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I  CO 


THE  PAUL'S  CROSS  SERMONS,   153'+-16U-1 


-  AN  INTRODUCTORY  SURVEY  - 


Millar  MacLure 


A  thesis  submitted  in  conformity  with  the  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  the 
University  of  Toronto 

19^9 


THE  PAUL'S  CR03S  SEmiOKS,   1534-16411 
AN  IimiODUGTOiiy  SmiYBY 


Millar  Mac  lure 


4S7G27 
13.  3.  4-3 


A  Thesis  submitted  in  coni'omiity  with  tho  requirements 
for  the  degree  of  uoctor  of  Hiiloaophy  in  the  University 
of  Xororrto. 


1949 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO 
SCHOOL  OF  GRADUATE  STUDIES 


PROGRAMME  OF  THE  FINAL  ORAL  EXAMINATION 
FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


of 


MILLAR  MacLURE 


FRIDAY,  MAY  27th,  1949  AT  10  :.W  A.M. 
44  HOSKIN  AVENUE 


THE  PAUL'S  CROSS  SERMONS,  1534-1641:  AN  INTRODUCTORy  SURVEY 


COMMITTEE  VS  CHARGE 

Professor  F.  H.  Uxderhill,  Chairman 

Professor  A.  S.  P.  Woodhouse 

Professor  H.  S.  Wasox 

Professor  N.  J.  Endicott 

Professor  H.  M.  McLuHAN 

Professor  D.  J.  McDocGAlL 

Professor  R.  S.  Knox 

Professor  J-  D.  Robins 

Professor  A.  E.  Barker 

Professor  H.  N.  Frye 

Professor  D.  Grani 

Professor  G.  B.  Harrison  (Queen's  University) 


niOGRAPHICAL 
1917      — Born,  Albion  Cross.  Prince  Edward  Isliind. 
1939      — B.A.,  Acadia  University. 
1944      — M.A.,  Queen's  University. 
1945-46 — Instructor,  Queen's  University. 
1946-49 — School  of  Graduate  Studies,  University  of  Toronto. 
1947-49 — Lecturer,  University  College. 


THESIS 

The  Paul's  Cross  Sermons.  1534-1641:  An  Introductory  Survey 

(Abstract) 

The  purpose  of  this  study  is  to  describe  and  assess  tlie  quality  and  impor- 
tance of  those  sermons  preached  from  the  pulpit  in  Paul's  Churchyard  from 
the  abolition  of  the  papal  jurisdiction  to  the  destruction  of  the  pulpit  by  order 
of  the  Long  Parliament. 

Tlie  importance  of  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit  in  the  polity  of  Tudor  and  Stuart 
England  had  been  established  long  before  the  Reformation.  Paul's  Cross  had 
been  since  1241  a  place  of  assembly  for  the  publication  of  official  proclamations 
both  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  and  the  institution  of  the  sermon  from  that  pulpit 
dates  from  the  fourteenth  century.  Public  penances  had  long  been  performed 
there  as  one  of  the  penalties  often  imposed  by  the  ecclesiastical  courts ;  heretics 
and  zealots  had  published  their  recantations  there  for  the  edification  of  the 
populace.  The  sermons  and  the  officially  enjoined  public  penances,  remaining  a 
focus  of  public  interest  until  the  Civil  War,  constitute  a  striking  survival  of 
medieval  manners  and  medieval  habits  of  thought.  Paul's  Cross  was  among 
the  most  conservative  of  Tudor  and  Stuart  institutions.  But  with  their  peculiar 
facility  in  transforming  ancient  institutions  for  their  own  purposes,  the  Tudor 
monarchs  turned  the  traditional  devices  of  officially  inspired  sermon  and  public 
proclamation  from  Paul's  Cross  into  a  powerful  organ  of  propaganda.  Henry 
VIII  used  these  sermons  and  public  recantations  to  instruct  the  populace  in 
the  doctrine  of  the  royal  supremacy  and  to  force  recalcitrant  members  of  the 
clergy  to  conform  to  his  ecclesiastical  policies.  Paul's  Cross  was  one  of  his  most 
effective  instruments  in  consolidating  his  "Reformation"  and  the  "reaction" 
which  succeeded  it.  During  the  reign  of  Edward  VI  the  sermons  at  Paul's 
Cross  reflect  an  atmosphere  of  controversy  and  protest,  illustrating  the  difficulties 
involved   in   imposing   "the   truth   of   God's   word"   upon   a   populace   still   pre- 


dominantly  Catliolic,  though  it  was  from  this  pulpit  that  Ridley  delivered  his 
highly  influential  theory  of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.  The  Marian  sermons  are 
significant  almost  entirely  as  pageantry,  if  one  excepts  Gardiner's  remarkable 
defences  of  the  Catholic  reaction  and  the  Spanish  alliance.  But  the  zia  media 
of  the  Elizabethan  Establishment  was  strictly  and  on  the  whole  consistently 
defined  in  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit,  first  in  the  controversy  with  Rome,  then  in 
the  intense  but  sporadic  conflict  with  the  Puritan  movement.  It  was  at  Paul's 
Cross  that  Jewel  set  up  his  formal  defence  of  the  Church  of  England  against 
the  assaults  of  the  Roman  controversialists ;  from  Paul's  Cross  Jewel's  successors 
in  the  quarrel  inveighed  against  the  power  of  Catholic  Spain.  It  was  from  this 
pulpit  that  Bancroft  delivered  the  first  blast  of  the  trumpet  against  the  alliance 
of  the  Puritan  lecturers  with  the  gentry,  an  accusation  to  be  repeated  vehemently 
in  the  same  place  by  William  James  and  Stephen  Gosson.  The  principles  of 
Richard  Hooker  were  defended  at  Paul's  Cross  against  the  assaults  of  the 
Puritan  theorists  by  two  of  his  ablest  disciples,  John  Howson  and  John  Spenser. 
The  efficacy  of  this  pulpit  as  an  organ  of  authoritative  persuasion  declined 
under  the  Stuarts,  particularly  after  the  crisis  of  the  negotiations  for  the  Spanish 
match  in  1620-22,  and  Laud  relied  more  upon  the  High  Commission  Court 
than  upon  any  pulpit.  The  Paul's  Cross  preachers  of  the  1620's  and  1630's  failed 
to  come  to  grips  with  the  issues  of  the  day  as  their  Elizabethan  predecessors 
had  done  not  because  of  any  decline  in  their  powers  but  because  the  holders  of 
real  power  in  the  realm,  the  gentry,  including  tlie  London  Corporation,  were 
at  odds  with  the  executive  in  state  and  church  whose  deeds  and  opinions  the 
preachers  were  obliged  to  justify.  The  preachers  admitted  no  compromise  with 
the  revolutionary  political  and  social  ideas  which  changed  the  face  of  England 
in  the  seventeenth  century.  They  opposed  the  Pauline  doctrine  of  obedience  to 
the  pretensions  of  the  common  lawyers  and  the  squires  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons exactly  as  the  Reformers  had  opposed  the  same  arguments  to  the  claims 
of  the  Pilgrims  of  Grace  or  the  Devonshire  rebels.  They  made  as  little  com- 
promise with  capitalism.  Throughout  the  period,  from  the  fulminations  of 
Latimer  and  Lever  against  the  rapacity  of  the  "new  men"  in  the  days  of 
Edward  VI  to  the  elaborate  polemics  against  usury  and  fraudulent  dealing  by 
Thomas  Adams  and  Charles  Richardson  in  the  second  decade  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  preachers  set  forth  almost  without  alteration  the  ideal  of  the 
Christian  society  in  which  no  man  is  outright  owner  of  his  goods,  but  holds 
them  in  stewardship  from  God  for  the  benefit  of  "the  common  state."  Those 
of  them  who  admitted  the  Puritan  ideal  of  godly  industry  hedged  it  about  with 
strict  safeguards  and  diminished  it  by  pious  qualifications.  To  a  man  the  Paul's 
Cross  preachers  condemned  the  spoliation  of  their  Establishment  by  impropri- 
ations and  sacrilege,  lamented  the  sad  state  of  a  poverty-stricken  and  despised 
ministry,  and  inveighed  bitterly  against  the  corruption  of  simony.  "By  yeomen's 
sons,"  said  Latimer,  "the  faith  of  Christ  is  and  hath  been  maintained  chiefly." 
In  all  their  protests  against  capitalistic  exploitation  and  against  excess  in 
apparel,  in  eating  and  drinking,  in  building  of  great  mansions  and  expensive 
theatres,  the  preachers  set  up  as  the  ideal  the  sturdy  English  yeoman  of  bygone 
days,  now  supplanted  by  the  landless  labourer  and  the  frivolous  gentleman. 


As  the  Reformers  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  the  preaching  friars,  so 
most  of  the  Elizabethan  and  Jacobean  preachers  were  disciples  of  the  Reformers 
and  rigid  Calvinists.  The  majority  of  the  Paul's  Cross  preachers  between  1570 
and  1620  were  representatives  of  a  solid  "Low  Church"  centre,  Calvinist  in 
doctrine  though  conforming  willingly  to  the  Anglican  discipline.  Their  loyalties 
were  shaken  by  the  projected  alliance  with  Catholic  Spain  in  the  1620's,  and  their 
theology  was  repudiated  by  the  Arminian  party  under  Laud's  patronage.  The 
consequent  decline  in  their  authority  marks  the  breakdown  of  the  Elizabethan 
compromise,  and  suggests  an  important  reason  why  the  Church  of  England 
was  unable  successfully  to  meet  the  Puritan  challenge.  The  Paul's  Cross  sermons 
were  addressed  formally  to  all  estates  of  the  realm ;  the  auditory  was  all 
England  in  a  little  room.  The  measure  of  success  which  attended  the  promul- 
gation of  official  views  from  that  pulpit  during  political  and  ecclesiastical  crises 
is  therefore  an  index  of  the  unity  of  the  realm.  The  solidity  of  Elizabeth's 
achievements  in  state  and  church  is  accordingly  reflected  in  the  sermons  at 
Paul's  Cross,  even  during  the  dangerous  days  of  the  Essex  rebellion.  Divided 
voices  begin  to  be  heard  there  even  during  the  reign  of  James  I,  and  by  the 
1630's  the  Arminian  Royalists  who  defended  the  Laudian  church  and  prerogative 
government  from  that  pulpit  were  reduceil  to  helpless  invectives  against 
murmuring  and  disobedience. 

Yet  throughout  the  whole  period  which  preceded  this  collapse  of  effective 
persuasion  from  Paul's  Cross,  the  Anglican  Calvinist  preachers  preserved  in  the 
pulpit,  within  the  traditional  form  of  the  sermon,  a  remarkable  compromise 
between  the  proclamation  of  the  condition  of  the  elect  and  the  homily  of 
repentance  the  form  and  content  of  which  they  inherited  from  the  preaching 
friars.  They  set  forth  the  same  theological  convictions  as  their  Puritan  oppon- 
ents, but  with  moderation  and  ingenuity  refrained  from  pursuing  those  doctrines 
to  revolutionary  conclusions. 

A  Register  is  appended  to  this  study,  containing  over  four  hundred  notices 
of  sermons  and  incidents  at  Paul's  Cross,  of  which  one  hundred  and  seven 
are  complete  sermons.  This  journal  is  designed  to  provide  a  basis  for  further 
study  of  the  Paul's  Cross  sermons  in  the  period  under  review. 


GRADUATE  STUDIES 
Alajor  Subject: 

English  Literature — Professor  H.  S.  Wilson 

Professor  A.  S.  P.  Woodhouse 
Professor  N.  J.  Endicott 
Professor  F.  E.  L.  Priestley 
Minor  Subjects: 

English  Language — Professor  H.  Alexander.  (Queen's  L'niversity) 
English  History — Professor  D.  J.  McDougall 


THS  PAUL'S  CROSS  SiilMOKS,   1534-1641 J 
AN  INTRODUCTORY  SUi^ffEY 


But  !it  ny  very  first  £n.tremce  upon  the  Task,  an  in- 
tricate Mfficulty  did  very  auch  discourage  me,     i''or  I 
lighted  upon  great  i'iles  and  Heaps  of  rapors  and  Writings 
of  all  30rt3,   ro  laonably  well  dige  jted  indeodi  in  respect 
of  the  Times,  but  in  regard  of  the  ''ariety  of  the  /irguaents, 
very  auch  confused* 

Can^en,  Preface  to  Elizabeth. 


The  tjrete  and  thikke  ratelers  out  of  Textis. 

Bishop  rocock. 


CONliiKTS 

Chaptsr  !•         raul's  Gross..... 1. 

Ch::L.pter  II.       ..inds  of  iJootrineJ  Henry  VIII,  ijdward  VI, 

uary... 44. 

Chapter  III*     Tne  Jstabllshments  ^lizFDibeth 145* 

Chaptor  IV.       liiterludos  Jamas  I,   1603-161:0 252. 

Ciiapter  V,         The  Gathering  -)tona:  James  I,   1020-1625; 

Charles  I,   1625-1641.. 287. 

Chapter  VI.  Ihs   Uhristlon  .^ciety 331. 

Chapter  VII,  The  Preachers'  Vision  of  the  .<orld. 401. 

Hotes 427. 

Appendix:  Biographical  List • 474. 

A  Part  of  a  .register  of  Paul's  Cross  jsnnons,   1534-1541,, .  480. 

Bibliogra.phy 550. 


FQRii%70RD 

This  study  vas  undez*takeu  in  1946  at  the  suggestion  of 
Dr»  G.B.  iiarrison  of  ^uoen's  University,  'A^ose  judicious  ad- 
vice and  stimulating  critician  I  here  gratefully  acknowledge, 
iaonie  vestige  of  the  original  design  remains  in  the  ilegister  of 
sermons »  which  is  a  journal  as  veil  as  a  ohronoldgicol  reference 
list* 

Thla  selection  of  aenaons  and  notices  of  sermons  is  unevenr 
ly  distributed  in  tine,  and  necessarily  incoraplete.     It  is  com- 
plete within  the  limits  of  the  published  materials  at  rry  disposal. 
The  conclusions  advanced  in  this  survey  nay  be  altered  by  further 
study  of  published  sermons  and  unpublished  documents  not  avcdlable 
on  this  continent.     Tae  materials  sire  diverse,  difficult  of  access, 
often  alujost  impossible  to  locate  by  conventional  bibliographical 
techniques. 

Quotations  are  given  in  the  original  spelling  and  punctuation, 
with  the  following  exceptions:  normalization  of  i,j  &  u,v;  expansion 
of  contractiosas  with  m,n;   elimination  of  italics  to  conform  with 
modem  usage. 

Because  of  the  nunber  and  variety  of  the  sources  used,  the  num- 
ber of  references  is  disproportxontitely  Irjr^o.     ihe  number  of  notes 
has  been  roauced  (with  some  sacrifice  of  readability)  by  the  use  of 
references  in  square  brackets  placed  in  the  text. 


University  oollege, 
7  key  1949. 


PAUL'S  CKOSS 


Paul's  Cross  was  a  Iflnd  of  tone  Tent,  Tlth  leaden  roof,  at  the  N.E. 
corner  of  Paul's  Cathedral,  where  sermons  were  ....  preached  In  the 
open  air;  crowded  devout  congr«£;ation8  gathering  there,  with  forms  to 
sit  on.  If  you  came  early  ....  Paul's  Cross,  a  kind  of  Times  Newspaper, 
but  edited  partly  by  HesTen  itself,  wee  then  a  most  Important  entity* 


Carlyle,  Letters  k   Speeches  of 

Oliver  Cromwell,  ed.  1873, 
1,  55. 


id) 


1.   "The  only  Correct  Vestige  that  lemalss  of  this  Ancient  end 
Carious  Object." 


Readers  of  that  excellent  coapendiam,  Shakespeare's  England. 
will  haTe  noted,  at  page  sixty- four  in  the  first  Tolume,  an  engraring 
of  Paul's  Cross,  es  It  appeared  26  March  1620.   It  is  reproduced  from 
an  engraving  made  for  y.ilktnson's  Londinia  (1811),  from  a  triptych  In 
the  po^^session  of  the  Society  of  -i^tlquaries,  a  serenteenth-centory 
work  executed  for  one  Henry  Farley,  "a  pious,  disinterested  end 
zealous  person,"   A  larger,  double-page  reproduction  of  the  sajM 
engraving  is  to  bo  found  In  the  publication^of  the  Raw  Shakspere  Society, 
and  it  is  upon  this  that  the  folloifing  description  Is  based.  The 
caption  is  instructlTe: 

St.  PAUL'S  CROSS. 

An  accurate  delineation,  the  only  Correct  Vestige  that  remains  of  this 
Ancient  and  Curious  Object,  as  it  appeared  on  Sunday  the  26th.  of  March, 
1620;  at  which  time,  it  was  rlslted  by  King  James,  the  I.;  His  "^uesn, 
end  Charles,  Prince  of  ^ales;  attended  by  the  Archbishop  of  Cf.nterbury, 
Bisho-^s,  Officers  of  3tate,  Nobility,  L8di°s  &o.&:c.;  Who  were  received 
with  great  Magnificence  by  Sir  .<illiam  Cockalne,  Lord  Mayor  of  London; 
assisted  by  the  Court  of  Aldermen,  Hecorder  be;  when  a  most  excellent 
Sermon  was  preach'd  from  a  text  purposely  selected  by  his  Majesty, 
(Psala  CII.  Verses  13:14)  by  Dr.  John  King;  Bishop  of  London;  recoianen- 
dlng  the  speedy  x^paratlon  of  the  ''^enereble  Cathedral  of  St.  Paul,  which, 
with  ita  unsteepled  Tower,  and  ineumberGnces  of  Houses  &;e.  appear  on 
the  back,  and  side  grounds. 

The  picture  is  obviously  unrealistic  as  a  nhole,  especially  In 
the  repreaentation  of  the  cathedral  and  the  size  of  the  audience,^  but 
it  is  a  treasure  of  important  details. 

To  begin  with  the  cross  itself.   It  is  an  octagonal  structure  of 


la 


1(2) 


wood,  mounted  on  a  stone  bvise,  with  .stone  steps  leading  up  to  it, 
surmounted  by  an  ogee-shaped  lead  roof,  <xa   which  is  set  an  omareental 
eross.  The  whole  structu  e  is  of  a  fourteenth-century  memorial  type. 
The  preacher  stands  between  two  of  the  supporting  pillars;  to  his 
right,  prominently  placed,  is  an  hour-glass,  and  on  the  wall  beneath 
him  is  a  coat  of  srins,  which  nay  be  that  of  Thomas  Kempe,  fifteenth- 
century  Bishop  of  London,  under  whose  direction  this  cross  was  built.* 
Three  attendants  upon  the  bishop,  two  of  them  apparently  pages,  stand 
within  the  cross,  another  upon  the  steps.  The  eross  is  enclosed  with 
a  low  wall  of  brick  (this  dates  from  1595),^  and  within  this  sit  a 
number  of  pririle-red  persons,  one  of  whom,  a  woman,  sits  somewhat 
elevated  beneath  the  hour-^lass,  facing  the  audience.  I  cannot  deter- 
mine who  she  might  be  or  why  she  is  there;  she  is  not  a  peni'ent,  for 
no  public  penance  was  performed  on  this  occasion. 

Against  the  walls  of  the  church,  which  form  the  L  feeing  the 
cross,  are  built  "incumberencos  of  Houses,"  on  the  right  what  appears 
to  be  a  sort  of  house  with  four  chimneys,  in  the  beckgrocnd  a  tao-level 
gallery,  in  which  the  dignitaries  are  seated.  To  the  left  of  this 
eorered  place,  which  somewhat  resembles  the  roofed  part  of  the  Cloba 
theatre,  is  a  turret,  built  a>-ainst  the  buttress  at  the  end  of  what  is 
presunably  the  presbytery,  and  through  this  turret  access  is  presumably 
gained  to  the  gallery,  and  Indeed  to  its  roof,  for,  perched  precariously 
upon  the  roof,  with  their  backs  to  one  of  the  great  windows,  stand 
twelra  choir-boys,  ready  to  assist  in  the  congregational  singing  which 
often  was  a  part  of  these  serrices,  or  perhaps  to  sing  some  special 
music  composed  for  such  an  important  occasion.   In  a  bay  of  the  upper 
gallery  sits  James,  with  the  Cueen  and  the  Prince  of  'ales:  an 


i{3) 


extraordinary  error,  for  Qaeaa  o.nns  died  In  1619.  The  rest  of  the 
upper  gallery  is  filled  with  ladies,  eccloslaytlcs  and  ne-nbers  of  the 
Council.  In  the  lower  gallery  sit  the  Idayor  and  Aldermen  In  their 
robes  of  office;  the  Mayor  beers  his  ceremonial  sword,  as  this  -^ce   a 
notable  occasion,  with  a  procession  and  mach  pepeontry.  ^.long  the  fece 
of  the  gallery,  over  the  heeds  of  the  City  officials,  are  placed  three 
coats  of  anaa,  perhaps  of  former  benefactors  who  contributed  to  the 
bulldine,  of  the  "house",  a  plaque  reading  B'Z^Tl   PaCIPICI,  three  plaques 
on  the  bay  (these  perhaps  added  by  the  (Ortist)  VI V5  LA  ROI(XI^,  vrvi3  US 
HOT,  TIVS  LS  PfllliCJ:,  and,  beneath  some  scroll-work:  Mr.  .TILLI^ 
PAEKER  CIT.  &  M.  TAILOR  OF  I.ONDOH  0.-7E  SOOPOU^IDSS  TO'.iRDES  REPAIR  OP 
■  TT  TIKDO  ,EG. 

The  main  body  of  the  audience  (unrealistically  tiny)  l^   seated 
on  forms  in  soniethlng  like  a  •'garland  or  ring",  as  Bishop  King  termed  It 
during  his  senaon.  There  Is  a  solid  group  of  what  are  presumably  the 
crcfts  In  their  liveries,  with  a  sprinkling  of  fine  rentlenan  and 
citizens'  wires.  Many  of  the  audience  carry  bibles.  To  the  left,  two 
grooms  hold  the  horaes  of  pentlenen  in  the  congregation,  and  a  mounting- 
block  is  to  be  seen  placed  thete  for  their  greater  conventoncsB.  The 
men  in  the  audience  wear  their  hats,  except  for  on«  reverent  personage, 
who  stands  at  the  rear,  hie  eye  fixed  devoutly  upon  the  preacher.  Beside 
him  another  gentleman  has  doffed  his  hat,  but  because  he  is  engaged  In 
sweet  converse  with  a  lady.  In  the  right  foreground  a  nolray  dog  is 
being  lashed  by  the  VT^eT,   and  at  the  far  right  a  Christianly  charitable 
person  drops  a  coin  Into  the  slot  of  a  large  poor-box. 

Above  thao  all  towers  the  ancient  church  of  3t.  Paul,  route 


1(4) 


witness  of  the  need  for  the  bishop's  exhortation,  with  Its  tower 
lacking  a  steeple  since  the  fire  of  lij61,  stu^ipy  and  flat  in  contrast 
with  the  lift  and  surge  of  the  »?indow8.  Jeneath  them,  in  the  yard,  11« 
the  dead,  layer  upon  layer.  Beneath  lay  the  meaories  of  plague,  above 
the  prophecy  of  fire. 

It  la  now  proper,  by  a  survey  of  certain  antiquities,  to  account 
for  these  details  here  described,  and  others  not  here  included. 

2.   "The  very  antiquity  of  which  cross  Is  to  me  unimonn." 

How  long  8  cr038  stood  upon  this  spot  is  unknown.  The  cross 
probebly  antedates  tha  erection  of  a  church,  and  was  perhaps  originally 
set  up  ot  the  entrance  of  en  ancient  burial-place,  to  remind  the  nassers- 
by  to  pray  for  the  dead  there  Interred.   Certainly  the  cross  of  Paul's, 
before  1449,  the  e-Dproiimate  date  of  its  rebuilding  by  Bishop  Kempe, 
was  not  a  pulpit  cross,  but  something  like  the  "Merest"  cross  in 
Edinburgh,  a  pillar  raised  upon  e  flight  of  steps,  where  officials  might 

stand,  rnper  cracea,  as  the  significant  phrase  goes,  to  make  proclama- 

7 
tions.   Althoa^  some  historians  find  evidence  of  assemblies  at  Paul'a 

Cross  from  the  twelfth  century,®  the  earliest  docu'-ientary  evidence  of 

Its  use  dates  from  1241,  when  Henry  III  met  the  citizens  of  London  there 

to  consult  with  them  about  a  projected  visit  to  Gascony  in  connection 

Q 

with  the  French  war.   In  fact,  there  is  !>ome  evidence  to  show  that 
Paul's  churchyard  or  eross  was  anciently  a  place  for  popular  assemblies. 
From  a  writ  quo  warranto  of  1287,  d^eallng  with  a  dispute  between  tha 
king  and  the  city  authorities,  it  is  evident  that  the  citizens  had  been 
wont  to  hold  folk-moot  there,  and  the  essenibly  of  1241  was  probably  e 


i{5) 


folk-moot,  I.e.,  a  handred  court.  Traditionally  these  gatherings  were 
held  at  some  marked  place,  such  as  a  ford,  a  stone,  a  bridge,  or  a 
burial  cross. ^^  There  say  haye  been  a  narked  mound,  or  something  of 
that  sort,  on  the  site,  and  the  Christian  missionaries  followed  their 
custom  of  patting  a  cross  at  the  spot.  At  all  events,  irtien  first  the 
Cross  is  mentioned  in  sorriTing  documents,  it  is  rather  a  place  of  popular 
assembly,  for  the  hearing  of  proclamations,  than  a  preaching  place. 

Tet  the  use  of  the  Cross  for  ecclesiastical  purposes  came  about 
naturally,  through  the  proclamation  there  of  bulls  and  other  ecclesia- 
stical instruments.  A.   bull  was  published  there  in  1£61,  another  in  1270. 
In  1299  the  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  solemnly  cursed  a  number  of  persons  who 
had  been  excsTating  in  the  church  of  St.  Uartin-in-the-?ield  for  a 
supposed  hidden  treasure. ^^  Though  the  Cross  continued  to  be  used  for 
secular  purposes  (as  indeed  it  was  all  during  the  period  covered  by  this 
study)  and  in  1311  the  statutes  made  in  the  Parliament  of  that  year  were 
proclaimed  there,  the  institution  of  the  sermon  began,  and  afterwards 
overshadowed  all  other  uses.  The  earliest  record(»d  instance  of  a  sermon 
at  Paul*8  Cross  is  of  1330,  when  filliam  de  Renham,  chancellor  of  St. 
Paul's,  preached  and  pronounced  sentence  of  excommunication  against  the 
Jteperor,  Louis  17,  nbo   had  been  excommunicated  in  1324  by  John  XOI  for 
acting  as  emperor  before  receiving  papal  recognition.  This  is  a  hiphly 
significant  instance:  the  association  of  sermon  with  official  pronounce- 
ment is  more  typical  of  items  in  the  history  of  Paul's  Cross  than  any 
other  form  of  ceremony.  By  1361,  sermons  at  the  Cross  were  apparently 
an  institution;  in  that  year  Michael  de  Northburgh,  Bishop  of  London, 
provided  by  his  will  1000  marks  for  small  loans,  and  the  preacher  at 


1(6) 


Pnl's  Cross  was  to  announce  the  disposition  of  the  pledge  if  any  loan 
were  not  paid  within  the  year,^^ 


The  history  of  laul's  Cross,  like  that  of  any  accepted  insti- 
tution, ecaaes  down  to  us  in  the  irregular  way  belored  of  the  diarist 
and  feared  by  the  scientific  historian.  As  the  reader  of  this  study 
will  find  to  his  occasional  discomfiture,  this  history  proceeds  by  crises 
and  high  points,  with  slack  timea  intervening  between  the  notable  events. 
The  first  of  these  crises  cones  in  1382,  when  the  Cross  was  severely 
damaged  by  idiat  Stow  calls  a  "tempest  of  lightning",  though  it  nay  haw 
been  an  earthquake,  of  which  there  were  two  that  year.^**  In  1387,  Arch- 
bishop Courtenay  issued  letters  inviting  contributions  for  restoration 
of  the  Cross,  offering  an  indulgence  of  40  days.  The  preamble  of  this 
appeal  throws  soote  light  upon  the  facts  Just  reviewed: 


...  the  High  Cross  in  the  greater  churchyard  of  the  church  in  London, 
(where  the  word  of  Ood  is  habitually  preached,  both  to  Clergy  and  Laity, 
being  a  place  very  public  and  well  known,  &c.    14 


The  Cross  was  repaired  in  consequence  of  this  appeal,  for  there  are 
notices  of  senaons  there  two  years  later,  but  the  whole  structure  ?»s 
replaced,  c.  1449,  by  the  pulpit  cross  which  survived  into  the  seven- 
teenth century,  through  the  efforts  of  Thomas  E«npe,  Bishop  of  London,  who 
also  provided  a  fund  for  the  maiatenance  of  sermons  at  that  place. ^^ 
Owst,  with  characteristic  love  of  what  is  most  ancient,  refers  to  the  new 
cross  as  "Bishop  Kempe's  Inferior  wooden  structure ".^° 

Apart  from  such  pre-Reformatlon  sermons  at  Paul's  Cross  as  have 
especial  significance  for  events  after  the  divorce,  and  are  accordingly 


1(7) 


noted  below,  ceirtaln  f i ftoenth-centary  episodes  are  worth  notlog,  sloe^ 
in  one  way  or  enother  they  cast  shadows  before.  On  4  December  1457, 
for  instance,  Reginald  Pecock,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  'Objured,  revoked, 
and  renoonced"  his  supposed  heresies  at  Paul's  Cross,  "in  his  mother 
tongue."  In  1465,  a  Ahite  ^iar  nasied  Harry  I^ricer  preached  that  priests 
ought  not  to  have  property,  bat  live  on  alms.  This  led  to  a  heated  con- 
troversy, during  idiioh  further  sermons  on  the  subject  were  preached  at 
Paul's  Cross.  In  1469,  a  nalediction  was  i>ead  from  the  Cross,  cursing 
those  '^k>rdyner8"  who  nade  shoes  with  "Pykys  passing  ij.  yenohes  in 
lengthe,"  a  reflection  both  of  the  sonptaary  laws  and  of  ecclesiastical 
disapproval  of  excess  in  apparel.  On  22  June  148o,  John  Shaw,  clezic, 

aaserted  the  legitisacy  of  Richard  Crookback's  claims  to  the  throne, 

17 

declaring  the  illegitimacy  of  the  children  of  Edward  IV. 

3.  "A  convenient  roome  in  Pauls  churchyard.**- 

The  whole  idea  of  the  outdoor  semon,  preached  in  a  burial- 
ground,  in  the  open  air,  and  as  will  be  sden,  in  the  morning,  is  to  us 
incredible.  Some  of  the  drawbacks  were  apparent  even  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  Latimer,  in  a  sermon  preached  there  11  December  1552,  pointed 
out  the  unsanitary  coMition  of  the  churchyard: 


I  do  much  marvel  that  London,  being  so  rich  a  city,  hath  not  a  burying- 
place  without;  for,  no  doubt,  it  is  an  unwholesome  thing  to  bury  within 
the  city,  specially  at  such  a  time  when  there  is  great  sickness,  so 
that  many  die  together.  I  think,  verily,  that  many  a  man  taketh  his 
death  in  Paul's  churchyard,  for  I  myself,  when  I  have  been  there  in  some 
mornings  to  hear  the  sermons,  have  felt  such  an  ill-favoured,  unwhole- 
some savour,  that  I  was  the  worse  for  it  a  great  irtiile  after.    18 


Ihat  is  especially  to  be  noted  in  this  characteristic  reproof,  at  once 


1(8) 


personal  and  practical,  is  the  aasamption  that  the  institution  of  sermons 
in  that  place  is  intrinsically  mors  inportaat  than  the  use  of  the  yard 
as  a  cemetery.  I  can  find  no  evidence  of  a  cessation  of  burial  there, 
nor  any  further  OTidence  of  inconvenience  suffered  in  those  surroundings. 
Indeed,  there  is  little  if  any  evidence  for  any  arrangonents  for  the 
accomodation  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  audience:  the  benches  pictured 
In  the  engraving  of  the  1620  scene  umst  have  been  stored  somewhere,  but 
where?  An  air  of  improbability,  sometimes  dissipated  by  concrete  evidence, 
as  of  multitudes  in  that  presence,  hangs  over  the  idiole  history.  How, 
one  sales,  did  those  crowds  get  in  there,  and  bow  and  where  did  they 
situate  themselves  for  the  sermons?  Most  assiduous  search  among  the 
ordinary  docuneots  leaves  these  questions  unanswered. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  Is  considerable  evidence  of  provision 
made  for  the  privileged  hearers.  Among  such  arrangeireats  may  be  placed 
one  of  Henry  Haohyn's  ambiguous  entries;  he  sp^Ucs,  under  1553,  of 
"grett  bars"  being  placed  at  "evere  gatt*  in'Powle  Churche  yard",  for 
*grett  throng  of  pepull. "^   Whether  this  was  to  separate  the  notables 
from  the  multitude,  or  the  multitude  fr<»a  the  passers-by  without  the  yard, 
he  does  not  say.  If  this  notice  reveals  nothinic:  else,  it  bears  testimony 
to  the  throngs  at  sermons  at  that  time,  but  then  1553  was  a  significant 
time.  One  suspects  that  congregations  at  Paul's  Cross  varied  consider- 
ably in  numbers,  depending  on  the  Importance  of  the  occasion.  Of  this 
more  hereafter.  In  1667,  the  City  undertook  to  enlarge  the  bench  for 
City  officers,  "so  that  they  may  sit  quietly  ther  during  the  time  of  the 
sermons."  At  the  same  time  it  was  ordered  that  the  gutter  iriiieh  had 
discharged  rain-water  on  the  heads  of  these  officials  should  be  diverted. 


i(9) 


In  1569,  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  the  Lord  Mayor, 


of  a  godlle  motion  bailded  a  oouTenient  roome  in  Pauls  churchyard,  on 
the  south  side  of  the  cross,  to  receive  a  certeine  number  of  hearers 
at  the  sermon  tine:  as  nay  appeare  by  sone  ramembranoes  of  his  name  there 
fixed.    20 


This  "rooBs"  seeaifl  to  have  been  erected,  at  least  in  part,  for  the  wires 
of  the  City  raa^ates,  "^^  It  nay  haye  been  part  of  the  structure  already 
described,  appearing  in  the  1680  picture. 

In  1595,  the  Cross  was  repaired,  pelnted,  a  surrounded  by  a  nail 
of  brick. ^^  The  pulpit  nas  kept  locked,  at  least  during  such  times  as 
It  ms  not  in  constant  ose.^  I  have  found  one  notice  which  indicates 
that  a  caretaker,  or  sone  one  with  sons  such  functions,  Mas  attached  to 
the  Cross;  in  1629,  an  old  man.^ 

Provision  for  the  audience  and  against  deterioration  of  the  Cross 
were  not  the  only  problems.  'Rie  weather  night  be  unseasonable,  and  the 
semon  cut  short  by  a  sudden  squall,^^  If  the  aspect  of  the  heavens 
was  ominous  at  sermon-time,  the  senion  was  preached  in  the  Shrouds,  though 
on  at  least  one  occasion  la  the  Gray  Friaro.^^  Authorities  differ  as  to 
the  location  of  the  Sirouds:  one  contends  that  the  galleries  between  the 
buttresses  are  neant;  another  the  church  of  St.  ihith;  another  the  crypt. 

One  nay  suppose  that  the  audience  was  smaller  on  a  wet  morning. 
It  seeas  to  have  been  exceedingly  large  on  aaae   occasions.  It  is  dif- 
ficult to  accept  the  suggestion  that  as  many  as  six  thousand  persons  were 
Boanetimes  present,^®  though  Bishop  King  speaks  of  "so  many  thousand  of 
aoules"  present  at  his  sermon  of  thankagiviog  for  the  King's  irecovery 


1o 


i{10) 


29 

in  1619,   and  on  Tarioua  occasions  the  audieace  is  described  as  "lhtu;K,", 

notably  to  hear  Gardiner  on  29  June  1548.^^  If  the  preacher  or  the 
chronicler  naturally  wished  to  emphasize  the  great  nustbers,  and  nan 
perhaps  prone  to  exaggerate,  it  must  be  adMtted  that  even  that  dour 
Puritan  John  Stockwood,  while  coiRplaininp;  that  church-going  is  decayed. 
Is  forced  to  report  that  you  will  usually  find  a  "reasonable  company" 
at  Faul*s  Cross. ^  Tbare  is  little  doubt  that  Londoners  went  to  Faal*a 
Cross  mho   did  not  attend  their  own  parish  churches,  and  indeed  during  the 
crucial  tines  of  the  early  Eefoimation  days,  attendance  at  that  official 
pulpit  was  oandatory,  or  at  least  strongly  urged,   ^tness  this  item  tram 
the  reiElaiseences  of  John  Louthe,  i^oh  also  gives  us  the  hour  at  which 
the  sermons  began,  at  least  at  that  time; 

A  conaandament  was  gyvea  that  all  ourattes  (what  so  ever)  should  not  be 
at  sermones  nor  servyce  longer  than  ix  of  the  clocke,  that  then  the 
curettes  with  the  paryshes  n^ght  come  to  loles  crosse  and  heare  the 
pjrechers,  "Po  this  sayd  this  good  curatt,  I  wyll  (quod  he)  make  an  ende 
of  service  at  the  proscribed  howr  gladly,  seing  I  muate  aeedes  so  doo. 
But  so  longe  as  any  of  these  heretykes  preche  at  the  Crosse  as  nowe 
adayes  thai  do,  I  wyll  never  here  them,  for  I  wyll  not  cone  there,  I 
wyll  rather  hange.    32 

The  pious  louthe  adds  that  "Tie  did  hange,"  This  period  was  rich  in  such 
manifestations  of  special  providence. 

Another  factor  which  made  for  a  large  audience  was  that  Paul's 
Cross  was  a  place 


from  irtience  the  soundest  doctrine  is  alwaies  to  be  looked  for,  and  for 
such  strangers  to  resort  un^  as  have  no  habitation  in  anie  parish  within 
the  citie  where   it  standeth.    33 


The  audience  was  not  necessarily  of  Londoners  only,  since  the  Cross  was 


1(11) 


an  obTioas  place  to  visit  fbr  persona  ap  from  the  country,'^  and  during 
Parliament  and  term  times  the  auditory  roust  haye  been  all  England  in  a 
little  room.  Hot  only  Englishaen  but  foreigners  found  there  spectacle 
and  instiniction,  and  Robert  Sibthorpe  says  that  it  is  the  resort  of  "every 
nation  under  heaven." 

In  those  days,  irtien  araplifiers  were  happily  unknown,  a  preacher 
needed  a  bi^  voice  to  reach  all  parts  of  such  a  large  audience  assembled 
in  the  open  air.  John  Hales,  a  modest  raan,  made  a  prolirainary  apology: 

Might  it  80  have  pleased  God,  that  I  had  in  ny  power  the  choice  of  jey 
mys,  and  the  free  Banagement  of  ny  own  actions,  I  had  not  this  day  been 
seen,  (for  so  I  think  I  may  better  speak:  seen  I  may  be  of  many,  but  to 
be  heard  with  any  latitude  and  compass,  ny  natural  imperfection  doth 
quite  cut  off.),..  A  aaall,  a  private,  a  retired  Auditory,  better  accords 
with  ny  will  and  my  abilities.    35 

Oeorge  Montaigne,  Bishop  of  London,  though  tamed   as  a  wit,  was  on  one 
occasion  at  least  Inaudible  to  a  large  part  of  the  aaxltitude;  "scant 
the  third  part  was  within  hearing.  "^^  He  too  Kay  hare  Kore  de8i3rcd  a 
small  auditory  for  the  full  exercise  of  his  powers;  but  since  part  of  his 
sermon  was  in  defence  of  benevolences,  it  is  perhaps  not  surprising  that 
he  Bumbled. 

