctions.'* 
The aert rebuttal was no less clear aad considerably icore effective as 
popular argument. To the objection that the Church irijoses ceremonies as 
necessary for salvation he once Biore cited the decleretion of 154S concern- 
in? cerenioniee, which is cost clear ujon that joint, and turned the argument 
upon his opponents with the same logic as he had used before: 



It w)Uld better become the latriarchs of that rarty tliat thas deeplj--, but 
untruly, charge her, to look under their oisn cloaks, dive into their own 
bosoms, and survey their own positions and practice, if hajpily they inay 
be able to clear thejuselves of trenching ujon Christian Liberty, and en- 
snaring the consciences of their brethren, and imposing upon their 
iTOselytes their own traditions of Kneel not, stand not, bow not,*., 
requirinr to have theci accepted of the people even as of necessity unto 
Salvation, Qp. JOeJ 

fhe last objection was perhaps from the :oint of view of popular 
appeal the rrost effective, but Sanderson dealt with it in the saice logical 
way* Ihe opponents of the Anglican discipline contended that the ritea 
could only be defended by such argustents as Papists use to support their 
"rotten tenet" that hunian laws binl the conscience as well as divine. In 
this point, said Sandorson, we differ materially from the papists, since 
they teach that huioan laws bind the conscience not only in respect of the 
act of obedience but also in respect of the things themselves commanded; 
they give, in their attempt to exalt the papacy, a preeminence to the 
ecclesiastical laws above the secular, whereas the followers of the 
(Genevan discipline exalt the secular above the ecclesiastical, asserting 
that only tlie ecclesiastical la.TS tyrannize the conscience. 

lihereas the very truth is, whatsover advantages the Secular powers raay 
have above the ikjolesiaatical, or the Ecclesiastical above the Secular 
in other respects, yet, as to the power of binding the conscience, all 
human Lavs in general are of like reason, and stand upon equal terttis. 

'He differ also from the rapists in not attaching the power of bindlnf^ con- 
science to the things cojm,ianied, whereby they assume the pouer of altering 
the nature of thinps from indifferent to comiuandud. Finally, they v/ould 
have the binding rower to flov/ from the virtue of the laws thenselves, 
which is in offset to make theia equivalent to the rjiTine law. vVhere they 
impugn Christian liberty by itiakinf; the obligation to obedience spring from 
the constitution itself, we base it in "the constitution of the Kapistrate" 



and thus bring it under the definitive ijorijtu^^l injunction to obedience, 
TL^t every soul be subject," 

As the historian considers a time -ahen ideas are swords, as in this 
time the idea oS Christian liberty was a sword, if a fcwo-edged one, he is 
prone to overlook that some held the shields, that what mras sirord for one 
was shield for the other. It may be an index of the weakness of the Laudian 
church that the conservative interpretation of the great doctrine of Christian 
liberty should have been thub of a casuist and logician instead of an able 
propagandist, but surely it uust be adbiitted that before the assaults of 
the Independents were launched the inconsistencies of the Fresb^/terian 
position u] on this point had been thoroughly explored by one whose ideas 
of theolof^y and polity were essentially i£lizabethan. Once again one is 

forced to see in the weakening and dissolution cf the politically conser- 


vative Calvinists a raajor cause of the collapse or Laadiaa systea. 

Very different ,»as Donne's defence of the cereitonies. In his sez^son 
of 162?, already referred to,^^ he contented himself with corresponaences, 

iThe ephod prescribed by implication in Hosea U.4 represents ecclesiastical 

ganaents, and the teraphim in the sar^e text represent images, vimich are 

not idols if used as aids to instruction, ; roperly conceived as adjuncts 
to the completion of the Christian life. In I'^oveaber 1629 he was simi- 
larly ineffectual: speaking at the Cross during the popular cojaBotion 
which accoiiiranied the iuprisonment and before the impending trial of 
the Com;x}ns uecibers who had offended the king during the session of 
1529, he contented hiiuself with a pious objurgation against "wilful 
jnlsinterpretiog of other 3«n, especially my superiors," against casting 
"aspersions or iaputa&ions upon the church or the state, "^ 

5 \i 


Edwerd iioaghen, e Christ Church man and Kentish vicar, wis 
tougher in controverey, in all respects a more able f-pokeanaa for 
authority. In /Jlpril 1650 he prenohed at the Cross upon 1 John 4.1-3, 


that te«t beloved of the orthodox end the defenders of the stetus quo, 
and his wsmlngs against eitrevsgant rplrlts were based upon the Kind's 
teclaretion concerning religion, issued in 1628 to discourage controversy 
concerning matters of faith. In the l-eclaration the King afflmed 

That the t.rticles of the Church of England .... do contain thft true 
doctrine of the Church of England agreeable to God's ^ord: which we do 
ratify and confirm; requiring ell our lovin,? rubjocts to contlruR in the 
uniform prof^Tsslon thereof, md pi-ohibiting the Iftost difference from the 
said ;.rticlc;s; 

thet differences concerning the external polity of the Church raust be 
settled by Convocation with the royal ratificRtlon; 

that ell further curlou' search be laid aside, end ... disputes shut 

up In Ood*s oromlses .... in the Koly -criptures, anri the e«^®^»l meaning 

of the ^irticlef? of the Church of Rnglunci according to tbetn; 

that anyone preaching or prlntinp anything contrary to what is fistablished 
68 official doctrine rhell be liable to the Church's censure in commission 
ecclesiastical. Between the promulfBtion of this I'eclarHtion and 
roughen' B sermon thi; royal prerogative h^.d been assailed in the Parliament 
of 1629 and in such soortilous pamphlets as Leighton's Slon's rlea. 
Bou-^hen accordl ng'ly malntelned the original Lnudian position on public 
controversy in matters of reli.'rion without any compromise whatever. The 
time i" fruitful, he exclalined, in "saint- seeming Heretickes," In "windy 
sermons" full of zeal bat no matter. Trust no -an >»ho teaches anything 
contrary to »hnt tlie Church believes; too nany are lini'iO':1erstely wadded to 
their ORn conceits. Our King has tsken the best course, a his Declaration 



In these matters, showa. Hid doing in this is the Lord's doing &iid It 
ought to ne f.cceptuble in our oyes: 

fthnt hath beene ooce defined by the Church, ought not to be subject to 
the cenr,urs of peiticular persons; the definitive serteace of the Church 
overswayes ell partlcalars, as an -ict of i'arllament over-ruleP sll 
perticular opinions; ana muct doe ;"0, untill it be reversed by the rame 
pover, that enacted it. ^ig. B2tJ 

iVe nsist, as the Apostle determines, use certain tolfens to dietlKg^ulBh 
between snirlt pnd spirit: the law of God reaches not only to the act 
but to the 7,111; an itchin? or inclln-. tlon to change I:' not enough without 
an inward desire that way; hence ne must not "stagger at every new-broched 
fancle." Trust not everyone t'nnt can speak In a pulpit; he may be a 
giddy unruly spirit, full of the cunning "irhich alway* characterizes 
herotictl impostei-s, iiny pan can bra^ of the ''spirit": and now, es in the 
days of King James, we are in danger from "ungrounded dlvtB".." "Our 
navlour sent his Disciples, as Itimbes into the midst of wolves; Jut these 
Dljjciplinarians corae as wolves Into the midst of Lembes." 

They seek to -anlsh the fesr of the kinr- from our hearts, and if 
they do thlo they alr.o seek to banish the fear of God: 

Dfinl'h one, «n.^ banish both; for there is bat one Time belonrn to both; 
Tjpte Doninum fc .MqEem .... If we feare not the kln^, «ee feare not God, 

L le. ^3j 

It is a fine tolcen of pood rell jion flhon it 1p joined vflth true of/'^dienee 
to the king, but now all will be law-givers and low-m^ leers: 

Let the I'lng conwiand Divine Jervlce before Preaching; no, not ro, wee 
icnow not hov to submit, to boT^e; b-jt wee know hor to controule, !o 
cominand out of 12 Pulpit .... At comnon orayorr- we are not, where humility, 
•(nd fe^re, nnd reverence are rhewod; there we are t nriumn r'irt n^^ --s in 
guriTlte T'jsto , one in a Pew©, ancl t7*o in an lie; ■ nd -^cll 1£ so. :'ut at 
:;er!non3, 'Mhere no humility la required, or at least not dercrled, there 
we are like gnats in the ayre. Q i£* CSVj 



Humility, liou^en hoicks, if I Interpret him erlght. Is induced by the 
act of bowing, by the postue of i-everence enjoined at common prayer; 
the ermon i-enulrr-s no aoh iCt c.n3 confiaouently dnes not lir-ulcato 
humility. The 8i'(^-u.oc:nt is latere^ ling, end thro»s sorae additionrsl 
lisht upon the a'itui-e of thn objections to Puriten pre.schinp. 

It is not for every men, he proceeded, to examine i^ioctrine. 
This we may know by common reason, for the >olrit bestows his sifts 
diversely aati the readiest preachers have not necesserlly the ;)e8t 
judgriente. In f-onis cases, *hei-e the "fruits'' of doctrines are evident, 
moat Christians are competent judges. But some prophetp cone in^eep*8 
clothing, an' how to fell them? By searching th-- criptares? Tertulllan 
advises against this -method of coBtroversy, since the i r^ue Is bound to 
be uncort'in; if Tertullien 1p not eoncidered velld authority, Colvln 
hlroc-elf hcs affirr.^d that the >.crlptiire nsy not be 'jsed to -ettle 
differences when we are not certain of It meaning, and thf:t no "an not 
a'^llled in divinity chould try the cpirlts by Scriptuie.^* Little do 
soae no7.adBys heed these ^emlnts: 

I know, there ..y many In the world, that never naluted either University, 
end have no tongue, ut ^h.jt tbcir motherc teut'ht thea, r.o well seene 
in the bcoke of God... thPt they uro able to expliiine tho moi;t 'Jifricult 
Jcriptuie ^\v. tcis ;;ede In uno , with :s n.uch e".se hs to sup:ie up a riesse 
■f broath; bee uae CHhlSl hath promised to reveals Kis rill to brbes and 
8ucklint!8. tig» ^It] 

DUt thif; la an ioiabaptlatlcal tenet and the sure way to bnnish all 
learning out of the church; it le directly contrary to the rule of 3t. 
Peter. "^ But ne are gx-o-»n to a wonderful pride thc^ue days, and do not 
heed the sdjuretion of Calvin that a council of bi hops la necessrry to 
£ei:tle doubtful polnte. The "Catholike or icclesiastlcall seme" of 
crlpture Is known by universality, antiquity, and consensus of opinions; 

'I I 

▼ (36) 

the safest rsy, therefore. Is to tie ruled by the coamon consent of the 
v/liarc.i. -nd aht is Lbe true Churcli? That ne Kay find by tlae evidence 
of St. Chrysoetom: Yerbum I'el et >-nti.:ulta: doctrlaa . Is not he 
prcsu ptlous who in exposition of Scripture will contredlct "the whole 
current of Interpreters"? what If one of you In the Corporation opposed 
the Court of -Iderraen or the Common Council of thlsClty? The Church 
of Ingland hse the sane warrant as you tj silence such pertonr,, 

After this shrewd strolte 3oufhen contlnu'^d hi:.- dlscourre with 
unwearied energy, untroubled by rr'-)Q tltion. The 'crirt jrs is like 
B floud, wherein o Ismbe raey .= ade, and an Elaphant iBsy swlnrie." But 
even thed.ephant will dro^n if ho ventures into Its denths. i-.s 8t. 
Jerone h-^.a put it-, eve-y voru nr.d syllabic of Scripture is full of 
mystorlHS. Dut noT^adays aome are much puffed up with knowled e efore 
they hove learned thc^ir Cntechisn; they are followed by mslapert heretical 
Bomon who dare to enter It to c nt roversles about rellflon, "and aIII not 
be t'et do»ne, bocaune they h -ve the Spirit," Their nouths are full of 

crlpture, but like the Sadducess they have the wonis but not the sen^e; 
they sto'-i^ 'n defiance before tholr bl:-hopf -=:nd srovernor?; thny oetter 
at cmfutiag than ost-'^bl i shlng, "'-ood at the ntabbe, but bad st the word: 
desperete ren." Through their ii^fluonco the sanctuary of God 1" denied 
to be seer, d, the sacramentfs ecarco h^^^. to je holy, ?nd high featir:;! d ys 
held no .'.lore than a com:ion working; day. Some of them pre "walklqp Splrltr," 
"T^andarlng Jtarrea." They ret Into some wealthy nen's house and then suck 
him dry. Tliey have foraa en the Onlrlt of ".o' ).v rors«;)clnff *he whurch, nnd 
rov3 up sn;i do^n in the i-tepr :>f -stan, and thouirh they r^kc the cnu-e of 

their .'oln,^ godliness "they have Procaratlona (as It were) in diverse 

ahires, and Dioceses." 


Thetfe are the tried and true Karnln^s, .-epeated end Intense but 
breaking- no new pround. In his conclusions, hoirever, Boughen ettrcV-ed 
m„ I .ctorers sf foa^rr-terr of rebellion. • ny nan can c.eily gain renown 
in the tents of reoela; tho chronicles «';ould never hava spoken of .at 
Tyler and Jack Strew if they htd not been rebels, Ih'^ sa-e ic tnio of 
these upstarts and factious persons: "If a rian bee but of their faction, 
Ch, hee Is ■:-■ breve sparfce," How df ngerous is the zeal of these men who 

blame the present government both of Church and Jtete, .... knox the 
lesst blemishes in both. They hfwe t .em upon all occasions et their 
fingers ends, and laMent thrm grle7ously; they proraiae Itrge redress-e of 
all abuses, if they co; e in place, J3ig. F2v] 

Thus 3oughen upon obedience to the Church, The ?©rmon Is st 
least vigorous if not nec<?ssarily logically convincing, rn^l it is 
effective because the preacher fout'ht the orDOsitlon upon their o^n 
ground. He ceme dotun into the lie s anc took stock of his oriponents 
before he struck. This was not Laud's ustbod, es his accession clay sei-non 
at the Criiss in 1631 demonstrates. Laud did not »rgue; be nagged. For 
him the issue of obedience to the order esteblished wae as simple as could 
be; there was nothing to be ccaicedeii, nothinr to be debated; debcte was 
to hia dangerous sad unnecessary. Hin fidjurf-tions were pointed enri orecise, 
his irony hetry, his threats explicit, ilis text »jr.8 isalm 72.1: To the 
king judgtaentc, to hi; son righteousnesc. -"-he fathers affirm that this 
pessare refers to Christ; It 9I o refers to all elltj-'ous kln~s. "I em 
glad to findC'arist so -'.ear the King." But the age ir^ so b'ld, "th'?y will 
not endu "e a good King to be commended, for danger of flattery: I hope 
I shall offend none by praying for tho Illng." The king ought to hHve the 
prayers of his people; Indeed no nan decervee the afcme of a Chri?^tl«n who 



prays not for the king. The king should pruy too, "and God oe olessed 
for it, you hove a Ulng trxt Is d^lly i:t hid ixayers, both for biirts-elf 
nnd for you." The king pi'oys for jucigjaent, *hlch Is the establishing 
of the king's throne, -l-'here is no matter In the school distinction 
betseen judgment ind .-justice , for justice is necessarily in the king's 
will and Judgment or execution must follow upon Justice o.- the people 
will not be kept in order. 

liemote and pitifully Inedequate w; s this erg-uraent to Tnce the 
protests of t' e conraoi? 1 iwyers concerning the abuse of the royrl prero- 
gative. But it was ell the nrf-ument Laud would admit; he contented himself 
with exhortation: 

Take heed, T heartily beg 1^. of you — I say It sgaln, I heartily beg it 
of you — that, no sir of unth-^nkfuln -ss, no bsse, detroctinir, piurmuring 
sin, poss-^ss your souls, or w et :-our ton?u s, or sour your bre'ste, 
tgainst the Lord, or egalnst his enolnted. 

And with a thrort: 

And here I should Inka occsion to tell you of t^f^ cnre end<feTotton of 
our Jr.vld In his de-ys, arxH of his prpyers, both for himself «ind hlP son; 
but that the a 'e Ic ao bad, they i^lll not beli?»ve he 1,- so rood bej'ond 
them. And soKe, for they »re but some, tre so - f spishly set to etine-, 
th t nothing cen tholr esrs, unlRss It sherpon their odpeanelnBt 
fiuthoi-ity. But tf^he hoed: for If thlr fruit be not E-^ended, Justice risy 
srize upon them that are guilty, God knows how soon: and the Ivinp*s 
Judgment th^t "od h'lth gi^en him, may poll out their stln.^s, thst cnn 
employ their ton!.ae© In nothine but to round Itim end his e-overnment, JP.EOSJ 

taud took the Star Chamber with him right into the Pf.uI's Cross pulpit. 

He then proeeedee to sho the analogy between the klnf'r pon and 
Solomon, In whom i^nflfind nhell see plentiful ble sing of Cod's eracs when 
he corws to power. Hla insistence upon t^ils, euitsble enousrh "or sn 



annivertery cernon, was likely c used by the fears expressea by some 
Purltcins Eiaid the r.joicing over the birth of the hsir. They feared a 
child .rought up by his Catholic ;nother; nhey had hoped for Elizabeth of 
Bohemia : 

God ^sald one of them] had slreedy hotter provided for us th?.n we had 
deEerved in fivln? as such a hopeful progeny by the ueen o'" Bohemin, 
brought up in the reformed relir:lon; ^herpes It is uncertain »h';t religion 
the King's children k 11 follov., being to be brought up under sj^prher so 
deTOted to the Church of i^ome. 69, 

Certainly the occaclon cslled for a statement of the divine rie-ht of 
klnrs, IndefeaEible hereriitax'y rlpht, tnd It was forthcamlng. Cod's 
Judgment 1" eubstfince, the klnp's accident, a llfht imparted t.o the King's 
judpraent from the divine llb|it, for "TAn^r, are ordained of CrO& for the 
pood of the peopla" If the people are revellloup this light may be 
snuffed out, anc hence must e cerrlec' in a lanthorn, with carF. and 
sobriety. The right of Ruceeealon must be sbsolttte so that the light of 
Ood inparted to the people through the king may not be extlnp wished. 

rhere Eoughen wee prepared to debate the icnuea with the PurltP-ns 
perhaps by the proraptinrR of an arguinentntive temperament, Sterk Frank was 

forced to do so by circumEtsncee, Frank v,Br! b Fellow of Pen roke. Just 


pradueted 5.D, Tjhen he preached at the Paul's Cro; s four.dation in ie4l. 

He s:ema to have been £ Laudian both in belief en: manner, but no n^an 
could preach in 1641 as Laud hed done ton yesrc before. Frenk w«is 
queruloup ?fhere L>^.\i6 vtr authoritltivo; his sermon oeksB r. fitting 
concluaioQ to the defence of the royalist pocltion frorti that nulpit. 
Ee pro?.chod upon Je-eraiah w5. 18-19, the commendation of tha rechftbites* 
obedience, cbservinp grimly that the te^ft vt:3 not fit for the tine, "but 


1 r-m sure it is nt?edful, — i toxt of obedience never mare. , little 
of th-^t, well prncticd, would make us undarstfiiid one Jiuother, ret us 
all together -igain." The text m«y Indeed be applied to the tiaie: 

3ec-:ase we cone not hither only to com-nend ethers, but to lesrn otzselTes, 
.... we "ill, in the clo-e of ©very sreneral point of their obedience, 
f^xamine our own; see how neKr or ^hort we come; rhere, if I chance to saj 
you b^ve not done no much, oardon ae that per-on 'ill the r.iiy; it ir the 
person In the t?'t, end I therefore use it. I raenn not you, nor you^ 
none of you unless your actions apply it. I Irnow not; if they do, yjni 
raust forpire ne if I strike home. I come not so far to flatter you; and 
the tLmi»3 require e '^h' rper phyr-ic. 

It i3 evident then from the text that God d-'listhts in ooedi^nee: 

God doth more than say it; says it with delight; goes with it over and 
over again; obi'distia . cuatodiatia . feclstia ; thrice in a breath; tskes 
notice of every tit Me, fills the whole chapter, -ilniost every verse with 

it; lovT. t-) P'^'-'-^w -f it, it '-0 aach contentn him. 

Hg cnya it rot dixit but rtlelt , sajrs it to us. He wss plessod with the 
hech-T. it'^s bec-Jttse they were a haopy f.'itntiy, their rule obedience, iiow 
do -e compare ^Ith them? In civil affai: s nen brotik through the la«s as 
if thoy were cobwebs; In eccleslartic&lB it is noree — both exee, all 
conditions and a|^8 of subjects will not bow the knee or bend the hend 
In God's service. The itocbnbltes* obedience consls'ed of hnarlnfi;, 
pubmisslon, ncquieacpnee in the act?; of their satjerlora. TTnleps we Bre 
re3 y to /la^r, and hf'^rin'r t,o submit, we shell be driven up to the chaoe 
of our private lusts: 

I need call nothlnp; el'^e !jut the dismal experience of there last 
tunuiltoous tiines to witners it, therein tonrues, and enp, and actions 
hQ-^e so h -rrlbly exoreBsed it. 

And s-lve me leave a little to re-^son with you. Authority ufed to be a 
losricsl ar^ment to iTuidft our reason: end have »■?; los': our lo''ic too, es 
well a- our onedience. The consent of wise, grave leornod fathers, ... 


▼ (41) 

*lth eny r.-n T?ot too hleh in bin ot:-!! conrelt. Is certainly of a wlue 
so-nenhat abore his privata ima^in tlon. For, who te'ls you they are 
deceived? Your pi-iv;.t9 cinlster? .-'.nl sre you rare he i" r.Dt? '.'icl 
are they decalved? ^nd Ir it not as likely th^t you and he should be? 
^.ere they net £8 wise as you — «' just ^s jou — as devout as yoa? 
Co you use the crlntur-e, and did not they? i^ad they iiii^ereets, nrd 
have not yoa? That all should be decei7fid, till you, and your nr-w 
irlnisterr esf-e iato the world, Is morally Impoacible .... It is true, 
your governors ere not infallible; no ir.ore are you. Yet certnialy ther» 
is more certainty in their united Jud^aents thnn your simple s. 

[r. 421] 

The good rubject submits in Judfrncnt and In affections, but the rebels to 
the Icinp- have murmurei at him and enthralled their judg^-onta while thinking 
to licer^ite the-^ 

to the factious and dlseontentei] decision,.,, of ignorant and nelicioua 
ti^-ichsrs; '^ho ha-v? -ve.clsed more tyranny upon your consciences, than 
the moBt clinorous csn proTe ever bishop did, du^ st ever icfeuse 'lim to 
do. [p. 423j 

It i? cl'^'r enough what motives have stirred wn to nove aeainr-t their 
l<5wful prince: "rlota, riches, pride, aad a desire of raising fartilies, 
have tnade mcny of you for'jet .... to keep under. " Such ambitious gentry 
wrln*" the laws to their osn er.ds, nrete'd liberty and conscl'^nce, but are 
corBctscl by pride. 

HsTlnf dewonstrpted that he knew a a well rs the economic 
hlrtorlen the Rocloloplcel bapis for the revolution, rrank turned his 
ertlllrTy upon the City fathers. How, he Inquired, cen you nqunire your 
disobedience to the '^rown rlth the obedience you Impose In your corporations? 
"where the opiisslon of a punctilio draws after it Intolera .le defaults?" 
You d1o"(J IsTj'- and cistoras In your tenures, lands end corporations, may 
not the '"hurch olead them tooT 



Itoy not I ?3s lawfully ^evTB my •'>ocl in reverent posture, r-s thou in a 
saucy anJ irreverent garb'j Is It superstition in iae to stand, becsa-e 
thou sittest or leun st on they elbow? I" it Idoletry in ne to kneel 
because thou wilt not foul th** clothese, or vex tiiey kneesV 

Such i' our sorry record In compsrlson with the echabttss. Kow 
rhom did tbey obey? Surely their fether, their right 'ath-r, 

sought them no ne* ones, neither in Church nor tate; kept, es you rould 
say, to their town king, to their o«n bishop, their own priest; wandered 
not out of their diocese, gadded n. t out of their own parish to find on© 
of thfir own choosing. 

They acknowledged him their father without any difficulties or injunctions, 
ofaeyt'd him because he was their ftither enu for no other reason, ninths and 
nursing fathers, and there la no earthly power above the king, neither the 
Pope nor people, [p. 433][ Bishops too are fathers by their title, 
the fathers of the Church: this wes never -^i.-pu^ed "till this nev? unchri; tlan 
Christianity started up." Ihelr service ie no Iieavy yoke: 

41 Het, e knee, s reverent posture of the body, are no euch tyrGnr,i:>a, as 
eone please to fauncy them. You would do more in r. g-rea;; man'r. presence, 
mox^ for a sxall teciporrjl eooouregetnent. -^ heoit, a hood, a cp , a 
suprlice, a name, are wonderful thinfB to trouble a devout conscience. 
You have mor^; ceremonies in your oojapanias anu corporations^, and you 
observe them strictly. You will find It if yo i ccrapore thom, jj'. 4343 

Moreover our King is a true ana kind father, and he has bsen evilly used: 

Let the affronts at hia own palace-gate, the saucy Isnguu '^ in every 
rascal mouth, the reualllous sermons, the seditious libels cnst about, 
hln own words, a here ho Is ffiln to nroclaim to the tsorld he is driven 
from you — let these c^ptjak; I say nothiii^. [?• 435^ 

From such disobedience can come ncthlnr but ruin and desol-'itton. 

One huadrad und seven years before Frank spoke out uf his 
oitternoss und despair ihomaa Crom>.ell initiated the preaching of the 



roypl rupre.Tiacy at Tf^ul's CroFS. In 1534 the eneriea of the -BtebllEhn»Bt 
tronsfomed — perhBpe created 1.b s bettsr ».ord ~- by the king in Tarlia- 
ment 7:er© few and almost poweiless, unsupported by those who posseseed 
the polIticFl and ecia-mlc oo^er in the r^alm. In 1641 the system of 
prerogiitive f?ovexn'ent f.hich served Kenry and Lli^sbeth wis broker., the 
ba? 6 of pover hod shifted (as Harrington observed) fron th--- cro^n to the 
gentry, tind the theory of governnent proclalneci from the official palpit 
had beco e unrealistic snc invf.lld, fhough it -as by no cicanr. dead and 
was fated for e storpy pHssSj-e in the restoration period es the doctrine 
of passive obedience. Yet it is posaible to overeetlmste the unrealistic 
ana reactionary aspect of th^te Benr.ons, Our view of seventeenth-century 
rngllsh history has beer until recently so coloured by the pronouncements 
of the trluranhant V higs who were the heirs of the Long pTllament pquires 
th«it the reraf^rkable con'-dstency ana nobility of the ideal arer.ched at 
Paul's Grose i? likely to be depreciated. The statesmen tho KorVred Tithin 
that frs'fiework of ideas, applying, tne precepts which nound so rigid in the 
pulpit Tflth considerable elaat.iclty and with that tenporizing art which 
More In the Utopia professed to adsiire, finished the interrupted tssk of 
the riantaponetr. in making England one state inscead of two privlnces of 
the Church, and put en end to feudal anarchy. These processr-s er<»ated 
the "new -len" end In their coming to po^er there was, tronicrlly, t 
return to the past as well as a breaking of n w ground. In one r.ense the 
▼ ictory of the Pnrliaoient war? a triumph for the ancient trsdltlonr of 
the common Ir.v rnd the po^era of the T^dieval Parliaments, self-connclously 
intorpretect by men like Coke and Pym. It is no de radox to say that the 
Tudor and - tuart autocracy was revolutionary rather than reactionary. 



Dut if tluH ijspect of the tutocr'-cy ia prominent in the orcitniza- 
tlon and functioning of the conoiliar courta and in the preaching of the 
ivefor.riotion doctrine of obedlencti in its *;xtreTie form, the truly cnser- 
vetive natui-e of the- Tudor and -tuart rule ir> deraonstreted in the social 
theory in the principles of which the preachers tirel ssly instructed 
their auditories for a century. To this important dep8rtra::nt of the 
preacher's duties we nay now turn, having suiTeyed e century of 
justiflc&tionB cf the oranicompetent Prince and hif^ relisrious estebllBhment. 




For if *e Bhrll be so affected, thst every nan for his owne oomraodity 
will rob and spoyle another rasn, he society of -iiaaklnd, »hlch of ail 
thinrs Is most natuirill, must needes be dissolved. 

John Ho son, J- Sermon ^re ehed at 
Paultjs Crosse (1597), sig, D5y. 

Tor the Church; we have but two children, and thoae none of oar own 
breeding neither, t.ouph ;ie &.re fain to bring t'lem up with rfitipnce. 
Poverty 'nd Contempt; 'md 'eke thea who vill, so to were rid of them, 

Thoroaa Adams, The '.pcrlflce of 
Thankfalneps 1615, 



The period la £ing^lsh history between the dissolution of the 
raon»steriep and the Long Parliament, between Wore and Miltoa, Latimer and 

Laud, was a time of mr:jor econimic and social revolution which njorks the 

beginning of the modern world or, if you will, the world before Marx, 

The transition to the modern is observable in every field of huncn 

endeavour, but, whether lor theory of history is Marxist or not, we must 

f.dnlt that the distinguishing characteristic of the age was the rise, 

thoupii certainly not the birth, of capitalism and the crpitallstlc ethic 

and folklore. It was the ap-o of the 3ook of Coomon Prayer and of 

Inflation, of Hooker and of .llr I'hocaas Gresnam. 

Now in the coupling of those two renowned names we see cymbollzed 
two of the most important eleiTients in that siniruler ccmpound which we call 
the ijriglish r.enaissance. It is a sad and elevating common-place that the 
courre of h(im.n events is very complicated, that "moveraents," chnnscs in 
the culture-complex of a society, ere at first obscured by the per: latence 
of the old order, and that the essence of change is conflict, often 
blurrf^d by the wrltinge of Ecnsible men who have a foot planted in the 
old t-B xell as the n w, and in their )>appy equilibrium upset the 
generalizations of the historians. In tine neriod before us, the basic 
diagnosis is this: that there existed a conflict between the medieval 
heritsf«? of the ordered 3ocicty, enclosed and static, a conauoerc* 
Society, with its or^-anio and religious lnequ--lity, and the ne*r order 
which was developing as a result of what the clr^ssieal econimists csll 
the ooer-tion of economic laws. The apparatus of risk and credit, »fith 
its eorollarlRs of Individualism amJ expediency, whs slowly but sujrely 
being erected (though much later la England than in parts of the continent. 



notably the Low Countries) upon the ancient framework: of the mnnorlfil 
and gild system*. Sarope was opening upi the narro^v boundarl'^s of 
the medieval world we e dissolving In ne«ly aiscovered watfire; the 
imagination of aan was freed — we have hoard that many times — but 
so iias his cupidity. 

This phenomenon has been -o often an.; -o. capably explored that 
I need not rehearse it here. 3ut one asoect of it needs al ays to be 
emphasised. ..cro s the fairly constant path of economic chnnp;e, the 
recurring r.otifa of enclosur s, higher orices, engrossing, adventuring, 
the foundling of exchanges, the poor laws legislation, the birth of 
taercan'ilism, sweeps the r.eform.tlon, at once eivposing and dls uisin? the 
fccts. e norraally think of the period in terr.n of the political and 
rellgiooa cont. overly inspired b: the reformation, and it 1' soraetlroes 
surprising for th« economic historian, brought up on Adam S ith as he 
often ir, to find hi -self obliged to study the sernons and godly pam- 
phlets of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in order to comulete 
his picture of whftt was going on. He has to r-^member that he Is 
exploring the officlnl utternnces of an ace when the Soolf of Private 
Prayer, Issued for the .Jevotlons of the faithful, contained this orayer 
for landlords: 

we heartily pray thee to send th^ holy spirit Into the hearts of them 
that possess the grounds, pastures, and dwell ing-pl'cep. of the earth, 
that t ey, re.,-.emberine themrelvcs to .e thy tenant; , nay not rack ar-d 
stretch out the rent of their houses and land' , nor yet take unreaf^onable 
firiRP an: incomes, after the a^.nner of covetous worldlings, ... but so 
behave therriselvrs in letting out their tenements, lands and nastures, 
thet after this life they nay be rscolvod into everlestln? dwelling- 



In those days, eTen when the ideal slipped farther i^nd farther away 
frora the reality, the landlords vkere still considered tenants of the 
Almighty. That the Qlzabeth-'^n or Jacobean Londoner went to serscons 
with the EB'-ie Tjerclatence and enthusiasm with which we atte d the 
cinema should not lead ar to believe that le w-^s more eligious than we. 
That is, he wr-is not raore rellgiou'.' in the evangelical sense: he did 
not >:wear less, or drink less, or i^amble less, or fornicate less; nor 
was he less covetous, vain, o8tentati.<u3 or morslly grubby t*ian his 
modern bourgeois counterpart. But he was more relisrlous In this 
sense, that hi society was still a religious society, in which the 
sanctions of rellf-ion operated in all departments of endeavour. 
He was still living, though precariously and with a short tenure, in a 
world more llise GhaiiAcer's than like ^.r. Johnson's. He was a Protestant 
and did oot go on pll. riT^ages to the -<hring- of s saint, but he went to 
Paul's Cross, and still not in a departn»nt of his life, but bs a ^an; 
not as a church-.^oer, out ns a oinner. 

But by the time that ^Tiomns da s or Charles Kichardson came to 
denounce covetousneso and usury at the illustrious preaching plr>c«, the 
attitude towird covetousn;>s8 «as well advanced in chanp-e, and nowhere 
rmrtt than in London. Kor what the preecherr, cnlled covetousness and 
extortion was what -e rcll good business, which hns nothing to do with 
what the preacher snys on Sundays. The other vices against which they 
thundered are still, I suppose, vices, except perhaps plays. There is 
a heritage unbroken from the puritan condemnation of hedonism find 
libertinism in thin period, md from the satiric coraplainbg of t;:e friars, 
to the comtemporary attack upon the pursuit of fleshly lusts by those 



who in lf!t upon ftbne.fotlon as the mark- of the Christian life. sut the 
motlTe of indivlduollsrn wa - working steadily from the fifteenth century 
onward, changing the attltuc'^e toard "troff Icklng" in general and tovard 
u ury in particular, and questioning the pi-eogetiva of the stj^herds of 
souls to meddle oTermuch with the ^equlsltive lebouro of their flock-a. 
This conflict between two attitudes toward coTetousness has fostered 
many loose generalizations against which the .^sry student must be on 
his guard. It Is -ince the appearance of eber's famous essay to equate 
the rice of Calvinistic protestantism with the rise of capitalism, even 
from the thesis of so carrful a scholar as Tawney, and to seek a scs lo- 
goat for the sins of ell Titreet in the vestries of Geneva. Celvin raay 
be blamed for much, for the rigorous legsliaiBwjith which ho invested 
Christian ioctrine for instance, bu* although he onctloned the taking of 
moderate Interest, he and his ministers set their faces sternly orainst 
economic individualism. Galvlnftsm grew up In the urban centers; Its 
le-'.dorc recognized more clearly than Luther and his disciples the 
expediency of admitting some righteousness to oro-vperlty, but Calvininm was 
aleo a discipline compared to which Laud ironically obi?erved that his own 
was a thing of shrede and natches, hen ^ndrRwes, preaching at the Tpltal 
in 1588, sought authority for the con-iemnatlon of the selfl-^h u. e of 
rlchfis, he found It In dt. /.ugustlne but also In Calvin, -ctu'illy the 
devolopTnent of -^alvlnism bec(»aes confured with the sectarian movements 
which were sometimes Calvinistic in their formal theology, anu the trhole 
Pfttltim spirit g-jve rife to almost every sort of economic and political 
theory, as even the most superficial study of the Commonwealth will 
demonstrate* Moreover not ell cspltcilists were puritans. There v";8 
always present in the Puritan etho.' the tradition of the "g-odly discipline" 



and the godly dlsolplinQ included the pious orderlns^ of one's temporal 
af airs. The Lord mifht look benignly upon a lerge brnk account, but 
not if it had been amaf-aed by the exploltati3n of the v?eak and the needy, 
or by dl8ho::;e8ty end fraud. Witness Or, Badraan, and Kichard Baxter's 
aeny adjurations to "arold sin rather than losa.** 

The doctrine of the Church of ^.ngland upon usury and enclosures, 
upon engrossing and rack-renting, was throughout th? period the traditional 
doctrine. Inherited from the middle ages, ard preached when It seem;; to 
us a voice crying in the wilderness. The AngliCHn apologists used and 
quoted Aquinas upon the just price; they invoked the custonary authoritlea 
ageilnet urury, arlstotle and the appropriate te^ts of icrlpture. The 
dialectic of the thir eenth century is applied to a different aituation 
in the seventeenth; one hears from the pulpit r>8 from The Merchant of 
Venice the attack upon those to presume to breed barren metal, and to 
demand a return upon e fixed day, sharinp the profits but not the losses 
of the borrower. In persoective, it Is possible to see that the Catholic 
theorists, fran riaytnond de Pennafor e to -.llson, and the Catholic homlllsts 
from Broayard to Laud, were falling to make a distinction between consumer's 
and proclucers* loans, ■'•he doctrines wex-e f amed when the producer's loan 
was practically non-existent, bat the pr^^achers ooatinued to apply there 
doctrines where perhaps they did not apply at all. They condemned often 
the nhole aopsratus of credit as we might condemn the loan sharks of o ir 
time. It is to be remembered that s good deal of the attack upon 
capitalist methods did not rest npon any doctrinaire assumptions at ell, 
ut upon oboerrntlon of the plain facts which foced th^ vicar as he went 
a:oat his parish, enforced alvnys by a tre'tendouD folklore condemning 
usurers and the coTetous In general, by etriolems In which the fraudulent 

5-5 (. 


merch^mt and the rreedy landowner were shown tossed raerrlly apon the 
deylls* pitchforks. 

Besides the theory and the popular prejudice there was another 
main reason for this remarkable eoneistency in Anglican opinion on aU 
economic matters. That intifnete relstionshlp, amouating^ almost to 
identity, betsoen church and state, shlch was the siniiiular and 
influential product of Tudor statesniGnship, made it impofsible to 
countenance a society in fhich any groups of persons should operate 
without state regulation, and equally iiiporslble for churchmen, themselves 
at once guardinns of .?oal8 and of an estebllshneat, to reg.ird such 
intrusions upon order with Rnythiag but a conserv tlve remonstrance. 
The statutes in any collection of Tudor economic documents clorely 
parallel the pronouncements from the pulpits and the IniJunctlons in 
the Homilies. The intricacies of public finance under !^lizabeth and the 
first two Stuarts need concern us only Incidentally; what is directly 
InrolTed is the close and regulatory nature of their povera~ient and Its 
inti-at" associtftion with clerioi discipline. The two arms, ecclesl.'.s- 
tical and secular, were In theory dovetailed in purpose, ajid Indeed it 
worked out that way in practice for the most part, 'hen they r^nung 
apart, as on the question of monopolies, churchnen questioned not so 
much the orerog'Stive ae the n buse of that prerogMtlvo. The welfare of 
thv> CO nmonnealth was. In Ideal, an accoraplishmfnt to ^od's «rlory, and 
obedience to the sovereign end his laws in the r^alm established was a 
religious duty. 

To these reasons for the per.^'istence of exhortation which seams 
in oerspoctive re.ctlonary and the feeble continuance of a vsln hope murt 



be addec, in the of such Church of Sngland "Puritflns" es John 
Stockwood end Thoase Adans — to nsne tao of many — another reason no 
less corent. 'hatever eccloslrstic^l discipline the Puritan spirit might 
£?ubmit to, whether of Canterbury, of OeneTa, or of the congregation, 
there existed in such men e te-nper of mind .^hlch the vlelbls church 
organization does not -adequately disc lbe,apoe.tuYe of the f^^irlt rigorous 
and Intolerant, yrrogsnt and humourless, austerely tender to the sinner 
nnd withHl pitless. It was, I suppose, a sort of ''hard prlnltlvlsm," 
as LoTSjoy would cnll it, and ss it found in the primitive chiirch the 
severity of temper which It craved, it found in the simplicities of 
medieval society another E=ort of Ide^il. "itnesr Latimer's famous 
apostrophe to his father't yeomfinry. It was a spirit *hich eschewed 
intemperance nnd riot, and found the cloven hoof as often under the 

Idernan's robe as under the ermine of the !udge, the vestments of the 
bishop, or the rlobon and g wn of the Garter. It may be seen slike 
among couformisti? and non-conformists. Both Laud and Adams condemn 
unary, but Ada.ns condoi.iwi pl^y? as vigorously if not so copiously aa 

tock-^ood or Prynne, crjnne whose earless pate, crooned with a cullt 
e»p and the halo of rl^btnouanesB, sticks out as a terrible symbol 
above the controversies of the period. 

One fimle, then two levels? of social criticism in the Paul*8 
Cross sermon!:. There 1e the ccHiventional, even official, eonderiiotion 
of abuses In the continar.l revolution in l-^nd tenure, of usury, of the 
whole institution of the entrepreneur. There is nlso this reheipent 
atteek upon luxury and Intemperate living, upon the ploKSuree of this 
world, an att'ick not necesshrily "Puritan", to be pushed by the historian 



under the blsck and white of the Partten hnblt and r-sde the object 
of lewd mirth. l*he friars did likewise; If the preacher wished he 
might dra/, upon a long tradition. The preachers, »lth only one 
exception In shaX Paul's Cross sermons I have seen,^ ma tee no ?uch 
distinction ns I make here for my convenionce. Under the eyes of a 
Just God and his minister, drunkenness, ostentation in apparel, or 
using falrc weights and measuros were alike damnable sins. "Be not 
conformed to this world," said the Jipostle, 'but be ye transformed by 
the renewing of your alckd, that ye may prove what la that r ooc , and 
acceptable, and peifect, will of Ood. 

There was another abuse arilnst which the preichees, especially 
but certainly not -olely during the reigns of idward and Elizabeth, 
ralred their voices with anderstanoable fervour: the spoliation of the 
Establishment. They complained continually of the poverty of ministers, 
and of the devious litigation by which they were defrauded of their 
tithes and their livings. This wr.8 a eontlnusl scandal in the ishole 
history of church Innds after the dissolution of the monasteries. There 
are not many lars^e and notorious epirodes of the kind kaierianr^ love to 
discover In their economic history; the process of plllsfing proceeded, 
efter the first great impulse, by rmall steps, but the cumul^^tlTe effect 
was considerable. "There will always, be," said Hooker sadly In hln 
treatment of endow;Dents and tithes, 'some skilful persona which can teach 
a way how to Rrind trestably the Church with Jaws that shall acorco move, 
and yet devour in the end more than they that come ravening 'slth open 
mouth ap If they would worry the whole in »n Instant." Historians are 
still swayed by their prejudices upon this question, but it seems reasonably 
clear that the ln£ti^< ting force was the dissolution, and the immense 



auction which Croraioll conducted with such e^tpedltlon end resource, one 
of the biggest r aX estate deals in history, its effects were almost 
incalculable: among other thins. It changed the ffce of England, and 
It raay hsTe changed the 3oul too. It created the new r^n of the first 
dispensation, he the wooll?n industry and the companies of msrchent 
adventurers created the new men of the second dispensation. Ilie 
dissolution might not hure created such difficulties for the Ghureh of 
England had it not b en for the rapid succession of policies which added 
to the chaos, the wholesale deprive t ions which occu red at the beginnings 
of the reigns of ifory and Hlizabeth, added to the illicit nnd intemperate 
plun^^ering permitted under the regime of Northumberland, ^.dded to these 
disturbonces, of which the most significont result vtas thousands of vficsnt 
•urea, was the perilous financial position which persuRded Elizabeth to 
hold on to church revenues (as to those of Ely) , or to farm out positions 
and perquisites and sell church lands a-nong the new xen wh^m hei- father*s , 
policy had created (and among others of the next generation such as 
hslegh) in order to reolenlsh the roytil tre'isury. On one side this 
resulted in, ciany secular deanshipa or actual expropriation of church 
lanrls; on the other It resulted in the necessity for pluralitl s, a 
necessity which like all necessities was much abused. Thou amis of 
livinrs, remnr.nte of the esscult upon ecclesiastical properties, were 
worth little ot nothing: In some the.e was no church and the vlcsr's 
consecration took place In the ehedon of a hedger w; In others ihe/e 
dwelt only one or two fsrailles, somatlnos becsupe of the depopulation CBueed 
by the cspitallotlc sbsep farmers; in many, adjscent to the .'emesn-sE of the 
great and lesser gentry, the living had been plundered Gystemsticglly by 
lltlfation or force, usually the former, for there were often loopholes 



in the laws of land tenure, complicated as they 7?ere by vestiges of 
faudel right?, which could be conveniently abused by unscrupulous Inwyers. 
^gsinct the rspscity of the nan lords end pentleoen the incumbent or 
hie bisbop could usunlly call up little nore than the venreancs of God, 
which though terrible i? often long caning. As for the yoonp man just 
down from the University, considering holy orders, if ha did not hove a 
convenient patron in command of a good living, what opening in the church 
for him? Ihe dis^l prospect often made him melancholy, and he turntfJ 
either Puritan or plryaer, o* fell into even worse courses, to the great 
peril of hlP soul. The evil state of church ilvin?s contributed 'i great 
mony unemployed intellectusls to the English scene. It is apparent that 
the situation improved nuch after the r.c ession of James. Certainly 
statutes were passed to prohibit further alienation of church oroperty by 
fraudulen' leases, ^nd theie 8'*eitts to have been « slo"? improvement both 
in the condition of country livings and by consesjqonce in the quality of 
the incuabenta, but the pace of recovery was slow, and had not oroceeded fo 
even approxlmctely a satisf .'etory situation before the heoellion. 

In describing the flood of rhetoric which issued from the 
Paul's pulpit upon social questions, few concessions need be mads 
to times or persons. In the sermons of Latimer and Lever the agrarian 
problem is most prominent; in the 1590's the preacher.^ were more 
exercised than u?u8l over =lmony and sacr'. lege. The first of these 
protests arose from the enorsiitier, of the gentry in the reign of -Edward, 
the second apparently war little more than the acoumulnted effect of an 
ancient grievance too long unreformed. The theory of the Integrated 
functional society regulated by a paternal executive was preached without 
cessa'ion throughout the whole period under review, but perhaos the raost 



8i . "mi f leant aspect of this continuity, its stringent application by 
Liud, is not to je fathered from the Paul 'a Cross sermons. Laud said 
that the rtar Chamber was his pulpit; in that court proceeded his 
efforts to recover church property, to punish immorality, dspop^latore, 

engrossers. The effect of this program upon the opinions of the Parlia- 


mentarinns hss beon expertly described, and needs no more than niention 

here. The purpose of this discussion is to describe the traditions f^hich 
formed Laud's opinions. 

The ideal which directed the preachers was never more clearly 
stated than by Laud: 

If any nan be so addicted to his private, that he neglect the cordon, 
state, he i void of the ense of piety, and wisheth peace and happlnesB 
to himself in Td*n. For, whoever he be, he must live In the body of the 
Cornnonwealth and in the body of the Church. 5. 

The individual is a member of the body politic ^nd of the body of Christ; 
he is not one but part of one; no nan is on islsind; no man is a law unto 
hi".sclf ; the ^.narchy of *he Book of Judf;o8 la the ultimate terror and to 
s^lsh it the ultlm. te sin. The Christian commonwealth, said Latinrr, is 
as the ?oing or two ploughs: a? it is necessary to h^^ve the bodily 
ploag^hing for "the sustentatlon of the body," so we must have the 
spiritual ploughing for the bus entation M the soul. The sin of the times 
la that "the bodily ploughing is taken in pri^enclosed thfcurh singular 
commodity." The spiritual ploughing is hindered through "lording and 
loitering" among Cod*8 ministers. "Both olouKhs must still be golnp..,, 

and herefore are fflagistretes o.dalned, but that the trBnauillity of the 


conmonweal may be confirmed, limiting btoth ploughs?" The preahers 

Invel^ed aj-aineit "private state" or "singular commodity", and defended 


the right aad pri"ilege of the mfigistrate to limit both ploughs. 

The n ture of ownership in the society ordelaed of God is very 
different from that determined oy economic "laws." So man in his calling, 
said ftilliam James, works for hiraelf alone, but for all. Twenty-five 
years later, John Hoslcins affirmed that a man is not the owner of whst 
he calls his ovrn: "the princlpall right of nil outward things r,od h th 
reserred to hlipelfe..., yet hath hoe committed to the sonnes of men a 
right of use an dispensation ngreeable unto reason, which asketh that 
thincrs in nature perfect, should seirve creatures of more oerfection; 
whereonto, for the aroyiing of" dieaoder, a genf^rall distinction of 
owna?es, was added by the Law of the Nations. Ownership as stewardship 
is conformable to reason and to n«tural law; it Is fionreheneible by 
reason oecaase it Is conformable to Cod's decrees for *.he re^ul tion of 
the religious life; the religious life is the r)ison d'etre of poclety. 

You that are greet in thl^ world Qsaid Geori^e Bensoi^, you do not 

wind &. turn t)ios« things which are absolutely your own, you are but feofees 

In trust with them to the use of God's Orphsnes, 9, 

Degrees of wealth are also the ordinance of God, which is to the ordered 
intellect (that is to tha Intall'^ct informed by right reason) "agreeable 
unto reason." "God would have some rich, sone poore, for iletlnction 
sake, and the mutuall exercise of liberality and pntience," which are 
Christian virtues. «11 ranks in society are in the 1 eal condition bound 
together by charity; the preachers lament tit thlf Idoal lo broken by 
the crnjl practices of the tiaa: 

Charity, being unto other virtu'jc as the moon in comparison of the rest 
of the stars, 1? aleo changed: her sweet and a-lable nature is converted 
into more thnn r'uvage barbarity: tender- hearted nen are bf=>coffle bloody- 
minded: every man hu'>t«th aftar his b other as after a prey: each 
degree Is ri-^liced ?in(^ hated of other, the clorsy of the If Ity, the 
sh*?? erd of the sheep, the rich of the poor, ypa, the mnster of the serrants, 



all raen of some, and some nlmost of fill. The bond of poece •*.• Is 
burst eauador. 11 

The and and rule of connarcial transactions is tho "mutael profit" of 

buyer ani sailer, "not the fj^in of one of th^m eLone." 3ut none of 

the preachers will adnlt that such coranunlsm as that proposed by the 

■ajjabaptlats would be a solution to the illegltim;te use of riches. 

Communism means anarchy; distinctlcMa of properties ir eccopcling to resaon 

and providence, so it be not ebu-ed, as by the grasping entrepreneurs 

it i" abused. Due obedience, nrgued Lever, requires that each keep in 

his station assigned to him by God*s ordinance, and the citation of the 

pnctiee of the apostolic church is n-yt, rightly considered, an argiiment 

as-ainst distinction of wealth, i'rue it 1p that the Apostles had sll things 

confinon , 

yea and that christen nsen, in that they are christen men rather then 
covetous men, hove all thyn^'es comen , e en unto this d'ij, 13, 

That Is, theChristlan 1 -hours for the com-non *©el, th"? common pood, the 
society bound topather by the bond of peace and Integrated by TjaBarall 
distinction of ownages"; in this snnss goods are common. 

How be it ther can be nothyag more contrarye or further disngreyne: from that 
phnntaetlcal commennesse, or rather from th.?t divelyshe disonler, and un- 
rlphte juse robry, .-here a« Idle lubbers myghte lyre of hon'»ste ennns 
Ibboures, then to have all thynres comen as the Aaosteles hsdde, as christen 
men have, and -.t: 1 do me^ne. And this Ib theyr u»a?-e, a no my mcenyn^e: 
that ryche ;iea e shoulde Hepe to theym elves no more then they rede, 
an- peve unto the poore o muche ae they nede. ... Kor so it is rwe, that 
christen lens p-oodes shald De comen unto every mans nede, an: Drivfit to 
no -"fins luste.... For they that Iraagyne, covet, or wyshe to h ve all 
thynges coraune, In suche sorte that everye man inyght tr.k-e irhat hym luste, 
w-^lde h^ve all thynpes conen :n-d open unto everye m^ns luste, and nothynge 
reserved or Kept for any isns nede. 14. 



Without distinction of wealth there Is no reserve for the n?ied8 of the 
deserving; indeed under such nn arrargement It would not be possible to 
find the deserving, and the rein given to concupiscence -ould destroy both 
virtue end the field in which virtue mlgh' be exercised. Moreover, only 
In order and degrse is it nossible for 8 aj'^;n to see the evidence of hia 
own honesty and industjpy, to heve by comp'^.rieon .-orae visible yei^stlck 
for his virtue. Lever's ergiment is at once high-minded and shrewd. 
The passage throws s shadow before, for it demonstrates how incompatible 
th'2 Puritan doctrine of the calling is with equalitarifnlsm, and how both 
peternsl conservatiEiE and Individuallatlc opportunism are supported by 
and in turn support the concept of degx*ee. 

It follows then that one mast consider the rel?^;ted questions of 
the validity of rlchf>8 end the invalidity of Idleness in a society 
constituted upon these grounds. There Is no doubt, Raid the preacher, 
that the desire of money Is the root of ell evil; ..Todllness Is great rain 

only if the <f«in coopiets In this, that a men is content with what he 

has, ** If riches bring contentment end not ambition and immoderate desire 

of worldly prosperity they fulfil their function as a pood gift of Cod. 

For riches being the gift of God nre not evil in themselves; it Is the 

abuse of rich'?s, which Is covetousness, that is a hydra-headed monster.^* 

A men may be rich and also godly: 

There ir, an Inward Joy, there 1p an outm-nrd dignity 3nd reverence, thst 
j^ccomoanies riches, and the jspdly, the righ sous man is rtot incapable 
of there. 17. 

Ihe Inward Joy and -'itlsffiction of which Donne speaks In this passage may 
arlee, as Perkins observed, from the contemplhtion of Ood'." ordlrrnce of 
inequality in worldly roods: "such as have sundry f • xms ... may lawfully 



enjoy them." Only in the exerciae of Christian charity which is the 

efflaence of this consciousness of beinr blest is the rich ■lan a godly 
man. The tension of duty and privilege implied in thi'; cnsaistry 
was never better exr^ressed than by Richard Bernard: 

Riches well used brir.f^ prnce and estiimitlon before Tien, for hey In.-able 
nen to shew forth ^odlinesse, 5: to paese on their time with more comfort, 
and to countensnce f;nd defend their poore Cbristian brethren in well-doing. 
Therefore if praoe and goods coe together, thou has* isreet cause to 
blesse God: for it is a most h?ippy estate, to bf«e rich to.ards the world, 
ani to God too, to bee rich body end soule. But slthough thl? ip f. very 
rare estate, yet we see that they may neete to«?ether: snd therefore we 
may not thinke that he which is rich, can not be relifflous. True it is, 
thst it is hnro for e rich rasn to enter the Kin-dome of ,eaven; but it it 
not impossible. 19. 

The reletion of riches of bov'.y to rich':S of soul sas indeed subtle, so 
sabtle -^s not to e contained in Gosson*?: suggestion th't "God Is contt^nted 
to drswe them (the worldly nffectad) unto him, v ith oromisen of worldly 

prosperiti?, that by the e steppes they nay by little nnd little f^scead 

to loTe him for hlmselfe at last."* I hove found no other oreacher 

prepared to escaoo from the dilemma of the rich nan's case by any s ich 

attribution to God of the dlplomc.tic faculty, i^ey in-isted that the 

rlg^ht ur»e of riches was a matter of eonaei'-nce, and one, that sturdy 

Puritan ^amusl ard, noted hoi? concentration upon bu~inesn left the 

consci^.nce asleep: 

ifark ther, you th:^t hare mills of busines? in your hefid", ^vhale estminrster 
Hallr, jourses, l-.xohanges, nnd '^at Indl?^s (as I fear mp.ny of you h ve 
whilst I am speakln? to your e,>nscience) , that "";kinff hn-te to De rich 
orerlRy your brains with r^ffairs, nr ■ so cusy in your countins--houre 
'ind bookr, nnd thst uoon thl'". very day, thn you never hcve onco in a 
week, or a year, an hour'sspace to confer sslth your poor conscience; yee , 
when did you? 21. 

'.hat ard was warning against wee the departmentalization of life: business. 

3f V. 


like all other human employments. Is a set of moral acts, subject to 
the reTlew of the conscience as much as the performsnce of strictly 
religious duties. H accused hi^ hearers of luaving consciences li»ce 
"sleepy nrstiffs," Inadequnte watch doKS, not al>v8y3 a ake. But who, 
he concluded plaintively, hath believed our report? Thomrr' ASams wes 
concerned also to emphasize the burdea upon the rich nan's conscience: 
the greater richon, the greater danger of sin. 'It is herd to bonr the 
bag, and not to be covetous." rJlches are no mak of God's favour, merely 
a greater trial laid by God upon mnn's conscience. ^^Imost eve.-y oreachep 
insisted upon the burden laid upon the cons^^cience of the Protestant 
wealthy, and accordinp'ly a idressed himself wi '-h some acerbity to thct 
or-pn. - s Protest'snts, argued isseiand his arguraent is typical), we 
are freed from the tyranny of the Law upon the conscience, which is free. 
-(8 free we sre prone to eornallty; .'^ince we know that we csn hcve no nssrit 
by their alms, as they fondly suppose; but froia the practlc 1 standpoint 
It has to be admitted that th? «lai8 are ffiven and c'ood ic done. 
Protestant carnality corresponds in evil *ith Papist idolatry. 

Such, then, ore the t-rounds for such an '.ssault upon covetournoss 
as that of Ch rles Richardson in his gre-^t sermon of oppression and 
freuc-ulent dealing'^ preached at the Cross in 1614. r^ichErdson might have 
bren ss willing as the Puritan flerna;d to admit that --race and go via 
mif?ht po together, but he nas concerned to emphasize thntthls 1p, ".b 
Bernard admitted, "'a rare estate," to show the Difficulties thnt rich 
men sve in gaining admittance to heaven* Hie text wss 1 Thessalonirsns, 
4.6: oppression and fraud are expressly forbidden by Cod. Opprernion 
is a crime agaiant nature, since every man'r. u<iighbour is «8 it were hie 
own flesh, and If he hurts his neirhboar he team his o«a flesh. Men's 



greatest enemy Is hlraeelf; In opprefsing othsrf; ha stands in :nortal sin 
at the sarrs tine as kb murd'^rs his neighbour fnd dissolves the i}B8tice 
that ou^ht to be in civil societies. Men are brethren by nature, by 
country, by kindred and by affection. e are one body, end In the body 
no one rr-embex* ct-n be for itself more th^m for the whole. Oppression and 
fraud aj e particulerly evil if tuey co-exist in the na^ie rich man vith 
profession of religion. Such profession is as worldly an account as the 
entries in a merchant'E lsd?,er; here the gilded hsnd may breElr through 
man's Inws, but not through lod's. 

There is neer n teare, hich cruel Tyr'^nts sirring from the eyes of the 
poore, but the Lord putteth it into his bottle. 24. 

Though som^ clerical "clawbacke or other" will usually be i""ound to 
eulorizs th: cruel rich men in e funeral p<?rmon, God Is not deceived. They 
cay, re will do some deeds of cha ity before we die, build a hospifl or 
an alms-house. By ouch acts the poor may indeed be relieved, but the ^^ct 
is not a godly set, not « true ct of cherity, . uch acts are ths -^^cts 
of a guilty conscience; they axe of no avail to buy saivatlOTi. The guilty 
conscience Is part of God 'a program of poni hrtent for covetousness. So 
«h^t voooars to men as m actof Charity in -.iCtuslly an evidence of the 
rich rcjn's damniition." 

Such is the stern l05:ic which inform«d the reproof of ths industry 
of the rich, ^he loric was •jcoomp-jnied by c^lls to repentance, none more 
eloouent than Latimer's as he brooded like a prophet over the sicked city: 

Now what shall I say of there rich citizens of London? ".hnt rhall I say 
of them? Shall I call theni oroud ren of London, 'lollcious men of LondcM, 
merciless men of London? ':io , v.o, 1 rcsy not ay roy they will be offended 
r-lth me then.... <hat ado was the e made in London at a certain ^an, 
because he said,... "Batf^esB^si" luoth he, 'nay, utterfli si" Lord, what 
ado thex-e was for that wordl ^i-nd yet would God th^^y we e no worse then 



butterflies.... Oh London, London! repant, repont; for I thing God is 
more di8Dle'>?ec} with London than e ,'er he was Trith the city of N<»bo» 26. 

The preacher In nddresslng the rich was prophet as well as caFulst: 
knowing that the right use of riches was a matter of conscience he applied 
hlmrelf to the Instruction and ev-aicanlng of thst coaRcience, Having drawm 
upon all his posers of casuistry, however, he ended with a general 
proclaaietion of sin -rnd the need of repentance; only fa« .s genernl 
redirection of the will viaa senctlfi<Hbion of the comnonnealth pon Ible. 
In his heart as by his theolo;:lc j1 convictions the preacher knew thtit the 
earthly paradise »8s Impossible. Ke una not enpagod to build Jeruaalem 
in ijigltind's ple>jstint land, but, ss iiicharc^son put it, to hold up a gless 
In which the people might see taei; sins. Like the friers before him he 
was 6 satirist^' wlio by his cleansing wit and his images of t'^rror soupht to 
purify civil society .-^o that it might remain the nu^clng rcother of the 
Church, tUBt it might provide e fertile soil for the i^ro^th or" the 
elect in grsce. He spoke greatly to these ands. -Ve know that he failed 
in the first, ^nd of the second we are nat Judges. 

As the prencher reproved the Industry, or :s he called it the 
eovetousness of the rich, so he reproved idleness in sll estates, 
fhough there was, practlciilly considered, ?cMie little difficulty in 
deciding whe c industry ended aau eovetousnsss oegan, the e seemed to be 
no rach embftraEsing distinction to make in the case of r?loth, 't':cidla , 
that traditional target of the righteous homlllst. Indeed It was easy 
•nough to define and denounce the Rlugg rd*e slt.fulness simply as he is 
an "idle Lubber." W >ny cumber the i^round, said Adams: 



What innuraerable swarms of nothing-do^s belearaer Ihl? cityl .'^en and 
Komen, who?e uhole oniployirent Is to go from their beds to the tfp-ttou'^e, 
then to the pl':yhou.^e, -here they lake - st tch for the brot' el house, ^® 
and from thence to bed ecsin. To omit tho-^-o nmbulutory Chrl8t-"8nE, that 
wear out the psve.iio it of this greaL te.-np^l^® ?dth their fjet, but scarce 
ever touch the stones of it with their knees; that are never farther from 
God thfia inhc-ii tiiey &ro th« church. SO 

..dam Hill pointed out the danger '^f .~uch persons to the public pnaea: 

And idlenesse is the cauae of so uiimy f rales and bloodsheds, that are in 
St about London. For es the scripture saith: they lye in .ait, which 
cannot be perfourrced si thout idlan sse. I would wish yong Gentlemen 
and serving r.en were kept from idleae.^se, then no cioubt they 7<ould 
keep theTiselves from homicide. ol« 

Two years before Hill spoke 'illlbm Fisher wHrned:^ you desperate ympes, ho» ye secke by blood to i*e enge your drunken 
quarellss, 32, 

Duelling and bloody frays ?:ere to fna preahher evidences of IdL^^nesB ill 
spent; he noulo argue that it is irnpossible to spend Idle time well. 

So much then for the Osrlco, the Kt.strilk, the Bobadils of the 
time; the troops of liveried hangers-on who made up the ruites of the 
lords, thf dischc-rged gentleaen of caunshies, and unemployed cadets of 
noble families and the upper gentry. But the attack on idleness involved 
the question of the idle poor, of the "masterloss -en' ^ind '•sturdy beggars" 
'(«ntioned so frequently in Tudor statutes. Upon this question en 
otherwise so diverse as .^ndrewes and Ada^s spAke with a sinp-le voice, which 
was the voice of the Poor Lhwb and of the Statute of -.rtifloers of 1563, 
There Id a dlstinc ion nade between the ~ood poor and the brd poor, "The 
poor," said ..ndrewes in his well knoim samon at the pital in 15^8, 



are of tso sorts; such a- shill be wtth as 'alirays,' as Christ saith, 
to whom vte mast do food by relieving" them: such is the comfortless state 
of poor caplive: , th; succorlfiae estete of poor orphans, the dasolste 
eotete of the poor widows, the distressed ostHte of poor atrensttrs^ the 
disconLentod estate of poor scholars.... There are others, such '2?- shoa'd 
not be suffered to b© in Israel, whereof Israel is fall; I mean beggsrs 
and vacabonJs able to work. 53. 

iidaras made the HaKie distinction: 

There are two sorts' of poor, and cur care nuPt be proportionable to 
their condlti :n8: there are oonio poor of Hod'n neking, omc of their 
own uaklng. Let me say, the e ere c>od'e poor, snd the rievil's poor: 
those the hRnd of God hath crossed; theso hfive forced necessity on 
themr elves by a dissolute life. 24. 

The first are to be cared for with compassion. In the society of 
ordered ranks they are inevitable, and their case is within the bounds of 
alleviation if the hi::;hor ranks perform the ^utifs which th^lr position 
emails, and succour the poor. This is not, be it noted, the sa.-se 
ine-zitabllity which ::ns the shibboleth of the popul'^r expositors of 
the lass of iev, .Robert iiolthus. This Is the work of God, and oro/ldes 
03Cji8ion for liberality, ac Ir. Hollead observed. Almost every prochep 
who dealt at all with social qusstlonn exhor ed the hnvos zo the relief 
of the hsve-nots es a priiT>a,.y vlhrlstian duty. He who does not consider 
the poor is ao member of the oo-y of Jhrist, 8i;;c8, sg ..da;M put It, 
■"there mry be difference 'n the fleece, there is none in the fl'^sh." 
Thex-e ere, hovever, the other poor, "who have nulled necessity upon 
themselves -sith the cords of idleness, riot, or such disordered courses." 
They are to be recovered if possible by correction: 

That rabble of pilforlnp vas^abonds, that like be:!'?t8 know no other end of 
their creation ::ut racreatioa, but to eat, find dr^nk, and sleep, "hst en 
army of these mlfht be -nust'-red out of our suburbs, but th -t idleness hath 
disabled them to any sar\rice; they aie neither fit for God nor rafin. 35. 


The fruitless should be cut down for th© righteous to fill their room. 

The rlfht«ous are the laduatrlous; sll the people of Hod, said Adam 

Hill, labour in their ▼ocatloaa while it is yet deyl Laws should be 

maJe to make idlerc work,^'' but we are adjured to be merciful to the poor. 

Under ths name of the poore, ere ma nt the miniete. s oT God ! , 
poore scholirp shlch are the seede plot of the Church, poore souldiers, 
poor impotent ^n,,., ?^ick men, prisoners^S and banished men.^® 

It is easy to see in these paasaces a conviction of whst i? fsmiliar to 
students of Puritanism as the doctrine of the "calling," tn' al?o to see 
the seeds of what Poofepsor lawney has called "the new -nedicin© for 
poTerty" in the Coraraon*salth and ivedDratlon administration of the Poor 
Laws;^ the attitude which e.aerged in .;;a3uel Ilertlib's dictum: "the 
l&w of God saith, 'he that will not work, let him not est.' ihis 

wrould be a sore courge end sn^rt whip for idle parsons if .... none 


Should be suffered to e&t till they hed woaght for It," Herar wee 

the Goctrl'ie of leboaring 'n one's vocction put -ore c. utiounly than oy 
James Biose, ^ho illustrates a port of condition of balcnce in the belief 
in godly Industry, a teLance upset in the next century. The description 
of iden, he botr'an, shows thnL Ood abhors idlcn ss, since He out ran to 
dre:::-8 the .?arien though there was no noed to w:-.rlc.^^s 

ydle livers, loytring vacabundes, vilde rogues, be.rglng Friers (in 15811] , 
loose llbertin-?s, carnall .^nobeptlstas, anatchers from other -ens 
trenchers, hey ^hat live in no TOc;;tion, ao arte, no trade, no silence, 
C'innot raako this a i-hroud for their slnne .... -aylng, we ai-o forblddento 
loboure. 42. 

This Is blE text, "Labour not for the meat which oeri^heth, but for that 
maat 7*hich endureth unto everlasting life," Though It is true thRt there 
should be no idlers in the Christian co7i lonweelrh, that cich hould lebouP 



in his vocstion, yet in Sden too God first enjoined temperance nn6 fasting 
from the trea in the Gerden; Sre'r sin.^was the same ss ours whan wo 
labour for the meat that perisiieth. Hence it Is ft^ear thBt re rhoald 
not 1 - O'xr carefully for the n at of the body. t this point i ioae 

esoaped haopily Into on ectoanding raytholOf^ical exemplum, Inavlnp the 
degree of industry enjoined by the Aliiighty rithout it3 Imnopsible 
ex ct definition: 

Cerea the goddesse of come Rnd Lrend is plfc d In the lo ept raome of 
the heathen ^od;^ and Doddesses, ^nd her daurhter Proserpina, was married 
to Pluto King of hei. 

Pluto is traditionally the god of wealth; Christ walked in poverty and 
hxTiility. The pre-cher continued e .ally with the trciditionol invective 
against zorldllnoss, 

.rchbiehop Sandys, not erabarrassed by n crlticf;! text, wr's much 
more explicit in delineating the benefits of industry: 

There Ir no one f^ult from 'shich the wise an (the author of ProTerbe] 
doth so much endeavour to withdraw .iien, as from sloth. For this c eu^e 
he putteth u:^ so often in niiad of the great blessings which God doth 
heap upon the pplnful -nan. "The han«i of the diligent nhsll bear rule." 
"He t;ic!t tilleth his land r-hall oe satisfied with broad, JcC." .... .-.s 
for the slothful, he did not orly hate thera himself, but laboured by all 
auns to Jielce them odious. 44. 

But if God lo73S the painful m^.n, he also loves the poor. In spite 
of the daaiage done to the tradition in a harJ-haaded -nge, there st'.ll 
eicisted In the Elizabethan literiture of socl'il protest the ancient belief 
thfiit God hgars the prayer of the poor, tnat the poor are peculiarly 
bolovad of 'liHu wealth 1j social, an^ though the poor air.n has no title 
to the wealth of tho rich .m;n, to tu^'e it away from hlra, "yet the ooor man 
hath title to the rich tnin't; gooas; so that tho rich m'^m oujdit to let the 




poor 518a have part of his riches." ^hon th^^ poor man is slothful and 

vicious his sin is great not becKuee he Is a source of offence to the 
rich, but because poverty Is a lofly calling, a calling which Christ did 

not dlrdain, snd therefore to be followed in putience and humility. So 


Langlsn.) and the followers of the so-cnlled Piers Plowman tradition. 

Jlnee the prayers of the poor are swift to repch the ear of God, said 
Latimer, it follows that the rich '•can obtains his riches of God n t only 
through his own prsyers but also through those of the poor. How then can 


he deny e portion to the poor? In all this noble argument there is 
nothing of a man-made, empirical distinction betwe n the good poor rnd 
the bsd poor. Only one other Paul's Croi"s preacher beside Latimer went 
so far, Ihonac '^hite, himself a rich ram, entered in his aerraon of 1589 
upon what appears to be the usual line of exhortation. The comraund In 
Luke 3.11, he bogan, does not mean that we should give hfiif our roods to 
the poor, but only raoves as to keep our consciences clean in pitying the 
poor» A man »ho gives too much of ends against himself. There are many 
poor, «nd 5<orae are poor by their own defult. hall -ve thon clve to the 
"♦deserving?" "ho is to say, he added with a sudden terrible logic, which 
Is the deserving?^" 

Ther^ is then, for God»8 minister?, no possibility of one law for 
the rich and another for 'he poor. They «ere to a man agreed with 
King Edward's tutors that 

thl3 Is the true ordering of the stale of a lell-foohloned co-nmonwealth, 
that every part do obey one hcnd , one governor, one law, .?s all narts of 
the body obey the be:d, agree a^ong theaselves, and one not to eat ap 
another through greediness. 49. 

They fulminated without ceasing against offence's glided han . They were 



fond of the old slulla of the cobweb, 

that the lane arc? like cobwebs; thftt they hold f st the silly files, but 
the great hr^rnets break through fiem as oft as thetjllst. 50. 

They would have no "cobweb-dlvlnlty." For the moat: pnrt they pooke 'In 
the Renarall," as one of them put It, though occaslonelly they ventured 
a more specific protest. ^^ The Jud e Is In tiie Lord's plsce on earth to 
minister Justice and equity, and he ougit not to be a loTsr of gifts. 
It ip ^8 bad to defer suits, protrnctlns- them from term to term. The 
good Judge is no respecter of psrscwis s^nd dilijrent in his office, ^^ 
Let him who alts in judgment beware of bribery, which is the most 
dangerous of all usurpers, since it destroys the prooer function of 

power. Partiality rips the blindfold from the eye« of jjstlce, ^hich 

should take no accoont of friend or enemy. Poor clients are fsd with 

suffared words and golden hooea while the lawyers sain out the thread of 

contention. The Jud-^e may pocket bribes in prirate, out his vice Is 

not hidden from t e eyes of God; his duty io to protac the weak against 

the strong, not to conspire with the strong to the oppression of the 

weak. In theae warnings the pre'iChers were confscious of the alliance 

between onoresslng- landlords, graj»lng raerchents and the learned in the 

Iftw who were of their own cl'ss, the "middle rank." By convlctl-;n end 

by the dictates of expediency the preachern were hindered from r?ugsrest1ng 

another kind of alliance, between the oppressors an.i the crown. They do 

not attack monopolists. Yet one of them, perhaps mo7ed to Torotest by the 

greedy courses of Jtmes I's Scottish followers, observed ^ener^lly that 

the glorious port," purchnsed in the country by mck-rentlng. In '-he city 

by SDCculc-tlon ':nd "corrupting qu-: llt-'es" of pocis and by other "shirking 

sophistications," "must be maintained by no dribblets; but by thepound, 8r 



under 3ooie PTe«t countenance of euthorlty." 

What 11- the source of lew? and, one It i? decided whit it is 
is, hos •Btphstically may Its rlictates be npplied In society? Thefa ere 
the questiouG ihich the preachers answered for their time, in voices 
only iincertsin from expediency and rut from conyiction. Law is the lew 
of 3od, Msy its execution be surrendered entirely to the Lord's anointed 
or Is that corrected ani directed by e. Ian of natore imprinted upon the 
hjmhn con ciousness by the Creator? -Ince humrm n:-ture is corrupted by 
the Fall, it in clear that the eiap of covetousn^ss and sloth informed by 
concupiscence (Calvin's concept of sin is o; senti^^lly of sin np Iianoderate 
5ni ill-directed desire), unle-s regul^Ued by od's vlcepsrent into 
socially productive cbannelE, will naife the commonweal -j tennis ball 
tor.srd unccsnfortafcly arr.onr' nen's deEirep. Partlcul'irly t;? thl? troe of 
land. L«nd » s for the i-ngllehnan jf hs ..liddle ^ges t possession very 
different from othfir property; the conception of lend as commansl 
iletes from the orcanlzetion of the Teutonic comita tus. The revolution 
in tlie id'ia of land tenure at the ti.Te of the Renrioian neformation was 

orofound in its effects. It 1? true thut before that time there were 

IndividugliFtic landlords, ircludin? .--o-ne of the n^onks, who acted in 

the vcirlt if not in the letter of the Statute of -ills,'" w'-;ich em- 

oowered the landowner to dispose freely of his land held in peeunlory 

tenure end of two-thirds of lan-is held 1n ^ni^ht's service, but it was 

from the time of the dissolitlon of ihfi monasterits that landowners 

"took it for no offence, jut C-sid] their lend is their own.'^® It was 

this chanre in attitude, this iiber^^tion of unlimited covetousnrss, which 

sponsoi-e 1 . uch protests es the piteous complaint of th*? tensnts of the 

monastery of Ahitby against enclosure and rack-renting, among many others 



of the kind. It -vas to be expected that the preflcher-B would denounee 

both the theory and tho practice of --ich a reivolut.lon, the more becau:-'e 
of the implications of the stat ites which legr.li7.0d the -ei7are of 
monastic lenis. is More polnt»d out with his customary perspicuity, 
the precendent of takinj^ away a man'r* goods "pretending that he had too 

much or that he aseth it not well or th^t It might be better used »f some 

other hid It," offered scope for both the unlimited pov/er of the c rown 

over Innd (which Is •vh'Jt More hnd in mind) and for the 'jnacruoulous 

manipul'tion of lc*ases by the squirearchy. If thf' propagandists of a 

state church -^isht be expected to skim lightly over the "Irst f^onclusion, 

they light be '^xnected to drell be-jvlly upon the aecond. What seens at 

first surprising ia that they devote so little time to the abu^-^s in 

in land tenure, considered in themselves without any rel«tion to the 

other problems of the Christ Isn society. ny collection of Paul's 

Gross sermons, ho-ever accident dly discovered, botween 1530 ani 1630, 

should contain ^ mass of flilmlnstion sgainst enclos'trws and engrossing 

comperable lu Intensity and exceedingly in scope Moo^s f'jmous fsttack in 

Sook I of the Utopia . It i? true that for the modern hlstorinn the land 

problem ie the key to all the economic ch&nges of this coraplieateci period. 

It was the chanpe in the concept of the ownership of land, the chsnge 

which the pociologists refer to es the break-up and dissolution of the 

manorial >^y8tem, which both stimul'^ted and directed the other soelel 

revolutions which tranpfor-ied More».-> Sny-lsnd into Mill's "ngland, But 

one cannot expect the preachers to he Boclolos;lpt3; neverthelersone 

might expect th€>m to be mor" el nborate upon rhee-. than f'.ey are. They 

appear, on the contraiy, »^fter the first flurry of «;ni!Ter and excltem^^nt 

among the "Commonwealth -en" in the reign of '^dnard, to osy but paEslng 



attention to oncloslng of co-nmonr , r:-:clr-rentlng and depopulation, 
"hen they stood et Paul's Croas they were preachnrs to London, concerned 
to st'aclc usury haii freudulent dealing in the City. ?;b douot treir 
ilttla churches resounded to denunciations of the unehrirttan covetouB- 
nesB of iendlords, pj Irons of Itvinffs — when the l-^indlords wer-e away at 
cuarter-ses: ions or buay in Paj-lianieiit — - but in London fe?? vpntured to 
pabmit to Divine censure the aprarlan problem in its breeder asaecte. 
It aiay be that In this paaclty of aiRnlficant allusions f-ere i "-oBe 
evidence for the lodern vien that enclosures cu^'ed less d'.niaee and 
Rsre lesswideapre&d then some contemporary pamphleteers would h've ua 
believe, Ahat is certain is tli"it the agrarian revolution was chiefly 

of poignant Interest to the preachers as it ffected the state of the 

The nrotests of the "Cotamonwealth men" against rural change 

during- the reign of Edward VI are justly famous, -^tuaily the orotests 

of Latimer and Lever are the anxious invectives of churchmen as-sinst 

disostablishuient. Tet these rrven, inspire by the prncticjl activities 

of their condjutor John Hales, apnolnted by the Protector as Commissioner 

to investigate enclosures in 1548-49, ngaln«5t ^he fnrious opposition of 

the gentry, attacked what they considered the general dissolution of 

the connonweel by liat Latimer called "singular commodity." 

You whych have pot, en 'here goodes into your own handes &ald LevexQ , 
to turns them from evyll to worse, and othe goods -no frome good unto 
evyll, be ye sur?- it is evpn you that have offended od , ..■^frj'^led the 
kynge, roboed the ryche, ppoyled the poors, and brought a nomen .SfSlth 
into a comen miserye. 64. 

It is a wondrous thing, he continued, "to see gentlemen take so greet 
rentes, fyna-, incones, yea and bribes for oovetousnes to r^et other 




mannes ferrnRS.'''*^ The "new' landlords, for whom land is r cepltsllst*8 
investment ano not a kniphtly privilege, "ts-ko, kepe , and enjoy the 
rouTnes and lyryn^es of everye manreo voeetion." Thrit is the point; 
what ir the "vocation" of the displaced yeomen? Jenderin/r the roHds is 
not r- vocation. .-.11 thosn .vho thnv r^nnnoil the old ^ec^ of the reulm 
have done It, so they aay, for the Oo.pel, to shotter the evil grip of 
popery ss well upon th™ land as u on the r.oals of thr; popal^ce, hut 

all tbose ;7ho dalyte in a eamall libertye, or senke unlewfull pteynes, 
".Itho'sshe t';ey be nn-ed Christiani' .nd favourers of th:' ^-o.-pell, yet be 
they in dede not myniste.-s of Chr'rt, but ennerayes unto Chrirte: not 
lover- of the dospell but sclr-ondeiers of the Oospell. 67, 

To be 9 minlstar of Christ in his celling the landlord must "by lettyng 
of fermes dyspose unto the tenants necessary landea, and houses of an 
indifferent rente,'' 

The housbandman by tyllin-' o" the ipround ani kep:;!!^ of cettsl, must 
dyspose unto their landlords, dew rentes, and unto th-saiselves ani other, 
both corns and other ♦ytols. "o everye men by doyn.'re of bin dutye muete 
dysoose unto other th£t ea.i:nodytye and b^nefyte, whiche is com .Itted of 
-od unto thaym to be dyspos^d unto other, by the ff.ythfal nnd diligent 
doyng of theyr dutyes, 68, 

9ut 'jlthouffh it is God that rrtskea the com to siring, not ".tennon, land 
h*js co^e into Mararion's market, and the prod-ice of It too. Men buy corn 
cheap ami sell It dear; ^orse then that, leasemon-arshave crashed the 
land rnarket, hrve broken the ancient ^nd almost halloved structure of the 
feudal dues, so that neither the lan^^lora (unless he folloTJs the same 
course, jjs too often he doi-r?) nor the tenant ir, able to 'keep houre." 
These 'nerchants of mischief 50 bet sen "the bark nn'l the tree," They have, 

said Lever In a passage of Immense slgnf flcnce for our unflerstandlng of 

his position, ewery nan's living: nut no -xsn's duty. Once the cash 



nexus replacos -he bonds of custom and Cliriatisn charity, the bonis of are broken, -iCid th? oo-nsaonweal Is as the stPte of Israel under the 
Jucigas, each ^nan for hinself and no mnn for all. 

The geinful activities of the nftw landlards, said '^ardys, which 
"join house to hou e, whose parners, cellarr^, and p«8t.ur?s nre fall of 
jpxain," are ent entirely upon this world; their ill-sousrht messunees 
are matter for thp flame,^ ?.'ost later protests are of this tenor: the 
preachers denounced covetous Isndlordn in their relations with their 
tensnts and in their cnpltaltstie manipulations of -^rices end rea'iD; they 
were not specifically alBruisd a out the decay of tillage through the of sheep farming; "The Citie wonders at the Country," said Hoekins, 


"that the poore sheepe should eete up .ren." Sheep are the csure of the 

decay of honoltelity, "for .-ho seeth not th-. t they zhich were v.orit to 
keep meny ervants, end to give rrnn.y Coatee, do now k.^epe m-^ny . heeps, 
for a sheepe Is found Detter to their i^-stership then a :ervcrj t."'^ Here 
as elsewhere the pref^chare -irero concerned over the ppsRlnp^ of the croat 
hou-?e, with its troop of retciners, the soc'al center of the countryside. 
Their concern was nostslric; from the viewpoint of the society of fixed 
deere-38 it was also in a sense prectical, for the revolution in the Isnd 
market wee breaking down the distinction between r.erchantr and gentlemen. 
Lever saw great mischief in 

the example of ryche ^len,... raarchauntes of London,... when ne by their 
honest vocacion, and trade of mf^rehandise pod h- th endo.ved them with 
pr at abuniaunco of rych^n, then onn they not b° canti^nt ■:Tith the 
proswerou;- welth of th-it voc.elon to satlssfye theyra solves, and to heloe 
other, but thftir richer muste abrode In the countroy to bie fenpi:-- out of 
the hand^.s of worshypfull g^ntlenen, honcste yetxnen, and poie loborynge 
husb-sndes. 7S. 



These reatures were nado possible by the steady price rise during the 
psrlod, .vhich bore very hi?avily upon the nobtlltv ".n-'. the coti'^sr" tlve 
Isndlordn In general. The real vslue of cu9torac;ry rents decreased 
aherply; unless the landlord by one Tears or another eontrlToc! to ral^e 
hi rents or elter their b'sis he mas coniiemned to live 'like a rich 
bec'gar, in perpetual want." Owners not bred In the trndition, aoney- 

lendera and rich -erchants, as well 8s the gentry coine In'o wealth at the 
tire of the dissolution of the reli-'ioua houssa, Tiere not 'it f-11 scrupulous 
in adootinc a voriety of exoediontr to r-iiae the income from their lends* 

They ere "merciless oppressors, that purchase ststely msnnera jpBnoraJ 

and sell the poore for olde shooee." The old men of Harrison's village 

complained of 

the inhensing of rent.-, latelie .entioned; the d ilie oppreri ion of 
cooieholdeis, whose lords seeke to bring their poore tenants hlmost into 
plaine eervitude end mlserie, ciaille devisiog -ew nesnea, and seeking 
jp 'jII the old, how to cut th'-*m shorter tnd shorter, <5oubl1ng, trebling, 
and now ant' then teyun timea increasing their finos; dXriviPj? theni alFO 
for 3jeri3 trifle to loo-^e no forfeit their tenures. 76. 

The old racords, it ic cle!;r, were searched by the landlords and their 
leryere to find pr9cede>nts for pet*inr rid of thr; tenants by custom of 
the Lienor n >d substltatinff for the TiSnorial jervlees and dues a high 
rent in cefth. Cruel Is^dlords, said iUchardson, enclo-e land;? and decay 
tillsige, partly by rr.cking their rents an"" taking oxcers\ve fin?s, Tnd 
partly "by making their Leases voide at faeir pleasure." To thi? purpose 
they employ "prow ling Bayliffes," who hunt about (among the leases) like 
bloodhounds. "The rhole land (rroanes unr^er this burden." ^dams attacks) 

covetous landlords, that stretch their rents on the tenter-hooks of ".n eril 
coniaience, an>! swell theLr coffers by unioing their poor tenantF. These 
sit clo e, and Ftere the law in the face, yet, by their leave, thoy are 
thisvas. I do not deny the Imoiovement of old rents, soit be done ivith old 
minds -- I mean, our forefathers' charity — but with the devil, to ret 



right upoti tiiQ plnQacl'39, an«3 pitch so high a price of our lands that it 
straina the ten=nt8' heart-blood to re ch it. If: theft, snd klllina- 
theft. 78. 

To keep these complaints in thsir pooper perspective, it should 
be ob^Beeved that p^rt of this process which the preachers con'^emned 
utterly the modern "liberal" capit^ilist still condemns. Ke cannot of course 
accept their concaotion of oirnershlp of lend ^s sasentially different from 
ounership of goods and other nasets; but the raeans which many of the land- 
lords took to transform leases Jtithout proper recomiense to the tenant, 
in their design to secure i sulft turnover in rents and e. larger x-eal 
income aro still beyond the pale, and modern counterparts of thepe pro- 
ceedings are punishable by law. In general the preachers lamented the 
decline of the yeomanry, of citizens of the clars to which Latiiner's 
father belonged,''® the men who *on ^.glncourt. Ihe nhole a:reat class was 
being split: the "progiessiTe" ones, by absorbing the lands of their 
poorer faretLren, entered the ranks of th - p-eatry; the poorer decayed into 
oeasantry, rubsistina; upon their old lands upon ne» leas is, or sere "eat'^n 
up by sheepe'' end became fSEEterless men. The eociel historian of the 
future may find some interesting parfallels and contracts in what appears 
to be the corresponding decay of the middle class in England in our 

"By yeooians' sons," said Latiacer, "the faith of whrist is find 
bath been raaintalned chierly." '^ It *es in its relation to the -^ainii^inonce 
of the fbith of Christ that the preachers np.ds their chief complaints 
against the agr?.rian reTolution. ihe faith could be ir.Qintalned only by 
faithful ploughmen of God, ministerE faithfully performing their duties 


of preaching and cherlty in their cures. 

They have great labors, and therefore they oupht to have ^ood livings, +Uv 
they m-iy cor•^^looioucly feed their flock; for the preaching of the word 
of Ood onto the oeoplo is called raeat ...» not strawberries,..,, it is 
meat. It ir no dainties. 81. 

The root of the toouble w?is that there were not enough jrood livin,-;?. 
There hod not bnen enough before the dissolution of the mon-. stories; 
beneficos in the gift of the great religious bourses had suffered much 
from Impropriations; but when the lands of the religious passed into 

the hand;' of creedy 6r\(i ambitious lay patron."^, the situation deteriorated 
St R terrific rote, ospscielly in the reign of Sd-sard VI, un<3er the 
patronage of Northumberl??nd. Thi-ee comnisslonK sp pointed froa 1551 to 
1553 confiscated a variety of rural endowments "to pay my debts," as the 
King re.Tifirlred to his Journal. Eoi^copal revenues wore ruth^lesaly 
plundered to reward the Kussells and the Herberts, omong others, for their 
support of ilorthumberl3Q;":. Ihus still core benefices passed into the 
bonds of the laity. In July 1551 G'ilvin rrote to •^O'e set: 

The stipends of the clergy ... s» so alienated and squandered that there 
Is not ruf'icisnt to aialntaln good tren fit to exerci'^e the office of 
true pastors .... Thoee who today nre o/oflting from church POods suffer 
no detrlnont. If tho rjfcst^rs receive 'j ?.>if ficient living.... j'or they 
canrot prosper, if they 'efraud God's people of the spiritual pjiSture. 83, 

The eentry did not agree. Latimer complained that "we of the clerf^yr had 

too much, but th:.t is taicen away and we hove too little." In the reign 

of Lli7.aL,eth, the vueen reserved to herself oy statute the rirht to 

alienate episcopal revenues, snd her example, notably in the sees of 

Salisbury, Uly and Winchester, was followed "at a respectful distance" by 

the gentry in their inror^ds upon the b riefiaes,"^ It is very difficult 

to arrive at any significant or trutitworthy estimte of the percentage of 



inadequate liTlngs, even for ono diocese. A surrey mride In 1604 by the 
bts*".ops 98 part of Br.ncroft'p reformlnfr program showed e mixed but on the 
whol" dismal return. ^^ Figures vfhich hnve survivfifd from this survey for the 

diocese of Lincoln do not at first fiance neem depress! nir; the vnlue of 

come ninety benefices had Increased soe 4^00 since 1525. -iut In that 

tine prices had rlren cnougt to wipe out a greet denl of this increase, 

and many of the incumbents were jflerried with fanilies, whereas the valuations 

nfiade inl535 showed the incomns of clergy not so loaded with rer-ponsibili- 

tles. Tithes were reduced by the siople device of double leases; out of 

one the titl:e TiTSs paid, the other showed the? v.'lue of the property in 

the onen market. In 1570, i-'.dwerd Dering, preachins- before the ueen, 

exhioLted the conditions of large numbers of benefices, "defiled with 

Impropriations, some with sequosti-ations, some lorden ^Ith pensions, 

socie racked of their comMOdities." Although "^hltgift was inclined to 

be circuracpect la attocking the buser of lay petronnge, ler:t .vorde 


should befall the church, the preacheiS certainly aei-e not. The clearest 

stste.-aent of the church's condition iuring the reign of ':ii7.abeth one 
finds in h letter written ay ■-;rindal to Elizabeth in 1576: 

This Church of Bncland hath been by appropri-jtlons, and that not without 
sacrilege, £;poiled of the llvln,:-, v.hich at the "1 'st •.ere appointed to 
the office of preachinar nnd tenching. '!'.hich nnpropriationa were first 
annexW to ab^i s; and after ccne to the Crown; an-1 are now Us'ierned to 
private men's possessions, without hope to reduce the same to the 
orleTlncl inGtitutionn. 3o as at thic lay, in rain opinion, inhere one 
Church is able to yield sufficient livlni? for a learned preacher, fiere 
are at the least seven churchis unable to do th'3 :a-:.e: ';nd in rr-ny onrlshes 
of your retlm, There there be seven or ei?ht hundred souls, (the more is 
ths pit;), there are not '=>i(.-ht pou:id e year raservevl for the -.'IniBtor. 
In such -v^risaes, it ir not possible to place able preachers, for want 
of con-eniant stipend. 96» 

Not only the plllaginf of livinf;s b" their patron? was responsible 
for this evil state of thin/s. Consider the highly saee;estive instance 



of 3tretton iiarkervllle In crwickshirc, entirely unconnected with the 

Thomsa Twyf ord , htvlng begun the depopulntlon thereof, in 4 Henry 711 
decaying four mesPaages and three cottages, vche eunto 160 ocros of 
err ble land belon-ed, sold It to Henry Sniith, "entlemftn. /ihieh Henry 
following thet exanple, in 9 Henry VII enclosed 640 Rcres of land more, 
•hereby twelve me-'suages and four cotteges fell to ruino, and 80 persons 
the e inhabiting, :^ein; employed aiout tille e and hufsbrndry, were con- 
strained to depart thence and live ml-erally. By means irhereof, the 
charch grew to such ruine, that it was of no other use than for the 
shelter of cc^ttle, being with the churchyard vretchedly prophaned, to 
the evil example of others, 94. 

Depopulation resulting frcm enelopures produced a shift in popul'tion^ 
the dispossessed either living "miserably", moving to the towns and 
especially to London, or at 3 tliae Ister than the depredations of Henry 
Smith, settling in the wecvlng and oilning centers. »8 a result, some 
pijrl'^hcs with tiny stipends as registered by the ordtnery -ere filled ».ith 
untaupht children of God crying ploud for the fervent ministrations of 
Puritan lecturers; other?, vhatever their vnilue, wore left desolate or 
the more or less le,cltim<ite ppoil of plurelists. In both cases the 
sheep ificked s true shepherd. 

This widespread pilleging of the church and poverty of livings 
contJiffiin. ted the life of the Church at almost every point. The orotests 
of the Paul's Cross preachers embr-ce nil the corollaries, and vstth 
vehemence. Their protesto were the more poignant because the Seformers 
expected so much righteousness to flow from the dissolution. s one of 
them put it, 

A.8 I walked nlone, 

rnd mused on thynj^es 
That hav ' in rr.y time 

bene done by rrent Kin^js 
I beth 'Ught ne of bbay-^e. 



th .t fiometyme I save, 
biche are aowe -luppresi'sd 

all by a laws, 
Lorde (thought I then. 

what OCC& ion w&s here 
To provide for learnlnge 

and make pover^ ye che a? 
The landes end the jewels 

that hereby were hfidde, 
%ould heve found godly oreachers 

which mi%|i|t ^ell h'ive ladde 
The oeopb srieht 

that nowe sroe ! 
And have fedde the pore, 

th»!t farclshe everye daye. 95. 

The like pious hope was expreaesd in the "iict for the King to make 


Bishops" of 1539. Lever, who had felt these hopes, obse.ved bitterly: 

Fop in suppressinge of /bbeyes, Cloysters, Colleges, and Chauntlrfes, 
the entente of the kynges raHJeatle thst dead Is, ^;^r, and of thir our 
icynge no7.. Is verye godley, and the purpop^e of els the pretence of other, 
uonderottP goodlye: that therby suche &bjndp!unce of poodes as was 
supersti tlously spente upon \»e.yne ceremonies, or voluptuoufly upon idle 
bellies, rayg-ht come to the kyn^res handes to -^ear his great chnrges necee- 
sarllle bestowed In the conen wesilth, or partly unto other T.ennes handes, 
for the better reieve of the pore, the tnayntenaunce of learning, and the 
cettinre forth of yoddes worde. Howe be it covetour officers have ro u^ed 
this •. -tter, that even those goDdis whyche dyd serve to the reieve of the 
p^ore, the layntenaunce of leaminf, end to comfortable ne-essary hospi- 
talitie In ye coiien vealth, be no* tarried to mayntayne worldly wycked 
covetouse ambitions. 97, 

Later preachers egreed with Lstlraer that too much h-^d been succeeded by 
too little, fiowson admitted that onde Popery the riches and endowments 
of the church were too great; the clergy then were fflicted by inordinate 
desire of *eeith and desire to advance their kindred. Now the laity 


o respond in sin, being filled with avarice wnd luxurla . Ur. King 
bewailed the saccesion of evils in similar terms: 

Tyraes p::8t were so llberall to the clergy that for feaie all uould h^ve 
ru:me into their hendes ihere were stotutes of mortmaine enacted to 
restrayn that current: but ievotion at this day is grown soe cold, that 
the harts ".n . hanip of nil are o very mortmaine it self; they hold s./e 



fast they will part from nothing; noe, not from thnt which h th bin of 
aun^ient gl-ren 4-o holie u^es. There are In ■''•nglsnd ebove 3000 
traoroprl ctlona, ^hee the minister h\th e poore stlnend, tholr bread Is 
broken amongst stren^ers, the fo^es and the cubbes live in their ruines, 
the snallowe builds hir nest end the 8 ! tyres (morrlce dancers?] daunce 
and rerel r^.eie the Levltas «e:e wont to sine-, the Church livln^B are 
seised upon and possessed by the secular. 99. 

Thourh ^.i., pj eaching ot the Cross In 1592, was ready as pny of his 
brethren to fl^ndenm the "corru:t Cormorants," p-jtrons who oy "cunning 
sleights and devises spoylo the Church," he produced a novel and by no 
means convincing explanation of the sad state of church llvino-s. He 
observed that in the days of Henry III the bishops made suit to have 
Impropriate beneflcg." t^at were annexed to monastic houses restored to 
the church. This suit war. disssllowed r.t iicme. "^hich godly notion of 
theirs if it hid then wne forward and taken piece, it haS been happier 
with the Church of England at this day." home then is respon?tble, 
even if remotely, for this trouble In the renlni ss for others. A.*, 
conveniently and necessarily ignored the spoil t ion of the bi.-hoprics by 
the Xudor monarchfi, as large a source of the difficulty as the conveyance 
of ironastic imp .oprlations Into lay hands. 

That the informers and their successors were prep- red to nake 
some concespion to the necese ties of the monarch's "great charges," 
Is clear enough. But their disappolntirent was keen end their embarrass- 
ment keener. They belle ed with all the passion of which they were 
capable th«t Elizabeth was the nursing mother of the church to protect it 
against the terror of the papist and the rav« -es of the noctarios. They 
knew perfedtly well that sh* was not by any meenr a ursing mother to 
their incomer. MlnlPtern of their convictions were 2church-outed' by 
Laud, who laboured with consldernble success to re8to;e the revenues of 



church and to recover the damage done in the century before, '^uch are 
the ironies of the ecclesiastical histoiT^. ..t le-st they felt no 
embarrassment in denounclnjr the attitude of the laity tovard their 
much-abused profession. They were underpiid, under- prlviles-ed, the 
butts of liceatious secul'irism, playthings of the all-powerful patrons. 

Aas there ever any time OSeid Sandy^ , any sge, any nation, country, 
or kingdom, when and where the Lord's messengers were worse entreated, 
more abused, despised, f-nd slendered, than they ere here at ho.Te, in the 
time of the gospel, in tiiese our days? ??e are become In your sight, and 
used as if we were, the refuf;e and parings of the world, Every mouth is 
spitefully opened, every tooth is sharpened and whetted as-ainst us. 101. 

The messengers of Ood are despised, complained another, whether they be 

drunken or honest, preachin? or riumb, diligent or idle* They are the 

butts of every man*s amusement and of all manner of slender. ^^^ They are 

despised by the very "churlish Mabals" who h'3ve denied them "their 

necessary maintenance." oteohen Goeson ^as typically defiant: "Grease 

ever [y] halter that stops our breath that the rope may ride, and make a 

quick riddance of us el," he advl ed the patrons. Bu(t he «dded, "Let them 

tarry untlll we be colcie in the mouth, and then throw Pelion and Ossa the 


Gaints weight upon us, we know we shall rise ae-ain." The poverty of 

ministers It flouted by those who have their llvincs; "no jest ends In 
such laughter as that svhic. is broken on a priest." You benefice- 
mongers, said James Bisse, "make the ministers your serving-men, you 

make them Joarney men, they have the name, you have the nroflte, they 

the straw, but you hfjve the come, nay you h'lve some straw niso. 

The benefice-mongers often pave the sraw to men of straw. The 
preachers we -e forced to admit In .nger and embarrassment that ministers 
were contermed because they were often ionteTiptible. The lay patrons 



gave the saall livings to "boys, to erving T^en, to thelx- o?,n children, 


seldom to leemed postors." Ihey gave them to their retainers, to 

"baker, butl=rs, cookps, falconers." Laynen received prebends, 

artificers and the "bnsest sort of people" held llvlnf.s; Harding (no 
eaey critic) called them tinkers, taoster'-, fiddle !S and pipers. Ilie 
financial advantage to the pstron from such corruption is obvloue. Abuse 
of p'=)tron8g© was not the only reason for Incompetent clergy, j> very large 
number of the displaced monks were settled in country baneflces, and 
often their cualifici-tiona were aq/thlng but acbjuate. The state of learning 
in the mon.-isteries before the dissolution was very low Indeed, the 
ignorance of the inmates extending sometimes to Ignorance of the rule, 
and It ir to presumed that few of these men Improved themselves in their 
livings. The ct>reers of a noaber of these imcompetent ^ersons hr.vo been 
traced into the reign of cllzabeth; the record shows Thom.8 Me'-clns of 
Ashleworth in Sussex "seen In the Scriptures but meanly," and filchard 
Blackwin of Knnptoft ignorant in the L.tln tongue and the rjcrlptures, to 
cite two of many such,^^^ Cures were filled by desnerition or eovetousness 
and they were filled by Ignorant men, often men inc ipable of performing 
the services in the Book of Common Prayer, certainly raen Inc^nHble of 
preaching the sermons overy quirter, "dumb doic-e,'' Bishop Hooper's 
visitation of Gloucester in 1551 showed 171 of 311 clergy unnble to 
repeat the Ten Commtindmentc, ten unaole to repeat the Lord's nrayep 
and twenty-seven unuble to t«ll who was Its mthor. Professor Galrdner 
properly observed that in many respects the figures p-iven ore mlsleading;^^^ 
but the sad condition of the dioceee is impresRlve in spite of such scholarlj 
quallf ic tloDS. In e survey of the diocese of Lincoln In 1576 the results 
obtained, though bettor dn the »hole, were singularly aepreasing: The 
majority of the clergy weie "meaalie learned," end some utterly ignorant. 



Among the incumbents the visitorr fouai one linen-draper, one ostler, 

seven serving nen, two gentlemen, one carpenter, one flsher-'isn, one 


tellow-chandler, and one soldier. Preaching "ran very low" in the 

reign of Klizabeth, to u e Fuller's phrase. 