Nor,  it  nay  be  prescoaed,  was  the  auditory  always  uniformly  quiet 
and  attentive.  There  were  socae  violent  scenes  at  the  Cross,  >rilen  men's 
passions  ran  high  upon  religious  matters:  the  riot  of  13  August  1553, 
flrtiich  is  the  most  notable  among  these,  will  be  noticed  in  its  place,  and 
there  were  many  occasions  when  the  tension  in  the  crowd  nay  be  inferred, 
thOMgh  it  did  not  break  into  open  tumult.  But  not  all  the  stormy  or 
distracting  scenes  wore  so  relevant  to  the  sermon  itself.  Once  there 


i(12) 


was  a  fray  during  the  time  of  preaching,  and  it  was  all  the   chronicler 
noted  of  the  occasion.    Not  to  speak  of  scenes  of  auch  high  temperature, 
there  is  evidence  that  many  of  the  crowd  walked  about  K\i5  talked  during 
the  sermon,  with  the  manners  of  Paul's  lalk,^  and  there  were  those  liho 
came  upon  their  own  affairs,  as  always,  to  such  places  of  public  as- 
semblage. 'Witness  The  Testament  of  Lawrence  Lucifer  (1604),  a  document 
of  the  underworld,  in  idiloh  Benedick  Bottomless,  "most  deep  cutpurse," 
is  licensed  to  operate  in  the  sixpenny  rooms  at  the  playhouses  and  to 
ply  his  office  "^t  Baul*s  Cross  in  the  sermon  time. "^ 

Often  the  audience  must  have  grown  i^stlve  under  a  Itmg   sermon. 
HeuEty  preachers  are  conscious  that  they  nay  become,  or  have  become  tedious, 
and  apologize  accordingly.  Tet  the  patience  of  the  sermongoers,  and  their 
appetite  for  seiwions,  upon  which  Bodem  historians  never  fSall  to  comment, 
were  truly  rentaiicable.  There  is  considerable  evidence  for  the  assumption 
that  the  customary  length  of  an  Elizabethaa  sennon  was  one  hour,*®  So 
rarely  does  the  published  sermon  represent  exactly  the  spoken  one  that 
a  ireading  test  is  by  no  means  conclusive,  and  f^ives  results,  in  cases 
I  have  noted,  from  forty-five  minutes  to  over  two  hours.  There  was  an 
hour-glass  at  Paul's  Cross,  but  if  custom  penaltted  there  was  nothing 
to  prevent  the  preacher  from  turning  it  twice.  Certainly  there  was  a 
definite  allotment  of  time  for  the  semons  at  the  Cross:  John  Walsal 
speaks  of  "the  ordlnarie  allowance  of  tlrae,"^  and  George  Benson  of 
"the  time  allotted  to  that  exercise."*^  This  time  was  probably  two 
hours,  though  there  may  have  been  exceptions.  John  Ttove  is  witty  upon 
It,  speaking  of  his  "two  hours  discours  of  this  one  and  laste  houre,"*^ 
and  the  unhappy  3arlow,  in  his  sermon  upon  Essex,  intimates  that  he  has 


<3 


1(13) 


two  hours  to  speak,  of  which  he  has  given  one  to  the  sermon,  and  has 
one  left  for  the  application  of  it,**  (If  he  took  an  hour  with  that 
first  part,  he  must  hare  spoken  very  slowly.)  In  more   cases  than  it  is 
convenient  to  list  here,  the  preacher  was  cut  short  for  lack  of  time  and 
scamped  the  latter  parts  of  his  division.  Occasionally  he  preached  the 
rest  of  the  sermon  elserrhare.*   Upon  unusual  occasions,  the  length  as 
well  as  the  sermon-tine  was  elastic:  on  1  November  1552,  for  instance, 
Ridley  preached  Id  the  afternoon,  after  a  Dorning  service  in  the  cathedral 
in  which  the  second  Book  of  Connnon  Prayer  was  introduced,  and  preached 
till  five  o'clock,  so  that  the  Uayor  and  other  dignitaries  went  home  by 
torchlight,  and  "oaiae  not  with-in  ro%lles  church  nor  the  crafftes  as  they 
were  wonte  to  doo,  for  be-cause  they  were  soo  wary  of  hys  longe  stondynge, "*^ 
He  nay  have  begun  as  early  as  one  o'clock. 

As  for  the  other  elcB^eats  in  the  service,  apart  from  the  sermon, 
they  may  be  dismissed  in  a  few  words.  A^  opening  prayer  was  custoBiary,*'' 
and  of  course  a  closing  prayer.  After  the  return  of  the  Hfiarian  exiles, 
and  their  appearance  at  Paul*s  Cross,  the  fashion  of  congregational 
psalfi-singing  found  its  way  into  those  assemblies.    How  long  this 
singing  "geasvay  ways"  continued,  I  do  not  know. 

4.   T  labour  to  have  one  learned  for  that  day."*®^ 

The  institution  of  Spital  and  Rehearsal  serr^ons  is  best  des- 
cribed in  Stow's  words: 

A  part  of  the  large  churchyard  pertaining  to  this  [St.  Uary's]  hospital, 
and  severed  from  the  rest  *ith  a  brick  -.vail,  yet  rer&alneth  as  of  old 
time,  with  a  pulpit  cross  therein,  somewhat  like  to  that  in  laules  church- 
yard. And  against  the  said  pulpit  on  the  south  side...  remalneth  also 
one  fair  built  house,  of  two  stories  in  height,  for  the  mayor  and  other 
honourable  persona,  with  the  aldermen  and  sheriffs  to  sit  in,  there  to 


i(14) 


hear  the  sarmons  preached  in  the  Easter  holidays.  In  the  loft  OTer  th«ii 
stood  the  bishop  of  London,  and  other  prelates;  now  the  ladies  and  alder- 
men's vivas  do  there  stand  at  a  fair  window,  or  sit  at  their  pleasure. 
And  here  is  to  be  noted,  that,  time  oat  of  mini,  it  hath  been  a  laud- 
able custom,  that  on  Good  Friday,  in  the  afternoon,  sone  especial  learned 
TMQ,  by  appointjnent  of  the  prelates,  hath  preached  a  sermon  at  Baules 
Crosse,  treating  of  Christ's  Passion;  and  upon  the  three  next  Easter 
holidays,  Monday,  Tuesday,  and  Wednesday,  the  like  learned  men,  by  the 
like  appointment,  have  used  to  preach  on  the  forenoons  at  the  said 
Spittle,  to  persuade  the  article  of  Christ's  Resurreotion;  and  then  on 
Low  Sunday,  one  other  learned  sian  at  Paules  cross,  to  make  rehearsal 
of  these  four  fonaer  sersons,  either  coTnraendin/?  or  reproving  them,  as  to 
hia  by  Judg&ent  of  the  learned  divines  was  thought  convenient.  And  that 
done,  he  was  to  nake  a  sermon  of  hin  own  study,  which  in  all  were  five 
sensons  in  one.  At  these  seitnons,  so  severally  preached,  the  nayor, 
with  his  brethren  the  aldermen,  were  accustoueA  to  ba  present  in  their 
violets  at  r^oles  on  Giood  Friday,  and  their  scarlets  at  the  Spittle  in 
the  holidays,  except  Wednesday  in  violet,  and  the  ajayor  vrith  his  bi^thren 
on  Low  Sunday  in  scarlet,  at  Paules  cross,  continued  until  this  day.    49 


A  colourful  scene,  beloved  of  the  historians  of  pageantry.  Two  Passion 
sentons  are  noted  in  the  Register  which  accompanies  this  study,  for  1570 
and  1626.  Six  Rehearsal  sermons  are  noted,  for  1549,  155S,  1560,  1562, 
1563,  and  1C14.  TSiree  of  them,  for  1559,  1560,  1562,  were  preached  by 
Thomas  Sanpson,  who  apparently  performed  that  difficult  task  with  much 
applause.  The  Rehearsal  sermon  for  Lo-*  Sunday,  1614,  by  John  Hosicins, 
is  extant,  and  illustrates  the  preacher's  procedure  upon  such  an  occasion. 
He  apparently  suEnoarized  the  preceding  sermons;  for  he  begins: 


At  length  your  patience  hath  conquered  my  harsh  abridgecients  of  those 
delightfull  treatises,  which  never  in  their  whole  so  much  as  tempted 
your  patience. 


and  continues  that  it  is  now  high  time 


to  blesse  you  with  a  dismission,  or  to  dismisse  you  with  a  blessing, 
did  not  custocie  rather...  heere  coi&Band  see  ...  only  to  mention... 
some  pas8ap:e  of  holy  Scripture  for  conclusion.    50 

He  lights  upon  a  proper  text  for  the  purpose,  Isaiah,  62.  6.,  concerning 

isr 


i(15) 


the  Lord's  "jremembrancers",  and  expatiates  at -eooslderable  length. 

In  addition  to  these  special  Saster  seimons,  there  were  special 
serrlces  in  iSfhltsun  week,  with  a  sermon  on  Monday,  Tuesday,  and  aoiae- 
tines  Wednesday,  for  which  it  ime   ordered  that  "not  only  ay  Lord  Mayor 
and  Aldernsen  to  be  there  in  scarlet  for  Btoitsan  Sunday  and  Monday,  and 
in  Tiolet  of  Tuesdays,  but  their  wiTes  to  be  there...  in  such  apparel 
as  they  like. ^^     One  wonders  if  the  wives  were  not  perhaps  more  colour- 
ful than  their  Bagolfieent  husbands,  with  such  carte  blanche. 

ftoo  these  dry  records  «aerges  a  glimpse  of  that  great  age,  at 
once  intircate  and  compelling,  of  a  fat  alderman  struggling  into  his 
Tiolet  gown,  an{»rily  asking  his  wife  where  she  has  mislaid  his  points, 
strutting  into  his  i^served  seat  as  the  preacher  bent  frowningly  upon 
late  coiners.  The  colour  and  grace  and  form  of  the  scene  was  not  for 
show  alone.  The  idea  of  each  man  in  his  place,  properly  attired,  which 
f^ves  to  the  I'rologue  of  the  Canterbury  -Pales  its  peculiar  historical 
significance,  had  not  died  by  any  means;  the  solid  burgher,  fat  with 
gains  from  usurious  dealings,  was  still  a  nember  of  a  stable  body  politic 
wMch  was  also  in  its  iray  a  work  of  the  highest  art,  and  as  such  appeared 
in  this  hallowed  place  upon  the  greet  festivals  of  the  Church.  Nothing 
changes,  all  is  the  same.  In  one  sense  all  of  this  study  is  a  commentary 
upon  that  theme,  for  the  art  of  goTemment  is  the  art  of  dress,  as  well 
as  the  art  of  finance,  end  the  art  of  persuasion, 

TSiere  were  other  occaaions  for  processions,  pageantry,  and 
foxnal  asse^oblage  at  this  Illustrious  preaching  place.  Such  were  the 
anniversaries  of  the  accession  of  the  reigning  oonarch:  for  Elizabeth, 


1(16) 


17  Noveaaiber;  for  James  I,  24  i/!arch,  the  turning  of  the  old  year;^^ 
for  Charles  I,  27  Uarch.  Every  November  after  1605»  the  preacher  called 
attention  to  the  horrors  of  the  Plot,  and  pointed  the  inevitable  lessons. 
Besides  these  recurring  "^oly  days",  there  were  services  of  thanks- 
giving for  victories,  as  that  for  St,  Quentin  in  1557,  and  the  series 
of  such  services  for  the  defeat  of  the  Armada:  such  assemblies  were 
rich  in  pageantry,  acconpanied  by  procession  and  display.  A  visit  from 
the  monarch  at  the  Cross  was  above  all  a  scene  to  be  remembered.  Philip 
II  was  there  on  2  December  lo54,  to  hear  Gardiner  proclaim  the  re-adi&ission 
of  the  TcaliA  into  Catholic  Christendom.  Elizabeth  appeared  in  state  on 
24  November  1588,  the  last  of  the  thanksgiving  sermons  for  the  defeat 
of  the  Armada;  this  was  her  only  appearance  at  the  Cross.  Jajnes*  sole 
appearance  there  has  been  already  noted. ^ 

It  has  been  noted  above  how  since  its  beginnings  as  an  institution 
Paul's  Cross  was  a  place  for  the  reading  of  proclamations.  During  the 
time  covered  by  this  study,  proclamation  becomes  propaganda,  and  the 
process  is  most  instructive.  But  simple  proclaioations  were  still  delivered 
from  that  pulpit,  in  considerable  variety,  and  some  of  these  are  noticed 
here.  The   thanksgiving  service  for  St.  (iuenttn,  noted  above,  was  in  a 
sense  a  neivs  report,  since  the  preacher  "declared  how  many  wfaer  taken, 
and  what  nobullmon  they  were.  "^     Compare  with  this  the  news  report 
element  in  Barlow*s  delivery  of  the  sayings  of  I£ssax  before  his  execution, 
and  observe  this  distinction  between  proclaiaation  and  propaganda,  illus- 
trating, among  other  things,  the  development  of  the  art  of  persuasion 
in  an  age  which  in  this  regard  is  much  superior  to  our  own,  when  per- 
suasion is  an  exact  science,  and  therefore  most  fallible  and  pernicious. 

17 


1(17) 


Other  proclaciations  include  the  declaration  of  Henry  VIII,  made  after 
his  death,  for  provision  for  the  poor  of  London, ^^  a  proclaiMtion  for 
procession  and  prayer  for  peace  with  I?tance,  on  26  May  1555;  the  dec- 
laration of  the  Pope's  ball  of  reiaiaBion  for  En^and  in  1555;  of  instmc- 
tions  for  confession  and  fasting  in  1557;  of  Elizabeth's  I'ecovery  from 
illness  in  1562.^  :For  other  sorts  of  infoisiatlon  disseminated  from 
this  pulpit,  see  zsy   Register,  passim.  One  kind  of  appeal  deserves 
especial  notice.  This  is  the  appeal  for  the  poor,  or  for  dischareed 
soldiers  and  prisoners  of  war.  In  1538,  for  instance,  there  is  re- 
eoi^ied  that  two  persons  stood  at  evex7  door  of  the  churchyard  to  collect 
iconey  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  persons  of  London,  and  that  a  register 
was  kept  of  the  disbursements.^'^  In  14^86,  the  Bishop  of  London  gave 
order  that  the  preachers  at  Paul's  Cross  should  recooaend  to  the  audience  H.^ 
distressed  estate  of  naimed  begging  soldiers,  who  had  lost  their  limbs 

in  the  ware  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  that  some  collection  should  be 

58 
Bade  for  them.    Ancient  Pistols  say  have  benefited  fron  this  act  of 

generosity.  In  1590,  the  preacher  was  warned  to  exhort  the  people  to  the 

relief  of  John  liattaie,  t^chael  Uornat,  loatthias  letrus,  Hungarian  rrisoners 

of  the  Turks  unable  to  pay  their  ransoaus.  The  collection  was  to  be  taken 

as  the  people  left  the  churchyard. ^^  About  iilaster  1601,  a  collection  was 

Bade  there  for  the  redemption  of  captives  in  Barbary.^^ 

Tho   various  waves  of  plague  in  London  imy  be  charted  from  refer- 
ences  in  Paul's  Cross  sermons.  Uost  of  these  references  are  pros^osties 
of  the  wrath  of  God  upon  the  licentious  citizens,  but  there  are  other, 
sore  practical  allusions.  On  8  August  1563,  the  preacher  solemnly 
petitioned  the  City  officials  to  bury  the  dead  of  the  plague  without  the 


19 


i(18) 


61 

City,  and  forbear  the  incessant  racking  tollinfr  of  the  passing  bells, "•*■ 

Official  plague  proclamations  were  read  from  the  Cross,  such  as  the 
notice  of  the  concellation  of  the  Oaildhall  and  Balls  of  Companies  fessts 
in  1692. 

5.  "They  that  come  from  far  to  this  place," 

rtho,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  apart  from  special  appoint- 
nent  and  at  special  times,  were  the  preachers?  How  were  they  escoted? 

Neweourt  is  upon  this,  as  upon  many  such  points,  the  final 
authority,  and  the  discussion  which  follows  is  no  more  than  a  conrientary 
upon  his  statcnent: 

The  Persons  that  are  to  preach  these  Semons,  are  from  time  to  time 
appointed  by  the  Bishop  of  London,  and  are  chosen  out  of  such  as  either 
have  been  or  are  of  either  of  our  Universities,  by  turns:  They  have 
usually  about  a  Kontbs  notice  before;  and  had  each  of  them  45  s,  as  a 
Howard,  and  Four  days  Diet  and  Lodf^in^,  at  the  House  of  such  Person  as 
the  Bishop  did  appoint,  \Ao  is  oomKionly  called  the  Shunamite,  who,  for 
the  eaiBe  was  allow'd  15  s.  per  Week.  But  tho  Treacher's  Reward  is  now°^" 
reduc'd  to  35  s.  paid  by  the  City,  and  5  s,  by  the  Church  Q.e.  St.  Paul's],  6S 

There  is  other  evidence  that  the  preachers  were  ordinarily  young  men 
down  frOTi  the  university  to  make  their  mark,   besides  the  title-papios 
of  the  published  sermons,  which  the  reader  may  consult  at  large  in  my 
bibliography.  One  advantage  of  this,  by  the  way,  to  the  student  of  the 
period,  io  that  he  had  before  him  the  earlier  efforts  of  men  who  after- 
•lards  became  famous.  I  have  a  remarkable  collection  of  Juvenilia,  and 
this  should  be  remembered  in  assessing  laany  preachers*  performances. 

There  had  always  been  a  fund  oat  of  which  the  preachers  were 


l'\ 


1(19) 


paid,  but  wiLether  it  had  been  discontinued,  or  had  shrunk  in  real  value, 
by  about  1581  it  had  to  be  re-established.   (One  doubts  if  Newcourt's 
figures,  just  quoted,  applied  before  the  'QO's.)  Bishop  Aylmer  was 
instrumental  in  proTiding  for  the  preachers;  about  1581,  says  Strype, 

our  bishop  was  iastruKental,,.  in  setting  on  foot  a  very  useful  practice 
in  London;  namely,  that  a  aouiber  of  learned,  sound  preachers  might  be 
appointed  to  preach  on  set  times  before  great  assemblies;  chiefly,  I 
suppose,  for  the  laul'a  Cross  sermons;  their  pains  to  be  spent  mainly 
in  conforming  the  people's  Judgments  in  the  doctrine  and  discipline 
of  the  present  established  church,  so  much  struck  at  and  undermined 
by  many  in  these  times;  and  for  the  encouragement  hereof  certain  con- 
tributions to  be  made  and  settled  on  them  by  the  city.  This  motion 
was  so  approTed  of  at  Court,  and  by  Uie  ^een  especially  |^I  think  this 
is  a  pious  fabrication,  of  a  type  beloved  by  StrypeJ,  that  Dr.  Seal, 
a  clerk  of  the  Council,  was  sent  from  above  to  the  Eishop,  bringing 
with  hi3i  certain  notes  and  articles  for  the  more  particular  ordering 
of  this  business,  which  he  and  the  ecclesiastical  Conauissi oners  were 
to  lay  before  the  Mayor  and  Alderinea,  Sir  John  Branch  was  then  Mayor; 
who,  it  seeiss,  with  the  Aldermen,  did  not  much  like  this  motion,  for  the 
standine,  charge  it  must  put  the  city  to.  i'or  after  much  expectation, 
the  idayor  gave  the  Bishop  answer,  that  his  brethren  thought  it  a  matter 
of  much  difficulty,  and  almost  of  impossibility  also.  Notwithstamding, 
to  draw  ther,  to  this  good  purpose,  the  Bishop  had  appointed  divers  con- 
ferences with  thorn;  but  after  all  concluded,  (and  so  he  signified  to 
the  Lord  freasurer,)  that  unless  the  Loivis  wrote  directly  unto  them, 
to  let  them  know  it  was  the  Queen's  pleasure,  and  theirs,  little  would 
be  done  in  it;  and  so  a  good  design  overthrown  by  the  might  of  mammon, 
as  he  expressed  it.  But  withal  he  offered  that  himself  and  the  rest 
would,  if  it  pleased  them  above,  proceed  farther  and  do  what  they  could, 
thinking  it  pity  so  good  a  purpose  should  he  hindered,  when  there  was 
80  much  ability  to  maintain  it.    64 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  how  much,  if  any,  hostility  was  present 
in  the  City  fathers  against  the  establishmeat  at  this  time.  It  has 
always  been  easy  to  exaggerate  the  'Toritanism'*  of  the  City.  But  one 
preacher,  in  Saptamber  of  this  year  1581,  attacked  then  for  failing  to 
respond  to  the  bishop's  appeal,  stating  "that  if  the  appointing  of 
preachers  were  coiamitted  to  them,  they  would  appoint  such  as  would  defend 
usury,  the  family  of  love,  and  puritanism. "  The  Uayor  and  his  follows 


ro 


1(20) 


were  outraged  at  the  preacher,  Jolin  Dyos,  but  the  bishop  defended  his 
Bian,  prxjtesting  that  no  such  ueaning  could  be  taken  from  what  he  bad 
sald.^5 

Aylner's  first  efforts,  then,  were  not  successful.  He  contlnaed, 
howerer,  to  keep  the  matter  before  the  persons  concerned,  .ailiara  Fisher, 
preaching  at  the  Cross  in  October  lo91,  broke  off  the  ordinary  course 
of  his  sermon  to  make  an  appeal  for 


a  necessaxy  Benevolence,  and  a  Christian  subsidy,  to  be  supplyed  in 
respect  of  the  Godly  preachers,  called,  and  appointed  for  this  place: 
'Rhich  as  you  kno^  is  usually  end  best  furnished  vtith  learned  men,  from 
both  the  universities:  But  how  hardlye,  and  unwillinglye  they  ar  drawen 
hither,  it  is  but  to  wel  knowen.  And  .vhy?  becausa  they  are  faine  to 
come  at  their  owne  great  cost  and  charge,  which  can  not  stand  with  their 
poore  and  small  ability.  Qie  goes  on  to  say  that  he  does  not  speak  for 
such  as  himself,  he  is  well  provided  for;  he  was  Uaster  of  the  Hospital 
of  Ilford  in  SssexJ  But  for  fellowes  in  Colleges,  and  other  poore 
students  in  the  universities,  isen  of  rare  knowledge  and  singular  guiftes, 
ahioh  being  enjoyned  to  supply  this  place,  are  not  more  often  set  for, 
then  coBBttonlye  they  refuse  to  come.  T^He  pleads  with  the  Lord  liayor  and 
his  brethren  to  contribute  to  this  worthy  cause,  saying  tbat  he  knows  a 
godly  bishop  (certainly  Aylmer)  who  has  promised  a  good  portion  to  swell 
the  fund.  It  is  a  wonder,  he  continues,  that  London  haa  not  attended 
to  this  before;  the  citizens  maintai^  sundry  notable  free  schools.... 
You  hav3  store  of  faire  and  aweete  Conduits  to  bring  water  to  the  City. 
And  will  you  bestow  nothing  uppon  the  blessed  I">pes,  and  sugred  Con- 
duites,  which  bring  you  the  water  of  lyfe? 


In  the  next  year,  A.W. ,  in  his  sennon  at  the  Cross,  raised  the  old 
faxoiliar  plea  for  strangers  and  scholars: 


How  youi*  compassion  is  to  strangers,  I  cannot  say,  ray  selfe  a  etraunger 
in  this  place  I  hope  the  best:  but  unto  the  sohollers  of  the  Universities 
(to  whoiae  you  liave  opened  your  haades  wide  in  former  times)  your  bene- 
volence and  liberality  is  much  decreased....  Are  they  [University  men] 
not  all  at  your  comma undement,  to  come  uppe  from  both  the  Universities, 
and  wheresoever  else  in  the  i«4iole  lande,  to  furnish  this  place  (which  is, 
I  dare  say)  as  sufficientlye  in  this  respect  provided  for,  as  any  assembly 
or  congregation  in  Chriatendome:  And  yet  verelye  co  speake  truth  (beare 
with  ray  boldness  I  pray  you)  they  that  come  from  far  to  this  place,  with 
great  labour  and  to  their  cost,  yet  are   little  regarded  or  thought  uppon. 


Zl 


1(21) 


You  (r,ive   them  the  hearing,  but  how:  Zven  as  Kzechiell  complaineth.  That 
the  people  woold  oome  to  heare,  bat  as  they  were  wont  to  heare  a  llinstrell, 
or  Kasitlati. .. ,  but,  wheathe  song  is  doone,  the  IZinstrell  siay  go  shake 
his  eares.    67 


A./?,  had  in  mind  those  who  hear  but  do  not  practise  what  they  hear,  bat 
he  also  shook  before  them  the  student's  empty  purse.   "How  hardlye"  the 
preachers  were  drawn  to  come,  about  this  time,  is  indicated  in  a  letter 
£Toa  Aylmer  to  dhitgift,  dated  25  December  1592,  in  which  the  bishop 
asks  for  iftiiteiift's  help  in  persuading  them  of  their  duty.^ 

Finally,  c.  1594-95,  either  by  testaaentary  disposition  of  Bishop 

Aylmer,  or  by  provision  jcade  before  hia  death,  the  fund  was  established 

from  which  those  payments  were  made  which  Newcourt  found  to  be  custoiaary. 

He  gives  the  list  of  the  names  of  the  donors,  and  the  sums  lAiich  they 

gave,^^  The  total  is  considerable:  £1814  6s  8d.   The  whole  list  is  of 

interest,  and  not  only  as  an  illustration  of  Bishop  AylEier*s  generosity: 

£.   s.   d. 
Dr.  John  Ailmer,  Bishop  of  London  ^001.  besides 
1001.  left  to  his  Disposal,  by  liJ-izabeth,  Countess 
of  Shrewsbury,  and  the  Interest  thereof  480 

Jeffry  iilwea  200 

Jfillias  Parker  »}0 

Sir  John  Leoan,  a  yearly  Bent  charge  10 

George  Bishop,  a  yearly  Rent  charge  10 

George  Paul in  200 

Bobert  Jenkinson  150 

Katherine  Dayly,  wife  of  Sir  91 llianv Bayly  50 

Roger  Mountain  100 

Thomas  Adams  200 


i(22) 

Thomas  Chapman  100 

Anthony  Risby  50 

Thojaas  vel  John  Rassell,  yearly  10 

Dr.  Johnson,  Archdeacon  of  Leicester,  yearly       10   6   8 
Philip  Iilalpas,  Sheriff  of  London  in  14J9,  per  annum  1 
Stephen  Forster,  Kayor  in  1594  40 

Unfortunately  there  is  no  clue  ae  to  the  date  of  these  contributions, 
but  matters  certainly  must  have  improved  after  1594,  for  in  all  the 
adjurations  to  charity  in  London  citizens  which  fill  the  sewuons  during 
following  years,  I  find  no  further  reference  to  the  poor  preachers  who 
came  up  bo  i-aul's  Cross,  On  the  other  hand,  j?ranoia  <ihite,  preaching 
there  in  1619,  expressed  himself  well  satisfied  with  the  treatment  of 
the  preachers: 

tor  you  (beloved)  the  Lords  Voices  are  perswaded  better  things  of  you, 
how  regardfull  of  then  you  have  alnayes  beene,  and  how  carefull  you  be, 
not  onelj'  with  the  good  Shunamite,  to  provide  them  a  Chamber,  a  Table, 
L  a  Stoole,  when  they  tume  in  unto  you:  but  to  send  theii  away,  as 
Joseph  did  his  Brethren;  with  their  Sacks  full  of  Come,  and  every  can 
his  laoney  in  his  Sacks  mouth:  neat  for  the  belly,  and  money  for  the 
back.    70 

I  do  not  think  this  means  that  the  ministers  were  paid  in  kind,  the 
preacher  is  merely  indulj/ing  in  Scriptural  parallels;  having  made  the 
conventional  one,  he  must,  silly  nilly,  make  another* 

Row  of  all  these  arraag«nents  for  the  stipend  and  lod^jing  of 
Paul's  Cross  preachers,  the  house  of  the  Shunairlte  is  alone  well  known, 
and  that  Justly,  for  it  has  been  imnortalizod  by  a  good  man  and  a  great 
stylist.  The  mistakes  3alton  unwittingly  made  concerning  the  character 
of  Mrs.  Churchman,  vAio  nursed  kr.  Hooker  through  a  coll  so  that  he  could 

Z3 


1(23) 


preacli  at  Paul's  cross,  and  then  cursed  him  with  her  daughter,  have 

71 
been  rectified  by  Pirofessor  Sisson.    iith  those  errors  one  is  not  here 

concerned,  i?rom  /Walton,  one  other  detail  nay  be  added  to  what  is  t^lven 
by  Hewcourt:  provision  was  made  for  the  lod/^ins:  and  diet  of  the  preacher 
for  two  days  before  and  one  day  after  his  serDion.'^  i^'rom  :%lton  it  is, 
too,  that  WQ  get  the  unforgettable  picture  of  the  student,  sanmoned  from 
his  College,  where  he  had  been  continuing:  his  studies  "Vith  all  quiet- 
ness", arriving;  in  London  wet  and  raiserable,  but  ready  to  dare  Calvin 
with  quiet  logic. 

That  the  preachers  should  be  university  men  was  aox,   usually, 
I  think,  the  only  qualification.  (I  speak  here  of  ordinary  occasions.) 
As  the  biographical  notes  soattered  through  this  study,  and  the  title<- 
pages  of  published  sermons  will  indicate,  many  of  the  preachers  were 
rectors  or  curates  of  City  churches.  These  are  in  the  ciajority.  Others 
wore  officials  in  other  dioceses,  or  in  the  universities.  But  one  point 
which  historians  of  the  Cross  have  overlooked  Is  that  during  the  period 
under  discussion  the  precedent  was  set  down  for  the  mornin/^  sermons  in 
the  Cathedral  by  prebendaries  of  St.  laul's  which  were  established  on 
the  l-aul's  Cross  fund  after  the  Restoration.  Even  with  very  unsatis- 
factory and  franrmentary  biographical  information  in  iGany  cases,  and  this 
worked  over  but  cursorily,  I  find  that  at  least  eight  of  the  preachers 
listed  in  cy  Register  were,  at  the  time  when  they  were  called  to  preach 
at  the  Cross,  either  canons  or  prebendaries  of  St.  Paul's.  Thej   are 
Thomas  Adams,  .'/illiam  Barlow,  James  Calfield,  John  King  (at  the  time  of 
his  first  appearance  there),  Henry  Pendleton,  Isaac  Singleton,  Robert 
Temple,  and  Robert  Tinley,   (Adams  was  not  strictly  a  prebendary,  but 


if 


i{24) 


a  preaeber  In  a  living  dependent  on  the  Cathedral.) 

These  are  the  routine  appointments.  At  certain  seasons,  and 

for  special  occasions,  more  distinguished  talent  was  called  up.  Bishops 

73 
always  preached  in  "the  Parliament  time, "    They  were  present  for  the 

session,  and  could  be  used  to  declare  the  mind  of  the  govemiaant  on 
ecclesiastical  matters,  as  in  1534  end  1571.'''*  The  Bishops  were  used, 
one  after  another,  upon  other  occasions  also,  as  to  prepare  the  people 
for  a  chanp-e  in  government  policy  concerning  the  state  ecclesiastical, 
or  to  inaugurate  suoh  a  change. "^  Ciey  appeared  in  force  at  the  begin- 
ning of  Elizabeth's  reign,  for  such  reasons  undoubtedly,  but  perhaps 
also  that  the  Council  might  see  how  the  exiles  stood  upon  the  funda- 
mentals of  the  Kstablishment,  The  Bishop  of  London  preached  there  more 
than  any  other  prelate,  upon  ordinary  and  special  times,  since  Paul's 
Cross  was  the  most  lmi:>ortant  pulpit  in  his  diocese,  and  within  the  pre- 
ciacte  of  his  cathedral  church.  Bishop  Aylmer,  in  his  communication 
of  1561,  to  the  Lord  Uayor,  jHits  the  matter  clearly: 


If  you  take  this  in  good  pt©  as  coming  from  him  that  hath  charge  over 
you,  I  ara  glad.  If  not,  I  must  tell  you  your  duty  cut  of  lay  chaire, 
wAiich  is  the  pulpit  at  laules  Crosse,  where  you  must  sitt  not  as  a  judge 
to  conptrole  but  as  a  ocholler  to  learne;  and  I  not  as  John  Ailmer  to 
be  thwarted  but  as  John  London  to  teache  you  and  e11  London.    71 


Lenten  sermons  were  important,  and  not  only  were  especially  talented 
preachers,  like  Sampson  or  Hoskins  or  Adams,  called  up  at  that  time, 
but  apparently  prominent  ecclesiastics  preached  there  by  custom  every 
Lent.  Gardiner  writes,  concerning  the  affair  of  Barnes  in  1540: 


I  niaded  some  Sonday  of  that  Lent  to  preaohe  at  Paules  Crosse,  as  I  had 

ben  yeai^s  before  accustomed;  and  upon  the  fyrst  Saturday  in  Lente,  s'oinge 


-Li- 


i{25) 


to  Laiabehith,  there  to  be  occupied  all  that  daye,  I  devised  «ith  xaj 
cbaplein  that  he  should  go  that  day  aai  knowe  who  should  occupie  the 
OTOsee   that  Lent,  and  to  sreake  for  a  place  for  me  on  one  of  the  Sondayes, 
not  aaeaninge  the  oondaye  that  shoulle  be  o:i  the  morowe,  for  I  had  in  my 
fliind  more  reverence  to  that  audience  then,  v/ithout  some  convenient  pre- 
saeditaoion,  to  shewe  myself  there.    76 


The  appointment  of  preachers  was  ordinarily  within  the  power  of 
the  Bishop  of  London,  as  one  might  expect,  end  he  theoretically  acted 
in  this  aatter  upon  his  own  discretion.  Grindal's  visitation  orders 

of  1562  indicate  that  appointments  to  the  I-aul's  Cross  pulpit  were  in 

79 
the  saiae  category  as  sen&one  in  the  cathedral  itself.    There  is  extant 

one  of  Laud's  letters  of  ap|>ointtfeat,  for  29  November  1629,  which  il- 
lustrates the  procedure: 


Tou  shall  understand  that  you  are  appointed  to  preach  at  St.  Paul's 
Crosse  on  Sunday  the  29  of  November  next  ensuln3;e,,,.  These  are  therefore 
to  require  and  charge  you  not  to  faile  of  your  day  appointed,  end  to  send 
your  answer  of  acceptance  hereof  in  writing  to  my  Chaplaine  Dr.  %lce8 
at  London  House,  and  to  bring  a  Coppie  of  your  Sermon  with  you,  and  not 
to  eiceede  an  houre  and  an  halfe  in.  both  Sermon  and  Iraier.  As  also  to 
certifie  your  presence  some  time  on.  the  Thursday  before  your  day  ap- 
pointed to  Jolia  Flemadag  Draper  in  Wetling  street  at  whose  House  your 
entertainment  is  provided,    80 


There  are  some  points  here  iriiich  deserve  attention.  I  do  not  think  it 
reckless  to  conjecture  that  Laud,  while  Bishop  of  London,  shortened  the 
tiiue  of  the  sermons  at  the  Cross;  he  was  not  given  to  very  lengthy 
utterance  himself,  he  distrusted  the  extravagant  use  of  the  pulpit;  the 
shorter  the  time  the  less  chance  of  sedition.  The  order  to  produce  a 
copy  of  the  sermon  in  advance  is  also,  I  think,  rather  an  indication  of 
Laud's  tight  discipline  than  of  general  practice  in  the  past.  Certainly 
many  of  the  sermons  dealt  with  in  this  study  were  not  written  before 
they  were  preached,  and  one  cannot  tell  whet  a  man  is  going  to  say  from 


z.6> 


1(26) 


his  notes.  At  this  time  laud  v»&s  busy  refonninp  the  diocese  after  the 
slack  administration  of  Bishop  Kontaigne,  and  he  feared  lest  a  Puritan 
"lecturer"  should  steal  upon  him  in  sheep's  clothing.  It  is  to  be  noticed, 
too,  that  the  preacher  is  required  to  arrive  In  London  on  the  third  day 
before  the  sermon:  this  accords  well  enough  with  i^alton's  account  of  the 
two  days  lodging  before  Sunday  provided  at  the  house  of  the  Shunamite, 
I  find  no  explicit  statement  of  the  reason  for  this  procedure,  but  it  may 
be  conjectured  that  the  preacher  was  to  be  on  hand  to  receive  any  last- 
fiiinute  instructions  from  the  ordinary,  as  proclamations  ond  eo  forth, 
to  be  delivered  in  his  sermon.  Even  though  a  copy  of  the  sermon  misfht 
not  be  requii^d,  there  were  many  occasions  when  the  preacher  was  instructed 
directly  by  the  bishop  concerning  the  main  purpose  of  his  sermon,  or  some 
of  its  details, ^2 

It  is  possible  then,  in  cases  where  the  Bishop  of  London  appointed 
preachers  without  outside  interference  or  advice,  to  reconstruct,  from  a 

variety  of  hints,  his  procedure.  By   conmunlcating  with  the  Universities, 

82 
usually  through  the  Vice-Chancellor,   or  the  Masters  of  colleges,  he 

secured  a  sort  of  "master-list"  of  divinity  students  commencing  M.A. 
or  B.D, ,  or  fellows  of  collej^es,  From  the  list  of  ordinations  in  the 
various  dioceses^  he  was  able  to  select  from  his  main  list  those  Just 
ordained,  often  no  doubt  before  their  presentation  to  livings  or  uni- 
versity appointments.  He  would  also  have  a  list  of  the  canons  and 
prebendaries  of  St,  Paul's  and  other  cathedral  churches,  of  the  replua 
professors  in  divinity,  of  his  own  and  the  royal  chaplains,  ftrom  these 
naterials  he  made  up  a  "bill"  or  list  of  preachers  for  a  given  period, 
such  aa  Lent,  Whitsuntide,  term  time.  Parliament  time.  He  then  sent 


2-7 


i(27) 


out  the  letters  of  appointaent,  directly  if  the  preacher  nes  of  rank, 
by  his  chaplain  or  the  chancellor  of  the  diocese  if  he  were  not.     Upon 
the  preacher's  arrival,  if  matters  of  special  moment  were  to  be  treated 
in  the  sermon,  he  probably  interviewed  the  preacher,   or  at  least  sent 
him  last-ndnute  instructions.     Finally  he  went  to  hear  the  sermon, 
hoping  for  the  best,  and  often  no  doubt  fearinfr  the  worst. 

This  was  the  rule,  but  more  often  the  exception.     Rarely,  even 
in  ordinary  times,  did  the  bishop  act  in  this  matter  without  direction, 
end  never  in  periods  of  crisis  did  he  appoint  without  the  advioe  and 
direction  of  the  Council,     Indeed,  there  is  evidence  that  the  bishop*3 
power  to  appoint  preachers  to  the  pulpit  at  iaul's  Cross  was  sometimes 
conffiiibted  to  him  from  the  Crown.     In  1575,  Sandys,  plagued  by  preachers 
of  the   "discipline|",   wrote  to  Burghley, 

praying  that  I  may  have  authority  from  her  Majesty,    (as  soF.e  of  my 
predeceesors  have  had)   in  her  name  to  require  such  as  are  fittest  for 
that  place.,,   to  ccii.e  thither.  83 

This  pulpit  was,  after  all,  of  consequence  to  nore  than  the  diocese  of 
London,  at  all  times,  and  in  times  when  the  multitude  had  to  be  in- 
structed upon  matters  such  as  ecclesiastical  change,  the  growth  of  sedition, 
or  the  proper  significance  of  goremment  policy,   the  power  of  appointment 
and  direction  of  pi-eachers  lay  with  the  Frivy  Council,  which  exercised 
this  authority  through  the  bi^op«     Paul's  Cross  was  always  potentially 
and  often  in  fact,   the  mouthpiece  of  the  administration, 

03a 
In  1534         Cromwell  directed  that  the  preachers  at  Faul's  Cross 

should  declare  the  usurped  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome, 


X« 


1(28) 


and  that  tha  Bishop  of  London  is  bound  to  suffer  none  to  preach  at  Tsui's 
Cross,  as  he  mill  answer,  but  such  as  will  j reach  and  set  forth  the 

same.  84 


la  this  year,  as  later  in  1536,  1549,  1551,  Cranmer  appointed  preachers 
directly,  as  aeraber  of  the  Council  and  metropolitan.  In  1537,  preachers 
were  appointed  directly  by  letter  from  Cromwell.  The  rapid  changes  in 
the  ecclesiastical  establishcient  were  not  the  onlj'^  reason  for  such  direct 
action;  the  Bishop  of  London  from  1530  to  1539  was  John  Stokesley,  who 
was  in  continual  hot  water  over  the  administration  of  his  diocese.  John 
Hilsey,  BishoT  of  Eochester,  apparently  interfered  in  Stokesley 's  arpoint- 
ment  of  preachers  to  I'aul's  Cross,  and  the  state  papers  of  the  period 
1536-38  are  fall  of  angry  letters  from  one  or  the  other  of  the  rivals 
to  Cromvell,^^  In  1561  the  Bishop  of  London  was  instructed  by  the 
Council  to  send  the  preacher  appointed  for  25  October  to  receive  his 
instructions  directly  from  them.    During;  the  controversy  over  the 
habits  in  1565-6,  Cecil  sent  Archbishop  l-aiicer  a  'Tsill"  of  preachers  for 
the  Cross;  larker  replied: 


I  have  altered  but  a  few  of  your  first  bill,  but  removed  Mr.  Feme,  and 
appointed  either  ny  lord  of  Ely  or  Peterborough  to  occupy  one  day,    87 


T^e  careful  briefing  of  the  preachers  at  the  time  of  the  Essex  rebellion 
is  d«alt  viith  at  large  in  its  place,  and  need  only  be  noticed  here. 
Upon  another  emergency,  the  Sunday  after  the  Towder  1  lot's  discovery, 
In  1605,  Barlow,  who  had  served  so  manfully  as  mouthpiece  in  1601,  was 
again  appointed,  and  preached  upon  direct  instructions  from  the  Council, 
relying  for  his  facts  in  part  up-on  "divers  circumstances  sensibly  con- 
ceived and  imparted...  over  nisiht,  by  the  Sarle  of  Salisbury,"^ 


2-1 


1(29) 


89 
It  has  been  said   that  there  was  considerable  confusion,  in 

the  early  years  of  JSllzabeth,  in  the  matter  of  authority  OTer  the  ?aul»s 

Cross  preachers,  and  that  from  the  later  years  of  liJ-izabeth  on,  a  much 

tighter  control  over  appointments  was  exercised.  But  in  the  material 

here  under  review,  I  hare  been  unable,  except  in  one  Instance,  to  dster- 

niine,  from  the  evidence  of  whet  the  preacher  said,  that  the  cause  of  the 

difficulty  was  appointment  by  the  wrong  authority.  That  instance  Is  the 

affair  ofTho/nas  Sampson  and  Laurence  Ilumphrey  in  Lent  1565.  These  two 

stalwart  Puritan  scholars  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  against  the  restnents, 

and  Cecil  '.Trote  to  Parker  to  inquire  who  had  appointed  then.  Parker 

replied  that  it  must  have  been  either  the  Bishop  of  London  (Grindal) 

90 
or  the  Lord  Mayor.    Actually  it  may  have  been  leicester,  who  at  this 

91 
time  favoured  the  nonconformist  party.    By  1581,  if  one  is  to  take  the 

evidence  of  Dyos'  attack  upon  the  City  officials,  the  lord  Kayor  was 

92 
presumed  not  to  have  the  power  of  appointment.    In  nost  cases,  through 

cooperation  -.vith  and  supervision  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  the  Council 

kept  pretty  firm  control,  all  through  the  period,  of  appointments; 

this  vma   no  guarantee  that  the  preacher,  once  on  his  feet  before  the 

multitude,  would  not  grossly  disappoint  those  who  had  called  him  to 

that  place. 