It is no wonder, then, that Paul's Cross preachers thundered 
against "dumb dofs." Nothing but ""straw^rry preache -s" even at Oxford 
In 1566, said one of tbem.^^* There are still "..bbay-lubiiers" In the 

church. Idle drones that they are, compluined anothsr.^^^ The church is 


full, ^aid Stockwood, of "ydel shephcardes, and able to doe nothing." 

These silent servants of Christ should leave the ministry if not cslled to 


It, an few of them are. Those who are afraid to preach, whether young 

or old, ar?hlrelin?r.; some know not the rirst words of their accidence, 
and could not preach if they would — very unprof it- ble members, -^^^ 
Ministers are called to be Vocales , "but prove muti ," for fear of straining 
their voices, forsooth, or because they have no voices. So the 
fittack oroceeded. But the preachers knew perfectly well that n chief 
reason for the large numbers of incorapatents was the dearth of learned 

men, referred to by Canden ifc » trouble in the beginning of the reign 

of Elizabeth. The dissolution and the events which followed it 

damaged the universltie seriously, not because the monasteries had 

contributed an Irreplaceable body of learned to the universities in 

the Yciars preceding, but because the universities, most stable and 

lee: t adaptable of all insititutions, had suffered a serie of religious 

tests exceedin<z In scope and as damatring in effect as "loyalty" tests 

in our time, Many fellows compromised with their conscieDoes from lh36 

to 1559 to evoid "eating mice fit urich," ind the result was chaos. 

The univer.lty libraries were ruthlearly plundt3red by iconoclastic 

37 o 


Tl si tors. Worst of all, the new gentry were alow In providing reans 

for poor young scholars to rtudy divinity. "None helpeth the Fcholrr" 

now, compl' Ined Latimer, and Lever, s loyal son of Cambridge, portrayed 

at the Cross in 1550 it?? sad state, ^e iHte King's mind was to provide 
amply for the maintenance of learning, but th-^ ilsporers of his liberal- 
ity have cau.sed the dec y of learning at Cambridge: two hundred students 
of divinity "all clene gone, hou:=e and manne," and a small number "of 
poore godly dylygent studentes nowe reraaynyn;?e only in Colleges be not 
able to tary and contyne theyr atudye in ye unlversitye for lacke of 
©ihiDitlon ^nd helpe." In the country rnony grarrimsr schools founded "'of 

Godly entent" are t^sken away by freedy covetouBncse, and the youth of the 

land is drowned in ignorance. Nearly fifty years later Ho son 

renewed the old cemplaint: one estate of the commonwealth is busy eating 

up another, making "barren end like desolnte and forsaken wldo-'es the 

two Universities, th« t'O frultfull Mothers and full of Children, though 

now reedie to give up the host." The poor scholar exists in penury, and 


has nothing to spur him on but the prospect of a poor living. There is 

so l:ttle exhibition for poor sebolare, said fhomps Sutton in 1613, that 

many "golden wits" cannot follow their cf:lllng for lack of maintenance. ■^^^ 

There Is so little hope of a decent livelihood in the ministry once 

education has been attained th t niOL-t young men turn to "Ju-tinlan RndGalen." 

(Twenty ^^ars later the preacher would have said 3racton and Galen; the 

Common lawyers flourished more than any other class.) 

.Vhen the Puritan pamphleteers and preachers condemned the prelates 
for maintaining an l^orant and unore^ching ministry, tho discusrion of 
a situation admitted by all parttes to be ci .^reat defect, in the Kstcblishment 
entered o vicious circle, for, nn the sermons of 'Bancroft and Jamos 



Indicate, the defenders of the .'"Btibllshment could retort that the 
Puritans were in alliance with the p-entry to spoil the Church still 
further, or that they wished the overthrow of the good found t Ions In 
order to pscure their revenuee for themselves. But if the orthodox oreachers 
felt safe in accusing their opponents of duplicity, they were then elves 

forced into a ▼ riety of temporizations. -^he survey of the ministry made 

by the Puritan classes fibout 1536, hoTiever exa rgerated In its f^fures 

and intemperate In its condefflnstions, shows how much ammunition the 

dipclolln". .ians h'Jd for their attack, ihe binhoo? admitted mony "maculats" 

in the ministry, one pr^afcher at least defended the sorrices of the 

dumb doi?8 as e good deal better than nothing, and In 1538 Dr, Holland 

ootimistically pointed to about 5000 preachers, catechlst? and "axhortsrs" 


duly performing the service of God in the realm. )?hile the bishops and 

the preachers condemned the idle shepherds, they were forced for political 
revsons to suppresR the " prophesy Inrs," which, however potentially sedit'ous, 
•ere godly exercises tending to the improvement of the minor clerir, . The 

replies to f«lartln Marprelfite sf^cused him of «ri8hin? to spo^l the church 


for the "maintenance of wars," but fron Lever to Thomas Adams the 

def-nders of the Church of Engl-'ind defended the secularization of 
eccleslfjahlcol property to bear the king's "great charges." "I complain 
not," said Adaras, "thst claims tra are turned into castra ; obbeys into 
gentlemen's houres; places of m^Dnition, to pljces of munition; but that 
men rob aram Domlnieem , God's hoise to furnirh horara doreoticam , their 
own houses." 

The poor liTlnss, then, *ere filled with ignorant anii unpreaching 
ministers, both through the cerelescnass and co etousnass of patrons, and 
becaure the lesinad could not find a decent livelihood in then. 



Competition for good or at lesat adequate living' and for plutolltlea waa 
conpeqqently keen, so koen that It corrupted the ministers. One setirist 
delivered some ua e ad- Ice to the youna divinity stud?int on the pvithnay 
to preferment: 

first, for hi? easo, et him looks no farther than n^Xt to -und, nd 
•nqiiree wnat beneflcea belong to their >«n Colled^e.. ., and them, 
which are Told at the prerent, or whose Incumbent Is not like to live 
long. ... 

Nex^t, he mast cllne up to the -ains ton of pecaletlon, snd there 
looke about him to discover th. t Benefices ere eapty abrocd, where the 
Incur.. ent li'ea only upon the Alnes of Confectio Alehemie ; Or where one 
is reedy to take hie rise out of Slerge Into .;ottin..., let him r.ot be 
slow of foot snphlD In thst c ee, by snj neanes,,.. 

The King hlmselfe, only and Imnedleiely oresente h in his owne 
right to Siioh Benefices as belong to him, and are fjbove twenty pounds 
value In the flr?t Fruits Book^a, for attayninj of any which, I can 
advise you o^ no better course, than to learne the *ay to thn bnck 
stayres. 135* 

The way to the back statrs, even the back stairs of losser persons than 
the king, had to je found by oxorcism with gold and silver. Simony whs 
inevitable, but the preachers made no compromise with tiist kind of 
Inevltubllll ty. Litlmer and Lever each cnndenned slnony In his o»'D way: 

Latlicer »;lth the story of ttie "good brother" who boas-ht his brnofloe for 


thirty apples. Lever with pss: ion: 

Yf thou by money or frynd^ yp hive tfoughte eyther benefice or office, thou 
canst not be of ;':iiriotes Institution, but of the Dyvylls: intr'slon, not 
a fayethful dlaposer, but a thev-sh extorfioner of Ood gyfts. 137. 

Irty-seven years later Inmanuel Bourne condemned simony as an adjunct of 

ahen the field is depopulated, corne groweth aoarce, and therefore the 
oppressing pjtron must pert staires with the Slmonlcall Incumoent, for 
ease of chnrges, hence It comraeth to p«sse, that of thor.e foare ordinary 
gates of entrance Into the Church,... by favour of Oaesar, of Jlmony, 



of Friends, and of God, throe of han almost etopt up, and their 

p ssa es yro'vne over with irrasse, bit thp n th of jimony is ma :« a high 

way, becaure rhe.? h ;th played the incroaser, ami oought the Monoooly 
of the rest, 138. 

The stronfnst outcry agninst olmony from Paul's Cross ca^ne in the 
1590*8. There are fashions in invective, and this s -ema to hava been one 
of then. Baft scandals attending the transfer of certain bishoprics during 
the period probably brought the old evil to a position of new prominence. 
In 1591 John Coldnell was forced to Furrender 9 larae part of the manor of 
Sherborne to Sir 7;alter nalegh in order to secure that bishopric of 
Salisbury, and on his decease C ^tton surrendered raore raenors for the same 
see. Bishop Day p.^id iTlOOO to Sir Pranci Garew for the sae of ''.incheator 
in 1595; he died after only ei -rht months nonsession of his honours; the 
?ee was Isft vacant for him who was willing tib impoverish it most in order 

to p^et it, ThOBKtB Bilson fot it In 1597 at the prl«e of ^2400 annuity to 

the ueen. ^ The ?cul*8 Cross preachers did not of course subject these 

transactions to close scrutiny, but they spoke pretty veheinently "In the 

geneiall." "There be e-reat preys to be founde by oresenttnents in the 

Church," warned one, "but they have oft s woightie lease or -^^omewhat els 

banging ot them: weigh th'se leases... you Phall finde that they will 

cost you the Fee simple of e better thing: These 5"Ould be left alone." 

Alas, (said another] , that ever the clergy of Sr.g'land should draw * 
drinka in e en into her very bowles, the deadly poison of covetousness and 
contention; and nowe a deies simony Is an open ana an e^sie way to have a 
living: the maide riraony, that kept the door in pooery, is crept into 
patronp houses, and suffereth not Peter only to cone In, but e^ery m»8ne 
fellow is e.dmitted, sOiTjeti-iJcs of favour, Rt Johnr, request: but rommonly 
the Church doore is opened with a silver key: and 'jiany a lewde patron... 
maketh e living. 141. 

Men covet not spiritual a-ifto but spiritual promotions, "not the calling, 


but the living, not the benafite, bat the teneficss of the church. 



Patrons choose their minl::;ters as lAinerva ohose the olive tree, because 
it was fat; they cry out for a Ir^avned ministry* but will oresent none bat 

base and ignorant persons who will accept the livings upon unlawful 

conditions. One full-scale attack upon simony was preachecJ by John 

Howeon in 1597, upon Matthew 21.12-13. The buyers and sellers whom Christ 

cast out of the Temple h"d ot least ;tome colour for Ihelr action in the 

Law; there is ao euch pretence of legality to over the Pin of simony. 

Selling a benefice is just as sinful as baying It, for nothing Is bought 

but that which is sold. This is a canker thrt must be cauterized, n sin 

that contains many sins. It lakes a^ay the ■rociety and fellowshio of 

mankind; it takes a*ay validity from the temporal establishfoent of the 

Church militant -.vhieh is Justified by the law of Nature and the L: w of 

God; it removed hospitality, and in p-eneral portends some ^reat evil to 

follow. HoKSon appealed significantly to the fathers of the clergy not to 

fall Into this sin, so much more heinous in them than in Inferior minis'ters. 

He appealed to the patrons: 

Is it not sufficient to have tf.ken from the body of this one state, the 
:;aperriuoun rancke blood of 'O mnoy f.^onasteries and by their buse 
Irreliplour houses, and to hnve abated that ... fulnea of blood in our 
Bishoprlcks; and -o far to have opened the vain s of the Pri?s'.s for 
feare of a Pleurlsie oy Impropriet ions, that for very wesknes they ere 
ready to faint In the streets, thut you Rust draw out that little life- 
blood which is left by selling your Vicarages, or retaining your Tythes? 


nlth splendid Irony he suggested that pox-haps theli' retaining of tithes 
Tfss from religious scruples: 

Peradventu e you ere of opinion (hs I understand some are now adeies) 
that either thei-^- is no 1-riesthood in Chrisinnity; of if there be ^ny, we 
be all 6llke Priests, beea ise S. Peter saith, you are s royall Priesthood, 
rep-ale By^fftr^^hjnm; and hereof inferre, that seeing Tythes .ire due to the 
Priest onely, f-nn either there nre no Priests, or If they be due, they 
belong to us ell. But beloved Christians, the text of o. Peter is borrowed 



out of the IS. of :xod. where God epoaketh It to the Jewee^in one respect 
were s nrlesthood, * yet nevertnel: sf! had the order of PrieBthood 
distinguished from them; the like may hold In Christlentity, th't ell may 
be Priects *. yet have a distinct order of Prie8th:)od and Minirterie. Hut 
by that text you may as aell nroove your pel es Sings as Priests, and 
chcllen^e u to you the offices and pri-irlledges of Princes, 145. 

Simony h?.s a stins^ in its tail, it appears. It lo heresy for certain, 
decided Howson, Implying that the idea of universal priesthood is either 
hypocrisy or sedition. 

Early in thir. sermon Ho* son set forth 'jn important principle 
concerning ecclesiastical fo'indations: 

If an houoe hath been once dedicated to Ood, though It be fallen downe 
end utterly decaied, yet the soyle is holy, snd the p-round religious, 
and not to .ee imployed to clvill or pro^ lane uses, 146, 

This nfis by no mefms the first bl-^st of the trutioet against sjcrllege, 
bat it see^s true 'Although thehlgh tide of sacrilege occurred durinp the 

reis^n of Sdnard VI, Justified by iconoclastic ProtestantiPm and by a 

statute of 1551, there was not either then or in the first days of the 

Elizabethan listablishment ths i-ame concern about such spolintions as 

becane eTldent in the lost years ofTllizabeth's relrn, and later. Men 

like Lever denounced the irapoverir:h;rient of livings beceurc it defeated 

the end of the Refortaatlon, which was that the criptures should be read 

to the peoole in their own tongue end th- ^Tord of God presohed without 

ce-.sing. Later apologists of the Church we.e Inspired by the nition of 

"comelineBS" in God's bouse. Indeed the outbursts apainst sacrilepe in 

th^ later years ofl lizsbeth's reign antlcipete th^^ theolop-i^al changes 

which transform d the church of Le er and Crlndal into the church of 

^ndrewes and Laud, and Howson, who is in this n tter much more uncom- 

promiein,- than some of hi n fellows, was what we should cill a High Church 



mfln. another rasaon for Intenalfiad anxiety over sacrilefc Is thot the 
p ocer>s was cumulative, and, ns Booone noted and ?js one may see from the 
cine of 3tret'on 3askervllle, s crlletre n^iturally aceomoanied dopopulotlon. 

The ^odlesse depopul tore [said "-iourne] hsve inclose: fields, to nes, 
Churches and 11, pulling those downe, which their rellcious foref ' theis, 
did build up, atopplnp their doores with thornes, 148 

and their vrinriowop with bushas, yea corerln?' their ro^ofes with thatch, 149 
nay leaving them naked, or el: turning those holy plr.ces into b m«s, or 
sheepe costes, or other proph ne unes. 150. 

Sacrilege wns the ordinary and inevitable accompaniment of rpolllng of 
livings. The Clerophi^rl who have ensrrossed the patrimony of the Church 

have already fle55hed ■hempelvee upon Its fabric, have "broken dovne the 

csrved workes therof v»i h axes, !c haraTiejs." He Brs com-nanded to 

bestow our goods for the -n- Intensnce of the church, ut many pprooriate 

to theini-elves the living", and so become ""chapMen of soula'' as "-hey are 

eh=3pmen of goods; they hav^ defrauded God for their own vanities, "so 

the church Qois love, is no. become 3 partridge pursued and nr?yed upon 


by tyrenny Rnd oppression." The times of gathering stone? was u time 

of devotionjnow that tine Is eoded, and the tline of cstlnr- aray of stones 

is at h3nd. 'S tho cruel tyrants s;aoe c^fter tithe? , so thay gnpe after 


Hath God no mo hmds n heaven nor earth at his comm' nde-eat to write 
wrath agalnrt nuch in our dales a:-: ttche to hBve not onely the vessels 
of gold 'jnd silver If eny poore on-is be, but l^nd and living, ctone ^ 
timber, lesd and iron and -Bhatsoever rerrelneth st this dcy, 154. 

ThlB If'St o^ervDtlon confirms the suspicion thot the Elizabethan and 
Jacobean ^pollers of the church fnbric found little to satisfy them but 
the structure of the church it-elf; the ornaments ha; boen pretty well 
decimated during the i^iwurdlan oerlod. 



Simple condemn tions lite thir nre common; a few prep.chors were 
re'^dy to stifgest other motives for sacrilefe besides pui-e greed. Robert 

Temple, for instsace, celled sacrilege "that holle covetousness St both 

honour- ble end worshipfull luoll of Protestants." At that point in 

his sermon he was spealring of the arrogance of Puritnns, who think they 

know as much se the preacher, "unlearned -jratera" that they are, i^^his 

angle of attack use deyeloped, n- one might expect, by Ho«8on in his 

serrron of 1598, which slgnlflcently combined the them-'f of Puritan 

insistence upon precci ing and sacrilege. This sermon was a "eoncluplon" 

of his ' erraon upon simony in the orevlous year, pre^iched by authority, ^^"^ 

very likely on 'Vhitgift's order. It is based upon a theory of the 

relations between reason and 6'ithority obviously derived from a clo e and 

sympathetic re':;ding of rcolealastlcal Polity , I. Upon this foundation 

Howson bv.sed his repudiitlon of the Puritans and the sectaries, and his 

defence of "ceremonies" with its accompanying 8tt:::ck upon pacrilepe. 

The Jewish Temple, he argued, had much furniture, for Ood will be 

worshipped not only with the spirit, but with the body nlso. This 

kind of fiirntitai~e i^ ■ Ir-o proper under the Cocpel; hence churches wer« 

bailt with royal m-gnif icence. Nowadays many "irrelig-ious Julls-nlsts 

are ready to spoil the church. 

They hove now brought their desire to the 1 sue, so that in Countrey 
Villsees.,. the Churchea are almost become .,.. little better th?n 
horstyes; for the best oreparatlon "^t any hirh feept for swlns In their 
stye..., and In cities and boroushos they ere not like the Palaces of 
rrineer. as they were la the primitive church ...., but like a countrey 
hall, faire »hite limed, or s citizens parlour, at the best well »ain- 
ecotted; as though we we.e rather PI tonlsts then ^hrictlans, who whould 
neither have gold nor silver in their churches becnur^e it w-s Invidloea ma 
and £ave occaptlon to sacrlledj^e. (j'^E* ^■^t Italics mln^ 



Howson wcs a brilliant propagRndlst; he stole the argument from the 
primitive church Just where his opponent most needed It. His ad- 
▼antage was obvious and he made the moat of It. ."^e make but a bare 
allownsce to God, he continued, like "a otoicks dinner, or Philos- 
ophers broaftfast," bare walls and s cover to keep us from rein. 
"Neither If? lawfull to add any oraament,... except perchance a 
cushion nnd a welnafcot seate, for onas owne esse end credite ." [£ig»D2VJ 
What a mngnificent analysis of the mind of the parrenuJ The s'-lf- 
interest of the spoilers is great: they take away the stone to build 
their own great houses; "a roofe of wilde fig trees will serye for a 
chd^ch." Then, like bny good publicist, he recollected his defCKc* *. 

Let no man thinke that hears us this day, that this zenle for the house 
of God is any spice of superstition, but a very religious affection, 
inherent to nature , and true christlanitie, tbourh now for the most 
part blot*^.ed out by irrelig'ion and avarice. ^ig« D3v italics mine] 

The noture which ororapts the u e of a cushion to e.^so the knees is not to 
be confuted with the nr tur^ 1 order of thlnr^s which damnnds coiTiollness in 
the worship of God; it Is a parverplon of God* rifht order, of i*lch 
(such la liowson's Imolicition) some fragmentR remained even In the 
midst of Pooery, The defence of the temporal fabric of the ^"stablishment 
against Its enemies never again re-sched this peak of logic and subtlety. 

In his review of the abuses in land tenure and their relr<tlon to 
the plunderlnf of the Sst^Jbllshnent the rtre: cher may sometimes hfeve felt 
thp.t une'jsa which must have accompanied the T.oral condemnation of the 
power which nnde that condemnation possible. vhen he turned to the 
unchristian practices of the City of London, to the eDormlti"-? of the 
traders and noneylendex-s he could speak with unalloyed confidence, r^nd he 



did so. Trtide in his Tiew ?/a8 sn engagement for the mutual profit of 
buyer and seller, 'i joining of proner functions for the comnon g-ood. 
This was even in 1590 or 1615 nn old-fashioned Idtt^, but he rested secure 
in its simple integrity though he cisely concentrated upon those 
irregularities in trade which even the enterpriBinp business^isn mlr^ht 
condemn as poor policy snd bed ou.-lness — though not ^ith nrecisely the 
same eriphusis. Merchandizing, said Hlchardson, Ip good in Itself, "Jnd 
necesB'^ry for eru: no rann, locality or country Is self^sufficteait. 
But the mslic? of nen hfis filled merchandizing with deceitful tricks. 

It is not for nothing, that their tr-des ere called .Mysteries: 
for there la a mystery of iniquity in them. 

In buying and selling each men hunteth his brother with a n?t. i1iey say 
caveat emptor , but even the pagan moraliet Glcero will tell us that this 
is evil dealing. ellerc are not nllo?,ed to dlsoose of their p-oods of 
their own choice and at n proper price; ».hftn the buyers eome in their 
turn to oell they offend morality by lying about their wares; they shew 

one thing and sell another, u. e felsc weight? and re sares; sell wares 

of bad euality, concesllng the faults in their goods. You are 

thieves in your shops, said ThoniBS .^hite, end within what laws there are 

or with sabtlety circumventing them, while poor jJellows die for theft 

upon the highwoys.**" Deceitful men in the city r.teel from their 

brethren "with bed and nau?hty wares..., '^Ith ereeselve end unreaeonnble 

prises. " 

Eeere bee ^reat preyes to be found by trading In this Clttie [warned 
Henry PriceJ , but they have oft an o;)th, or lie hanging at them: these 
will bee so h. avie on your soules they -lil presse you downe to hell: 
the: e would bee left alone. 161. 



The dark shop, the iispadent toa^-ue, vcitb other devices of the worldly 
ret .iler who tetes his profit after the engrosser has stopped the 
"conununlty" of coinz2x>ditie8 and o r&i&ed their price, all the ethic 
and practice of coves t emptor the preachers hastoned ':o denounce, as 
men isho clid not understand bugine s ..ut who insisted that they kneir 
God*s business. Last jraar the present writer listened »ith attention 
to 8 sermon in hich a mrinifold anelory (to use luBnanuel ourne*s phrase) 
w&s dravn between Christ and the "good salesman"; f-uch are the reirolutions 
of times. 

The prei.chers were equally clear upon the ini.uity of u.'-:jry and 

uriurers. Not for them the f^nevan compromise *ith economic activity, 

or the ter-riversatione of the goTornment'B policy on no'iey landing 

occisioned by th-3 aeceasitios of cttte, the realities of comnerciul 


ODteiT)rise, ^nd the incorrlons of the eontirental money market. ^ They 

agreed with Nieholns Iteming th.-t it leae the p^rte of the preacharn to 

invelg'h against all unla^.full f.nd wicked controcter, to reprove usury; 

usury being unlawful by scriptural prohibition, md h||- the oronounceiocnts 

of ^^rifetotle and Thoat's Aqaini.s, The most they *ouid admit eas that 

the times gnve thara but a cold hearing. There is sm&ll or no hope" for 

anandnemt in this regard, ssid Thomes .Tiite, "and yet we must speake stll 

ngoinst it for sll that.*' If you uobrsld the unuier, complained 

Tilliam Fi.^her, he will plead the profit of th- city. uota Luke 6,34 

at him, fcnd he lill reply. 

Tush, Tush, Sreipture is pcrlptu;-^, but for fill the scripture, h roan must 
live by his cne, en' I l«ll you my money is my Plough. 16"^. 



■>lell the preichers alght coraplala. Lay scepticism of the Interference of 
"siaiplo divines'' ia aiitteri of credit is beautifully set forth in 
George Phillips's Life and -eath of t'aa AJch ::^an and L.zsras (1600). 
There the story Is told of 3 self-mate city magn te who sent his son to 
univeislty an upon heerlng that hi'^- freshly ordained offspring hed 
prefiched sgainrt usury at Peal's Gross observed ?rlth cslm pride: 

I canaot Justly b^frie my Sonne for that he hith done, for it I'- as •sell 
his profpsnion, to specke tigalnrt us:iry, k" i Is my occupation to follow 
it, otherwise he mliht wsat matter to speafce on, ' nd both my selfe ard 
my Ion might larke T;oney to live on: proceed therefore my r>onne, quoth 
thl? groldflnder, and see you spare not to In'^ent demnlne firguments 
a,?alnst ''uch as live by loane, am! I hope thflt In time this wll 
become my trade alone. 168. 

Men like this, as John Dove bitterly rer:arked, "wll heare three sermons 

ia a dey (Tind yet^ thinke thrlty poundes interoat in the hundred to be 

too little." 

"Eemning arruiurnts" appear in quantity, but are conventional; he 
who has read ilson' Dlsjotirse upon Usury (1572) knows them all. One 

or t^o fUndara-sntal ones may be noticed here. Ueory is a sin against 


n'ture like the sin of Sodom. The usurer binds others to himself by 

other bonds tb'^n tho-e prot>er oner, of charity: "his religion is all 

rcli^TTitlon, a blndln,r of others unto himself, of himself to the devil." 

TJRury is the unlawful usujrpation of another's goods; creditors should 

lend only "according to the nokture of losne {a contract of m=ere 

?r3tultlel , their money accovdlnc- to the n ture of mony, which la en 

apoointed Insi rument of oxchsn^e uncapable of such monstrous improve- 

mont." The usurer hen no place in the recognized orier of rlldr and 

corporations: "he Is free of all Companies." 

if v- 


It ip evident too that tha preachers fittacked avf.rlcbus dealings 
in caeup-l credit, in eonsunrers' lo as. "either prodigality, or penury, 
or dlneerabled riches, borrow on usury," said i^ams. ihe i'pecunious 
and eitrSTsgent gentlemen, the oppressed tenc t, the snail creftpnan 

fri'lcr, upon evil dsys, the e ore the usurer's vlctcns, Usu -y BPts 

up nany snclent f-mllles, the f^t of the 1; nd. It prindrs the poor 

to powder. No preacher whose complaints I have studied roslres any 

reference to loans for coramerolal enterprise or shows ony apnroval 

of the standard ten per cent. Like the Doainican Bromyard, like 

Dickens, he paint^: 3 aatiri al picture of the usurer who 

sits !:t home in hlr warm furs, and spendahis time in a devilish arith- 
metic, in number.ition of hours, d^iys, -.nd mon^^ys, in subtraction from 
ot'r.ers» estates, ar.d raultipllc^tion 6f his own. 175. 

The usurer Is unnatural, a monstrous thing; ho tolls not, neither does 
he spin, and the devil feeds hiir. 

The usurer sitting at hor.e In hie fuixl sowne, hrvins- nelt .er plourfinor 
horare at worke, yet -eoth his harvest more plentifully come in... then 
the poore husbandmen that tolleth in -ho earth, is worne with l-bour, 
and wet with the dsR of heaven. 176. 

Good order depends on "distinction of ownages"; it nlso do-ends 
upon dirtlnctlon in consumption, notcbly in the apperel of the out ard 
nan. The neln pujrpose of thi' ancient acts for reformation of ftzces''1ve 

array was the nslrtenfnce of "degree and estate," fmo of "peace, amity 


ft concord." In our days, coraplnlned the preachers, this propriety Is 

SKdly defcced. Pour shillings for a of breeches for a king In the 

dnya of Wllll?,m Rufus, "but I fciire shortly It *ill be a proverbe: five 


hundred poundes for a oayre of pnnt \gj pies for a subject." 



"Even such rpparel as is costly and sro.gnloas may be fit for sornr- Ft^tes 
end peraonsgee," admitted rendys. 3ut in these d ys -^en do not svear 

nht-t is appropriate to tholr cnlllng, but "llpbt, vain, Btran^e, proud, 


and monatrous apparel. " Fxcess tn eppsrel n-rjoap the gentry "eateth 

up this land," ptnce men put on their backs what thny should put to the 


exercise of their duties. 

Amongst u8 the compendious course is t^i^en of g£.t .erin(? our credit neere 
unto ur Into clo thes, which lay scfitter;=d in hospitality before, and 
in attendiata. 181. 

This strange comnetltlon in pride is not to be excused by the plea of 

Do «e think that Liberty nill ercuse our pride and vanity and excess. 
If ife xniffle it out In silks '.'od scsrleta, or othPr-wlse in Ftuff, colour 
or fashion unpuitable to our yesrs, s ?x, calling, er-t-te, or condition? 


Not only is excess in apparel a violation of good order but it 

is also 6 eource of decline in native industries, which the sumptuary 

lavs were designed to protect, ho ona likes to go in good old English 

hontespun like hi-'-, forefathers; the pi-oud puppies must epe the f -^^ons 

of foxei guars, must rurfle i t in the mode of "The Gaskoine, the Venitian, 

the French, the Jpanish, the Dutch, Soc,"^"*'' Portia's "oddly suited' 

i^nglislimnn Is the cause that our ancient pubstantiall, fundsmental 

trude. belonging uni-o Clothing do dos?ne, end they that fill our Cities 

are liuRivendi , trifle-Bellers.... The men that are busied, ^nd the 

chsrge that is imployed, ebout these pnlnefull and •ifficult toys, 

would perve for meny new Pl8n^atlons.'' ' Old trades and new enterprise 

are uoth damaged by excese in ap-arel. fhe comjfcint was not confined to 

be y?ara about the turn of th - century. Lever warned the London 


merchants s ainnt frivolous imports: 

Take hed you Max-ch«antes of London that ye be not ila chaan es of 
rayschy-sfe, c-o-7'^yinf -^vray nuch old le-d, v.ol, Irathor, a-:<l such S'lbrtP.nclall 
wares as wold set sny Snglyshraen to work, and do every manie srood serryce 
ann bryngynge home sylkes end sebles, caLtayla, and folyshe fethers 
to fil the r aim full of such baggage as Ryll never do r'che or poore 
- -od, and n-^coasnry ^^rvyce.... rnke hade t'lr.n that your m-irchuandlse be 
not a serbynp-e of folysh rens fonsies, vhyche will destroy the realne. 186 

The preachar^s stera consematism with its In-istenee upon a pri- 
mitive simplicity and comeliness was now and ngain flavoured with the same 
aalty anlm^ldvelslon8 upon the vanity of women's appa el as those ??hich 
brlffhten the pag«s of the poor Parson's homily. I Ao not find many of 
thes^e obswr'Btlons in the -'li%abeth"n sermons; it is just possible thct 
they cid not olense the ueen. .apdya, for instance, when he quoted 
St. P'"iul upon the proper nhamefacedne^JS and modesty of women, hastened 
to observe: "I do not doubt but that Hester and Judith did wear trold, 
and were gorgoou$^y decked." The array of a qusen mic-ht be 

magnificent and costly according to her st^^tion; for lesser women to 
?eek to outdo their husbands in pride of apparel ie a grievous sin 
against good order. Fantastic end artificial aids to beauty are 
moreover unnatural and evidences of pride. "Jfoe to the crown of pridei" 
exclaimed Hoskins. 

Deuphters of ^inrland... , build not Tarret?. or Crstlec on your heads, Tith 
braided hair, and gold put about: these en be no fences ir fortresses 
of your chastity, tbey are allurer.entr. of your enemle. If not 
trophees end tokens of his vlctorie. IBS. 

The garnishments of pride hove nothing to do with dacency and comeliness; 
comellne-B would not m- ke niore of jewels then of children. God hath 
giren you one f;ce, he continued, and you rake yourselves '.nother: 



Neither msy you daughters of England... • buE© Gods Creation, ettemot to 
control, or i^orrect his workmanship, adding to that face, which Saint 
Jamea tertneth n turell, the joiros-ed feetures of . fece ertif icisll,,, 
7:aF it not 'nouph that unnaturall nicen^ss hath hid their brests, and 
refueed to give theix- cue bo clr suck? muct rrldc hide their Tree too? 
.... Among the wise, -Luni i' iLT:aty, their pleaplnt,- humour takes none effect 
;r succesE'o s: b11; for when their time, their colour^;, .-. nd their 
paines, end their In entlons ere ^srsted,... sh-ill we Cfill it a face, or 
6h':ll 5se c'll ;t an Iciposthura? 109. 

Hoskins .ould hit almost cs hard as Samlet, though his stroles fjre not 
so clean and cri56. It is llVcely that he snoke without prompting, in the 
ordin-jry course of his exhortation. In 1619, however, sermons Sfsinst 
feminine T'^nltiec wore ordered by the King; they were presumably preached 
at Paul's Cross ?s sell as in the city church:^s. Charabeilain reported 

yesterday {^7. Jtc. ISlvFI the 11 shop of London csjled together all his 
Clorpie about this to>Tn9, "nd told them he had a^rreased comneundenent 
fromthe iling to will them t." inveigh Teheiraiitly and bitterly in theyre 
sermons ngainst the insolenc^le of our wo-ien, and theyr wearing of brode 
brlrad hats, pointed dubliSts, theyre h».ire cut rhort or phoren,and some 
of them stllettaes or poin?)rd8, and such other trinckets of lik- mordent, 
adding 7»lthall that yf pulpit admonitions eill not raforrae them he wold 
proceed by naother course; t-he truth is the world is very fnr out of 
order, but whether this will mend it Cod icnoves. 130 

Thr e weeks later he wrote Carleton thf;t "our oulpits ring contunually 

of the Innolence «.nd Irapudence of women," so that what isith sermons, 

pl«ys and ballads "they can com? no where but theyre eercs tingle." 

Whether or not the campaign oroduced araendn-ient in their 7;t.ys is not so 


i^xcess of the belly is as much to be reorehendcd as excess upon 
the back. Gluttony -^nd ospaclally drunsenneaa «ire eins becau?o they 
destroy the true order and subordination in the body a- excess in apparel 
ceforma the hierarchy of degrees an-J comeliness of estates. They are 



sins against n ture . Sendys' long end thorough dlseuerion of there 3lns 
m'jy serve s our tejt: 

Katiire is conlanted *ith « Utile: but, .MVere sobriety T/nnteth, nothing 
is enoufh. '-^he body mu^t havp sufficient, lest it feint ?n the ml;'st 
of necer,sary dutls: but beware of gluttony ana dmnkeness,,., Thepe 
lerconr sre fit for Enplsnd, »?h3r;' enclRnt sobriety ht'th given plrce to 
superfluity.... John iJeptist was content with s simple diet, Christ with 
very clftndar; hut there are of uf5, I fePr me, who?e foil la 
their belly, and *ho;-e felicity is meat and drink. Our ex::3ss this way 
is intolerable and abomlnsble.... This excepE Is an eneriy to wealth «nd 
hedth: it hsth cut off much housek coping, and brought many nen to 
eytre?!9 be-pary..,. And as ir.moderete feeding doth much hurt to the body, 
so it .iJ more noisome to the mind, i?or as the round, if it recei e too 
r-.uch rain, •• r not retered, but drowned, snd turnffth into nire, -hlch is 
neither fit for tillage nor for yielding of fruit; so our flesh, over- 
watered with Tiin?, is not fit to ac'rait the spiritual plough, or to 
bring forth th- cel'-s Isl frult'^ of rlphteousn-^ss. rhe herbs thct ^zrow 
about It will be lo thsome end stinking weeSs; ss brawlinc, chiding, 
blasphemy, slander, perjury,, manslftuphter, and such bed workA 
of drunkenncrs f^nd dsrVnepe.... A drunken "jody is not d man, but a swine 
fit for devils to enter into, ior these sins are atains;t nature, which, 
being noderately refreshed, is s-itisfied; being otuffed, is hurt, 
violated, aac dftfonised. God hath jlven up hie ereaturej: soberly to use, 
anc. not bd shenefully to ebu^'-e: ice should, if we d'd well, feed the 
body to serve «nd not to rule, to obey and not to lead, the spirit. 192, 

vihether or not the "ancient sobriety" was diminished by tie importation 
of foreign wines with th-T erpnnElon of "^npllsh trsiie rnc' by the increase 
in tf.e alcoholic coatoat of Znglish ^le by the Iraportiitijn ;>f hops from 

iQ'i I 

iVrtois, certain t Is thtit the prenbaero turned their thunaer upon 
drunkenness sepecially, JrunkennosSk naid Sibthoroe, 

is the mother of nisrtameKnors; the matter th:"it ministers all mlschlafe, 
the root of ti etchedness, the vent of vieo, the Subverter of the "neses, 
the Oonfounder of tho O^i-ficlty, rayslnf a stome in tho Tongue, ?lllowe8 
in thQ Body, nndShlppewracke in the oule, the losae of Time, the 
eorruoter of Conversation, the dlscreriito of Carrlnce, the Infamie of 
Honesty, the oincke that sviallowes Chaatitie, the Infirmity ahoae 
Physiti n Ic 1 norainle, aad the n .dn«38e whose Medicine ip /Ir-ery. 194. 

Drunkenness is everywhere in the realm, and is too much tolerated. 



The e was in rocie e straefce called Vlcua -obrias : iTie Jober street©, 
becauEie there wjib never an alehousa in it; which is herd to be eeid of 
eny Ftreete in Lngl&nd. 195. 

/J.1 over the lend "the justi*e of pesce is -^ilde, and the drunkard merry, 
which t»o, you know will a-.end no aln." 

When they [drunkcrcis] are preeeated, they answer for them.'PalveE some 
flegr.';ticlce conceit... that relishea of the broth; and the "'aglstr-te 
biis, !."o no fliorr; so: ana so the drunkard in honour of the Justice, nakes 
his image for saving him, and writes upon it. Good-ale ne-er wanted a 
friend upon the beach. 196. 

Thoinas idams, edified by the reading- of Othello , exclaimed: 

Ch that a man -should take pie sura in th'it which T.airss him no man; that 
he Phould let -^ thief in tt hie moath tojteel away his wit; thst for a 
little tbDat-lndulgence, he should kill in hiiupelf both th? first /^dara, 
his respon, fani even th? second dsm, his regeneration, and so commit two 
mui-ders at once. 197, 

He had a theory to explain the common indulc;ence in strong drink, s theory 
which reminds us of the cuses suggested by ecanoraic historians for the 

epidemic of gin drinking in tho 1740 's: 

Drunkennes raakos no quick ridnnce of he ale that this raieeth the price 
of malt, anu the eood 3al-= of innlt raiaeth the price of barley: thus 
if the lan3 distressed, t"^ • poor's bread dlseolvad into the drunl-vprd's 
cup, the markets are hoisad up* If the poor cannot reach the prieo, the 
iralt-mastar *ill; he c n itter it to th^ t-^'Dhouae, a/id the tsohoupe Is 
sure of her old ff^nd, drunkennes. i'hus theft oits clo-e in a drinlcing- 
riom, nd rots ill raho siil into that coaet. 138. 

Almost a vicious circle, you will obcerve, but not -uite. Mama was 
not an econamic determinist; the process beglnr with the drunkard, who 
is s drunker;! becaure he is :: sinner, not bscaus-.a it happeaa to uo more 
orofltabl'^ to sell nle then ajeal. In like manner John Hoskins, while 
concerned to exoose tho ohysic -1 misery of th« drunkard, affirmed the 
sinful pride in dru;ikennes8. As seir-ssteem is t surfeit of the mind, so 



is drunkeqpsB of the body, I'he out-ard estate of the drunkart? If 
poverty; his l^nds are drowned, hlB beck stripped to Una hi:^ belly. 
Ha is afflicted with many "cornorall incorrreniencoa." 

A Goalee of Prage... ua/lng heard at shrift the confesBion of drunkards, 
and p;^wning his irlts to purchase e. perlence of the ainne, stole himself 
dxainke; and after threa d;iies drowi^y loth;;ome iangulshla^ YexR.tion, 
•shen he c:^-me abroad, to cjII that confessed the shme sin e, enjoyned no 
■oenaace but thi* , C-oe and be drunke agaiae. 

This sin' nsvor comes alone; it brings In its train mocking, murder, 
adultery. Incest. iTrinkinf: e~alnst dryness or sadaesE is to be tolerated, 

but drinking bouts of shole days and nighta are sinful. The reraembrence 


of theCup of Christ should res. rain U3 fro.^ such ex^psses. 199. 

The "atoraa Ln the tong'e," uncomely speech, the sin -.f blfisphemy: 
t'lese rr.ay oroceed frojTi other causes besides djrunkennass. From a wilful 
careless naas, for inst^^nce, as -.daa Hill was sura: "the despei-te 
peopl of thie declinin? age are so glv'sn to STtearlnf , as though no man 
ciuld .;e 5^av3d happily, unlesse he did a;eare continually." Ourslng is 
the infernal Inaguagr, nna all too frequent it la in -n^'Iand becau -e of 
the negligence of the m giatrate" »ho punish not the offence, "and the 

fearfulnesse of the iJinisters, who doe not reprove this sin In Gentleinen 

and mobla perx^onas^es. It was the upper clcsses, too, whom Thomas 

^utton reprored t-.enty yetirs later in his long invective araint sneering. 

Idle swearing ir evil for . land; it is cried d wn in the ancient laws 

of the igyptiena, icythiand and Komans. '^he very Totfks -.ill 8tOL> their 

ear? et the het^rlng of an oath. Wowadays our magistrates daro not make 

any la*B against this sin, so thoroughly condetined in scripture, for 

fear of catching their.relves. There is much shearing among the nobility 

and gentry; the court Is a "school of bJ>0L8pheray." You c .n tell a courtier 


by the TBPlaty of his new-feshloaed oaths. 


That *8s putting: it pret- y deerly, am' the accusfltlon wss th« 
more d rin?: and wei<.:hty because, If one can ti-ust flarington. Chamberlain 
and other.-, it <kv,s true. I'here were mnny parTonu "roaring boys" In the 
entourage of James I. "Hoarlns?" is nil too coarion, testified John '.hite. 
aut neither button nor "hite percftived, as did William .Yorshlo, the 
jucigeaent of od upon the ains oT high life, "jih, noble Prince HENtiY," 
cried he, "'(who^e very narie still inekes my heart to bleode afresh) »ee 
nay thanke our Conrt-oathes, &r, one chiefe cause of thine untimely 

./ben the Paul's Cross morel turned to ctistla tion of disorder 
and excess in raane:'s domestic, he repro/ed pa.-enis who by 6Lack4ning 
their authority and neglecting religious obsor anoes in the home 
permitted their children to --e disobedient. The eirjmle o? the enturioii 
Cornellur., paid tockwood, in painfully dischiir^iag those cjutier,, should 
be a lesson to us all. If 'i.e neglect to kacp our households in religious 

order, we are guilty of the very ^ins which our disobedient children 

will cotamit. Isaac's blind affection to bless "sau, nsmed Lev-'es, 

should bring us to ponder how our affections away us figainst God's itlll; 

our affections are the waves and winds of our souls, niovint^ us often to 

neglect the; oroper rectraint of our children. "V.'ell, -li >)id so long 

cocker his ciildren, that they caused him to brestte his necVce." 

Worse by for and more common thati disobedience in children is adultery. 

on 13 inarch 1586, upon the occasion of the pennnce of c ivhoremonrer , the 

pre Cher delivered g long harangue upon the evils of promiscuity. 



Sbewing by sundrie examples whr-t punishments hare been inflicted upon 
offender'' in that kind, by the laws of diverse n tions: fis of the 
Tartars, Jews, lurks am Aegyptiaas, l-c: some stripping the man that 
WHS ruiltie, starke na'icfld in the Bijrht of the osople. i«ho received a 
thousrnd yerks upon his flesh: the worn n hcd her nose cut off, end so 
lived with - oarcetusl note of infamie, iesiing a visible br-.dge of her 
fonasr lewd life. ... This fault wss likewise revoDged isith stonlne to 
defith, and other corpornll snTBrtf and fcoraien a; ell which shew how ocJlous 
a sinne It Is, both in the elKht of God ana man. 805. 

ffhere thie pre^icher depended upon the recital of gr'sly punishments, 
oanderson explored with chamcteristic loclc the nature of the siln itself. 
T.Ven the pj^gans could see th-^t adultery v^ s grievous, th ough the ll?ht 
of n:tare In them. They saw that it is a mixed crime, partskinp of 
Injactice as ?rell t;8 uncle&nness. 

Krery nsrrled person hath loee facto surrendered up the right and interest 
he had in aad over his oifn body, and :-'ut it out ^f his own Into the 
power of another: rhat an urrant thief then is the adulterer, th t taketh 
upon him to rlispose at hi? ole- s ire tlat ^hich is mnp if his, ''06, 

Robert Sibthorne nropose-? to survey "afar off, as thi-ough ' Perspective or 
Cptlcke Ins ^rument. ., three Deformities in this den of Cscub"; the 
unlawfulness of it, certain mrticulcrs to be eschewed of those who 
wbold not fell by it, and the punishinent of offenders in it. l-or the 

If thou wilt see adultery beget Idolatry, thou needest but cast sn eye 
on :alo'TOn; If Wltchcrcft, rellect on Jezebel; If thou wilt behold Lust 
in Xravell with Hatred and Hevenge, lutiphars Wife is at full time of 

This, sin Is worse than all others, though stiff-necked men s^ek to 
excuse it as natual and inherent to the bo^iy. To avoid it, shun idlen'=)8a 
and sloth; Cupid "hlt-s few out the sloathfull," 3hun Tilthy communication, 
foolish talking end jesting; these days children leern lewd rhymes as 
soon 8 they can chatter, ihe third 'rock to be retired from" is wanton 


looks and llfe-ht behaviour, l fonrth the froquonting of lewd places 
end flssoci-tlon with lesclTloas persona, a fifth is drunkenness and 
ourfeltinp. /s for the punishrnent for adultery, there is in this life 
excommunication and In the next s strong possibility of immersion In 
the lake of fire and brirjjtono. Having surveyed these points € far off, 
Sibthorpe approsched the sins of thR day more nearly. Adulterers asoemHe 
"by troops" in htrlots' houses, publishing their impurity to the eyes 
of offended observers. .here are these hou':^es? 

I will ... f-fethema cicelly describe unto you a three fold stla tlon, of 
such sinckes of sinne, thnt so you may the speed ilier sddresso ha 
lnqui£?ition for the suppressing of them. 

The first is as tiabab's hou;e, upon the town wall; thn second as the vale 
of Sorck, in a valley by s br okride; the third, like the dwelllnB- of 
the two h'srlots who carae before 3olomon, the bouses of c couple of 
«ictuBllers In the City.'^'' 

(Mention must be made here of John Dovb^ e- sermon Of Divorcement 
preached at Paul's OroGS in 1601, not nly because his argument has sn lntl» 
nste connection with the preachers' horror of adultery, but becF-use the 
serr.on /as an episode in the long controversy upon divorce ■'•hlch forms 
pert of the background to ?Allton'H divorce pamphleta. The conservetive 
reaction to progressive ?rotest>jnt te.ching upon divorce, e.g. the 'Jtorka 
of Bucer and Gartwrlght, bepri n with idmund Bunny, a prebon ; ry of York 

in the 1590'b, who opposed the piSctlco of roiaarriege • rter se-^nr^^tlon 


for infidelity. lie was answered by the Purl' an jr. iiglnolds of Oxford, 

and rejoined in IfcJS while his oonoient's tre. ttae mf.r. still In mnnuscrlpt. 
.irchbiahop ..hltplft refused to otarmit the puQlicatijn of elf^er t reatlae, 
though he wns of the conserv.tive persuasion and permitted ^ove's aermon. 

31 -u 


which was designed to prove three propositions; there cnn be no divorceinent; 
he who puts «way hln nl fe cen marry no 'ther while she liveth; the woman 
who is divorced may not remarry. Hia text «^.s the tnuch-sPfTued pronounement 
in Matthew IS. 9 and his whole sermon a tightly-woven axpof'ition to 
arrive «t a right understanding of the text. Publicition of the s-rmon 
was presumably ?eriaitted because, ns Dove put it in his pref story epistle, 
he *as mistaken "by sjme *ho understood it not, &, unjustly traduced by 
others which heard it not." '".ome wei-e displeased because he presumed to 

apeak sg-alnst Bezp, others pleaded ef-tainst his div'.sion of the text as 

straunge and insolent." In the afteraath the controversy •Jina 

continued at Oxford between John Howson as^'ice-Ch8noa.lor end the furitan 

Thoass Pye. rainold's and Bpnny's tre tlsos «?re published in 1609 and 


The brotheli end the theatres stood closer together in .-ome 
prenchere' minds than e -er they did upon the Bankslde. For Adamj, the 
playhouse is one st3ae in the epicure's riotour. course: 

If every they (epicures) be^-ln pny wirk with the day, th^y dispose it on 
thi? fashion: first thay visit the tavern, then the ordinary, then the 
theatre, and end In the stews; from wine to riot, from that to plays, from 
them to harlots.... Here is a day spend in an e :cellent method. 210 

The theatres were notorious an pl-ices of ^rsign-^tlon; so Tuch if? ffCt, and 
this aspect of Ihe pre. chers' attack upon the stspe muFt not be dismissed 
58 me-e frenetic c'lunry. Other elen n s in ^.h«*lr crvonl ifT> a'-e pIbo easy 
to explnin. In the Jacobean period, for instance, ministers of the T>uritan 
nersugsion were P^pxieved at levd representrtlons of th^ir kind upon the 
stage. In 1608 ''.illiHn nrnshaw deplored the "nm^nily Play^s and 
/".nterludes -o rife \n this ntlon." hat ere thej, he vent on, but "a 



bsstard of 3'ibylon, a dcu,'?hter of error end confusion, a hellish device?" 
Like i^orthbooolce before 2nd Prjoine after him he listed the ususl 
irrelevcnt citations of the Fathers against plays, but ss he cinisB nearer 
home the real source of hly anger appeared: play ra grow worse and worse. 

For now they bring religion anct holy thinffis a?on the 3ta/e..». Two 
hypocrites must be brought forth; and how shall they be described but by 
th6se names, Nicholas i", ^ntHn;^"^, "dmon '.■. r.iaryoverles? ThuB hypocricle 
a child of hell must beure the nv.iaes of two Ghorehns of God, and two 
wherein T.oda name Is called on publikely every nay In the yeare, and In 
one of them til^ blessed word preaehed eTerle '-y (an exa-nple screee 
iaatchsble in the world): yst theee two. ..shall be by these Tiiscreants 
thus dishonoured, nnd th-^.t not on the sta^e only, but en^n In print, 211, 

Gamual Ward la his sermon of 1(516 slso alluded to such ridicule, in an 
apostrophe to his brethren: 

j,- for the playerB, snd jesters^ and rhymers, 1- all that rPbblement, tell 
them, thou silt c»ne day be in onrnest with then, snd though thou suffer 
them to personate th e upon their stages, jnd sh-T th'lr wit, and break 
their jestson th'^e now, thou wilt owe it to them, till they cone upo4 the 
(Boreat sts-re, bf^fore God end fill the world, 212, 

For those who deplored the profane 'isa of the Sabbflth the players were 
chief amon^j those who luade the Lord's (lay n time o± ui' odly exorcises. 
FrofanstlJn of the^th, r-^id .dam Kill, ir an evident sin and very 

coanion etaong. us; the Sabbath is profaned "with 'launclnf;, stage-ploying, 

bear-bsyting, bowling, A with all manner of .•i'.bhominitiona." -very 

day with us in evil, compliiined Thomas r.hite, "and the Sebbath w^r-t," 

It Is with us the d ■ y of bsnquotln;;8, curfeitlng-s and plays, 

Something was don« by the euthorities ftbout pl'jyinf on Sunday, 

and it wRF. done gs a result of the Inters^^ cave of protest against 

plrylnr th^'t 8we-)t pulpit and pr-^rs in the ynarB 1E77 to 1579. This 

cavalcade of fulmlnttion ir a phenomf^non of rrs t 1ntflrir!.<^t , and since s 



of the heeviest artillery wes sounded off at P"ul's Cross, sons 
discussion of It may isell prorlde the climax for this survfiy, a bare 
list of the ettaC'-a on the stage during this time is impressive. The 
first hloff seems to have been struolc by Thomas f^hite in his sermon 'dt 
the Cross in 1577; in oecember of thst year John Worthbrooke's :re:;tl3e 
Ttas entered In the Jtatijner>-' xiegister; thonext yesr saw the publication 
of Xhomas 3rasbridge*s Poore :^ns Jewell , which repeated Vihlte*s 
arpuments cboat the rel tion of plays and plsfrue, Htoclmood's first 
serrcon end /alsal's sermon at the Cross; in 1579 appeared N'ewes from 

the North , fiooert Spark's sermon at the cross, *• 'it oclrs ood • s second 

sermon and Oosson's Schools of buse . The pre chers* invective 

ran nearly the rrhole gainut of denunciation mac^e fonillor to students 

of the period through the violent and tedious pe^os of Hiptrloniestix * 

aborainoble and filthy cltyl cried .hlte, 

Looke !.ut upon the coannon pl?=iyes in Lodnon, and see the multitude th- 1 
floc!-eth to there end followeth t>iera: beholdc the sunptuous 
hou-es, a contlnu'=ll raorument of London^ prodigill fie nnd folly. 

The sumptuous houses »;ero the Theatre, begun oy 5urbn(?e in 1578, and the 
Cartnln, occupied in the next yenr. They were elored because of plague 
when ^hlte spoke on 3 November. 

I like the pollicye well If it holds still.. .. The cause of plagu s Is 
sinno, if you looke to It roll: and th--? cause of slnne are playes: 
therefore the cause of pi .;.:uea oire playes. 

fter thi' simple sylloi^lsm "hlte set forth the horrible r^tn- and 
enormitlen exhibited on the stare, na theft and whoredom, nride and 

prodigality, villainy and blispheniy. "It is no plnylnf? time," he 

concluded. "nlsal brought forward a theme much l<'^oared In ths llter- 


ature of ''Purl ten"* objections to pleys: 

As in the couutrie minstrels thua seduce &, bewitch the opople, so it 
hoth bene gyd (I truFt It bo reformed) that vaire nlfilers have had p bout 
thlo citie of London I'srre grev^ter audience, then true prej^cher^s, 219 

The chief onr>onent of the theatres at Paul'sCross was John toclctinod, 
a ototye oi ryr.'.e. Though vithcut Prynne'e vre; t learning si« queru- 
lous where Prynne was Ticious, He bepau his observ tions unon plays in rermon of 1578 with a renetltion of .alssl's complsint, though In 
more conficent terms: 

Kyli not (! fylthye plsye, ~ith the ol st of a Trumpete, sooat^r c-11 
thyther a thounande, than an houres tollinp of a Bell brin?- to the 
ierraon a hundred. 

-fter 8 e'srrulouB, dull, end prosaic enum ration of England's sins he 
returned to the attec'f, affirming thst every man cries out against 
"beastly Playas" from Paul's Cr^ss, and pointing to the "houses built 
^Ith urs t charge" of purpose for playing, ^nd built without thft liberties 
"'581*0 would sey, the;-e, let them saye, what they will saye, we wil play," 
rhese buildinf:s are like to the hesthenlsh theaters of Ro^.e, enticers to 
whoredom. How can "uch be tolerated in e Chrtetlan coramonveelth and 
upon the Lord's day too? iTielr building is unprofltnbie expendltare: 

For rectcening with the l^^;3te, the sroine that Is reaped of el.'^hte ordinarie 
plsces in the Gltle which T knowe, by ployinf but nnce e w^eke..., it 
amoanteth to 2000. pounds by the ye re, the suffering of 7?hlche wpste 
muste one a< be answered before God, 220. 

lis resomsd his attack in the ne;{t yeer, heaping up epithets upon such 
detestable exercises *iili^h aie still cintinued, though cried out nreinst 
by worthy 'nen from the .aul's Jxobs pulpit. They are used on the Lord's 
day, which is a thing intolerable; though the frequenterf? of them affirm 



that the pleyy, belnjc In the afternoon, do not Interfere with th« time 
of sermons, yet "the people thn t reeorte thither. If th-^y .-.ill h?y e any 

convenient pl'.ee to h?nre, must bs there before the time of er one." 


Playhouse- are filled; chorches eapty except in tine of plngue. 

It has been suggested thr:t this outbreok of protest wfis not, of 
the convention il Puritan" kind altOijether, bat instigated by influential 

groaps of London citizens, and that tock«ood was their chief spokesman 

because of his connection with the Company of Jkinnors. It c nnot 

be denied that some of .'''ockifood' a proteetssound the key of the 

practice! merch .>ntE' concerted Toice: the weste, the great charge <ibout 

things unprofitable, the licen?e in the suburbs beyond the jarl '-diction 

of the aldermen. ..i^aliist thic vlei* sisy be pieced the evidence that the 

City outhorities hfld little or no control over the Jippoint'^ient of ='aul'8 

Cross preachers, and also the unmistakeable sentiment of rlvfilry be- 

ty<een the pre-chers and the pl:yerr, of jealousy on the preachers' part 

which could scarcely fail to produce condenn?.t ion* There Is little 

evidence that the City was able to comicand either the Cross pulpit or 

the pr^'ss for its purpose; there iw nuch evidence, though u-ifortttn^^tely 

little of it. oooearp in the Paul's Cross sermons, for an urjnerlyinf 

antipathy to th"^ stage in of the devout, an entipathy 'rising 

perhaps from the Puritan fear of the mime of the use of the body In any 

ritual, .'hether profane or holy. Tne . ua^eoLs th-t tha "urltsne 

objection to acting was oi a piece with luelr Dbjection to church 


There is danper In pftyinp: too great defe ence to the pest 
nerely because it Is the pnst, because its pHtternrs are irrevocable. 



because If they pre not beyond our feer they ere beyond our censure, 
iis C'.rlyle observed In his perh<BPB extravagant iPtaphor, the Paul's 
Gross Permons bsd something of the quality of editorials. The 
hsrassod citizen clatc^ing his pr<ornlng peper on his way to work often 
wonder:- if tha editorlGlist can posalbly belie e his ots-q lofty 
pletitudes. So must many of the auditory In Paal'p churchyard h-sve 
debated the sincerity of the oreaeherr who proclaimed en impossible 
virtue, condemned TOod bu;?ln?:3S, and set their faces asralnst the ancient 
relaxations of the popal'jce. But there l3 a difference, rhe preachers 
*«re not subeidlzed. It Is true that for the most p^^rt they defenc^ed a 
govemTient policy, bat they were "o-^tted by Heaven", In their consciences 
they were lndepend(?nt, and the only pressure i'-rouo to which they had to 
defer -jas the power of petronege. It is renerkable how little deference 
they shO'^ed, how secure they felt in thrtlr armour of rl?:hteousn«as. They 
spoka with the authority of men a-.o stood to pain nothlns? by the 
processes of ciiptlellst Individualism, rho existed with an Intense 
inverted pride upon relatively araaH rtlpends fixed by oaetom and aaage; 
iV is impossible to deny that they spoke from r con-'iction of divine 
panction. No doubt nmny o fellow of the University colleges, new from 
the formularies of the crnonlsts and the pleeeant certfiintles of t he 
common room spoke e'i'ainRt covet ousne^'S with more conviction than he might 
have shovn afta? twenty years in the world, pfter workin,r to aocumulnte 
8 library and a cellar, to carry favour «jlth a worldly'- bt-hop and s 
worldlier J.'^., after oxo rieneeing the exaaneratlons and teraporlzatione 
of the courts chrtsti^m and temporal. But if tho prea<?'er was R0'^<?tlmeB 
academic he wns al ays consistent, being by his ohAlce of Drofesslon 
exempt from the cynlciam, sneclal oleadlnp or hypocrisy vrhtch afflicts 



the en repreneur wlieu called upon to enunciate Chris Ifm nrincipl s. 

But their r-al condition, obscJfVsd by the neglect or the adulation 
of scholars, is not so clear. The voice of God was also the voice of a 
corporation, ;Tienaced by new corporations framed in the coiiimodity 
markets of - ntwerp and London, their articloa drnwn to :-eet the requirements 
of a aev .--urope, which 'ma busy ascnpln,?^ the manor upoa the hijh.'.ays of 
the sea. Not one of thefie preachers mentioned the New -orld specie, 
though this was fcheir BeSl ene^T^y. i«ot one raentloBed the dissolution 
of rnedie.'.=:l '^hriste adorn; they c lied up the Turk t5 a horrible oxariple, 
but they ignored the Tudian and the Muaaorite, the ;old and the salt fish 
of the new world and the timber from the northern slopes of the steppss, 
Jenkinson and Helecih had 3^^en these thin r', but they were not mentioned 
at Paul's Jross. -the preachers in tn^jt place, though heated '<>j reforming 
sentiment, spoke for an "ist blishnaent which existed urjon essentially med- 
ievel land yaluos, nbich In fio-e times of chanre relied upon tradition 
wliere it could not rely upon cold cr'sh, which ?ou:_-ht to re-n'-un toriporally 
powerful while repudi .ting thO'Je iniQ>uritios vhich had mede it so. The 
Paul's Cross oreachers are c'rurchraen first and last in thei;- social 

They were doomed to sjch slender resurrection ?s they ney find 
in a scholar's pages because they were on the wrong side, practicfilly 
rpeaking. They s^ie advocates of what are called "control e^ 1^ "u^ ti e, 
an^f like those who support controls in our ti^ie they were upopular, at 
odds with the powerful and wet-lthy minority who directed ■England's destiny 
towards shopkeeper's heav<=n. Tbe Intricate flnperatu? of nrlce-flTlng 
and wage-flxlnr uhlch the "llrabethfin en-:' Jsccbesn roveraTentP coaeht to 



Impose upon - society air ■ dy anrious to enjoy the economics of i<lc8rdo 
W6S by Implication defended by the preacherr; end by day to riay practice 
floated by the proprwrsive entrepreneiHfE, ^iiuce they were the official 
propagandistB of the government, in a position of competence in crises of 
opposition between ec^le^i :8tical and temporal povers, the preachers 
■were forced to defend the sutocrncy In Itr lack of understa -■-lln'^ of economic 
tre:;ds, and no d'Xibt to the sturdy morcinants of the City they Flood for 
monopolies and tncorapetencfi as well as price-fixing, encra^ed by their very 
position to defend the rnounciering carniossness bb the cro.ijrt, as woll as 
the ch;rity e-.joined by the -criptttraa. i\ll their fei^tid rhetoric 
cannot save them from diminuendo. All our nostalgia cnnot save them 
froic silence. 

f oo 


ihan uod created heaven ;vad earth, ho r-ated not in the 
heaven, or in any heavenly thing, not in the et-rth, or in 
any e^irthly thing, but oaely in man which is both. 

Thoiaas ^'layfare, '^esrta i>eli;!3it » 

For behold, the day coneth that shall burn ae an oven; 
and alithe proud, yea, iind all that do v/ickedly, shall be 
stubble • and tiae day that coueth sluill bura ther.; up,aaith the 
Lord of hosts, tixat it ahall leave tiiem neither root nor bronchi 

But unto you that Sear z:y nane almll tho 3un ariao 
healing in his wingoj aai yo ahall go forth, and grow up aa 
calves Oi "tiie stall. 

-^ad ye shall tread dovm the wicked|. for tliey shall be 
ashes under x-he 30I03 of your feet in the day that I shall do 
thia, saith the iord of ho at 3. 

l*ialachi, 4. 1-3. 



Up to this point thia study has been in the ordinary sense 
historical. '4iat is, -^ have dealt with the Paul's Cross aenaona 
not as seriaons but as ilxustrative documents, as a series of foot- 
notes to a n&.rrative, footnotes often so iiaportunt that they force 
the pace or change the direction of the narra.tive itself, but still 
not "inaking" hi story out aerving inxther as a discontinuous coauuentaiy 
upon the oarch of events. Jiie role of the preacher as oorai-'entator 
is particularly oleto" in his protests against tfee aoquisitivo society, 
■in all this only the "doctrines" and "uses" of the serraona have been 
brouglit under discussion, not the sermons themselvos, which were not 
intended as historical com.jen'oary at all, but as soae^thing far more 
lofty and subtle than editoriali2ing» iu which the application playa 
a auboi^iinate if necessury part, -liie •'^aul's ^ross preacher was propa- 
gandist and moralist, but first of all ho tms prophet. Proachiaag is 
keryCTia i exegetical pi'ophecy, as well as didach§, homily. 

■^he sonaon is therefore an art fom peculiarly designed to inter- 
pret eternal verities — "Ihus sslth the Lord" — in teraia of history 
ajid morals. This desifin necessarily includes two elementsJ proclamation 
of tho "'ord (which includes the "division" of it), and accomodation of 
the "ord to the capacities of the hearers for the purpose of directing 
their actions , (ihe sonaon is by its very nature not a directive to 
conton^jlationi hence its popularity in the English Hefonnation, vrhich 
eschewed conteiJ5)lation. ) Unless both of these elements are present, 
what we have is not a sei^non but something else. In certain of the 
ruritan prea.heps, whose division of the text was practical , the first 
element is almost swallowed up in the secoixl, and the sermon becomes a 


homiletic handbook, 'ihe otnor extreioa is probably reached in 
AndrewQS t-nd perhaps John ICing, birb in them the hoailetic element 
ia never, oven at the highest pitch of "wit," in danger of diaap.eaw 
anoe* -^he hcinnoaloua balance of t-heso two elecenis tkttougaout a 
sermon wo^ld be the perfectaon of iv.nalsayjioe pulpit e.rt; such a 
sermon was probably never preached, 

Tne proclomation of the Word, accompanied by all those images of 
delight ajul terror vmich Holy v^rit, the fabric of ntvcure, the know- 
ledge of tongues and the facility of hurajja fancy can pirovxde, ia 
divine poetjry. But the se nion is not a poem, even a didactic poem* 
For ^ere the post teaches ia ixiages, the preacher teaches b^ iiiiagjs. 
He may use an allegory, but not a con-fcinued allegory; he may use a 
conceit, but not a dark conceit, ho uses and analyzes his images j 
his tfeapon i3 the exeaplum not the siaiils. The poet fuses his idea 
in the white heat of his i!a;i.giimtion and the result is metaphor; the 
preaoaer as it were breaks down metaphor into its parts, sets them 
aide by side ror tne ediiication of his audionee. ■'•he whole of iiourncV 
tiaiiiebov.' ia aa oxercise of tiiia kind. 

As oi« distinguishes the preacher from the poet, so Lnust he be 
distinguished from the theologian and the controversialist. ^^Ithough 
sons of tiie sormons of this period, produced in an age of controversy, 
sul'fered a sea-change when they wore published, being alteredxnto 
treatises, and altnough xz seems likely chat some preachers read as it 
were some chapters of their books against i\ome or Geneva to the i-'aul's 
uross auditory, the ordinary seroon is not a troatise. Ihe purpose of 
a treatise is proof of a thesis by syllogism and evidence; whatever 
has been said of the place of tne different schools of logic (Aria- 


iotelian or r^uaistic) in fonaing the seniion does not alter tho fact 
that the end of a sermon is not proof, One must insist that the 
proaoher is not concsmed to roconcilo oppositions or to assert the 
aupremacy of aoctrinos o-j altering the relation of eloraeirto in his 
dicilectiG, but to convince by what chEinge he producea in his hearers. 
2he sermon is not self-contidned, ihc- preajhers speaks to bring men 
to the condition of repentejrt sinijorc, to convict thea of oin by chfjsg- 
ing their attitizde to the ./ord, lliis he does by showing them a prophetic 
viaion of their utatej the fruits of his sermon are not in his suEKiary 
of conclusioiia (hi^rdly any of these sernons have a svoaJtiry, rather a 
passionate peroration) but in the effect upon the soils of the auditory. 

It would not be necessary to labour this point were it not xhat 
criticism of the Tudor and Stuart sermon literature emphasizes either 
the preacher* s art, his variety of division, his purple patches, his 
virtues or defects aa a prose artist soleily, or on the other hand his 
contribution to theological tliought or political and. social theory. 
Valuable as these approaches are, they deal with grayaents of tiie sor- 
laoUf not with its totality, I-or is it possible to understand even 
imperfectly the real significance of post/ ^iefonnation homiletica in 
ii-'ngland without f acting the sermons sqtiarely as they are sermons, 
SOT inthe tension implicit in the seroon fora between the .brd and the 
world one may see most clearly a conflict analojjous to that whicli 
i'rofoasor Griorson has ciescriced in his metapiior of'cross currents," 
in the study of the sermons at i'aul's Gross the metaphor of forces in 
equilibrium, in a state of tension, ia better, Tiie tension is laanlfest 
in txio rel::ition between the text and its ap. lication by the preacher; 
that relation ouy be hj:.naoniouj or it may be striined, depending upon 


how much the exigenoies of the tiiaea press upon the speaker. An 
Linalogy between idniveh and London is easy; an aAalogy betwean the 
iisfonaed Church and the ^lueen of the South is more hazardous. In- 
junctions to alms-giving ::aay be rooonciled to justification by faith 
alone only by the exercioe of a precise dialectical exegesis; the 
preacher uiust proclaim the cortairrty of apocalypse while proclaining 
the uncertainty of ito da-^o in hiaaan reckoning, 'iliese and other 
paradoxes bring into fooua in the sermon, as in no otter genre of 
expression, the conflict betwoon eternity and tine, the subtle re- 
lations of grace ejid nature, v;hich fomed the thouglit of the v/hole 

lot while insisting upon the need of considering the sermon in 
its totality, the student of the Paul's Gross sermons seems to adioit 
another sort of pcirtiaiity. it may be objected tho.t these clains are 
large, but the range of evidence siaall, aroitrarily chosen, the sound 
of only one pulpit. To tlxis it nay be answered that what seems a C03*» 
siderablo limitation is actually the greatest of advantages. For at 
Paul's Gross the preacher spoke to the whole Christian com amity, not to 
justices on ci.-cuit, to conventiclos, to courtiers, to fcllo^vs of 
colleges, to pensioners or to parishicnors. Ills audionco was of £uLl 
eatatooi -^i^land in a little room, ^e sermon vas thus the typical 
witness of the ..ord to the world, i'urtla encore siix© in tlaeory at letist 
the ecclooifi was coterminous with the state, i^aul's Churchyard was a 
church, the Churchof -.ngland under the canopy of heaven, and the pulpit 
set in that church for edification. From either point of view the 
Paul's Crocs sermon v/as the idoal scinon of the period, simply because 
the situE-tion of the proacner ir^luded all the possibilities which 


could affect nia attitude or method, and could give rise to all the 
occaoiona of coniiJrociise or sooerrassnjont wnioh eight oake c. rixt 
BOtw@eu his text fjjoii its application. 

It may be said, then, that certain crieaa in i^enaiasanco thought 
are expressed in four aspects of the i'aul's Croaa aermojis. ^irot, the 
preacher is uod's voice, proclaiming the word of regeneration in Jeil- 
vin's terms, setting forth justification by faith and the condition 
of the ele*t. oocond, he is honilist, analyst of the nature of man 
in its relation to iuan's chief end, which is to glorify God. i-liird, 
1X9 i-3 tho official spokesman for a national church, engaged to defend 
and to explore its place in the iiistory of the Church in the uorld. 
i'inally ho is the Lord's voice crying unto a sinful city, proclaiming 
desolation and apocalypse. -'U.1 of these sispocta of the preacher s 
function are oschatalogical: the first tv/o deal directly with the end 
of laan, the second two with the meaning of huaan history, xiach of them 
derives from a i-eirtlcular irrfcerpretation of ijcripture, or rather from 
differences of aaphasis in inteirprctation. Tliese aspects of the soraons 
naijt now be exaained in detail, but with the proviso ali'sady laid dov/n, 
that tlio subject uattor ic olweya preaohiar. . not style or systaiao of 
thou^lTt • 

She importance of the i'aul's Crosse pulpit, the only general 
pulpit in the reaLn, dirning this period, and its loose of importance 
during the regime of Laud and the rogiae of the roxliament , needs niore 
explanation than the simple answer that that pulpit v/as a useful propa- 
ganda instrument for the government, in a time when there were no news- 
papers and no radio, n merely sociological explanation for this phenom- 
enon ia obviously incomplete. It is clear that the government soaetimes 


enlisted the services oi" the iuul'a Gross preachers because the 
sonaoia. was believed to have an axf oot different in kind frcaa the 
apiieol of the pcuaphlet or the orator, because pretichiag was not siiaply 
psrsuusion but somethiiig isore. From the point of viev/ of the sorvanfc 
of ood either defei:ioe of critique of the government was legitiroaxe 
because hy preaching the purposes of the atate were in a real sense 
oanttified, justified as subsidiary movocents of tjie will of God. i'or 
preaching is the proclaination of God'w will, in this as in other 
aspects of the li^nglish ^^fonaation, history cioves in the shadow of Cal- 
vin. "Vi/hat is the moutn of God?" asKed Calvin. "It is a declaration 
that he makes to us of his will when he speaks to us by his loinisters." 
Tne word wnioh is heard is isade efficacious through the working of the 
Holy spirit, breaching is alaost a sacra^aent. it is in el'fect the chief 
vonicle of coEJounication oetween God and man, for, because God's will 
is inscrutable and all huioau eotion insignificant and irrelevant to its 
dictates, no iiuiiian acxion, no ritual can possibly brine the believer to 
a rigiit notion of God's will, ihat oay be attained only by the inner 
witness, the "sure teatimory" which follows upon obedient hearing of tbe 
•*ord. ■'•t is well iaiovm that ohis was the Puritan doctrir^; it seems to 
me to have been the general belief of the Anglican pastorate and the 
theory behind the use of ^'aul's Cross during this period, il' one excepts 
such followers of ^'iooker^ as iiov/sonS Biyj perhaps John jpenser; it io the 
formative influence upon the rehearsal sermons.* 

But the inward witness, to be effective in feforming doctrine, Iiad 
to be accompazxied by outward witness. (Indeed if I am right in 
ing that the temporal power used the aennon because of its special 
validity, it was to produce an empirical result.) Tliia appears very 


clearly inth© ^information coiitroversy over the nctss, tho ssi vmich 
the Keiomers aeized upon for the differerrbiatiiig aspect of their 
gotiKia. '416 A^roteatant objection to the aaas took tv?o fonns. Tne firet 
was an inward protest against tho ouiv/ard sign of the Kucharist. John 
Frith deiiied that the sixjtion of the body of tho bellovor accompliDhod 
what could b© don© only by an act of faith, or rather by (jod's act in 
our election, not subject to eiapirical classification.5 But the ro- 
fonaing proteot was also an empirical protest against the scholastic 
abstractions. A body, said Caranmer, is only in one place at one tiiaej'^ 
in thia he is to bo enrolled with the ignorant and ns-licious gossipers 

and pamphleteers who made his task most difficult. Aa I have already 


shown, the main problem in the ^^dwardian church was the license 

allowed to this "natural" ai'gumerrt, and the groat achieveiaent of iu.d- 
ley was iiia preaalxing of a noble coiaproQise between the acceptance of 
the elenents as things aid their exhibition of inner witness. 

iiidley s was a great constructive effort, and it was possible 
because in the ^^ef onaing doctrine of the .:.uchcjrist tv/o contraries 
luet in onet -the other-worldly and this-worldly arguments, brou(jht 
togetiier, produced a siaining and indestructible paradox, l.'o such 
nice neeting of contraries soeined possible in the preaching of tiie 
doctrine of justification by faith. Tnere was no difficulty in the 
proclacoation of the doctrine from such texts as ^^ooans 8.30j 9.22-3| 
but tho pre-ohors w/oru continually forced, in their capacity as homil- 
ists, to insist upon the necessity of works, the L^erit of which was 
repudiated in the new covenant. ^© spoctra of antinoaianism nudged 
then o.t all tines, becau..o for tho unlearned antlnonianism wiis not only 
theoretically but practically probable, •'^e doctrine of election. 


warned -"abington, 

maketh no taon set all at six and seven as oeirelesse what ho doth, 
suyiuj; if I u© i-redeotinato to be strved, I cannot be damned, and if I 
bo apointed to death, I caniiot be saved. But coirtr.iry uise it maketh 
iaen rather carofull to uoe oeanes, as knowing that the decree of God 
taketh his effect by meanos.... -"oing apointed to bo saved, it la not 
posaiole that you should do nothing, i'or as v/oll you are apointed to 
the iseanes, as to ye ende*^ 

Tixis distii»tioa is necessarily acaueaic, and very difficult to apply, 

for it dJGB not aid the believer to decide what is gxi iiidifferojit act. 

!Ihe argumGnt daiaaads the aid of tho casuist* not simply of the preacher. 

■^ is here to be obaorved that tho proraulgation of this doctrine led 

inevitably to the develoijnent of tiie fine art of the conscieiice-s^eker, 

vRiioh could not bo exercised with confidence and success in such a 

pulpit as that of i'oul's Cross, iiie olternatiY© to casuistry at this 

pulpit which faced tno vmole of ^^hristendora was polemic, iiuch a serion 

as that of John t>ove in 1597^ was a lecture from the Institutes and 

aothiuG more, in the Eiatter of aasunstnce of ©lection the preacher seemed 

uo stand on firmer ground, since the v/orldly certainty that might 

accoQpary the acceptance of the doctrine was obviously the aneient enenay 

pride • 

I have stood tlie longer in this troatie [said "^haderton of works] to 
proovo the necesaitio of woorkes, bee:. use our Gospell, which v/e nave 
received of ^^hriat and his /ki^ootles, is falsely changed... to be a doc- 
trine of libertio, and licGnciouanease of lyfes as alao for tiut the 
moot pc^rte of *'rotsstant©3 ai-e altogether secure, and caralesse, touch- 
ir^ the obodionce or faith, rather presuning in the pride of their hearts 
of the r.ercies of God for their salvation, then by humble c.nd trerablinc 
hoartes to v/orke, r&.tifio, and confinae uirt , o thair oyne coaacisnces 
the certaintie of tneir election, 10 

But here o^ain the arbiter is ins/iurd: the mediciioe required is the 

i'rotestant equivalent of the confessional, and not the somen. Adjured 

in this mangier the ^uritan searched the scripture, tried the spirits 

by tn© Scripture, directed his will by the ocripture, and vThile boc^-ing 

down before the sercion in effect circumvented it. ^^oreover, casuistry. 


however expostly handlod in the pulpit by non of the ccilibre of 
Forking and oanderaon, was fitter for prophesyings and other godly 
oxer^ises of that iciiid than for tho i'aul'o orojB pulpit, 'iho strain 
uuich the oalviriist^ a-jservationa iaposod upon the coascienee could not 
00 I'osolved ©itner by "bhe reiteration of th© word or by the traditional 
houilies directed to the dilferent estates of men, wnich was the kind of 
foruial cxiiOrtction that tiie proachors iriierited fron the uoininiccns 
and that was peculiarly suited to the Cross sei-.rx>ns. Instead of casuistry 
the preachers inevitLubly produced pol<KiiicB dafonding the doctrines 
against luaiuan opponenuB. rolasaic aas certainly necessary, but it should 
not iiave usurped th© functions of prophecy and homily. Xu those ful- 
lainations against vhat "«ua^a.ri£haia called the "conujon eneuy" the preacher 
fell back often upon mere invective, as when «illiam ^.orship obsei'ved tlxat 
if the papists say we cling to faith so auch that "we have paokt Good'- 
workes out of the Gountrey," it is aotning but "Cue kow- spit ♦"■'•^ '^ere 
are a multitude or exaaples of this substitution of controversy for 
inotruction}12hov;ever effective they nauy have been as controversy they 
were but placebos for the sou3/i of the believer, for the socond-thoughted 
zealot wiiom ^'rote stunt ism, like any other revolutionary process, pro- 
duced in its afteruath. 

It is quite clear, tnen, tnat in taese sorraons tne preachers were 
coaii^iited by a lialf -realized obstacle, . nich bid fair to destroy the 
unity and litiraony of their preaching. Ihe declaration of the very root 
of theii' faith could only be applied to the amenoment of life oy the 
continued exercise of a rigid dicJ-ectxc. That is, the docti*iaes of 
salvation by f uith alone and of perseverance in election must lead to 
antino miani fi m and uasoeialy and unchristian pride asiong carnal men. 


It mu3t be cleur that uod rewards good works at the saxm time 
as He regards thcan not in respect of his eternal decrees j it rauat also 
be mada clear tliat while assurance of oloction saves us flron unchristian 
deapair our boldness inuat b© a "sodly boldnosso," as one preacher put 
it, ■'■heae paradoxes could be stc.ted sioat ex'fectivsly, in a i;ier:^:ont 
as ariiVEaonts against the advorsijy, and for the siost part tlaey were so 
stated, ■'hen thoy ware applied to tho behaviour of the choson of God, 
aa by -^abington in an exalted passaeo,^ the effect was necessarily 
to "sov; pillows under the elbov/s" of 3in:i©r3» ^ert tho breakdown of 
the sennon was postponed by the operation of a number of factors, 
"iheoe must now be considered. 

In the first place, there were sosie preachers at the Oross, and 
they perhaps the laijority of those whose sorraons I have read, who 
fulfilled tho imiflEiorial duty of ilie preacher to rebuke sin in all 
estates without reference to the fuadaaeatala of refoxTSiing doctrine. 
PerjMxps the riioat significant ezcanple of tiiis tendoricy is a sermon by 
J. Trji;^r, vicar of iiorth i'etherton in ->oaeroet, which is modelled on 
•urorfcs in tli© tradition of cle contonotu niundi . smd is svioh a rianual of 
penitence as one niigiit find in the fourt^en'fch coirtiiry,-'-^ The vast 
■ci-'.-uz of material which Id suniaarized in chapter VI of this study is 
Eiostly of the socie kindj the -^mnoa ^ro^icgxtiua b rought up to late in 
application though not in fona. Ikwy of these sermons sere preached 
by "Puritans," but the pre-iouera, as I have shov/n, admitted, though 
with sono difficulty, hc-rdly ary coripromise with those eleraeo. 3 in the 
doctrine of the calling which showed tho way to tho ideal of godly 

.moreover there were sooe preachers, though definitely a uinority. 

f I. 

vho professed to pei-oeive tne secrets of God's v/ord by other raothoda 
than those peraiitted by tho strict student who pored over the sacred 
toxt \7itli the aid of the ^^alviiiistio coia.«ntarioa» aiid vmo fouiid 
therein a porfectioa v^iich HiiQ coiau>n reader was denied. ^^ -^•on like 
Howson end Hoi -and, who belonged isor© in the Ci^tholic 'iraclition tioau 
^KJst of these preachers, eapouaed a different viev? of iiifcerpi'Qtation 
from that held by laan like -oxe-'-^or wruahassr' , ifho would go no furtner 
than to adiait an alltsgorical sena© within uiie liiaits suggested in 
1 i'eter 3.20 or 1 G^^latioiia 4.2'i, and for tho purpose there dolivor- 
ed, that uho -i^staaoato ndght do ahown to be one in their revolution 
of the Faith, .iowaon, for instance, who did not believe in irroa- 
ponaible and unauthorizea exegesis, indicated that the aeyijacs of 
vjhrist have "the parf wet lorm© oi a oabal a.-^^herobv iaplyiag the 
noceuaity of the preachers' function in disclosing the hiddon truth. 
i/r. iiolland, in a panegyric upon the rustical seruso, the non enclosed 
in a ring of gold, inisisted upon tlie preacher's art as the shov/ing 
forth of ayateriee, as holding up a xairror in isiiich the auditory nay 
oee "the face of the Lord with open fiace."13 'rn6 "dark sayii^igs" (liollarhi 
uaeti the term; ore not, presuiaably, to be interpreted solely as they 
are "in apt accordance vith the scherae of doctrine," which is Oalvin'a 
rule for inteinjretation of the aigna by which God revealed hiinaelf 
as recorded in tho scripture. "^0 Holland's set of cina.lof;ie3 dr-asra from 
ohe story of the Queen of oheba, developed with considerable ingenuity 
in this -^ery sonnon, is enough evidence to show that he waa unrestrain- 
ed by any considerations of doyna, and worked ahppily in hia inyontlq 
with almost the freedom though certainly not the funoy of a late 
imedieval expositor. 

if for very fov/ proachars the allegorical method of inter^ retaion. 

the elucidation of dark suyi:;gs, bound prophecy and homily firaaly 
„ogether» thero was a much more important reason v/1xy th© majority 
of the preachtra did not drive the ©rrtiti* craft of the haul's Gross 
sermon upon the rocks of ^alvinist dogaa» Jaoae fauiiliar v/ith the 
ic^licationa which •'rofessor Vjoodhouse hao drawn from the fimdamental 
doctriiKil pOBitions of the i^ugliah i\iritans,2if^ill havo anticipated 
me in tliis conclusion, that the declaration of the -divine decrees 
dirawn from the bcripture ( korytqna ) is a description of the corjdition 
of the ©le*t q»fi applies to the order of grace, v/hereas the exhortations 
to th© Christian life and the good ordering of the Curiatian society 
( didtiche ) belong to the order of nature. 1 have aliown that these re- 
main in danger of aeparation in th© seraons of th© confomiag juiglican 
Galvinists who laado up the oajority of the Paul's Cross preachers. ^lo- 
But they do not separate; the sermon addressed to all estated doeo not 
disintegrate into a potentially revolutionary, dichotonized exhort- 
ation. Instead, the preachers exercised themselves in corresponaences, 
and, since the preacher is in the world and addressing himself to the 
capacities of his hearers, they dilated upon uaan ajs microcosiaoo ; since 
there can bo no contradiction in God, they explored th© order of nature 
as a pattern of the Ditine, llie "text" for their procedure is beat 
given in the wordu of Jiamanuel Bourn©«22 Ihere is* ho declared, a three- 
fold unity of Cnrist with usi in nature, in grace, in glory. Hi© first 
is a "preaoni5tration" of the third, and the second zianifes-fcs it. i^arth- 
ly siiailitudea of this union are to bo found in the union between hus- 
band and wife, between the head and th© raeiabers of the body, between the 
graft and the stokk. % grace man is a new creutura, and this is a 
great mystery: 

*here is a two- fold being, the first of nature, the second of grace j 
the first was in the first Creation, whenth© Grou.tur©o were produced 

+ 1^ 


by Gafl of nothiiig, in ease naturao . into the being of natvire* and 
then the cro.:.ture uas new, but aincs it boctioe old by sinae. -i^jad 
thereiore it was nesdfull that there should be a new Creation, in 
eaoe Krctia . into tho being of grace, iind this v/as croatio qx 
niJiilOt a creation of nothii:i{j alao; for those who are polluted "/ith 
siiiiie, are as notningj oimie dotn so obliterate and blot out the 
xsa^o of uod in theia« 

Tne new creation belongs to those Tsho are of tho election of grace; 

the whole laan is regenerated, so that we nuat be changed outwardly 

as well as inwardly, ^uo signs of regeneration are the bev/ailints of 

our natural corruption, the charixable compassion of our brother's 

misery, ixal tne affectation or heavenly virtues. 

H, is apiarent that, as the preacher addressed nimself to the 
whole man, upon vhe two levels of being oo-existent in the world, he 
must of necessity by his vt>ry function iiave assumed that his discourse 
was directed to tho elect. A poweii'ul natlonf.l feeling, as I shall 
show in the following pa^jes, reiraorced, howetver illogxcally, this 
necessity. But the logical neoeaaity atust have taken first place. 
ilie preacher to i-ondon and England was conscious, by his imperfect 
knaaled^o of the ^^ivine decrees, tliat some before him were of the 
elect and siost (as he suspected) reprobate, but he was in the position 
of the achoolroastsr who does not dare to exclude the difficult lesson 
because all bu^i; twO or three of his class are stupid; his ejdiibition 
of the goodneas in nature and of the dual nature of man was esaentially 
a "prenonstntion" of clory addressed to tho elect. Iho actual choice 
of the elatt aaa not subject to explanation, oiing inscrutable; but tho 
exliibition of analogies between the orders of nature and grace was 
peculiarly suited to the i^reachor's function, which was to shov/ the 
JiTii:ie order in the v/orld . It nust be roaambered thtit it is by preaching 
(according to the theory and practice of the apostolic church) that the 


Chiurcb at once enters the v/orld, oncl sets it .self apart from the v/orld* 

Juot aa failiw© to accept the iiwio lability of the Divine Uill 

is heresy, so iipprehension of the hierarchy in the Universe is the 

mark of the enlishteued roaaon -.0 wnich the preacher hopefully directed 

his hoEiilias. rerhaps the perfuct Calvinist netaphor, never equalled 

in the most el0;uent perf ojnoancGB of other preachers, designed to expreys 

the relations of nature and grace in terns accommodnted to the capacities 

of carnal men was used by Hiooas iuiams v/hen he spoke of "the sunlight 

of the ocripture, moonlight of the creature,... the sparks and cinders 

of nature. "22 j^ne unifying force of the image is Jiot diminished by 

whatever astronomical theory one interprets it. In fact it is fascinating 

to speculate whether the icage is Copernican or Ptolecaic. Tiie sparks 

and cizsders of nature yet have in then the constitution of the Divine 

order aad subordination viiich is the distinguishing factor that man 

may apprehend in the citation. ^^ -^he fallen state is aiialogous to the 

body wherein the elements are not in due proportion; 25tho process by 

wnich the body reaches its o\?n perfec^^ion is a type of the resurrectioni 

In til© reasonable and royall ere tiure, wnich is man, this matter is 
manifested, he is conceived an infant in his mothers womb©, where of 
liquid feeds tnings of sundry natures ai^ producted, as flosh, tones, 
sinewes, voines, huires iii tlie i'OLiDd h© is qualified with vitall 
spirits, where he liveth, moveth, feedeth, at the last out of the wombe, 
as out of a v/inding slieete, hee coufjehi, in to the world. .<ho is so 
stockish, as caniwt here perceive, ^peciiJ. good token, « type of the 
re sur rect ion?26 

The analogy is almost as suggestive as that of iidamsJ the "thirds of 

sutdry natures" I'opresoni naturo; the qualification of "vitall spirits" 

the infusion of grace; and birth is gloty, i.ature is a "premonstration" 

of glo;^, to use Joourne s phrase, and grace makes glory manifest* 

iU.1 ijgf be comprehended in man, for man is the "great amphibium" 


dwelling in divided uorleka. Lntil the light of grace shineB upon 
ilia he caniiot see tliis; reprobates aiai "cr.stav/cyaV said one x^rsajhor* 
are like o\ylB» they never see the light before thoy go into eternal 
darkneas. ^vsn the children of light are mightily distressed in this 
life, by "Eclipses of grace" when their bodies come betxvoen their souls 
and the light of grace. 27 liote the daring iiaagei man is in Uinself part 
of a solar system. "'i3ie verie distirction of tines," said Gardiner, 
"roadeth [a] Divii-.ity lecture unto us."^^ ^glit and dark, waking and 
sleep, imoKo vitae et i^ai;o oorti si by times the sudden terror of ec- 
lipse. Hiomas rlayfere expressed the perfection of can ay grace and his 
perfection by nature in a great archetypal figure i 

i'or as a circle, can never fill a triangle, but alv/aies there will be 
three escpty corners in the triangle uaofillod, if there be nothiag els 
to fill it, but the circlet so the sound world, v/hich is a circle, can 
nt3ver fill the heart of iiic.n, thioh. is a triur^le, uaue accordiiog to the 
iiaage of the Trinity, but alwaies there will be acane erjptio corners, 
in the triangle of the hoc-rt unfilled, if there by nothing els to fill 
it, but the circle of the world. ''^ 

i.lien Biirdyaev says that men is liieiself a micDOCoaia of history ,2^ 
he is very close to the ida:il of the seventeenth century Puritans. 
4iey directed their political activities by the liglit received fron the 
couteaiplfi.tion of tlioir o;/n experience in wrestling like Jacob vrith tlie 
angel. In i'lcyfere's metaphor they aotglit to ^reocii tlie circle into the 
shape of the triangle, to eatauliah the holy cor.2iaaiity.^ Bie preachers 
at the Cross aade no such decisive and rovolutioaary contribution to the 
problem of the Christian in thcr world. How could they? xliey were the 
oifioiiil spokesmen Sf the ^iaglican wstablishiaent; for them the holy 
conciunity was, if oiyuhore, in -^-ngland, -nd the correspondences v.'hieh 
unified the aertaons ^ere easily applied to the defence of tiie order 
estrxblished. i»o l«ves set ovtt the analogy between the good govemrjent 
of a coix.on»ealth and the hierarcl^ of faculties in oan: 



"Hie govemEient of reaaon is a *^-onarchia ; the rule of the ordered 

affections rcprosonteth jurist ocruoia; tlie adirdniatration of the lowest 
part is ;^eiuocratia «'=''^ 

i'his is perfoct conservatism, aiil conservatisn in political theory 
coEibiBed v/ith a virile iiationalism is the note of the ^'aul's Cross 
aenaons. But as the Loi-d'a voice the preacher was also concamea to 
proclaim the salvation of the elect and to declare the day of tba Lord, 
Did the day of the Lord and ^^ngland's day fall together? 

Speaking in an age v/hich in our view seeros to have discovered the 
possibility of moaning ku history, ^^ to have explored the possibility 
of eschatalogical fulfilment in life itself, hov/ did the preaciier stani 
in tiae? Th&n as now he stood near tne end of things, but also at 
their beginnings* Xiiere is rio contradiction hei^ for the Christxan 
poet — 

In my end is ny beginning — 
but there may be for the preacher and his auditory. In the time of 
God there is no difficulty, to cnoice to nake; our tines are in his 
hand* His Gospel flourisnes and our doom is at hand; these facts of 
the world are simultaneous in the mind of God* But in nature the 
apocalypse aiid the growth of the Gospel aro not simultaneous but in 
tne linear frame of tlc»« ilie •'aul's Cross preachers, secure in their 
office as catecnists to tne realm, dareu io combine theue two views 
of the oiviiie order wi^hout any aense of dichotony or contradiction, 
azid in so doing preserved for a time the fabric of the Church of God 
established in the .ealm of jingland. ihe Hefonncrs had attached them- 
selves to the state in order to nake a new ecclesia { in thio relatior:- 
ship only Calvin succeeded in absorbing the state, the English iieformors 
had to sidjmit to it* 33iey bowed down in the house of lUmmon and seamed 


to surrender tiieir indeijendence as prophets , the peculiar freedom 
enjoyed by their ixedece ^sora the friars. But, as they never tired 
of ropeatin^^, i^uu/ «ere divinely coaniiaaionod to proclaim to ;-ingland 
that -"Qgland'a day of power was sanctified fay the is-lraighty only if 
j^agl.4id wore repentant* Mtar the victory over opain they could extol 
the realm v/iiich, guided by ^od s providence and suotained by His arm, 
had traa5)led down the Besist ;aiuer hor feet* But only the olect go 
"iioot-free" in the day of wruth, and the day of wnrth is soon aot only 
oecause the pirophecieo niay bo shovm to be reachinjj fulfilment but also 
aiuply because the day being unkuovTU is always at hand. I have said 
that the preachers of the i^stablislimeirfc laade -England equivalent to the 
holy comiuunity, but this was only the vague sense that ■England was for 
them a fruitful soil for tlxe growth of the truth and the spreadiiig of 
the light of the i^ospelj a sinful and various society bleased by God 
in this age for His ovm purposes, ihey never resolved the contradiction 
of apocalypse and progress by the ''nabaptist and -i-ifth i^narchiat 
ideal of the earthly dominion of the elect, "ihey sBrftng very close 
soaetiiBes to a position not unlike that of "tlie -i^ritisii IsraBflites, 
but they knew perfectly well that God does not elect natiorxs, though 
lie destroys them* 

For all that the natiunalistic type of messiaxiism^^ combined with 
the proj^ressive principle at the heart of iJngliah i-iefonaing thought^S 
appears pretty prominently in these sermons. It was e.^roissed first of 
all by analogies betwiien Old Testament history and the state of -:'ngland.36 
3ie leaders and the monaixhs who delivered ioraerl are types by \idiom 
the flourisiiing state of -^ngland 2iay be exhioited in the scheme of 
God s providence* /OLthougit, as Gliomas Jiiite, one of the most prolific 
of these analogists, aosei-ted, the rulers of the Jov/s v/ere but types of 


Christ, in whom God rulee his Church immediately » yet ^^0 rules 
it mediately by the -^rince, who is as a God, cmd hence Elisabeth 
13 a "ryfiht Branch" uccording to the line of David. Otioer pror^chera 
compared her to Deborah, to .4jri!ii.i, to ilozekiah in oppoaition to 
iiemiaoherib (Philip II), to ^oul as uhopherd of the people aeoinst 
l^aash King of .aai^a (i^hilip II). j-Vo of thoue analog ios iiavo beooae 
coti^nplocea* the ideiitification of ^Jdword VI with Josioh (though none 
carriod the analogy explicitly to tho point of coiaivering Henry VIII to 
tho idolatrous ^toon)^'?; and th© natural analogy of ♦'ames I and tho 
wise ^lonson. James was aluo for i'r. King to be compared with Ilezekiali. 
%e theiaof deliverance from darkness, bond:,£;e and supers. itlon is the 
differentiating motive in those -nalogies» iilizabeth the handoaid of the 
Lord has like Joshua broken the spiritual power of dturkness which is 
Jericho, and entered v/ith us into th© Prouiisod Land of the Crospel; like 
Dexius^^she delivered tlie -English Church, isratchod over the building of 
th© taaplej God hath delivered us from that BBurping Fnaraoh the Pope, 
given us a .-oses (James I) and an Aaron (a faitliful ministry). 

33a© people of jjigland have come up from •^heol into i. land flowing 
with milk and honey? taey hev© coiao out of darkness into li£;Iit. 'ihe 
blessing of Cod is light] in -England we have been mightily blessed '^ith 


light above fifty years, ..ith the roign of »dward "the sun bogr^n to 

shine out in his bright lustre."^ One or two preachers took occasion to 

apply this progresatwe pi-inciple to their estiiaate of tho i arning of th© 

age. 3o Robert -i-'eaqplet 

I tliinke there was never age afore us soo excellent for laanye florishing 
TBits both in all kinds of learning, and in D©'/initie.41 

And -'tockwoodt 

Forasmuch as the norcy of our GOD hath bin so great© o.nd bo plerrtifull 



in those latter times, thai he© hath in great plentie and aboiiodajace, 
blessed thia our age with store of such learned, godly, and eloquent 
writers both in verao and prose, a^ arc not in ecc^ respect inferiour 
to the Dost writers of elder tiiaes, neither in finenesse nor in eloqueiit- 
aosau of i'iiraoe, imd ^tile in prose, nor yat in the comely grace, nor 
stately wajestie of verse. '^2 

But most applied the iiaage of light out of darkness '*in accordojace 
with the scheme of doctrine." iixoept for Howson and Spenser, both 
close students of iiooker, those preachers followed Galvin in Identify- 
ing the prededing darkness wi-h the virtual extiijction of the visicle 

chureh. .iilliam "orship declared flatly tl^at the Church had in the 

days of popery ceased to be visible.^ For such men iiooker's sense of 
continuity^was impossible because, repudiate how they might the ■'Ana- 
baptist criterion of the inner light, their own teat of the existence 
of the visible church was "xn:j;.:rd" also. 'Hie Church was visible in 
iiuss because they felt with Uuss a community of spirit. Primarily, of 
course, the emergence of liglit out of darkness was equivalent to the 
emergence of Gospel out of lew, For the religion of the papists is 
corporeal and oercaaonailf "an apish and counterf eite imitation £S' the 
ceremoniall lawe,"^^hxch is abrogated by Christ; we dwell in the 
living way of the Gospel, not the dead isray of the law. Our ontirance 
into the light of the Gospel is our oixodust Ciirist succeeds .^ses, and 
Israel is delivered from a Siw-iritual bondage as from the bondage in 
Ji^gypt. To return to pupist tradiliona rould be to rotuaa to -igypt, into 
our bondege.**^ How aa God called his beloved Israel out of j-gypt, ao the 
woman of the apocalypse, who ie iJae primitive church, travailed to briiig 
for-th the fruit oi ^ho Gospel wnich is to trixaaph over the dragon, vmich 
is i^vojas.^2 iiere appears the familiar pcsadox of all progressive iaeol- 
ogyt the Cixurch of the i^fonaation flourishes and grotfs in grace because 
it has begun at the beginning, according to the :>riHitive pattern. Tiie 
institution o£ the Church of Jngland is not iniiovation but renovationi 


it io not devised uut restored.*^ It is the Church of ^Uame v/hich is 
new, "not aoove four hundred years oldf" its pretence of antiquity 
empty j^'^we have hy viod's grace restored the light ^lilo their in: .ovatiotis the pcssing clouds of darkness. 

Yet however the sense of God's ^reat blessings upon ^^land^^ 
might fill the preachers with the sense of standing at the fasgimiing 
of things, however much the idea of restoration of the primitive church 
inspired them with hope ana promise (for they had no "cyclic" theory 
of history), tiiey brooded izrbenaely upon the tv/ilight close at hand. 
Humane learning, however dicscountenanced in conrparisoa with revelation, 
gave then sone sense of the lon^ reaches of tlee past. So George Ben- 
son apostrophized learnings 

'3iou are the soule of the world, knitting togither these present times 
with ages past J by the© wa that vxe living call to counsel those that 
are dead and ^one. l^any huge duiabe heapes, mary goodly pilos and monu- 
ments, had boene wronged by forge of ulnesse: but that by thee... they 
survive* 'they ore veuied out unto us by antiquitie, which for reverence 
salce we ;3U3t not count a Iyer. knowledge, how much hast thou woon 
froa the waste of timo?o2 

i-aad iionry Iving, on the othsr aide, spoke eloquently upon brittle memory 

and how little it preserves of the glories of the past* 

1^ I not asks of t.:em as of things worne out, or as ho did of the Kings 
of the A^ations. »*uere is the iCiog of Ji^ach, and the King of Arphad? 
surely they ore -jOiie, all lye extinct and lost, -'md as the grave of 
Fompey liad not so uuch as an inscription, to distinguish the dust that 
covered his vlctopious body from Ignoxble slaves and cowards, or to shew, 
iiore lyes i'oiapeys llo more have those once glorious doyes, nov/ any differ- 
ence in our meiaory or estoeiae. -iiey lie promiscuously ralced up in tlie 
dust of tun©, without any monuniait set over thom to tell they once T/v,re» 
no -Hibrick, or capitall letter inserted, to distinguish then from the 
GOCL.Ton heape of dayes piled up in the i^laanacke.^S 

It was huioane lerning that contribirted to the strongly entrenched 

idea of the ddoay of natiu-e. ^Jven tliat stem prophet John Iiovs 

paused in his computation of the last days to "read in the book of 


^ VI 


Kature beginrieth generally to inienaitte iier -wontQCl course, the 
luother elementes of tho world uherooi" thii^i^o in this louver world 
are laada, do loose their qualities & laaturall vigor which thoy had 
before, the ataxres and planets of Heaven wax diisne and oldo, not so 
we( able to proserve our earthlye bodies, the cdesiial spheares be 
alaoatQ weary of thoyr wontod ckotiono cjad regular volubility, the 
prince of the lights of huaven... dooth not looke upon us with so 
cueeroful .aid aspect, and taat Giant, wh_ch before did runne liia un- 
wecjried race, doth as it were by a languislilng fayntnesae begin to 
stand and rest hiaoelfe, and t>na08 and aoasona of the yoare do blend 
thooselves with disordered audconfused mixture, the v/indes are in 
a Toadiueas to breathovct' theyr laste gaspe, our nother the earth 
defeated of that aboundance of heavenly inf luonoe which at the first 
she iiad, ia out of hart, waxeth barren and dead like the woiub of -Jara, 
the horbeo and symples which ore appoiiited for uiedicinea for loans 
body, have almost lost their operation and Vi itue, sjad i^an hiiiiaelfe 
whoEfe all these things doo serve, ia of lower statune, less© strength, 
sliorter life then at tho first he v/as, ao that there is a general 
decay of nature, and in ev-ry leaf of that book it is written, that 
ye frame of that heavenly arche erected over our heads raust vory 
aiiorcly loae and dissolve it selfe^a'i 

L^ty others^*^ echoed the sasie sentiment, thoagh in le^s elaborate terms* 

Benson aiight extol what leainoing had won from devourin^j tirae, but he too 

believed that "the world is old and no^* in her dotage. "5*5 1^ sennon after 

sexaou one finds tho th^to^ repeated i "the v/orld is declining"; 

"this declining age"j "kingdoma like flowers sliould tell us that we are 

worsis and no cien"; "the son of the world is ready to set, and the night 

drawing on..., the world lies bedrid... and fetching a thick, sick, und 

shoi-t breath." 