To  consider  same  examples  of  this  kind.  "^  It  seems  incredible 
that  John  Cbristopherson,  Bishor  of  Chichester,  should  have  been  permitted 
to  preach  at  the  Cross  on  27  November  1556,  the  Sunday  following  Dr. 
Bill,  who  was  officially  directed  by, Cecil  in  thst  crucial  time.  Per- 
haps it  was  hoped  that  he  would  recant;  one  cannot  conceive  of  Cecil 
xermitting  a  Uariao  bishop  to  appear  just  then  without  some  investigation. 


3o 


i(30) 


But  Ohrl storherson  preached  vehemently  in  answer  to  Dr.   Bill,  and  In 
defence  of  the  old  faith.     He  waa  imprisoned  for  it,  but  the  damage  was 
done.     Consider  also  the  difficulties  of  Sandys  in  1573  with  Mr.  Crick 
and  Mr.   Wake.     The  former  was  chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,   the 
latter  had   ♦taade  a  good  sermon'*  the  previous  year,  and  in  addition  had 
been  warned  by  Sandys  In  person,   seeming;  to  ccwnply,  if  somewhat  non- 
eoBBBittal,     Yet  to  Sandys'  disgust  they  both  preached  pure  Cartwripht. 
Even  under  the  firm  hand  of  Bancroft,  assisted  by  Cecil,  there  wore 
difficulties  in  1599  with  Cambridge  men  who  seemed  to  favour  the  Earl 
of  Essex,  touching  on  itMtters  of  state  not  thoir  concern,   especially 
during  the  Carl's  sequestration,  and  excusing  their  behaviour,   justly, 
as  Bancroft  was  forced  to  admit,  by  contending  that  thej'  were  supposed 
to  pray  for  their  Chancellor  when  they  came  to  the  Cross. 

Hiese  are  Elizabethan  instances.     But  the  sasie  sort  of  eabarrass- 
ments  occur  in  the  reign  of  Jamas.     John  Drope  of  Magdalen,  preaching  on 
3  April  1617,   complained  of  the  King's  unjust  impositions,  and  was 
"called  in  question"  for  it.     About  June  1619  Isaac  Singleton  was  com- 
icltted  for  railing  against  the  Lord  Chancellor's  court  and  ridiculing 
the  Chancellor's   "Latlaities. "    Although  James  had  ordered  that  the 
London  clergy  should  not  meddle  with  state  matters,  a    "j'ounp  fellow", 
probably  from  one  of  the  universities,   sj-oke,   on  17  December  1620,    "Very 
freely  in  general"  against  the  negotiations  witb  Spain.     Mr.    attlson  did 
likc/fise  in  ieZ6,  and  in  1622  Ur,    Claydon,  minister  of  Hackney,   lay  in 
prison  for  a   time  for  speaking  against  the  Spanish  iBafcch.      Some  of  these 
effusions  were  undoubtedly  to  be  expected  from  young  university  Ben, 
fresh  fron  the  coiroion  rooms,    brash,  unused  to  the  subtleties  of  trimming 


31 


i(31) 


between  authority  and  popular  opinion.  There  were  daring  spirits  among 
the  clergy,  and  they  were  not  necessarily  i-uritans.  On©  such  was  happily 
forestalled  In  1620.  The  Council  discovered  that  .Silliam  Clough,  vicar 
of  Bramham,  had  said 


the  King  wss  a  fool,  and  fit  for  nothing;  but  cstching  dotteirels;  the 
Lord  Ifesident  was  a  fool,  only  fit  for  gaming;  the  north  was  governed 
by  an  old  doting  Eishoi  jfobie  ^athew'?}  &xi;   also  that  he  '.vould  get  leeve 
to  preach  at  7'aul*s  Gross,  and  would  expose  the  evils  of  government.    94 


He  was  likely  in  his  cups,  and  would  not  have  gone  through  with  it  any- 
way, but  the  reniarK:  illustrates  not  only  the  impojrtunee  of  the  Paul's 

Cross  pulpit,  but  the  possibility  of  deliberately  ndsunderstanding-  the 

95 
tradition  of  reproof  from  that  pulpit,  *^ 

5.   '^ood  people  I  ...  am  nowe  conen  hither  as  a  penytent  personne. " 

The  institution  of  public  penance  or  recantation  at  Faults  Cross 
is  one  of  the  most  significant  aspects  of  the  history  of  the  Cross  in  the 
centuiv  under  review.  It  is  significant  for  more  than  the  record  of  that 
place,  for  it  indicates  a  conception  of  society  most  foreign  to  oar  ways 
of  thoucht  and  Indeed  little  if  at  all  considered  in  estimates  of  this 
period,  in  which  it  p.oes  to  nwke  up  the  inanense  coicplexity  of  a  hif^hly 
active  and  revolutionary  society  which  nevertheless  never  in  many  im- 
portant respects  broke  with  the  past.  This  appearance  before  a  public 
puljit  of  penitents  in  white  sheets,  bearing  tapers  or  fag-gots  as  they 
were  execrated  by  the  preacher,  is  the  sort  of  thin^  which  the  unin- 
stracted  are  apt  to  refer  to  as  "medieval". 

Is  this  the  age  of  Hhakespeare  and  Bacon?  It  is.  The   modern 


32- 


1(32) 


hlstorlao  is  too  apt  to  assume,  as  one  of  them  most  inexcusably  does, 
that  these  spectacles,  no  doubt  one  of  the  "sights"  of  Elizabethan  London, 
were  very  funny  at  the  time.   "Profane  persons"  were  doubtless  amused, 
and  there  must  have  been  a  high  percentage  of  profane  persons  in  the 
audience.  But  they  were  not  always  amused,  and  devout  persons  very 
seldom,  and  then  probably  only  in  spite  of  themselves.  It  ia  incredible 
to  think  that  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  continued  to  order  these 
performances  if  their  effect  was  not  salutary;  they  knew  too  well  the 
art  of  manipulating  the  multitude. 

These  public  performances  of  penance  are  an  expression  of  the 
continuing  ideal  of  the  Christian  society,  in  which  the  commons  are 
directed  by  wise  and  righteous  governors  for  the  weal  of  the  whole  body 
politic.  The   heretic  and  the  malefactor  must  be  rooted  out,  and  by 
precept  and  the  overpowering  force  of  example  ^life  diseases  of  that  body 
politic  exposed  in  their  nakedness  to  the  general  view.  It  Is  indeed  a 
medieval  idea,  and  it  is  visibly  expressed  in  that  symbolism  of  apparel 
and  act  irtiich  produced  the  moralities.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
a  sermon  at  Paul's  Cross,  accompanied  by  the  speech  and  act  of  the  peni- 
tent, i£  a  morality  play,  or,  to  be  more  exact,  life  become  morality. 

The  primary  purpose,  then,  of  public  penance  was  to  publish  error 
and  recantation  as  example  to  the  people.  But  there  were  other  purposes 
leas  obvious  but  perhaps  equally  significant.  On  most  occasions,  the 
penitent  was  a  kind  of  living  exemjlnm  for  the  preacher,  and  exceedingly 
useful  for  the  sermon  itself.  Moreover,  the  act  of  penance  was  the 
publication  of  conversion  from  evil  ways,  or  recantation  of  heresy,  and 


33 


i(33) 


so  instromental  in  the  salvation  of  the  penitent's  soul,  not  because  it 
represented  the  actual  act  of  conversion,  but  rather  confirmed  it  by 
public  ifitness.  A  contemporary  counterpart  is  the  "testimonial"  services 
conducted  by  certain  evangelical  sects,  with  the  significant  difference 
that  the  iritnessin^  sinner  is  not  tied  to  a  set  form  of  speech.  In  the 
case  of  those  burned  after  having  performed  penance  at  the  Cross,  such 
as  the  Anabaptists  who  recanted  their  heresies  on  15  Hay  1575,  it  may 
be  assamed  that  they  had  relapsed  into  their  former  damnable  errors,  or 
had  merely  stood  and  recanted  in  form,  having  been  already  condemned  to 
the  stake.  This  was  usually  the  position  of  serious  heretics,  especially 
the  feared  and  abcadnable  Anabaptists,  and  then  penance  was  not  a  sub- 
stitute, as  it  often  was,  for  a  worse  punishment,  but  merely  a  publication 
of  error  for  the  instruction  of  the  people, 

Theire  are  several  variations  in  the  forms  prescribed  for  public 
penance,  and  also  in  the  practice,  "^  A  penitent  heretic  stood  "in  the 
eie  of  the  multitude"  by  the  preacher,  wearing  a  w^ite  sheet,  carrying 
faggots,  and  a  taper,  signifjring  the  death  by  burning  »rtiich  he  deserved, 
Sonetimea  he  wore  thereafter  a  badge  representing  a  faggot  in  flames 
on  his  clothes,^''  Strictly  speaking  only  those  doing  penance  for  an 
offense  punishable  by  burning  should  be  spoken  of  a  "bearing  a  faggot", 
but  the  term  is  used  loosely  by  contemporary  chroniclers  for  penance  in 
general,  Grindal's  directions  for  public  penance  (in  churches^   pre- 
sci>ibe  a  sermon,  or  at  least  a  homily  (apparently  not  necessarily  upon 
the  sin  of  the  penitent),  the  position  of  the  offender  "directly  over 
against  the  pulpit"  in  a  sheet,  and  public  interrogation  of  the  offender. 
I  note  no  example  of  this  Interrogatory  procedure  at  Paul's  Cross,  bat 


2>t 


i(34) 


the  penitent  either  repeats  his  form  of  penance  after  the  preacher,  or 

delivers  it  himself  from  a  "prepared  text*?  Penance  with  the  head  covered 

99 
was  not  considered  adequate,   and  on  one  occasion  noted  the  preacher 

struck  the  penitents  as  he  "showyd  their  oppynyons''i"     Recantation 

Blight  take  the  form  of  a  symbolic  act,  as  when  Becon  cut  his  offending 

books  to  pieces  before  the  audience,    and  the  declaration  of  recantation 

night  be  printed  and  distributed  if  the  authorities  thought  it  important 

enough  to  do  so. 


In  order  to  illustrate  the  method  of  conducting  these  exercises, 
I  subjoin  accounts  of  three  such  occasions,  which  indicate  certain  varia- 
tions in  procedure,  and  are  most  sufficient  as  description  than  a  second- 
hand explanation  or  list  of  details. 

On  13  Harch  1586,  there  stood  before  the  preacher  at  Pauls  crosse,  in 
the  verie  ele  of  the  multitude,  a  most  heinous  malefactor  in  a  ^ite 
sheet,  with  a  rod  about  halfe  a  yard  long  in  his  hand,  and  about  his 
head  a  paper  fastened,  with  the  inscription  of  the  offense  for  which 
he  did  penance.  [The  phrase  "papers  on  his  head"  occurs  in  contemporary 
documents  also  in  description  of  persons  in  the  pillory. 3  This  lewd 
fellow  (having  a  wife)  did  notwithstanding  for  the  space  of  five  years 
past,  keepe  in  his  house  an  harlot  or  strumpet  under  the  name  of  his 
maid,  whose  bodie  he  unlawfullie  used;  insomueh  ttet  she  bare  him  cer- 
teine  bastards,  which  in  time  were  made  awale  and  murthered,  this  horrible 
deed  still  reirielninp  undisclosed;  untill  the  last  whome  she  bare  and  slue, 
which  was  then  bewraied,  and  she  of  the  fact  by  course  of  law  orderlie 
convinced  [sic/ ,  was  executed  at  Tiborne  the  laet  sessions  next  before 
the  publication  hereof  by  the  preacher. 

Now  (saith  the  preacher)  although  the  law  have  acqulted  this 
heinous  malefactor,  and  released  him  from  the  gallows;  yet  is  it  not 
likelie  that  he  can  be  excuseable  from  privitie  in  the  offense.   JTor  it 
cannot  be,  but  that  as  he  was  not,  nor  could  be  ignorant  of  the  harlots 
being  with  child;  so  must  he  needs  know  what  became  of  them  after  their 
procreation  and  bringing  foorth  into  the  world.  Nevertheless...  al- 
though he  have  escaped  the  like  execution  as  his  fellow  offender  hath 
suffered;  yet  except  he  doo  heartille  repent,  and  be  inwardlle  sorle  for 
the  same,  he  is  certelne  to  hang  in  hell  fier.  In  signification  there- 
fore of  his  heartie  repentance,  he  was  injoined  to  make  open  confession 
of  his  fault,  the  forme  whereof  was  delivered  in  vnrlting  to  the  preacher, 
he  reading  it,  and  the  offender  oaieng  after  him  the  same,  with  as  lowd 


if 


1(35) 


a  TOice  as  coacelved  sbame  for  so  greevofis  a  trespasse  wsuld  admit. 

Now  upon  this  repeatance  and  confession,  the  preacher  tooke 
occasion  to  aggravat  the  dangerous  sinne  of  fornication  and  adulteri», 
shewing  by  sundrie  exajaples  what  punishments  have  beene  inflicted  apon 
offenders  in  that  kind,  by  the  laws  of  diverse  nations,... all  idxioh  shew 
how  odious  a  sinne  it  is,  both  in  the  sight  of  Gk>d  and  man. 

Havinr,  waded  so  far  in  the  argument,  the  preacher  spoke  verle 
honourable  of  the  dignitle  of  marriage,  and  against  the  frequented  vice 
of  usurie,  T»hereof  he  delivered  examples  verie  dreadfull,  intendla^  an 
ajiiendment  of  that  enormitle. ...    103 


Usury,  forsooth.  One  ain  leads  to  another,  as  the  student  of  devotional 
literature  can  bring  abundant  testimony.  One  notes  here  the  elevated 
position  of  the  penitent,  the  rod  symbolic  of  stripes,  the  "papers",  the 
"forme"  delivered  after  the  preacher,  the  sermon  upon  the  sin,  and  the 
double  standard  of  morality. 

The  recantation  of  Robert  lard,  in  1544,  is  interesting  for  a 
number  of  reasons,  especially  for  Its  obvious  direction  toward  the 
audience  for  their  improvement: 


Good  people  I  Robert  Warde  of  Thapstede  am  nowe  comen  hither  as  a  penytent 
personne  trusting  in  the  mercle  of  Almightie  *7od,  that,  likewyse  as 
heretofore  I  have  sundry  wayes  declared  my  folie  and  lewde  behaviour 
in  woordes  and  dedes  taking  upon  me  to  be  a  teacher  of"  instructor  of 
other,  where  myne  owne  selfe  being  a  man  of  anall  ezperyence  lesse  wytte 
and  of  no  lernynp,  nor  yet  of  other  f300-i  comendable  qualities  oughte 
rather  humblle  to  have  soughte  holsome  instruction  good  advyse  and  cath- 
olique  doctrine  of  other  declaring  my  self  rather  a  good  disciple  and 
scolar  redy  to  learne  than  a  folyshe  and  a  malapearte  lewde  rashe 
maister  in  presumptnouslie  teaching,  Soo  by  the  goodness  and  healpe  of 
Allmightie  god  I  shall  ever  from  hensforthe  by  all  wayes  possible  unto 
as,  endeavour  my  self  not  onelie  in  woordes  but  also  in  hearts  and  deades 
to  declare  perfectlie  my   self  to  have  right  faithe  and  to  be  a  true  and 
a  faithfull  christen  man.  And  surelie  full  sorie  I  am  that  in  tymes 
past  I  have  not  gone  aboute  this  to  doo,  but  like  an  undiscrete  and 
folyshe  nan  have  partlye  of  myne  owne  folye  and  partlye  being  seduced 
by  other  pretending  to  make  me  moche  better  then  they  were  themselves 
doon  cleane  the  contrarye.  And  good  people  ye  shall  understand  that 
wanting...  bothe  experience  wytte  and  learnynge  I  have  dyverse  tymes 
in  alehouses  and  uncomelie  and  unmeate  places  taken  upon  me  to  bable 
talke  and  rangle  of  the  Scripture  ndiiohe  I  understode  not  yea  and  to 


3t 


ii^o) 


expoande  it  after  ny  folyshe  fantasie  ehieflie  these  tymes  vhen  I  have 
not  bon  myne  owne  man  but  over  come  with  Ale.  And  lykewise  I  have  dyverse 
tymes  x'olyshlie  and  unrevereatlie  spooken  of  the  masse  and  not  lyke  a 
christen  nan  regarded  the  saine  as  I  doo  nove  know  that  of  duytie  and 
reason  I  shalde  have  considered  yt  and  all  the  sacramencs  ox*  christa 
churohe  with  the  laudable  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  saoe.  And  moreover 
I  have  kept  unlawful  bookes  to  mayntayne  lay   lewdnes  and  undiscretioii 
herein.  And  by  cause  I  knowe  that  in  tynes  past  this  ny  lewde  behaviour 
and  doyjac  mighte  have  ben  occasion  for  some  of  you  to  have  fallen  to  like 
folie  and  lewdnes,  I  am  nowe  comyn  hither  willin^lie  of  myne  owne  self 
and  nynde  to  declare  syne  faults  and  humblye  to  beseche  you  all  that  yf 
In  any  wyse  heretofore  you  have  ben  offended  «rith  me  in  anny  my  salde 
sayengE  or  doyengs  ye  will  of  your  charytie  fre&lie  forgyve  me  and  to 
take  example  of  this  my  penaunoe  tavoyde  and  not  to  fall  into  the  lyke 
sayen^es  and  doyngs,  trusting  in  god  that  thoughe  my  behaviour  heretofore 
hatha  ben  many  wayes  very  noughtie  and  lewde  yet  this  my  humble  penaunoe 
and  repentaunca  vfill  taken  heade  of,  thout^e  yt  be  ferre  under  myne 
offenses,  shal  be  profatable  to  me  and  you  with  all  other  tavoyde  the 
lyke  daunger  and  inconvenience:  whlche  I  beseche  allmightie  god  to  graunte 
you:  unto  ishome  be  gyven  laude  and  prayse  nowe  and  evermore,    104 


On  11  February  1627,  Stephen  Denison,  the  minister  of  the  church  of  St. 
Catherine  Cree,  spoke  at  Paul's  Cross  on  the  tried  theme  of  false 
prophets,  having  in  mind  especially  the  familists  and  other  "^stlcal 
Solves"  then  in  England.  After  twelve  sections  of  well -organized  in- 
vective, he  comes,  in  the  published  sermon,  to  "The  Occasion  of  all  nhich 
followeth'^ 

He  explains  that  vdiat  follows  was  added  because  of  an  order  of 
submission  enjoined  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  upon  John  Hetherington, 
late  of  iifestminster,  now  of  latney,  to  be  performed  the  same  day  this 
sermon  preached  at  Paul's  Cross. 


It  was  ordered  that  the  said  Hetherinton  upon  Sonday  the  11,  day  of 
February  should  before  the  beginning  of  the  Sermon  at  Pauls  Crosse  come 
within  the  walls  there  just  before  the  l\ilplt,  and  there  stand  beftare 
the  Preacher,  bare-faced  end  bare-headed  in  some  eminent  place,  where 
hee  might  be  best  seene  and  heard  of  the  Congregation  assembled  during 
the  whole  time  of  the  Sermon,  having  a  paper  on  his  breast  expressing 
his  offence  in  these  words  "for  scandalizing  the  whole  Church  of  England, 
in  saying  it  was  no  true  Church  of  Christ,  and  publishing  other  erronious 


37 


i(37) 


opinions,  proceeding  from  that  ill  ground:"  for  the  which  cause  he  was 
enjoyned  this  acknowledgement. 

iMhereas  I  John  Hetherington  stand  by  the  depositions  of  sundry 
witnesses  Judicially  convicted  before  the  Kings  Majesties  CoBimlssi oners 
appointed  for  Causes  Scclesiastlcal,  for  that  sine  the  20.  of  December 
1623.  I  have  maintained  and  published,  that  the  Church  of  England  as 
it  is  now  by  the  Law  established,  is  no  true  Church  of  Christ,  and  that 
it  teacbeth  false  Doctrine,  that  the  aabbath  day  or  Sunday,  which  we 
coHunonly  call  the  Lords  day,  since  the  Apostles  time  was  of  no  force, 
and  th3t  every  day  is  a  Sabbath  as  much  as  that  which  we  call  the 
Sabbath  day  the  Lords  day  or  Sunday:  that  the  Bookes  of  Eadras  are  and 
ought  to  be  esteemed  part  of  the  Canonlcall  Scripture:  as  also  to  have 
used  reproachfull  words  to  and  of  the  ministers  of  the  Church  of  England, 
and  of  their  calling.  And  further,  whereas  it  standeth  proved  against 
me,  that  beijif^  by  trade  a  Boxmaker  about  five  or  six  yeeret;  since  I 
gave  over  my   said  trade,  and  frequented  private  Conventicles,  by  the 
Lawes  of  tUs  Healme  prohibited  taking  upon  me  within  the  time  articulated 
to  be  the  chief e  Speaker  and  to  instruct  others,  not  being  of  my  owne 
fariilie  in  points  of  Joctrine,  and  natters  of  faith,  giving-,  expositions 
contirary  to  the  received  opinions  of  this  our  Church  of  England,  and  in 
defence  of  such  Conveaticles  have  said  or  i^rit  that  Oaeaer  may  command 
a  place  in  publike,  so  ashe  forbid  none  in  private.  As  also  that  I  have 
bin  of  opinion  with  the  Flomilists  touching  the  perfect  puritie  of  the 
Boule....  For  the  which  I  have  been  imprisoned  by  the  order  of  his 
Slajesties  Commissioners  liccloaiasticall,  and  have  beene  enjoyned  to  make 
this  ny  publike  Recantation  or  submission  here  this  day.  I  do  therefore 
before  you  all  here  present  from  n^r  heart  renounce,  abjure,  and  dlaclaime 
all  the  said  opinions  as  erronious  and  sohismaticall... ,  and  doe  blesse 
and  praise  God,  that  as  a  member  of  the  said  Church  I  may  freely  Joyne 
with  the  Farochiall  Congiregations,  i^ere  I  shall  reside  in  the  hearing 
of  Divine  Service  said,  Qods  word  preached,  and  in  the  participation 
of  the  holy  and  blessed  Sacrament  of  the  Lords  Supper  rightly  and  duly 
administered,  and  in  all  other  religious  duties.   For  the  due  perform- 
ance whereof  I  doe  here  give  xay   faithfull  promise:  and  that  I  may  do 
doe,  I  desire  you  all  here  present  to  Joyne  with  me  in  saying  the  Loi^s 
prayer, . • .    105 


Note  the  legal  tone  of  this  document,  compared  with  the  others.  This 
is  a  product  of  the  lawyers  of  the  High  Commission,  and  what  it  lacks 
in  naivete  it  makes  up  in  emphasis  upon  the  ideal  to  be  enforced  in 
cases  of  lack  of  conformity.  "Hie  position  of  the  penitent  is  carefully 
indicated,  and  seems  to  have  been  within  the  brick  wall  of  the  1620 
picture,  on  a  sort  of  aovable  stage  before  the  preacher.  In  this  case 
the  "papers"  were  fixed  on  the  breast  of  the  penitent,  and  there  is  the 
added  detail  of  the  concluding  Lord's  Prayer  far  the  fulfilment  of  the 

3? 


i(38) 


recantation,  Denison  improved  the  occasion  by  making  a  surrey  of  "Mvhe 
severall  kinds  of  Jfysticall  Vfelves  breeding  in  ENGELAND.  " 

Penance  at  Paul*s  Cross  was  enjoined  for  a  variety  of  offences, 
besides  the  holding  or  publication  of  heretical  or  seditious  opinions. 
It  was  a  powerful  weapon  against  scandal,  idiich  is  beat  silenced  by 
humiliating  its  authors.  In  November  1561  the  diarist  Henry  Uachyn  was 

forced  to  do  penance  for  slandering  the  i^ench  Protestant  preacher  John 

106 
Teron,    whose  alleged  incontinency  had  caused  gossip  amon^  what  where 

probably  the  adherents  of  the  old  religion.  A  "young  man"  did  penance 
for  the  saaie  fault  three  weeks  before  Machyn,  who  vainly  tried  to  con- 
ceal the  disgrace  in  the  entry  in  his  diary.  Somewhere  between  1561 
and  1530,  John  Cooke,  registrar  of  the  diocese  of  Winchester,  spread  a 
slander  about  Home,  Bishop  of  finchester.  He  instructed  the  boys  of  the 
graniLar  school  to  say  that,  being  in  a  tree,  they  should  see  the  bishop 
commit  adultery  under  the  tree.   ( Cooke *e  imagination  nay  have  been 
Inflained  by  the  Uerchant*s  'Bale.)  He  was  adjudged  'to  stande  at  Poles 
erosse,  and  to  declare  and  preche  there  hys  owne  shame;  but  with  owt 
blushyng,  for  hys  syde  panche  C^lcJ  and  Croydon  ^ike  the  Collier  of 
CroydonJ  complexyone  vfolde  not  suffer  hvm  to  blushe,  more  then  the 
black  dogge  of  Bungay."*^   Fenance  was  enjoined  for  pretence  of  pos- 
session,  and  especially  for  offences  against  the  marriage  laws.^^^ 
On  16  October  1541,  for  instance,  two  piriests  did  penance  for  contracttng 
an  illegal  marriage,  and  there  was  another  such  penance  on  21  August  1559. 
(I  exclude  here  those  penances  of  aiarried  priests  so  co/ranon  in  the  early 
years  of  the  reign  of  Mary. )  A  nan  did  penance  for  bigamy  on  20  February 
1560.  It  will  be  noted  that  these  offences  are  of  the  kind  dealt  with 


31 


i(39) 


by  ecclesiastical  courts,  and  it  is  not  altogether  the  accident  of  the 
materials  gathered  for  this  study  that  such  notices  reappear  during  the 
later  part  of  this  jeriod,  when  the  High  Commission  began  to  intensify 
its  operations,  and,   it  would  appear,  against  nenbers  of  the  gentry. 
In  November  1618,  Lady  Marichain  did  penance  in  a  sheet  for  marrying  one 
of  her  servants  during  her  husband's  lifetime;   in  1625  Sir  Robert  Howard 
was  publicly  ezcommunicated  at  Paul's  Cross  for  contempt  of  the  Hiis^h 
Coimnission,  then  engaged  upon  proceedings  against  Lady  Furbeck,  with  whom 
he  was  living  In  adultery;  I  note  also  another  penance  In  1631  for  marriage 
within  the  prohibited  tables.     In  this  respect,  as  in  others,  there  is 
a  r«iarkable  continuity  and  consistency  la  the  ecclesiastical  attitude 
through  a  century  of  rapid  change  in  many  other  departments  of  the 
national  life. 

One  scarcely  edifying  episode  in  this  series  of  penances  for 
■oral  offences  deserves  more  extended  notice.     On  9  ?ebruary  1612  the 
notorious  Moll  Frith  [iSoll  CutpurseJ   the  model  for  Kiddleton*s  Roaring 
Girl,  did  public  penance  at  Paul's  Cross  for  wearing  men's  apparel.     John 
Chamberlain,  writing  to  Carleton  on  12  Februarj',  had  enjoyed  the  affair: 

Mall  Cut-purse  a  notorious  bagage  (that  used  to  go  in  man's 
apparrell  and  challenged  the  foild  of  divers  gallants)   was  brou^t 
to  the  same  place   (Paul's  Cross^ ,  where  she  wept  bitterly  and  seemed 
very  penitent,   but  yt  is  since  doubted  she  was  maudelin  -Iruncke,   beeing 
discovered  to  have  tlpled  of  three  quarts  of  sacke  before  she  came  to  do 
her  penaunce:    she  had  the  daintiest  preacher  or  ghostly  father  that  ever 
I  saw  in  pulpit,   one  Ratcliffe  of  Brazen  Nose  in  Oxford,   a  likelier  man 
to  have  led  the  revells  in  aome  ynne  of  court  then  to  be  where  he  was, 
but  the  best  is  he  did  extreem  badly,  and  so  wearied  the  audience  that 
the  best  part  v/ent  away,  and  the  rest  taried  rather  to  heare  Mall  Cut- 
purse  then  him.         109a 

Another  account  adds  some  picturesque  if  not  perhaps  so  reliable  details: 


Vo 


i(40) 


An  apparitor,  set  on  by  adversary  of  hers,  cited  her  to  appear 
in  the  Court  of  Arches,  where  was  an  accusation  exhibited  against  her 
for  wearin.--  indecent  and  isanly  apparel.  She  aras  advised  by  her  proctor 
to  demor  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  Court,  as  for  e  crime,  if  such,  not 
cognizable  there.  But  he  did  it  to  spin  out  the  cause  and  get  her  money: 
for,  in  the  end,  she  was  there  sentenced  to  stand  and  do  penance  in  a 
white  sheet  at  3t.  Paul's  Cross  during  raomlnp  senaon  on  a  Sunday.,., 
Uany  of  the  spectators  had  little  cause  to  sport  themselves  then  at  the 
sight;  for  soroe  of  her  emissaries,  without  any  regard  to  the  sacredness 
of  the  placfcj,  spoiled  a  good  rjany  clothes,  by  cutting  p-art  of  their  cloaks 
and  gowns,  and  sending  them  home  as  naked  behind  as  Aesop *s  crow,  whan 
every  bird  took  its  own  feather  from  her.    109b 


A  more  edifying  spectacle  to  be  seen  at  Paul's  Cross,  from  tine 
to  time,  was  the  burning  of  seditious  or  heretical  books.  Sometimes, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  recantation  of  Thomas  Becon  in  1543,  the  penitent 
tore  up  his  own  books,  which  were  then  burned  before  the  Cross.  The 
burning  might  be  accompanied  with  a  profitable  exhortation,  such  as  that 
of  Usher  vidien  Lather's  hereticeO.  worics  were  burned  there  in  1521,  or  of 
Bishop  Montaigne  at  the  bornlng  of  Paraeus'  dangerous  works  upon  limitation 
of  sovereignty  in  1622. 

7.   "It  was  pull'd  down  In  the  late  rebellious  Tijaea, " 

During  the  centuries  vdiile  I'aul's  Cross  stood  in  the  churchyard, 
a  sermon  might  well  be  published  \vith  "preached  at  Faules  Crosse"  on  its 
title  page,  and  that  sermon  not  in  strictness  preached  there,  but,  as 
noted  above,  in  the  Shrouds,  in  the  Grey   Friars,  or  perhaps  in  the 
Cathedral  Itself.   But  these  were  preached  elsewhere  because  of  bad 
weather,  or  it  may  be  for  some  other  reason  which  I  have  not  discovered. 
So  long  as  they  were  preached  on  that  foundation,  they  are  I^ul's  Cross 
serroons.  It  Is  thus  impossible  to  discover  from  the  evidence  of  title- 
pages  Just  irtien  the  Cross  was  pulled  down.  Indeed  the  institution  of 


H\ 


i(41) 


the  semons  at  the  Cross  continued  after  the  Reatoration,  but  they  were 
preached  in  the  Cathedral;  lists  of  laul's  Cross  preachers  (which  I 
have  not  seen)  exist  in  eighteenth-century  ecclesiastical  documents,  and 
Dean  Hilioan,  whose  Annals  was  published  in  1358,  says  that  the  endow- 
nants  "still  belong  to  the  Sunday  morning  preachers,  now  chiefly  the 
honorary  Prebendaries  of  the  Church.". 

One  antiquary  contends  that  the  pulpit  was  not  occupied  after 
April  1633,  when  during  repairs  to  the  Cathedral,  while  the  yard  was 
cluttered  with  building  materials,  the  sermons  were  removed  into  the 
cholr.^^^  This  aeens  to  be  an  error,  either  In  the  date  or  In  belieTing 
that  the  sermons  were  not  ont^  raore  preached  outdoors.  The  docuBient  upon 
which  one  most  rely  is  a  i>etition  of  the  vergers  of  St.  Faults,  of  1535, 
to  the  Dean  of  the  Arches.  A  certain  Jtr.  Thomas  Chap'rean  (see  above,  p.  82) 
had  left  a  legacy  of  12d.  weekly  "forever  to  some  fitt  person  to  keepe 
sweete  cleans  and  decent  the  p  rea  ching  place  of  Paules  Crosse"  ~  such 
was  no  doubt  the  "old  man"  of  1529  —  and  now  the  vergers  request  that 
this  suro  be  paid  to  those  who  do  the  service  isrlthin.^^^  The   presumption 
that  the  sennons  were  not  again  roiaoved  outdoors  is  strengthened  by  an 
entry  in  the  charge  books  of  St.  Paul's  for  June  1635,  which  recoI^is 
payments  to  labourers  employed  to  carry  away  "the  Lead,  Timber,  too,, 
that  were  pull'd  downe  of  the  Rooiass  whei^  the  Prebends  of  the  Church, 
the  Doctors  of  the  Law,  and  the  Parishioners  of  St,  ffaith'a  did  sett 
to  heare  Semons  at  St.  I'aul's  Crosse.  "^"^  (This  is  apparently  another 
set  of  '^oomes"  besides  those  indicated  in  the  1620  picture.) 

The  Cross  Itself,  however,  still  stood.  Silent  now,  for  the 
members  of  the  Long'  Parliament  did  not  aaswnble  there,  but  heard  their 


i(42) 


preachers  in  their  own  place,  la  liay,  1643,  Sir  Robert  Harlow,  by  order 
of  the  Houses,  took  down  the  crosses  in  Cheapside,  Charing  Cross,  and 
Paul's  churchyard,  as  vestiges  of  idolatry. ■*■■*■* 

In  the  eighteenth  century  an  elm  tree  grew  on  the  spot  where 
the  Cross  bad  stood:  so  goes  one  of  those  pleasant  fictions  beloved 
of  the  rojnaatlc  antiquary.  As  a  natter  of  fact,  the  north  wall  of 
lfren*8  church  is  practically  on  the  line  of  the  south  side  of  the  Cross; 
its  foundations  were  uncovered  by  F.C.  Penrose  in  1879. *-^'^  In  1905, 
Mr.  H.C.  Richards,  M.P,  left  a  legacy  of  £5000  to  bo  applied  either  to 

the  rebuilding  of  Paul's  Cross  or  to  new  stained-glass  windows  for  the 

116 
Cathedral.  The  money  was  used  for  the  latter  purpose.-^-^" 


V3 


II 

XINDS  or  D0CT5IN2:  EMTRI  Till,  ID'iASD  YI, 
MAHT 


But  after  that...  the  vrorld  once  ruffled  and  fallea  into  wildness, 
how  loog  would  It  be,  and  what  heaps  of  heavj-  mischiefs  would  there 
fall,  ere  the  way  -were  found  to  set  the  world  in  order  and  peace 
again. 


lk>re,  Ihe  Dialogue  concerning  Ilyndale. 


v  ^ 


ii(2) 


HMRY  Till 

1.   "QrieTOus  heresies  and  slandars. " 

The  period  from  1533  to  1559  was  the  most  troubled  in  English 
ecclesiastical  history.  The  official  religion  was  first  Ronan  Catholic, 
then  the  peculiar  doctrine  of  the  "Bishops'  Bookj" .   then  English  Catholic, 
then  Trotestanty,  then  Booan  Catholic.  By  the  close  of  this  tioe  the 
nation  was  ready  for  the  Klizafoethan  settlement,  that  triumph  of  ex- 
pediency over  all  fonaa  and  conditions  of  zeal. 

In  these  pai^es  1  cannot  reconstruct  the  whole  history,  but  merely 
indicate  some  leading  themes  to  which  expression  was  given  at  Paul's 
Cross,  i'hese,  taken  to*;ether  in  the  proper  chronological  relation,  are 
most  significant.  It  is  true  that  the  result  gives  a  simplification 
potentially  misleading,  bat  that  very  simplification  protects  me  from 
some  dangerous  errors.  It  is  in  this  period  that  ecclesiastical  histor- 
ians have  exercised  their  most  violent  prejudices;  the  chief  figures  In 
the  English  Reformation  are  cast  as  heroes  or  villains,  in  solid  primary 
colours.  I  have  not  tried  to  reiiialn  impartial.  I  have  not  had  to  try. 
1  am  concerned  with  certain  facts.  It  is  late  now  to  be  disturbed  over 
the  dispute  of  Hllsey  and  Stokesley,  to  suffer  with  the  unfortunate  Dr. 
Crome,  to  break  a  lance  for  the  hysterical  Elizabeth  Barton,  or,  on  the 
other  side,  for  the  exasperating^  Anne  Aslcew. 

If  the  pulpit  in  Paul's  churchyard  was  ever  an  important  official 
sound Infi-board,  it  was  during  the  period  1534-1547.   Before  joining  the 
audience  in  1534,  whm  the  royal  supremacy  was  being  preached  there 


i+r 


ii{;3) 


under  Cromwell's  direction,  It  is  necessary  to  explore,  from  the  svidence 
of  Paul's  Cross  sermons  and  other  significant  raflterial  antedating  1534, 
how  far  it  /ras  necessary  for  Henry  VIIT  to  cajole  or  coerce  public 
opinion  in  support  of  his  policies.  How  far  had  the  revolution  proceeded 
already  in  that  pulpit? 

Shat  the  constitutional  historians  have  decided  concerning  the 
nature  of  the  aiglish  neformation,  its  place  in  the  traditions  of  the 
common  and  the  civil  law,  the  theories  of  kinp;ship  adumbrated  in  the 
statutes  of  the  "Refornietion  Parliament"  and  their  relation  to  the 
theories  of  Marsillus  of  Padua  or  Luther,  is  for  the  most  part  irrele- 
vant to  the  material  here  considered.  For   the  revolution  which  Henry 
Till  sponsored  and  directed  with  such  Jtechiavellian  skill  was  not  mani- 
fest, at  the  time,  in  any  such  terms.  JSvea  the  lawyers  who  drafted, 
with  such  profuse  yet  canny  verbiage,  the  pi*eainbles  to  the  statutes 
worked  with  only  that  lieceptive  consistency  which  is  the  product  of 
expediency.  The  preachers,  like  Tunstall,  who  io  the  1520 's  spoke  from 
Paul's  Cross  against  heresy  upon  the  ancient  assumptions  of  the  Catholic 
faith,  and  found  themselves  defending  the  king's  courses  in  the  1530's, 
were  servants  and  not  masters  of  their  theories.  Theory  was,  like  all 
else,  invalid  before  the  royal  will,  whose  dictates,  brutal  or  subtle, 
swept  now  one  party,  now  the  other,  into  prominence  or  into  the  shadows. 
Moreover,  the  issues,  as  they  were  set  forth  from  a  popular  pulpit,  could 
be  delivered,  either  before  or  after  the  separation  from  Home,  only  in 
the  familiar  terras  of  heresy  or  the  still  more  faitilliar  terms  of  Slander. 
Keither  as  they  were  presented,  as  one  may  describe  them,  nor  in  any 
summation  or  analysis  of  them,  can  these  issues  be  divoiced  from  the' 

I 


il(4) 


personalities  or  particular  events  In  the  lineaments  of  which  they 
appeared. 