In nature, then, we niay discern the siggs of the end. But since 
history is reversed prophecy, tho cigna are even aiore certainly dis- 
coverable in the narks which God has set down in Scripture for the 
guidance of the elect in detenaining (if only in general) the day of 
their salvation, ouch signs as those in Luke 21»25, of darkness in tlie 
sun, moon and stars, may be interpreted, said Sandys, in their "jimple 
and literal sense," for "in thia last age, in this last hour of the 
world [they] have oundry tiaes and in moat strange sort been seen." 


In an"all0eorical comp-.rlson" the signo are equaljy clear; the sun, 
Ghriat, ia darkened in our age by false doctrine, by corrupt life 
and conversation; the moon, the church, is turned to blood by the 
cruelty oi' persecution; the stars, the ministers, Imve fallen from 
the heaven of pure doctrine and are diirkened caad obscured by coxi- 
toa^t.^'^ ihese should aako "thu very elect" quake and toeniblet iiioro- 
OYor "the prophecies of iteiiiel of tho four aoaarchies, of the little 
horn, and of the times, weeks, and days, are manifestly coae to pass. "5° 
Tne titses, saia other preachers, ore as ripe for fire as were the fimes 
of ikish for flood: the whole world dv/ells in universal sin, as then; 
our sins as great as then; the sonsof God fall to folly and iniquity 
as then; nen are possessed of careless oecurity as then, and are as 
contemptuous of religion.^^ "^hief among the sigias is the oanifestation 
in this last time of tho /xnticiiriat, the power of iiome. ^'or there is 
no doubt of this identification. itLchriTd ""heldon proved it at larEe,'^^ 
John i>yos likewise,^! oandys ^as sure of it,^^ Dov© displayed tho 
identification by a multitude of siioilitudes , ending with a triumphant 
Korv'-triq. upon the nuciber 666»^iJeaison, Joiin "hite axtd Bounas assorted 
it with f orvent conviction. ^Ven Sanderson had "a strong suspicion" 
that the papal rule is the rule of xintichrist.^* SiB for the time, it is 
DUfiioient, all were agreed, tioat it is the last tinej but some closer 
calculations were hard to resist. It is apparent, for instance, that of 
the six ages of the world five are past, in (in 1617) 1616 of the sixth. 
iaost are agreed that the world must endure 6000 years, of v/hich 2000 
in the Jd-i^dom of '-'iirist, but tho oalliiig of the Jews is still to come. 
On the other }iand,8«Bia cotrbend th ^t aa Christ was 33 years in his natural 
body, he Shall bo 33 tiroes 50 years in his spiritual body, and therefore 
there c:ainot be "above thirtie yevjroa to tho day of judgement. "65 Dove 


agreod that it is horrible presunption to fix the day aad the hour, 
but h© oouici not rejist cooi'uting the ooaputatioaa of certain writers 
on the aecund cociirg» and that amidat ini;.:en3e conl'usion of aritiicietic 
little aided by loftiness of piurpose."° 

ISiis temper azsd conviction, co-exiatent with c. suro hope in the 
fortunoa of i:-agi.4M and the Cliurch of --.n^laud,*^"^ were ojii'yrcod by the 
preacher 'u fiinction us the voice of tlie -lord calling to tiie fallen city, 
A\Q preacher auat lift up hie voice like a trurapitj his is a gret.t wad 
public task to cry unto a cityj he is the aucoessor of ^epliajiioh, of 
.-icoii, of Jeramiali, or Jonah, ^'or though -^nglaiad haa been delivered 
even as Israel, though London is like Jei-usalem, the city of the great 
king and the site of the teople of ^ion, yet London is as oodcaa,"^ 
steinda in as great danger eu» iJiniveh, may be like Jerusaleia a desol- 
ation for her sins. Uie pos7orful Icaiguage of the pi-ophots, which 
described the citv both literally dt;stroyod and as a syiabol of 
corruption, sank deeply into tiie preachers' hearts arid served as well 
to blow the coals of thoir eloquence in their hour in that iaportant 
pulpit, informed thoir exegesis from ooginning to end, and inspired 
some of them to cocpose whole hoiuilies on the subject, x'hore is no 
©scape from the oonviotion of God's asrful dooE upon sinful cities in 
the theories of profane authors! 

Couijorweciles... have a period, let Athena, and Sparta, and ■'^obylon, 
and I'roy, and ^.dnivie, and Carthage be witnesses, who have at this day 
but paper v;allo to keope their lacanorie: out -what li;'vo been the cause 
of these subversions the mo^t are ignorant* 'fhe xi.pioure ascribes it 
luato fortune, tr.e otcicke to destinie, ilato and i-yi^hagoras and Bodin 
in tlie sixt of his ^^thods unto number, Aristotle in the fifth of his 
Politicks... to an aayuuetry and dispropor'tion in the meiabors. Oopor^ 
nicus to the motion of the Center, of his imaginarie excentricke 
circle, Ci^xdanuB ■■■• tho uoat part of ^xatrologians i-o ^tars t; rlta^ets} 
but all these have only groped in the darknes, w being mis-led by an 
Ifju.3 fat'-ras . hcve sup^josed... "i^liey had found... tho brigiitost and the 
clearest truth, when it proved but a cloude of palpable darkenesse. 


Sm is the only cause why uod ruing states t wny ■Babylon is a waste 
and iiodoo a slinking fen.''*-' "woeto her that j-s filthy and pollatedl" 
cried ihomaa White in the phrase of ^iephaniah. Point by point through- 
out a withering indic'tmerrt he enumerated the sins of London as tiie 
sins of Jerusalem, and called for repentance. ^^ Francis Jnite like- 
vise warned london by Jerusalem, "the dead and secure esity," asleep 
in sin. All Jerusalem's sins ore the sins of iomon, and if loadon 
is careless of deotruotiou she should remember that the looSQ^ ''-J^Q 
stroke delays the heavier is it when it coiaes.'''^ iiobert Waketmn 
preferred ohe exaz^lo of Hiniveh, in which the judgment is most clear- 
ly qualxiied by the completion of the conaiition of repentance, liiniveh 
was like London a mighty city — .-akeaan described it from otrabo and 
Diodorus jiculus ~ and like Lonlon filled with infidelity, gluttoiy 
and pride. Let utndon hear the witness of Jjnah and repent. 4us 
senaon, preached in 1602» Mokoiaan thought fit to publiala after the 
Powder Plot "for our laeditations in these tizaes."'** 

'ihe outward situation and tiie inqard vision of the preacher at the 

Cross api-ecj at least once in perfect hanaony. In Look a/ of the 

Do Givitate Dei St. Auguatine records the contrary coiiroes of the City 

of Clod and the earthly citys 

It is recorded of Gain thiit he built the city, but *ibel was a pilgrim 
and built none. For the city of the saints is above, though it have 
citizens here upon earth, v/herein it lives as a pilj-riia until the time 
of the kiugdom. 

In like Banner i'rancis >mite, in Londons -arninE , exhibited the mark 

of the "'..dse imn" of iulc&h 6.9, in contrast to the foils v-'ho fill the 

earthly city, the "golden fooles" whose god is their belly, the fools 

of "flives kin." xhe man of \?isdom may be seen even oy the short-sighted, 

for ha is provident in heavenly things i 


vtl (25) 

For hee like a good ?ilgrinie-Traveller» because ho© vould not cuaber 
hio soulo too ;.\uch v/ith the trasli of this -aorld, ■.-'iiicii ii^Lght hinder 
his expedition in his journey to iieavon, hee v/isely sends his treasures 
to lieavan bei'ore him* 

lliis is Idae vision which we aaaociat© nost fimly with Puritanism, and 

that without aiy compromise with property, with the "religion of trade." 

iihite, like the other preachers wiiose efforts form the groundwork of this 

study, repudiated iOiritan industry as sharply as he ©schev/ed the ideal 

of the holy ooar.iunity, \j/hile he expressed the loftiest ideaJ, of the 

iuritan spririt. 

'Shose men whose names bedeck these pages, J^omas and FrrJicis 
«4iit8, tfakeman, -Jutton, Hill, i)ove. Bourne, Denisdnfi Llarbury, Dyos, 
Bisse, riudson, Walsal, Ley, Mans, Hoskins, i-enson, Ourteys, Gravet, 
rtorsliip, I'siaple, Iiewes, Gardiaaer, Babixigton, Price, Fishor, are the 
forgotten men of this important conrtury. Yet they accomplished, apart 
from oheir temporal achievemoirts at Paul's Croaa aM elsewhere, an 
intellectual task of some magi^'iiud©, \?iiich has suffered oclipse in the 
rovolutioriiry triiimphs of greater spirits. Biey maintained, Hnshaken and 
unseducod, and for a longer time than seems possible in the light of 
events as v/o understand them, a taut and not unseemly compromise* Ihey 
were CfilvirJ-sta, to the degree that they understood '-•i;.lvin, predestin- 
ariaas of the strictest kind; and they were all faitliful serv:urtB of the 
Ghurch of i^ngland. They werelured neither into the excesses of the left 
nor into the fatal reaction of the right; they were saved from tliese 
splendours by timidity and dullness and perhaps by the simple wisdom 
with which the Almighty sometiaos endows ordinary men. 1b.@ pov/erful 
certitudes of the ioiiritans were not for than; they hesitated to pursue 
^he causes of their dilemi\ia to conclusions .vnich could only be justified 
in battle* They supped with history with a long apoon, and history set 
her table for other guests* But it may be that some are saved from 
Laodicea as from bodom and Gomorrah* 

Notes (1) 


Gi-iAirTER I 

1. ii, liparrow oinipson, Chc.ptQra in the Iiiat o ry of Old .-it* Paul' s 
(London, 1381), p. 156, 

2s.. lid. F.J. Furniva.ll, series 6, np. 9 (London, 1879-SO). 

2. A nineteentii-century cut, based on tnis engraving, and roiaanr 
ticizod, is to be round in ^.i'-rles ^alight, oondon (1841), i, 55. 
Like others of its kind it is useless for detail, out gives v;hat 
is a preBunaoly more roaliatic impression of tho size of the 

3. W.P, ijaildon, "iJotes on tlio ^arly History... of f'r-ul's vJross," 
iroceedin.^',3 of the -'Ociety of .'aitiquories of ujndon, iLxid series, 
x:-a( 1917-8), 214. 

4. -dciiard Nowcourt, iuapertoriuia ecclesiaatioma pt.xochiaji.e Lominense 
(London, 1708), i, 5; ijaildon, 2j9. 

5. A Part of a .agister of i-axil's Cross iiermons, 1534-1541 (Appondis 
to this thesis), 17 i.ov. 1595. 

6. il.H. Liiliaan, -naals of ot. raul's Utithodral { .u?ndon» 1868), p. 153. 

7. Baildon, k;14-5. 

8. uoe W.iiL, Sinclair, :^eaorials of -^t. Paul ' s uathedral (i'hiladelphia, 
n.d.), passim . 

9. Baildon, 211. 

10. loxd .. i;io-i. 

11. ruaight, i, 38; Laildon, iill. The calerid-.-rs of events at Paul's Gross 
beforo c. 1382 {mid indeed after tiiat aate to a leaser extent) given 
in suchworks as Sinclair, Liliaan, a Clinch's ut. Paul's Gr.tiiedrijJ . (Lon- 
don, 190G) JCQ to be used with great caution. 

12. j.^'Oildon, 212} Oliiich mentions this under 1354. 

13. Laildon, 212-3. 

14. Ibid. ... -^pui'rov/ jJLni;son, ed., documents Illustrating: the History 
of ^. . aul a ^athoaral (wamuen ^oc, 1080), p. 7. 

15. -^ildon, 299; .-illion iiexriuon, .description of .-.n;;land » in liew 
.-h-^kauore '•'Oqioty ruulicutionp , sories G, no. 1, 40. 

16. Preacnin;^ in LodievaJ, -.ti^xland (Cambridge:, 1926), p. 198. 


ifotes (2) 
[Ch. Ij 

17, iron Clinch, pp. 97rf . liie ponance of Jano Biiore, in 1403, 
was not at ^'aul s Groaa, 

18a. In thij section colleci.ecl viu'iovs oaterials v/hxch 130 to 
osuG-Dlitdi tiiu aetuil oi' such a typical acoxi© as iiiat of 26 
iaai'. 1620. They illusxrato the nistory 01 the Gross in the 
sixteontn and seventeenth centuries. 

18. iCnij^iit, i, 52n. 

19, Henry i-iacnyn, ^iary (Oiiiaaen ooc, 1048), p. 46, 

20. ;iolinahea, Chronicles (1803), iv, 23^» 

21, j^ie Victoria, iliston'' of the Gotaities of ^nKlond : London, i, 322, 

22, jee above, n, 5. 

23, iiegister, 2 >-pr. Ib59. 

24, iiQjiister, 17 i«jy 1629. 

25. iiODert «asea:an, Jonahs '-'oi'aon and ..inivahp Aapentance (1600)» 
sig. iJ3v. 

26, i^^^egistor, 6 July 1561, 

27. Clinch, p. 99 j /inight, i, 52. 

28, A,F, Horr, -^ne iJlizauethan bejnaont /. ^urvgg and a Biblioptraphv 
(i'liiladelphia, 1940 y, p. 24} see ^urich i-etters (F;-rker uoc, 
1845 j, i, 71. 

29, John -o-XTg, -'- oeriaon of x-gplickQ '-'haagSKivinr. (1G19), sig, Glv. 

30. iusgiator, 29 June 1548, 

31. John -'tockwood, .-. ^enaon preached at x-"ci.u.Te 3 Grca;-.e«.. , 1L'78 « p. 24. 

32. iforr tivos of tJie i-^foi'ng.tion (G.jaden ;>oc., 1859), p. 23, 

33. ilcxrison, i.Jeacription > ii, 2. 

34. >>ee u&k&znrji, sig. L4. 

35. Golden xicnaina (1673), p. 24. 

36, llegistei-, ante July 1622. 

37, -register, 1 .^pr. 1540. 

38. Francis ^-arbury, ^>. oeruon prezjhod i;.t Taulea Grooa e (1602; , sig. 2^3, 


Motes (3) 

[Ch. 1] 

39. in H.V, Judges, The i:ilizauetnan undenyorld i p. 300. 

40. ^ioe Herr, pp. 35-6. 

41. />. ^enaoa preached at Pauleg Crosae (1578), sig. 28v, 

42. A oei-Lion preached nt ruules urosoe (1609), sag. /i2, 

43. A JeiTiiOu prcvohed at i"--ul8 Orosae.... 1594 » sig. A4. 

44. .illiam Barlov/, A ueruon preached at Pauloa Crosae (K'Ol), sic« B7, 

45. otocka'ood, A v^en:ion« .» 157 3» sig. i)6. 

46. urev rrjara "iirx>nlcl9 (i^aaden ijoc, 1352), p. 76, 

47. Joim iianranghanj, Diciy (Gfgaden ooc., 1S6S), p. 84 j V/illiaia Gravet, 
A oeraon preuch^'j. at ig-uioa oi-ogs e (1587), aig. /i3« 

48. Asiiiotsr, 17 --^r. 1560; see Aurioh .Lt?iter3 » i> 71. 

48a, Unaer wiiat laay bo called spoeiiil occt^^ioua, in this section are 
consiaez^d the reheursu.! aormojis, anioivsrsorios, notices of pro- 
clcju-vtions, t«, 

49. .yurvey of ■K)adon (-veryiaan ed.), p. 151, 

50. jivjo ^jmuona, one ut ^t. .^ari^es (1615), pp. 27-8, 

51. YGIi ixandon . i, 322, 

52. iiogiijter, passin , 

53. J?"or all theao xtffiaa, oee iiogiater under dates indicated. 

54. ..Bchyxif p. 147. 

55. Heglster, 30 *i"an. 1547. 

56. -lor thoBe, see -agister under dr;tos indicated. 

57. Charles ./riothsley, A Giironisle of -^iir.lond (C.:adeu boc, 1875-7), 
i, 77. 

58. liPC, xiv, 253, 

59. ;a^C, xix, 225. 

60. iiiO, xxxi, 270. 

61. aegister, 8 Aug. 1653, 

61e, 1708, ]J.B, -ee boloiiV, aoctiou 7, 


ilotes (4) 

[Gh. 1] 

62. .xejertoriuxa » i, 4-5, 

63» iJee» for exaople, ilioxaas i.sho, "orka t ed. R.B. iic^^rrow (Lon- 
don, 1904-10), ii, iLZl, 

64. John ^trype, Historical ujllootion3 oi' the l ife *., of -Jolin 
..'/laer (Oxford, 1021), pp. 57-3. 

65. hegistor, bept. 1581. 

66. V/ilHam Fishor, A Godly uQi-aon greachad at Paules Grogge (1592), 
sig, G5. 

67. ^ Fruitfull and Godly '^er^oa. . . 15 92, sigs. G2v, G3. 

68. iU-G, xxiii, 383-4. 

69. iL9pertoriua , i, 4. 

70. j-ondona >.ctrninKt by Jeiruaalerii (1619), sig. D3v. 

71. G.J. Jiason, The Judicioua '-^rriaj^e of ^j:. JiookQr (Gasabridge, 194u). 

72. llie xAIii of "•r. id-chcg-d iiooke ri in Goai^leat ./ alton , p. 341. 

73. ^©e, LSiiong other instanceB, iiegister, Sviiov,- 18 Dec. 1534; 
Hutton Gorret3£.oiid9iace ( -'urteea Joe., 1043), p. 54 j Viilliam 
Barlow, "he .^orraon ;.t ^Uulas ^roaae (IGOG), sig. ^3* 

74. i>ee Register, 

75. oeo Puegister, 1536. 

76. Uee Iiegister, 1547. 

77. wiopaon, iJocument^ . p. 130. 

78. Lettera i ed. J. A. Liullsr (Gas±>ridgs, 1933), p. 168. 

79. -^trype, Lji'e of C'riMal (Oxford, 1821), p. 91. 

80. I« John opcjTOw, "John iJonaa :jjid contenporary Proachors," 
^saays & bvadJQ^ t xv-i(l931j, 154, 

81. use, for example, iiegister, 28 iiov. 1602, 

82. ^ee L&P iien. VIII, xx(2), 557. 

83. In Gtrype, Life of ^/iiitKlft (Oxford, 1822), i, 33. 

83a, iliis and tiie follov/ing are but a few of many extanples. uee iiegister. 


Notes (5) 

[on. 1] 

84. In litrypet -ecclesiastical ^emorials (Oxi'ord, 1822), i, 151. 

85. lie© L&P Hen. ViII, x, 120; xi, 186; xiii(l), 1500; cf. viii, 
600, 602 & xi, 325. 

86. jiJPC, iii, 394. 

87. j.arker ^jrrespondence (r'arker i^joc, 1853), p. c61, 

88. uie oermon preaciaed at mules Uroaae (1606), sig. A4. 

89. :jee L.B. .aright, i^idale y^lass y^ulture in ^l izape-CjhpJi -'rix'^laad 
(^iiapel Hill, 1935), p. 274n. 

90. rarker '>^orre3 .« p. 239. 

91. ^ee Herr, p. 25. 

92. ^ae above, f •'*•*'■ 

93. Iliese inatancea, unless otherwise noted, may be found in the 

94. CJPD James I, 1619-23, 187. 

95. In this group of illustrations, I have not mentioned attacks 
upon the City officers or the cioBiEions. iliey come into another 

96. Herr, p. 24. 

96a. In this section are noted the form of public penance; various 
catejiories 01 sins for which penance was proscrioed, omitting 
for tlie Lioet part penunceii and recantations which properly be- 
long to the historical chapters. 

97. iinight, i, 45, 

98. In -"avid Wilkins, ^oncilxii nax;nae I^ritanaiae et liioorniae 
(1737), iv, 298-9, 

99. rujgister, 19 J«ay 1549. 

100. ..egiaxer, 4 iiov. 1554. Jie preacher luight eJ-so be the penitent i 
see iiegiater, 1 Aug. 1546; 15 ^:y 1547, iic. 

101. ilegister, 8 July 1543. 

102. ILi4 » 

103. iioliusiiea, uhroxiicle^ (1808), iv, 089-90, 


Note 13 te; 

[Ch. 1] 

104. John Foxe, -die Acts and x^uunonts t c«., ed. JieV. Ge rge 
Xownshend (j_ondon, 1843-9), v, ay.', xi. 

105. litephen Denioon, I he . .hite u'olfg (16H7), siga. F1-F2. 

106. register, 23 nov. 1561, 

107. i Jarrativos of thu .i.eiorr,iatio n, p. 51, 

108. iiegister, 1574. 

109. Foi- tuxis group or ilxuatrationa, see iiegister xmder indicaxea diites, 

liQyOa, John lihamber lain, ' uezzera , ed, iLE» lic^lui'e (Philadelphia, 1939), 

i, -334, 

109b. ihe Gotaplei,e Jjev/gate Calendar » ed. J.L« Hayeer (London, 1925), 

110. ;.n;j3.1s i p. ^54. i, 174-5. 

111. Knight, i, 56, 

ILi. OoPD Cnarles 1, 1635-6, 66 j Simpson, Document 3, pp. 140-1. 

113, ijiii5)30U, Chapters , p, 231» 

114, oee Juavid ^'^eal. History of the xuritans (1822), iii, 39-40j 
bimpson, Uhapter o t p, 228 j VCIi ixindon, i, 331, 

115, Juaildon, 209, 

116, Gliiffih, p. 227, 


1, For thia paragraph in general, see 0,H. iiicllwain, Ihe Hi 

Court of larliaraent (iiew iiavon, 1910), p. 114j A,F, i^ollard, 
idle i:.Tolution of rarliaaen^ (London, 1926), pp. 205, Sir?, 213--?; 
J.w, iLLien, K Histor-f of rolxt ical xho..rh t in the olxteeirrfch 
Century (Low York, 1926;, p. 169. 

2* See iwiiaan , i oiaals , pp. 177-8 j J.B, iiullinger, Jae "university o;g 
9ftlYhni.dL e fron the eurlieut tiaes to the .>o val In.1unc tiQq!? qf 
1535 (<^aabridge, 18V'3j, p. 571; VCH Loudon , i, 25^. 

3. VGli Loadon , i, 254; J. Cairdner, ilie i^nlish Church... from the 
.^;cession of ixenrv VIxI to the death of ...ary (London, 1912), pp. 

4. Charles ::.turge, Cuthoert I'unstaljl, (London, 1938), p. 133; VCII 
London * i, 254, 

5. VCH London , i, 257. 

9-3 ■ 

notes (V) 

[oh. 2] 

6* Gairdnery p* 106, 

7, VvJil London t ±5 259; John ooov/, Historical ^'omoroJida * in j^rge 
i'ifboouth ^ea^ur/ '^aroiiiolea . od. J. O-oi.dnar (Jamden 00c. , 
1880), pp. 89-90. 

8* Gairdner, p. 125. 

Q, G. Constant, Sb^B .-ieforoation iu ^n^Iontil. I, -J-ne -.jtirliah schism . 
Henry VIII (150'J-16-17; (Lonuon, 1934), p. 68. 

10. Gairdner, pp. 144—5. 

11. For accounts of tiie case from vtirioua poiata ov view see 2dward 
r:all, ueiir",' VIIX^ ed. Glii^xiea sjnioloy ij,ijdadon, i'j04j, ii, 246- 
59; iitrype, ^^ 1(1), cli. xzvj '^onst-mt, iianry VIj II* pp. ^09- 
llj ^—'^» Jhciioy, ''-^ao Holy ' >aid oi' ^ujiit," '^mh* ^>..ll.^ .i new 
ser. xviii(l904), 107-29; Oairdiier, pp. 143-4; ior Crsjuaeris 
aecouiro of her see ^^rigiiidl Lettara . ©d. i3ir» K« ■C'liis, 3rd 
ser. (iioadon, 184G), ii, no. 231 j for other letters concerning 
her, soe i hroe C hs.ptera of i^-i.ters rQli^L-,iii fi to the - up.ursssio n 
of the i.iOtiasterioa i ou, 'Jicaaa .a ight (vJajuden -jOc, 1843), nog, 
vi, vii, viii, ix, xi; .^rii^ixml ijottertt . 3i'd ber., ii, ao. 163. 

12* ^or this ooniiieMrt, and the cenaou as a whole, see "'^ho Sermon 
agaiuot the lioly L^ixld of ^^nt...," ed. h.xl, Whttmore, dlUl t 
lviii(l'J43) , 463-75, ihis is a ti'a'iscriiit, •.vitli ao.u-ontLjry, 
froQ an original iiSS. in the PIiO» 

13. Gairdner, pp. 146-7, 

14. L^ Hen, VIII, vii, ^66; iiegister, c. r'ob, 1534. 

15. L<iF Hen. VIII, vii, 303} Gheney, "Holy ^^aid," I23n. 

16. Gilbert Burnet, Tae itaatorY qi the iiofonaation of the Church o^ 
-.n^^land tod. lacholas looock (wev/ York, 1343), iv, 447. 

17. loid .. iv, 90. 

18. uxita-ial i^-oterg . Jrd 3or,, ii, no. 257. Groke preached this 
auriaon in aixty parishes. 

19. iiilaan, .tiniialSi p. 194, 

20. liegiater, 6 i^eb. 1536. 

21. riegioter, 27 Feb. 1536. i-or this argunont see Allen, Political 
i jiou.-ht in 16th JeatuTY . p. 159. 

22. rioth. Gliron . . i, 104, 
Z3. Ibid. 


iioces (3; 

L>Jh. 2] 

24. iM- Hen. VIII, vii, 1643. 

25. Id id . 

^6m XDid., viii, 1054. 

27, .uagiater, 20 & 27 July, 1539. 

28, VGii ioiidon . i, 264. 

29, iiegiiiter, 1536. 

30, Letters relating: to the ■Juppreaaion , p. 38. 

31, Goirdner, p. 176. 

32, iiegister, 1534. 

33, i^giater, iJec. 1535, 

34, Itogiater, 27 I'eb, 1536. 

35, Gairdner, p. 156, 

36, Original Iietters . 3rd ser., ii, no. 208, 

37, Register, 12 ^-uiy 1538, 

38, i"or these Injunctions see Henry Gee & vV,J, iiardy, -^ocuinQnta 
illustr tive of ^r^^liah Cnurch H-Lstorv (London, 1910), no. 

39, uermons (-siverynian ed.), pp. 22-9. 

40, ^^egiater, i-nte 15 July 1537. 

41, Bumet-Pocock, iv, 101-3. Gf, Gee & Hardy, p. 275. The aection 
quoted is fron Gee « Hardy, pp. 277-8. 

42, Geofirey ^^akerville, ■>:.nRli3h iionks and the '-'uppresaion of the 
iU^naateriea (Now Haven, 1937), p. 24, 

43, Galrdner, p. 201; iJdward lord Herbert of ^herbury, Ihe History 
of laoK Henry Vill i in ..hite i-onnett, A Goiayjlete :IistorY o f 
-^nf-.lan^ , cbc,( London. 1719), ii, 215, 

44, Herbert, ii, 213, 

45, iSaakenrille, p. 22, 

46, Original Letters . 3rd aer., iii, no. 320, 

47, i'oxe-Townshend, v, 824, 


notes (9) 

[Ch. 2] 

48. L<iiP tlen, VIII, xiii(l), 754. 

49. y/rioth. '^far on. » i, 75-6, 

50. Gairtiner unaccountably iaissed tills incident* soe pp. 199-200. 
51* BaskervillO} p. 22. 

52. Hiatorv . ii» 213. 

53. Gaimner, pp. 199-200. 

54« OriKiiial otter s* 3rd ser., iii, no. 339^ .Vrioth. Chron . . i, 90; 
i'oxe- xownshend, v, 397, 824, 

55. Gairdner, p. 203* 

56. L>ee sibove- p'*"'^. 

57. Letters » ed. kuller, pp. 1G8-70. 

58. Ibid. , p. 170, 

59. Foxo-Townaiiend, v, ^tl'ifi', 

60. •'•t was apparently custoaary in tnose r'aul'a ^roaa serr-ions to 
preach i'rora the Gospel of the duy. 

61. •i'oxe-'Jownshend, v, '±29-30. 

62. luid .i V, aPi-'. viii, 

63. Ucf iien. VIII, xv, 345, 

64. If Barnes touched this in his jermon, Gardiner would surely 
have Eientioiied it. 

65. Original letters . 3rd ser., xi, no. 151. 

66. Gairdner, p. 92. 

67. Durnet-i'ocock, i, 474, 

68. He£:ister, ^ /»pr. 1540. Jemine, since he was an incumbent in the 
aioceue of loxadon, reciaited a^ain in his church at "iiepney. lie 
protested xhat ne had "overshot himself" in his intexpretation of 
^->arah as the typo of the chui-ch, ::nd revoked what he iitia said 
concerning the power of the raagistrv.te to bind what is inaifferent. 
In conclusion, "he entered upon the praise of the ijlng's vii'tue 
and learning." oea the report of uemy Dowes to Gronwell from 
otepney, in hdi' lien. VIII, xv, 414, 

69. Burnet-i'ocock, i, 480. 


IJotes (10) 
LGh. 2] 

70. iiegiatei*, 11 ^>pr. 1540. 

71. liichard '^aiapsonf not to be confused with Ihomas Sampson. 

72. Constcirrt, lionr/ VXII . pp. 303, 332. oee liegioter, I^y 1540. 

73. Gr&irduer, p. 216. 

74. Qogiater, 10 iJec. 1541. 

75. J?oxe-rownshend, v» 4*19-50. 

76. *jairdnor» p. 174. 

77« ii^gister, 1536. /or incidents to follov/, gee Register under 
indicui^ed dates. 

78» i'or the significance of the J^^nabaptists, see below, section 8, 

79. First within the period under review, oome iiwostigution of 
pre-iKii'onUi.tioa "propiiets" is indicated. 

80. Foxe-'fovmshond, v, 448. 

81. For the text of his subcdssion, se« above, oh. 1. 

82. For the text of these recantations see Foxe-J-^ov/nshend, v, app. xii. 

83. Iiliese works have been reprinted as "^hB Sai'lv V/orkB.of Thomr.s Bocon 
(iarker ^oct 1843), 

84. btrype, 3M, iii(2), app. x. 

85. Gairdner, p. 130. 

86. istrype, ^, iii(l), 164. 

87. Holinshid, Sironicles (1800), iii, 856. 

88. i.egxster, 25 ^^pr. 1546. 

89. Foxe-Aownshend, viii, 517. 

90. otrype, j^, lii(l), 161-4. 

91. Laf Hen. ViU, xxi(l), 783, 790, 810, 823, 1127. 

92. Frwn a letter of 2 July 1536, in Foxe-Xownshend, v, 836. 

93. Foxe-'-i'ovmshend, v, app. xvi. 

94. Z'oPf in ^Hinneth iickthorn, ^arly Tudor G-ovemment: Henrv VIII 
(Gaiabridge, 1934), p. 509. 


Notes (11) 
[Gh. 2] 

95. Gairdner, p. 234, Gt-lrdnor does not say that Crome accused 
tlieae persons, uut the author of the ■■riothalev Chronicle (i, 
166-7) asaerts tiaat Jroue's conxeosion 'putt moay persoiis to 
greiit treble, and soiae suffered death after," tiee alao the 
documents in LcsP lien. VIII, as above, n, 91« 

96* liiis account of Anise ^skew is based on Gairdner, pp. 2o4--6, and 
Grey Friars chronicle (Caiaden ooc, 1352), pp. 51-3. 

97. iiegister, 1 xUig. 1546. 

98, twister, 29 -Jept, 1546; Gi-irdner, p, 236, 

96, MP Hen, VIII, xzi(2), 710. 

100. Hegister, 19 ioig, J; 23 i^ept. 1537. 

101. iiecister, 25 Feb. 1537, 

102. ^enaona (iJverymiiaed.), p. 64. 

103. Xoid ., pp. 69-70. 

104. See above^ v ''^• 

105. Gairdner, pp. 242-3. 

106. liegister, -^ent 1535. 

107. Gairdner, p. 246, 

108. iiegister, 27 iiov, 1547, 

109. Gtiirdner, p. 254, 

110. Xpiq .t p. 305, 

111. istovr-iCingBfora, i, 143-4. 

112. Ifari^tives of the Meforraatio n, p. 29. 

113. Dom Gregory Jix, Ae -'hupe of tlie Liturffl - ( .-estainstor, 1945), 
pp. 598-9. 

ll§a.ln U.U, uisyth, Uruniaor ljvI the liefonaation under .^d-wc-i'd VI 
(Jan^ridge, 1926 j, p. 171. 

114. Helen t.. White, oocial criticism in x-pular liQliriou.g iAtftrrf.ura 
of the 'Jixteenth ^entur.'^ (iiev/ York, 1944}, pp. 32-4. 

liS. ^19 :\Jsaa.±ii2 ,&£IM^iiiMASiiiSMiil ii, 113, 

116. Gairdner, p. 250. 


I^otes (12) 
[^. 2] 

117. iBgister, liov. 1547, 
IIG. i'oxe-'i'ownQueiid, vi, 12o-Gt 241-2. 
1-S. Ibid ,, vi, 437; vii, 520, 523. 

120, lijid .i vii, 523| cf. Oonstmrt, Intr od uction of the i^ormation 
into'.laiBi» Edward VI ( l::47-'li353 ) JfiidMoii^l (New York, 1942), 
pi^. 5J-6; urey i'riars '^iiron ., p. 53} I^loan, -auials , pp. 218-9. 

121. In ..iJans, voncilia, iv, 18. 
1<:2. 'Jixiyth, p. 25. 

123. -^oxe-xovzushend, vii, 523. 

124. In ocyth, p. 61, 

125. bee above, y- 1 <»•»■• 

126. cssytht PP* 25, 61. 

127. Foxe-'i^ownsiiead, vii, 520, 
12&« Hiid ,, vi, 125^. 

129. -iojid .. vi, 241-2. 

130. J jid .t vi, 437. 

131. P. 25. 

132. AQgister, 1550. 

133. (l) "a brier troatyso settynge forth divers truthea neceascjry 
both to be oeliovod of chiysten poople, « kept also, whlche are 
not expressed in the scripture but left to ye church by the 
apostles tradition," [1547J. (2) -"ithbr "The assertion and 
aexence of the sacramente of the aultor, 1546" [dedicated to 
Henry VIIIj or "A defence of the sacrifice of the masse," j. 1546-7] 
also dedicated to rienry VIII, Liee IMs, ajrticle ".iichard amith." 

134. Foxe-iownshend, vi, 764. 

135. iiote how closely tnis serioon follows Glasier's sermon against 
divine orxiinijctioa of Lent. iJee ^iegistor, 1547. 

136. 'Hie effect of the official repudiation of the reserved aacrncient, 
before any prtjcleuaation, should be considered in assessing the 
disturbjiaces over the mass. 

137. otrype, -'eiaoriuls of... .. T.nmr.^ '"^TttTiffr (Oxford, 1S40), ii, 795. 

138. Ibid ., ii, 796. 


liotes (13) 
L^h. 2j 

139. JSiid., ii, 796-9. 

140. ii^ii'dner, pp. 244, 263. 

141. ihia accouirt of Gardinar's biatory in 1547-1548 is btised on 
^oiiJtaat* -id'wcjd VX , pp. 226ff,, aiil Jairviner, pp. 24S, 258- 
fO« [constant is biased in Gardiner's favour, out I iaave chock- 
ed his rending of the incident aarth the sources as carefully as 
possible.) -^he auijcinry of the sonaon on 20 June 1548 is frcaa 
^ontitant, pp. 232-4, 

142. ra-iota, . ohron .. ii, 4, 

143. Grey iriara uhron . » p. 56, 

144. Register, 29 mr. 1549. 

145. jee iiaironer, p. 268. 

146. Xbid .i p. 269. 

147. i'^ranklin Le V. Baumer, ' Ihe -jgrly Aider xhoorv of I^lneship 
(New Haven, 1940), pp. 58-9, 

148. ilogiater, 21 July 1547. 

149. In i'oxe-Tov.Tishond, v, 745-6. 

150. llusobers 16, 

151. -oxe-Tov/nshend, v, 746. 

152. i'or a aumnary of thooo pointa, ooe i^airdner, pp. 271-2. 

153. itogiater, 22 u>6pt. 1549. 

154. In til© iihrouda. iiepriated by iC, Arber, i:;K;lish i^eprints . v. 12 
(Binningham, 1070). 

155. iJiS . 

156. oee below. 

157. .agister, 31 Aug. 1550, 

158. .'^ister, 2 « 9 July, 1553, 

159. i''r<Ha the third verse, probably tho bpital pulpit in -iaoter week. 

160. jtrype, oraHraef . ii, 874-5. 

161. la ./hite, . ooial --ritisiaia . p. 70. 

162. In u.yth, pp. 2-8. 


l^tes (14) 

LGh. 2] 

163. ->©e itesistor under tiiess aates. 

164. George T. Buckley, Atheism in the ■^^i'4::l:L s h .^'naisjgnca (*Juictigo, 
1932), pp. 45-7. 

1G5. .iiiiie, cypojal ^ritJLcisa » p. 122. 

166. iietister, 29 jipr. ib-ib} 28 Apt., b « 12 & IS us^' 1549. 

167. oenaons (^Vorjpaan ©d.), p. 130. 

168 . ijjid. t pp. i3u-l. 

169. oee .'Jiite, oociaJ. Uiiticiam . p. 121. 

170. loid . 

171. ^m;li3h .ieprlntS t v. 12, pp. 27-S. 

172. roliticaj , ■i.lio..t::ht isi the >>ixt oe nth Centui-y t pp. 38, 3i-, 47-8. 

173. In otrype, iiramer, i, 254-5. 

174. .-wF, Poliard, xhe iiic^torv oi' ■J-.aaglaiid from the >^a6:ia±on of 
:Jctvfar d VI to the uociui of x;.lizabcth C1C47-1G03) ( London , 
1923), p. 69. 

175. iuary properly dated hor reign from the de;.th of -idv/c_rd VI, 
t)ut it aeeaa coiwenlent to treat of the "reigu" of .ixsea 
Jane as an interregnusi. 

176. iiEiothjJihron. , ii, 37-8. 

177. oaiauel Giark, The i-iarroY/ of ^ccleaiacjtiqal Mistorv (London, 
lGc4;, p, 512. 

178. Foxe-Tov.anhend, vi, 391-2j vii, 144-5. 
r/9. ..ael .vediYivi^a U651), p. 183. 

180. l>e Church History of B^d^ts ,^!^. ad. J.S. Brewer (Oxford, 1845), 
iv, 160. 

181. liurnet-f-ocock, ii, 379. 

182. ivegister, 16 July 1553. 

183. r. 83. 

184. jjary . p-. 41. Here as elaev/here onemuat accept the Gcuiiden 
•Society's editor 'o reaxiiug of the lji»» 

185. Edward Courteuay, s^oil of iievonahire, afterw.xda involved in 
plots agai nst ^^ary, died at i'guiua in 1556. 


Notes (15) 

[Gh. 2] 

186. Jrioth . Ghron »t ii, 98-9} Ak-Q, iv, 317-8, duO, 321, The 
Uouncil os.juued that the uprour was not Si^ontaneous. 

187. ./rioth. Uhron. i ii, 99-100 j urey Frirurs >.ihron «« p. 83. 

188« kachyn, p. 'ilj .i rioth. Gliron .. ii, 99-100 j Grey Friax'S Ghron », 
p. 83. 

189. If, as the previous sezrtenoo suggests, ho used now text, v;hE.t 
v/as ills "tlieame"V i enipps this siiould not be classified as a 
sermon, ijut a yroclanation. The "theaiae" uiight be ^.^ary's first 
proclamation about religion of 18 August. It is likely, however, 
that h© read a text, thoitgh not from the gospel of the day. 

190. Frobaoly Bradford, Veron, iiogers and I>econ, who were tiiis month 
imprisoned. See Follard, lli.itoiry a p. lOOi 

lyl. FoxQ-Tov;Tashend, vi, 768, 

192. FiSgistor, 15o3, 

193. Foxe-iownsiiend, vi, 541. Foxe says that Goverdale wrote a 
confutation of usiitonx's seruiou, 

194. iiegiater, 12 iiov. 1553. 

195. jJliBt lij-ticle "Jaiaes iirooks." 

196. Foxe-Townshend, vii, 531-2. 

197. i-egister, 8 Apr. Ib54. 

198. John i3ridt<,8S, A uormon proached at Faules Crosse... Ij71 . 
oig. ^i3v. 

199. For another exanple, see •''agister, 11 i«av, 1565, 

200. i^gistor, 10 June 1554. 

201. >/rioth. Ghron . . ii, 117. 

202. Holinshed, Chronicle s (1308), iv, 56. 

203. ^trype, ^, ili(l), 214, 

204. ror those episodes see iiegister, 19 .-ay, 26 Nov., 15 Dec. 1555. 

205. xhQ ohro nicle of Queen Jane (Gf^ciden iioc, 1850), p, S3n. 

206. i'oxe-Tov/nahond, vi, 559-60. 

207. Gairdner, p. 344. 

208. V/rioth. ^liron . . ii, 124-5. 


wotes (16) 

[^. 2J 

209. hi Chronic lo o§ ...ueen Jane t pp. 161-3. 

i.lO« TLJciiig notes of sermons was even thenthe practice of the godly. 

211. ^triTpe, iii, iii(l), 259. 

212. iiegiiiter, 9 Oi 16 Dec. 15U.4. 

213. ior these episodes see Kogister under dates indicated. 

214. See Register, 23 Sept. 15b4, 4 Nov. 1554, 8 Feb. 1556. 

215. See Baskerville, pp. 261-6. 

216. -oxe-'j-V.vnshend, vii, 286. 

217. iiegister, 14 June 1556. 
iil8. i'oxe-Townshend, viii, 155-6. 


1. The moat provocative sermons uore not necessarily printed, 
or when printed were pruned of their indiscretions. 

2. This problem did not arise in ch:.:pter 2, aimply because most 
of that mtiterial consisted not of complete senaons but of 
to^jiccil "usos" from sersions, of tuo sort recorded in chronicles 
and collections of roports. 

3. Register, 27 liov, 1558. 

4. C t-th o lic .iecord -society ^ ^sc. I (Loi-jdon, 1S05), p. 25} Pollaixi, 
liistory t p. 193. 

5. I he History of .ueen ^lizabatn ,, in iiennett, ii, 371; of. ^ir 
John iiayv/urd, . .nimls of oho l'"ii:ijt j^our -^o^s of ths iieiKn of 
Quoen Elizabeth (^-iamden ■-'oc., 1850), pp. 5-6. 

6. Gee a iiardy, p. 416, 

7. But see i-iogioter, 10 Feb. 1559. 

8. Pollard, Kistor/ . p. r.l3. 

9. -or 1-. brillLant discussion of this knotty problem see ibid ., 
pp. 212-5. 

lU. See liegister. 


Notes (17) 
l^h, 3] 

11. 14 way 1559. 

12. iietister, 14 ^-ay 1559. 

13. i\egist6r, 21 *>ay - 13 -^mg. 1559. 

14. iollard, liis-torY i p. 220. For the sonaoiis citod below, see 
iiegister under dates iiidicuted. 

15. See M.ii» Knappen, Tudor ruritanlsa ('-ihicago, 1939), p. 171. 

16. ilegister, 3 iaar. & 17 iiar. 1560. 

17. Register, 23 Nov, 1561. 

18. ibe academic controversy between '-'aorio and liaddon (1563-77jf 
wag not handled in popular pulpits aiid consequently is not 
dealt with nere. oee <i'.ii. Frere, xhe Jnp;lish Cinurch in the 
iieif:n3 of Elizabeth and Jaiaes I (London, 1911), pp. olff. 

19. Dated 26 iiov. 1557[l] by M.G. V/alten, in his Introduction to 
Fuller's ihe iloiy , ^a;te and the -t'roiane ■-'tute (liew York, 1930), 
i, 53. 

20. iioicks (Parker ■-•oc., 1845-), i, iO-1. 

21. ibid., i, 4. 

22. A gentle and ambiguous phrase, needful for the tisie. 

23. uorks i i, 7, 

24. roid .« i; lj5. 

25. i'or the uest outline of th; controversy in all its phases, see 
Frei^, pp. olff. 

26. 1562. -translated into ciniiliah by i«jdy -"^on in 1564. 

27. liciiister, 20 i'eb. 1560. 

28. Register, 30 ^'pr. 1564. 

29. 'Sae irreverence is irere's, and therefore the more pleasing. 

30. iiagister, 19 Hov, 1564. 

31. Register, <i7 -ay 1565} Strype, -nnals . iU)» 176. 

32. i'or mora of these, see 'Register, oept. 1563, 26 Jan. 1564, 
11 iiov, 1565. 

33. i^egister, ^'an. 1561, 

if 3 

Kotes (IB) 

[oh. 3] 

34. i^resinnafaly stricoer enforcement of tiie panalties provided in the 
Act of Unifonaity. '^ee G.V/. ^rothero, o elt^ct -^tr.tutes rm d cthox- 
■^onstitutioiml ^oumen-oa illustrative of the re igns of -Elizabeth 
mid «^.jaeB 1 (^^xford, 1013), p. xxxii. 

35. "ioiritans"? ^eo beLro, the vestiarlan conti'oversy. 

36. .Vorks (Poxker ^oc, 1842), pp. 647-8. 

37. ^ee -^egietei-, 16 ^ipr. 1j57. 

38. In Pilkiiigton, -orks . p. 483. 

39. ^onfutacion , reprinted in ibid ., pp. 487-G44. 

40. iiegister, 1 I-tov. 1562, 

41. i^egister, 18 Apr. 1563. 

42. -'Ggister, 23 Apr. 1564, ibxe got into troi^le in 1577 for an 
indiscreet iaul's oross sermon on ^rencli affairs. i>ee Hogister, 
2 Feb. 1577. 

43. The date is conjectural, but laay be accupted for v/inrt of better 
eiidence. oee .'Orks , ii, 985n. 

44. "Orks , ii, 985. 

45. Ibid ., ii, 97o-9. 

46i jx sermon of ^.^riat y^iotcified (1570), sig. G4v. 

47. Ipid. , sig. B2. 

^« Ibid, , siga. L;3v-M. 

49. 'iegiiiter, 3 June 1571. 

50. 13 ^liz. caps. 1 w 2. oee Frothero, p. xlviii. 

51. ..i. .;'erEion ■.re^.ushed at x-cules Cross e (1571?), sigs. ,;2v, i^. 

52. i^riaj-os exp;aiaea the sunaon into a treatise, ^ee hxs -;.pistle 
iJedicatory to oucil, sig. 'i3. 

53. oee f'rothero, pp. liv, 191; Frere, pp. 98-9. ^'or ". brief his- 
tory of cleric 1 costume, see iiiappen, p. 83. 

54. register, i<ent 1565. -or the whole history of those events see 
ire re, pp. llOff. 

55. i'rere, p. 116. 


[-h. 3] 

56. iiii© of Hooker, in Gonpleat -Jalton i pp. 348-9. 

57. -^lunmarized in Frere, p. 113. 
53. In A'rothero, p. Iy2, 

59. i^gisber, J^astor 15G5. 

60. £i0© *rere, pp. 113ff. ilie "Depoeitioiis concerninge i^r. Broklesly, 
the first put out of his livings for the surplice,^' in 'ihe oocond e 
tcrifQ of a .xagister ? ed, -illbar-t reel (Cambridge, 1915), i, 52-3, 
are most interesting. Broklecly roferx*ed to the vestments aa 
"stinfcing© arjd aohoninablo rags." 

61. -H35ister, 27 i'eb. - 17 --pr. 156G, 

62. Zurich ijettera (i-arker iioc, 1845), i, nos. Ixviii, Ixlx, Ixxi. 

63. i'rere, pp. 124-5. 

64. "^ee ibid ., pp. i22ff» 

65. jeconde rorte , i, 72. 

66. ./orka , ii, 980. 

67. In Knappen, pp. 113-4, 

68. 'Je© ^rothero, pp. 119ff« 

69. ^er Lions (Parker -JOc, 1841), pp. 333, 335. 

70. Ibid ., p. 338. 

71. ■''rom "A brief© confession of Faytho," in i^econd© ^ l^gi-tQ, i, 86. 

72. rpid . 

73. i^sister, 13, ;i2 a 29 iipr. 1571. 
74« oeconde rarte i 1, 79-80« 

75. Colours and shapes of the disputed habits. 

76. ^ecoiide rarte , i, 82, 

77. loid. , i, 81-2. Biese "anuaers" v/ere prouably passed from hand to 
hand aiMng the orethren. 

78. Tlie sermons were by Cole, Aylmer and Jewel, The tiwo former raay 
have been precxhed at the ^ross. 

79. A oeriaon preached at Paula Crosse (1576), 


[Ch. 3] 

80. A.F, Jcott i©a.rson, 'ihomas G^jtwright and xJlxz ape than itiritaiiism i 
lSoJ-luQ3 (uamb ridge, 1925), pp. 28-3, 

81. in ^rothero, p. 138, 

82. Ibid .t p. 199. 

83. Pearson, JJijtwriKh tj p. 18. 

84. In '^onde ?arte » i, 85-6, -^or other objeciior^ to the teim see 
i, 117, 119, 181, 231, 234; ii, 224. 

85. oooper preached oa 27 June, lliQ "/aiswerif is in utrype, iinnala, 
ii(l), 286ff, 

86. oee Pollard, History , pp, 336-7, 

87. iiegister, 2 liov. 1572, 

88. iJ-len, Political •^ in 16th Century , p. 173, 

89. loia ., p. 174, 

90. llote this hopeful tif filiation mtn the persecuted on the continent, 
•^he dreana of ecumenic ^JL i-uritanism have not been sufficiently 

91. uf, wooper'3 aUnission, above, 

92. iiiis is true, The rebels did not realize, or did iiot wish to, 
tho full iapliciitions vf their program, though perhaps the more 
astute tho light to laake a bi-each bet./een the queen and her ministers. 

S3. In oQcoxKie Parcje ^ i, 34. 

94, ^Jtrype, liie Life cjad ^^cts of John '•^hitr.ift (Oxford, 1822), iii, 
Ci2— o, 

95, ^ie was consGci'atod Bishop of Chichester in 1505. 