Yet  though  one  cannot  with  any  confidence  find  in  eyery  incident 
the  evidence  for  a  simple  and  consistent  i«ttern,  even  the  dullest 
member  of  the  auditory  at  raul*3  Cross,  as  ho  listened  to  fulminatlons 
against  the  t«ro  great  dangers  of  the  tine,  heresy  and  treason,  must  have 
perceived,  betxeen  say  1526  and  15J5,  a  fundanental  change  in  view,  pro- 
ceeding from  the  basic  change  in  the  relations  of  church  and  state. 
"Hie  nature  of  this  change,  often  misunderstood,  is  best  defined,  not  by 
reference  to  the  theories  of  medieval  canonists  or  even  to  'Ihe  Obedience 
of  a  Christian  Man,  but  by  consideration  of  feudal  "rights".  The  very 
essence  of  feudalism  was  the  fusion  of  public  and  private  rights;  wrongs 
against  individuals  and  corporations  possessed  of  certain  "liberties" 
were  not  distinguished  from  crimes,   (Consequently  there  was  little  if 
any  distinction  between  an  act  and  an  "award*  of  Parliament.)  The 
early  Tudors  engaged  to  release  Sngland  from  these  "liberties,"  whether 
secular  of  the  magnates,  or  ecclesiastical  of  the  Church,  and  in  this 
process  the  violent  and  abrupt  acts  of  Henry  7ITI  la  Parliament  which  we 
call  the  English  Heformstion  were  episodes  in  a  larger  process  of  niaking 
the  Crown  in  larliaxsent  omni competent  in  the  realm.  It  is  absurd  to 
contend  that  the  medieval  Church  in  England  was  a  "national"  Church;  it 
becajue  a  national  Church  if^en  Sagland  becajrie  a  national  state  in  the 
modern  sense.  Nov/  as  this  applied  to  heresy,  it  meant  that  the  deter- 
Biination  of  heresy  rested  yrith  a  national  church,  in  which,  even  if  Its 
Supreme  Head  did  not  claim  potestas  ordinis,  hs  exercised  absolute  legal 
control,  either  in  hid  own  person  or  in  Parliament  (hare  authorities 


V7 


11(E) 


differed),  over  those  who  did  claim  it.  As  for  slander,  slander  became 
treason,  either  directly  as  it  was  slander  of  the  supremacy  or  its 
ministers,  or  indirectly  as  it  disturbed,  or  oouli  be  sho-wn  to  have  dis- 
turbed, the  peace  of  the  realin.  The  citizen  whom  I  have  joatulatei  as 
the  norm  found  that  his  owa  'T.ibertles,",  aaoh  as  they  were,  were  sur- 
rendered into  one  authority,  and  not  two  or  three  or  six,  that  definitions 
were  at  once  clearer  —  and  hence  more  useful  for  propaganda  purpoaas  — 
and  at  the  saiae  time  more  dangerous*  He  was  not,  as  Foxe  would  have  had 
his  readers  believe,  bathed  in  the  light  of  the  Ooapel  and  persecuted  by 
reactionary  churchfuen  for  taking  advantage  of  his  rights  under  a  systaaa 
of  reforaed  belief  and  practice,  but  rather  carried  about  upon  erery  wind 
of  doctrine,  as  the  national  policy  in  its  various  practical  expedients 
to  Insure  the  survival  of  the  national  experliaent  veered  now  one  way  and 
aow  the  other. ^ 

A  survey  of  sonte  scattered  notices  of  sermons  at  I-aul's  Cross  in 
the  decade  before  1533  discloses  that  the  two  ff.ain  worries  of  the  ecclesia- 
stical authorities  during  those  years  were  the  spread  of  the  Lutheran  heresy 
and  the  activities  of  tranelatorc  of  the  Scriptures;  the  t-.5f0  jcade  one  danger 
In  the  Bdnds  of  Snglis-'  Catholic  churchrfien.  It  is  Instmctive  to  note  how 
uncomplicated  the  issues  appeared  in  comparison  with  their  axbiguity  daring 
the  first  years  of  the  "English  Schisiar.  The  campaign  against  Luther  was 
officially  opened  on  12  Ifeiy  1521,  vAen,  with  Wolsey  present  In  great  state, 
John  Plaher,  Bishop  of  Hcchester,  conderned  the  doctrines  of  Luther  as 
heretical  and  pernicious,  declaring  that  in  buriiing  the  pope's  bull. 
Lather  had  clearly  shown  that  be  *x)uld  have  burnt  the  jjope   too  had  he 
been  able.  This  saying  was  not  forcrotten  when,  a  few  years  later. 


•f  9 


ii(6) 


"^'ndale's  Sew  Testaiaent  was  oimllarly  attacked,  and  T^ndalrj  observed 
that  the  bishops,  in  biiming  Clirist^s  word,  had  shown  that  they  would 
willln/^ly  have  burnt  also  its  divine  author.^     (The  extrece  refonr-ers 
were  given  to  such  exasperetin<5  exhibitions  of  analoej'  qase  non  scquitur.) 
SoEUJ  Lutheran  books  '>«jr©  burned  in  the  churchyard  during  the  Gerwon.     In 
February  1525  rieher  again  preached  against  Luther  at  Paul's  Cross,  at- 
tended by  *3lsey  in  state  with  elevea  bishops;  on  this  occasion  five 
persons  did  penance  for  Lutheran  hei^esy,  four  "i^asterliags"  and  Dr. 
Robert  Barnes,  prior  of  the  Augustinian  friars  at  Cairibrid£^,  whose 
troublea  in  that  churchyaini  wer«  just  bagianing.     He  bad  on  24  December 
1525  preached  a  sermon  ab  3t.   Edward's  churoh  in  Cambridge  iriiieh,  among 
other  positiona  conaldered  heretical,  had  contained  an  attack  upon  the 
great  festivals  of  the  Church*       He  vias  a  convinced  Lutheran,  and  it  is 
significant  that  he  reappeared  at  all  in  a  public  pulpit,  bat  be  naa 
useful  bo  Henry  in  his  relations  with  the  Gorman  Irotestant  powers,  and 
it  could  always  be  explained  that  he  was  perMtted  his  liberty  in  the 
hope  of  his  reolaiaation  froa  his  errors.     But  this  is  to  anticipate. 

la  152G,   through  the  efforts  of  London  nsrchants  of  Trotestant" 
ayrapatkias  and  with  continental  business  connections,  began  the  Clandestine 
circulation  of  fyadale's  ITew  Tostanent,    that  traaslation  in  which  the 
text  itself  became  a  vehicle  for  controversy.     In  October,  Tunstall 
preached  at  Faul*s  Cross  against  the  book  as   "naughtily  translated,", 
as  from  the  Catholic  point  of  view  indeed  it  waa.^     During  the  next  four 
years  Tunstall,  jrovidiag  unintontiooally  the  means  for  further  editions 

of  the  book,   oou^ii  up  copies  of  Tyndale's  translation  for  confiscation, 

5 

souia  of  which  were  burned  publicly  at  the  Cross  in  Khj  1530.       The  klng*a 


H'i 


li(7} 


abtibude  toward  the  Biole  In  fiogllah  should  not  have  bean  ax.   this  time 
obscure,  since  he  was  still  Defender  of  the  J^ith,  but  it  was  said  that 
he  socretly  i'avoured  its  oii>culatioa;  he  vias  busy  securing  opinions  on 
the  diTOtce  fron;  continental  universities,  and  treating  earnestly  with 
Clement  at  the  same  time. 

Qxe  Kew  festcuaent  was  not  the  only  heretical  book  current  in 
England  in  these  years.  In  lo31,  the  first  3unday  la  Advent,  the  preacher 
at  Paul's  Gross,  on  the  authority  of  Stokesley,  now  Bishop  of  London, 
forbade  the  reading  of  soue  thirty  heretical  books  in  English,  some  of 
which,  though  with  the  colophons  of  continental  printers,  were  no  doubt 
printed  in  London.  Besides  I^yndale's  book,  this  group  of  prohibited  and 
dangerous  works  inoladed  a  Psalter,  Simon  /ish's  SuppliGatioa  of  the 
Beggars  (one  of  the  most  violent  books  of  the  period,  since  it  reconmieaded 
the  dissolution  of  the  whole  Church  establishment),  a  book  called  the 
Burying  of  the  Mass,  the  "Books  of  Koses"  (apparently  Coverdale's  trans- 
lation of  the  Pentateuch),  the  ''ABC  against  the  Clergy",  a  book  against 
St.  Thoaaa  of  Canterbury,  a  Disputation  of  Purgatory,  and  the  Traotico 
of  Prelates."'  How  wide  a  circulation  these  works  had  is  hard  to  say. 
Nor  is  it  possible  to  guess  with  any  assurance  the  extent  to  which  the 
king  already  had  assessed  the  true  outcome  of  his  continued  negotiations 
with  the  pope,  and  expecting  failure  was  encouraging  :;he  spread  of  such 
wox^s  to  prepare  the  aiinds  of  at  least  some  of  his  subjects  for  the 

changes  to  come.  It  has  been  said  that  he  kept  Fish's  inflaiunatory  book 

p 
in  his  desk,  and  the  record  shows  that  he  studied  it  to  sooie  purpose. 

Ihe  incidents  Just  reviewed  show,  of  course,  the  solid  Catholic 


l\. 


ii{8) 


front.  Until  1533,  the  activitlee  which  were  directed  to  the  destruction 
of  that  front  were  not  of  the  sort  which  could  be  published  at  Paul's 
Cross.  TTntil  the  die  was  cast,  until  the  icarriage  with  Anne  in  January 
1533,  the  king  had  no  consistent  iclicy  or  theory  to  which  he  MBht 
eonnand  the  assent  of  the  people.  She   various  steps  in  the  break  with 
Some  vrtiich  had  been  taken  by  the  Parliaiuent  with  one  exce^ition  were 
only  of  a  refonnlng  and  not  a  constructive  character.  Such  were  the  statutes 
of  1529-31:  the  act  abolishing  abjuration  by  sanctuary  men,  the  act  to 
remedy  abuses  of  plurality  end  non-residence,  acts  restricting  fines  for 
probate  of  wills  and  for  fixing  mortuary  rates.  The  pai'doa  of  the  clergy 
of  both  provinces  for  being  In  a  praeoBUDire,  which  cost  them  £118,840, 
was  OKlnous;  but  the  first  Act  of  Annates,  of  153S,  was  held  In  abeyance 
In  the  expressed  hope  of  a  full  agreeaoent  with  the  pope.  Now,  however. 
In  1533,  oame   the  notable  Statute  of  Appeals  (24  Hen.  VIII,  c.  20),  which 
repudiated  the  papal  jurisdiction  and  asserted  that  England  was  an  "empire, " 
alleging  historical  precedent  for  riiat  was  actually  without  precedent. 

The  nead  for  the  most  virile  exercise  of  persuasion  now  became 
clears  At  3aster,  whan  Dr.  George  Browne,  prior  of  the  Austin  Friars, 

prayed  for  :^eea  Anne  at  the  Cross,  nearly  all  the  congregation  left  the 

9 
place  in  protest.   Ihe  'Vlght-crow"  was  detected  by  the  people  at  large. 

On  11  July  the  pope  excoacsonicated  Henry,  and  towards  the  end  of  the  year 

the  Council  ordered  that  none  should  preach  at  Paul's  Cross  without 

declaring  that  the  authority  of  the  "Bishop  of  iteffio"  was  no  greater  than 

that  of  any  other  foreign  bishop, ^^ 

Before  turning  to  the  nethods  used  In  preaching  the  supremacy. 


5-/ 


li(9) 


it  Is  necessary  to  nake  some  Eientlon  at  least  of  the  cause  celebre  of 
1533,  the  case  of  the  so-called  Holy  Haid  of  Eent,  since  it  illustrates 
the  aethods  used  by  the  government  and  also  throws  some  li^t  on  the 
condition  of  religious  belief  at  the  time.   Ihere  are,  besides,  other 
such  cases  to  come  in  this  history,  though  none  so  important  or  so  com- 
plicated as  this  one. 

The  Hun  of  Kent,  Elizabeth  Barton, ^^  had  long  had  a  reputation 
for  sanctity.   While  still  a  serTing-mald  at  Aldington,  she  had  had 
trances  in  which,  she  asserted,  she  had  Tlslons  and  reyelatioos  from 
the  Virgin,  She  was  installed  by  Dr.  Edward  Eockine,  a  monk  of  Canterbury, 
in  the  convent  of  St.  Sepulchre's  in  that  town,  and  in  her  fits  of  prophecy, 
which  continued  and  even  increased  in  numbers,  she  rebuked  sin,  including 
the  sin  of  the  divorce.  She  said  that  she  had  seen  the  place  in  hell 
prepared  for  the  king  should  he  persist  in  his  courses.  She  was  obviously 
becoffliag  the  dupe  of  certain  persons  who  were  using  her  for  political 
ends:  her  chief  advisera  were  Dr.  Booking,  Dr.  Dering,  another  monk  of 
Canterbury,  and  two  Observant  Friars  of  Greenwich,  raembers  of  the  most 
devout  and  conservative  of  religious  foundations  then  in  England.  She 
had  been  investigated  by  persons  as  exalted  as  ntarham,  Fisher  and  Uore, 
and  the  two  former,  at  least,  were  apparently  persuaded  of  the  validity 
of  her  visions,  though  in  spite  of  the  Council's  efforts  to  implicate 
them,  there  was  no  real  evidence  that  either  ?isher  or  Ittorej^involved 
in  her  later  pronouncements  about  the  king's  affairs. 

Ihether  or  not  Henry  and  Cromwell  were  able  to  implicate  the 
prominent  adherents  of  the  old  order  in  this  affair,  they  obviously  had 


$-1. 


11(10) 


to  see  to  it  that  theJr  view  of  her  pretensions  was  given  the  neces- 
sary publicity.     Accordingly,  after  a  confession  hal  been  forced  from 
her,  the  Nun  with  nine  of  her  associates  ^^as  coEinanded  to  do  public 
penance  at  Paul's  Cross  on  2-5  November  1533,  on  which  occasion  the 
sermon  v»as  pireached  by  John  Salcot   jcapoii] ,   friend  of  Anne  Boleyn,  and 
Bishop-elect  of  3an^r,      "Hhe  object  of  this  comedy,"  said  Chapuys,   the 

laiperial  ambassador,    "was  to  blot  out  of  people's  minds  the  impression 

12 
they  have  that  the  Nun  is  a  saint  end  &  prophet. "        'ISie  same  seimon 

was  preached  at  Canterbury  on  7  j>eceKber  by  Ificholes  Htjeth,  Archbishop 
of  York:  under  Mary.     Soiree  parts  of  the  freenetit  of  thie  sermon  which  sur- 
vives have  the  phraseolo^  of  an  indictment,  and  the  tezt  nay  have  been 
in  part  prepared  by  the  attomies  nho  exandned  the  unfortunate  woman, 
13x6  fragment  begins: 


,.,  and  to  the  intent  that  you  shall  plainly  understand  the  beginning, 
the  progress,  and  the  final  intent  of  this  false,   forged,  and  feigned 
matter,  I  vdll  declare  the  ^ole  unto  you  shortly  and  briefly,  under 
such  aianner  ao,    ...   you  shall  perceive  what  guile,  '«hat  Trfalice,  what 
conspiracy  hath  bean  imagined  and  contrived  —  aot  only  to  put  our  most 
noble  3over8l5;n  in  danpar  of  h±^  realm  and  crown,  and  the  nobles  and 
coimcona  of  this  realK  in  continual  strife,  dissension,  and  mutual  ef- 
fusion of  blood,  but  also  to  dlstain  his  Grace's  renown  and  fame  In 
time  to  corr.e,   as  though  his  Orace  had  been  the  niost  wicked  and  detest- 
able prince  that  ever  reigned  in  this  world  hitherto. 


That  ifaa  ptitting  it  rather  strong,   to  say  the  least.     Having  so  prepared 
his  audience  for  disclosures  of  horrible  enonr.ltiea,  the  preacher  re- 
viewed the  case.     He  related  how  KLizabsth  Barton  had  been  troubled  at 
fli^t  with  "an  Inposthume  in  her  stomach"  ^»hich  brought  about   "such 
weakness  and  illeness  of  the  brain"  th>>t  she  made  8tr«a?o  speeches. 
Perceiving  herself  to  be  much  Tirade  of,   she   "feienned  herself  to  have 
trances"    in  which  she  receive'^,  revelations,   some  of  them  from  the 


S3 


11(11) 


Blessed  Virgin,  Thereafter,  added  the  preacher,  "she  came  with  the  said 
Booking's  senrants  to  Canterbury  in  an  evening;  and  Dr.  Bocklng  brought 
her  to  the  said  Priory  of  St.  Sepulchre's  in  the  morning."  (This  In- 
sinuation of  incontinency  he  repeated  later  in  the  sermon,  saying  that 
she  went  abroad  at  night  "not  about  the  saying  of  her  Pater  Noster. ") 
Up  to  this  point  in  his  suosary  of  her  career,  Salcot  had  not  been  able 
to  suggest  any  meddling  with  state  matters;  but 


after  that  she  had  been  at  Canterbury  a  while,  and  had  heard  this  said 
Dr.  Booking  rail  and  jest  like  a  frantic  person  against  the  King's  Grace, 
his  purposed  marriage,  against  his  acts  of  parliament,  and  against  the 
maintenance  of  heresies  within  this  realm,  declaiming  and  blustering  out 
his  eontrlTed  nsllce  to  the  said  Elizabeth  in  the  said  lutters,...  and 
after  that  the  said  Dr.  Booking  had  desired  her  to  make  petition  to  'lod 
in  many  things  concerning  the  said  oauaev:  then  soon  after  she  began  to 
feign  herself  to  haye  visions  and  roTelations  from  God,  and  said  that 
God  cooBDanded  her  to  say  to  the  late  cardinal  and  also  to  the  said 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  that,  if  they  married  or  furthered  the  King's 
Grace  to  be  rarried  to  the  Queen's  Grace  that  now  is  •>-  they  both  should 
be  utterly  destroyed. 


This  revelation  was  spread  abroad  by  "certain  priests  and  religious 
Bcn,"  among  whoa,  besides  some  Observant  iJ'rlars,  were  "divers  prelates 
of  this  realm,  whose  names  ye  shall  know  or  it  be  long."-   (In  the  US. 
the  last  nine  words  are  struck  out).  After  this  dark  saying,  the  preacher 
advanced  tbe  astounding  contention  that  "under  this  manner,  by  false  visions 
and  revelations  of  tbe  nun,  hath  grown  the  great  sticking,  staying,  and 
delaying  of  this  the  King's  Grace's  marriage."  He  assured  the  auditory 
of  the  Kan's  confession  to  the  Council  of  her  feigned  revelations,  and 
attacked  Dr.  Booking's  "greet  book"  treatin*'  of  those  revelations,  assert- 
ing that  it  was  "so  full  of  malicious  and  spiteful  terms  of  dishonour, 
reproach,  and  slander  amilnst  oar  most  noble  sovereixrn"  that  all  good 
subjects  ourht  to  detest  it,   "Tor  it  Is  evident  to  all  the  world," 


5H 


ii(12) 


he  added  piously,  "that  there  be  no  such  ill  qualities  in  our  moat  aoble 
sovereign."  In  his  conclusion  be  returned  once  more  to  the  argument  that 
OFPOsition  to  the  marriage  with  Anne  had  been  srounded  upon  such  false 
revelations,  "where  they  could  not  be  learning,  reason,  by  the  law  of  Gtod, 
the  law  of  nature,  the  pope's  law,  or  by  the  emperor's  law"  find  true 
ground  for  their  position.  The   "they"  of  this  peroration  was  left  pur- 
poselj--  indefinite. 

If  this  seens  a  crude  performance,  illogical,  full  of  wild  state- 
aants  and  proceeding  by  faulty  inference  and  unjustified  innuendo,  it 
should  be  remembered  that  idien  officialdom  makes  the  tnost  of  a  good  thing 
for  propaganda  purposes  the  result  is  always  s<»idtMng  like  this,  whether 
it  is  the  product  of  a  ran  or  a  refined  age.  Other  examples  of  this  sort 
of  performance  will  be  noted  in  the  course  of  this  study,  but  perhaps 
no  other  exanple  will  show  so  well  the  dancers  of  being  in  great  place 
during  a  political  crisis.  The   Tudor  governnent  kne'.»  thoroughly  how 
to  use  any  suspicious  contact,  any  ambir^uous  incident,  for  the  purpose 
in  hand.  So  dangerous  wag  association  with  any  sort  of  religious  enthu- 
siasja  that  aven  in  orthodox  ^sulse  it  was  suspect.  Canes  like  this  one 
helped  to  keep  down  the  theological  temperature  during  the  idiole  period, 
Sho  was  sqoipped  to  Juige  true  piety  without  by-respocts?  Even  if  one 
were  convinced  of  the  piety,  '.ms  not  3uch  sincerity  uncoiafortable  and 
even  danr-^ivMis? 

Parliasent  met  again  in  January,  and  among  its  statutes  passed 
an  act  of  attainder  against  the  Nun  of  Kent  and  her  associates.  Before 
this  act  was  dra?m  up,  an  official  document  was  framed  accusing  six 


i'4 


ii{13) 


persons,  besidas  those  who  were  to  die  with  the  Kun,  of  '^sprision  of 
treason,"  wMoh  included  the  crime  of  not  revealing  matters  politically 
daneerous.  Amon/?;  those  so  accused  was  Bishop  Fisher,  who  escaped  on  this 
occasion  with  a  fine  of  £300.  *^  The  Nun  and  six  of  those  accused  of 
promoting  her  treasons  were  han^ced  at  rynurn  on  20  April  1534,  having 
been  kept  so  long,  one  soepects,  not  only  because  of  the  necessity  of 
parliamentary  attainder  to  dispose  of  them,  but  also  in  the  hope  that 
they  mipht  serve  as  a  focus  of  disaffection,  and  provide  an  excuse  for 
further  proceedings  a^inst  the  disaffected.  There  is  a  confused  record 
of  one  such  ease,  of  a  dangerous  seraon  at  Paul's  Cross  —  an  odd  circum- 
stance, considering  the  evidence  for  strict  control  of  that  preaching 
place  at  this  time.  It  is  certain  that  about  February  1534  a  sezvon 
against  the  divorce  was  preached  there,  on  Romans  '6.   2iS,  in  the  course 
of  which  arguments  were  given  concerning  marriage  with  a  brother's  widow, 
and  reference  was  made  to  the  decisions  of  the  universities  on  "the 
King's  matter,"^   I  venture  to  suggest  that  this  may  be  identical  with 
a  sermon  preached  there  before  8  Karch  by  John  Rudd,  who  wrote  from 

prison  on  that  date  to  "the  Elect  of  Chester,"  affirming  that  what  was 

15 
imputed  to  the  Nun  and  her  associates  in  public  confessions  was  a  calumny. 

I  have  been  unable  to  trace  the  affair  to  its  conclusion,  but  at  least 

it  indicates  that  the  Nun  was  still,  until  her  death,  a  point  of  reference 

for  controversy  on  the  theme  of  the  king's  marriage. 

2.  "The   usurped  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Heme." 

Once  coiniPitted  to  the  policy  of  establishinp-  the  absolute  su- 
preaaey  of  the  Crown  in  Betters  spiritual  in  the  realm,  the  government 
found  it  neoesaary  to  instruct  the  people  In  the  new  doctrine.  The  two 


J-6 


ii(14) 


chief  means  used  \9ere  the  press  an(5  the  pulpit,  and  although  the  poaai- 
bilities  of  the  former  were  exploited  to  a  decree  perhaps  anequalled  until 
the  Furl tan  Resolution,  the  pulpit  was  all-imrortsnt,  and  especially  in 
London,  where  the  chief  preaching  place  of  the  city  became  the  most  im- 
portant weapon  of  the  reformers.      "An  Order  for  Freachin*;,  and  bidding 
of  the  Beades  in  all  Serinons  to  be  isade  within  this  Realme,"  of  June 
1534  [?],   enjoined 

that  every  I'^eacher  shall  Preach  ones  in  the  presence  of  the  greatest 

Audience  a.-rainst  the  usurped  Fower  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  so  after 
at  his  Lybertee:  and  that  no  Man  shal  be  suffered  to  defend,  or  Biayntene 
the  foresaid  usurped  PoKsr.         IG 

The  Injunctions  of  Henry  VIII  to  his  clergy  of  1536  were  more  specific. 
ItfyCOSBaanded  that 

the  Dean,  Farsons,  Vicars,  and  other...   shall,   to  the  utter-most  of  their 
Wit,  KnowlecS.^e,   and  Leomlnc,   jHiroly,   sincerely,  and  without  any  colour  or 
diseictulation,  declare,  nnnifest,  and  open,  for  the  space  of  one  quarter 
of  a  year  nezt  ensuinCt   o!^ce  every  Sunday,  and  after  that  at  the  least 
wise  twice  every  quarter,  in  their  Sereions  and  other  Collations,  that 
the  Bishop  of  Home's  usurped  Po-yer  and  Jurisdiction,  having  no  estab- 
lishment or  ground  by  the  law  of  Ctod,  was  of  most  just  causes  taken 
away  and  abolished;   and  therefore  they  ovre  unto  hixd  no  nnnner  of 
obedience  or  subjection;  and  that  the  Kin<?;'s  rower  is  within  his 
Doriialon  "tKi.  hlfAest  '^ower  aad  Totontate,   under  God,  to  w*-.on  all  Ken 
within  the  saaie  Dominions,  by  God*8  comraandinent,  o«e  most  loyalty  and 
obedience,         17 

Since  considerably  leas  than  a  oajority  of  the  "Parsons,  Vicars,  and 
other"  were  capable  of  performing  this  task  competently,   special  preachers 
were  sent  about  for  the  purpose.     One  of  these  was  Richard  Croke,  who  in 
1530  had  been  active  in  the  king's  business,  having  been  caoaBissioned 
to  search  the  Italian  libraries  for  opinions  in  support  of  the  divorce. 
From  his  report  to  Cronarell  on  his  preaching,  one  learns  the  stock 


ST 


il(15) 


material  of  serrrons  on  the  snppomacy.     He  elaborated  upon  six  ssHln 
points,   proving  them  by  scripture,   by  the   "doctors,"  and   "by  the  salng 
off  More  and  other  papists  them  selffes. "     Phese  were:   1)  Peter  never 
had  primacy  jriven  him  by  God;   £)   the  scripture  of  Peter's  priiaacy  ip«s 
meant  for  the  Ts^ole  church;   3)   the  Nlcene  Council  named  four  patriarchs, 
of  whom  the  Bishop  of  Home  waa  last;  4)  in  the  primitive  church  priest 
and  bishop  were  all  one,   till  bishops  were  made  pre-orolnent  to  avoid 
schisms;   5)   the  Bishops  of  Borse  have  always  been  causers  of  the  greatest 
schisms;   6)  the  Bishop  of  Rome  may  be  bishop  only  in  Rome,   for  the 
office  of  a  bishop  is  to  preach  and  teach,  and  h©  may  do  that  only  vfhere 
he  is.         This  is  the  argument  from  scrtpture  and  ecclesiastical  history. 
There  was  also  the  argument  frcMfii  English  history,  interpreted  to  suit 
the  occasion;   preachers  at  Feul'c  Cross  were  ordered  to  declare,  Sunday 
after  Sunday, 

that  he  that  now  called    (sicj   himself  Pope,  and  any  of  his  predecessors, 
l3  and  were  only  Bishops  of  Gome,  and  have  no  more  authority  or  Juris- 
diction,  by  Ood's  laws,  within  thi?  realm,   than  any  other  bishop  had, 
which  is  nothing  at  all;  and  that  such  authoritj*^  as  he  has  c^d^imed 
heretofore  has  been  only  by  usurpiition  and  sufferance  of  the  FTinces 
of  this  realm,  19 

To  these  aii^ht  be  added  the  proof  ttuit  the  Pope  was  Antichrist,^  or 
the  statement  that  the  power  of  the  civil  maciistrate  in  ecclesiastical 
causes  bad  from  the  beginning  been  of  Clod's  ordinance,^ 

These  were  the  doctrines  set  forth  by  the  bishops  of  the  Henriciaa 
church  in  lu;54  and  liJ36,   at  Paul's  Cross.     Xhey  v/ere  the  doctrines  of 
the  treatise  De  vera  differeatla   (1534),  and  of  the  Necessary  Doctrine 
ana  jjlmidition  for  any  Christian  ton  (154^),     iYom.  them  emerged  a  new 
definition  of  eeclesia.  with  piwfound  effects  upon  iingllah  theology 


5'$ 


ii(16) 


and  .Snglish  politics.  But  at  the  time  these  long-range  results  were 
for  the  most  part  hidden,  not  only  from  the  laity  who  stood  in  Faul*s 
churchyard  and  elsewhere  under  the  apolo^iists  of  the  new  dispensation, 
but  from  the  clerpy  themselves.  Fbr  though  what  the  king  had  secured 
was  clear  enough  considered  in  the  light  of  Jurisdiction,  it  «es  by 
no  means  clear  in  the  light  of  Catholic  doctrine,  and  the  preachers 
spoke  accordingly  from  the  midst  of  a  dangerous  confusion.  How  far 
did  acceptance  of  the  royal  suprei&acy  imply  the  rejection  of  the  trad- 
itional sacraments?  As  early  as  Saster  1534  Cranmer  was  forced  to 
inhibit  presohlng  triiich  tended  to  the  slander  of  Catholic  doctrine,  and 
on  26  April  of  that  year  Stokesley,  Bishop  of  London,  preached  at  laul's 
Cross  on  the  virtue  of  loassee.  Some  clerics  were  willing  to  go  far,  to 
see  the  spirit  of  Irotestantism  in  the  letter  of  the  statutes.   (As  a 
matter  of  fact,  there  was,  beyond  some  pious  persiflage,  no  religious 
spirit  of  any  kind  in  those  statutes.  They   were  nationalization  acts 
framed  by  hard-headed  lawyers.)  Aoong  these  was  John  Hilsey, 

which  sometyme  was  a  blacke  fryer  [boBlnicazi] ,  and  came  from  Bristowe, 

and  was  (in  1533]  Iryor  of  the  Blacke  Fryers  in  London  [sic]  ,  and  was 

one  of  then  that  was  a  great  setter  forth  of  the  syncerity  of  Scripture.   22 

He  was  appointed  in  April  1534  the  provincial  of  his  order,  and  ooanmis- 
aicmer  with  Dr.  George  Browne  to  visit  the  friaries.  Thoir  visitation 
was  unpopular,  and  was  denounced  by  the  Pilgrims  of  Grace.  He  succeeded 
to  the  see  of  Rochester  on  the  execution  of  ?isher  in  1535.  Ihe 
ohronicler  continues: 

[Hilsey]  occupied  preaohinge  most  at  Fa«Ies  Crosse  of  any  bishopp,  and 
in  all  the  seditious  tyme,  when  any  abuse  should  be  shewed  to  the  people 
eyther  of  Idolatrye  or  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  he  had  the  doeynge  theref 
by  the  Lord  Vlcegerentes  |Cronjwell*s]  conmaundement  froc;  the  Hinge,  and 
allso  had  the  admission  cf  the  preachers  at  ?awles  Crosse  thelse  3  yeeres 
and  more.    23 


ii(17) 


tbese  simple  phrases  conceal  a  middled  story,  some  of  which  I  have 
been  able  to  make  out,  but  not  all.  Hllsey  was  close  to  Cromwell, 
and  seeas  to  have  been  admitted  far  enough  into  the  official  designs 
to  be  sure  that  the  revolution  was  to  proceed  much  farther  than  was 
apparent  early  in  1534.  He  accordingly  began  to  preach  not  only  against 
the  "Usurped  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome"  but  against  certain  orthodox 
uses  and  doctrines,  probably  beginning  with  pur^tory.  This  nay  be  in- 
ferred, in  spite  of  the  peuclty  of  the  evidence,  from  dtokesley'a 
opposition  to  him.  It  has  been  seen  that  3tokesley  was  preserving  the 
orthodox  front  in  doctrine,  though  loyally  supporting  the  king's  designs 
on  the  papal  jurisdiction,  and  he  desired,  naturally,  that  such  orthodox 
doctrine  should  be  preached  froK  all  pulpits  in  his  diocese,  at  least 
until  he  was  cocscanded  the  contrary.  Hilsey,  however,  backed  by  Cr<Hnwell, 
■oved  quietly  to  get  control  of  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit,  and  by  December 
1534  he  seems  to  have  acquired  some  such  authority,  though  it  was  dis- 
puted by  the  bishop.  In  that  month  Hilsey  xsrote  to  Cromwell  that  he  had 
been  appointed  by  Cranner  to  preach  at  the  Cross  but  that  Stokesley  had 
willed  him  to  subscribe  to  '•certain  articles  without  which  he  should 
not  preach  either  at  the  Cross  or  in  his  diocese."**  The   "either... or" 
Is  certainly  most  significant,  since  it  seems  to  indicate  that  Stokesley 
then  had  lost,  or  perhaps  never  had,  the  same  control  over  that  pulpit 
as  over  the  pulpits  of  the  City  churches.  Hilsey  went  on  to  say  that 
he  would  not  preach  on  this  occasion,  "lest  it  mifrht  be  thought  that  he 

should  say  sooiething  against  the  Bisho]:."  Instead  he  ax>polnted  in  his 

_25 
stead  "one  from  Norwich"  to  "declare  his  mind  in  the  King's  matters." 

In  the  next  year,  Stokesley  appointed  a  Hr.  ^nons  to  preach  on  16  July, 

but  3>r.  George  Browne  preached  instead,  probably  at  Hilsey 's  direction; 


(.o 


ii(18) 


certainly  he  was  of  Hllsey's  persuasion,  and  Stokesley  feared  he  jrould 
preach  "pernicious  doctrine, "^^  The  fend  nas  still  active  in  1539,  "^ 
hut  hy  that  time  its  ground  is  not  so  clear,  for  the  religious  aituntlon 
had  changed. 

In  1536  the  official  line  for  preachers  to  follow  was  set  dovn 
with  some  coherence,  more,  one  suspects,  from  motlTes  of  greed  and  ex- 
pediency than  from  •'the  synoerlty  of  Scripture."  Ihe  sreeller  religious 
foundations  were  to  be  suppressed,  and  the  Imperial  aaibassador  shrewdly 
suspected  that  the  purpose  of  the  course  of  important  sermons  at  Paul's 
Gtobb   in  Lent  of  that  year  \«s  to  persuade  the  people  there  was  no 
purgatory,  for  these  foundations  were  endowed  to  say  masses  for  the 
dead,^  I  note  eight  sermons  between  30  January  and  19  Harch,  all 
reported  by  contemporazles  as  defences  of  the  euprenaoy.  A  fairly  full 
if  occasionally  ambiguous  report  of  one  of  these  surrlTes,  preached  by 
Latimer  on  12  Baroh.  It  is  most  interesting  as  an  indication  of  how  far 
the  more  radical  of  the  reformers  were  permitted  to  go,  Shaxton  pre- 
sumably went  so  far,  but  certainly  not  runstall.  The  report  was  written 
by  one  Thomas  Ooz^et,  curate  of  St,  Margaret's  in  Lothbury,  and  its 
opening  illustrates  how  Latimer,  the  yetaaan's  son,  was,  as  often,  carried 
away  by  the  theme  of  injustice. 


He  saide  that  byehopis,  abbatls,  prloris,  porsonls,  canonis  resident, 
prlotis,  and  all,  were  stronge  thevis,  ye  dukls,  lordls,  and  all;  the 
kyng,  quod  he,  made  a  oarvelles  good  acte  of  perlianent  that  certayne 
man  aholde  sows  every  of  them  ij  acres  of  hempe,  but  it  were  all  to  lltle, 
were  it  so  coche  more,  to  hange  the  thevis  that  be  in  England.  Byshopis, 
abbatls,  with  soche  other,  shold  not  have  so  many  servauntes,  nor  so 
many  dysshes,  but  to  gad  their  first  foundaclon,  and  kepe  hoepltalytie 
to  fade  the  nedye  people,  not  Jolye  felowis  with  goldyn  chaynes  and  velvet 
gownes,  ne  let  theym  not  onis  come  to  the  howsis  of  religioun  for  repaote; 
let  theym  call  knave  byshope,  knave  abbat,  knave  irior,  yet  fede  non 


6r 


il{19) 


of  theya  all,  aor  their  horses,  nor  their  doggea,  nor  ye[t]  sett  nen  at 
lybortye  [?]  ;  also  eat  fleahe  and  shit  aete  In  lent,  so  that  It  be  ion. 
without  hurtynr  or  weke  conaciencas,  and  without  sedition,  and  lykewis© 
on  frydaye  and  all  dayes....  Ihe  byshope  of  Canterbury  scythe  that  the 
kingls  graoe  la  at  a  full  poynte  for  fryors  and  chauntry  pristis,  that 
they  shall  anaye  all  that,  saiyng  the  that  can  preche.  Than  one  saide 
to  the  byshope  that  thoy  had  good  trust  that  they  ahold  serre  fforthe 
there  lyffe  tymes,  and  he  saide  they  shulde  serve  it  out  at  cart  then, 
for  any  other  service  they  ahold  have  bye  that.    30 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  Latimer's  attack  is  oharaoteristloally  upon  the 
high  living  of  the  sonks,  end  the  unprofitable  dumb  dogs  of  friars, 
without  specific  sention  (at  least  in  this  excerpt)  of  the  doctrine 
of  purgatory.  They  are  "thevis"  and  that  is  all^  But  the  advocacy 
of  relaxation  of  the  Lenten  fast  is  significant,  and  Latimer  speaks  as 
if  the  tfround  had  been  prepared  well  enough  for  the  vigorous  invective 
upon  the  religious.  It  had  indeed  been  prepared,  if  sooieahat  diffidently, 
by  the  "book  of  articles*  prepared  in  this  spring  and  signed  by  CrOEwrell 
and  the  bishops,  in  which  transubstantlation  was  upheld,  but  \riiich  set 
forth  only  three  saorasents  (bapti&ia,  penance  and  the  eucharist),  and 
discredited  the  doctrine  of  purgatory.  But  these  articles  wore  not 
published  at  this  tise,  and  <m  12  July  the  king  forbade  all  preaching 
except  by  bishops  until  ISichaelJ^s.    The  inference  is  obvious.  Ti^ 
first  major  dissolution  was  to  be  carried  out  with  as  little  use  of 
theological  argument  as  possible,  but  with  as  vigorous  an  appeal  as 
possible  to  the  ancient  prejudices  of  the  people.  It  was  a  sound  pro- 
cedure, if  one  soiBewhat  disconcerting  to  the  pious  historian. 

fwo  very  different  M>aroe8  of  opposition  to  the  new  order 
illustrate  nicely  the  distinction  which  has  been  nade  between  the 
•apreoMcy  issue  itaelf  and  the  theological  ijipllcstions  of  it  explored 


tz. 


il(20) 


by  some  of  Croowell^s  preachers.  (I  do  net  meao  to  imply  that  the  (Jis- 
tinctlon  could  aver  b^  clear,  but  there  is  a  differeace  betweea  the 
erents  of  1534  and  those  of  1536,  and  that  differeace  is  the  result  of 
the  clear  maaifestatioo,  by  1556,  of  what  the  supx^eioacy  really  aeant. ) 
The  chief  centers  of  resistance  in  1534  were  the  Carthusian  laonks  of  the 
Charterhouse  (an  order  of  speoial  sanctity),  the  Brigittine  brethren 
and  nans  of  Si  on,  and  the  Observants  of  Greenwich.  The  curioos  or  the 
derout  will  read  their  sad  stozy  in  the  standaird  histories  of  the  rczlod; 
here  I  stay  consider  only  sooe  aspects  of  their  resistance,  early  aade 
known  at  Paul's  Ciross.  In  1534,  probably  befoi*e  the  opening  of  the 
I^rlianent  in  November,  one  of  the  preachers  pi*oclaiaing  the  royal 
suprenacy  at  the  Cross  was  interrupted  by  Father  Robinson,  one  of  the 

32 
Qreenwich  friars,  idio  offered  to  dispute  with  hio.    In  Oeceober  1535, 

Hilsey,  then  endowed  with  acae  authority  to  oake  arrangements  for  the 

Cross,  reported  to  Cromwell  that  the  aonks  of  the  Charterhouse  werH  to 

attend  the  Sunday  seroons  there,  to  receive  instruction  and  also  as  a 

kind  of  penance.    On  27  February  1536  four  of  these  oonks  did  public 

penance  for  refusing  to  acknowledge  the  sapreoiacy,  Tunstall  preaching 

34 
the  B&naon,         It  is  likely  that  these  four  were  supporters  of  the 

isportant  group  arrested  under  an  order  issued  in  April  1535,  a  group 

which  included  John  Houghton,  prior  of  the  London  Charteiiiouse ,  and  a 

priest  naraed  Robert  Feron,  who  saved  himself  by  accusing  one  of  the 

35 
others. 