96, i:8Ei8ter, 26 ^ipr. 1573. 

97, In "econde Pa^ e. i, 97, 98. 
58. I-IIB i article "ilioiiiaa liiclley." 

99. i^robabiy the >^ooond ■^kli.-.Qnition . 

100. -andys to Lurghley, in ^trype, Miialai whitiaft , iii, 32. 

101. -jee -"rere, p. 183. 

102. i-joe iiet^iater, 1572. 


[Gh. 3 J 

103. In Jtrype, ..hitg:ift « iii, 33. 

104. oee Register, axite 25 iJov. 1583. 

105. In "^rype, "naols . ii(l)f 294-5. 

106. -ie;_;i3ier, Liept. 1581, 

lu7, A ucnnon preachod at rauls Crosse (1579), 

108. ii i^Qrcton froached at Paulea Jrosae (1587), 

109. luid ., aig. ■^. 

110. Laanrangiiam» ^iarv t pp. 104-5. 

111. ihe legislation is reviev/ed in i'rotiiero, pp.jclvii-l; tho bes-c 
study ol: the ^.ligut of ijnglish Catholics during xhe period is 
A.O. iiioyer, lint^land am xhe Catholic ^nurch under Queen -.lizabeth 
(London, li;15;. 

112. TgQ benncna Jr'reacned... the first at raulea Crosse (n.d.). 
.0.3, A veiy iruiteful ^ennon (1579), si^i. ^5» 

114, A oormon x-re....chea ut J-'av/les Ci-osGe (lb73), p. 33. 
13o. -n ^"rothero, p. 40. 

116 . ii >^ermon preochfed at ^'aules '.Jrosae.., lb 78 , 

IIY, ^»e i^'rancis laarburyj A .j*srm.on rreuohed at ^aules Crease (1602), 
sig. it8v, 

118, a L>crQon preached -it ^aules Crosse (15Y9), sig, M. 

119, ijig. L6, x'or the dangers apparent in osotland and Ireland in 
1579 aoe Polliird, lUgtor/ . pp. 345-6, 

120, A Sonaon preached at f'aules Crosae (1580), 

121, iiegister, 1503, iuithony laiiiday ■was another of these spies. See 
his '4ie SnKlish i\oaayne lyfe (1582), ^odloy '♦eu.d c^artos, ed, 
G.B. iku-riaon (Louuon, 19;o5). -.vidonco has recently been un- 
covered to aiiow tiiat the notorious ^^taphen Croason also ser'/ed 

for a tjjn© in thia dubious capacity, ^ee letter in ILS , 20 ^ept, 

122, Register, i>oc. 1587, 21 Jan, 1588, For iyrrel see ^oyor, pp, 
154-5 ^ iilB i for the oljosu of some others of tiiio type see 
i^rere, p, 263, 

123, I have for Q;caEple failed to find ai^ significant reference to 
the Arohpriest coatroverajt. 


liotea (22) 

[Ch. 3] 

124. A aennop totichinr ciiscrotion j-n maitorB of i^ligion (1592), 
aig. B7, 

125. i-aniiiri{ihajn, p. 88. 

126. JI£, G-irticle "jJiomas ".Tiito." 

Ld7, A Senaon fTeached at ■'■'awlea Croaao (1578). 

128. A Soxmon ?reachod at raulea Grosae (1589). 

129. Cf, Gravet, A bemon -reached at Fauloa -rooGS (lb87)» pp. 69-70, 

130. DI®, ai'ticle "'ihoiiiaa Holland," 

131. ^».v/f|VTip'» D. ./llzabe-thi.e (l60l). 

132. iies Pollard, Uistojx, p. 347, 

133. x'^gister, /xig. - ^ct. 1579. 

134. A asnaon preached at Faults Groase (1580), sig. D7» 

135. ^grnons t pp. 403-17. 'JSiis sermon should properly be jtincluded 
cinoiiti the aiiti- :jpajij.sia seanaona, "out for obvious reasoiis it is 
introduced here. 

136. In tteyer, p. 276, 

137. lyxd .. pp. 228-9. 

138. ior a sum..iaiy of the campaign see Pollard, history , p. 430. 

139. .v/o ^fci-aona preached, the one at ^aulea Crosse (1581), sigs. 


2A0» ~do .agister for those sermons. 

141. -ua i^yer, p. 224, 

142. iDid . , p, 314. 

143. i^ ^errjon •. i-eached at i c-ules Crosse (1582). 

144. ■'cr a brief account of these enterprises sue Pollard, -iistorY . 
pp. 410-1. 

145. 'Dim , article "iiogor i^ket." 

146. Jie refereiTce irj probably to x'hilip's league with the Guises in 
1584. iiee Poliard, pp. 388-9. 

147. ^'or these events aee Pollard, p. 409. 


110X63 \,iiiij 

[Cu. 3] 

143. The Trumpet of '"arro... 1598 « 

149. o©e i^ap^en, p. 255, tmd '^riiidal'a fcaaous letter to lilizabetn. 
*here i3 .- ailcily noiitil© judgment of the propheayiiigs in 
ifrere, pp. 193-4. 

150. l'i?o ■Jermons t p. 16. 

151. ^ee til© --piotlo i^eciicatory to *^ady AniJ© -i^acon, to his "o/xaon 
rro--!.chod at ruuls ^rosse... 1573 1 si^;. iiSv. 

152. Aiie aain oDjoction of the I'uritans, oee Howson, 1598, below. 

153. uor.-an tsaK. Cfl. 

154. -<>. veiy fruitelul ^enaon (1579), sig. I37. 

155. .valton, Life of iiooker, in ^ompleat Walton, p. 341. 

156. Uh. xllx. ^ee 'ie^ister, 1581, 

157. Ooaple^.t .Jalton » p. 343. 

158. A ben^on preached at ^aulea Grosae (1597). 

159. Ija imperfect aua^^ary of the aonaon, based on "hicgift's or others' 
notes, appears in "hitgift'u .Jorkg, iii, 586-96. 

160. A looi^holo here, of course, for those who soi^ght one. i-lio is to 

detein-ino what is the word of God in any contest of obedience 2 
"laitgift 'tfould say the bishops j a r'uritan revolutionary his own 
juat^nsnt upon the text. 

161. ^i. Jeraon precicued at Paulas <^ro33e (1584). 

162. Hegister, 1584; Frero, p. ;.03. 

163. ihis sumroary is baaed on i'rere, pp. 248-9. 

164. -'agister, 1584. 

165. A .^enaon -treached at i'aules Jroose (1587), p. 55. 

166. ^ee -iliiajn Pierce, ^^ lIa.atorical Introduction to the -^^prelat e 
•^'racts (London, 1908), 

167. -- K^emon ireixched at rcules Crosse (1588). 

168. ioatt. 18.17. 

169. •^his is tht. lira:, of -Bancroft 'a quite moderut© observations 
upon the apostolic :3uccession. 

170. --©e above^^vvi. 


Notes (24) 
LvTn. 3] 

171. ^or his laaterial on -"oottish Presbyterians, Bancroft uood a 
treatise of .^bei-t Browne and a -^eclLiration by James VI. Ho was 
answered by John Jc:,vidson, D9ctor Ikuicrofts .': ^lahenos3e in rail" 
inta.-.ainst the Wiurch of ^ootla nq (1:390), .Jee ieiiraon, iL;£t- 
wrif.Ut , pp. 340-2. 

172. irere, p. 276; Knappen, p. 2S8j otrype, -nitnift. i, 559ff. 

173. ;a.len, .olitical 'Aoucht in ^oth Century, p. IBl. 

174. DW » ...rticlo "..illiasi Jafflcs." 

175. it. .jenaon f reached at x'aulos ^^rosae (1590). 

176. --ee iiecister, 9 i-ov. 1j89. 

177. i^id he refer to Mii-tin or to C artier ight? ourely the former? if so, 
did ne know, or merely suspect, that the tracts were v/ritten oy 
one inan? 

178. ior the history of relations with the Puritans in tla© '90's see 
i'rere, oh, xvi. 

179. A ^enaoa ^reached at Paules Groose (1589). 

160. Tna phrase is i«i.she'a comiiient upon the sermons against i-arprelate, 
in Work s. i» 109. 

181. including, no doubt, llasho and Lyly on the side of the prelates. 

182. A w>eraon Proochod at ^aules Groaso... 1590 . p. 43. 
103. A ^eroon Pro^-ched at Pauls Grosee (1594), sig. G7. 

184. A atinaon IJeeafull ■iL9r these tiuoa (1591), aig. Al, 'I'lie exhort- 
ation is repealed in almost identical teras by A,.V,, A j'ruitoful l 

und uoul , 7 '-'orinon... 1592 . sig, i^l, 

185. A oermon teaching, diacretion (1592), sig. B8t. 

186. Prere, pp. i;81-2. 

137, Per a auijuaary of these proceedings see Folia. rd, niatorv . pp. 462-3, 

188. -he Grie of -^n.-li^nd (1595), p. 74. 

189 . x ho xTumpot of ■•arre... 1598 . 

190. ^ee ilegister, i-oy-June 1596 [a conjecturtil date], and Tyurapet of 
..arre i sig. G4. 

191. S((- ^f-iovu. j.. X3« 

192, Ph© whole question of sacrilege \7ill be dealt with belov/, ch. 6. 


[Ch. 3] 

193, DIS, article "Hiomas Hffvvaon." 

194, A oecona ^ox-luqii ^reiicned at laulea Oroaao (lt>98), 

195, j-j:Ttfiff"'^'^tiQa ox the .iunte rt in i-omppeu, p. 6G, 
lyo, .L-ix, Ai'jjoo a£ the ^Itux-gy * p. 312. 

197. oee aoove, ch, 2. 

198. .register, 15 toay 1575. 
Iy9, iiegister, 12 June 1575. 

200. Buckley, p. 48. 

201, .oi -uXCQlient iixid godly ssriaoa. ♦» 1573 t aig. 05, 
;302, .. >vernon aroached at Faules Groase (1579), sig. 16. 

203. 'i'uis aumaiary foliows ^rere, pp. 257-65. 

204. It will be not ad that ^aiTO-j^ and Greenwood wore not ia©ntionod| 
thio siay have been Dooauae the goveraiaont had not decided to 
indict then for seditioui libel. 

205. A >jenaon toachit^K discretion , aig. Civ. 

206. A Jj'ruitfull and oocilY ^on;ton « sig, D7v, 
2©7, i'^gister, 27 Oct, 1577. 

208. See above, ^.vv«. 

209. A Jjenion Jreached >~t faulos wrosse (lo02)t sig. iJ4« 

210. In Wmri.ugham, p, 71: I'tCiis «-.;«-*• 

211. iias deisia-lor its equivclents ~ Doforo ^^rbert of ^-horbury been 

212. In ^cclooiastical rolity . v, 2. 

213. Of, wachiavelli, xJisoauraea . i, 11-14. 

214. Ghriats Tparea over ♦^erusalem i in uorka * ii» 121. 

215. ■cor these references see Buckley, pp. 65-77. 

216. A beixion proaohad at *aulos v^rosse (1584), eig, F4v. 

217. ^uckley, p. 49. 

f n 

Kotos ^iiD; 

210, i''uller-I>ro-;/Qr, v, 3G-9, 

iil9, lie© "A note containing the opinion of on ohristdpher u^rl^f 
concerning his damnable jutiyuont of religion and scoi-n of 
Gocta word," In 'ilioraaa l.yd, ..orka * ed. x .0, Boas (Oxford, 
1901), pp. oxiv-cxvi, 

220. llae of -in^la.nd (1595), p. 36. 

221. .^ .i^ergon preached at x-auls Groase... 1594 » sig. iv4, 

222. i>©o til© depositions of .vitneasos before the JOLsnission at 
Ueme ^icoaa, 21 '-ar. 1594, in .dllobi© his Avisa ^^ ed. ^.B, 
iiarrison \. London, i^ouley '^oad si'^^os* r^'26>, app. Ili. 

223. jig. A4; italic a mine. 

2;i4, 'jaie ^rvaapet of ./arre , sig. i:il. ^-cuaidngham (p. 142) uses the 
phrase "the daimed creT/" of u compajqr of vowed aurderoosx in 
itostcrdam. ihcre voti such a cociijuay of profligates in London 
under the leadership of oir Edmund Eaynhan, ■aho was iator inr 
volved in the <JTinpov/der ^reason. 

225. ^ee above. 

226. in G.B, Harrison, ihe Liio and Jei-:i;h or -x)bert ^evareux .^arl 
oi -.jae:^ (iiew York, 1937), p. 347. 

227. iie© i^giater, i^ov. - jJec. 1592. 

228. oee riegist&r, 6 Feb. 1601. 

229. liLxrison, ^ssex, p. 2^4. 

230. H.G, b'aher, ihe .Misconstruction of the ^rigli^h ^hurch (New York & 
Loudon, 1910), i, 129n. 

231. Luncroft to Cecil, in "--alisbury iapers, xi, 55-6. 

232. ihese would be niritan preachers who had preached for him before 
tiie rooeilion. ^ee iiarrison, -^asex . p. 277. It is to be wished 
that w© possessed detailed notices of aomo of thes© sorracna. 

233. irom a lettor oy Vincent Hussey in GSiPD ^illiz., 278, no. 94, 
quoted in Herr, p. 52. 

234. lusher, i, 123n. 

235. ooe iiarrison, jisaex . pp. ..94-5. 

236. In Herr, p, 52. 

237. iiorrison, -^.jsex i p. ;i91. ih© bag cout:iiaed a letter from ^aaes 
of vicotland. *.ir.t else? 


liotes (27) 

[Cih. 3] 

2o8. iiiirrison, ^jnox * p. 350. 

239. Sue was by no means in a fright, ^^ee Harrison, p. 288. 

240. J-n iierr, p. 53. 

ii-il, x> ^ur-oii ^J-iriiuch(^d at -taulQa Groaao (1601). 

242. i>ee i^gister* 8 /iug. Ib96. 

243. /rom whom? »^©rtainly not the queen. 

244. H.« Doleitian [Paroons], A Conference a'DQut the next ^uccossioa of the 
Groyne of ^n^land (1594). iOr uoEtctiporc-jry reactions to this work, 
see '-'Oyer* pp. 383-7. 

245. Barloiy doubtless apok© in hia church, 3t. i>un3tcai*s-i»-the-v.'6st, 
to which h© had been presented by "hitgift. 

246. l^te this reference to ;^ch:.rd II. 


1. in J.R. i'aniisr, Gonatitutior-ttl j^ocusients of the itejgn of James I . 
A,Um 1G03-I325i v.dth an hi3..orical aora Qiraarv (Gtoijbridge, I'SoO), 
p. 4. 

2. In banner, p. 23. 

3. -ee i'rere, p. 288. 

4. Tanner, p. 83* 

5. l;ie ■-■erEion i rcjac'ued at raulea Jros ^ ^e (160G), 

6. iUjTelation 12.4. 

7. Barlow v/as givon to "deaccntine upon the word." 
o. iliis tfu^ the chief fear. 

d. liote the aietupnor of ■ . 

10. The ^ov;ry conapir.'^y, 5 -Oi^. 1600. Ihere is a bir.ged but circuir- 
atanti-iJ. accouixt of it in H.xi, wiliiaaiaon, .Cjar, Jaiaes I (London, 
1935), ch. vli. iiie occcaion was colebratod as an anriiversary of 
thaaoksgiving by Jac;obean precohers. 

11. For a full description of this passage, see oelow. 

12. 3 & 4 Jao. X, 0. 4 <i 5. fexts in Ttmner, pp. 86-104. 


Kotos ^2Sj> 

L^h, 4] 

13, Dig, £.-.rticle "rochard otock." 

14, A oerKion i-reached ut ru-uloa Croo39 (1603), 

la. In Jordan, xiie i>i3vulQi-.;aent of rie3^ii^ioua Tolera tion in 
^qi,lu;)d (1S03-1640 ) (Gainbridge, i>iass*, 1936), p. 82. 

16. xpid .« p. 33, 

17. in Tanner, pp. 77-8, 

13. 416 uallg.nt'3 I^urden , in I'h.e -orks of giosiu? Ada^-a (iiidinburfjh, 
18Gl-i), i, 30S-5, 

19. ^n<:landa Jecond .juaiaoag , pp, 187-90, 

20. Ty/o 3er;aons (1617), pp. 45-7, 

21. 'iho i^atterne of an Invincible FcJLth , aig. Bl. 

£2, A uouatar-i^lea, to an .i^postutaes i^ardon (1619), sig. G4v. 

23, iLUstia vj'arren, vq,chL-^-rd Graahaw, a otudv in Baroque w.ej.? | Sib^3,ity 
(Louisiana Univ. tro^u, 1939), p, 19, 

24, Id id , 

25, ihe Kjortaon aroached at the Uroase t>1608), 

26, r. 345. 

27, .-ee Register, undated aeiiaons, teinp. Omry* 

28, r'hur& and Ghristianitv , in Aie ..orks of Josoph iia3, l« ed. 
*'ailip -yirwor (:^xiord, 1853), v, soraon 1, 

29, Of. The Tale of a. x'ub . 

30, In iMQ ^^un^ns vl615). 

31» A oenaon ^roc^hed at raules Grooi^e (1609), sig, ^2. 

32, it. -jerr-ion ^'reached at ^'aules Crosse (lo05), sig, Ji.v, 

33, ihis ia u very important metaphor; sue below, oh, vii, 

34, ..orks . i, 309. 

35, ior thia view, or pijrt of it, aee Jordan, p, 18. 

36, j jiQ uer^.on ^ro -chod at * aulas Grosoe (1606), sig. iiiSv. 

37, A -eriaon ^reachod at laulea Grosae (1609), sig, 04. 


Notes (20) 
[Ch. 4] 

38. A oomiter-Plea » sig. C3v, 

39, -Wo oeraons (1619), sig. Dlv. 
40* "^ee 'M-igister under these dates* 

41. 'Agistor, 25 '"ay 1606. 

42. i'rero, p. 332. 

43. Doiiglus --ush, ^BKlish L l torature in tho ej.u:-i.ier "eventeenth Cen- 
t ury* 1600- 1660 (Oxford, 1S45;, p. 320. 

44. For thijso viev/s soe Jordan, pp. 36-8. 

45. . - ■juraon rrsujhed ct laulas Oroijse (1609), sigs. Dl, Dliv, aJ4v, ^5i 

46. - in. .lii-ada Second ->u...iaons (1613). 

47. iee *Ver©, pp. 384-5, and Bush, p. 320. Fuller said that the 
Archuishop 'syas the first to uso the term "Puritan" as opposed to 


43. JJie l'atx-;rae of on -Urviiiciule ^aith i sig. D3v. 

49. See :^ecoir t in ..orks of Thoaag Ada2na » iii. 

50.\ froa Gileaci to .Lecover uoUvioience . in ^.orks of Adams , iii, 
105, 111. 

51. Hie :./eepter of -dghteo-sness (13&), sig. ^. 

52. J?or a review of "^alea* theological opinions and his reltition 
to Ohillingworth, see John Hunt, -jelii\,io"^3 '4iout:ht in ...nrJand 
fr;oCi the i^roi-mc-tion to the -^nd of Last Joirfcur^'- (London, 18Y0), 
i, 36'J-75. 

53. *n Golden iiauains (1673), pp. 24-55. ihe sonaon is undt'-tedj 
it was probably prauched afxor the ^ynod of -ojrt, 1519. 

54. i : Jenaon inruached at raules Crosse (1609), sig. Olv. 

55. .orks t i, 302. 

56. ilioiaas -utton, -.rtf-.landG ■J'xrjx and 'Jecoiid •:>ur:ii-.ion8 (1616). pp. 30, 

57. Ihe plague in 1603-04. 

58. 'ihooas i^iams, "Orks . i, 133. 

59. ..illiaia "orship, Xlie ratterne. Ljig. D4. 


60, iTuncia white, j^ndons V/aniinj-: » sig. Gl, 

Gl, John Hoai.-lng, A -.ermou pre .iied nt raulea ^^roasQ , in Oermona (1515), 
p. 63* 

62. 'ihe beraon a.t Faules '•irosB O (16U6), sig. ^2v. 

63. An Holy .'tme;-;yric i in rtOrks , v, 106-12. 

64. G.B. iiarrison, A Jacobean Journal (London, 1941), pp. 218-9. 

65. In ..orks , ed, iJj:o--d, vi, 139. 'Aie \iholQ passage is aDOiaiiJi.i.bly 

66. oig. iJlv. '^/ompare this whole passage \.'ith Taj'-ior's sermon at the 
funeral of the Oountesa of Garbury. 

67. The sernon on Z4 '-Kirch 1016, in "orks, vi, 131. 

68. TtJO 'Jermon o (1615), sigs. C4v, Dl, Jiv. 

69. See Tanner, pp. 6, 13. 

70. »Jee ibid ., p. 9. 

71. Ibid ., pp. 15, 16, 

73. H Jenaon at raulea o^rosao (1620), sig. I'li "I am girt and tied to a 
scripture by hia," 


1. oee above, ch. 2. 

2a. £Ar:.<£ii&.-SSM F.J. J^'uiTaivall, in liew .haksporo ■society Publications, 
ser. 0, nos. 7-9, "^oretalk to iiarrisiiui" 

2. roi' the houss.^ see ch. 1. 

3. ii*K. uar diner, flistory of ^-rtf^land froi^: tiie acccaaion of Ja/aes I. 
to the outbreak of the Civil .. gr. 1603-1642 (London, 1883-7), 
vii, k,45ff. 

4. rozd .. iii, 341. 

5. ihio auiamary ia based on Gardiner '3 account of the whole affair, 
in Idatory . vols, iii-iv. 


liotes (30) 
[Gh. 5] 

5a. I'll© intoiisity of anti/opanisn aou anii-pripxat feQlin£-, in iiiig- 
1 jad c* l(i''iO'Z~ IS siiowTw by the poiaphlet I'oia 'i.'ell"Troatli « a 
surreptitiously pristted docuiaent of considerable historical 
vtilue. ceo .. .K, jAiiiiiiau ci ^, rargollia, eds., Co:::plaiat and 
r.eronn in ^iii'.lana (New York, 1938), pp. 481i'f. 

6« itegiotor, Dec, 16«J0» 

7. ^ee J"^gi3t9r, 11 Jon. ISIS. 

3» -agister, 25 ^'eb. 1521. 

9. '--eo Dl-iPi article "Joian -^verord." 

10. i-anner, p. 274. 

11. ihis is ay interpretation of thuse events, professor Trevor- 
lioper seems to overlook tnis evidence. Hee his AyHshvigliop Xjoud 
(london, 194-0), eapccially cnaps. 1-3. 

1^« -DI^ , article ".iiciiard -^neldon." 

13. A :>erinon Preached at J-'aulao vrooae (1625), paasJUp . 

14. itQgister, ;i5 -^^i^* 1622, 

15. In iianuer, pp. 81-2, 

16. xn Jordan, p. 100. ■^'or further evidence of popular anger sea 

Vox Jooli . quot&d in H.C, Bald, ed., A Qqx^g at '^hui.eq -, p. 149. 

17. In Jordcja, p. iUl. 

18. >jee -•ttijister, 15 ^opt. 1622. ilie text of the senaon is in "orks i 
vi, 19 Iff. 

19. LaJvX >>Qriaons i 77. 

19a. Jsaaea was not acquainted with OTiorles* project of a roiaantio 
Journey to iipain until tho end of 1622, if tlien, oee Gardir^r, 
V, 1-2. 

20. -te^ister, U3 Feb. 1623, 

21. ii;eEister, 30 ^-^eir. 1623. 

22. Register, 24 %up. 1623, 

23. -iv Jaraon rreucUed at ^'auJ^s Grosse (1621). 

24. rlii3t9ry i v, 143, 'iho best pious account is in * ullei^-Brower, 
V, 539ff, 


i'40X9B \OXJ 

|.Gh. 5 J 

25. i^orka , ii, 165-85. 

;26. By coniiaeatal dating it waa 5 Hovember. 

27, ^ark a, ii, 185. 

Z8, iDid., ii, 284-309. 

29. jee i^^ogistox', 16;i3« 

30. oee Grosciri's Di£ article "Bioiaas Mssaa," 

31. Hunt, i, 152. 

32. ioid .. i, 143. 

33. Of. inline* 8 aoalofiy, below, 

34. Sen-'ions on this thSEje are v/iih tv/o exceptions trsated clirono logically. 
Jiiis makes unavoidable a certain amount of repetition, but the fact 
of repetition is in itjelf mosrt significant. 

35. A oerr-o n (1621), sig. ^1. 

36. In uork8 » v, 171. 

37. IVianer, p. 373. 

3S. -Ot-ister, 23 June 1622, 

39. iec Delow^ CU-U>. 

40. "lorks . V, 219, 

41. ii. oeriaon (Ib^il), sig, B2, 

42. , 13io aliitc '^olfe (1627), sigs. F3ff, A nore exteiided ajod notorious 
ctit-J-ogue of this kind ia i^phraim ^agitt's nsreaio;a-t-^ijhy (1645). 
iu-tjitt iiisntioiia "iletxieringtonians, -mio hold a hodce-podtje of nvusiy 
heresies, troubling our brains." ^ee o ociplainl^ ih ■•^fon a, pp. 622ff, 

43. iliia la pure ualvinj see Inatitutea of the Ghriatian JeliKion ? trans, 
iienry Beveridge (^dinburgh, 1845), I, vi-viii. 

44. Institutes , IV, xx, 30, 31. 

45. Ohaoberlain, i^ettera , ii, 434, 

46. Trevor- -oper, ■^md i p. 154, 

47. .haiibiii-laiu, Lqttjra i ii, 439; /iPC, xxxviii, 234j ''alter Yongo, 
Dii'.ry (Caiaden -'Oc, 134G), pp. 61- kl. 


J40t©3 (32) 

[Ch. 5] 

48. ClieBsberlain) ii» 439. 

49. ./ orkg . ed. WHiicua Jaoobaon (Oxford, 1854), vl, 370-1. 
jO. In ibid., iii, 145-211. 

51. ijee Xnstitu\;ej « Hi, xix, 1-14. 

52. IV, xli, 1. 

52&« P. 170 5 italics mine, 

53. Jjasaitute a, HI, xlx, 13. 

54. works 1 iii, 272. ianong works attacking the ecclesiastical dis- 
cipline published since '^aaderson' a first -jortaon may b6 aeutioned 
trymid^ci Lrioi -'urvov of Cosjn'c Dero%\ 9p;^ (162S) and 'ijeme '-•il^^ 
0x3 lkiltirj^:s (1631); Loigliton'u . 40^:* 3 riot; a ^-ainjt Tipclacv (1C28). 
'■'■iiero VW.0 iich tjvir in 1631 ovor -Wiud'fa consoc ration of ^^t. 
Catherine Croe-'^hurchj see liardiner, vii, 242-5. 

55. Ibid ., vi, 370. 

56. ill© soriaon is in ibid ., iii, 270-325. 

57. Cf. Institutes , III, xix, 2. 

57a. j^iliaoat all of the tiioup of preachers whoso opinJ-ons are here re- 
viewed died before the ^.cbol-ion in ohe obscurity ox their rural 
cures, ojid hence it is iispossible to determine v/ht'.t course they 
would have taken during and aiter the r-i^usbyterian dominance. 
0£ those who survived, Bouime and iJonison seem to have remained 
popular preixchors during all or p^ri of the interretinua, hMsm 
33ay hcve been se.iuoatoi'ed, and ^r.nderson eaciped persecution by 
a polito fiction in the use of the ^'rayer Book, ^vll those prea.i;her3 
except brjnuel \iv.rd end John v^Verord agotped Laud's discipline, 
either by death or quiet conforaity. uy poinrt is tljat the 
clerariaen of opinions similar to ^^anderijon's, who died betwoen 
c. 1625-1635, v/oro succeeded in positions of iaportanco in the 
church oy -Miud's ai^^^ointees, men like iibthorpe and Boujjhen, ■who 
were sequestered as "malignant" by the x'resbyterians. 

58. ^eo viiOYOm 

59. -orks . v, 175. 

60. rpid. t V, 177. 

61. Ibid . . V, 327. 

62. In T«ro_ii£rs2S3 (1635). 

63. In Gr_rdinv-r, vii, 21-2. 


liotoB (33) 

[Ch. 5] 

64. inference to In ^pisi. Joh. 4.1 Koi.)- .oiTbarii I . 

55. 2 i'Qter 1. 20. 

66, Inatitutas * IV» ix, 13. 

57. A reference to the irregular stipends of the Puritan Isoturora. 
''©© irevor-Iiioper, lead , p. 106. 

68. In uork sCOaford. 1850), i, 185-212. 

69. In •j'ardiuor, vii, 142. 

70. In -'enaoa:)^ i, Oxford, 1848), ii, «13-44. 


Notes CJ"-/) 

1. 4iis ixTtrcductoiy survey is based on the follov;iiii^ sources EJ^d 
i-uthorities: U.i^, oheoney, "2tie 'iVtinsforenGO of -mnds in iiog- 
land, 1640-1660," l iiiS Trans .. 4th series, xv, ITSZ, lBl-210; 
d, F. *-iheyn9y, "Jocial ^haii^es in -jingland in the u>ixteenth 
Centuri'' o.s rei'lected in "Jonteiaporary L^toraturo, ft, I. ^iural 
'^hu-Hges," U. of ren-.zi. oeries in xliilolQr.y. Idteraturo and 
■: .rchaQolorcy » iv, no. 2, 1895; >JOj.frey Liavios, '4ie ^c^i'ly utuax-t s 
(vyxi'ord, 1S37;; Jjjuaes iriarriagton, Oceana , od. o.^-. j-iiljogren 
(Heidelberg, 1924) j Cii;. Hudson &. Li.B, lieckitt, l lie vhuroh an d 
' ^he .iOrldi Vol. II« ■'■he Fouiidations of the ^.odorv. "Orld (liondon, 
1940/; ij.O. r^it,ht3, Jrciiaa and society ir, the ^^'.c of tJonaou 
(London, 1937) j R.H, Ta.v/ney, asliraon and the -^ise of Oapitglista 

(Lojidon, 1943)} G.iu, Travelyan, r^nj-.lish social Uiatory (London, 
1942^ J --..G, Uahor, A-conatruction oi the ■jri.;;lish ^>i.urvh ; uclen 
0, ishite, > ^ociRl Jritici.aa ; i'noaaa uilaon, Iho Ltato of Ln;;land 
Anno. ^on. 1600, Oamdeu Liscellai^ xvi (1936), 

2. oiaiderson, Works « iii, 297. 

3. Ecclesiastical Folit'/ i v, 79. 

4. By i'rovor-^oper, Laud , especially pp. 10-2, 156-7, and Laud' a 
letter to Lord -'cudaznore upon alienation of eccle-jiastical 
property, pp. 450-3 (a iriost illunixnnting docunent). 

5. jermon oefore tho King, 19 June 1621, in Tawiajji, -a3li?.:ion . p. 140, 

6. iaornops (-verynan ed,), pp. 60-1. 

7. A oermon rroachou at i'auls ^roaaq (1530 j, aig. F2v« 
S« ^Vo s^errgons (161b), p. 36. 

9. A Zor^on rrousheJ at raulea Orossa (1509), sig. G4, 

10. '.uhQiaa.8 Holland, in «annir;;5haE, p. 141. '-i-h© some doctrine was 
preached at the Gross in 1338 by Ihomas Wii.ibledon; see O-^vat, 
Littaruturo and rulpit . pp. 550^1. 

11. ocjadye, >>cr.^K>no « p. 354. 

12. .jouuol .i-rdt ^iiha froia C-jlQad . in Adaaa, Work a , iii, 112. 
^» ^oxxions * od. --rbor, p. 27. 

14. -i-cid . 

15. Jimoa Bisso, l >ao uenaon a (1531), sig. D6, 
15. Holland, in LianranghEun, p. 141. 

17. i>orjie, ..orka , v, 241. 

18. In i^oiappen, p. 413. 


Notes (^iO 

LCh. 6] 

19, in '^illioia iiallei-, 'ilio lUse of i:'urituaj.a£i {llevr York, 1938), p. 125, 

fiO, i-ue xruiai3e"t of ^tcxro t aig. G3. 

21. In -sKiaias, -lOrks * iii» 100. 

22. V<ork8, ii( 250. 

23. TVi-o oenaon st aig. I>6 and pussija. Oi'. -'aoiutis ;<hite, Stockv/ood, 
et. al. 

24. A lisnaon a;:as>ntt oa jresaion and frauduloqt Decliiip: (1C15), sig. 33. 

25. -Jig. i^v, ciad p^;.a^iro . 

26. versions « pp. 58-9. 

27. 'niOEiaa ^idoas's raethod moat nearly ap^jrouchea formal satire; see 
The -.hito J'iivil i in -jprkQ * ii. 

23, A favorite point of attack upon theatres j seo doIcw. 


29. Paul 3 Vilalk. 

30. iiaskg, ii, 1C2, 

31. Hie Orie of .unF.l:--nd t p. 62. 

32. A Godly ^enaoa i sig. Bav. 

33. wQi-ka , V, 43-4, 

34. V.'orks . ii, 232, 
Sc). -u/id . 1 ii, 132 • 

36. j ja.e Urie of ^ni'lajid . pp. 65-67. 

37. luid ., p. 63. ■^his w a in lb93i the utatuto of .^.rtificers of 
1563 v.'-.3 indiflorontly oxacuted. 

38. For ijrisoiiei-ij outside the circle of ^lu-iaoondoa, aoe ch. 1. 

39. orie of;land i pp. 72-3. 

40. i ^lif:io n, pp. 251ff. 

41. In ibid .t p. 2S2. 

42. T'v/Q ■jora.on^ t oig. B5. 

43. Ibid ., aic. B6. 

44. 5eraons, pp. 336-7. 


Hot 63 (?6j 

[Gil. 6 J 

45. ititij'aer, .jgiiaons i ^j. o-G. 

46. In White, -^ocial ^r-.,xcLaa. , pp. 6-7. 

47. >?£ir2iioa3 » p. i36. 

48. . . ooruan ^'rcachod at •^'tvales Crosse (1589), D±i^, Fl. 

49. in Thoiaaa V/ilson, A I'lscourse upon ^cury » ed. iti,H» Tmnaay 
(London, 1925), p. 14. 

50. ..Jidrewes, -orks a v, 7. 

51. beo flogiater, 1586 (^ 15 IC. 

52. A.W, , A Fruiti'ull and Godly ■--enaon . si^is. C3-C6, 

52. Goor^e Senoon, i l ':'en::on ^reached at ^'auloa ^rosaa (1609), sig. B4, 

54. ilioaas button, - Qn^ilaDds -ifino na (1616), p. 88. 

55. Ibid .i pp. 152, 187, 

55. John iioakiuBf '■j.yjq ^on-ions (1515), p. 40» 

57. -^ee l^e ac uxi. bo nott v/rothe . in '^heyaey, jjp. 44-5. 

58. 32 ^ien. VIII, c. 1. 

52. la Gaeynoy, p. 53. 

6C. In ii.Ii. "iiiwHoy, ^,A» ^%Md & ?,A. firown, ^nj^-.lish -.conoaic iliatox^/ i 
^eloct -^ociit-enia (London, 1920), pp. 251-4. 

61. In .'lllen, Politiecl -^aovjait in 15th Century , p. 202. 

62. ^66 I/uvios, ^kj3,v otuaris t p. £76; >-'iieyney, p. 42. 

63. Giieyney, p. G7. 

64. 'onraoxia * p. 32, 
^^* -'•oid, ., p. 37. 

66. Ibid ., p. 94. 

67. Ijjid .. p. 104. 
58. Ibid .. J. 106. 

69. Ii^id .. p. 130. 

70. .wieraons . p. 366. 


Notes (>7) 

71. '■'onaoaa \^1615), p. 52. 

72. 'oiioinaa white, A ot;ri-.Ou ^ retxhod ii'n i-uuleb Jrostfe (1589;, sig. Fl. 

73. oerrnQnSi p. o9. 

f4t i'^e piienomenon is derxribed in detcJLl by a contemporsiry, Thomas 
i*il3oii, .^tate ol" '^ly^laud , p. 39. 

75. Willima *'iGher, /> uoaly -eriuon (1592), aig. .•v7v« 

76, Viilliam iiarriaon, JJoaoription of ^ ^mltxivX (1587), in Tudor -Joonorjic 
-ociumeEta i ed» it,rU Tav/uey & "ileen rower (London, 1924), ixi, 71« 

^« -^ Seruion ai-t'i.iist opiJression , sig. w.;,. 

78. Sermons, ii, 245. 

79. iiee tha justly fcaous description in ^enaona i p. 85. 
SO. Ipid ., p. 86, 

81, Ibid. , p. 58, 

82, oee ^rero, p. 302} Vi/hite, ^oc;i:'l Oritlcisa a, p. 100, 

83, In t^onsttint, ^dtf'Xu V I, p, 159, 

84, Ibid ., p. 160, 

85, -joe ■'■'re-re, pp, 302-3. 

86, Usher, i, 95ff, 

87, Lincoln •'»ecor^ ^ocioty , xxiii(l926), lj:-lxi, 

88, -i-li© Valor ^cclojiasticus . 

89, Jereny i-!oliier, r.n IJcclesiagtic&l iiiaoory ox ^rfej , -^ •^rl "'^fi^f (London, 
1714), li, "tJolloction of iiecords," Ixxxix. 

90, i^ doubt these were shifted neatly from the religious houses to 
the znonasteries' benefices, not to the nev/ ovmero, 'i^or these 

iieaaioiiii jeo i-aakerTfilio, -^iXj:lioh Llonks , ..^aaaid , 

91, In liallar, p, 12, 

92, oee his letter to the Bishop of -^ly, in ^-■ilkil^3, ■■^oi:icxlia » iv, 283. 

93, In -ftrype, Grindal , p, 565, 

94, In *^heyney, p, 36, 


Kotas (5?) 
[Ch. 6] 

95. iiobert Grovvley, ^lie ueluct '^ox-k st £^» extra ser. 15 (LoMon, 
1872), p. 7. 

96. 31 i^n. VIII, c. 9. 

97. -)erKon3 > p. 32j ci*. p. 120, 

98. .. wiacond '^enaon (1598), siga, :j'1v--^1. 

99. In i-ianiiinghoiu, p, 69, 

100. ^. . i-uitfull axul G-odlY -»onaon . sig. DS, 

101. :..0iYaQn3 > p, 350, 

102. -dcharcL '^ook, a ^^eraon Pre ched at raulea ^rosse (1609), sis. ■^7» 

103. rdchard "urtoya. Two beiraon a. p. 13, 

104. Iiiuiianuel -i^ourne, ■'•he :^aine^D0^tf (1617), sig. l^lv, 

105. 4ie Trumpet of .'orre, sig. Fl. 

106. 'i^oiaas /uiaras, ^/prks , i, 307. 

107. -lV/q :^cnaoa3 » sig. iJlv. 

108. -eriiig, in iialler, p. 13. 

109. Harrison, L>e3Gription « iaa I'iow iJh. iioc. Pub., aer. S, bo. 1» p. ^6. 

110. Baskerville, pp. 39-41. 

111. -Msid .* paaaim . 

112. oee i3ffl. xix (1204), 98-9. 

113. U;^, xxiii, 456-7, 448. 

114. -isgister, 13 Jan 1566. 

115. i^-. Le\7es, ; ; ;jenaop Freushod at Paulas Croaae (1594), sig. 08. 

116. A oonaon prsched :it ..-ulos ^rojso... 157 8, p. 141. 

117. Laurence ^laaerton, An ^loccelleat aud Kodly semon . sig, Osv, 

118. .jilliom ...orahip, -^he Pe^tterneof an IiiYiucible; Fiiith . sigs. D2v, ^3v. 

119. Fraacia Wiiito, i-oxidom ..arnin^ , oig, G2. 

120. Elizabeth , in --onnett, ii, 377. 

121. -^ee ijougliia 3uah, ''iudor KttxaniBm and ^^anry VIII," XfHq, vii (1037- 
38), 164-5, •"'or an optijaiutic viow see ■'■•oxo--i-'o'':/nsliand, v, 378, 


Notes (i-?) 

[^b. 6J 

122 » oennoa of the Plough. 

123. ocraoa si pp. 1^^6-3. 

124. A bemon ^^yroasiied at mules Crosse (lb97), siga. Mv-m. Cf. 
ths .;atiric coux^lainta of the GciuU^ridge students in the "Far- 
nassus" trilogy at about the sano tiisa. 

125. Knglanas -^irst uixl oec^jnd '^unn":ong « p. 87. 

126. Joim -'tockv/ood, ; . Ver^f Fruitefull ^erruon (1579), sig. D.iv» 

127. oee iotias^ou, '.'tato of ^Ui^lai^ . pp. 24-5: "the greatness of 
scMnt; of then it is iucreuiblu." 

128. >^ee above, ch. 3. 

12&. •'or these aiaaaing docuiaenta see -'ecosade rarte * ii, 8Cff. 

130. ooe '^3!£,iste^, ~7 uune 1572, 25 Fiot. 1573; Jcv/ol, orks ^ ii, 1000. 

131. John "alsal, ^: ^arcion i.- x-ei-iched at *uulea CrQiino , sig. <il, 

132. A ijeraou -t^-u.-ched u.t ruuls Cl60l). sig. Civ. 

133. jse iiashe, -ork s, i, 102, 

134. -.orks , ii, 244. 

135. iliooas ^'o-.rell, xom oi' all 'I'radea t in ^*©v;/ Sh. ^oc. Pub., ser. 6, 
no9. 2-3, pp. 149-51. 

136. -'er.^ion3 » p. 151, 

137. ^c:iions . p. 110. 

133. -lie .jijLi:^OQ'.Vi sij;. (rl. 

139. -^or thebs ypisoues soe i-rore, p. 303. 

14-0. -io-iry i^rice, ilte :Ji;f,les i'"li,^ (15S9), aig. I^Dv. 

141» u. iiSJes, '■- .^Qnaoii . sig. -j2v. 

142. -ooei't TBi..ple» Ji Jormon toachinfi: aiscretiori i sig. D2* 

143. Jolon Dove, A germon... 1594 , sig. 05. 

144. A uonaon (1597), -:i£. I'^Sv. 

145. ruid. 

146. Ibid ., sig, C3v. 


14:7. ^e© vJonstant, iidmrd_VI, p. 116, 

148, Iha th00n hedgoa whxch enclosed the cojunon fields, 

14:3. liaviag stolen the lead, presumably, 

ll>0, -i-ao .^duebo- t alg. G4v. 

151, Joiuuell Gardiner, A oarsion Freached at rcules Cross e (1605), 
3ig. -il. 

152, Ceorge Benson, A oiarmon i.> .t Pauls Crosse (1609), sig. G4-T. 

153, John jJove, a sonaon... 1594 % sigs, C5, &c» 

154, (jenrase ^abiiigton, i. oemon Preached at f'aules Crosse... 1590 , 
p. 54. 

155, -■ Jermoa taachicE; discretion , sig. £11. 

156, liQQ above, ch, 3, 

157, A uecond ■^Oi.iaon (1538), aig. ^^3, 

158, A uenaon ay-,^t opareasion . sigs, Dlvff. 

159, A jsnaon ^ rcccheU at rawl^a Croja e (1578), p. 50, 

160, A,W,» A I- ruitfull '^er.-on t aig, B7, 

161, 'Ihe .^11^:16 3 ^'li^^ht » aig. ^5v, 

162, Carl F, Paeusch, "liistorj^ oi the concept of Usury," .£11, iii (1942), 
300-1; fosmey, i^filiKion . p. 123, 

163, J,W. Jirtiper, "Usury in fhe i.^orchant of Veiiigo ," Lj£, xxxiii (1935- 
30), 41. 

164, In 'i'atmey, p. 157. 

165, Taeusch, 2J6-'8. 4i8 basic texts of i^^ripture were ii^xod, 22,25; 
i^eut, 25, 19-20. 

166, A Jeruon *"rcuched at ^awlos Crosae . p. 52, 

167, ^L .jox^on rt r agchod at raules Cross^ (1580), sig, D2v, 

i68. In >Jhite, ->ooial vriticisn . pp, 222-3, It was suggested by the 
orthodox AXtiidon clergi'- in 1580 that "privatt i^eadinge in liowsea" 
supported usurers, and they prayed that such readings :.iight be 
forbidden, ihis oay be sinply slander of the Puritans, or it may 
not. ^ee Collier, ii, "Collection of ^-Jecords," Ixxxix. 

169, xi. -/emon. .« I594 i sig. C2v. 


liotes (VO 

l'^. 6] 

170. John -Uin&t in ijaniiijoeham, p, 71. 'ioney is barren, and way not 
be imdo to bring forth fruit. 

171. ^' i-iacm t works, ii, U47. 

172. John iio skins, "i\vQ uuraons . pp. 35-G. 

173. 4ioc!a.s white, j j. uoruon i^reached at Pgulea Urease (1589), sig. F2v. 

174. ..illiam Jamea, .>. uoi-mon xre-. had at i^culea Orosse (1590). sig. F;iv. 

175. ikdams, .'orkiJ . i, 319. 

176. ii.v/., A Fruitfull .^enr-on t sig. Civ. 

177. ihe acts of 37 -.dw. Ill, 3 -"dw. IV, renewed in 24 ^en. VIII, See 
Gomg^int ana ^'efona . pp. 43ff . 

178. John Dove, A >jemon».. 1594 , sig. G3v« 

179. .Jc-naons . p. 39^. 

130, G-enrase -^bington, A ^enaon » p. 35, 

181. John Hoskins, "-^er-jana . p. 52, 

182, ^aoideraon, .. jrka , iii, 166, 

133, wilii£*m '"'isher, j- ->eraon (1580), sig, i^lv, Of, ilioiaas 3utton, 
x jni,lt.Kd6 •-'Uf:i!-x>a a 1 jk, 48. 

134, uegchant of Venice . I, iii, 79. 

185, iioskins, ^er-iiona i p. 49, 

186, ^cr.Mns t p, 131, 

187, oeraona . pp, 394-5, 

188, ^enaona (1615), p. 49, 

189, Ibid ., p. 51. 

190, Letters , ii, ^36-7, 

191, Ibid ., ii, 289, 

192, oenaono . pp, 393-4, 

193, liaeinald -^enmrd.ed., -^n^lishmen at •'•oat and i^lav (Oxford, 1931), 
pp, lGO-9. 

l'i>4. A Count er- , rle^ . sig. G2. 


Notes C^ 
Gh. 6] 

195. John .*hit©, iVojJemona (1615), sig. iXv. Adams uses the amae 
Qxeiaplum, -^orks . ii, 443. 

195. lb id .* sifi. iiil* 

197. .^orks . ii, 301. 

198. Ibid ., li, 246. 

199. w.eraona (lG15)f pp. 55ff. 

200. i-'he orie oi' ii.iii:!.lu.tiu » pp. lo-5. 
aOl. JaF.lands -Juiai-.onij . pp. 105ff. 
;i02. Tiie raoterae t sig. ^^3, 

203. A oarmon*,. 1573 1 pp. 66fjf. 

204. ii. ^^enaon , sig, Mv. 

205. HolinAod (1808), iv, 890. 

206. -orks , iii, 222. 

207. A Gouater-Flea . sigs. F2vff. 

208. This diBCuasion follows iiic'i.ppeii, pp. 459-51. 

209. Sig. A3, 

210. >Vork3 , ii, 310. 

211. .1 .110 oc-ir:non prQacIiaci fit the Gross (1608), sig, Y2, I have been 
unable to identi;^ the play, vriiich laay not bo extant. 

212. In iidaias, -vorks , iii, 112. 

213. '.i- he Grie of;land « pp. 16ff, 

214. ■: ::>onnon A-roached at -^^avTloa Croas o (15V8), pp. 43-5. Gf. Grushaw, 
sig. y^vj -'utton, ^r^ .lands -^ouoiMi -^umaon s. p. 104. 

215. 1574: regulations of the London Coancion council to forbid periona- 
ojices of pl;^3 "in any usuall tync of dyvyne aor/ice in the ;joiin- 
daie." ISSlt minute of the ^ rivy Gouncil, com iinding the actors 
to forbear playing on the ^abLathj 1583: extension of thia ordin- 
ance to the co-.ntieo. -'ee Lencard, pp. 84-6. 

216. ->ee i^gistor, 29 Apr. 1579. 

217. William iiingler, '"liie Fitst i'haao of the J^lizabothan Attack on 
tho •^tago,1558-1579," HL^, v, (19-11-2), 406-9. 


Kotos (43) 

[Gh. 6] 

218, A Senaon rra-chod at rawles Urosae (1578), pp. 45ff. 

219, A oermon rro.joti&<l (Xt ^aula v^rosijo... 1578 » sig. ilSv. 

220, A bemon,,. 15 7C , p. 137. 

2iil. i. yexT fruiteful ^etTao n (I579),3ig8. Jivi'f, 

222. iiiintiler, 416. 

2ii3» oee ;:\l>ovd> ch. 1. 

224. ^oe Tawaey, "The iiise of the Gentry," ^con. Hiot. iiavigv? » 
xiiW41), 1-38; J.V. lief, "IiiKiustry and U-overnment in j'rance 
and -xigland, 1540-1640," /giaricaxi ^'hiloaophical "'Gciety '"emoirg i 
XV (1940), 1-162. 


1. 'Qx9 typical study of pulpit style is ^i,^rziaoT I^tohell, -•rgiisii 
fulpit '^ratory froa ••xxlre-.ves to '^'illotson ; see also L.P. ijiuxth'a 
Introduction to hla OBloctions from x^oniie, and Ll.W. Croll's various 
articles on the "oaroque" style. The standard histories of re- 
litiious thought, e.g. Hunt ana Jordan, and of ecclesiastical 
affairSf e.g. Frere, Gwatkiu, Hutton, with such special studios 

as those of ^napjen and ^ear.;on, ao not assume the senaon to be 
a class of utterance distinct from the treatise, iiallai', ^vJse of 
ruritaniam » and Bush, -^nrqish ijiterature in the .4:. r liex' -^eventoenth 
uentuTY tiJay raore resi/ect to the sernion ti'adiiion. 

la. ^^uoted in x.H.I».P.u"ker, i^^e "racles of upd; anit Introduction %o 
the l-i-eachihtc of Jouo '"aiviQ (London, IS-i-?), p. 54. 

2. O90 i^c closic^tical ^olixy . V, xxii. 

3. i'or llowson'a attack on the preeminence of i.reaching, see 6h. 3. 
4« Lieo -^^oskiiis' rehetirsal sersion in ch. 4. 

5. In Huntf i, 4. 

6. Ibid., i, 18. 

7. '^ee oh. 2. 

8. it. oermon ^ reach od at ^aules Jroas^ . pp. 23, 28. 

9. "A iieraon preached at ^'aules Jrosae, iho oixt of Fobraaery, 1596, in 
vrhxch are discussod these throe conclusions | 

!• It is not the will of (iod that all nen should be savisd. 

2. Hie aDGOlute ./ill of God and his secret decree from all 
©"uernitie, is the cause vvhoreby some are iredestinutod to 
salvation, others to destxniction, and not aiqr foresight 


Hotes (44) 

[Ch. 7] 

9LC02it] of faith, or good workes in the one, or infidelitioi 
neglect, or coivo©ui^t in the other* 
3. oiiritit died not effect ue.lly for till,,.." 
Cf« worship, Qig. Flv} x>ourne, sig. B2v{ ^oxe, sig, vj2f &G, 

10» .-a -xceilent and i:;Qdlv 3eraoa » sig, C6v5 italics nine. 

11. i-ne rattsrne of an Ipvinciple -aith «slg« Flv. 

12. ij©e ioxe, i% oarmon of Christ v^rucified . sigs, i,i2ff j John Hudson, 
■ii. ogi-con preixhed at ^-'aules orosse , sigs. D2vff ; iaiaanuol Boiirna, 

' <i.e lu^nGbQ-u t sigs, i'2ff. 

13. ... ujenaon i'reaxihed at .tajiilcs Orosa? ,. pp. 19if, 

14. A u^naon ureached at raules orosse (1596), 

15. jf'or the ^eilviniat view, see ins-t^itutes t III, ii, 6, u«., eiod for 

ita apjjlication in a i' oil's «ross senaon see Bourne, Xrue Vjav (1622^, 
sig. Dlv. 

16. bee Aoenaon of vlirist Orucified i aigs. H3, I2v, Q2v. 
^'*» ^he ^ui-:.^a wr-ocUod ay the orosse . sig. ^2. 

18. A beraon Preached at i-gt^Les Croas^ (1598), sig. A4v. 

19. ii oex'iion rraached at .taulQB (-£01), sigs, BiT-32v. 

20. InjtiijUyed t 1, xi, 3. 

21. furitt^JiiaEi aod Lxberty. '^axx3^: the Angy Dobatos ( , 164 y *'J) frcci th e 

Jl^u-k,9 ■■.aiiUjQ.j-i^jis wilih su]j,jle ; .;6;.n'tar;/ iI;:)0ui..errI<3 CliOud.on* 19 38 ) , 
pp. [33-40]. 

21a« iee li.J.C. Griorson, Uroaa ^ur.earos in -a^-.Jrish -uite^aoure of tlie 
XYIIth cent ury (london, 1923), p. 205. 

22. ri%ie •■av . sigs. G3vff. 

23. =.'o.k3 . i, 309. 

24. --Qo, o.g., -janderson, . vork s. iii, 148; H» King, A ^erMon . sig. £2. 

25. AOxe, A be^mon . sig, C4v, 

26. ojimiiall ^ardiner, A Jenaon . sig, B4. 

27. John xloskina, Seruona . p. 38. 

28. ulg. B4v. 

29. iiearts lA>liglvt (loOS), aig. -^1, 


Notes (45) 
Lun. 7] 

30. ilhe ..^CLaiag of iListory (loiKlon, 1936), p. 22. 

31. For the experiential elemeni. m I'uritan thougiit see ^ller, 
especially ch. 3, ""^he Galling of the •faints"; the Puritan 
ideal of tiie uoly coKiEiunity is analyzed in "oodhouse, ^ uritan- 
iam and LiDerty « pp. [36-7J, 

32. A ;jer^9n Preach ed fj^- "r'""Tftfl GroRafl (1594) ^ sig. B5v. Cf. H. 
King, _£i_^ermon, sig. ^» 

33. iJee ^ieinhold Nieuuhr, 'She liatniire and x^e-ytiny of L^an (London & 
Hew York, 1941, 1943), ii, 160. 

34. ijid., xi, 18. 

35. aee Hunt, i, 2, lln. 

36. For these see in general chs. 3 M, above. 

37. 2 langs 21. 

38. xiagi^ai 1. 

39. iidams, jjorfcs, i, 119. 

40. luid., ii, 171. Cf. Jewel, -orks , ii, 1036^. 

41. A ^eiinon xeaching discretion , sig. 07. 

42. a. Vt;rY fruit eful ^eroon . sig. A7t. 

43. -see inctitutea . r\^, i, 3} T/, i, 11. 

44. ^he Patterne of an inyincxule Jai"^ . sig. Bl, 

45. iJcclesl gtical Polity ^ III, i, 3. 

46. Joim "alsal, A ijermon . sig, D2t. 

47. William <-iravet, A ^enaon . pp. llff j John Hudson, A ^enaon. sig. i33v. 

48. Richard ^urteys, Tgp Sermons , pp. 20ff. 

49. Cf. Jewel's chcaxenge sermon (ch. 3), and V/orks. ii, 989; Hudson, 
2ig. B6v, tic. 

50. uee -urteys, p. 50; iJenison, The 'vVhite uolf e. sig. iJ4, 

51. i'or this theme see especially ch. 4. 

5<i. ' >■ ■Jeimoo Pre^uihed at Paules Orosse . aig. H4v. 
53. A Senaon PrejJhed at rauls Crosse , sig. C2v. 


Notes (46) 
[Ch. 7] 

54. A Seni^on.,. X594 » oig. 37. 

55. i-«g«» Hudson (1584), sag. G3; iiill (l59:i), p. 9j ^osson (1598), 
aig. ii5; Ho skins tlGlS), p. 61; Maas, ; ;orI:3 « i, 314. 

56. iiig. Oil. 

57. ia enaoust pp. 357ff . 

58. ■'■bid ., p. 338. 

59. iioume, ^a-J.nQbQvv « aie,a« i'Sff. Cf. James Bisse, iwo ^enao na (1581), 
aig. Mvj Francis i«*arbury, ik oennon (1602), sig. B5. 

60» A beriuon j^re: clied at i'ai^les (irosa e (1625). 

61. A oercion preached fat I'tiules wro^ ae (1579), sigs. G2ff. 

62. igiSOus, p. 558, 

63. A ;:^eraon... 1594 * sigs. DSvff. 

64. -orks iiii^ 146. 

65. Bourxie, i v-inebov /, sigs* ifilff. 

65, A oonaon. .. 1594 * siga. iUjVi'f . Xn the margin of sig. B3v of the 
B.Ii. copy some reader has attaiiipted a fantastic oonputation ofhis 

67. i'or the two elemeafcs side by side in a soiiaon aoc alcioat axsy of the 
prsachera quoted, but oapuciaiiy •^'. iliito, I x)tidons >/. -riiirjx: (1619), 

63. -iee oa^ecially John ^^iag, &^.oQiixQn ut ruulea Ciroi>3e (162G), 

69. ildaia iiill, i'he Urie of -^rsrilaiad . p. 3. 

70. 'i'hoiaas "utton, j^ntAlfrnds ^irst axid becoud ■^uanon s (1616), pp. 50-1, 

71. S i. w>eimon Preached at r'awlea (Jros ae (1578), 

72. .LOjadoas .^-raioiT , 

73. Johoha ■^emora, §nd JiiniYeha Repentant;;^ (1606). 


BioKrc-PJiical List 

Sources: DI53« Vonn, roatar. [.ooe iJibliography.] 

Only relatively uaknovm preciciiors are izscludsd in 
this list, i.e., those not usually aeaoioaecl in 
ataiidard churcii iiiitories. 

ihe follovirisj infonaation ia giront univcroity; 
livinjiS or otuoi- iJi-efersonts, v-itli dutoa of 


iidtoas, llioiaaa. Gambridgs; BAf 1601/2$ '^^t 1606. ijecturor in 

at. tieegory's under St. i-'aul's, 1518, /Icar of 
St. Be..;«t'3, iaul's .-hLurf, 1G29. 

Aylesbury, Ihomas. Cambridge x BA, 1615/6 j BD, 1526. Vicar of 

Gardv/oi'th, warvickshiro, IGIS; roct6r of Borv/ick 
5t. Leon, wilts., 1625. 

Bafaington, ilejrvase. Uombridi^e: ^l (incoi'po rated Oxford), 1578. 
rrebend of lieroford, 1530 j Biahop fo Llandt^'f, 
1551} Bishop of Exeter, 1595; Bishop of .lOrcester, 

Barker, I-r. [Laixrenco] Gaiab ridge: Fellow of Trinity, 1591, Vicar 
of ot. Botolph's v/ithout .J-dersgate, 1501. 

Barlow, [iialph]. Carabridge: BA, 1590/1; 3D, 1604. hector of xving's 
• Ipton, ikaits., 1601. Jean of '-'hrist OhuBch, Dub- 
lin, 1618. 

BicBiy, Tiioaas. Oxford; Fellow of Liagdalon, 1541. Chaplain to 
iid^rard VI. Viorden of ^^rton, 1569; Bishop of 
Ohichester, 1585 . 

Bill» V/illiam. Ganb ridge: BA, 1532-3, DD, 1547, Piaster of Gt. 
John's, 1547, of Trinity, 1551 <i 1558. Dean of 
ueatminster, 1559, 

Bisae, JaE6S. Oxford: BA, 1573, BD & DD, 1595/6. Prebend of 
wells, 1l>83. 

Bougijen, ^ward. Oxford; BA, 1609; i^, 1612. Chaplain to Dr. 

Howijon. Vicar of Bray, reotor of woodchurch in 
Kent, 1633. 

Bourne* Sn'ionuel. Oxford: BA, 1612; MA, 1616. Treacher at 5t. 

Uhristdpiier's, London. Hector of ^^^ishover, Jerby- 
ahire, 1622. ^ re;.cher at St. Oepulclare ' s , 1642. 
.jector of -.yiestone, Leicestershire, 16G9. 

Calfield, James, Oxford: BA, 154S/9; Canon of Christ Church, Oxf., 
1561. Caiion of Lit, i^aul's, 1562, /uTChdeacon of 
uolciieater, 1565. 

Clous©, George. Caiabridge: uA, 1579. In 1581 in trouble over the 
vicarage of Guckfield. 

Gottisford, Thoiaas, Cajaoridge: (no degrees), iiector of Ct. Llartin, 
Ludgate, 1553, rrebend of York, 1553. 

[Dene] Dcane, iUidrew. Giimbridge: BA, 1530/ Ij Fellow of Ganville, 1532. 
i\ector of Bixton, iiorfolk, 1554, «c. 


App, (2) 

Doniaon, oiophen, Gambridgoi BA, 1602/3; DD, 1627. iiiiiistor 
of tit. liatherino oreQchurch, 1622. 

uavQi John. Oxford: BA, 1583; LiA, 1586; DD, 1596, iioctor of i'id- 
wortJi, "ilto., 1596. Later roctor of St. i^ary Aldex^ 

Drope, Jolm, Oxfords BA, 1608/9} -iA, 1512; BD, 1619. Fello.v of 
if^dalen, 1608, proctor, 1618. i lee tor of Grindon, 
Staff ordahirs, 1626, 

Syorard, John. Cambridge: hi-., 1600; lA, 1607} DD, 161D, iieader in 
St. i:aartin's-in--;;i%e-fields, 1618, In tro-ble c. 1621; 
ch:.rgt!d bofoi-o High Cominisaion in 1635 for feioilism 
and antinomianism. 

Fairfax, lir* [■^<^'^]» Oucsbride©: EA, 1550/1; BD, 1574/5. University 
preacher, 1569, irebond of Oaiiisle, 1578, 

Feitoa, voser, Cambridgo: Follow of Feobroke, iisctor of ot, Stephens, 
Walbrook, 1601, rrocicher in St. ieoicraB in St. Paul'-u, 
1608, iioader of Gray's Inn, /lutlior of A Treatise of 
Uaury , 

Fisher, uiliiam. Oxfords BA, 1571/3} I«A, 1575; DD, 1606, Vicar of 
St, iJartin'a-in-tiio-Fields, 1588, 

FKank, i-iark, Caobridges Fellov; of Praabroke, 1634; BD, 1641, ^jrch- 
doaoon of o, iilbcn's, 1661, DD, 1662, ^.iaater of i-ea- 
Droke, 1662. 

dlasier, Hugh, A iiinorite, Oanon of Shrist ohurch, Canterbury, 1534, 

Hector of ^i-'sjiBrorth, i^ddlessx, 1538, of iuirlir^ton, 1546, 

Gravetttj, Wiliiaa, Cambridge; BA, 1557/8} MA, 1561; 2D, 1569, Fellow 
of reubroke, 1558, Vicar of St, Sepulchre's, 1556. ireo- 
eiid of Jt. raul'a, 1567. 

Racket, i^ogor. oon of a Lord -ixyor of London. Oxfords BA, 1579; 

LLi'i., 1583; BD, 1590; DD, 1596. Isctoo of liorth Crov/ley, 
Bucks., 1590, 

llarpsfield, liicholaa. Oxfords Fellow i*0w College, 1535; first Kogius 
irofossor of Gruok, 1546, '..<Gh, 1554. ireboad in ot. 
i.aul'3, 1554. ivrxjiidec^on of Canterbury, 1554* 

Bafward, Joirn. Canb ridges B/i., 1578/9; rector of St. iiary V/oolchurch, 
1534, of Stepney, 1604. 

Hill, iidaia. Oxford: BA, 1559} LiA, 1572; BD & DD, 1591. Follow of 
Baliiol, 1568- Vicar of V/estbury, ilts,, preoend of 
Salisbury, 1586. 


App. u; 

Hodgkin, Joiui. iJominican. Ucmbridije: Di), l;>24/5. Provincial 

of ^n^^lish x>oraiiiicans, 1527, JulTrngan Bp. of Z>ed- 
ford, 1537; prebend of laul's, 1547. 

ilolJiiiid, atioaas. Oxford; BA, 1570; li/i, 1575; BD, 1582; DD, 1584. 
lellov.' of Bal uiol, 1573, Chaplain to LelcGier in the 
iiettiorlands, 1505. i^giua irofeasor of divinity in 
Oxford, 1589. Hector of -Exeter College, 1592. 

Hoskina, John. Oxford: BCL» 1606} DGL, 1613. -/hap lain to the 

Bp. of vioreiord and to the iCing. rrebend of iloreford, 
1612. -sector of ^^dbury, 1612. 

Hudaon, John. GxTorti; BA, 1572; ^Ji, 1575; rector of Chichonter ^t. 
lancraa, 1578. Canon of Chiciioi;tor, 1580. 

Jaiaos, william. C^xfoixlJ BA., 1563; '.Jx, 1565; BB, 1571; DB, 1574. 
i-iaster of University '-'ollege, 1572. ,.i'Ciidoacon of 
Coverrtry, 1577, B^n of Gnrist Church, 1584. Vice- 
C'lancellor of Oxford, 1590. Chaplain to Leicester, 
\vi\oia he ut t-eaded on aid deuth-bod. Bean of -niriiau, 
1596. iip, of Airham, 1606. 

iiyrkhoia, rhomcii. Ldnorite. uucrdiau of college of i-inoriteg of 
.'oncaster; rsctor of oolchester -^t. i^ary, Bssex, 

Lewoa, iuchard. Caaicrid£jes nA, (inoorporatea froD Oxford) 1573/4 j 
^'i, 1575/5} h^t 1534. .-^ctor of ■^'olupjrsh, iiorthsaits., 
1579. Vicar of Brackley, 1600. 

LBQr» i>oger. CmbriUiiOJ BA, 1609/10; liA., 1613. Curate of ot. Leonard, 

Uarbiury, Francis. Caabridge* ordaiiied priest 1605. Convonted before 
iiigh CoLiiiiiauion in 1573 and coia'ined to .^"rahalse.i. iiec- 
toB of 5t. i-artin-in-tJie-VintiT-, 1605. 

Parker, .iOger. Cambridge: BA, 1577/8; Di), 1590. iYecentor of Lincoln, 
1598. Dean of Lincoln, 1613, 

Pendleton, iienry. uxford: BA, 1542; liA, 1544; D0, 1552. CJiaploin to 
Bonner; canon of ^, ^cul's, 1554. Caiion of Idchflold. 

iPlayfere, Tnor^wi^, Cambridge: BA, 1579/80; MA, 1583; ii), 1590; DB, 1596, 
Fellow of Bt. John's, 1584. Lady i^argaret irofossor in 
•divinity, 1596. ChaplrJLn to iving Janes. 

Price, Henry. Oxford: BA, 1587; Hk, 1591; BD, 1597. /icar of .^jle^- 
bury, 1597; rector of Fleet iiarston, Bucks., 1597. 

i-;©nniijer, Lichael, Oxford: liA, 1549; lecturer in Creek at ^^agdalen, 
1548. iiector of ^ro.^hton, rkints., 1552. Chaplain to 
^lizaboth; ^chdeocon of \jincheater, 1575. 


App. (4) 

iu-ohardson, Giiarlea. Ganbridge: BA, 1591/2 J '-^» 1595. ;iector 
of ^st iiarl:Bforfch» loOii. 

i-iichardaon, Joiin, Ocjabridge: DD, 1597; I'qIIow of iij;.iaiiuol -Jolloge. 
iiegius iro feasor of i>iviuity» 1607} Liustor of iotoi'house, 
1609, of Triiiity, 1G15; v/^ice-Uhancellor, 1617. 

uaiidwich, L;iliiaci. Benedictine. BD (Oxfoi'dJ, 1524. tj'arden of Ganter- 
bury college, Oxford, 

ii[hJint;lQton, Isemc, Gxi'ord; BA, 1600 j Lii\, 1604. i^ector of whitohurch, 
uxiordahire, 1610, G,:,jnon of -jt. raui's, 1614. i-rch- 
deacon of Garliale, 1623. 

Gparke, .iObert. otiiuUridgo : BA, 1551/2. Grdaiued, 1564. 

ijtoek, idchard. Gcjabridge: B.-^ 1590f MA, 1594. iiector of otar.dlake 
Gxfordohii'a, 1596. Lecturer at ot, iiUguutlne's, w-atlizig 
^jtroet. ourute of Allhallows, Bread btraet* 1604, rector 

Gutton, 'i.iionas. Gijobridgo; BA, 1564/5, LLA, 1568, ^loctor of Gris- 
well, Gtiffdlk, 1576. 

Tanner, John, wxford; BA, 1591; Jjii., 1595, :i6ctor of Offwell, ,von, 
1597? rector of IbrtJi Fethorton, Goxaerset, 1598. 

Tec^ile, ^ooert. Oxfords BA, 1570$ wl, 1573; hi), 1588, Chaplain to 
.lylaor, Bp. of London, Gcaon of Bristol, 1534, irebond 
of «^t. ir-aul'a, 1592. 

Veron, Jolm. oettled in iingland about 1534; ordained by Ridley, 1551; 
rector of Gt, -dphage, Crip^leca-te, 1552. Prebend of Gt. 
i'aul'a, 1559; rector of Gt. luxrtxn, LudgauO, 1560; vicnr 
of ^, G pulchro'u, 1560. 

Wakeiaan, iiobert. Gxford: B.\, 1593/4; MA, 1597; BD, 1604/5; DD, 1608. 
yellow of Lalliol, 1596, *^anon of ^xeter, 1616. 

»alsal, John. Oxford: B.i, 1566; Ui., 1568; BD & DD, 1584. iiector of 
Goi-ton Uinliara, oomorset, 1I>G7, Gonon of Ghicheater, 1569. 
iiector of LuttervTorth, -oicestorahire, 1569, Viccr o£ 
iippledor«, ->oiit, 159G, 

ii/ard, Ganuol. GaiODridge: B.-i., 1596; l^i, 1604; BD, 1607; ?cllov7 of oydney 
•jussex, 1599. xown preacher of ipsvric}i, 16G3, inliibited 
for nonconformity, 1623 «; 1635. 

white, Francia. Gamcridge: ordained, 1588. rrominont onti-ijapal con- 
trovorciialiat. Bp. of oarliale, 16ii6, Bp. of Gly, 1631. 


App. (5) 

..hito, John. Gumbridgo^Goiwill© « Gaius Coll.). A bi-other of the 
precodiiig. Chaplain to Jcmes I> 1614. Vicar of ^ccloa, 
icincs., 1606. 

(/hite» 'ihonitis. uxx'ord (i^^eifidalen). liector of ijt. Ger£ory*3 by ot. 

f'aul's, lt)7D. i'rei-ched oxr *^oiiry oidney'o funeral sennoiai 
in 1S86, Founder of =->ion College, London, and of a pro- 
fe^jeorsiiip in moral philosophy in QxI'ord. 

Worahip, .illiaEi. C;.i^ridget Bo., 1595/6 5 i'silow of ot. Joiin&s, iuUS. 
Vicar of Croft, Liiics,, IGCO. 




1* Years are dieted from 1 January, ajad dates botu';.en 1 Jtmuuiy 
and 24 i-arch have Deen corrected by collateral evidence and 
by the use of a perpetual calendar, iliero is inovitably a 
certain pei-centage of error in this pi-ocedure, und these 
date s should not be used in pupliahed v/ork -B/ithout verification . 

2« I'^amss of holy days ore not given except for reasons apparent 
in the context. 

3. Sermons which caxuioi bo dated within a year are placed at the 
end of that year. 

4« ijonaons xmpossiDle to assign to a definite year are placed at 
the end of tho reign in which they were preached. 

5. Original sources are cited wherever possible. 


i\Og. (1) 

A ?AHT OF A HSGIbXiiii OF PAUL'S CROSS SJ^ifflOlS, lb 34- 1641, 


c. 14 Jan. The top& uo longer to be ^.jrayed for at laul's 

Grosa. [^eiaoriiJidua iroia OrocTwell to the Bp. of 
fiondon.j L^ Hen. VIXI, Vii, 


c. i'eb. A 3onnon on Cjaneo .-■ccca.vei-uat et enont r.loria 

ijoi. , on the divorce. Ij^-'-P Hen. VIII, vii, 


4ate 8 u>ar. John liudd. A derence of the Holy -^aid of -"ent. 
[Feitiapa identical with the preceding.] 

L^JP Hen. VIII, vii, 

iSaster Cromaer. *^e inhibited preaching on "the king's 

matters" v/hich tended to tne dlandor of CL^tholic 

L^^ lien. Vin, vii, 

26 Apr. Stokosley, iip. of London. On the virtue of 

aaaseti. ]r'oxo-To.7nahend» v, 


a4 Liay A preacii>-r appointed by Cramaer. h&P Hen. VIII, vii, 


3 i«ov. - 18 Dec. (."i arliument tiiue"] 

"-.very oundcy preiohea... a biahop, who declared 
the Fope not to De head of the chuixh." 

Foxe-Townshend, v, 

Dec. "une from iion*'ich," oubatitute for Hilaey, 3p. 

of .Rochester, lie was appointed "to xhe ontent 
tnat ne night declare hie mind in the icijsg's 
mctters." LciP Hen, VIII, vii, 



Heg. (2) 


ain abbot, i^reachiae the king's cause against 
Katherine, he was interrupted by Father i-iobinaon, 
a friar of tJreenwich, v/ho offei-ed to dispute v;ith 
him. otrype, 'M, i(l) 

257-8; iU)f 193. 

18 July 



J3r. George Browne, a provincial of tho -^riaro. 

otokesley foLurod ho might set forth "some pernic- 

ioua doctrine," ciud oxcite sedition ajjoinst liim. 

L&P Hen. VIII, viii, 
1043, 1054. 

The monks of the ^'harterhouse were coiiciandod to 
attend the sermons at raul's ^ross weekly, "that 
their hearts ioiiy be li^jhtened by knowledge, their 
bodies esca-pe such puins as they are worthy to suffer, 
cjaJ thoir souls eufcape the judgment of Ood for such 
demerits ua tneir ignoriurt heerto have conceived." 
Llialsey to ^roiowell.] ii&P Hen. VIII, ix, 


30 Jon. 

6 ^eb. 

13 Feb. 
20 Feb. 

27 Feb. 


^, iiallet, chiiplain to oranaer. 

Cranoer. a defence of tne supr^uacy, v/ith a 
proof that the rope is ^'-ntichrist. 

liilijey. jjefenoe of the su.^reutacy. 

Longlazid, Bp. of i^incoln. Defence of tho 

L&F Hen. VIII, x, 

L«P Hen. VIII, x, 
120} v.rioth. ^hron , 
i, 33. 

oturge, jL^iastull , 
p. 203. 

".Vrioth. -^hron .i i, 

Tunatall, Bp. of ^arxtain. rreitchine, before 
the ^u)p. of '-'anterbury, oany lords, and four 
vhi*rterhouoe xonks ..ho did usnanoe for refusing 
to ao knowledge the supreaacy, he declared the 
Pope's usurped authority, his uiacharitablo Dehaviour 
in marryinc the kin^ to his brother* li wife, "and 
how everie kint^e hath the highe power under God, 
and oughte to be the supreme head over all spirit- 
ual! prelates." ».rioth. ohron .. i, 



HBg. (3) 

5 _ar. thaxton, Bp. of .JeliaDury, ..fioth. ^nron» . i, 


12 ^ir« Latimer, Bp. of "Orcester. n© declarea that 

"oiahops, aobots, friars, priests and all v;ere 
strojag thieves, yea, dukes, lordJ, and all."Jie 
spoke also ugudnst the i'onnal obseiV-ince of "ent. 

■fioth. Chron . , i, 
35; VGH London , i, 

19 I^lar. baloot, Bp. of BaB^or* Wrioth. Chron . , i, 


[•'he Imperial aabass&dor thought that the king's object 
in ordering these sermons v/as to persuade tho people 
there was no purj^atory, that he might seize tho property 
of the religious foundrtions which kept up masses for tho 
dead, o©© VUil london t i, 264.] 

17 June ^-timer, i^e "openly purged himself of the false 

lies surmised by the enonies of tho truth," notably 
one %ta« Blaggos, pax-son of H£urvelini;hac, -aho said 
he had revoked what ho had said against confeooion 
and worshipping saints. L«P iien. VIII, x, 


6 Aug. iir. iiymons. ilie serxoon was ap^^rently seditious, 

at least in the opinion of Groias/ell's informant, 
..aliiam .jirshall, ■'jho implied tiiat the Bp. of Lon- 
don permitted "a I'ao clement of seditious jireachers." 

L&P Hen. VIII, xi, 

29 Oct. Latimer. A sermon against the iilgrima,.e of Grace. 

oeraono (^Sveiyman) , 

pp. 22-29, 

aflte 27 i-ioc. Latimer. ^ spoke, "moving to unity without 

any special note of any man's folly." L«P Hen. VIII, xi, 


A "tyler" aid pen nee for maintaining tho 
opinion that i^iirist's death v.s of benefit only 
to those who died before his incarnation. 

A ocock, in EllR , 


Reg. (4) 

25 Feu. A Disnop. "He deceived tne people witn his cral'ty 

cowling wit, more fit lor the chattering ^i-rches than 
tor xhe true sincere Cnristian preaching place." 
He opiOsed tne doctrine oi laith without works, and 
upheld the rule of celioacy l"or the clergy. 

VCH London , i, 267. 

ante 15 July 

Lee, Aop. of York. "He did right well touching the 
supremacy, and as touching the condemnation of the 
reuels"[of the Pilgrimage of Grace]. UUP Hen. VIII, 

xii(2), 2b8. 

19 Aug. Dr. t3£mdv/ich of Canteruury College, Oxiord. 

Appointed uy Cromwell, "for tne honest report of 
your lernyng in holly letteres, and incorrupte 
jugement m the same." L&P Hen. VIII, 

xii(2), 'il2. 

23 Sept. i'-atthew Parker, Dean of otoke College. Appointed 

oy Cromv;ell, "lor tne nonest report oi your 
and uncorrtipt judgment in the same." Parker Gorres ., 

pp» b-6, 

12 Nov. Sir Thomas Nev/man, priest, uore a faggot for 

"singing mass with good ale." Holinshed (1808), 

iii, 803. 

ant e 28 Nov. 

Mr. Richardyne. L&P Hen. VIII, 

xii(;j), 11cj8. 


Heg. (b) 

;i4 FeD. Hilsey. -cixposure and wreaking up of the Rood ol 

Grace, irom Boxley in Kent, with its device of "old 
wire and rotten sticks" uy wnich the eyes and lips 
had ueen maae to move. Ihe sermon was intended to 
prepare tne people lor a general aesxruction oi such 


L&P Hen. VIII, 

xiii(l), id9', 
Wriotn, Gnron .« 
i, 7b-6. 

12 i^y La.timer. Tne iriar John ■'''orrest oustinately rel'usea 

to ao penance lOr denying the royal supremacy, stsmding 
"still cmd proua in nis malicious mind." Tne preacher 
Besougnt the conj^regation to pray lor him. (On 22 l«iay, 
ne was nanged over a i'ire, this doggerel ueing set over 
tne gallows: 

Forest tne iriar 

Tnat oustinate liar 
Tnat will'ully suall oe dead, 

In nis contimacy 
The Gospel dotn aeny 

The King to oe the supreme head.) 

Wrioth. Chron .« 
i, 78-9; y.GH Lon - 
don , i, 2V0. 

24 Nov. Hilsey. Exposure or the "ulood of Hailes." 

Four •n-naDapxists, three men and a v/oman, "all 
Dutcnmen," uors faggots auring the sermon, 

wriotn. ^nron . , i, 
90; VCH London , i, 

on II T T, ,„ . uEicklayer, 

22 ^ec. John Harryaaunce, a V/nitecuapeJ/ vmo nau oeen 

preticning to large auaiences from a tuv^ in his 

garden, uore a faggot witn owo other persons, 

one Of them a priest. He nad nad "great auaience 

Oi people i.>otn spirixuall and temporall" at nis 

exteraporai aeciarations of scripture. 

'iVrioth. ^nron . , i, 

93; VCh Lgpiton . i, 



Rati. (6) 


30 iiar. Tunjtall. - defence or tne supremacy. jiauinor, ^arly ruuor 

xlac'ory of xu.n;'0hip t 
p. 4k; n, 

6 July une George, a priest, bore a rt^got lor sayiag 
th^t " nor any creature had aiiy merit by 
nls i'aaaioii," aad that "exoi-cisiiig oi holy water 
or noly bre d was execrable and aoxe stable." 

L&P ;-ien, VIII, xxv(l), 

20 July iJr. Byrae, chaplain to tiie Bp. of ..ochester. 

LJiP Hen, VIII, xiv(l), 

27 July Hilsey. Ho proacnod with "more fear than ever he 
did in hio life." [liiia, and the precodint; sormon, 
wee incidents in the quarrol betwoon iiilsey and 
atokealey.] i>oiI^ Hen. VIII, xav(l), 



15 Feb. Gixdiner, Bp. of ^j-Mhester. iiie aennon ugainfft 
Lutheraniam which provoked tne controversy with 
Barnes. I*"^ aen. VIII, xv, 


23 ^eb. fi&bert Darues. lisiug Gardiner 8 text of 15 I''eb., 
he railed upon the oisliop with squq violence. 

LciP Hen. Vm, XV, 
312 J Burnet- i'ocock, 
i, 475. 

7 i-ar. ailliam Jerome, vicar of ijtopney. tie conf'irsied 
Barnes 'ii doctrine that "/iien's constitutions bind 
not the consciGnco." iiurJiet-Focock, i, 47S. 

14 Mar* ^r, Gerrard LGarretj. Like the two preceding, a 

Lutheran sermon. Durnet-Pocock, i, 475. 

4 Apr. iJr. .alson, vicar of ot. Martin's, Bishopsgaio. 

liehearsul of L>pital senuons by Barnes, Gerz^ard and 
Jei-ome, in which they had recanted their various 
erroiTj, ..'rioth. Ghron. , i, 


11 Apr. Gardiner. Ihere w. s a "fraye" ainon^; sorving-men 

during the seruion. .;rioth, Ghron .. i, 


Uagr Cranmer. Bp. ^lajapson of Ghiohester, who was to 

preach, wtis arrested, and Granmer prexhed the "con- 
trary" of wiiat uardiiier had preached in Lent. Gonstont, -"^ixrv Vill i 

pp. 313, 332. 

Fveg. (7) 

13 Feb. I*. -^dTTard Cromo. iiia rirst public recantation 

of hia opinions contjrary to the iict of ^ix Ai-ticles. 

iOxo-iOwnEJhend, v» 
835 & app* xvi. 

16 Oct. Two priests did penanoe for performing the marriage 
of tho son of Lx. -ieringe, a proctor in tho Jirchos, 
"to a yopg gentlewoman in a charaber v;ithout license 
or asking! " ahe having been coirbractijd before, i'iiis 
was a breach of 'uhe statute 32 iien. VIII) c* 33t 
re^ulatint, pre-coutract. >.fioth. ^hron . i i, 


13 Mov. Dr. ;dohard Smith. Apparently 3ji orthodox (i.e. 
Catholic) semioni since he v/as attacked by the 
Lutheran Alexuidor iioton in the chui'cii of Jt. 
Antholine's in the saisie afternoon, for hia doctrine 
of v,(Orks aiid his interpretation of keconciiioiiaini Deo * 

i 0x0- i'o i. nsiiend , v » 
4'i8, 450. 

18 i)©c. lap. i<udd, chantry priest of Barliicg, "flie occasion 
of tho recEUitation of ^^lexander oeton, "a ijcottish 
man, and -wOiiiny ,jroachor"L^-'03cej, and >... Tolwino, 
parson of Jt. iintholine'3, for various Lutheran 
doctrines. -.rioth. Chron . « i, 

132} i'oxe-'l'ovmahond, 
V, 451. 


8 July ^\ecantations of J^ozioas '^econ, 1-LOoert i^isdom, and 
.lObei't '-'ingleton. Luoou cut in pieco3 elevon of 
his "unlawful" books; "iddom recanted his heresy 
in denying, frtie-will and preaching against veneration 
of saints, singleton confessed briefly that he was 
"an unlearned fantasuycall foole." \> rioth. '•'hron . « i, 

14 .- j i' oxo- xov/nahe nd , 
V, ap.-. xilj VCH 
London , i, 283. 


6 July One John iiayward recanted his "blindly" holding 

to the iiuproiaacy of .»orae, and "coao-alini; and 
favoring" others of that opinion, lie decL-ored 
tho kin{j's cloiaoncy in not putt in::; him to de-^th 

as his offonco deserved. U-P Hen. VIII, xix(l), 

853} i'oxe-Tovmshend, 
V, 528-9. 


Reg. (8) 


'Ihe roca:itatioa of -lobort .Varde, who had "dyvorse 
tyinea in alehouaoa and unoonelie and uraaeoto 
placoa" j^o.en irreverently ol" the inaas, imd. hod 
kept unlawful oooks. Foxe-iovmshend , v, 

apt', xi. 


8 Feb. A prieat of i*©irt did poiiance for counterfeiting the 
Dlood of *-hrl3t at mass, by "cuttynt of hya fyncer 
and Lmaking] it to blodo on the hoat." For hia 
Ijencnce he wore "a uroad stole of linen cloathi 
coulourod with urops like bloud," .rioth. Chron , i i» 

152 J Clinch, .^t. 

rgul's t p. 51, 


1:5 .^^T, L_^3terj 

A 3«ruon against -^r. ^^ronse. "The v. aarciondea 
[at the '-'pital uxiu xuul's Croasj apak© all ai:>ayne 
tho... opijynyons"[.ol' t le sacre; ont of the altar.] 

urev i.TJc-i'a '^iiroa . « 
p* 50* 

9 Jtoy Dr. Crome. *^ loiled isatiafactorily to recant his 

ooiuiona concerning the Boci'aiisnt of the altar. 

UiP Hen. VIII, xxi(l), 
783, 790, SIO, 1127; 
Foxe-xo-mshend, v, 

27 June i>r. vJrone, iiis final recanttition. L^JP ilen. VIII, sxi(l), 

113S; i''oxe-iO-:yn3hond, 
V, 836 « api^. xvi; 
xrioth. '•'hron . , i, 

1 Aug. Nicholas fcihaxton. Hq recanted his horosy of 

the sacrai-ieirt of the altar, i.e. denial of the 
coi'poral rreoence. iie declared his error the 
result of "hei-eticall Dookaof -ii-ngliah," ajid "wepte 
oorti and ixide c^ce lamentacion for hye ofiena." 

■■rioth. Chron . , i» 
170 5 C-rey vri rs 

26 '^ept. iioretical books burned at sermon tiae. 

Jhron . . p. 51. 

.rioth. Chron., i, 


"eg. ^.y; 

16 «Jan. Feckenham, chaplain to tiie Bp, of Lonaon. He 
irtveighea against the advance of German heresy 
among the younger generation. "iJanctimony ol life 
is put away, with fasting,... and oeads." 

L&P Hen. VIII, xxi(<;), 
710. VGH London , i, 


3U Jan. Heath, Bp. of ik)chester, ^e "decliirea the Kingea 

giit geaven xo tne cittie of London lor the releeving 

of tne poore people" ["the Grey Friars endowmen of 500 

marks per year], "^he audience uid not knov/ that the 

king had oeen dead two days. Wrioth. Chron . , i, 

177; btov/-Kingsford, 
i, ^IB, 

Lent tiarlow, Bp. of St. Davids. 

Both preached against 
Nicholas Ridley. veneration of images. 

Pollard, History , p. l4, 

Hugn Glasier, Cranmer's commissary lor Calais. 
He preached i±h.t "lent was not ordained of God to 
oe lasted... out that the saem <.'as a politic oram- 
ance of man, and might therefore ue oroken of men 

at tneir pleasure." Burnet-i'ocock, ii, 37; 

Strype, M' ii(l)» 
40; Constant, Edward 
VI» P« 222. 

15 May iJr. Richard "^th, reader m divinity in King's 
College, Oxford. He recanted his two papistical 
books, one written in defence of the mass, the other 
in deieuce of unwritten verities. The oooks were 
ourned in sermon time. wrioth. Chron . , i, 

184; Heylyn, Ecc. Res .. 
i, 39; Strype, 'EM , 
ii(l), 52, 51; i^'oxe- 
Townshend, vi, 764; 
V. STC i;28k;2, 

Nov. Ridley. He preached against aouse of the sacrament 

of the altar uy "the unreverend uehaviour of cei^ain 
evil disposed persons." He was misuncierstood uy some 
wno thought he preached transuustantiation, 

Foxe-Townsnend, vi, 
437; vii, 520, 523. 


Heg, (10) 

27 liov. Barlow, Bp, of '^. iJavid's. Ho showed and crok© 

two imy^jea, one of tne "ii-gin, "which tney of ^iiul's 
had lapped in cerecloth" and hiadun in a corner of 
the cathedral; and a picture of the ^^eaui'rection 
"laado ..ith vices » w'nich putt out his legges of se- 
pulchre and olesaed v/ith his h^md, and tuj*ned his 
head." lifter the seiiaont "the "ooys oroke the idols 
in pieces." tVrioth. Ohron . » 

ii» 1. 


18 Jan, Latimer. The fajaous seitaon of the rlough. j-nore 
had been three other senaons in the aeriea, upon 
the seed to bo sown in uod's field, "iixdno-n I aliall 
tell you who oe the ploughers." 'ihis sermon was 
j^^reached in the ohrouds. ;3erraoaa (-i^oiyrjan). 

29 Apr. John Ohampneys, of otratford on the Bow, recanted 
"t:rievou3 heresy." [-^^^ ueliofs were, by large 
definition, iUiaDaptist.] 3trype, i 

i, 2j4-5. 

29 June Gardiner, before an inuiiense audience. lie had 

ol'ferud. to preixh to cletir himsolf oi chr.i-ges of 
laisbehuviour in his diocese, durijig his reoidence 
there in Lent. He derended the royal supremijcy 
and the dissolution of tne chantries, but in spixe 
of •^oaeraet's prohibition, he upheld tne Uatholic 
doctrine of the mass. Constant, ^d'^ard YX . 

pp. 232ff. 

8 July Lir. Oox, king's almoner. He spoke of tne senaon 

of Z9 June, and of ijai^dinor a obstinacy, exiiorting 
the auaieiice to pxTiy for his conversion to the 
truth, "and not to rejoice of this hi,j trobla, v/hich 
was godlie dO:.8," .Vrioth. Uhron .. ii, 

'i; i oxo-iownjhend, 
V, 763. 

["ivll tlioys prechara tnat prechyd at i-owlles croase at that 
tic» spa^e aoche agayno the bysshope ol" .ynchester." Grey 

ujLuio a^uco .auuxie u^uyu 

Friars Cihron . t p. 56.] 

4Z July itattnew larker, vice-chancellor of Cambridge. 

oomerset oraerod hua to preach, "noi, doubting but 

that you will purely ajaa sinc^^rely aex out xhe holy 

scriptures, so as God's glory may be a.iVt\ncod, and 

the people with ..holeaome docxrme ecified." x^urker.Ccpres . . p. 39, 


nag. \,xxj 


11 Nov. FerraPf Bp, of ■^t. David's. Tliis v/as the first 

sermon preached after tne inliiuition of preaching 
oy proclamation of 28 ^ept. "He dyd not preche 
in nys aubet of a oysnoppe, uut lyko a prest, and 
he spake agayne all maner of thynges of the churche 
and the sacrament ol the auter, and vestmentes, 

coppes, alterres, witn all otner thynges," Grey Friars Gnron .« 

p. 57} VCH London , 
i, 292. 


29 Mar. Latimer. A denunciation of the Lord Admiral Seymoiir, 
vmo had oeen executed on 20 I.iarch. Tlie preacher 
asserted tnat nis last act was an attempt to instigate 
fiary and Elizaoeth to sedition. Ilie sermon v/as re- 
ceived in silence; there was much popular disapproval 
of the Protector's proceeding against his urother. 

Foliar^, HisoorV i 
p. 39, 

28 Apr. hiiles Goverdale. liie renearsal sermon. 

[Recantation of Jonn Cnampneys tnis date? See 

Z9 Apr. 1548, out note oelov/,] Narratives or -^f ., 

p. 295. 

5 May One Putto[e], a fanner of Colchester, an Ana- 

uaptistj> did penance. V/rioth. Chron. « ii, 


12 iiay Another Anauaptist, a outoher dwelling by Ould 

Fish .street, core a faggot, wrioth. ^nron .t ii, 


19 May Putto did penance again, naving stood the first 

' time with his cap on, which was in the people's 
estimation impenitent, Wriotn. Chron . , ii, 


9 June ["jiit Sunday] 

No sermon? Uy Lydall should have preached, out 

did not arrive. Wriotn. G/iron . . ii, 


10 June Ooverdale. 

both preached at the Lord 

11 June Mr. Bill of ^amoridge, layer's ap^-ointment. V/rioth. '^hron . . ii, 



Heg, (12) 

^1 July »a** JoBsphf ohaplain to Crunmary al'ter ooi^uiiuuioia 
oolebrated by Oranaer in the c thedral aooording 
to the "iCiiiij's book." Ha rehearsed Gnuainer'a 
sermon in the cathedral» on the evils of sedition 
showed by the present oomrootion in the kingdom. 

..rioth. yhroUf i ii, 

8 i'ept. i^L-iiund Bonrser. iio had been ordered to preach in 
f TOUT of the now religion, £ind to set forth the 
king's prerogative in hie minority, but failed to 
perform the c.rticles autieftictorily. Wrioth. Chron . . ii» 

24 J VCH j-ondon . i, 
293-4; yoxe- 
Tovmshend, v, 745-6. 

22 'jept. "Or Hopper," formerly a white monk [John Hooper], 
ik. sermon ug&inot ijoniier* preached on Graniaer'a 

or^eruc Grey Fri:-x-3 Chron . « 

p. 63. 

•^ir 'Stephen, cui^ate of iJt. ivathorine Cree. Im 
inveotive against the maypole of •^l* /indrev/ Undei'- 
shaft, which v/as taken down the same aitemoon eind 
sai'/ed in piuoea. i^e also declared nimeelf in favour 
of J-tering the (preaumiibly superstitious) naiaes 
of churches, anu daye of the v/eek, and said that i4U3t;i 
might bo kept any time except between ohrove-tid© 
and iiaster. -jtow was prosent himself. otcv-Kingsford, i, 




2 Feb, -Qioians •'■©Ter. A v;oll- known aeraon against wilful 
reDollion and jodial ii\jUBtice* 'xhxa a@xniX>n uas 
pre.-ched in tlio Slirouda, ■^erEions (Arber)« 

pp. 21-51. 

30 -«r« ^i sermon of thtjaksgiving for peace with France, 
attondea by the Lord --ayor and the -ddemen in 

their scarlet. ..rioth. Gliron .« ii, 


25 ''way [*<iiit3uadayj 

^duley, I^p. of London. Grey iriars ^hro n.. 

p. 66, 

26 i'lay Hooper. 

27 liay i^. CottesfurthLGottisford] fi'rioth. Gnron .. ii» 


1 Jiuie ^r. i^rkhuQ. He asserted that in the sacrament 
"v^as noj suoutunce but urede aiid synne." [xuia 
we^ iiov/ the official vie^. liais sen^on doubtleijs 
waa part of a pro^ruu to suppress the old ritual 

and belief. 3©© Pollai'd, History , p. j3.] ^rey Ffigj^s Qhron », 

p. C7. 

31 iiig. ^tsphen Ga,ston» clerk, iie "spake ogayne the Lady 
waxy us !i30ch cls he qygte^ but he nai^d not haroy 
but sayd thor was a grot woman, within tho realm© 
that was a gret supporter... of popei^lSy and 3upei>« 
stycione, and prayed that she liiyght forsake hare 
oppyiv^ons.... /ind also he sayd that iienry ths vii^ 
was a papist, with oixn^ opprobryous wordes of hym aa 
yt was hai'de." urov x'riurs G]iron .. 

p. 67. 

14 "ec. IhoEELS Lever. ->■ brilliant aeirrjon against "wicked 
"tujLyjxit" with an account of tho sad case of the 
u^vcrsitioo. ot^raono (Arber), 

pp. 91-143. 


iiog. U4; 


16 i*Qr« Parkar, appointea hy Jranmer on order oi" the Gouncil. 
vJraiKaer exiiortod iiim "purely aiid alncevoly to set 
i'orth uod's word \,horo and to exiioii; youi- audience 
to thoir duties* oceaienoe to iiia -ajBsty'a highneas* 
laws and statutes and to unity and ciitofity amoug 
tiiej:iaelves as appen ineth." Farker ^owes .* 

p. ix n. j-rouuldM 
GOiiisctod v-'itli the 
i raver Book t p. 130. 


Farker* ^idley conniandod him to proach> warning 
him of the danger of refueal. [Parker had a^^iXireut- 
ly, witii oharuut eristic ailiideacej .; leaded off 
an ©arUer request,] x 'arker Gorre s.t 

p. 45. 


1 Hov. lidley. An aftomoon sonnon, after a moiiiing 

t^orvice in the catliedr^al in which the second 
itook of (Jomijon ixayer wu^s introduced, Tue aenaon 
lasted till five o'clock, bo wearying the Lord 
ii-vOr aJid ulder..ian thtit they -i^ent Jtrai^jht hoiae» 
and "ctjiae not with-in rawlles... .a they were v/ont© 
to d-jo." Urey Friars '-'Uroa . , 

P • "^^ i "''t'io"'j'^t« '^hrtu 
ii, 78 J ^trype, 
Gramor, i, 416. 

11 I/ec. JLctioer. He drew attorrtiun to the unsanitary 

coiidition of I'aul's cliurchyard. VCH London i i, 322, 


i>©g, (15) 

21 Jaay -adley. w>riotia> Gliron . « ii, 


Z July ^r. iiodgesiqriin©|_iio<l£kiu j , suffragan ^« of 

iedrord. He did not pray for i^ary or -liaabeth. 

Grey j'riars Oaron . , 
p. 78. 

•QUielffli J/UE" 

9 JuJy r.-rl^tii ^uroa .« ii, 88 & 

Holinshed (,18^-6), iii» 1070 ^iv© 

16 July. J 

Kidley. rreaching in jupport of lady '^ane, 
he called "ary aai J^lizaoeth illegitiaate, "aiad 
30 found bouii oy tiao clargi© aad aatea of "^ arliauerrfc 
Liudo... in iiingt) *-ienry tiie Vlllts dayoa." "/ill the 
pepull v/as soro anoyd v^itn nys worddes, ooo imchoi'yt- 
auullc spokyne m aoo oiiyno ane av/tiiens." iia fui'ther 
"pressed mo xnccwa oditios aai J^iconveniences" oi 
i^ixy's accession, and daolurod thu.t "isiie v/o^ld suurert 
tne *ru© ♦•eligion" nsn; astablisaed, V7iun©3ain^ lier 
otuoLomness wli©n n© had sougnt to turn her from 
Hoiij©* liieylynj Urgy i'Viars ohron . » 

p. 73; iicylyn, ..(pc. 
iioa .. i, 162 J iToxe- 
Toivnchend, vi, 38y-90. 

16 July Joim sogers. A sercaon "j^odly and vehemQnt," 

avoxding politic©. i- oxa-Tov/nshend , vi, 

ov2; i'ollu.rd, Iliatory * 
p. 1^5. 


13 Aug, Dr. iioiirno, tho qu©on*s chciplain. ^i© praised 
i>oraior, was attacked by the crov/d, and saved 
by Bradford and otaers. A notorious incident. 

..riotli. Wirop.. ii, 

97-G} -achyn, p. 41; 

gray .riui-a ^hron.. 

p. Q6i cjo., uc. 


iieg. (16) 


iiO -i^ig* IT, Watoon, cii:ipiain to the Bp. of -iuclieBtar. 
lie was 3urrouiided by 200 o£ the queon'a guard. 
He declarad "the obeaienoe of subjoccw" and denounced 
tilse preadiers i-^ad tscushera* iiachyn, p. 41; 

■■rioth» ^Jiron .t ii, 
y9-100; ^rev ' rlixrs 
ohron . % p. 83* 

al Mi^9 iJr» ^edsey. i-'oxe-'iownahend, vi, 


24 *JQpt. JeokemaiB, "A godly sermon as was hard in that 

piuce." iia6io|Qrn» p« 44. 

Z2 wot. lesion, dean of "e^jtminstor. He an)V>unced a 
disputation betwetsn the men of the old faith 
and the Arotoatanta at Coiwocaiion, At the be- 
ginviiiig of hi3 sermon he viilled the people to 
prwy for souls departed. "He named the xjord*:} table 
an oyater-boisrd. ^Hi said, that tlxe catechiam in 
Latin, 1 ^telyaet out, v/as acooinablo iiei'eay, and 
likened the setters-out of the acme catechisia to 
Julian the apostate, and the book to a dialogue set 
but t>j' the atone «Juliaa«.., v.ixejrQin wurist and i ilat© 
were the spe^ers." [ioxej t^c^Ut p. 46j 

Clarke, I^iarrow ;16- 
54), p. 530 J i'oxe- 
'•'Ovmshend, vi, 541; 
vii, 778, 

IZ i*ov» i>rook8, after i^. of ^^loucester. "A ijenaou very 
notable, fruictefull, and viodlie...," on watt, 
i*. 18, irotoatanta censured the aemon, sayihg 
thc>t he iiad uade hiuiself to be Jairus, iiingland 
hia daughter, arti the ^een Christ, [DIB] ^IC 3838 [not seen]. 


iieg. (17) 

lb 1^4 

8 iipr. A ctvo ..^axie 3ako a prioat ready to agy laass, 

vrith a slmvon croiTn, v/liich M/aa huRj? on the ciross 

in ohoapside, v/o.^ oxiiibited at the Cross. A 

rev/ard of 20 aoblea isras offerei for the apprehension 

of the guilty ^.eriion, but "none could or would em 

it." '-rioth. 

ihron. » 

ii, 114; Groy 
Jri.ars Chron .» 
p. 88; Foxe- 
Tow.. ahead, vi, 548. 

10 June. --r. x'endlotoai. •'•^ v/aa shot at during the sermon j 
tho i:.ollet hit the church wall near vfaerQ tiie •U)rd 
ii«yor sat. '^ei..rcli rsaa laad© vainly in every house 

in the precinct of *aul'3. 

Lachyn, p. 65; 
Wrioth. ^Iiron . t 
ii, 117; Erev 
Fri'-rs Ghron »» 
i>, 50. 