Sie  evidence  of  this  Feron  suggests  at  once  the  grim  story  of 
Tri^T  Forest,  one  of  the  aost  notable  of  those  who  suffered  for  their 
consistent  belief  in  the  pope's  authority  and  all  that  it  implied. 


i3 


ii(21) 


Bo  was  an  Observant,  and  had  been  confessor  to  ICatherlne.  Froffi  the 
first  he  religiously  opposed  the  divorce,  and  not  only  bh  passive  re- 
sistance. Cromwell  had  an  agent  in  the  house  at  Greenwich,  a  disgruntled 
lay  brother  named  Richard  Lyst,  idio  pursued  the  unfortunate  Forest  with 
all  the  ener^  of  a  spiteful  nature  stisiulated  by  greed  end  ambition. 
In  a  letter  to  Croamwell,  written  while  Anne  Boleyn  was  still  only  Mar- 
chioness of  Tembroke,  Lyst  reported  that  Forest  was  attecipting  to  expel 
a  brother  who  was  on  the  king's  side,  that  he  affirmed  that  Croiawell  v/ould 
not  have  him  removed  for  fear  of  i*«at  he  might  reveal,  and  that  he  had 
nade  a  sermon  at  Paul's  Cross,  'ta>re  lyker  barkynge  and  raylynge  than 
prechlnpe,"  spealclng  of  the  decay  of  the  realc  and  slandering  Dr. 
Rowland  Lee.    His  authority  in  the  friary  undermined  by  Lyst  and 
others.  Forest  was  subjected  to  a  long  imprisonment,  with  rei>eated 
examinations,  which  shook  his  resolution  to  some  extent,  since  he  per- 
forssd  a  partial  recantation  of  his  beliefs.  He  was  kept  till  1558, 
but  in  that  year,  after  refusing  to  recant  publicly  at  Paul's  Cross 
on  IS  Uay,  was  burned  ten  days  later,  in  the  flames  of  the  Wel^  irasi^e 
called  Darvell  Qadarn,  one  of  the  inaees  and  relics  destroyed  in  that 
year.^' 

rao  years  before  the  end  of  Friar  Forest's  case,  however,  a 
far  aore  serious  opposition  to  the  new  order  had  become  active  over  a 
large  ].->art  of  the  realm.  The  real  stance  from  the  Carthusians  and  Ob- 
servants had  been,  after  all,  dan/:;erou8  merely  for  the  example  set  to 
other  leas  com^istent  if  not  lass  devout  persons.  But  in  1536  Henry 
and  his  Council  »ere  faced  with  widespread  insurrection  against  the 
religious  changea.  This  Insurrection,  really  a  series  of  abortive 


tf 


ii{22) 


uprisings  datiii£',  iron  September  1536  to  June  15J7,   is  known  as  the 
PllgriBiage  of  Grace.     Herirj'  had  moved  too  fast  in  the  spring  of  153G. 
The  steps  taken  toward  the  dissolution  o;"  the  sj.iallor  ifionaBteries, 
coming  after  the  ambiguously  trotestant  articles  of  the  convocation, 
and  the  Injunctions,  which  coinmanded  the  clertry  to  preach  the  articles, 

to  urpe  the  people  not  to  observe  superstitious  hold  days,   to  disconrage 

38 
pilgrtmagea  and  to  cond«tin  iioa^es  and  relics,       were  too  much  for  the 

Korth  to  bear.     The  supremacy  itself,  with  restraint  of  annates  and 

appeals,   thoufh  it  established  a  national  chui'ch*  did  not  by  itself 

make  for  any  p;reat  chanR;e  in  the  ordinary  habits  of  the  people.     But 

these  orders  entered  into  the  everyday  lives  of  all  tien,  put  an  end  to 

a  hundred  harinless  customs,  sounded  the  death  knell  of  the  antique  time. 

In  the  little  villages  scattered  u]x>n  the  lonely  inoors  iSngliehinen  rose 

in  wrath,  and  gathered  under  juarket  crosses  baorinj';  the  banner  of  the 

five  wounds  of  Christ. 

Two  days  after  Norfolk  i«s  forced  to  make  a  truce  with  Aske  and 
his  followers,  on  29  CkJtober  1536,  Latimer,  whose  r&aoval  the  rebels 
demanded,  loudly  condemning  him  as  one  of  the  chief  heretics,  preached 
at  Faul*s  Oross  ai^ainst  them,  upon  Sphesians  6.10ff.         Latlner  was 
ever  econoinical  in  his  orsning  of  the  test,  the  more  so  here  since  he 
sou^t  to  come  at  once  to  the  doctrine  and  its  application.     His  etate- 
aent  of  the   "cohsrenee"  of  the  text  is  also  a  statesient  of  tiiat  ideal 
of  obedience  in  charity  which  recurs  in  this  history  in  any  troubled 
time: 


Saint  laul ,    the  iioiy  ai)0£iile,  wrxteth  tlus  epistle  unto  tiie  Epheslans, 
that  is,  to  the  people  of   the  city  of  Ephesus.     He  writeth  generally, 
to    tiieai  all;  and  in  the  former  chapters  he  teacheth  the;a  severally  how 


cr 


ii(2») 


they  should  beh&ve  themselves,   lu  every  estate,   one  to  another;   how 
they  should  obey  their  rulers;  how  wives  should  behave  themselves  towards 
tht'ir  husbands;    children  toward  their  purentc;   and  servants  to^jards  their 
masters;  and  husbands,  parents  and  masters  should  behave  them,  and  love 
their  wives,   ehildi-eu,   and  servants;   and  peuerally  each  to  love  other. 


Kie  cairistian  brethren  are  enjoined  to  put  on  the  armour  of  God,  for 
they  wrestle  not   "&cainst  flesh  and  blood,  but  with  the  devil,   that 
joighty  prince,"  who,  thoup:h  conquered  by  Christ,   is  still    "a  Bdghty 
conqueror  in  the  world,  " 


Think  you  not  that  this  our  enercy,   this  rrince  with  all  his  potentates, 
hath  great  and  sore  assaults  to  lay  ageinst  our  armour?     Yea,  he  is  a 
crafty  -.varrior,  and  alco  of  .,^reet  power  in  this  vsorld;   he  hath  great 
ordnance  and  artillery;  he  hath  great  pieces  of  ordnance,   as  mighty  kings 
and  enprjrors,  to  ohoot  ng-ainst  Ood's  people,   to  persecute  or  kill  them; 
Nero,  the  great  tyrant,   lifco  slew  Paul,  and  divers  other.     Yea,  what  great 
pieces  hath  he  had  of  bishop;;  of  Soiae,  which  liave  destroyed  whole  cities 
and  countries,  and  have  slain  and  burnt  manyj      vhat  great  guns  were  those! 

Yea,  he  hath  also  less  ordnance  evil  enou-;}i,    (they  nay  be  called 
serpentines; )   swne  bishops  in  divers  countries,  and  here  in  England, 
v/hioli  ho  hath  shot  at  some  *20od  christian  men,   that  they  have  been  blown 
to  ashes. 


But  If  yoa  have  the  armour  of  God,  you  need  fear  no  auch  assaults.     You 
laust  gird  up  your  loins,  not  with  the  feigned  .Girding  of  religions  persons 
who  bind  knots  about  them  but  are  not  puttein  heart,  but  eschewing  such 
"feigned  gear",   be  clothed  with  the  arxaour  of  righteousness,    "and  not  in 
any  feigned  armour,  as  in  a  friar's  coat  or  cowl,". 


For  the  assaults  of  the  devil  be  crafty:   to  make  us  p<it  our  trust  in  such 
armour,   he  will  feign  himself  to  fly;   but  then  we  be  uost  in  jeopordy: 
for  he  oen  give  us  an  after-clap  when  we  least  ween;   that  is,  suddenly 
return  unawares  to  na,  and   then  he  givuth  as  an  after-clap  that  over- 
throweth  us:   this  amour  decelveth  us. 

In  like  maimer  these  utan  in  the  North  country,   [jtnus,  with  seeidng 
casualness,  Latimer  came  to  his  application^  they  nsake  pretence  as  theou^ 
they  were  armed  in  CJod's  arfitour,   gird   Qsic]    la  truth,  and  clothed  In  right- 
eousness.    I  hear  say  they  wear  the  cross  and  the  wounds  before  and  behind, 
and  they  pretend  much  truth  to  the  icing's  grace  and  to  the  conunon.vealth, 
when  they  intend  nothing  less;   and  deceive  the  poor  ignorant  people,  and 


U 


11(24) 


brln.-:  their,  to  flcht.  a^inst  hoth  the  kirif-,    the  church,   and  the  conanon- 
waaltli. 


In  these  terras  Latimer  presented  the  rebellion.     If  one  sees  the  Pil- 
grlmage  of  Grace  as  a  spontaneous  uprisin^^  to  defend  the  customs  of  a 
traditional  piety,  one  must  find   this  disingenuous,   to  ssy  the  least. 
Tet  Latlaer  was  sincere  enough.     la  what  other  terms,  after  all,  could 
the  refoi'ssr  conceive  of  this  disaffection?     He  was  not  ignorant,  surely, 
of  the  state  of  rdnd  in  the  north   (and  not  only  in  the  north),  but  his  think- 
ing "^ras  detennined  by  two  assumptions  of  the  new  order  Tshich  made  his  riew 
Ox   tho  rebels  the  only  possible  view.     Note  how  he  laovsd  at  once  to  a 
dafinitioa  of  the  eccleaia  and  of  passive  obedience: 

Thsy  anu  then  lYith  the  sl'»n  of  th-?  cross  and  of  the  'vounis,   and  go  clean 
coatrary  to  him  that  bare  the  cross,  and  suffered  thoae  wounds.     They  rise 
with  tho  kin,?,  and  fif;ht  aj^ainst  the  king  in  his  rainlsters  and  officers; 
they  rise  .rith  the  church,  and  fight  against  the  church,  aiMeh  ia  the 
congregation  of  faithful  Tien. . . . 

3ut  if  we  «111  resist  stron^rly  indeed,  we  must  be  clothed  or 
araed  with  the  habergeon  of  very  .iustice  or  rij^hteousness;    in  true 
obedience  to  our  prince,  uad  faithful  love  to  our  neighbours.... 

Lo,  what  aanner  of  battle  this  vwrrtor  Gt,   Taul  teacheth  us, 
"to  be  shod  on  our  feet,"  that  we  may  go  readily  and  prepare  way  for  the 
gospel;   yea,   the   =jo8rel   of  reaoe,    not  of  rebellion,   nor  of  insurrection: 
no,  it  teacheth  obedience,  humility,  and  quietness.      ^talies  nlnej 

The  church,  then,  is   "the  ooogregation  of  faithful  men".     3ut  who  Is  to 
determine  whether  they  are  faithful?     'Shy,   the  king's  vice-gerent  in 
affairs  ecclesiastical.     The  gospel   teaches  obedience.     To  vboD?     To 
God  surely,  but  after  him  to  the  prince,  who  is  to  deterralne  what  Is  a 
true  or  a  false  quarrel.     These  are  doctrines  of  great  impoirt,  and 
Latimer  realized  their  revolutionary  oharacter,   for  he  oontinaed: 

But  ^e  say,   it  is  new  learning.     Ko.v  I   tell  you  it  is  the  old  learning. 
Yea,  ye  say,    it  is  old  hsresy  new  scourei.     Nay,  I  tell  yon  It  is  old 


^1 


U(25) 


truth,  long  rusted  with  your  canker,  aad  now  made  bright  and  scoured. 
Shat  a  rusty  truth  is  this,   ^uodeumue  ligiaveris....  This  is  a  truth 
spoken  to  the  apostles,  and  all  true  preachers  their  successors,   that 
with  the  law  of  Ood  they  should  bind  and  condemn  all  that  sinned;  and 
Trtiosoeyer  did  repent,  they  should  declare  hlE  loosed  and  forgiiren,  by 
belieylng  in  the  blood  of  Christ,     &it  how  hatb  this  truth  over-rusted 
with  the  pope's  ruet?     For  he,   by  this  text,.,,   hath  taken  upon  him  to 
oake  what  laws  him  listed,   clean  contrary  unto  God»s  word,  lAlch  wllleth 
that  every  man  should  obey  the  prince's  law:  and  by  this  text,,,,  he  hath 
aade  all  people  believe  that,  for  aoney,  he  mlpiht  forgive  what  and  whom  he 
lusted....   "i«hat  la  this  but  a  new  learning;  a  new  canker  to  rust  and 
corrupt  the  old  truth? 


Now  In  any  piroclamation  to  the  multitude,  statement  Is  more 
satisfactory  than  proof,  but  even  granted  that  proof  Is  often  Incono 
venlent  and  tedious,  it  is  remarkable  that  Latimer  was  able  to  assert 
these  fundamentals  on  the  ground  of  a  continuity  with  the  true  Christian 
tradition,  upon  the  assumption  that  his  audience  would  recognize  the  ex- 
istence of  such  a  tradition  and  the  righteousness  of  accepting  It  In  those 
troubled  times.     Were  these  affirmations  of  the  prince's  "dominion"  ex- 
pected to  awake  notions  Kriiich  had  sluBtbered  under  the  papal  exactions 
since  the  days  of  ;^cllf?     It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  preacher  addressed 
the  congregation  as  If  they  were  hostile  to  his  statements;  one  suspects 
that,  however  confidently  the  reformers  might  face  the  Issues  as  they 
studied  the  scriptures  of  the  ibima  of  the  king,  they  oould  not  sustain 
that  confidence  in  the  face  of  the  people,  even  the  London  citizens. 

The  day  was  saved;   the  crisis  of  Henry's  reformation  was  weathered 
successfully.     By  July  1537,  Archbishop  Lee  was  able  to  report  to  the 
Paul's  Cross  audience  the  Just  executions  upon  the  northern  rebels,**^ 
The  London  citizens  wore  net  yet  so  proficient  in  searching  the  Scriptures 
as  they  were  to  be  a  century  later.     Latimer  little  knew  the  light  his 
candle  was  to  shed  upon  2ngll3h  history. 


Ct 


ii(26) 


3,  "Which  images,  if  they  abuse...  they  commit  idolatry." 

One  aspect  of  the  Henriciaa  reformation  has  been  already  suggested 
in  this  discussion,  the  crusade  against  images  aad  relics,  which  was  in 
full  swing  with  official  sanction  in  1538,  though  it  declined  aftenrard 
until  the  reip,n  of  Jidward  VI.   Ihis  progras.  was  instituted  in  the  so- 
called  "Second  Royal  Injunctions  of  Henry  VIII"  drawn  up  by  Cromwell 
in  1537  or  ISSS:*-"" 

It«i,  that  you  /jihe  clergy]  shall  make,  or  cause  to  be  made  in  the  said 
church,  and  evei'y  other  cure  you  have,  one  serjion  evei-y   quarter  of  the 
year  at  the  least,  wherein  you  shall  - urely  and  sincerely  declare  the  very 
gospel  of  Christ,  end  in  the  seme  exhort  your  hearers  to  the  works  of 
charity,  mercy,  and  faith,  specially  prescribed  and  commanded  in  Scripture, 
and  not  to  repose  their  trust  and  affiance  in  aay   other  works  devised  by 
Ben*s  phantasies  beside  Scripture;  as  in  wandering  to  pilgrimages, 
offering  of  money,  candles,  or  tapers  to  images  or  relics,  or  kissing,  or 
licking  the  same,  saying  over  a  number  of  beads,  not  understood  or  minded 
on,  or  in  such-like  superstition,  for  the  doin*^  triiereof  you  have  no 
proiaise  oi'  rewai^l  in  Scripture,  but  contrariwise,  great  threats  and 
maledictions  of  God,  aa  things  tending  to  idolatry  and  superstition, 
i^ioh  of  all  other  offences  God  AlMghty  does  most  detest  and  abhor, 
for  that  the  same  diminishes  most  His  honour  and  glory. 

Item,  that  such  feigned  images  as  you  know  in  any  of  your  cures 
to  be  30  abused  with  pilgrimages  or  offerings  of  anything  made  there- 
unto, yo  1  shall  for  avoiding  that  most  detestable  offence  of  idolatry 
forthwith  take  down  and  delay,  and  shall  suffer  from  henceforth  no  candles, 
tapers,  or  images  of  wax  to  be  set  afore  any  image  or  picture,  but  only 
the  light  that  eooaionly  goeth  across  the  church  by  the  rood  loft,  the 
light  befoi^  the  Sacrament  of  the  altar,  and  the  light  about  the  sepulchre, 
which  for  the  adorning  of  the  church  and  divine  seirvice  you  shall  suffer 
to  reiTiSin;  still  admonishing  your  parishioners  that  images  serve  for  none 
other  p'xrpose  but  as  to  be  books  of  unlearned  men  that  cannot  know  letters, 
whereby  they  might  be  otherwise  adiaonished  of  the  lives  and  conversation 
of  them  that  the  said  images  do  represent;  which  images,  if  they  abuse 
for  any  other  intent  than  for  such  remembrances,  they  conunit  idolatry 
in  the  sane  to  the  great  danger  of  their  souls;  and  therefore  the  kinp:'s 
highness,  graciously  tendering  the  weal  of  his  subjects'  souls,  has  in 
part  already,  and  more  will  hereafter  travail  for  the  abolishing  of  such 
images,  as  irdftht  be  occasion  of  so  gjeat  offence  to  God,  and  so  great  a 
danger  to  the  souls  of  his  loving  subjects.    41 

It  is  indeed  possible,  though  aiany  have  denied  it,  chat  Henry  did  tender 


ii(27) 


tho  vrsal  of  his  subjects*  souls  In  this  and  other  inatters  of  religion; 
certainly  reformers  like  Latimer  were  convinced  of  the  dan^r  of  what 
th^  considered  superstition,  either  In  the  use  or  the  abuse  of  inar'es. 
But  Cromwell's  ffiotiTes^  and  likely  the  king's  too,  were  less  eoralted. 
Soma  of  the  ImHpes  were  themselves  costly  In  materials  and  workmanship; 
many  of  theni  were  heaped  about  with  offering  of  gold  and  silver  and 
precious  stones.  Cromwell  desired  to  add  these  treasures  to  the  spoil 
of  the  monasteries  in  general.  Even  Gardiner,  we  are  told,  from  what- 
ever motives  of  policy  or  movsnents  of  conscience  "did  not  dislike  the 
doings  at  Canterbury".'**  that  is,  the  looting  of  the  fajnous  shrine  of 
Thomas  a  Becket,  the  '^aarvel  of  all  Europe,",  in  which  there  was  nothing 
of  leas  value  than  pure  gold.  '>9agonloads  of  gold,  silver  and  jewels 
were  carried  off  to  the  roj'al  coffers,  the  bones  of  the  saint  were 
burned,  and  afterward  men  noted  that  Henry  wore  the  gi*eatest  jewel 
of  the  shrine  in  a  ring.*^ 

The  manner  of  proceeding  against  linai»:eB  in  general  was  politic 
indeed.   Phere  were  many  false  relics  throa,'3hout  the  land,  still  reared 
in  churches,  monasteries  and  oratories,  sometiiTies  no  doubt  by  reason 
of  a  sentimental  affection  for  the  olden  time,  ofter  because  of  the 
superstitions  of  simple  folk  permitted  or  nourished  by  ignorant  curates 
or  greedy  monks.  Such  were 


our  Lady's  Cirdle,  shew'd  in  eleven  several  Places,  and  her  Milk  in 

eight;  the  Bell  of  St.  Guthlac,  and  the  Felt  of  St.  Thomas  of  Lancaster, 

both  Remedies  for  the  Head-ach;  the  len-koife  and  boots  of  St.  Thomas 

of  Canterbury,  and  a  piece  of  his  Shirt,  much  reverenc*d  by  Oreat-belly'd 

Women;  the  Coals  that  roasted  St.  I^wrence;  two  or  three  Heads  of  St.  Ursu- 

line;  Malchus'r,  Ear,  and  the  paring  of  St.  Edmond's  Nails;  the  Imaf:e  of 

an  iijigel  with  one  Wing,  *(hich  brought  hither  the  Spear's  Head  that 

pi  ere 'd  Christ's  Sldej  an  Image  of  our  Lady  with  a  Tiaper  in  her  Hand, 


70 


ii{28) 


which  burnt  nine  years  together  without  wasting,  till  one  forswearing 

hliaself  thereon,  it  went  out;  and  ivas  now  founi  to  be  but  a  piece  of 
Kood;  our  Lady  of  Kforcester,  froro  which  certain  Veils  and  Dressings 
beinf;  taken,  there  api<ear*d  the  Statue  of  a  EiBhop  ten  Foot  high.    44 


Such  simple  foolish  things  as  these  were  taken  down  with  sanctiinonious 
zeal,  and  their  destruction  seinred  as  the  pretext  for  a  general  de- 
stinictlon  of  iiaages,  upon  the  safe  assuiaption  that  abuse  of  images  is 
all  to  easy  for  the  simple  Christian.  Aa  part  of  this  program  of  ex- 
posing the  false  images  and  relics  Hilsey  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  on 
two  occasions  in  1538.  On  24  February  he  exposed  the  abuse  of  the  Rood 
of  Grace,  from  Boxley,  near  liaidstone,  "so  holy  a  place,  where  so  many 
miracles  are  shewed".  So  ^rham  wrote  once  to  Wolsey.*^  rimes  had 
changed;  in  1510  Eenry  VIII  had  offered  6s.  Bd.  to  the  Rood.*^  It  was 
a  renarkable  mechanism,  a  "bearded  crucifix"  made  of  wood,  wires  and 
jaste,  supposed  to  hare  been  the  handiwork  of  a  French  carpenter  taken 
prisoner  in  the  Hundred  Years*  Sbr.**^  By  nanlpulation  from  the  rear  the 
eyes  and  lips  of  the  imace  could  be  Eade  to  movo,  and  Hilsey  exhibited 
this  superstition  during  his  aeriaon,  one  eyewitness  reporting  dramatically 

that  while  he  preached  ''it  turned  its  head,  rolled  its  eyes,  foamed  at 

48   __ 
the  mouth,  and  shed  tears.",    TPhe  abuslon"  being  so  divulged,  Hilsey 

broke  the  image,  which  was  rotten  with  age,  and  threw  it  aioong  the 

audience,  who  completed  the  «ork  of  destruction.    On  24  November 

Hilsey  once  more  exposed  an  image  at  Paul's  Cross,  this  time  the  Blood 

of  Halles,  a  Cistercian  luonastery  in  Gloucestershire.^^  rhis  relic  passed 

as  the  blood  of  our  Lord,  and  nas  much  visited.  Latimer  wrote  in  1533: 


I  live  within  half  a  mile  of  the  Fossway  and  you  would  wonder  to  8e« 

how  they  come  by  flocks  out  oi'  the  west  country  to  many  Images,  but 
chiefly  to  the  blood  of  Hayles.    52 


It 


ii(29) 


Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury  tells  a  malicious  tale  of  the  manner  of  showing 
the  Blood: 


It  was  said  to  have  this  I'roperty.  That  if  a  li&a  wer«  in  mortal  fiiay 
and  not  absolved,  he  could  not  see  it;  otherwise,  very  well:  Herefor* 
every  loan  that  came  to  behold  this  Irliracle...  was  ilrected  to  a  Chapel...; 
the  irieat...  putting  forth   upon  the  /Utar  a  Cabinet  or  rabernacle 
of  Crystal  which  being  thick  on  one  side...  but  on  the  other  side  thin 
and  transparent,  they  used  diversly:  For  if  a  rich  and  devout  Man 
enter *d,  they  would  shew  the  thick  side,  till  he  }iad  paid  for  as  many 
Kasses,  and  given  as  large  Alss,  as  they  thought  fit;  after  vdnich... 
they  peradtted  him  to  see  the  thin  side,  and  the  Blood.    52 


Saoh  were  the  means  of  extorting  charitable  donations  from  the  rich  in 
the  g<wd  days  of  popery,  Perhaps  a  small  regret  troubled  nanj'  a  re- 
former in  the  worldly  days  of  the  new  dispense tion,  as  he  sought  to  open 
the  nerchant's  purse  by  the  word  of  exhortation  alone.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  the  zeal  cf  the  Irotestants  adisltted  at  this  time  nc  images,  and 
the  Blood  of  Hailes  was  declared  to  be  that  of  a  duck.  So  Hilsey  had 
affirned  in  hie  serrjsn  ujon  the  Rood  of  Srace,  alleging  the  confession 
of  a  Ciller's  wife  who  had  years  before  been  latiinate  with  the  Abbot  of 
Eailes  and  had  received  froic  him  jewels  from  the  shrine.*'''  The  commis- 
sioners who  examined  the  relic  in  October  1536,  after  the  Abbot  had 
offered  to  surrender  to  CroBwell  the  £30  worth  of  offerings  then  in 
the  shrine,  found  it  to  be  "hony  clarified  and  coloured  with  saffron,". 

In  this  fashion  wes  the  first  wave  of  iconoclasm  in  the  English 
Reformation  justified  at  Paul's  Cross.  Of  this  aspect  of  religious 
change  one  hears  no  more  till  the  days  of  Edward  VI.  But  the  example 
bad  been  set;  the  precedent,  far-reaching  in  Its  implications,  estab- 
lished. VKhat  had  been  undertaken  In  greed  and  policy  could  be  continued 
in  greed  and  religious  enthusiasm.   JSie  revolt  against  the  supernatural, 


73. 


ii(30) 


uadeirtaken  as  a  method  of  dlsoredltlng  the  religions  fooadatlons  nhen 
their  r«Tenues  w«ra  badly  noed«<l  by  the  orown,  was  potentially  a  rsvo- 
lutlonary  aentioent  of  the  first  iMportaaca,      rhe  stimulus  applied  b^'' 
this  public  policy  to  the  ^powinR  feeling  that  religious  expert eaoe  laas 
Intejpnal,  subject  only  to  the  rsf^ulation  of  the  consoienca  and  the  in- 
tuitlTe  appreheneloa  of  divine  truth,  stifled  though  this  feeling  vies 
by  the  conaerrative  reaction  froa  1539  to  1547,  irraa  aerer  entirely  lacking 
thereafter  in  the  direction  of  spiritual  ooveoieats  ia  ^ingland.     Once  it 
had  been  deiioastrated  that  the  days  of  so-callad  superstition  were  past, 
it  becaee  easy  to  call  (cany  things  superstitious  which  were  not  so  at 
all,   to  season  the  fiery  independence  of  the  Zjiglish  yeoasan  with  a  little 
continental  theology,  end  so  to  sake  possible  John  Eooper  and  Ibosas 
Cartwright. 

4.    "lliese  that  call  theib  selfe  brethren  in  iuiglyche. " 

Ih^  episodes  so  far  described  were  the  results  of  a  religious 
policy  desperately  onsettled  and  detemined  purely  by  the  exigencies 
of  the  jKnent,  fcore  espeoially  by  fluctuations  in  popular  sentiment  and 
the  aaount  of  the  belanoe  in  the  royal  treasury.     But  ia.  1539,  the  spoil 
of  the  monasteries  safely  secured,   the  necessity  or  indeed  the  possibility 
of  alliance  with  the  r!en,«n  Protestants  receding  in  his  mind  before  the 
liiBiediBte  threat  of  alliance  between  the  ifimrreror  and  Francis  I,  U&nry 
detcmined  to  publish  his  essential  orthodoxy  before  all  Europe.      ITie 
decision  i«as  taken  as  a  neaoa  of  self-y-rotection  and  also  perhaps  from 
Catholic  con'victions  never  seriously  shaken  at  aR.y  tine  in  the  last  six 
years.     This  decision  resulted  In  the  famous  Act  of  Six  Articles,  the 


ys 


ii(31) 


"whip  with  six  strings"  which  cost  the  conscientious  latimer  and  the 
simple  LJhaxton  their  bishoprics,  but  which  scored  the  backs  of  remark- 
ably few  of  the  faithful.  It  was,  as  Gairdner  has  rut  it,  the  old 
religion  with  the  pope  left  out.    Urged  by  Henry  hiicself ,  irtio  "confounded 
them  with  God's  learning",  the  bishops  assented  to  an  act  the  purpose  of 
which  'was  avowedly  to  abolish  "diversity  in  opinions",  an  act  which 
established  the  religion  of  England  in  the  familiar  terms  of  transub- 
stantiation,  clerical  celibacy,  validity  of  private  masses  and  of  auricular 
confession.  Ihere  was  no  mention  of  images.  The  cold  wind  was  be^^in- 
nin^  to  blow  on  Cromwell,  who  had  now  only  an  earldom,  frusti^tion  and 
death  before  him.  It  blew  too  upon  those  who  had  begun  to  flourish 
under  his  protection,  the  convinced  Lutherans  like  Hobert  Barnes, 

Barnes  seems  to  have  been  a  violent,  resourceful  and  bigoted 
Bian.  He  was  chief  of  the  Lutheran  party  (If  one  oay  use  the  term)  in 
England,  having  done  penance  for  Lutheran  opinions  as  early  as  1526, 
and  he  with  others  of  the  same  persuasion  owed  their  safety  and  idiat 
license  they  had  to  diasemioate  their  doctrine  to  Cromwell,  idio  supported 
heresy  in  a  typical  blend  of  faith  in  politics  and  cynicism  In  religion. 
It  proved  a  fatal  course;  as  the  balance  of  power  swung  to  Gardiner  after 

the  Act  of  Six  Articles,  the  Lutherans'  position  becasie  untenable.  On 

57 

15  ifebruary  1540  Gardiner  struck.  Hie  own  account  of  his  sermon   not 

only  throws  some  licht  upon  his  quality  and  temper,  but  is  in  some  re- 
spects one  of  the  most  important  docunents  in  the  ecclesiastical  history 
of  the  period. 

I  minded  aoae  Soaday  of  that  I^nt  to  preache  at  I'aulee  Crosse  [he  begins]  , 
as  I  had  ben  3'eareE  before  sccustosied;  end  upon  the  fyret  ijaturday  in 
lente,  goinge  to  Lambehith,  there  to  be  occupied  all  that  daye,  I  devised 


-rf 


11(32) 


with  lay   chajleln  that  he  shoulcl  go  that  daye  and  knowe  who  should  occuple 
the  crosse  that  Leat,  and  to  spealce  for  a  place  for  me   on  one  of  the  Son> 
dayes,  not  3ieanin,<;9  the  Sondaye  that  shoulde  be  on  the  niorowe,  for  I  had 
In  By  mind  more  reTerence  to  that  audience  then,  without  some  convenient 
preffledltacion,  to  shewe  myself  there.  Neverthelosse,  ray  chapleiae, 
repayring  to  knowe  howe  the  Sondayes  were  appoynted  and  understand!  nije 
tliat  Darnea  shulde  preach  the  fyrat  oondayo.,,,  thought  in  his  mynde 
rather  to  take  that  daye  for  ne  then  any  other,  specyally  becase  he  thought 
I  wolde  speake  that  was  good  and  i3arnes  shouldo  be  dlsappoynted  to  utter 
that  was  nought.  And  so...  ny  ohapleln...  told  me  he  had  ben  so  bolde 
over  me   to  appoynte  me  to  preach  the  next  daye  at  loules  Grosse. 


Miaind  Bonner  had  succeeded  Stokesley  as  Bishop  of  London,  and  surely 
would  not  hlBiself  have  appointed  Barnes.  It  would  appear  that  Cromwell 
was  still,  directly  or  th3X)ugh  the  ordinary,  drawing  up  the  bill  of 
preachers.  It  Is  also  to  be  noticed,  however,  that  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester's chaplain  was  able  to  make  substitution  on  that  bill  without 
any  difficulty,  though  perhaps  only  because  he  dared  to  act  quickly, 
knowing  there  was  no  time  to  hare  his  request  refused.   Qardlner  con- 
tinaes; 

Iherupon^gathered  my  wittes  to  me,  called  for  grace,  and  detezmlned  to 
declare  the  Gospell  of  that  Sondaye,  couteynynge  the  devllles  thre  tempt- 
acions,  the  raatter  wherof  semed  to  ma  very  apte  to  be  applyed  to  the 
tyme,  and  good  occasion  to  note  the  abuse  of  Scripture  among  some,  as  the 
devyll  abused  it  to  Christ;  which  matter  in  dede  I  touched  somewhat 
playnly  and,  in  my  judgment,  truly.  And  alludinge  to  the  temptation  of 
the  devyll  to  Christ,  to  cas^  him  selfe  downewarde,  allegyng  Scriptures, 
that  he  shulde  take  no  hurte,  I  sayde  now  a  dayes  the  devlll  teacheth, 
come  back  from  fastynge,  come  back  from  prayirif ,  come  back  from  con- 
fession, come  back  from  wepioge  for  thy  synnes,  and  all  is  backewarde, 
in  80  much  as  he  mast  leme  to  say  his  Pater  Noster  backward,  and  where 
we  aeyd,  'forgive  us  our  debtes,  as  we  forgyve  our  debters',  now  it  is, 
•■8  thou  forgiveet  our  debtes,  so  I  wyll  forgyve  my  debtors',  and  so  God 
must  forgyve  fyrst;  and  al,  I  sayd.  Is  turned  backewarde.  And,  amonges 
other  thlnges,  noted  the  devllles  craft,  what  shift  he  useth  to  deceyve 
man  ndiose  felicltle  he  envleth,  and  therfore  eoveteth  to  have  itian  idle 
and  void  of  goal  workes,  and  to  be  ledde  in  that  idleness,  with  a  wan 
hoi  e  to  lyve  merely  [jnerrilyj  and  at  hie  pleasure  here,  and  yet  have 
heaven  at  the  last;  and  for  that  purpose  procured  out  pardons  from  Rome, 
wherin  heaven  was  sold  for  a  11  tie  money,  and  for  to  retayle  that  mar- 
chaundise  the  devyll  used  freres  for  his  ministers.  Nowe  they  be  gone 
with  all  their  tromperye,  but  the  devyll  is  not  yet  gonue.  And  nowe  he 


7S 


11(33) 


perceyveth  It  can  ao  lender  be  borne  to  buy  and  sell  heaven  (both  the 
sarohaundyse  is  abhorred*  and  the  ministers  also  •—  we  can  not  asay  with 
freres,  ne  caa  abyde  the  name}*  the  devyll  hath  excogitate  to  offre 
hearen  without  wozices  for  it,  bo  frelye  that  men  shall  not  nede  for 
heaven  to  worfce  at  all,  what  soever  opportunitle  they  have  to  worice. 
Eary,  if  they  »yll  have  an  higher  place  in  heaven,  God  wyll  leave  no  work 
unrewarded;  but  as  to  be  in  heaven,  it  nodes  no  woi^ea  at  al,  but  onely 
belefe,  onely,  onely,  nothing:  els.  And  to  set  forth  this  the  devils 
craft,  there  were...  icynlsters,  but  no  so  fryers.  Fye   on  the  name  and 
the  ^rmentl  But  no»e  they  be  called  by  an  Englyshe  naioe,  brethrene,  and 
go  apparelled  like  other  men,  anonges  which  be  some  of  those  that  were 
freres,  and  served  the  devyll  in  retaylin|?e  of  heaven  in  pardons,  for 
they  can  skyll  of  the  levy  lis  servyce.  But  if  the  Kynges  icajestie,  as 
he  hath  bauyshed  freres  by  the  Frenche  name,  wolde  also  banyshs  these 
that  call  them  selfe  brethren  in  Englyshe,  the  devyll  shulde  be  greatly 
discomforted  in  his  enterprise,  and  idlenes  therby  banyshed,  urhiche  the 
devyll  wyll  elles  perswade  by  ajsunderstandlnge  of  Scriptures,  as  he  lid 
in  thadvauncement  of  pardons. 


Ihere  are  two  lines  of  argoaent  here,  both  of  ioaense  Influence, 
both  often  misunderstood  or  deliberately  misinterpreted  by  Protestant 
historians.  The  first  is  the  classic  attack  upon  the  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith  alone,  that  "men  shall  not  nede  for  heaven  to  woiice 
at  alL."   The  Catholic  apologists  were  not  la  England  defending  the  con- 
templative ideal;  they  argued  with  the  reformers  on  their  own  ground. 
Both  sought  the  ideal  of  the  active  Christian  Ufa,  and  for  a  century 
the  Irotestant  divines  defended  themselves  with  all  the  resources  at 
their  ccai»nd  against  this  very  attack  of  Gardiner's  upon  the  alleged 
idleness  produced  by  the  new  teaching.  It  must  be  emphasized  that  their 
subtle  and  vigorous  statements  of  the  doctrine  that  true  wozics  ere  the 
fruit  of  faith,  which  only  Justifies,  were  directed  against  not  only 
formal  and  learned  expositions  of  Catholic  theology,  but  also  (and  indeed 
chiefly)  against  such  simply,  colloquial  and  therefor*  dangerous  state- 
ments as  this  of  Oardiner*s.  This  most  astute  man  knew  well  the  value, 
in  an  appeal  to  popular  aantlaent,  of  the  unequivocal  statement  of 


lu 


li(34) 


equivocal  truths.  In  the  second  place,  Gardiner  here  voices  the  ancient 
pjrotest  of  the  regular  clergy  against  the  friars,  that  thay  circumTented 
the  ordinary  powers  of  mediation  possessed  by  the  Church  in  selling  easy 
salTation,  But  the  worst  is  that  they  have  been  succeeded  by  ministers, 
some  of  Whoa  (like  Barnes)  were  friars  before,  and  now  continue  with  a 
new  technique  the  same  campaign  against  the  Church  which  is  the  guardian 
and  repositarv  of  the  faith.  With  his  usual  perspicuity  Gardiner  had 
noted  a  fact  of  the  deepest  import  for  the  ecclesiastical  history  of 
England  jn  the  century  to  follow,  A  century  later  Selden  nas  to  say  that 
the  liiritan  lecturers  were  the  descendents  of  the  friars  and  stood  in  the 
sane  relation  as  they  did  to  the  Establishment,  This  continuity  of 
opposition  bstween  the  established  church  and  a  corps  ot  Guerilla  soldiers 
of  God,  "plesaunt"  in  absolution  or  expert  in  the  Scriptures  as  the  case 
Bight  be,  is  a  fact  which  the  followers  of  Foxe,  Neal  and  I'roude  always 
fall  to  see.  To  see  it  is  to  see  the  Tory  point  of  view;  Gardiner  was 
the  first  and  in  some   ways  the  Bost  astute  of  English  Itories. 

He  had  in  this  case  taken  the  first  round.  But  Barnes  with 
great  self-confidence  secured  permission  to  preach  at  the  Cross  two 

weeks  later,  on  29  February,  Gardiner's  account,^  which  does  not  differ 

59 
substantially  from  that  of  Foxe,   shows  pretty  clearly  what  sort  of  man 

Barnes  was.  He  joints  out  that  his  serraon  on  the  15th  "was  thought  to 

S03B0  very  plalney  and  that  Barnes  v»as  later,  in  exaainatlon,  obliged 

to  confess  that  he  "coulde  not  digest  It.",  Accordingly,  Gardiner 

continues, 

\he]   was  perswaded  and  comforted  to  handle  me  somewhat  rudely,  idilche 
he  dydde  the  Sondaye  fourtnyrbt  after,  in  the  same  place,  where  he 


71 


ii(35) 


toke  to  intreat  the  same  text  of  the  Gtospel  that  I  had  declared,  and 
lel'te  the  Scripture  of  the  Sonday  he  preched  on;  which  had  not  ben 
sene  In  that  place  before.^  There  he  beganne  to  call  for  me  to  come 
forth  to  auDswer  him;  he  tersed  me  to  be  a  fightyn^oe  cocke,  and  he  was 
another,  and  one  of  the  garae;  he  sayde  I  had  no  spoores,  and  that  he  wold 
shewe.  And  after  he  had  pleased  hliuselfe  in  thallegorie  of  a  cookefight, 
then,  upon  a  foolyah  conclusion,  he  cast  me  openly  his  glove;  and,  not 
content  therwith,  he  called  ae   forthe  by  my   name,  Gardener,  and  opposed 
me  in  ny  grammar  rules,  and  sayde  if  I  bad  auuswered  him  in  the  schole 
as  I  had  there  preached  at  the  Crosse,  he  wolde  have  geven  me  syxe 
strvpes;  and  raped  after  such  a  sor&e  as  the  lyke  hath  not  ben  herde  doone 
in  a  pulpete  (ordered  to  declare  the  A'orde  of  God  in,  and  not  to  toucbe 
any  perticuler  man),  as  he  ray led  of  me  by  name,  alludyuge  my   name, 
GSardener,  what  erell  herbee  I  sette  in  the  garden  of  Scripture,  so  farre 
beyonde  the  temes  of  honestie  as  all  men  wondered  at  it,  to  here  a  bysshop 
of  the  realme  as  I  was,  to  reviled,  and  by  such  one,  openly. 

Nor  vtas  this  the  end  of  the  troubles  that  Lent.  On  the  follow- 
ing Sunday,  7  Kerch,  an  adherent  of  Barnes,  Willi aii.  Jerome,  vicar  of 
Stepney,  "confirmed  Barnes'  doctrine"  at  Paul's  Gross,  On  that  very 
day,  Barnes,  having;  been  convented  before  the  King  for  false  doctrine 
and  railia<?  8(?:ainst  Gardiner,  made  his  submission  to  Gardiner  in 
properly  abject  terms.  But  "the  said  Jerome", 

preaching  at  Paul's...,  made  there  a  semon,  wherein  he  recited  and 
mentioned  of  llapjir  and  Sarah,  declaring  what  these  two  signified:  in 
process  whereof  he  showed  further  ho;ir  that  ^rah  and  her  child  Isaac, 
and  all  they  that  were  Isaac's,  and  born  of  the  free  woman  Sarah,  were 
freely  Justified:  contrary,  they  that  were  born  of  Hagar,  the  bondwoman, 
were  bound  and  under  the  law,  and  cannot  be  fully  justified.  In  these 
words  what  was  here  spoken,  but  that  which  3t.  Paul  himself  attereth  and 
eipoundeth  In  his  Epistle  to  the  Gelations  4.  22-31  ,  or  what  could  here 
be  gathered  of  any  reasonable  or  indifferent  hearer,  but  consonant  to 
sound  doctrine,  and  the  vein  of  the  gospel,..?  The  knot  found  in  the  rush 
was  this:  for  that  he  preached  erroneously...,  teaching  the  people  that  all 
that  were  born  of  Sarah  were  freely  justified,  speaking  there  absolutely, 
without  any  condition  either  of  baptism,  or  of  penance,  &c»         61 

There  was  more  than  one  knot  in  the  rush,  foxe  prints  the  essential 
document,  an  instance  of  his  remarkable  practice  of  providing  the 
evidence  In  an  appendix,  even  when  it  obviously  speaks  against  his 
interpretation: 


7S 


11(36) 


The  effeete  of  certain  erroneous  doctrine  taught  by  the  vicar  of  Stepney 
in  hi 8  sermon  at  ]>olles  crosae...  the  vljth  or  March. 

That  noo  Kiagistrate  had  power  to  wake   that  thing  which  of  itself 
Is  indifferent  to  be  not  indifferent.  And  after  thiese  words  generally 
spoken  he  said  thus  --  aoo  that  thiese  things  shuld  Judge  or  accuse  his 
conscience.  And  theouu  said  he  wold  bo  loth  to  •;oo  soo  far  as  sainote 
poll  doth  wt  other  woi^Ib  to  that  effeete.  And  finally  said  that  honesta 
men  and  p;ood  christen  men  wold  obserTe  and  kepe  al  iBives  and  ceremonies 
that  tende  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  God. 

TiX0   proaise  of  Justlficacon  Is  wt  out  the  oondlcion  for  he  that 
puttlth  a  condicion  unto  it  doth  exclude  freely.  And  like  as  In  the 
first  byrth  wa  have  remission  of  synnes  wiout  works.  Soo  whenne  we  fal 
from  that  iP-race  apain  we  obteyne  remission  of  synnes  wtout  works  also 
which  he  called  the  seconde  byrth, 

A  sume  of  thiese  articles  Is  th^  the  first  persuaded  cuakith 
obedience  to  prynces  an  outwarde  behavour  oonly,   ?Qiioh  is  but  a  playe 
eyther  for  feare  or  manersake. 

The  secounde  enf^endrith  such  an  assured  presuiaptlon  and  wantonnesse 
that  we  care  not  gretly  wether  we  obey  god  or  noo,    62 


The  first  article,  said  Gardiner,  conflnaed  Barnes'  book,  "wdiere  he 
teacheth  that  jnen's  constitutions  bind  not  the  oonsoience,".  "  ^Dils 
was  a  far  ir.ore  den/rerous  pronouncement  than  the  exposition  of  justification 

by  faith  alone,  and  in  this  regard  Jerome  seenis  to  have  gone  beyond 

64 
Barnes  in  daring  to  propose  such  belief  at  Paul's  Cross,    The  bounds 

of  Christian  liberty  were  as  yet  far  from  ciearly  set  in  English  theology. 


On  the  following  Sunday  a  third  Lutheran  spoke  froia  the  Paul's 

Cross  pulpit,  a  certain  iSioioas  Garret  or  Gerrard,  distributor  of  Lutheran 

65 
books  In  Oxford  as  early  as  1526,   who  In  1528,  having  been  arrested  on 

Wolaay's  order  for  heresy,  nads  a  draisablc  escape  frou  Oxford,  though  he 

was  later  captured  and  recanted.    He  too  preached  seditious  doctrine,"' 


Chiefly  to  blot  out  from  the  popular  mind  these  grave  errors,  the 
three  culprits  were  conraanded  to  recant  in  the  Spital  sermons  during 
Saster  we^,  and  though  their  perforsaances  were  not  entirely  satis- 
factory, Dr.  Wilson,  vicar  of  St.  liartln's,  Bishopegate,  rehearsed  them 


1H 


il{37) 


68 
at  Paul's  Cross  on  Low  Sunday,  according  to  the  custom.         TiiB  offenders 

were  cosmitted  to  the  Tower,  and  on  30  July,   two  days  after  the  death 

of  Cromwell,  they  were  burned  at  Saiithfleld.         There  are  two  footnotes 

to  these  incidents,  each  open  to  a  variety  of  interpretations.     On  11 

April,   the  Sxmday  after  the  rehearsal  sermon,  Gardiner  preached  again 

at  Paul's  Cross.     There  was,  says  the  chi^nicler,  a   Traye"  astong  the 

70 
serTlnRmen,  that  is  the  apprentices,  durin/?:  the  serjaon.         Saa  this  the 

result  of  the  heat  generated  by  the  Lenten  controversy?     Surely  such  an 

71 
inference  is  not  without  foundation.     In  May,   Sampson  of  Chichester, 

one  of  Gardiner's  party,  was  arrested  before  he  could  fulfil  his  preaching 

duty  at  Paul's  Cross,  and  Cranmer  filled  his  place,  preaching   "the  con- 

72 
trary  of  irtiat  Cerdiner  had  preached  in  Lent,".         Sainpson  had  just  been 

nominated  to  the  new  bishopric  of  itTestirdnster,  and  his  arrest  was  an 

73 
indication  of  the  continued  influence  of  C]?oni«ell.         ait  did  Cranmer, 

with  his  talent  for  the  workable  coieproiRise,  preach  "the  contrary",  as 
the  Catholic  liistorian  testifies?     Surely  not,  for  although  Henry  VIII 
was  even  nore  inconsistent  than  the  L^chievellianfi  who  nodelled  thec- 
selyes,  howerer  obscurely,  upon  his  policies,  he  could  not  hare  rMiained 
Craniser's  chief  protection  against  the  conservatives  froa  1540  to  1547 
«s  the  record  shows  he  did  if  he  were  convinced  in  1540  that  his  arch- 
bishop was  of  the  Lutheran  party.     It  would  be  difficult  to  preach  the 
"contrary"  to  Gardiner's  sermon  of  15  February  without  endang,ering  the 
subtle  comprorrdse  which  Henry  had  effected.     All  this,  however,   is 
conjecture. 

There  was  trouble  in  1541,   too,  with  a  Lutheran   "brother^".   Alexander 

74 
Seton,    "a  Gcottlsh  man,  and  worthy  preacher"  as  Poxe  puts  it.         On  13 


1o 


ii(38) 


November  Dr.  Eichard  Sbiith,  first  reglus  professor  of  divinity  at  Oxford, 
preached  a  sound  orthodox  sermon  at  Idol's  Cross,     In  the  afternoon  Geton, 
who  was  "lecturer"  at  St,  Antholine's,  reproved  Jr.   Smith  for  Englishing 
Iteecnelliaslni  deo  as  "Reconcile  yourselves  to  Godj'V   since  the  words  have 
8  passive  and  not  an  active  significance;   there  is  nothing  in  man  per- 
tairdnr  to  reconciliation,  but  all  in  God.     He  also  attacked  Dr.   Smith 
for  allowin.5  man  any  merit  by  his  good  works. "^     For  this  sermon  both  he 
and  "Polwine,  the  parson  of  St.  Antholine ♦ s ,  were  forced  to  do  public 
penance  at  the  Grose  on  18  December. 

5,    HiTanity  of  opinions," 

The  incidents  just  reviewed,  though  they  illustrate  the  means 
taken  to  consolidate  the  so-called  Catholic  reaction  in  the  last  eight 
years  of  Henry's  rel^n,  do  not  brin^  to  our  attention  the  major  problem 
confronting  the  Henrlcian  church,   the  diversity  of  opinions  concerning 
the  ffiass.     The  doctrine  of  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  is  of  course  the 
Bost  izcportant  issue  in  English  theology  until  the  accession  of  Elizabeth, 
and  the  chans^es  in  popular  and  official  opinion  concerning  it  present  a 
complicated  if  rather  depressing  subject  of  study,     Bie  heretical 
opinions  prop-ounded  in  the  reign  of  Henry  or  the  various  rrotestant 
theories  which  won  acceptance  in  the  reign  of  Tdward  did  not  arise  simply 
from  lutheran  influence,  but  from  the  bewildering  conclusions  of  the 
private  judgment  influenced  or  not  by  continental  opinions.     If  a  preacher 
set  forth  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  he  might  be  labelled  a 
Lutheran,   since  that  fundamental   point  of  Lutheran  doctrine  was  easy  to 
understand  and  could  be  presented  only  unequivocally  —  Indeed  that  was 


il 


li{39) 


its  very  ixjwer,  that  it  was  so  sollily  aneiuivocal.  It  swept  the  board. 
But  who  was  equipped  to  discover  whether  a  Ban  vjas  preaching  consub- 
stantiation  or  veering  into  the  doctrines  of  Zwingli?  It  might  be 
easily  enouorb  discerned  that  he  was  in  error,  bat  the  dei^ree  of  error 
could  be  diSfTUised  by  adept  phrasing.  All  too  few  of  either  partj' 
could  be  clear  in  the  scholastic  technique  of  substance  and  accident,  and 
fewer  still  clear  enough  to  eirlain  beyond  the  possibility  of  misinter- 
pretation the  subtleties  of  their  views  to  such  an  audience  as  that  at 
Paul's  Grosa. 

Officially  the  goverosient  had  done  nothing  to  stimulate  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  mass  or  to  brini;  l-Vd  efficacy  into  disrepute.  The   doctrine 
of  transubstantiation  was  never  officially  repudiated  during  the  reign 
of  Henry  VIII,  But  other  Catholic  doctrines  were  repudiated  and  chief 
among  theoi  the  validity  of  nassea  for  the  dead,  of  trantals,  and  of  images 
in  general.  A  major  blow  was  struck  against  the  Mhole  edifice  of  Catholic 
beliaf,  and  in  the  reaction  it  was  not  possible  to  salvage  some  vriiile 
expecting  that  some  to  enjoy  the  credit  of  all,  What  was  even  more  im- 
portant was  the  jt^eneral  inpetus  given  to  discussion  of  religious  dogmas 
by  the  very  act  of  the  refonaation.  All  that  had  been  lonp;  accepted  was 
disturbed,  debated  in  the  most  important  forums  of  the  realE  —  and  in 
the  meanest  alehouses.  The  operation  was  successftil,  but  if  ttie  patient 
did  cot  die  she  was  at  least  never  the  sane  a^ain.   fhe  king  encouraged 
heretical  opinions  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  upon  the  conservatives; 
when  the  need  for  the  pressure  was  r«at  the  heretical  opinions  could  not 
be  entirely  scotched.  Nourished  by  ancient  grievances,  by  the  study  of 
the  works  of  continental  Protestants,  by  freer  access  to  the  Scriptures, 


ii- 


11(10) 


revolutionary  thcolo<7loal  opinions  eontlnuel  to  flourish  lite  tender 
plants  In  a  dry  ground,  spriagla^  op  and  dyinr,  waiting  for  the  blessed 
rain  of  official  sanction,  and  that  ■ots  to  coifie. 

In  the  convocation  of  1536  the  rrolocutor  of  the  lower  house 
laid  before  the  blshors  a  list  of  sixty-seven  aiala  dopgata  i^leh  the 
clergy  comrlalaed  of  as  having  too  much  currency  in  the  realm.     These, 
which  Fuller  reasarked  to  coatain  "the  rrotestant  rellgioa  in  ore",  in- 
cluded ojlnlons  disrespectful  of  the  mass,  denial  of  some  of  the  other 
sacraEentfl  and  of  the  freedcan  of  the  will,  protests  against  honouring  of 
saints,  against  fasting  in  lent,  against  the  observance  of  some  holy 
days.         SBiere  the  eoffirlslQants  found  these  opinions  rife  is  not  clear, 
though  it  is  unlikely  that  the  clergy  themselves  had  a  nonopoly  of 
heretical  ideas.     Ixll  sorts  of  fantasies  were  apparently  being  aired 
in  these  years.     In  this  year  1536  a  "^yler"  did  penance  at  laul*3 

Cross  for  nelntainlng  the  opinion  that  the  passion  of  Christ  vns  of 

77 
benefit  only  to  those  who  died  befcre  the  Incarnation.         Four  Gerwans 

(called  "!>itchmon")   did  penance  thero  while  Hilsey  «bs  exhibiting  the 
Blood  of  liQlles  on  24  Koveriber  153fl. '       On  22  Tecember  1538  the  first 
of  the  self-appointed  interpreters  of  Scripture  nad©  his  appearance  in 
the  role  of  a  p-eaitent  at  Faul*3  Cross.     John  Harrydaunce,  a  bricklayer 
of  ^1Mtechap«l,  did  public  penance  for  exteirpore  expositions  of  the 
Bible  delivered  from  a  tub  in  his  garden.     One  wonders  what  he  had 
found  in  the  saored  text.     The  thunders  of  apocalypse  no  doubt,  or  the  dawn 
of /^dispensation.     A  priest  named  George,  otherwise  unidentifiable,  ap- 
parently imbued  with  some  rooenslon  of  Lutheran  opinions,  nes  forced  to 
undergo  penance  In  1539  for  proclaiming  that  Christ  himself  nor  any  creature 


n 


ii(41) 


had  merit  from  the  Fassloa,  avA  for  refusin,"*  to  be  impressed  by  the  bles- 
sing of  '.vater  or  brearl.     He  called  it  exorcislar;;   ono  aotes  in  the 
heresies  of  these  years  a  teudaacy  towarcl  empiricism  not  without  sig- 
nificance for  the  later  developrasat  of  '^Totestantiara.     In  1544  Robert 
Sterol,  vho  ray  have  been  at  one  tiae  a  friar,       did  penance  at  Paul*3 

81 

Cross       for  having  "taken  upon     hi.m     to  bable  talke  and  raagle  of  the 
Scripture  whiche     he     undorstode  not,"       ?7ard  had  exercised  the  right 
of  the  private  Judgment  often  "in  alehouses  and  unconelie  and  onmeate 
places,"     and  had  kept  unlawful  books;  he  had  spoken  of  the  mass   "folyahlie 
and  unreverentli  e," 

One  result  of  foolish  and  irreverent  talk  of  the  waas  seojns  to 
hara  been  that  ignorant  priests,  faced  with  unbelief  among  their  parishioners, 
attempted  to  inculcate  1 1  by  emi-irical  evidence.     Taere  are  dark  hints 
of  abuaes  In  the  sei^ice  of  the  mass  in  ?oxe  and  Bale,  abuses  beyond  what 
they  of  course  considered  the  blasphemy  of  the  ortho-iox  rubriss.     One 
such  instance  has  cone  to  jrry  attention.     On  8  February  1545  a  prtest  froa 
Kent  did  penance  at  Faul*s  Cross  for  having  sought  to  coanterfeit  the  blood 
of  Christ  at  the  mass,  by  cutting  his  finder  and  letting  it  bleed  upon  the 
hosC     This  was  a  curious  case,  and  there  were  probably  no  others  exactly 
like  it. 

Penance  at  the  Cross  for  promul^^ating  heretical  opinions  was  not, 

liowaver,   confined  to  such  aioall  fry.     On  Relic  ounday  1545  three  rring 

82 
Biini Stars  proclaimed   their  en^BS  before  that  audience.         ISiese  were 

Robert  Wisdom,  at  this  time  curate  to  Or.  ^ward  Cr<me  of  St.  llary*s 

Aldennary,  the  distinpnished  Protestant  pamphleteer  Thoiuas  Becon,  and 

Robert  Singleton.     <iiBdou  declared  his  errors  in  denying  jiian*8  fz>ee  will. 


fH 


ii(42) 


in  preachlag  against  venoration  of  saints,  in  affirmlne  that  persecution 
is  a  nark  of  tiic  true  church  aod  that  Barnes,  Garret  and  Jerome  had  pro- 
claiiiied  the  true  church.   (It  laay  be  noted  here  that  the  Protestants  wer« 
clroady  coniilinc  on  infonaal  rcartyrology,  a  typical  expedient  of  dis- 
gruntled minorities,  3uch  a  course  makes  for  some  <iistortion  in  the 
received  histor:^  of  laea's  opinions,  obliterates  very  important  differences, 
and  tends  to  faring  isany  different  shades  of  opinion  into  one  party.  If 
such  a  course  results,  as  it  did  in  IftsdOiU's  case,  in  official  coenizance 
of  some  such  "party",  it  must  inevitably  lead  to  much  more  strict  repres- 
sive sioasaros  than  would  otherwise  be  the  case.  The  I'rotestants  suffered 
much  Kore  persecution  because  of  their  practice,  well-established  before 
Foxe  elevated  it  into  a  system,  of  gathering  all  degrees  of  heresy  under 
one  banner.)   3isdora  was  forced  to  say  in  this  recantation  that  if  per- 
secution be  the  mark  of  the  true  church  then  the  true  church  must  admit 
Urians,  Sacramentaries,  Adamites,  and  Anabaptists,  "all  whiche  be  these 
dayes  nowe  rysea  up  agnyne," 

Becon,  ^»heu  it  cajae  to  his  tarn,  acknowledged  that  he  had  preached 
false  doctrine  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  and  that  after  that  he  had  lurked 
in  Kent  as  a  layman  under  the  nane  of  ^eoloro  Basil.  This  naute,  meaning 
a  kin^:,  was  vainglorious,  as  vns  the  use  of  bir  words  in  his  books,  "as 
Sncomion  for  a  praise  mneinisinon  for  a  Reiaembraunce  and  suche  other 
monstrouse  wories".  He  confessed  that  he  was  not  learned  in  the  Greek 
tongue  at  all,  ani  continued: 

In  my  booke  called  the  Newoa  owte  of  hevyn  I  have  so  playnely  and  so 

evydectelye  set  forth  and  avaunced  my  folye  and  pryde  as  I  have  nervayled 
that  yt  hathe  not  dysooura^^ed  men,  to  pyve  credyte  or  redo  eny  other 

of  '""   books  hf^rs. 


yi" 


ii(43) 


The  authorities  were  determined  to  hamlllate  him,  and  did  so  by  the 
shrewd  device  of  attacking  that  very  po'jrerful  vanity,  the  vanity  of  an 
author.  He  confeaaed  farther  that  as  Becon  he  had  preached  against 
the  sacramenta  of  oonfirrRation  and  extreme  unction,  against  the  con- 
tinence of  priests,  against  prayer  for  the  dead,  and  had  spoken  so  of 
the  sacrament  of  the  altar  "as  men  were  offended  with  ne".  He  affimied 
that  he  was  convinced  that  3od  Is  satisfied  irltb.  the  cerenony  of  the 
Mass,  and  -/Ith  his  0'*n  hands  cut  uj  before  the  multituds  his  dangerous 
books:  "a  book  of  policy  of  '.-jar,  of  a  Ohrlstmas  banquet,  of  a  new  cate- 
chism, ne?re  out  of  heaven,  the  book  called  the  rotation,  the  golden  book 
of  christian  natrlaony,  a  pleasant  new  nossgay,  a  ne-j  patrvsay  to  prayer, 
a  new  years  cift,". 

After  these  important  recantations,  theare  was  little  for  poor 
Singleton  to  add.  Be  was  brief: 


Sbrshypfull  Aodyence  ny  Companyons  hare  presente  have  spoken  onto  you 
nany  woordes  for  declaration  of  them  self.  I  shall  conclude  in  a  fewe 
whiohe  be  theaae.  I  am  an  unlearned  fantastycell  foole,  Suche  bathe 
been  my  preach! nge  and  suche  bathe  bean  my  wrytinge,  which.e  I  heare 
before  yoo  all  teare  in  pieces. 


This  public  hunllletlon  of  three  prominent  Gospellers  is  as 
nothinf»  compered  with  the  troubles  of  Dr.  Edward  Crone,  rector  of  St, 
fcry'e  AldeiTnary,  He  had  been  infected  -alth  Lutheranisra  as  early  as 
1529,  for  he  was  forced  to  recant  s   serr-on  preached  In  his  church  in 
that  yeer.^  Janes  Balnha»  affirmed  durinj^  his  Interrogation  in  1532 
that  in  his  opinion  Crowe  and  Latimer  were  the  only  preachers  who  ever 
preached  the  Wbrd  of  Ood  sincerely,  thou/^h  he  would  not  believe  even 

OR 

Crome  when  he  preached  the  validity  of  the  doctirine  of  p^fr^tory.  '^ 


t(. 


ii(44) 


Craoe*s  opinions  ««re  like  Latimer's,  bat  he  was  a  brittle  nan  aad  not 
so  highly  placed  and  therefore  coald  be  made  an  example.     He  was  in  no 
trouble  until   1539,  for  in  those  years  there  vras  some  tolerance  of 
variety  in  opinions,  but  in  July  1539  he  made  a  sermon  In  the  church 
of  Allhallows  Bread  Street  for  lAlch  he  v»as  reported  to  the  Council.     He 
was  convented  under  the  Act  of  Six  Articles,  and  forced  to  recant  at 
Paul's  Cross  on  13  February  1541,  being  conraanded  to  say  that  because 
there  had  been   "ranlty  of  opinions  and  contentions  among  the  people  of 
london"  about  his  sermons  he  would  now  declare  his  true  mind  and  opinion, 
having  seen  his  errors.     He  then  declared  that  scripture  nay  be  lawfully 
restrained  for  the  lay  people  by  the  prince,  that  prayer,  fasting,  alms 
deeds,  and  other  aiff rapes  are  profitable  for  souls  departed,   that  masses 
public  and  private  are  a  sacrifice  acceptable  for  both  the  quick  and  the 
dead,  that 


no  man  syns  the  Apostles  hathe  auctorytle  to  ordeyne  any  thing  as  an 
Artycle  of  our  falthe:  notwithstandlne;  every  klnge  and  prince  within  his 
Healme  hathe  auctorytle  to  ordeyne  diverse  things  whlche  the  subjects 
are  boonde  to  obseinre  and  keape  obedyentlye. 


After  this  declaration  of  the  king's  potestas  jurlsdlctionis.  irtiich,  if 
the  king  nay  restrain  the  Scripture  is  really  a  poteatas  ordlnls.  Crome 
affirmed  his  belief  in  the  royal  suppeniacy,  asserted  that  the  authority 
of  the  church  is  not  above  the  Scripture  but  that  the  church  may  Interpret 
the  Scripture,     He  then  admitted  that  althon^^h  masses  are  profitable  for 
departed  souls,   nevertheless  the  king  in  parliament  had   .lustly  and  law- 
fully suppressed  the  abbeys  and  monasteries  of  the  realm.     He  then 
delivered  a  curious  phrase,  which   indicates  how  fearful  was  the  con- 
fusion In  the  popular  mind  over  the  Henri cian  eoirprondse: 


Si 


11(45) 


Such  preachers  as  s«y  that  raasjjes  are  profitable  for  the  souls  departed 
do  not,  so  far  as  I  know,  go  about  to  deprive  the  king  of  his  Bupremaoy. 

The  Inference  is  that  he  himself  had  argued,  as  he  yiaa   to  do  five  years 
later,  tbat  the  dissolution,  an  act  of  the  royal  supremacy,  involved  the 
repudiation  of  masses  for  the  dead,  and  so  had  jo;ot  himself  Into  a  dlleisiBa 
between  IorIc  and  lllosjlcal  public  policy. 

The  root  of  his  difficulty  was  that  he  could  not  a»»ay  with  the 
nass,  and  in  1546  he  once  more  returned  to  the  attack,  fortified  by  what 
seemed  to  him  the  implications  In  the  act  for  the  suppression  of  chantries 
which  had  just  passed  the  parliajaent.  The   chantries  were  suppressed  to 
provide  nuch-needed  funds  for  the  war  with  France,  but  their  removal 
suggested  to  Dr.  Crome  an  argument  to  resolve  his  former  difficulty, 
(te  Passion  Sunday  he  preached  in  the  Mercers*  Ohapel  upon  Hebrews  9,  and 

declared  with  the  text,  that  Christ  our  hi;5h  Shepheard,  entring  into  the 
holy  place  once  for  al,  not  with  strange  bloul,  but  with  his  own  precious 
bloud,  hath  found  plentiful  and  eternal  redemption.  TJt  on  the  which  occasion, 
said  he,  I  said,  and  sav  again,  that  the  Bishor  of  Rome  hath  wrongly  applied 
the  sacrifice  of  the  iiass,  caking  it  a  satisfaction  for  sins  of  the  quick 
and  the  dead,  as  he  heth  done  the  bloud  of  martyrs  oftentimes.    86 

He  then  proceeded  to  the  quick  of  the  ulcer. 

Amon?  other  roasons  and  persuasion,  to  rouse  the  people  from  the  value 
opinion  of  rurgatorle,  /jhej  inferred  this,  /grounding  upon  the  said  act 
[for  dl;»3ol'itIon  of  ch^ntrieB]  :  that  if  trantals  and  chanterie  masses 
could  avalle  the  souls  in  purgatorie,  then  did  the  parlement  not  well  in 
•^Ivln^  awaie  nonaBteries,  colleges,  *  chaateries,  i.(#iich  served  princlpallle 
to  that  purpose.  But  if  the  parlement  did  well  (as  no  man  could  denie) 
In  dissolving  them  &  bestoolng  the  same  upon  the  king,  then  is  it  a  plalne 
ease,  that  such  chanteries  and  privet  masses  doo  nothing  conferre  to  re- 
leeve  tbe»T\  in  purgatorle.    87 

■This  dllemcia  of  doctor  Crome^  continues  the  chronicler  with  perhaps 
unconscious  Irony,  '*no  doubt,  was  Inaoluble."   It  was  Indeed  a  hard 


SS 


Xli46} 


ease,   to  reconcile  ihe  oauaicoaipeteoce  ef  l:inc  In  parllaaieifc  adth  the 
OMBicooipetence  of  3t.  Taul.     It  gravelled  £ore  subtl«  men  thaa  JSr.  Crome. 

Be  was  z^qaired  to  pabllsh  his  reoaatation  at  Paal*8  Cross  on  9 
Itay.     la  the  jjieantiice  a  oaapalgn  of  treachlag  ageiost  his  errors  vas 
instituted  ani  "the  v.   sarssondes*  at  the  Spltal  and  at  laul'e  Crose 

88 

in  Easter  week  "spake  all  agayTie  the  sayd  oppynyons'*  of  Dr.  Crooe, 

One  Richard  ^llaot,  a  prentice  in  Eov-lane,  who  apprcrved  Croioe's  doctrine, 

and  aaid  that  he  shoold  be  sorry  to  hear  hiBi  recant  It,  was  whipped  as  an 

89  90 

exaaple.         On  the  day  appointed  Croae  preached       froa  John  10,  11,  de- 
claring that  Christ  was  a  good  ahepheri  chiefly  in  t«o  points:  in  teaching 
a  doctrine  not  reproTable  and  in  giring  his  life  for  his  sheep*     He  went 
on  to  aoitrast  gooa  and  evil  sheji^herds,  calling  the  latter  "etrajige 
voices,".      "Anl  then  he  gave  dai  thanks,  Mhich  hath  layl  aside  tsany 
strange  voices."     Ihe  Bishop  of  Roue,  he  charged,  is  a  strange  voice. 
He  defended  his  callin{f  the  pope  a  be^ar,  alth  his  rater's  Penee,  and 
rejoiced  that  the  lope  .las  oow  gone. 


Bat,  alack!  this  bold  besf.ar's  staff  hath  this  be^j^r  of  Rote  left 
here  behind  hia:   which  tttaff  beatolrh  both  the  bodies  and  :x}uls  of 
Ken....  And  I  ST-self  have  been  beaten  vith  it. 


Ibis  was  on  outright  attack  upon  the  Six  Articles;  nothia<^  ao  far  in 
his  senr.on  shoved  any  sign  of  sabaission.      ISieu,  after  pra/in£,  he  said: 


Worshipful  audience,  I  eoite  not  hither  to  recant,   nor  yet  bm  I  oonaanded 
to  reccj:-,   nor,    ^oJ  w'.lli  iji,  I    vil    ir,^.  re;:ia'o.     Tot  /lotAi v^istaadln^', 
divers  and  aany  have  aent  letters  abroad  infoming  their  friends  that 
I  shool-i  recant,   to  the  ^reat  slaunder  of  Ood*3  *ford,  and  of  me  being  a 
poor  preacher  of  the  Mao,  adMttod  within  this  reals  of  Eln^and. 


Ee  then  repeated  his  orijuaont  agaiaat  aasssa  froE  the  litre 3rs'  CShapel 
•emon. 


11(47) 


Cro7ne*3  allusion  to  letters  sent  abroad  indicates  how  closely  the 
continental  reformers  natched  developments  In  England,  and  how  close  ivas 
the  bond  between  the  Snpllsh  radicals  and  their  continental  counterparts, 
Crome  was  becoming  not  only  a  champion  eunon^  certain  persons  et  home  but 
seemed  to  be  aiaklng  a  potentially  dangerous  appeal  to  Protestant  sentiment 
abroad.  TSie  Council  examined  him  on  the  day  after  this  senaon,  appointed 
him  to  make  a  true  recantation  at  Paul's  Cross  on  27  June,  and,  sus- 
recti np  thet  his  stout  front  the  day  before  had  not  been  entirely  of  hie 
own  determination,  got  him  to  confess  who  had  encouraged  him  to  this 

seditious  course  and  to  promise  to  repeat  that  confession  when  he  should 

91 
preach  again.    Accordingly  on  27  June 

befor  my  Lorde  Chauncelor. , .  and  other  nobles  and  knights,  and  on  th* 
other  side  (of  the  gallery?)  the  Bisahopes  of  london  and  Wburcester, 
all  principal  ;)octors  and  'Jenes,,.,  the  reverent  i^ather  jutit  named 
openly  declalred  his  true  meaning  and  right  onderstanding  ...  of  the  71, 
or  711.  Articles  you  herd  of,  as  he  shuld  have  done  upon  the  ijde  Sunday 
after  Ester,  but  that  he  was  letted  from  his  said  true  intent  by  the  per- 
suasions of  certain  perverse  itQrnded  persons,  and  by  the  8is;ht  of  lewde 
and  ungodly  hooks  and  writings,  for  the  which  he  ?ras  very  sorry,  and  de- 
sired ell  Pien  to  beware  ol  such  books,..,  and  so  exhorted  all  men  to 
embrace  auncientnes  of  catholike  doctrine,  and  forsake  new  fanggelnee,    92 

He  acknowledged  that  the  mass  used  in  England  was  agreeable  to  the  institution 
of  Christ,  that  it  Is  not  a  thing  of  necessity  that  the  sacz>ament  should 
be  alMnlntered  In  both  kinds,  that  it  is  no  derogation  of  the  mass  that 

the  priest  receives  the  sacrament  alone,  and  that  he  had  never  had  suf- 

93 

flclent  ground  or  scripture  or  of  holy  authors  for  his  foiroer  opinions. 

This  sermon  "had  a  very  good  effect  upon  the  ooinmon  people,  who 
ware  greatly  affectedj'.    The  Council  proceeded  also  against  the 
"perverse  minded  persons'  who  had  influenced  Crome  in  his  unwise  proceeding. 
Latimer  was  investigated,  though  it  appears  that  Crome  did  not  accuse  him, 


fo 


ii(48) 


and  Has  consnltted  to  prison.  ISie  rersonn  accused  by  Crome  were  four;  a 
roan  named  Halck,  John  laseelles,  viho  was  shortlj-  after  burned  for  his 

heresies,  John  "feylor  CardEaker  Vicar  of  St.  Bilde*e,  vtio  recanted,  and 

95 
an  unnamed  Scottish  friar,  1*0  did  likewise. 

Eren  before  the  case  of  Dr.  Crome  was  cleared  up  to  the  Council's 
satisfactloa,  the  annoying  Anne  Askew   had  agalr.  to  be  dealt  with.  In 
the  preceding  year  she  had  been  coimltted  to  the  Counter  for  asserting 
doctrines  contrary  to  the  received  Catholic  position  on  the  sacrament  of 
the  altar,  but  after  she  had  thoroughly  exasperated  Bonner,  who  thought 
he  had  conyerted  her  to  the  true  view,  she  was  released.  The  mildness 
of  the  authorities  In  such  a  case  as  this,  consideriag  the  penalties 
possible  under  the  law,  Kias  truly  renarkable.  She  had  become  offensive 
again,  and  in  May  1536  she  vbs  examined  by  the  Council,  notably  by  CSardiner, 
who,  corapletely  and  understandably  exasperated  by  her  insistence  upon  the 
bare  letter  of  the  Scriptures,  called  her  a  parrot.  On  18  June  she  was 
arraiened  at  the  Guildhall  for  heresy,  with  Nicholas  Shazton,  late  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,  and  two  others.   Shaxton  was  persuaded  to  recant,  but  Anne 
would  not,  and  when  Shaxton  preached  at  her  burninc  on  IG  June  (a  pecu- 
liarly shrewd  move  by  the  Council)  she  criticized  his  exj-oaition  of  his 
text,  still  coDvlnced  of  the  ric-hteousnese  of  her  opinlonc.  Two  further 
steps  were  now  taken  to  stamp  out  t^'is  danc;erous  upsurge  cf  heretical 
opinions  In  this  year.   On  1  August  Shaxton  recanted  hie  heresy  of  the 

sacrament  of  the  altar  at  Paul*s  Cross,  and  "Vepte  cere  and  aade  grete 

97 

lainentaclon  for  hys  offens,".         A  proclariation  horlnf  teen  tnade  for  the 

surrender  of  heretical  books  in  EncHs*'-.   such  ac  those  by  Trith,   ?yndale, 
Wyclif ,   Barnes,   and  the  T?*»w  Teptcrents  of  T^.dale  and  Covcrdale,  a  great 


1i 


11(49) 


bonfire  was  made  of  then  at  Paol^s  Cross  on  26  September. 


98 


The  reign  of  Henry  VIII  ms  nearly  over,  and  all  se«sed  quiet. 
Slthcut  maoh  persecution  the  country  had  accepted  the  Catholic  reaction 
of  the  Six  Articles;  what  dissent  there  had  been  had  been  put  down. 
But  behind  the  scenes,  in  the  corridors  outside  the  king's  sick -chamber, 
in  scattered  ^rera  in  Cranner'e  desk  at  Laisbeth,  were  nsovinf;  the  forces 
which  should  make  e  real  religious  revolution.      One  very  shrewd  and  com- 
petent nan,  John  JTeckenhara,  then  chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London,   preaching 
at  Faul*s  Cross  a  few  days  before  the  death  of  the  king,  lamented  the 
growth  of  heresy  aiaonfr  the  younger  generation.      "Sanctirooay  of  life  la  put 
a\ie3^"     he  conplained,    "with  fastinra  on  Wednesdays  and  Saturdays,  and 
beads.     And  therefore  good  men  dare  not  now  use  then  for  fear  tbej'^  should 
be  laughed  to  scorn."     Christ  and  the  Baptist,  Szekiel,   Joseph  and  David 
began  their  isissions  only  after  they  were  thirty,  from  tiftilch  he  inferred 
that  none  younper  ought  to  preach  or  have  rerriment,      "iShat  a  world  shall 
it  be,"  he  added,    "when  they  shall  have  the  rule,  for  if  th^  have  the 
swing  it  will  be  treason  shortly  to  'jsrorship  God."^ 

From  this  surrey  of  the  history  of  Paul's  Cross  in  the  last  thlr- 
te«n  years  of  the  reign  of  Henn'  Till  t-.flo  sip;nificent  facts  emerge.      Die 
first  is  the  aiabiguous  position  of  the  preacher  In  whom  "syncerlty  of 
Scripture"  was  a  habstitute  for  the  subtleties  of  persuasion.     Such  a  one 
Bight  be  privately  encouraged  or  merely  left  alone  to  preach  so  lonr  as 
he  served  the  purjxjse  as  a  spearhead  of  innovation,  but  when  his  perusal 
of  the  text  led  him  to  seditious  conclusions  or  when  the  current  was 
set  against  innovation  and   "newfangglenesy      then  he  liad  to  be  corrected. 
Hot  all  such  preachers  were    "unlearned  iantastycall  roolear.      I^.   Crome 


ft- 


ii(5a) 


Ttas  not  unlearned  or  fantastical  or  a  fool;  he  siiaplj'  haa  the  habil  of 
adnl  '?hl3h  follo*;s  simply  fron  eTi,ieaco  to  a  coasluiiioa.     Such  a  iidnd, 
which  one  associates  witL  the  ruritea  apolosists,  z:3.y  ia  brokca,  aa  liis 
xas,  but   lot  beat,.     It  is  slGaificant  that  Tthoa  Crciv/ell  ioasht  for 
preachers  to  spreS'I  an  aL2V3spl:sre  of  cala  reascaableness  after  the 

^''ilcriioa^e  of  Grace  he  sent  for  t-.rfo  able  acadaHJics,  Jr.   .'iaad-*ich  and 

loo 

Vatthe.7  r-arker,  to  preach  at  T^'il's  Oross.  They  could  bo  counted  upon 

to  consider  the  situation  in  a  clear  and  raasonnblo  liciht,  to  iut  theory 
before  the  recital  of  embarrassing  facts,  and  aeasrally  to  exercise 
"Incori^pte  jutjeiaent".     But  the  use  of  the  sulleloaa  I^roteatants  created 
anong  the  auditory,  aad  perhaps  ©oj;et;ially  in  London,  a  sort  of  standard 
by  vhich  othar  preaeherg  »ore  useful  in  the  long  ran  to  the  gOTerasient 
were  adTeraely  Judged.     For  instance,  In  1537  a  bishop  (not  identified  but 
most  likely  Rovtland  Lee)  vias  111  recei-rod.     The  oontcRporary  Froteatant 
coiBuent  is  interesting:   '^e  deoeiTod  the  people  «lth  his  crafty  bowling 
wit,  more  fit  for  the  ohatterin;^  Arches  than  for  the  true  sincere 
caarlstlan  preachiag  place.  "^ 

If  the  use  of  the  tcna  Irotaatant  troubles  any  roedor  of  these 
pageo,  it  shc^Jild  be  linnifoct  that  I  use  it  oX"  such  as  either  preached  or 
epproTCd  of  i-r«iaching  '*the  syncority  of  Scripturoo"  aad  in  no  larger 
sense.     That  there  was  a  TrotoBtant  party  one  cannot  bo  auro;   probably 
not,  although  n  tradition  and  a  nartyroloQ'  v,«b  bciofj  created.     Ihat  the 
foundatiunc  for  such  a  party  wore  being  laid  by  prcachin,^:,  including 
preaching  at  Paul's  Cross,  there  can  be  little  doubt. 