15 July ^^r. 'ii^maeelsvt Archdeacon of London, ucoaaion 

of the public penaaco of Elizabeth ^roft, who 

had practised a fraud of a "voice in a wall" which 

spoke various seditious ruraours coiyjerning the 

Ejass aad the i-ing of uii)ain. "rioth. Ohron. . ii, 

117-8; ^rev ^x'i..~rs 
G hro. a. , p. 90; 
ilolinohed U808), 
iv, 56. 


29 July iiicholaa ilarpsfield. He prayed "in ys bodea" for 

tho kinji and queen. i^achyn, pp. u6-7. 

23 i^dpt« I>r. -vdd roc Tinted his oarria^je* 

ilachyn, p. 69. 

30 'Jept. Oardiaer. '■^any of tho council were pi^yent, 
io hoar him condeiioi the preachers of -xlv/ai'd's 
reign, and praiae rhilip II, 

\i\chyn, p. 69; 
tJhronicle of ..ueen 
Jane , pp. 02-3; 
x'oxe-Townoliend , 
vi, 559-60. 



iieg* (IS) 

14 Oct. jitmstall, 'the old bishop of urhtua. 

J-' ox©-xOw-ashoiid» 
vi, 561, 

4 iiov. iiarpsfield. ^'ive priests v/ho were content to 

pat away their wives L*'oxe], or i'our priests 
and "a teuporall saan" ^:/iio had two v/ives L^cchya], 
did pentince in sheets, with tapers, and rods v/ith 
v/hicli the prea-har struck thoia as he "shovvyd 

their oppynyons." 

Maohyn, pp. 73-4 j 
urev Frit-rs ^hron . « 
p. 92; Jjaskei^/ille, 
p. 261; ■'oxe- 
■••ownsheiKl , vi, 561. 

11 i<OT« 
18 i»OT. 
35 iiOT. 

z -"ec. 

i>r. i'endloton. 

^hite, I^. of Idjacoln. 

ji'ecke£&iaizi« ueaa of '^* ^''aul's. 

Gardiner, ^hilip II and Ourdinal role were 
present on this nocaole occasion. *^ardiner 
prea.chod on behalf ox the old faith, and pub- 
lished role*3 papal conEiisoion to receive 
-England back into tlie ^atiiolic folA. 

faachyn, p. 74. 
iaochyn, p. 76. 
iiachyn, p. 76. 

Wrioth. ^hron .« 
ii, 124-5} v^hron- 
icle of if^en '^ane « 
pp. 151— Li. 

9 ^ec. iSoume, Jip. of i^ath and w©li3, iie prayed for the 

ir'ope and for souls in purgatory. Liachyn, p. 78. 

16 ^ec. Cotes, Bp. of .lestcheater. On the mads. 

L-the entry in i-iichyn is iiaperfoct, out there is 
onoHgh to iijfer that he reviewed the heresies 

of past yoairs.]^iyn, p. 79. 


r«g. (19) 

14 Jan. ^r. ^heassyt pajjeon of ^J.lhallov/3 in ^eal street. 

Llacbyiif p* 80. 

19 iisy Horpsfield. ^eoazice ol' tvo woineu who cozifessod 
to prok'.oting a fraud in couiieotion wltli a new 
bom child who was supposed to have spoken and 
"sayd that tiie kyzigdom of (^d ys at hand," »rioth. ^hron . « 

ii, 128-9; ..aohyn, 
p. 88. 

26 i-ity. Dr» Ghedsey, proclamation of procession raid pirayar 
for peace v/ith ■'ranee* aiKl publication oi i^ouiier's 
ordex's from tlie council for tho suppreosion of heresy 
in hi J diocese of -ondon. L-^-his doouaent has been 
used ooth for and Otjaiiist -"onijei- in tae controvert 
over A'oxe's stateiaeixts.J i'oxe-'iownshond, viii, 

451; i^itli^nd, i^aaav s 
on... i.^^fonaa.tiQn « 
pp. 490-2. 

t>03t .26 -^ 

A senaon, preceding the procession through the 
•Jlty* and prayer for tlio aucceasful conclusion of 

peace between the ^peror Jind the iranch king. r'oxe-Tov.-nshend, vii, 


15 '^ept. 'J-ae rope's bull of plen:jry remission declared: 
to "tuj iiiony as wyll reseyffe ys p>.rdon as to be 
shryff » and fast iii days in one Tsyke, and to re- 
seyffe the blessed saci^aiuent the next jonday tiff- 
ter, clon reL^tssyon of all tlier synes tossy ens 

quossvens of all that ever they dyd." [ijochyn] ..rioth. ^iiron . , ii, 

130; i.^chyn, p. y4, 

z6 liov. "-.i stripling" was v/hipped about London, and 

about Aaul's oross, lor speaking there against 
the bishop who had preocned there chs previous 
iiunday. ;Jtr7pe, ^y iii(l), 

15 -Wee. '-JX old sheplierd created a disturbance before 
the sermon, by speolcing "serten thynges and 
rayelyng." He was taken to the '-'ourrcer. i^chyn, p, 98. 


liag, (20; 

6 Feb. i^r. reryn, a oiaok irxar. -- priest, one Uiomas 

oam[pJ3on» did peaanee lor oigaay Lol^^rical marriage, 

or pt;rionaijit> a bii^oiaous cereraory?]. ..uichyn, p. 100, 

8 Lar, *>■ aaji did pejaaiice \jxth two pigs iie nad brought to 

sell. i^ohyu, p. 101. 

[A ciyptic entry.] 

14 June Fockenbaia, Dean of ot. i'aul'e. tie declared that 

tnirteen hurotics condemned to be burnt "had as raciny 
aun-.ry opinions aa they v/ere aundry persons." The 

group answered v/ith a "iistter or itpology," lOxe-Townshend, viii, 


18 *^ct. "hits, Bp. of .tinchester. Strypa, EMi iii(l), 



ante liar. 

Oardiaal Pole's instruction ror conreasion and 

fasting proclaimed. VGH London » i, 303. 

16 i'^r* ^J*. «urryn[i^ior.veaJ. "ilxer was grett audyena." Jiaehya, p. 131. 

2 isay fr. Oaoaaey. iie "aaclarad that serton trayturs that 
was tciken at Jkarborow castyll, the v/ycho tiioy fled 
over the see a-for." £^e i'ollara, iiistor/ < p. 1G4,] 
I'resuraably tniii was a senson poiOoing tho r.oral of the 
iailure of Shocias -ftafioi-d's ianrtastic attenpt, in 
April, to unseat ^-'exy, lia-hyn, p. 135. 

zQ June Feckonham, -ibbot of Vvestioinster. a sermon of Dives 

and Laaax'us. U;j«hyn, p. 132, 

lb /Oig. iiiirpsfield, xiie sermon of thanks, :ivii^ for it, 

^uentin, i.e., for the rout of a iTrench roii-ving 

anqy on lu '^ugust. ^■^ "declared hoiv inai^- v.tier ^aken, 

and uhat nobuli laen tliey wore," -^cchyn, p. 147. 

21 ikrr, FeckoidMssi, Machyn, p, 153, 


30 Jan. ..hlte. Dp, of "inchester, i^iochyn, p. 164, 

6 Feb. ooott, bp, or w'estcheater, iiierw were sixteen 

bishops, besides the ijord ^-ayor and tJaionnen, at the 

seraon. ^.^iohyn, p. 165. 

20 Feb. atson, Bp, of Liincoin, ^-achyn, p. 166. 

6 i*ar. Feckeidiaa, i..achyn, p, 168. 


Keg. (21) 
Undated sermons: temp. ii^fSf* 

A pire&oher named P— — , 

"1:j45, Jiie itewes & publilte bordell houses jxbout 
-t-oudon it in other places of iJoglond) aieaboliolied) 
a ao continue untill the time of '^liene ^'tuy} in 
udios© dcJ.03, ooiae of tiie Olergy auide laoour to have 
thea reatoied Uijaine, u; were very likely to have 
obteined tlieir ;jute if 3h© liad lived a while longer; 
soche trees, sochc fi^utet *for the steues,* aaith 
oiie of theia in a soxTion nside at i'aules cr^sss i_3icj, 
•ai-e 30 noceosiiry in a comon v/elth, as a iaxe in a 
mannes houtie'a his ncae I spare, sitii it shall suifice 
tbat it beginneth with the suiae letter that papa [.the 
PopeSj do the," 

liarriaon's JhrQiK>lo;.ie « 
in li&3 ■Avjkm -jOC. rub,, 
ser. 6, no. 1, li* 


Heg. (21) 


20 iiov, iJr. Bill, the queen' a chaplain and alaoner. Tnxe 

3Qn:,on was preaciaou by I'oyal ordei-, on (Jccil's 
su^jgeotion in a ijoxaoriul to tlie quoea, kaohyn, p. 178} 

ijtrypo, Ama,l9 i 
i(l), 50. 

27 iov. ijhristoijherson* -^^p. of wiicheatsr. '^ wido a 

vehement axi'jxier to ■t'ill, Tor which ho waa in- 
prisoned; he died in prison a Bioath later. **e 
asserted that the doctx-ino set forth by Bill 
was not the ^oapel, but the invention of heretical 
liien. Zv,rxol} listters » i, 

4} L'ixon, ilistorv « 
V, 3-4. 


10 •e'eb.L?} rark«r. Be vaa ciJ-ied to Paul's Gross duriiag 
the txae he wao attempting to escape the arch- 
b:-aiiOpric. (_i*coordaj3g uO iiolinshed (1308), iv, 
180, there Mere no oanaons at i^aal s uroos between 
Ghriotios and 2 "pril.J Frere, HiatorV t p. 7. 

2 .-ipr. 'ihocuio vJtuupson. -^ue rohaaroal seruon. ilio pul- 
pit iiud oeun locked durin^j the inhibition of 
preaching, ana witen it v;a3 opened it v/L.g found in 
a filthy condition. i^cliyn, p« 192; 

-rioth. ^hron .. ii, 


9 i^pr. i-**. Bill, -iifc) explained the laprisoiHiiGut of Disliopa 
"atson uiii ..iixte in the j-'o^-er, wh&re they wore ii:i- 
prisoned for seditious behaviour in the ''eGtadnster 
di3pu->-ation concoming the aupranacy. bee ^'oliard, 
history * pp. 205-6. lu chyn, p. 194. 

14 i-ay Grindal, before r-n audionco which included riany 

mejaberi of tue coiuicil, he arucli-imed the restoration 
of "King iidward's iiook." No dignitary of -"t. raul's 
was present; tho CLithedral atill adhered to the Latin 
asrvice. ^^achyn, p. 197; 

Jjixon, xlistorV f 
V, 106. 

21 L£}y* ilorne. 

28 i'lay. Bar low. 

[■^ho new bishops appear in the first 
11 June -^andys. pulpit of tao kingdom.] ii^^chyn, pp. 197ff. 

18 June Jewel. 


liog. (23) 

25 Juno ^Girthrja, 

Continued apoeiuraiio© of tiiQ new faislaopa, 
13 xiug. ->cory. '.lachyn, pp. li)7ff. 

20, .eaance of a ministoi^ for perl'oiTains an illegal 

Liurriage. i-acbyn, p. 207, 

3 oept, -iakebrt^, "a :3kott." liachyn, p. 208. 

17 oept, Veron, a f rsncbiaaii. '■'^ presiched against th« 

.jurian bishops. i^mhyn, p. 211. 

24 -idpt. iiX. liuntj-iigton. i^chyn, p. 212. 

15 ^ct. .(ODert i!rov/loy. Li.:a.ciiyn calls him a printerj he 
was the panphlexQsr ol tho ^pji^rqistaoa u. Ae ■■/a.y 
to >.9ulth . i i..achyn, p. 215. 

12 iiov. J-iil&s ^ovex-dole, i.^chyn^ p. 218. 

19 iiov. Benthaiii, faishop-olect of Lichfield, s^jichyn, p, 218, 

26 2vov. ♦'owel. Jixe first statanjent of the fasious challQng© 

vu iho papiota io pi"ovo theii- d.octx'ii?.9s by authority. 

:ie repeaiod it at court 17 ^^ae* 1560, ai:d again at 

i'aul'u OroaB 31 -iar. 1560, l»achyn» p. 218, 

7 Jan, iirindal, Bp, of Ixjndon. LJachyn, p, 222, 

20 Fob. .J.exander iiov/ell, A laan did penaJic© for bi^eray. 

■JUiia was the aonaon in the course of v/hich lio^/ell, 
speaking of the defence leiiitiijiately to be used by 
a Protestant, said soaethir^;; about hia buckler and 
a papist *i3 race, which cauaed aoao stir. J««nan 
aftorT/ai-da charged him with it in v;rint, i.«chyn, p. 226; 

■^Ixon, IIiatury « 
V, 314, 

3 toar. Grindal. *'e preached in hjao bishop's rochet and 

chimore. /4.'ter the 3oni»n tiae audienoo «««iE«g sang 

u i'aalia. .-aohyu, p. 225 1 

:itrype, grindal . 

p. 55. 

10 %Lr. -00 ly, Bp, of I^jreiord. i'tusnyn, p. 227, 

17 iiar. Veron, naa vicar oi >^t, ^.^irtin'e at ^^dgate. 

A Psalra waa aung "Gonovay ways" aiter the aormon, 

i^iachyn, p. .■:28. 

5'0 3 

.ieg. (24) 

'^0 i-nr. Benthaja, Bp. of ^.iciif ield, .^trype, Annal a, i(l), 


24 ^-HiT, .:^andys, Bp» ol" -oi-cester Kichols, ^lizabotn » 

31 i-iir. Jowol, Bp. of ''alisbury. '^Iie ro,.etition of 

the ciiallejage sonaon of 26 iiov. lb!39. ulX) 145S9. 

7 Apr. ItobeiT; '"iEsdom, Machyn, p. 230. 

21 ^*pr« Ihomas -^aiapson. Tiio rehetirsal sen-On. ilocliyu, p. 231. 

28 Apr. kllss Uoverdale, iiachyn, p. 233» 

5 .-ay ijillins, •'"■rchdeacon of ^jondoa. iiachyn, p. 234, 

19 *»ay Clox, 3p. of .lily. jomeono found a. v.aliet 
during tho 3er:..oii. ['^liis is all .^xchyn 
lOLOid woi-thy of nention on ^hls occasion.] i_o.chyn, p. 235. 

26 iiay Scaabler, cliaplain to -^ :~rker. Iiachyn, p. 235. 


Jan. Junes GalfhillLUulfieldJ of Oxfoni. iie lamented 

-yhd con_ition of oxford, still under the papistical 
yoke. "He puolished the dissimulations of the papists, 
and their praxstioo 1.0 dissuade youn^ nen froa the 
truth, in such sort that he moved a nunajor to tears." 
us had "an oxcelldnt uoague." Mxoa, iiistor:,- , v, 


9 ii'eb, filkii^on, isp. of ''urham. Loicester, >.ecil and 

others of the council wore present. kaohyn, p. 248. 

4 '4>r. i^iullins, ^irchaeacon of i^ondon. I,iachyu, p. 254. 

13 Apr. »'ewel. i^chyn, p. 255. 

8 June i'ilkinijtoa. rointingthe lesson of the fire 

which ourned tiie stoaple of i-i^ul's, he pre^xhod 
obedience and ^ood order, ^ince tiie vjatholics 
nfiturally laid the burden of uod'a wrath on the 
iUiformers, tho sem-ion was answer-d oy on .cuidicion a 
to which vilkin^ton replied r/itii a confutation . 

■;0rk3 (.ai'ker t;OC.), 
pp. 647-8. 

15 June Jlov/ell, Deem of ut. •faul's. -^ senaon exhorting 

repair of the cathedral. isiachyn, pp. 259-60. 


i'^g, (25; 


22 June okiniier, iJean of ^urhim, ho warned against 

un"hQrexicall" book which he had printed. L^achyni p. 261, 

[The entry i;: ov- 

6 July ■^^& aermon was preached at Grey *riara because 

of had weather. L'-'^ theae occasions the seraoiB 

tjerc usually preached in the shrouds.] i>iachyn, p. 262, 

10 -Hig, Veron, iiachyn, p. 265. 

21 Aug. "Ullina. aao^iyn, p. 265. 

21 viept. watthev? riutton, .-aster of Trinity, '^ea.ibridge. ^.^ichyn, p, 267. 

12 Oct. Growloy. iaachyn, p. 269. 

2 -ov. A youag laan did penance for speaking ill of Vei*oia» 

iiiachyn, p. 271. 

23 ik>v. iuT. -isnatir. on tiiia occasion ^-achyn, undertaker, 

assiduous seriionrgoer a^id diarist, did penance 
hiiaueii for sli^nderin^ Veron, the ireuch preacher. 
lio Cc-lis the peniooat "laoiiaer iionry de -4ichyn," 
and deceived '^trype. [uae .jaia la, i(l), 407| i^ichols. 
Introduction to uX'-ahyn' s i^iajrv , p. x.j .i.chyn [lad 
hulped to circulate the story th.t Veron was "taken 
«ith a uencho." ^^e "knollyd down fore ^.r.ster Vyron 
and the ayahopo,aiid yott [theyj would not forCoive] 
hym, I or alle ys fiyndes that lie had worshiphulle." 

Machyn, pp. 272-3. 

4 Jan. liov/ell. A "aui.ib" man aid i>«i>najice. [iie aeeiaa to 

have counterfeited duuibnesa, ijod was dxacovered 

by the niastera of -ii'idewall, xheoa entry is 

obscure.] wichyn, p, 274. 

27 "ar. Joverdale, ncru vicar of ot. i^at^nus. ij^hyn, p. 279. 

5 «pr. ..Ajapoon. -he rehearsaJ. aermon. L*^anipson was 

called on for theoo difficult perforTa^uices (oee 

aoove, 2 jv r. 1555 u 21 Apr, 1560) "in regard of 

hia excellent elocution said memory."] iiachyn, p. 230. 

19 "pr. ;.o.,ell. i^iachyn, p. 280. 

21 Jxrno ^r, ^one of JLon. -.achyn, p, 285. 

18 Oct. luolication of tlie queen' a rocovory from "sooo 
QxtBemity of oickuess," >-ith thanks to God for 
the aaiae. -^'he liorLion v/ria ordered by the council, 
"becauae it niay hnp^jsu th;;.t sone vain bruits ci-iy 
be spread abroad of the raatter, especially in iondon." 

otrype, --.rindal j p. 96, 

Reg. (25) 

1 iicjv. Srindalf on inaoructions rrom Cecil. On 26 Oct.» 
he wroto to Cecil: "i pr:y you lot ne imderstuxid, 
■tfhetnor it r.iay be corXLdnly uvouchod that tiio kiiig 
Ql' *»avarre> the aeojua Julian I'tiQ liad joined and 
tiien abandoned tiio .ii^ueaotsj is killed. I intend... 
to preiujh at ^ne cross ttie next Junday, taid upon occiision 
offered \/oula peradventure ratUce some laention of God*s 
jud^iaoata over iiio, if the aasie ae truo anJ certain} 
else not. if there bo ixay^ otnor r.ntter wnich ya i/iuh 
to oe uttered there for the pi'Oiient atate, 1 would be 
pleu.3ed to knou it in tiuo, if your leisure i/ill servo," 

Griadal, x-i6i:.sJ.ns 
(Parker ooc. ), p. 


7 Feb. I'ilkington, I^. or •'^urham. liachyn, p. 2S9. 

21 luar. iiome» lip. oi "inchoster. iiachyn, p. 302. 

18 Apr. iiradley[.Bradbuni, Bradbridge], Doan of ;jali3biiry. 
'i5ie rshearaal senaon. i_uno of tne -pital seruoaa, 
by •tiorno» had been s. plea for the i'Vench rTotest^-xits. j 

iJachyn, p. 305} 
utrype, Amg^la, 
i(2;, 2. 

8 Aug. 'furiier "of Bo.J.O£ne." A soi-mon on the plague, 

ia .;aich no soloianly jKjtitionod the Lord Jaayor 
tixat the deaa should be uuried without the city 
in thu fi^Ads, and zaat no bells should be tolled 
tor thorn "when ^ney luy at ye tiercie of God," since 
it did uhea no good boiore aeath or aftor. itow, "'erjorandu . 

p . 125 . 

tiept. Liillian.^j i^ald^;/!!!. ^ie c-.llod for tne gallows 

for the old bishops and other papists j "nyocjolfe died 
of yo picgue tho no^rt jeoke aftor." l."^he .^riroi 
bishops and others xn the Tower '.vero t;:i3 aonth 
removed to the custody of the oishopa.j otov.-, i-ienor--.nda « 

p. 126. 

24 <Kt. Turaar of lioulogne, otow, "otgor nda. 

p. 127. 


26 ^aii. Jolo, ^i^rchaeacon of '-•ssex. ^^e rojuiced at the 

end of the piUf^ue, vs/hich he attributed to .\oiaiah 
superstition eanong the citizens, iiie -iocian faith, 
he 3-JLd, stood upon four "rotyu postis," iaa^es, 
purtiUtory, the riiass, tronsubstantiation. The crafts _ 
in their livories v/ere pru;;ent at this somen, otow, Uemortg^da * 

p. 128'. 



23 J^pr. "A notable good aeraon"of thanksgiving for peace 
with Franco. [_ Treaty of i'royea, 11 Apr. 1564»J 

otov/, ^8raoz'a.a& » 
p. ISO, 

30 ."ipr. liowcll. iie naowerod liaixiing's book eigainat Jev;ol, 
reaa:Ln£ aoao padsa^es froa it and. confuting; theia 
froQ tiio puli^it, 'V/hercin he had £Ood ro eion, as lie 
said, booiii^ tiie I'apista who had not road the book, 
in corners matnii'iod it above iho stars." atrypo, .uaixils » i(2), 


19 i«ov. iiowell. ^ie attuokod iJonnsr's book, proteoting that 
"thsr was not one tinsv -./orde in i-^astor Uonuers bok© 
latly Drought over froia bey orde thu 3oas»" -^tow, ^"euortuod a* 

p. 130» 


iKjnt Tnoaas iioiiipaon. Laurence latjphrey. SioL;gii non- 

oonioruist in the v^^iitiarian controversy, tiiey 
preached at the Gross, appointed out of i'arker's 
authority, poasxbly l/y ■Bicester, .^to-ker wrote to 
«OGil suggeirtiriij the need of regular licoiising of 
tlie -^aul's *^-oss i-reaahsra. lai^ker v/orroa .. 

p, ::39| iJixon, iiis- 
'JQi-/ 1 vi, 59; -trypa, 
/uiiiulu * i(*i), 132. 

c» Jbaster Geate, 3p. or .lOchoster, up pointed by Parker. 

[It is not inproper to asauiao that he "answered" 

Saapson and liuiaphrey.] Parker Corres .. 

p. Ii40, 

27 -«y Jewel. A aei'^on in the controversy with ^iarding. 

'io cant ridiculo upon tiorao of llurding'u authorities, 
notably upon "iiiphilochiuo." iuirding e/rote to «^sv.'el 
fiflr a copy of the jormon. otrj-pe, ^-nials * i(:i), 

176 U app. xxx.» 

11 iiOT. Gole, iirchdeacon of ^ssex. iie likened priosta to 
apes, "for, sayth he, tliey oe both balld alyke, 
but yt tiio proctc-3 be balld befoio, tlie upea hehyud." 

L>tow, nonoranda . 
p. 133. 



13 Jan* Mr. Oxenbridco» On tiie vican state of Oxfoixi. 

iihe was in piteous case, ior tiiero uora not pest 

"five 01' six. preacixors" there, oxcopt "strawberry 

preachers" Li^^tiiaor's tena for noxi-rcjaiderrt 

churchmen^* Latiner, iieraoxis , ed, 

John -Viitkins (ijoiidon, 
1858), i, 58n, 

27 Feb» lJir» Gary, Dean of ^©ter. barker Gorres .. p. 260. 

poat ^7 Fob. 

v/ox, iip. of wly ^ jcaoblor, £p« of x eieri)oi*ouoh. 

L*^©cil hud aubndtted a "bill" or list of 3uitui»le 

^ereon3 to preach; i L-rkor re^aovod the naiae of ^-r. 

Ferne* then Wtster of •'^eterhouse.] r rker Corros., pp. 2bO- 


7 i'lpr. ihoiaaa -^ooon. P ..rker Joi-rca ., p. 275. 

12 iipr* ^» vJary. rpid . 

15 Apr. iJr» ^oaumont. Ibid » 

16 ^pr» iar. Jfoung, chaplain to the Bp« of icndon. 3^id « 

17 .tipr. ""ecou* meQr not have been ai)le to px^each.] Ibid . 

['j^eso u^poiirustaizts for sen^ions through -i^stor /ook reflect 
Parker a cexo to keep the ^rojs an official roouthpiece 
durizig tliii dirficul'uias wiiicli follov/ed the isoue of bis 
"jidvertiaoiaoiita" in ...areh. ^e© iUiuppen, xudor fltrixonija , 
pp. 208-9. j 

6 U:t. ir* Huttun, >^;iter of 'i-etaoroke. v,rindal wislied"one 

loamod" to preach the first Sunday in the I'arliajaont. 

^iu.:tou ^orro3 .« 
p. 54, 


31 Uar» liowell. Dean of »it. ^'aul's. fcg-ker Uorrea .t 

p. 318. 

16 /-pr* Dr. liullin^^haEi. rurkor oorraa .t 

D. 318. 



17 Hov. Jov/el. oeiaon ou the amuvorsar/ of tlio .jueen'a 
accession, -i-iio i'all of Jericho troatea as an 
aiiotory of tlie "spiritual pov/er of daric-aoso," i.e., 
t-'io riomaa f aitli. Li4; the tinie of tho negotiations 
for the EiaxTiutie of ^liauueth to the -^rchduko, ^-<;icojter 
aad hia ^-arty atirred up popular rslicio-s pusjjsiou ogtiinst 
the uatch. i^ee i'0ale» -.lx2;u;eth i p. 153. J -orks (i arker ooc^^ 

ii, 968-86. 


24 i^r. L-ood i'Viday] 

Joan i'oxe. *>. aei-nion of Oiirist crucifiod. Foxe 
wrote to Uriiadal urjjing his iiwapacity: "consider 
alao, in fi-irneas..., hov; unequally this v/ill presa 
upon me, -hen, aa I believe, there never yet vvas ass 
or naile who was so waiglied do\?ii and overdone with 
coriying uurtnen3,aa i have long been by literary 
iuibO'uTS L^nd cd. of ■t>Coij j.n prOi^aimion j » . . . By theae 
l-bours 1 ac altaost woim out, not to spoak of ill 
and viant of oooks. I'ut, aiaidijt all these laboura raid 
defects..., I am auiJLioued i'iiere, like fm anor^g 
cardiiaala [iio atill declined conforaity to iiae habits] 
I ahall De received v/ith derision, and driven awaj/' oy the 
hiasfcis of the auditory.", i, 100. 

■the aenaon ia a vigoi-ous exposition of the rrotestaiit 
docrtiine of redeaption, and oontiiino a cixaructeristically 
loii^i iUid thorougii attack upon the tuass. A c^praon of Gnrist 

Oruciried . 
iM) 11242. 

Jsandys, on nij cooing, to the biahopric of Loridou, 
rrotesting his unfitnoaa for aja "ofiice full of peril 

and da3i£;er," wishiuji rt.ther rest for hia "weariaia 
body, fall of aiseaaeo -viid... ailiiost ^.vornaway like a 
clout," he went on to jpoak of the necessary diligence 
c-iid love iii a puacor, aiul yndea with an api^eal to the 
citi^exia to help the poor of Jae diocese. oeriaona (Parker 

^oc.;, pp 331-45, 

L?j John Lolton, elder in jachai'd *"itz'a separatist 

corifcrogatiou, recanted his hereaies. tie idterwarda 

handed hiiaseii', for romoriie it was sciid. Burrajje, i:,;:xlv 

::^nf;liGh ^iaaent - 
sro t ii, -'-IS, 


iiGg» (30) 

i^r. 15? ^ox. 

I\pr» 22? Jev.el. -^heoe bishops derended the i^stnblislaaai& 

in 'uheso aeraons. j-iie I-arliaiaerrt v/as 
iipr. 29 iiori)©. .ittiag in vrtiicii Strickland ^ras innibitod, 

and ^convocation was franiin^ 'tlie uo-cailod 
"C^ nona" oi" 1571. i»trype, P&r}:or « ii, 

58; ■'ina.-:Qn, Tudor 
iuritajnan i p. :-;2uj 
S06 ^roiJioro, pp. 
il9, 200. 

LJewelJ iiia sei-Kioa iiay be roconstructed irom 

"Jert -iue grxeias justly concoivod of B, 
Jawells SGrj.iOn witii a unsl' av/soser to 
soiao . ai-te tiisrooi'j writen by i/,\7« [Wililiam 
Vmxxej arid dnjcraa into lorne by T,?/. ['ihOIi:^s 
.alcoxjj" in l^!3.oq^m.;o ^a^-to o x' o. ^.er.ister a od. 
reel* i» vS-yO. «3ev/6l Jaad .letexiaed the bauits, 
wHu-cli the tYidtex's aousider ntiohristian c,ijd 

[HomejA siijilar reconaxruction '.zay bo in tliis 
c;;.je from "i\n asm->or to aucn i^rgumsnts as ii. 
li»me ujea in ma senaon at i aulea '-x'osse upon 
tiii- 2d oouduy at'Lor -^aator -^ 1571, to Ejairr- 
tayne xau reinn.;j3t3 ^ad roliques of /aiticrilrat©," 
in oeujnde .urtg » i, 81-2. liome iiad vvxaned 
tiioao cut off tiiat tsroiiDle the «liurch.» and to 
this tiio v/i-iters say ii..en ~ but thay uean tiioae 
who vfouid cling to thu ru^js of iopary. 

3 June John Lridtos. '- vi^^oroua, colloquial and bitter 

a-."i/uck upon lOiao, in i-tiicii he dofojaied at gi-eat 
length tho doctrljie of jueiificcition by faith, 
and attacked the catholic faith at almost every 
po int . A Sension.* . at 

t'^les ox-o ; ue« --c. 

SiXJ 3736. 

3X) June. itadarard I^ush. -ja o:xIiortation to the follish and 
wicked to f o ir Uod's jud(;aento, in the oo urse of 
which he showed hia acrupulous temper in hintiut; 
tiiat tiie '^'ofoiTiiti.tion in iinijiand hud not gone far 
eaou^, ainc© aom© "supurotitioue Vunitiea" wore 
still kept, iie rtide suit that uion's conscioncea 
aao-ld not be forced in tlie laattor of vostixsnta* 
ijnd feared the iriflueJioo of popiali prioata otill 
miniutorij in tho v^hurch of ...iijland. A ;.;en:ion. . . at 

. u^ lou -^roaau . -x; . 
.i'iC 'il83. 



6 Aug. One bluckalju clergyman of -jceter, did penance 
for aosXidalous liiet or rather cried out upon 
I*orthbroke [Jolin Uorlitbrooke?] v/Iio h;Ld detected 
"his iiorriolo vices." iilackal had four v-ivoo alive* 
and had "intinided hiusolf into the niniatry for the 
space of twelve years, f'nd yet ^isna nover iax/fully 
oulledj nor mcide .dnieter by any oishop." "^jq was 
a chopper and oimnger of beneiices,... He would run 
from... tv/on to t;.'on, letidiiig about with hin nivughty 
woBon, iis in Glouceaterahire he lad a naughty stintq^et 
abotit the country, named Groen i-.pron. -'•le altered his 
natpjs .vheresoever he wentj fioj-ng by thooe several naiaoa, 
Blackol, bfirthal, xJor.el, iipj'kly, iiaker." L^n lo -"-ug. 
he was set in tlJe pillory in v^ixeapside for forging a 
cosuaisaiou Lto .roach] fpora tlie ..rchuishop.] -trype, » 

iiCl), 144-5. 

[i& yeai-s oof ore 1586 J 

iidward Bulkiey. A "sipjple and short soniion," which 

vas so badly printed that he oschowed furthei- publication. 

uerr, -"ixzaboxhan 
u ^naon , p. 86, [Koi, 
in oi?G.j 


27 Jime (hooper, lip. of Lincoln* A soraon in .\nstfer to 

"j.\n Mnoiiition to th.e Purlicaont." ihere was en 
"Answer," i'roa -.viiich an outline of tlie semon raay 
be constructed. Cooper, a "liberal churchaion" [i^rerej, 
adnittoci the faults in t}ie rainistry, but opposed 
the . uritrai "disciplino," doi'onded the i3ook of '^OEUrion 
rr^yor, and the dignity of bishops. iitrype, -j:i..ala « 

ii(l), 286ff. 

2 iiov. whitgift, api^ointed uy the i>p. of ^^ojidon. i_He 
preauixibly , reached against the opinions of 

oartwiiait.j Strype, uMttiift * 

i, 96. 

liir. ^e of ohrist or:urch, uxford. -Mi "laade a 

good aerraon," h;-ving a,. parent ly not yet fallen 

under Oartv/right ' 3 epell. i^ee below, 2 ■■ug, 11373. 

. uritan ^cjiifeutoo 3« 
p. xviii. 


ivQg. (32) 

26 -ipr. A defence of the -establishment. The pre-chor 
is addreasad by his iiiritan op:'onejrb (probably 
Vialter .hite) as "Ix, Dr.," find nay be a certain 
Dr. Bida.eyi_?J. ■^^ preached had ad;aitted in 
his senaon tiiat t.-e Chrasch of i.nj^land iiad not 
"dissipline," and his opiOnerrt loapa upon this 
pretext ror argument. jjeamdQ r-.:rto of a 

lienistor t ed. ioel, 
i, 97, yS. 

ante 5 MJg. 

J rick, chaplain to the Bp, of I^nsfich. lie 
"L^ost spitefully inv^iglied against the eccloaiastical 
pol-ii-cio now by lav/e eoiauiished, conl'lrsain^o i-x. 
Cartv/rights booke on tlie true piatforno of the 
ayncere aiiJ. .po:>tolio:ill "iiiircho." 'Jn 5 -iucust 
oondya iiaa not succeeded in a^jpreheadint,, hiia. 

iiandys to Bur£;hley, 
5 -Uiij. 1573, in 
fXiritan ■'-^•anifootoes * 
p. xviii. 

2 i-MQ, iir. Wake of ^-'hrist ^-liurch in uxl'ord* lie 

ai'finaed "to be ijoocl vyhataoovor i^r. Gari...rii_;ht 

in v/ritir<3e hath se^t doi/ne," '^uake had been 

warned oy ^ondyg not to si)©4fc sedition, part- 

idulurly since tho ^uoen \rx3 then in pro^rosg, 

far from iondon, de ansv/ored, "..ell, \7<j11," 

wrfcrj'-p© mistakenly dates this seraon in 1572, 

'^hitKlft .. iii, 3:;.] Xbid . 

a Qte 25 J-Hw. 

;->andy8, Bp» of London. ■"' serinon in vrhich he 
fudiiitted that there wer-^ "certain liSiculata" 
in the ministry, yot they ought to bo roraoved 
by public authority, not by ar^ private neano. 
['''ilia aD.y be the oonnon in ^jormonp \,i -rker >->oc.), 
pp. 370-95, out the evidence is too tnin -to ii'-ke 
the idexitification.J uoconde ^ i.Hq * i, 



iieg, (33) 


15 i'oig. Aenance of /ujnes -^^ricigQa and -iachekl Under, 

who preteiided to poasoasion Dy spiriiis. xhey 
liud decyivud uaay uinisters in U)ndon, and 
iiieir deceita hud oeen publiahed in paiapiilota, 
to iarker l> disjjuat. *nere was "no sEiall 
doriiiion oi profLjao pui-aoiio v/hon thoii- i'orgory 

V7as dxtjcovdrod. 

pp. ■-G5-6J i'\illoi>- 
Brower, iv, 386. 


15 -..^ay i'our "/liiabaotiata -utciincn" bearinG tanQota 
jreoajritQd x!iair iierciios at the GroGO. Their 
coiwcaticlo licd been discovcrod on 3 .^rilj 
two were uui^ned at •Jroithrield on 22 July. 

Pearson, •■^artv/rxzht i 
pp. 134-5, 

12 June *xvo -inj^liali r:i6JXioerii oi the i^'aiaily of lovo 
recuiJuod the "daianablc orrora jaid horoaies" 
o£ ii[eiiarickj i'ij[icla0BJ, the "author of that 


iiolinshod (1806), iv, 

2 >Jct. 

T. -^'airfiix. 

^•aiiabury "■apars, 
ii, 117. 


9 iJec. jliomaa uiiite. ^sa oxhortatioii to ouodxenco, 

v;it}i praioe of tiio queen, "a ryght bruunch" 
to roi^jU over ■tho id-r^^doa and the criurch 
loilitant. iie w .med agaiaat the di^aigor of 
conapiracies : wo noed, he aaid, "Ulysses as 
well aa '.•chilleo. 

A ijgnaon. . . a,t 
?o\7le3 G. ogse « «c. 
oTC 25405. 


S i'ob, John i'oxe. ixie i'rench anibassaiior cou^jiiiued 

to the queen, alleging tiiat i'oxe sedd'that tho 

-irotestonts or - r aico had great cause, to take 

anas agaiust their king, for that ne adi;a.ttod 

thar public eaeLy tne pope." i-vxe, siaiEjoned 

beroro the Dp. of i-ondon, said he had ueen replying 

to ^ixjaius' cnai'go tiiat the i'reiich iJrotujtauta 

rejectea li-iwlul t;overoi£^nty J let tne kluQ of 

Frajace but nile in ills ov/n right, and the ^^ro- 

t«3t; Jits would loif down xiieir anas. i,.oulay, ^' 'oxe and hi a 

rpok . pp. 03-4 J ;j^, 
iJt, 294. 


lieg. (34) 

4 -ax. "icJiard Curteysj Bp. oi Uiiicheator, A doacription 

01 ohe true Onmrcn, anu her triiimpli over xno i)ra£;on, 
.; in© dari£;ors to ner aoveraignty uiid oacurity 
from pracioiana aiid alaiider^us papisxa. Xvfo .jenflons t ^. 

^TC 614U, 

30 Apr. ijandys, .^p. or York. a roreaell sorr::on on leaving 
tlio aiocese of iondon. de llkenod ninselr tu ot. 
raul loavinjj «orintli, -.aid loft then "c/ith an ox- 
horiation to goiliueas, brotiierly lovo, uad unity. 

uoxv-ionu (-liTkor 
ooc.y» pp. 418-30. 

27 ^ct. A sermon againsfcovetoua ..thoists," xhoaas vihito, 

A Senaon. « « at 
i' av/le 8 ^rosso... 

l^LTjL p. 34. 

3 iiOV. 'iSioiaas ulilte, 1. rocitcJ. of -:^laiid'o, aai 

QSp'-cially ioMon's, siii&i profcnation of the 

uac'tath, ijlayijoin^;^, covotousneBSf corrupt nci^ia- 

trataa. xhe oiotjuo ha.3 baen sect as a judgment. 

^ exlxoi'te.tion to repeat, ^ , .^oKiion. . » at 

f eru lc3 ^ro 3 36 « . . 


olXJ 25406. 


24 ioig. John ^tookwood. ^i uerroon often quoted for its 

vehesaezrfc attusk upon plays and playairs as iEiasoral, 

vyajtJiul aiki Juctatli-fcrutJciiic, ^la qtern moralist 

also dealt vitiis the piiiin atyle in aer-.-onj, the 

erroi-a of the papists, faith V8« works, the trade 

of tho aolaior, av/earinsi, cuiuo roj-JO t oiui3 ruli;do « 

i^aciiiaveiii&iia , i^iiorant laiiiiators, iichooJbaaotors, 

profane \irritor3, baivdy oooko, and other occtisions of 

3121. .1.. .^eriaon. . » at 

jrcaxlijz v-ros^o on 

uiU .j3i;84. 

5 ^t. Joiin Vclsal, -i senaon upon the nuturo and functions 

of tho ninititry, includiiig a notable defence of the 
"riULX doi>o",aiiiat v/hom the i uritans l;.unchod their 
att.^ks. under the necessity of obedience to tho juord's 
proiiliets, ho inveii;hed a^^^iat idolatrous papists, car- 
nal ijrotoutaiito, di-jiciu^;, players cxax ninatrels, Udurers 
and oppreiisors. ;> oea.;on«.. at 

; r.uls vro33e . iA«, 
blX; 24995. 


Rog. (35) 

i.6 Oct. Laiirence uluidorton. "A ciroadful declaration of 

tho iiioiil doairuction of counrtei-i'ijit tmd hypocrite 
profesaoi's of uyds uord." In tho ^-rocG^a oi discover- 
ing tii0aQivpoci)ites» uiiu^aeirLon ontored upon tn© '^alvin- 
ist doctrine oii! uorka aa c oni irixiii5(; tJio corttiinty of 
eloctiouj iuad touk occ^-sion to roprelaond prccAihoro 
v.iio depoM upon "as-eli©ncie of words." -jg ^-otcelJ-ent and 

KOdlv aCITKSX"^ , ic. 


Jd9 -pr. yr» opijrk, **© attackod thQ.-tres lus "tho neat of 

the Dtiel, lui-. ainice of al siniie." IILji, v(10'rl-2), 


10 Licgr Jolin "^uockwood. Upon the ^^hristian mi/iistiy, 

^^o doplored ihv soai-cioy ox "faitiifull vjnd paiii- 

full labourers," uxliolled "the virtu© and absoluto 

necu-uity oi' iireuohiiit,, oxJiorted iiia u-udicnoo to 

attena church iii3\.euu of filthy pli-^^'S which usurp 

the tiiae of seruons, axid declared for the plain 

atyl© in preaching, without rhetaricnJ. tricko aaiu 

exioiisivo quotation fro;i the i'^ntiiora. --^ long, 

repetitive and violent effusion. A vorv fruiteful 

tjorcjjn. . . at i'aulg a 

lixG 2328?. 

19 July John i>yos. Using the ship of Luke 5, 1-11 as 
a type of the *^hurch, ha couaetsnod tho fiaicl^ 
axi'd worldly prof o^aora of tlie day, and undoitDok 
aji exteiisive "proof" that -oae is tiie falae 
church» not of tiie body of "hriatj tiie rope ia 
^mticinrist a::d ^oiac io i<ibylon. ^ie attacked the 
'■■iQis^i uoctrxiie^ of tlie i3t>.3u aj'ai pun;,atory. 

4 , '-'i^raoia. .» at 

x^fiules Orc>33c> » <ic. 

^xC 7432. 
/ujig.-0ct.i,L'J3Out the zxtaa of otubLs' arreat for "^lo Gaping:: C-u^p^ ] 
ii. preacher uas ^ ut up to extol the c^ueea'a governuent 
and to assure the iioarera "tii:::t aiie hajd been bred liOd 
oroutilit up in ^^liria-S;, 'iSie peox^lo ap^^lauded thij atate- 
i.ient, but disliked the attack upon utubls and his book. 

■'•eole, i^lijaboth. 

p. 242. 


i«E. (3G) 

3 Jan. ..iiiaau -liaiior. liia discussion of the properties 
of Ohi^iot's advoraai'ies in his o.r"iliiy :.iJiiotr>' 
led iiOEi to condonaoation of tho »^atliolic rhariscoa; 
ui-'on tho \;ords "I \7ill xuwo norcy, iJid not sacrifico," 
he roprovod "olokni^iita," exceas in a.pparel, usury, 
liiifl false t-Oapellers. .vith niore reulisa tiiaiin vtg.3 
custoriaiy la tliat coirtoxt, he assured his hoorors 
tliat til© quoon V70uld never turn to t!io faith of "One» 
"I<o, it hath oausod too :.arii' conspir:.cie3 and reboliioas 
agu:-n3t her nout noble por.jon, for hor rnjestie aver to 
brooke it* even in pollicje . Lltalics nind] 

A 3oraon.». at 
Pr-.ul03 Grgqg . o . wc. 

s'rc 10920, 


8 Jan. Janes Bisse. /© should iaoour, ho said, for tho neat 
waich 8iidui-:iwli, yot \io hunt ci'ter beli;^' chuer, and our 
zeal is cold. ^^ pointed to jigao of God's juugnonts: 
a pL-jiue at uitford, a torx'ible eai'thq-ui-o. ilo sot fortli 
"od'j Dleouii3£;,G upon -'U^^landJ a Deboi-ah upon tlac throno, 
a late victory in Ireland. "Slio foes of -^agland :;;i:iall 
he like a tottoi^in^ -.tcJ.." But -^n^riisiiroen Iicvo turned 
the 4;ruoe of God into -jantonnsss, orA he exiojrbod ihtaa 
by tiie nmiorj of <^od*3 feiirful veugccince to repont of 
their vforldly v/uys. Ty/o -lamon st toe. 

S'rc 3099. 

23 ^'ipr. -jTtliony /eiderson. 5TC 570 [not soenj, 

c> ^pt» Joiin ijyoa.. •»*8 aroused tho ire of the City fatliors 
by allC{..sdly a- casing tjioia of 'UBuri'' aud puritanaaEi. 
i^, i;.yli;ier h:.d v;rittaa to the Lord i^^yor i'or oon- 
iributioaij to tho support of preachers in tho city. 
^le "^yor r^jplisd, in pai-t: "Tho Court of /Ideiiaon 
furtiior dGsii-jd to infonn Ms lordsiiip of tlioir dis- 
plor.3uro a.t tho uoluiviour of... -ir. iyos, who... had 
publicly dofcjiod thee to their facoa, and stated, 'that 
if 'iho appoiutint^ of preachors wero ooauittcd to ticaa, 
tiicy v/ould appoint sush as would defend usury, the 
faffiil/ of love, and pui-itanism. ' *hoy desired his 
lorusliip to tuiij ordoi- tlio.w ho aliould .ocuco rCiJ.a'u. Lion 
of their ijood faao." ^lyliuer replied th;it Iio hod ex:uain- 
ed i>yos and othoro .Tho h;id beon prusont, .vho protested 
that no such uoani:a£^ aoula uo takon froa his Mords. 

ilou^:.i&rancia » p. 366, 


Reg. (37) 

|_"Iii or about the year 1581"-- ..altonj 

iiichard iiooker. 'iSu-s wlu3 the sermon which, acoordirig 
to >.alton, led to iiis injudicious mtariace. uisaon 
(Juaicioua i.^. ri£;;-;e 1 p. 25) accepts the date 1581, 
but ox, lodes the ancient sc-Jidal of tho daughter 
or tho "^iiunaiaito, ihe whole pasac^o in -alton 
tiirows auch iit^ht on the arraniienents laade £or 
i'aul's i-Jroaa preachers. 

Hooker' a aeraon "seomed to cross a late Opinion 
of ^r. -alvius," amce ho aeveloped tno doctrine of 
on antecedent eind a consequent will in God. 

li'alton, Life of 
Hooke r (..orla'a 
vlassics ©d. of Loved), 
p. 177. 


Jaa»-Apr. -ylmer, i^. of London, a ger<,.ion denouncing "icnard 
Harvey's "iua iiStrologicall i^xscourse upon tlie great 
and notaDle Conjunction of the t»yo uuperiour planets, 
iiaturne u Jupitor, which shall aap^jen the 28. day of 
•"pril, 1583." -'utored ti.R. 22 Jan. 1582/3, and de- 
dicated to Aylmer. "ITo more could Dxck (with his 
predictions) coiapaiise anie tairjg but derision, beiiag 
puDiiquely proacht ai^ainst for it at Pawles Uz'osse by 
the ijishop of iondon,.., ^rho... disproov'd the 
revolutions to boe cloane contrarie." [iiurvey's 
discoui'se sooias to have awakened iciniense interest, and, 
aaont; "^'^e vulgar at least, a good deal of perturbation.... 
..ien'ii iiiinds had been a^ritatod not lout, before by the 
publication of a work on the end of the world. 

(ii^i^rrow'a note)] iiashe, liave -ith You.. .« 

works (od. -iCi^crrow), 
iii, 82-3. 

17 xiOTT. Shitgift. ■<»■ ser^ion of obedience, preached upon 

the anxiiversary of tlie queen's accession. He 
outlined the claosic protestant theory of rjub- 
Eiission, indicated hoKi it was uenaced by papists, 
'"■nabaptiats, ana "our wayward and conceited persons," 
defined the royal supremacy as not includir]^ the 
potostas ordinis t and rebuked popular preachers 
vrho attacked oisho^ s and uiigistrates. 

. orko (Parker iioc), 
iii, 506-96. 

1583? J-ia&rezice Caddy, a spy expelled frora the -^n^^lish College 

in ..oue, ht-ving renounced the Catliolic faith facfoi-e the 
Bp, of London, was ordered to accompany the preacher into 
"tho most celebrated pulpit in London..., at ^t. raul's 
Cross," and "docl. re publicly \-he thin^^s they should 
suggest against the Fopo and the iioiaan religion, ueing 
a very coarse-looking fe-loa', ho did tliis v/ith such bad 
grace that thoy uore ail aahiaaaod of him," Catholic .vecord ■^oc . 

...isc. iv, 11. 


ilog, (38) 

9 i'eb. John iiudson, •^-^ving deaonatruted the tiain 

tiioological position of the -epistle to tlio 'icbrous, 

tJiLtt the Law is acroijatod oy the ne./ priosthodd of 

^hrist, hs proceodod to exanine the oouae of this 

doctriiie by popisli v/ritora, notably -iiapleton, cuid 

tho flav,'s3 in ^hrioti-ns' ^-orfonrionce of thoao duties 

ersjoined upon tiiem as inheritors of ^^xrist's rede;-iption» 

i/isooubliiii;, muTLiurine, desire of novelty ("our bra.yno3 

are Dusied about -itiuigoras nutibers, and Ili;.tos idea» 

and --ristotlou couiaon wealth") aiid conceit of the 

private judgaeut trouble our pilt;riiaase« A ^oraon. . . ax rauie s 

orossQj. i«. 

•JHO 13S04. 

1584? I^r. Uopcot of ^;iffibrids9. ^m answer to Dudley Fenuer's 
^i 9ougtex'-x-oy3on « derending the ilit-iblisliriioixt ojiainst 
the diociplinarians. it was in turn oaaworod by "A 
uefence of tho reasons of the Coiisfcer-poyaon. . , against 
sin iiunswere to thai-i oy doctor vopequot in a pub like 
"-•enaon at raules Crosse upon i'salan 84 |_1594]". 

otrype» An/^-la » iii(l), 
343-4} .3^0 fide -art e* 
i, 33; ieiirson, Jiait - 
v/ri].'.ht » p. 272. 

1584? John Bridges, -jia^^er to ilie -Mar-rned Liiscoi^rse of 1584, 
l.itor coiaprohonaed in his IioronGO of the '^overnaent 
>^3tca)il3:ied of 1537. x-earson, Gartwrit:ht . 

p. 273; Pierce, -list . 
Introduction to I-^ar- 
yrelate x'racts , p. 139. 


6 i-ar. Geors© ^losse. -^o charged the lord i«ayor witli 
injustice, tho loixl ->ayor oeirjj^ prejent at the 
aersion. iu?C, xiv, GO, 150, 

188; Holinshed (1800), 
iv, 888-9. 

13 '•'sr. A sermon upon tho dignity of marriage, with con- 

do.Toiation of the sin of adultery. A nian did penance 
for ohultery, his quean having been executed for 

child-murder. iioiinshed (1808), iv, 


27 Liar, -iaving been enjoined to penance for his aemon of 
6 .-arch, -lx>ase lowdly defaced uxtd diacrodited the 
Lord i-ayor once aore. v^losse a version, which ho 
wrote out for -Druixa)^ i'leoini; to put into tho next 
edition of iiolinshed a '^hrotticlo i i^ivos a different