Further,  it  is  evident  both  iroB  the  hititory  of  the  olTicially- 
Inspired  destruction  of  inagee  and  froB  the  ooatroversias  over  the  raaae 


f3 


il(51) 


that  there  existed  in  flourlshinfr  state  a  revolt  against  the  suporn? tural , 
at  least  against  the  surcrnzitural  when  Ite  ojerfjtioos  were  charted  by  the 
rational  faculty,     3o  far  as  lEiages  viero  concerned,  the  extraordinary 
ciu-e  was  susrect,  was  even  regarded  with  derision,  but  the  operations  of 
a  special  providence,  inscrutably  the  product  of  the  Divine    /ill,  and'n- 
depeadent  of  any  object,  time  or  piece,  were  accepted  perhaps  even  laore 
than  in  "the  f^ood  old  days  of  popor\-J'.      To  put  it  in  the  nost  obvloua  way, 
the  '«ay  in  -.vhich  it  was  apparently  perceived  by  the  arp3rentices  of  Tendon, 
the  mass  was  suspect  because  it  was  eispirically  iiapossible,      fhe  scholastic 
distinctions,   never  apprehended  by  the  vulgar,  had  been  broug;ht  Into  the 
question  by  the  back  door,  had  beesi  nr^ued  upon  rrounds  which  adiaitted  of 
no  philosophical  distinctions  but  only  of  rlg^t  or  vjrong,  had  been  generally 
mlsonderatood  and  either  deliberately  or  by  accident  laisinterpreted  in  the 
attejapt  to  aake  them  ci^dlble  in  enpirical  terti^,  and  so  suffered  the  fate 
of  all  acadoEdc  vanities  when  exiK)sed  to  the  rub3k5  foruia.     lUxe  way  wras 
open  for  vanities  and  blaspherdes  of  a  cnaver  kind,     Thor©  are  few  episodes 
in  history  '^nch  serve  tc  illustrate  cere  clearly  tlie  dauber  of  submitting 
ftindair£ntal£  to  i  ubllc  discussion,  even  when  tlwt  discussion  Is  ireaumably 
carefully  controlled.     The  lesson  was  lo^t  upon  the  unfortunate  Sonerset, 
and  It  has  been  lo^t  ujon   "liberals"  ever  since, 

iDsAI.D  VI 

6.    "All  the  %-olden  goies  cane  dowoe  with  heyho  Rombelo. " 

In  his  famous  Serein  of  th:  Plouph,  preached  at  at,  Paul's  in 
the  Shrouds  on  18  January  1546,  leticer  set  forth  adciratly  the  ideal 
of   "reforiTBtion  without  tanrying  for  any"  which  refonncrs  of  Ids  persuasion 


9t 


11(55) 


bolifrvfid  In  process  durlnr  the  reirn  of  W^-ar!^.  TT.     He  described  the  devil 
as   "the  nost  dilirent  prelnte  and  rr^-^cher  in  all  Fji^-lan^^",  end  thus  re- 
vlGwed  the  ststp  of  rellrlon  in  the  ■1ovll*f^  dioccEer 


IQiere  the  devil  is  resident,  and  hsth  his  plouph  poing,  there  away  with 
booVrB,   and  i:r  Mth  condlrs'   m^'ay  with  bibles,  and  iif  with  beodn;  awey 
with  the  lieht  of  the  gospel,  and  up  with  the  lipht  of  candles,  yea,  at 
nnon-dnya.      v?hore  the  flevll  is  resident,   thnt  he  r»y  •rrevnll,   or-  with 
all  superstition  and  idolatry;   censinp,  paintin/5  01'  images,  candles, 
^fl?r.n,   ashes,   holy  ^later,  ant^   nem  service  of  nen*s  Inirentlnr;   as  thouf^ 
luan  could  invent  a  better  way  to  honour  God  vd.th  than  God  hioself  hath 
anointed.         102 


iJven  ytt,   the  devil  has  servants  who  would  hinder  the  doinc  away  of 
superstition: 


And  when  the  lrlnf;*s  nsajesty,  with  the  advice  of  his  honourable  council, 
goeth  about  to  pronote  ftod'^  rrord,  and  to  set  an  order  in  iiBtters  of 
religion,  there  shall  not  lack  blanchers  that  '.vill  say,    "As  for  images, 
vfheroas  the^'  have  used  to  be  cenned,  and  to  have  caiilea  offered  unto  them, 
none  ba  so  foolish  to  do  It  to  the  stock  or  stone,  or  to  the  imape  It- 
self;  but  it  is  done  to  God  and  his  honour  before  the  imapo. "    And  tliough 
thar^  should  abuse  it,  these  blancers  will  be  ready  to  whisper  the  king 
in  the  ear,  and  to  tell  Lin,   thet  this  abuse  is  a  sraall  matter;   an;^,   that 
the  sair.o,  with  all  other  like  abuses  in  the  church,  may  be  reformed  easily, 
"It  in  but  a  little  abuse,"  <»ay  they,    "and  it  may  bo  easily  amended.      But 
it  ^ould  not  be  taken  In  hand  at  the  first,   for  fear  of  trouble  or  fuiv 
ther  inconvenieices.     The  people  tslll  not  bear  sudden  alterations;   an 
insurrection  nay  be  aiade  after  sudden  mutation,  which  may  be  to  the  sreat 
har;/!  ani  loss  of  the  realr..     Therefore  all  things  shall  be  well,  but  not 
out  of  hand,  for  fear  of  further  business.*...   Riere  be  so  iiany  put-offs, 
so  irany  put-byes,   so  many  resisects  and  contflderf'tions  of  worldly  wisdom: 
and  I  doubt  not  but  there  were  blanchers  In  the  old  time  to  whisper  in 
the  ear  of  pood  kln^  Hezekleh,   for  the  nolntenaace  of  Idolatry  done  to 
the  brasen  serpent,,..  But  rood  kinj?  Hezekiah  would  not  be  so  blinded.... 
And  f^ood  hope  there  is,   that  it  sjiall  be  likewise  here  in  England;    for 
the  king's  majesty  Is  so  brought  up  in  knowledge,   virtue,   and  i^odlineas, 
thet  it  is  not  to  be  ndstriisted  but  that  we  shall  have  all  thin^rs  well, 
and  that  the  /»lory  of  God  shall  be  spread  abroad  throughout  all  parts 
of  the  raaln.  If  the  prelates  will  dllls;ently  apply  their  plourh,  and 
be  preachers  rather  than  lords.         103 

In  the  history  of  this  experiment  which  Latimer  so  extols,  there 
are  two  landmarks  which  no  historian  of  the  Church  of  '"^land  way  ipnore. 


?r 


Li (53) 


The  first,  th«  creation  of  b5 stops  by  betters  patont,   rinrking  the  corcplota 
svihserviencf'  of  the  ohitrcli  to  the  A-ill  o"  the  crown,   he  i/'lp^t   wis!;  to 
overlook.     The  seconl,   the  Book  of  Coiramon  Prayrr,    Is  the  ^lory  of  the 
Church  of  IHInf^laml.      Tn  this  sui^e^r  of  cartnln  asi>0ctf;  of  the  Sdwardian 
Refonnation,  hovrsver,  I   can  cl'©  ^'it  passiri;''  notice  to  thene  important 
rootters;  nqr  conoern  is  not  with  constitutions  and  canons  ecclesiastical, 
bat  \«i  th  the  methods  used  to  sweep  av»ny  f'-e  hindrances  to  the  spread  of 
CJod*2  ^•^lor^r,  and  the  sometirtes  nelsncholy  results  of  tiiose  nethols  in 
the  practice  of  the  people.     The  effect  left  nrion  the  mind  as  a  result 
of  studyin.7  such  evidence  is  rather  of  a  revolution  feverishly  impermanent 
than  of  the  first  flowerinp;  of  a  ffpeat  Institution.     Pirtharraor©  it  was 
darlaG  the  reign  of  3dT»ard  that  the  church  v»as  subjected  to  a  process 
of  spoliation  and  Inpi^priation  which  effectually  weakened  it  and  left 
it  ill-equipped  for  the  troubles  of  the  next  century.     This  subject  villi 
be  dealt  with  at  large  In  a  later  part  of  this  study;  here  it  is  enough 
to  say  that  the  noblest  productions  of  the  Mwardian  pulpit  ere  Latimer's 
and  Lever's  attacks  upon  the  j«pacity  of  the  i?entry. 

The  campaign  against  irfi^es  and  superstitious  obsej-vances  in 

general  h/id  proceeded  very  considerably  befoi-e  Ixitimer  spoke  in  January 

104> 

1548.     Feckenham's  Gloomy  warning         seems  to  have  had  sone  foundation 
in  fact,   for  the  remarkable  thing  and  the  dangerous  thine  about  this 
caHpaif.Q  was  that  the  iconoclasts  wei*e  ahead  of  the  administration, 

radical  though  the  adisinistratlon  vos.     The  case  of  the  Innumbont  and 

105 

wardens  of  3t.  l^artin's,   Ironreon^^er  Lane,  Is  of  great  interest  as 

showing  the  extent  to  which   Preformation  without  tarr/i nc_; "  was  active 
even  before  Edward  «aE  crowned.     ISene  zealous  persons  had  taken  down  the 


9c 


ii(b4) 


images  in  the  cbarch,  set  up  the  royal  arms  instead  of  the  crucifix  and 
painted  the  walls  with  texts  of  Scripture  "perversely  translated,"-   But 
soon  after  there  was  evidence  that  some  highly  placed  in  the  church 
were  ready  to  no  as  far.  In  Lent  Barlow,  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  preached 
at  Paul's  Cross  against  veneration  of  imapiea,  and  was  followed  by  Ridley, 
then  chaplain  to  Cranmer,  on  the  same  theme,  vdiile  later  in  Lent  Hu^ 
Glasier,  Cranmer's  conanissary  for  Calais,  declared  at  the  same  place 

that  Lent  was  not  of  God*s  ordinance,  and  that  the  fast  might  be  kept 

106 
or  not  at  the  pleasure  of  iten.     Not  until  July  were  the  Injunctions 

Issued,  cojmiTiandin?  the  destruction  of  iBiages  which  had  been  abused  by 

107 
superstition  and  other  objects  of  'T)lind  devotions",     i\vo  such  were 

exhibited  at  Paul's  Cross  on  27  November  by  Barlow.  One  of  them  was  an 

ixoage  of  the  Virgin  which  "they  of  I-aul's  had  lapped  in  cerecloth"  and 

hidden  in  a  corner  of  the  cathedral,  the  other  a  picture  of  the  Resurrection 

of  a  mechanical  kind,  like  the  Rood  of  Boxley.  After  the  sencon,  "the 

108 
boys  broke  the  idols  in  pieces; .     Ihat  has  an  unpleasant  sound.   The 

distinction  between  images  abused  and  ims,c;e3  properly  used  was  probably 

never  intended  to  be  maintained,  except  as  a  convenient  pretext  of  the 

same  sort  as  that  used  in  1558  for  the  same  purpose.  The  fiction  was 

cast  off  on  21  i'ebruary  1548,  with  the  issuing  of  an  order  in  council  for 

109 

the  general  destruction  of  images.     iVhereupon,  as  is  well  known,  the 
gentry  enriched  themselves  with  the  spoil  of  the  churches,  manuscripts 
•with  idolatrous  illuminations  isere  shipped  to  the  continent  to  be  used 
by  bookbinders,  and  while  the  interior  of  many  a  country  house  shone 
with  plundered  cloth  of  gold  the  Lord  was  worshipped  in  the  due  nakedness 
of  a  whitewashed  chapel.   Even  hero  the  Crown  was  behind-hand;  in  1551 
and  1552  the  Council  belatedly  took  order  for  the  seizure  of  all  church 
plate  and  vestments  still  ren-aininf^,  and  appointed  commissions  to  inquire 

It 


ii(55) 


how  much  had  been  already  embezzled. 


The  fanaticism  of  s(xne  of  the  clergy  ^c  stiffluleted  these  disgrace- 
ful courses  w-as  alicost  incredible.  It  is  also,  in  perspective,  aniusing. 
Consider  the  curate  of  5t.  Ketherine  Cree,  as  itow    records  his  activi- 
ties in  the  year  1549. 

At  the  North  -west  corner  of  this  warde  JAldgate^  in  the  said  high  streete, 
standeth  the  faire  and  beautifull  parish  Church  of  S,  Andrew  the  Apostle, 
with  an  addition,  to  be  kno.vne  fron  other  Churches  of  that  nane,  of  the 
Knape  or  Undershaft,  and  ao  called  S,  Andrew  Undershaft,  because  that 
of  old  tine,  everie  yeajre  on  Hay  day  in  the  riorning  it  wss  used,  that  an 
high  or  long  shaft,  o^  May-pole,  was  set  up  there,  in  the  midst  of  the 
streete,  before  the  south  doore  of  the  sayd  Church,  which  shaft  when  it 
was  set  on  ende,  and  fiied  In  the  ground,  was  higher  than  the  Church 
steeple..,.  This  shaft  wee  not  raysed  at  any  time  since  evill  Liay  day 
(so  called  of  an  insurrection  made  by  the  Prentices,  and  other  young 
persons  against  Aliens  in  the  yeare  1517.)  but  the  said  shaft  was  laid 
along  over  the  doores  and  under  the  lentises  of  one  rovre  of  houses,  and 
Alley  £.ette,   called  of  the  shaft,  shaft  Alley,,,.  It  vras  theire  I  say  hanged 
on  Iron  hookes  aany  yearea,  till  the  third  of  King  7,dward  the  sixt,  that 
one  olr  ."Stephen,  curat  of  S.  Katherine  Chrii^ts  Church,  preaching  at  laules 
Crosse,  said  there,  tiat  this  shaft  was  iriade  an  Idoll,  by  naming  the  Church 
of  Daint  Andrew:,  with  the  addition  of  under  that  shaft:  hee  persvraded 
therefore  that  the  nair.es  of  Churches  might  bee  altered:  also  that  the 
names  of  dayes  in  the  w-eeke  mifht  be  champed,  the  fish  dayes  to  be  kept 
any  dayes,  except  Friday  and  Saturday,  and  the  Lent  any  tin.e,  save  only 
betwixt  Shrovetide  and  Haat&r:   I  have  oft  times  seene  this  man,  forsaking 
the  rulpit  of  his  said  Parish  Church,  preach  out  of  an  high  islne  tree 
in  the  middest  of  the  Church  yarde,  and  then  entering  the  Church,  for- 
saking the  Altar,  to  have  sung  his  high  Kasse  in  iilnglish  upon  a  Tombe  of 
the  deade  towardes  the  north,  I  heaivi  his  iSerinon  at  Paules  Crosse,  and 
I  saw  the  effect  that  followed:  for  in  the  afternoone  of  that  present 
Sunday,  the  neighbours,  and  Tenants...,  over  whose  doores  the  saide 
shaft  had  laine,  after  they  had  dined  to  nake  themselves  strong,  gathered 
more  helpe,  and  with  great  labour  raysing  the  Shaft  from  the  hooks,... 
they  sawed  it  in  peeces,  everie  iran  taking  for  his  shfipe  so  raich  as 
had  laine  over  his  doore  and  stall. 


In  CJBO.  like  this  the  fear  of  idolatry  was  an  obsession.  In  others  it 
wac  tempered  by  the  instlrncts  of  the  hoodlum.  The  storsr  told  of  William 
ij'orde,  usher  of  i'iykeham  College  at  iVlnchester  will  serve  to  illustrate 
this. 


is 


ii{56) 


Ther  was  many  ^Iden  iraa<^es  in  i^kairi's  colleape  by  iVynton.  The  churche 
dore  was  directly  over  agaynste  the  usher's  chanber,  Kr.  Forde  tyed  a 
lonce  coorde  to  the  Irages,  lynkynp  then  all  in  one  coorde,  and,  being  in 
his  chamber  after  midnight,  he  plucked  the  cordes  ende,  and  at  one  pulle 
all  the  crolden  r^odes  came  dovrae  with  heTrho  Rombelo,  Yt  wakened  ell  men 
with  the  rushe,    112 


So  far  as  one  can  tell  the  zealot  to  whom  we  owe  this  tale  thought  Kr. 
Forde*s  jape  highly  admirable. 

Of  all  "idols"  the  Host  was  chief.  Released  from  the  fear  of 
swift  and  terrible  punishment  for  heresy  concerning  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar,  numbers  of  persons  debated  wildly  concerning  the  nature  of  the 
SuchariEt,  and  of  the  sense  in  which  the  Saviour  may  be  seld  to  be  present 
in  it.  There  seems  to  have  been  in  the  first  year  of  Edward's  rei^n  an 
orgy  of  dispute  on  this  point,  as  if  energies  of  disputation  were  re- 
leased from  the  confinement  of  the  Henrician  reaction,  ,/hence  this 
intensity  and  kofi  wide-spread  were  its  effects?  Surely  it  must  have  had 

Its  roots  deeper  in  time  than  the  days  of  the  Seformation  parliament. 

113 

One  sug;?estive  explanation,  advanced  by  an  Anglo-Catholic  litureiolo.o:ist, 

derives  the  controversies  over  the  ^charist  from  the  late  medieval  lovj 
mass  and  the  concept  of  the  sacrament  Inculcated  by  that  rite.     He  points 
out  that  the  Isolation  of  the  priest  in  that  mass  and  the  reduction  of 
the  laity's  participation  to  seeing;  and  hearin/^  gave  currency  to  the 
concept  that  the  mass  was  an  insufficient  sacrament  of  mumble  and  gesture 
by  the  celebrant  and  nothing  more.     On  the  other  hand  the  low  mass 
created  the  habit  of  emphasis  upon  the  thinp  said  i^ther  than  upon  a 
corporate  action,  and  thus  helped  to  develop  the  passivity  of  the 
Protestant  rite.     As  he  puts  it,    "the  Reformers  were  the  victims  —  as 
they  were  the  products  —  of  the  medieval  deformations  they  opposed,". 


ft 


ii{57) 


Another  and  very  different  tradition  has  been  explored  by  an  Americaa 
student  of  devotional  literature.     She  finds  that  the  "Piers  Plownnan 
tradition"  of  the  plain  inan's  censure  of  ecclesiastical  abuses  vras  a 
useful  instrument  for  those  successors  of  the  Lollards  who  attacked  the 
pretensions  of  the  learned  in  religious  matters,  and  cites  "A  Godly 
Qyalogue  and  Dysputacyon  betwene  Fyers  riowman  and  a  lopysh  Ireest 
concernyng  the  Supper  of  the  Lorde"  (l530?J ,  in  which,  when  one  of  the 
priests  with  whom  Piers  argues  in  the  course  of  the  work  makes  a  plain 
statement  of  the  doctrtne  of  transubstantiation,  iiers  is  moved  by 
"the  secret  oiotyon  of  the  holy  goost"  to  ask  v/hether  the  body  to  be 
received  at  the  approaching  ii^ster  cranmunion  would  be  the  very  same  as 
the  Virgin  conceived  —  a  common  crux  in  the  popular  discussions  of  the 
time,  .^hereupon 


the  other  iii.  prestea  sayd  If  these  hobbes  and  rusticals  be  suffred 
to  be  thus  busy,  in  readyn^.e  of  English  heresy  and  to  dyspute  after  this 
Fianer  \ryth   us,  which  are  sperytual  luen  we  shfll  be  fayne,  to  learne  sorae 
other  occupacion  or  els  we  are  lyke  to  have  but  a  colde  broth. 


To  which  Piers  said  Amen.   Phis  very  important  idea  tliat  "the  secret 
motyon  of  the  holy  goost"  is  valid  in  such  natters  cannot  be  traced  to 
any  one  source.  It  has  affinities  with  the  Anabaptist  das  innere  Wort; 
its  ancestry  may  be  traced  alike  from  mystics  and  fanatics.  In  England 
as  elsewhere  it  was  often  nourished  by  the  friars'  ], reaching;  perhaps 
it  was  enco;ira/3;ed  amon^,  the  devou^  by  the  slackness  and  tolerance  of 
the  unrefoniied  fifteenth-century  church.  But  "the  secret  motyon  of  the 
holy  goost"  found  fa  tiie  new  learning  an  intellectual  training;  wraith- 
like in  the  niystlc  and  inarticulate  in  the  angry  peasant,  the  shaking 


/oo 


11(58) 


of  the  spirit  acquired  a  vigorous  muscular  dialectic  from  the  study  of 
the  Scriptures  in  the  light  of  i^rasmus  aad  Golet,     To  wrestle  with  the 
text  unimpeded  by  over-subtlety  of  expositions  was  the  means;  the  end 
to  be  attained  was  the  Verbum  Dei .  the  genuine  soul-shaking,  wonder-working 
verbuiTi.  the  very  hearing  of  which  was  in  a  sense  a  partaking  of  Christ. 
There  is  in  this  citation  of  the  word  somethlni^  priisltive:  It  is  like 
incantation.     If  the  radical  Reformers  eschewed  the  mass  because  it  could 
not  satisfy  thea  empirically  that  does  not  mean  that  they  were  empiricists. 
It  means  that  they  had  found  a  new  talisnan.      "By  faithj"  cried  Luther, 
*by  faith 2"  and  rose  from  the  Book  a  new  ran.     In  like  manner  the  preacher 
shouted  his  text  until  its  phrases  burned  into  his  brain,  and  then  went 
forth  to  transmit  the  holy  message  to  his  flock  by  the  same  means.      (It 
Is  in  the  brilliant  correlation  of  this  method  of  preachinp;  with  the 
homiletlc  tradition  of  the  friers  that  the  ?iory  of  the  Anglican  pulpit 
resides.)      ,.ith  such  an  attitude  it  was  possible  to  believe  that  one 
could  arrive  at  the  soul-eaviae:  truth  about  the  euchorist  by  talkln?' 
about  it,  by  repeating  thd  crucial  texts.     iVhnt  was  unfortunate  and 
dangerous  was  that  mingled  vdth  this  reliance  upon  the  texts  in  the 
preacher's  mind  was  all  the  rag-tag-  of  scholastic  tcrrnlnology  froia  his 
course  in  divinity,  which  he  often  desperately  and  sincerely  or  no  doubt 
sorcetines  lewdly  and  viciously  attenpted  either  to  harmonize  with  or  to 
oppose  to  the  warrant  of  Scriptur*.     The  result  was  chaos. 

There  should  have  been  some  order  in  this  chaos,  and  i>erh»p3  ^r 
those  enlif^htened  by  the  theories  of  continental  Irotestantisir.  these  .vas 
a  sort  of  order  in  disorder.     It  was  sRld,  during  a  disputation  at  (Hford 
in  May  and  June  1549: 


to  I 


ii(59) 


For  this  propoBltion,  which  we  have  in  hand,  is  doubtfull,  wherein  it  is 
said;   This  is  my  bodie.     for  hereof  some  do  gather  transubstantiation, 
others,  a  bodilie  presence  with  the  bread;   others  impanation,  whereby 
the  bodie  of  Christ  and  the  bread  ioo  joine  together  into  one  person: 
others  appoint  a  bare  signe,  and  others  an  effectually  signe.  11^ 

by  elisiinatinf'  minor  variations  it  may  be  said  that  the  sacramental 
theories  of  the  period  fall  into  four  lasia  pjroups:   the  Roiaan  doctrine 
of  transubstantlstion;   the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  consubstanti'ition;  the 
eagB3neir<orative  doctrine  of  the  ZwinfrJians;  and  the  Bucorian  (^or  3averi.-;ferian) 
doctrine  of  the  spiritual  presence  of  Cliriafc  in  the  secrament.^^"^^     Hhe 
impacl"  of  these  classifications  upon  English  divines,  throufih  contact 
irtth  forei,7n  books  and  theolof;ians,  did  nc    ioabt  in  soiao  cases  clarify 
the  issues  but  for  the  jost  ]art  seems  only  to  have  stirred  the  boiling 
caldron. 

There  be  some    (Cranjaer  complaineii]^,  whose  not  only  cars  and  tonp;ue,  but 
also  their  fists,  keen  whitted  and  ready  bent  all  to  contention  and 
unprofitable  disputation;   -.vhooi  1  would  wish,  as  they  been  vehement  and 
earnest  to  reason  the  Liatter  with  tongue,   so  they  were  also  ready  and 
practice  to  do  good  deeds.     Put  forasmuch  as  they,   subverting  the  order 
of  all  g-odlinese,  have  respect  only  to  this  thiof,,  how  they  may  bind  and 
loose  subtle  questions;   so  that  no.v  everj'  maricet-plaoe,   every  tilehouse 
and  tavern,   every  feast-house,  briefly  every  company  of  men,   every  assembly 
of  women,  is  filled  '«ith  such  talk.         15 

^e  first  statute  of  the  reign  was  an  act  concernin£r  the  sacrament, 
ordaining  that  henceforth  the  communion  shoul  i  be  adrainisttred  in  both 

kinds;   the  act  contained  provision  of  fines  and  imi'risonment  for  irrever- 

116 

ent  disputation  concerning;  the  sacrament.  rids  was  in  November  1547. 

In  the  same  month  Ridley  preached  at  1  anil's  Orcsf;  against  the  abuse  of 

117 

tfhB  jwvrraraent.  Both  his  motives  In  preaching  then  and  what  he 

lly  said  are  of  the  utmost  importance. 


/  ol^ 


ii{60) 


All  we  know  of  this  sermon  cosies  from  three  exaialoations,  the 

118 
firel  of  Gardiner  in  1551,    the  other  two  of  Hidley  himsfclf  in  1554 

119 
and  1555.     In  1555  Kidley  explained  how  he  caste  to  preach: 


As  touching-  me  sercon  which  I  made  at  I'aul's  Cross,  you  shall  understand 
that  there  were  at  Paul's,  and  divers  other  places,  fixed  railing  bills 
against  the  sacraiuent,  terming  it  "Jack  of  the  box",  "the  sacrament  of 
the  halter",  "round  Efcbin",  with  such  like  unseeicly  tenos;  for  the  which 
causes,  I,  to  rebuke  the  unrevereud  behaviour  oi  certain  evil  disposed 
persons,  ireached  as  reverendly  of  that  iriatter  as  I  might,  declaring 
what  estfiiiation  and  revereuce  ought  to  be  given  to  it.   120 


It  may  be  inferred  that  Bidley  was  instructed  to  preach  duiring  the  par- 
liament to  give  public  proncmncesieat  to  the  proceedings  against  irreverence 
in  the  statute,  the  Biore  because  there  were  other  perhaps  even  more  danger- 
ous discussions  of  the  sacraiaent  than  those  which  bred  the  blaspheniies 
he  refers  to.  tibat   these  v-ere  may  be  gathered  frosi  the  froclamation 

ihhich  followed  on  £7  Zwcember,  "concerning  the  irreverent  talkers  of 

121 

the  Sacraxuent".     like   proclaication  asserts  that 


]&any  not  contented  with  such  words  and  terms  as  scriptux-e  doth  declare 
thereof,  do  not  cease  to  move  contentious  and  superfluous  quesi;ions  of 

the  said  holy  sacrajuent  and  supper  of  the  Lord;  e-ntering  i-ashly  into 
the  discussion  of  the  high  mystery  thereof. 


It  then  proceeds  to  detail  what  some  of  these  questions  were,  as 


?Diether  the  body  and  blood  aforesaid  is  there  really  or  figuratively, 
locally  or  circuuiscriptly,  and  having  luantity  and  greatness,  or 
but  substantially  and  by  substance  only,  or  else  but  in  a  figure  or 
isanner  of  speaking;  whether  his  blessed  body  be  there,  head,  legs,  arms, 
toes  f-ni  nails,  or  is  broken  or  chewed,  or  he  is  always  vrhole;  whether 
the  bread  there  reioaineth  as  we  see,  or  ho«'  it  dei^arteth;  whether  the 
flesh  be  there  alone  and  the  blood,  or  part  or  each  in  other,  or  in  the 
one  both,  in  the  other  but  only  blood,  and  what  blood;  that  only  which  did 
flois  out  of  the  side,  or  that  which  renalned:  with  other  such  irreverent, 
superfluous,  and  curious  questions,  which  of  huisan  and  corrupt  curiosity 
hath  desire  to  search  out  such  luysteries,  to  the  which  our  hujnan  imbecility 
cannot  abtain;  and  therefore  ox't  times  turneth  the  oaiuc  to  their  ovm  and 
others*  destruction  by  contention  and  arrogant  rashness. 


/(>3 


ii(6l) 


Ridley,  therefore,  preached  not  only  "to  rebuke  the  unreverend 
behaviour  of  certain  evil  disposed  persons,",  but  to  establish  in  the 
Einde  of  his  audience  the  true  notion  of  the  sacrament,  the  view  which 

he  desired  to  see  the  official  view,  and  to  which  he  iray  have  already 

122 

persuaded  Cramaor.     He  explained  in  1555  that  he  had  preached, 

affinaing  in  that  sacraaient  to  be  truly  and  verily  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ,  erfectuously  by  firace  and  spirit;  v/nich  words  the  unlearnel, 
understanding  net,  supposed  that  I  haJ  raeant  of  the  gross  and  eornal  being 
which  the  Romisli  decrees  set  forth,  that  a  body,  having  life  and  motion, 
should  be  indeed  under  the  shapes  of  bread  and  wine,    1£J  jltalics  MneJ 

How  what  does  "effectuously  by  grace  and  spirit"  mean?  Ridley  appears 
to  have  been  converted  about  1545  to  a  new  vie(7  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
altar  by  reading  the  ninth-century  treatise  of  liatraKus  [Bertrairij  called 
De  Corpore  et  Sanguine  Doaini.  which  had  been  reprinted  at  Cologne  in 
1552  and  at  Geneva  in  1541. 


Thii  Bertram,  was  the  first  that  pulled  me  by  the  ear,  and  that  first 
brought  me   froic  the  coouion  error  of  the  Hoslsh  church,  and  caused  loe 
to  jitstiich  tiore  dilie,ently  and  exactly  toth  the  scriptures  and  the 
writln^,s  of  the  old  ecclesiastical  fathers  in  this  zaattor;.    124 


The  doctrine  of  ISatracinus  approximates  that  of  Bucer,  which,  as  already 

125 
noted,    stands  between  the  Lutheran  and  the  Zwinglian  positions.  In 

every  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  he  ara;ued,  there  exists  both 

verity  and  luystery,  ULe   verity  is  the  bread  and  wine;  the  aystery  is 

the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  fhe  first  is  outwardly  taken,  refreshing 

the  body;  the  second  is  inwardly  taken  by  faith,  refreshing  invisibly 

the  soul,   iha  rite  is  not  as  the  Z-Alngliuna  vjould  have  it,  purely 

coBiiMfaBiorative,  but  the  elements  are  sipjio.   exhibitiva  not  signa  representativa. 

In  this  position  Ridley  seeias  to  have  been  consistent  all  his  life  after 


/o  •»«• 


ii(62) 

his  conversion  to  it,  and  fron  this  convictioa  he  preached  at  Iaul*s 
Cross  in  November  1547,  while  the  Order  of  Coffiiiiunion  of  the  Book  of 
Coiaccn  Prayer  was  still  in  draft. 

But  "the  unlearned",   said  Ridley,  thou^hfthat  he  preached 
transubstantiation.     This  is  not  s<arprising,     V/hat  would  be  surprising 
would  be  any  evidence  that  the  unlearned  perceived  the  subtle  distinction 
he  was  making.     He  whs  after  all  preaching  an  effectual  presence  of  Christ 
in  the  sacrament;   the  Zwinglian  doctrine  they  might  have  perceived  without 
much  difficulty  but  not  this.     For  Ridley's  opponents  the  occasion  offered 
an  14^1  opportunity  to  aake  him  uncoitfortable  later.     In  1555  John  .Vhlbe, 
Bishop  of  linooln,  asserted: 

Also  in  a  senrion  of  yours  at  Paul's  Gross,  you  as  effectually  and  as 
catholicly  spake  of  that  blessed  sacrament,  as  any  aan  aiight  have  done.       127 

rour  years  before  this,  when  men's  memories  iaight  be  thoaeht  to  be  greener, 
Gardiner,   at  the  t*.irentieth  eiairdnabion  to  Ahich  he  iras  subjected,  brou^^ht 
forvrard  certain  witnesses  to  deaonctrate  that  Hiiley  had  preached  true 
catholic  doctrine  in  1S47.     He  himself  contended 


that  the  bishop  of  London  that  no.?  is,  then  being  bishoi   of  Rochester, 
did  openly  in  his  sermon  made  at  Paul's  Cross...,  in  the  first  year  of 

the  kint^;'s  majesty's  rci^n..,,  veiy  earnestly  and  vehesr^ontly  preach  and 
teach  the  true  presence  of  Ghrict's  ioost  precious  body  to  be  in  the 
sacracieat  of  the  altar,  12S 


In  this  he  was  supported  by  his  witnesses,  '.Villiain  Medowe,  l^urice 
Grtffith,  Gilbert  Bourne  and  Thomas  Watson,  who  should  have  known  what 

was  said,    "for  he  stood  behind  the  said  bishop,  within  the  cross,  and 

129 
heard  the  bishor   declare  the  premises; .  To  all  these  affirmations 


/Oi 


ii(63) 


Ridley  answered  in  1554,  during  his  examination  by  Bourne  in  the  Tower: 

^(hat  say  ye,  quod  he   {Bourne],   to  Cyprian?     Doth  he  not  plainly,    "lanis 
lue.T.  rorrigebat  Oomlnus,  non  effiisie  sed  natura  rautatus,  oronipotentia 
Verbi  factus  est  earo?" 

True,   sir,   so  he  doth  say;  and  I  answer  even  the  sane  which  once, 
by  chance,  I  preached  at  Paul's  Gross  in  a  sermon,  for  the  viiich  I  have 
been  as  unjustly  and  as  untruly  reported  as  any  poor  man  hath  been.     For 
there  I   speakint'  of  the  sacraiaent,  and  inveighlnc  against  them  that  es- 
teemed it  not  better  than  a  piece  of  bread,  I  tola  even  the  same  thing 
of  poenitentes,  auiientes,   c^techuiceni   [those  excluded  from  the  coimnunion 
in  the  iTlinitlve  churchj  that  I  spake  of  before:  and  I  bade  thea  depart 
as  un'A'orthy  to  hear  the  aysteiy.     And  thea  I  said  to  those  that  be 
"sancti",  Jyprian  the  martyr  shall  tell  you  how  it  is  that  Christ  calleth 
it,   saying,    'Tanis  est  corpus,  cibus,   rotus,   caro",   etc;   because  bhat 
unto  this  ma&erial  substance  is  given  the  projerty  of  the  thias  whereof 
it  beareth  the  name".     And  this  plact  the;:  took  I   to  utter,   as  the  time 
«ould  then  suffer,  that  uiaterial   substance  of  bread  did  reirtain.         130 

[Itelics  minej 

That  this  serrfiOB  is  a  crux  in  the  history  of  the  Church  of  England 

131 
•hcjuld  be  apparent.      Vhether  or  not,  as  Snyth  affircss,         Craniaer  con- 
sistently held  to  Ridley's  doctrine  of  the  eucharist  till  the  tine  of  his 
final  recantations  is  irrelevant  to  this  discussion,     '^et  is  important 
is  that  Ridley,  at  this  early  date  in  the  Edwardian  Reformation,  pro- 
claimed the  p.ost  influential  of   the  reforrlnc    theories  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  from  Paul's  Cross  and  set  up  a  direction  post  for  the  others  to 
follwf  at  a  time  when  they  aadly  needed  one.     In  1550  Ridley  preached 
at  Paul's  Cross,  on  ./hitsunday,   followed  by  the  fantastic  Ilooper, 

Cottisford,  and  Dr.  Kyrkhajc,      The  last  asserted  that  in  the  sacreucent  of 

1  52 
the  altar   "was  no  substance  but  brede  and  wynnei,".  This  does  not 

contradict  RlUey's  statement  of  1547,  unless  oni:  cares  to  quibble  ^bout 

the  word   "substance";   on  the  other  hand  it  Kay  indicate  what  is  ordinarily 

considered  to  be  Craniner's  change  of  opinion  under  the  influence  of 

continental  divines,  and  a  swing  to  the  Zwinglian  view  as  evidenced  in 


/   O  (, 


11(64) 


the  P5?ayer  Book  cf  1552.  These  are  COTipllcated  questions,  too  larre  "or 
this  study.  All  one  might  venture  in  the  way  of  coiruaent  Is  the  obvious 
fact  that  what  little  has  survived  of  the  matter  of  the  sermons  of  1550 
indicates  that  the  Reformers  had  learned  by  that  time  the  value  of  un- 
equivocal statement  on  these  matters,  at  least  so  f&r  as  unequivocal 
statement  was  possible.  Indeed  one  might  say  with  some  confidence  that 
if  there  was  a  tendency  to  forsake  the  subtleties  of  the  Bucerian  position 
for  the  siiripli cities  of  the  COTunereorfitive  rite,  it  v/as  owing  to  the 
practical  necessity  of  convincinp  the  people  that  a  significant  cbanre 
had  been  made. 

This  brings  us  to  the  second  significant  element  in  this  coiri- 
plicated  episode.  Ridley  affirmed  that  the  "unlearned "  rd sunders tool 
him  in  134?.  Yet  the  stalwarts  of  the  conservative  group,  men  of  no 
small  learning:  or  perception,  men  like  Gardiner,  White  and  .'fatson, 
asserted  flatly  that  on  that  occasion  he  had  preached  true  Cetholi^ 
doctrine.  If  one  follovre  Foxe  relipiiously  there  Is  no  difficulty. 
Those  prelates  used  the  ccmfusion  of  the  auditory  for  their  own  ends; 
though  they  really  understood  the  fine  points  of  his  position,  they  chose 
deliberately  to  jut  a  false  face  upon  true  Gfospel  teachinp,  to  condenm 
Ridley.  This  view  I  cannot  accept,  I  rrather  believe  that  even  Gardiner 
was  perfectly  sincere  in  believing  that  the  doctrine  *ich  Ridley  preached 
was  transubatantiation,  and  so  the  others.  In  their  minds  the  tradition 
of  substance  and  accidents  had  only  recently  been  disturbed;  they  prasped 
eagerly  at  points  of  contact  with  the  new  theories.  They  saw  the  more 
obvious  revolution- ry  doctrines  of  the  Reformers  as  aberrations  from 
what  they  all  believed  In  common;  once  they  had  all  been  Catholics 


/ 1>7 


1(65) 


together,  and  they  samestly  wished  to  maintain,  that  continuity  ani  \thea. 
they  in  turn  were  in  authority  to  save  the  heretics  from  their  own  errors, 

7.    ^iiilfia  and  rebellious  papists." 

But  from  the  mooent  Somerset  had  his  way  viith  Henry*3  will  con- 
tinuity was  aji  illusion.     This  was  apparent  in  the  first  ncnths  of  the 
reign  when  on  15  L5ay  Dr.  Richard  Suith,   first  regius  professor  of  divinity 
in  Oxford  and  "the  greatest  pillar  of  the  toman  catholic  cause  in  his 
tlmey*,   as  Anthony  a   A'ood  calls  hin,  iras  forced  to  recant  at  Faults 
Cross  his  book  of  "un';vritten  verities,",   end  another  book  cf  the  mass, 
\b  for  the   "unwritten  verities",   omith  asserted  that 

there  be  inany  thinges  ascribed  to  thappostlea,  and  called   traditions 
deduced  fron  the  tyiue  of  thappostles  and  read  in  the  naric  of  oLIe  Authors, 
and  set  f'orth  under  the  pretensed  title  of  their  nane,  which  be  feyned 
and  forced  and  nothent'  trew,  full  cf  superstition  and  untrcwth,   feyned 
by  the::i  which  v/old  magnify  their  ovrae  po'.ver  and  auc  tori  ties,  as  is  the 
Splstles  of  Cleiiens,  Anacletus,  Evaristus  and  i'abianus  and  other  which 
arr  set  furth  by  the  byshoj   of  RoKie  and  his  complices,    iThich  be  forc-^ed, 
feyned,  and  of  none  auctoritie  for  to  be  bcleved,   but  counterfeyted  by 
theyra:  who  vdth  the  color  of  antiquitie  /;olde  raaj!:aify  that  usurped  power 
of  the  byshor.  of  Rone,         134 

He  listed  such  traditions,   left  to  the  churc:.    "without  vrritinc"»  as  the 
observation  of  Lent,         "keeping  of  the  Secraiaent  in  the  pix",^*^^  hallow- 
ing of  water  in  the  font,  consecration  of  oil,  hallovdns  of  altars, 
censing  of  the  altsr,    "and  aiiany  ko  beside  these^.   *" 

I  do  no-fl  confess   [he  continued/    the  said  doctrine,  as  concerning  the 
observing  of  the  said  traditions,   to  be  false  and  tyrannical,  and  unjust, 
unlavjful  and  untrue,   burden  of  men's  consciences,  not  fit   to  be  tau<~ht, 
preached  or  defended.         138 

Concerning  his  other  errors  of  the  mass  he  confessed  that  he  now  believed 


/  o  ? 


il(66) 


that  Christ  made  his  sacrifice  upoa  the  cross  "perfectly  and  absolutely.", 
so  thnt  "neither  he  nor  any  other  creature  should  at  any  time  after  make 
any  mo  oblations  for  the  same,".  He  recanted  Ms  statements  of  the  doc- 
trine of  transubstantlstion,  afflrmlnr  tiiat  thp  t'abs   Is  blasphemou-'^ , 
since  it  mafces  the  priest  as  celebrant  equal  to  Christ,     It  will  be 
obserred  how  in  this  recantation  the  Reformers  rut  into  i3mith's  mouth 
their  O'vn  peculiarly  historical  Tj.e:w  of  the  sacrifice  of  Christ,  w'ich 
for  them  wss  an  hlotorical  act;  the  high  theorj"-  of  the  jnass,  that  in 
the  elevation  the  timeless  intersects  with  time  and  this  laoment  is  in 
eternity  with  th«  passion,  was  not  in  their  nurvlev;.  Dr.  Smith  later 
recanted  his  recantation  at  Oxford,  was  relieved  of  his  pref enfients , 
and  succeeded  as  rejrQus  professor  by  Peter  Kartyr. 

Pillar  of  the  faith  he  may  have  been,  but  a  greater  one  stood  in 
the  see  of  Winchester,   "Sfily  Winchester",  as  Foxe  delighted  to  call  him, 
pliable  thoup;h  he  had  been  in  the  jast  to  the  supremacy,  had  always  acted 
within  what  he  considered  the  lefjal  liicits  of  that  supremacy.  It  should 
be  remetiibered  always  that  (Jardiner  was  a  lawyer  and  thought  as  a  lawyer, 
and  he  looked  ??lth  jufjtifiable  distrust  upon  the  revolutionary  acta  of 
the  Council  in  the  kind's  minority.  He  was  sunmoned  before  the  Council 

on  21  Sertember  1547,  for  refusinp;  to  set  forth  the  Injunctions  and 

14.1 
Eorailies  of  July,    and  committed  to  the  neet.  He  was  released  on 

8  January  1546,  but  eleven  days  later  was  confined  to  his  house  for 

refusing  to  subscribe  to  the  hcwnily  of  Juetifl cation,  composed  by  Cranner, 

since  it  affirmed  that  faith  excluded  charity  in  justification.  Stiff 

In  his  objections  to  Ridley's  attempts  to  convert  him,  ho  .fas  allowed 

in  Tent  to  retire  to  his  diocese,  whence  he  was  soon  sumnoned  by  the 


/Of 


li(67) 


Council  on  the  charge  that  he  wis  secretly  arming;  his  servants,  upholding 
abolished  cerersonlea,  and  warning  the  people  against  the  "novelties" 
of  the  ecclesiastical  administration.      To  clear  himself  of  these  charges 
he  offered  to  rreach  at  Paul's  Cross.     The  Council  demanded  a  copy  of  the 
semion;   this  Gariiner  refused,  on  the  .ground  that  this  :«)uld  amount  to 
treatia?^  hira  as  guilty  '/rith  nothing  proved  against  him,     While  preparing 
for  the  sermon,  which  vras  to  be  preached  on  29  June,  he  received  a  warnlnn' 
from  Somerset,   expressly  forbidding  him  to  speak  of  the  sacrax&ent  or  the 
altar. 

-he  night  before  he  was  to  preach  he  neither  ate  nor  slept. 
The  audience  was  the  greatest  seen  there;  there  was  naturally  a  burning 
curiosity  as  to  what  he  rii^t  say,   since  men  Icnew  both  his  stubbornness 
and  his  subtlety.     They  were  not  disappointed  in  the  display  of  either 
of  those  qualities.     He  began  by  assertinip;  the  royal  supremacy,  uslniEr  the 
familiar  ar.Tiuinent  that  Peter  is  not  head  of  the  church  in  the  sense  of 
prljsacy,  that  the  only  foundation  of  the  church  is  Christ,     He  affirmed 
his  acceptance  of  the  act  of  the  king's  first  parliament  suppressing 
chanties,   if  they  had  become  occasions  of  abuses,   and  even  aimitted   that 
he  iTOUld  submit  to  the  act  imposing  communion  in  both  kinds.     He  said 
simply: 


I  like  well  the  rest  of  the  King's  iiajesty's  proceedings  concerning  the 
Gacranient,     If  an  order  be  set  by  such  as  have  rower,  've  must  follow 
it,   and  we  rr.aot  obey  the  rulers,,,,   I  have  ever  been  of  this  opinion. 


Thus  did  he  display  his  consistency  with  De  7era  Obedientla,  But  in  spite 
of  Somerset's  warning,  he  spoke  of  the  mass,  affirming:  the  "very  presence" 
of  Christ's  body  and  blooJ   in  the  sacrament.     He  had  been  warned  not  to 


//o 


ii(68) 


sijeak  of  "doabtful  Matters",  but  for  hlni  transubstautiation  was  no 
doubtful  matter.     Thus  he  cleared  his  conscience  and  put  his  freedom  in 
jeopardy.     The  next  day  he  was  coFtmltted  to  the  Tower,      On  the  fcllovdng 
Sunday  Dr.   Hicherd  Oox,   then  the  kixigls  alinoner,  preached  at  Paul*M  Gross 
to  justify  the  iiaprisoruaeat  of  Gardiner, 

jilej  declared  anri  read  the  articles  that  he   [bardiner]   projnified  to  the 
KiUtjes  counsell  to  have  shewed  his  conscience  in  according^  to  the  truth 
of  scripture,  which  he  conteraptuouslie  and  obstinatlie  did  contrarie  to 
Ids  prordse,  wherefore  he  was  C0JTiL.itted  to  ward....  Exhorting  all  the 
auiionce  to  praj'  for  his  conversion  to  the  truth,  and  not  to  rejoyce  of 
this  his  treble,  which  was  ^odlie  done,         142 

Another  chronicler  records  that  "all  thoys  prechers  that  prechyd  at 
Poivlles  crosse  at  that  time  spake  Eoche  agiayne  the  bysshoje  of  iVynchester, 

Thus  was  Gardiner  disposed  of,  but  greater  dangers  awaited  th© 
adriini3trHtion  than  could  be  expected  from  one  man,  however  brilliant  and 
influential.     One  turbulent  spirit  was  silenced  on  20  March  1549,  when 
the  rrotector*s  brother,  the  Lord  Adnilral,  '.vas  executed  for  sedition  and 
treason  under  an  act  of  attainder.     Latimer  was  called  upon  to  Justify 

this  course  to  the  people  in  a  serjnon  at  raul*5  Cress  on  29  karch,  but 

144 

his  ar2:uri£'nts  wcsre  ill-received.  This  crisis  ivas  followed  by  the 

risings  la  NorfolL  and  :Jevon3hix^,  both  arising  from  the  evils  of  enclosures 
and   the  injustices  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  land-hungry  parvenus  who 
followed  Somerset's  star,   but  the  imposition  of  the  Act  of  Onlfonnity 

in 

enj(5^n^  the  use  of  the  ilrst  ii*ayer  book,  on  9  June,  vras  the  signal 
for  the  dangerous  rising  In  the  west  stimulated  by  grievances  in  matters 
of  relif^ion.      The  sixteen  articles  which  the  rebels  deoianded^*^  involved 
the  resfcoration  of  the  old  reli/rion  unier  tae  ...ix  Articles,   with  the 


/  /  / 


143 
•t 


ii{69) 


perpetuation  of  other  O'lstoma  an!  iastitutiona  dating  ?ron  before  the 
nGfarrnation  Tarliaaent,     In  these  deraands  the  Insurgents  were  oallinc  in 
question  not  only  the  Innovations  in  religion  but  the  authority  by  lAich 
they  had  been  inposed,  and  Cranner,  in  his  ans.ver  to  than  put  the  whole 
c[uestlon  in  terns  of  the  theory  of  obedience.  An  important  consti- 

tutional question  :yas  involved,  inplicit  in  the  royal  supi^macy,     Hov; 
far  couli  the  advisors  of  the  king  ^^o  in  thp   ■-i'-i,r;»s  minority?    Here 
Gardiner  was  as  usual  consistent;  he  had  always  argued  that  the  supremacy 
rested  in  the  king's  person,  while  lawyers  like  St.  Oermaln  had  believed 
that  it  T-93lJ3d  in  the  king  in  perliainent,-*-^"     But  one  questions  if  even 
Henry's  lawyers  would  have  recor'^nized  the  powers  tiAich  the  Edwardinsv  par- 
liaments gave  to  the  Protector.     At  all  events,  Cranmer  was  convinced  of 
the  validity  of  those  powers,  and  after  celebntinr  Cotnnion  IVa^rer  acicordlng 
to  the  "king's  Book"  in  3t.  Paul's  on  21  July,  ho  preached  there  on  the 
evils  of  sedition  as  denonstrated  in  the  Devonshire  rebellion.     Afterward 
his  chaplain  Kr.   Joseph  rehearsed  the  sercion  before  a  larrer  rsultltn'^.e 
at  tlic  Gross, -^^ 

The  Council  now  deterr.inad  to  talce  action  against  the  second- 
rankin;!;  Catholic  stalwart  of  the  kingdom,  Edmund  Bonner,  still  Bishop 
of  T-onion.  If  he  could  be  persuaded  to  preach  in  his  diocese  against 
the  rebtillion,  and  since  he  had  subaltted  tc  the  royal  visitation  there 
was  some  hoje  of  it,  both  ecclesiastical  discipline  and  the  Council's 
authority  would  be  strengthened.     Accorlinr^ly  the  Council  subnitted  to 

149 
hiffi  throe  weeks  in  advance  a  list  of  three  articles         on  which  he  ivas 

to  preach  at  Paul's  Cross  on  1  Septenber.     These  were: 


n 


ii(70) 


1     That  all  such  as  rebe3   afialnst  their  prince,   get  unto  thera  damnation, 
and  those  that  resist  the  higher  power  resist  the  ordinances  of  Cioi, 


Here  he  was  to  con-leinn  the  rehels  in  Worfolk,   Cornwall  and  OeTron,  asserting 
their  sins  by  the  classic  analory  of  Korah,   rtethan  and  Abiram, 


2  rhat  the  extern  idtes  and  ceremonies  be  but  exercises  of  our  religion, 
and  arnointable  hj'  superior  jiowers;   in  ehoosin*^  7'hereof  we  ?trust  obey  the 
magistrates....  If  any  man  use  the  old  rites,  and  thereby  disobey  the 
superior  power,  the  devotion  of  his  ceremonies  is  made  teaupht  by  his 
disobedience, 

3  Ye  shall  also  set  forth  In  your  sermon,   that  our  authority  of  royal 
pcver  is   (as  of  truth  it  is)  of  no  less  authority  and  force  in  this 
our  younc  age,   than  is  or  \ms  tiiat  of  any  of  nur  ijredecessors. 


Bonner  preached  as  connanded  on  the  appointed  day,  but  onsatisfactorily, 
Foxe  reports  bitterly: 


-VhereRs  he  w«s  commanded  to   treat  only  upon  such  sr^eclal  points  as  v/ere 
r.entloied  in  the  articles,  he  j'et,   both  besides  the  council*i5  comnandiAent, 
and  to  the  wi thdravjl n^r  of  the  minds  of  the  coinnon  people,  as  jnuch  as  in 
hln  lay,   from  the  rip'nt  and  true  understanding  of  thf;  holy  sacrament, 
r^lnistered   in  the  holy  comnunion  then  set  forth  by  the  authority  of  the 
king's  irajesty...,   did  spend  iao4Yrart  of  his  serraon  about  the  ^ross,  carnal, 
and  papistloRl    presence  rf  Ohrist*s  body  and  blood  in  the  sacrament  of 
the  alta";   and  also,  contrary  thereunto,  did  not  only  slenderly  touch  on 
the  rest  of  Ids  articles,  but,  as  a  rebellious  and  vrilful  carelessness, 
did  utterly  leave  out  unspoken  the  whole  last  article...,  notwithstanding 
the  sane   (because  it  ««s  the  traitorous  opinion  of  the  jjopish  rebels) 
vras,  by  specialcoimvandicent ,  appointed  him  to  treat  upon.         151 


?0Te»8  hatred  of  Bonner  is  well  known,  and  here,  as  in  other  places, 
he  is  not  entirely  fair,     Tt  is  certain  th^it  Bonner  did  set  forth  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiatlon,  but  he  seems  to  have  spoken  sharply 
a^lnst  the  ain  of  disobedience  as  ctHaraanded.     These  natters  come  out  In 
his  examination,  which  of  course  appears  at  lariP;e  In  Foxe*s  own  work. 
The   "special  coimnaniirient'*  to  which  Foxe  here  refers  was  an  afterthought 
not  contained  in  the  first  instructions,  and  as  he  approached  it  in  his 


//  3 


ii{71) 


semon  a  bill  rei,ortin(^  the  victories  over  the  rebels  was  banded  to  him 

in  the  pulpit,  ao  ttiat  in  attending  to  its  proclaiiEtion  he  lost  his 

1*52 

pl£;ce  and  the  point  slipped  his  sand,  '    The  inpartial  reader  oi"  I'oxe 

nust  aake  ui   his  luina  as  tc  Liie  exLcno  ci  Bonner's  disingeauousness. 
DiGobedient  or  not,  he  was  coianiitted  to  the  t-arahalsea. 


Follo-.iring  the  pattern  of  the  procoedinr,  against  Gardiner,  a 
eerjaon  '.vas  preached  at  the  Cross  three  weeks  after  Bonner's,  by  John 
Hooper,  soon  tc  be  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  attacking  Bonner's  opinions 
and  condeEinine  his  disobedience,-^*^ 

3o  far,  froK  what  has  survived  of  the  sermons  at  Paul's  Cross 
darin{?  these  dangerous  years,  no  preacher  had  gone  to  the  root  of  tlie 
matter,  daring:  to  set  forth  the  evils  of  the  rich  as  wull  as  the  dis- 
obedience of  the  poor,  emphosizinR;  the  duties  of  all  estates  with  equal 

ISA 

force.  But  on  2  February  1550  such  a  sermon  was  preached,    and  by 

the  can.  who,  after  Latiner,  vKst;  undoubtedly  the  inoct  povrorful  speaker 

of  the  time.  Ehomas  Lever  was  a  r^n  of  Tmuch  natural  probity  and  blunt 

155 

native  honesty*,    fresh  from  St.  John's,  Caribridge,  and,  as  his  second 

great  effort  on  34  3ecei(.bor  1550  vras  tc  shovj,  chiefly  exercised  over 
the  decay  of  learning  and  good  morals  Which  accompanied  rapid  reli'^ious 
change  under  unprincipled  administration.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
however,  rebellion  mibs  his  theme;  the  result  is  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
of  the  laany  homilies  upon  obedience  which  enrich  the  pulpit  literature 
of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  a  sermon  remarkable  in 
this  time  when  too  laany  preachers  were  either  rash  or  servile  or  both. 
I  reh^rse  it  here  at  some  length  for  this  reason,  and  also  because 
in  it  are  aduiLbrated  cany  of  the  oiajor  themes  which  7d.ll  recur  with 


/'V- 


ii(72) 


iKinor  variaiions  throughout  the  history  of  Tsui's  Cross  ia  tihe  days  of 
ii3.1zabeth  and  the  Stuarts. 

In  his  exordium  before  the  text  Lever  adranced  ia  specific  tenaa 
a  notion  fundamental  in  the  refonElii,<?;  consciousness,   the  conviction 
of  God*s  special  providence  tavdri  ^aglanu  in  her  a^vaitsixinj:  from  the 
long  sleei   of  ilolatiy  and  of  the  certainty  of  3ngland*s  destruction 
if  icen  do  not  accept  this  gift  cf  God  in  charity  ^vithout  idolatry  or 
covetousnesi:,     Ihe  alliance  of  Scotland  and  France,  the  border  raids 
of  the  Scots,  exaggerated  with  a  preacher's  license,  provide  hlir.  with 
a  manifest  occasion  of  God*s  wrath. 


Se  hov;  rauche  good  counsell  and  earneste  threatenynge  God  hath  geven  of 
late  unto  ijiglande,  by  settyn^e  forth  of  his  worde  in  the  eaglyshe 
tron^xe,  cuusyxige  it  to  be  read  dayly  in  ye  churches,    to  be  rreachad  purely 
in  the  pulpites,  and  to  be  rehearsed  every  where  in  couniunicacion,  and 
hou  taay  continuing,  yea  increesinf;e  their  i7>'4ktd  lyves,  regarde  not  gods 
word*,   dyspyse  his  threateninges,  desyre  not  his  mercye,   feare  not  his 
vengeance.... 

Yea  but  what  mercyes  of  God  have  we  refused,  or  »/hat  threatenynge 
of  God  have  we  here  in  Lngland  not  regarded:    -vhyche  have  forsaken  the 
lope,  abolyshed  idolatryc  and  supersticion,   receyved  goddes  worde  so  gladly, 
reformed  all  thyages  accordinc;lye  Iherto  so  spedily,  and  have  all  thinges 
Eiost  nere  the  order  of  the  primitive  chorche  universallye?...   It  is  a 
wondercua  playne  -.vorde  to  saye  that  Englande  shall  be  destroyed:  and 
upMsn  thye  worde  ensuinge,   it  should  be  a  terrible  sight   to  se  hundred 
thousandes  of  cicotteB,  Frenche  inenne,  Papists,  and  Turkes.  entryinff  in 
on  every  syde,  to  rmrther,   spoyle,  and  to  destroye.     ^   i??J 

A  kinedom  divided  must  fall,  and  England 

by  reason  of  covetousnes  is  full  of  division,   is  full  or  conternpte 
of  CT>ddes  mercye,  is  full  of  Idolatrye,  is  full  of  pryde.       ^.   £^ 

Let  iin^land  therefore  repent,   as  Niniveh  repented. 


xlis  text  was  the  classic  one,    "a  lesson  cost  mete",  from  Ror>anjB. 
13.  1>7,  «hich  reads  in  his  translation: 


ii(73) 


Eveiye  souIp  be  Kub.Te<?t,e  unto  the  hyrher  pollers,  for  there  is  no  jov.-er 
but  of  God,  Those  powers  whych  be,  are  ordeyned  of  God,  «hereforc  he 
that  reeysteth  power,  resystcth  the  ordinaunce  of  Cod,  hut  the;.'-  whyche  doo 
reaiste,  shall  receyve  to  themselves  Judgement,  For  Holers  are  not  to 
be  feared  for  rood  dolnr;er,  but  for  evil.  A'ouldest  thou  not  feare  the 
power?  do  that  whlche  is  good,  and  thou  shelt  have  praise  of  it.  But 
if  thou  do  ev!,'13  ,  fesr'  r  for  he  beareth  not  the  sweard  v;yt}iout  a  cause, 
for  he  is  the  minister  of  God  to  sveni^e  in  vrrath,  hyn  that  doeth  evyll, 

■flierefore  ye  mist  nedes  be  subjecte,  not  onlj'  for  vrrathe,  but 
also  for  conscience  sake.  For  thys  do  ye  paye  tribute:  For  they  are  the 
rdnisters  of  Ood  attendynf'e  to  th3rs  sarr.e  thj'n.^i'e.   Gcve  therefore  unto 
everj'  one  dueties;  tribute  to  vihome   trybute  is  due,  custome  to  whome 
custum  is  due,  feare  to  whome  feare  ic  due,  hcnoure  to  vshom  honoure  is 
due. 


Thus  you  hear,  he  continued,  how  every  one  ouf'ht  to  be  under  obedience, 

howbeit  experience  declareth  howe  that  here  in  fnglande  pore  men  have 
been  rebels,  and  ryche  men  heve  not  done  their  duetie,   (^,  26} 

This  is  the  keynote,  the  foundation  of  his  sermon.  He  proceeded  to 

confute  the  Anabaptists,  vho   arj^ued  wron^^ly  from  the  coimnunity  of  goods 

156 
in  the  Acts,    pointin.?  out  that  their  error  stems  in  part  from  the 

evil  disposition  of  many  rich  men,  who  take  unto  themselves  more  than 

ie  their  due,  prey  upon  their  customers  like  the  merchants  of  london  or 

upon  benefices  like  the  magnates.  The  pure  orijrinal  intention  of  f-i-*^ 

dissolution  of  reliiriious  foundations  has  been  corrupted;  the  first  latent 

was  Rodly,  but  those  who  have  nilsueed  what  they  gained  bj'  the  dissolution 

offend  the   kinf ,  an}  have  •^roup',ht  a  comen  welth  into  a  comen  mlser^'-e''. 


Then  some  wyll  aske  thys  questyon:  Seynsie  there  is  no  evyll  of  God,  howe 
can  evyll  rulers  or  officers  be  of  God?  You  honeste  men  thnt  be  hero, 
and  dwell  in  the  countrey,  heare  this  lecson,  and  marke  it,  and  take  it 
home  wj'th  you,  for  yrur  selves,  and  your  neyfl;hboar.  It  is  God,  '^ut  faclt 
hypocrita  ref^nare  rropter  peccata  popull.,,.  It  is  God  that  maketh  these 
evyl  Fien  to  bn  "entleinen  rulers,  and  officers  In  the  countray:  it  is  the 
sinnes  of  the  people  that  causeth  God  to  make  these  jnen  youre  rulers. 
The  iren  is  sometymes  evyll,  but  the  authoritie  from  God  Is  alirayes  r:ood, 
and  Ocj  fr,ev   "    ',od  authoritye  unto  evyll  men,  to  punyshc  the  synnf^r.  of 
the  evyll  .     .  It  is   ",ot  therefore  repynvn",  rcbell^nr,  or  resi.'jtyag 
gods  oriinanco,  that  vryll  amende  evyll  rulers.    jf.  .yij 


//(, 


li(74) 


Neither  rebollion  on.  the  one  hand  nor  opprocsion  on  the  other  is  accor>iing 
to  the  ordinance  of  Ood. 

Hherfore  ye  people,  if  ye  fele  your  burden  is  heavye,  and  your  yocke 

frrovouce,  pacyontly  ijufl'er,  sau  call  unto  the  lorde:  for  then  he  w^rll 
heare  thee,  and  he  wyl  relieve  thee,  and  he  wj'll  delyver  thee. 

And  you  rulerti,  bocaucc  he  knovfe  that  the  people  oughte  not  to 
forsake  or  refuse  whnt  burden  or  yote  so  ever  ye  charge  them  ^yth  all,     _ 
see  that  ye  charge  ther:  vrt.th  no  more  then  they  rnaye  beare  and  suffer,  fe,  36J 

Upon  this  he  renewed  his  attack  upon  covetousness,  the  root  of  all  the 
evil  in  the  realm,  chiefly  as  nanifest  in  enclosures,  advancinf:  the  re- 
rearkable  argument  that  when  the    people  were  trapped  in  the  ciazes  of 
popeiy  they  were  ;iot  able  to  feel  their  misery;  now  lijhen  by  God's  mercy 
they  have  the  true  "Jord,  they  are  unthankful. 

5/horfor«  we   havyn^e  thys  terrible  example  in  fresh  r.eraorye, 

and  seynf-e  a  gracyous  Kiynp;,  and  Godly  rulars  ordeyned  of  OOD,  to  amende 
oure  pryefsB,  althGtiirhte  all  that  cannot  be  amended  in  one  day,  v/hyche 
hath  bene  appayrj'^nr  Txrje   yeres,  yet  let  us  pacientlye  suffer  for  a  tyme, 
not  doubtyn^e  but  that  that  reliefe,  conforte,  and  wealth,  whyche  God 
hath  promysed  unto  J-;niE»lsnde  by  hys  word,  offered  of  hys  goodnes,  and 
befeon  by  this  ordlnaunce,  shal  be  brounht  unto  passe,  by  hj'^s  ir-sione  and 
myghte:  in  cuche  Tyse  ac  shall  be  moste  for  hys  slorye,  the  Icj'nges 
honoure,  the  wealth  of  the  roalse,  and  raost  to  the  conforte  of  theyri  that 
riooste  pacyentlye  in  hope,  truste  to  goddes  {rocdnes,   ^  4l] 

It  is  well  kno»m  to  students  of  Tudor  and  Stuart  history  that 
these  pronouncements  are  commonplaces  of  political  theory  for  a  century. 
Yet  within  the  picture  of  such  platitudes  there  are  varyinp^  shades  of 
ejnphacis,   .ihen  the  theory  of  obedience  was  set  forth,  as  on  znis   oocasion, 
in  a  moment  of  crisis,  it  had  aaturelly  a  special  force  not  so  obvious  in 
an  accession  sermon,  to  name  an  ordinary  infstanoe  of  ita  occurrence  in 
laul's  Cross  sermons.  As  lever  uses  it,  it  is  a  palliative,  a  nostr'jun 


/// 


ii(7:3) 


of  tho  inruGdiate  Jis'sase,   a   timely  rebiik?.     "/hen  inTolvGci  in  the  or-iinary 
course  of  thixijo,   iii^    ciiEory  ^saff-arsd  bacaaoe  of  its  real  wealiness  before 
the  fact  of  power.     lofty  in  its  idaaliaci,   the  argnmeat  always  showed  the 
liaeaiuents  of  its  origia  as  crisis  Eaaifesto:  it  was  ever  a  weapon  of 
attack,   first  in  I^Male  against  the-  lope's   "usurped  authority",   later, 
as  in  rtliitc.ift  and  John  Jhite,  against  the  many-headed  aultitude  and  such 
feckless  rdnorlties  in.  that  jLultitude  as  the  Anabaptists,  who  dreamed  un- 
certainly of  a  real  revolution.     Fortunately  for  the  stability  of  "nglish 
institutions  the  words  of  St.  laul   .were  for  a  time  enforced  by  the  vigorous 
tradition  of  the  comaion  la*  of  the  realic,  which  infact  rut  all  men,  king 
and  comrrions  and  clergy ,  under  the  lex  coinmunalis.  and  caught  thezn  In  their 
small  dealings,  where  It  hurt,  rather  than  in  their  ideals,  where  it 
usually  did  not.     For  I-ever  in  1550  there  y/as  no  dichotomy  between  the 
theory  cf  obedience  and  the  law  of  the  land;  for  liis  Puritan  successors, 
Bs  the  royal  prerogative  in  matters  ecclesiastical  encroached  upon  the 
sphere  of  the  conci.on  law,  there  wes  a  conflict  which,  to  the  astonishment 
of  the  historian,   lut  the  Inns  of  Court  .Tien  ■"^''    !•■'--    "^uritan  thcorirts  into 
the  same  ranks,  and  contributed  in  no  siiall  Q6f^i*ee  to  the  great  divisions 
of  1641,     There  is  some  irony  In  the  fact  that  such  protest  as  there  was 
against  the  alleged  illegality  of  the  Edwardian  acts  of  uniformity  rnme 
from  the  Catholic  conservatives  like  Gardiner,  while  lever,   twenty  years 
later,  was  to  be  convented     for  breached  of  church  discipline     before  a 
court  constituted  by  the  royal  supreisacy.     There  were  nany  like  hiin  for 
whom  the  reign  of  Edward  VI  v«u  a  sort  of  golden  age,  for  only  then  was 
the  church  discipline  sufficiently  large  to  accomniodate  their  tender 
consciences. 


//^ 


il{76) 


Of  the  three  blocs  of  disaffection  which  troubled  the  course 
of  the  Hefomation  accordlns'  to  Somerset,  Northumberland,   Ridley  and  Granmer, 
and  which  found  expression  at  laul's  Cross,    two  have  been  described:   the 
Catholic  bishops  and  theologians,  and  the  discontented  country  folk.     There 
viee  yet  another  source  of  opposition,  Mary  Tudor.     Her  opinions,   tested 
bj'  zealots  who  tried  to  convert  her,   were  well  known  and  unchangeable. 
No  argument  from  any  cleric  or  politician  could  shake  from  the  popular 
Bind  the  simple  conviction  of  her  legitimacy,   or  take  the  shadow  of  the 
ci*own  imperial  from  her  round  and  stubborn  brow.     But  with  the  folly  or 
zeal  and  the  blindness  of  ambition  it  was  atteir.pted.     On  31  August  1650, 
one  Stephen  Gaston  alluded  obliquely  in  his  sernion  at  the  Cross  to   "a  gret 
woman,  v/lthin  the  realms  that  was  a  pret  supporteV. ..  of  popery",  ana 
called  Henry  VIII  a  papist,  irtiich  the  chronicler  thought   "Tiarde",      i'Ms 
sort  of  thins'  did  not  f^o  down  very  well,     ifiven  less  support  could  be  ex- 
pected for  the  supporters  of  RorthunJberland  in  July  1553,     On  2  July  Dr. 
Hodgkin,   suffraf^n  Bishop  of  Bedofrd,  deliberately  failed  to  pray  for 
Iftdry  and  Elizabeth,  as  was  the  custoiii,  and  the  next  Sunday,  after  the 
death  cf  E.lward ,   Ridley,   preachinc  on  the  sane  theme  as  Sandys  at  Cai!ibridf:e, 
"sore  anoya"  the  >aul*3  Gross  audience  by  pTorio^'  tory   anu  ilizabeth  il- 

lejRltiEiate,  supporting  the  claim  of  Lady  Jane,  and  warning  the  people 

158 
that  the  accession  of  ttery  would  mean  the  subversion  of   true  religion. 

•jhat  a  fantastic  adventure  was  this  of  Northumberland's,  under- 
taken af'ainst  all  the  overwhelming  evidence  of  peneral   support  for  the 
Tudor  and  no  other,  atralnst  the  very  considerable  evidence  that  the  mass 
of  the  populace  was  still  Catholic.     If  they  were  not  good  catholics, 
at  least  they   were  more  addicted  to  the  comfortable  assurances  of  tradition 


/^9 


ii(77) 


than  to  the  distua-bixij;  iruxovafcions  of  fclie  last  siz  years.     Perhaps  it  vms 
because  thay  v/ere  bal  Catholics  that  they  wished  to  remaia  so.     Only  one 
change  had  passed  beyond  reverKion  into  the  national  lift::    the  secularization 
of  chui'ch  la-oper'olas.     Iingliahi.tea  wished  to  :  ursue  their  conifortable 
worldly  ways,   to  which  the  new  relitiion  was  not  yet  accoBit-''^&''ed,     rhat 
it  would  some  day  be  so  acccHipdated  was  then  only  a  burgeoning  idea  in 
the  brain  of  Elizabeth  or  of  Viillia;-;  Cecil,     At  the  tiuie  the  new  faith 
was  to  iiany  merely  a  passing  fanaticism;   there  vms  a  crude  but  powerful 
undercurrent  of  opposition  to  it,   the  opposition  v&ich  had  been  v*aked 
un.tfisely  b     Eenry  in  153G  and  by  Sonerset  in  1545,     Kenry  had  i^cifled 

it;   ..Avmrd^s  council  never  aucceeded  in  doinp  so.     It  coines   to  the  .'jurfaca 

159 

in  such  small  w«ys  aa  in  "A  T opish  Hliyme  fastned  upon  a  pulpit         in  K, 

Sd-d«ardr»  rel/^ne",  p  little  bit  of  doggerel   .vlth  the  revelatory  character 

of  suuri  in;itive  ;i(jru;;s  in  e<-t'-t)i*al J 

This  pulpit  ivas  not   here  set. 
For  knaves  to  prate  in  and  rayl. 
But  if    lO  man  laay  tho,"i  let, 
Kischef  wil  couie  of  them,  no  fail. 

If  God  do  pendt  thein  for  a  tyiae 
To  brabble  and  ly  at  thoir  v^^l. 
Yet  I   trust  or  that  be  pi'ine 
At  their  fal  to  laughe  ny  fill. 

Two  of  the  knaves  already  wo  had, 

Tlie  third  is  comyny  as  I  understand, 

In  all  the  yerth   ther  is  acne  so  bad, 

I  pray  Ood  soon  ryd  them  out  of  this  land,,,, 

Al  christen  men  at  us  now  laugh  and  scorne 
To  se  jiovr  they  bo  taking  of  hie  and  lowe, 
Dut  the  child  that  is  yet  unborn 
Siisl  curse  al  on  a  rows, 

Kov7  Ciod  sped  thee  wel, 

And  I  wil  no  .^ore  raell,         loO 


it^o 


ii(78) 


The  point  often  ignored  is  that  the  people  were  uot  used  to  religious 
disputation;   they  were  by  turns  bored  and  outreped  by  the  preachers' 
insistence.     Too  much  was  happening  too  quickly;   they  ate  the  air  proioise- 
craimiied  and  they  wished  to  get  back  to  their  capons.      -Vitnesa  the  Capper's 
outburst  in  John  Hales 's   "Discourse  of  the  Coinraon  Vieal  of  this  Realm  of 
England"    ^549j  : 


The  devell  a  vrliit  the  ^ood  doe  ye  with  youre  studies,  but  set  aien  to- 
gether by  the  ^ires.     Some  witli  this  opinion  and  sone  witli  that,   some 
holdia^^e  this  "wave  and  some  that  waye,  and  scaae  an  other,  and  that  so 
stiffly  as  thoughe  the  truthe  must  be  as  they  save  that  have  the  upper 
hande  in  contention.     And  this  contention  is  not  the  least  of  theise 
uprors  of  the  jeople:   some  holiinge  of  the  one  leai-ninj-e  and  some  hold- 
inp;e  of  the  other.     In  my  irdnde  it  made  no  matter  yf  theare  weare  no 
l«?arnedrr.en  at  all,  161 


Lever  mig:ht  complain  bitterly  of  the  decay  of  the  universities;   did  not 
he  and  his  fellows  help  to  discourage  support  of  learnixitT  by  their 
"stiffness"?     iew  Seek  the  truth;    the  desire  for  ."^lobos  and  messuages 
is  more  to  be  exp«cted  of  hufiian  frailty.     Perhaps  the  best  piece  of 
evidence  that  exists  for  the  determination  of  the  state  of  the  public  mind 
during  this  reriod  is  ilyat's  remark  to  a  friend  as  he  prepared  to  iiarch 
on  London^l554.     It  is  a  vignette,   but  a  inoet  iiu]-ortant  one. 

There  came  to  him    [y'yat]    one.,,   oi  (jood  wealthe,   saiyiv;:    "Syr",  vmod  he, 
"they  saye  I  love  potaj^e  well,   I  wyll  sell  all  riy  spoaes,   end  all  the 
plate  in  my  house,  rather  than  your  purpose  shall  quayle,  and  suppe  my 
potai-e  vfith  my  nouthe,      I   truste,"  vmod  he,    "you  wyll  restore  the  lyght 
religion  Sfrayne. "     "Vfiilste,"  wuod   ^at,    "yo\i  may  not  so  much  as  name 
religion,  for  that  wll  vjithdraw  from  use  the  hear  tea  of  manye:  you  must 
only  sake  your  quarrel  for  overninninre  by  atraungers.     And  yet  to  thee 
be  it  sayd  in  counsell,  as  uuto  say  frende,   we  I'^u.nde  only  the  restitution 
of  God's   word."         162 

8,    "oorae  there  be  that  labour  by  virestyng  of  the  scripture  to 
pulle  ther.  selves  from  under  true  obedience.  " 

To  this  history  of  laul's  Cross  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI  must 


ii(79) 


be  added  one  important  app-endlx,  the  penances  of  Anabaptists  there  in 

1548-9.  Such  penances  are  a  recurring  phenomenon  at  Iaul*s  Cross:  the 

163 

iffiiortant  dates  are  1538,  154S,   1575,  l^ach  of  these  dates  indicates 

a  phase  in  the  Mstory  of  this  remarkable  sect,      fhe  first  group  of 
penitents  were  foreif^ners,  and  an  example  was  made  of  them  at  that  time 
prusunably  because  of  the  Iiuniiter  episode  three  years  before,   when  the 
radicals  for  the  first  tiiie  eaiployed  force,  which  they  had  hitherto 
abhorred,  seiaed  the  town,   organized  it  upon  coEiniunist  principles,   per- 
mitted such  cnoriidties  as  polygamy,  and  in  effect  founded  the  Hew  Jerusalem 

lfi4 

according  to  their  dispeasation,-^  *  It  was  this  episode,  rather  than  the 
opinions  of  Anabaptists,  which  caused  the  odiuBi  in  which  they  were  there- 
after held.   "Thev  had  struck  at  the  social  an.1  volitical  saseeptibilities 
of  the  time  at  their  ciost  sensitive  point,  the  fear  of  anarchy.*^ 
The  government,  in  1538,  in  effect  proclaimed  by  putting  such  persons 
to  penance  tliat  it  recognized  the  dan^^er  in  the  sect,  and  that  it  was 
watchful  to  see  that  It  did  not  find  a  foothold  in  England,  Such  were 
the  victims  and  such  the  penances  of  the  first  of  the  groups  dealt  with 
in  1575.  Continued  references  to  Anabaptists  la  serrjons  dovm  to  1640 
intiicate  rather  the  continuance  oi  their  tradition  of  dangerous  opposition 
to  the  constituted  order  than  their  emersence  as  a  positive  and  immediate 
threat  to  that  order,   fhey  became  a  bojrey.  They  v;orc  a  horrible  example 
viha   vihicj-  to  i-jrriiy  all  potential  revolutionaries  aaj.  to  enforce  the 
doctrine  of  passive  obedieace.  As  for  the  Family  of  Love,  which  owed 
its  origin  to  Anabaptist  zealots,  and  became  for  Englishmen  the  half- 
feared,  half -ridiculed  repositary  of  Anabaptist  opinions  (and  in  fact 
any  other  unusual  opinions  otherwise  difficult  to  classify),  one  notes 


/3l5- 


ii(80) 


without  much  surprise  its  appearance  in  the  Huts  of  seditious  groups 
piously  and  steadily  rehearsed  by  orthodox  treachers.     It  .was  a  bo^ey  also. 
at  once  ruore  to  be  hated  and  xaore  to  be  dismissed  with  a   sneer  since  it 
was  close  at  hand.     Historians  of  dissent  give  it  more  rroMnence  t.ban  it 
deserves;   thoufih  some  of  the  ideas  held  by  its  aembei-s  were  to  have  a  con- 
siderable influence,  as  a  sect  it  was  uniiaportant. 

But  the  AnabaptiEts  of  1549,  harmless  though  they  appear  in  their 
casual  intrusion  into  the  history  of  Paul's  Gross,  are  worth  a  little 
iLore  considersitioii.     I  have  collected  records  of  three  penances:  by 
John  Chaiapneys  of  otratford  on  the  Bow,  by  Putto  a  farter  of  Colchester, 
and  by  a  butcher  dwelling,  in  Ould  Fish  Street,     lutto  did  penance  twice, 
having  offended  the  audience  by  wearing  his  cap  the  first  tiirse.'^^^     These 
ere  siaall  fry,   no  doubt,  but  they  probably  are  representative  of  a  greater 
nuKber.     Kow  jrany  of  these  persons  were  there  in  Lngland  about  this  tine? 
Such  a  sudden  sequence  of  penances  points  to  the  discovery  of  a  conven- 
ticle, and  also  to  the  adirdrably  i-olltic  habit  of  Tudor  administrations 
of  repeatin,^  a  good  occasion  to  u^e  the  lesson  stick.     Latimer,  preaching 
before  the  kine  on  29  Inarch  1549.   hinted  that  many  such  heretics  as 
these  were  in  iaifdand; 

I  told  you  that  it  was  good  and  lawftd  for  honest,   virtuouii  folk...    to 
use  the  laws  or   the  realu.  as  an  ordinary  help  against  thtir  adversaries, 
and  ought  to  take  them  as  God's  holy  ordinances,  for  the  remedies  of 
their  injuries  and  wron,'-s,  when  they  are  dittreesed.,., 

I  should  have  told  you  here  of  a  certain  sect  of  heretics  that 
speali  against  this  order  and  doctrine;   they  will  have   no  ir^^istrates 
nor  judges  on  the  eartli.     Here  I  have  to  tell  you  what  I  heard  of  late, 
by  the  relation  of  a  crediblu  person;    and  a   ■TOrshiprul  roan,  of  a  town 
in  this  realm  of  ilngland,   that  hath  above  five  hundred  heretics  of 
this  erroneouj  opinion  in  it,  he  said,         167 


JiL3 


ii(81) 

He  continued  with  an  argument  'ihat  is  Milton's  "Closing  up  truth  to 
truth",  on  its  negative  side: 

Oh,  so  busy  the  devil  is  now  to  hinder  the  word  coming  out,  and  to 
slander  the  gospel!  A  sure  argument,  and  an  evident  demonstration, 
that  the  light  of  God's  word  is  abroad,  and  that  this  is  a  true  doctrine 
that  we  are  taught  now;  else  he  would  not  roar  and  stir  about  as  he  doth,... 
There  is  no  such  diversity  of  opinion  among  the  Turks,  nor  among  the 
Jews.  And  why?  For  there  he  reigneth  peaceably  in  the  whole  religion.... 
And  this  is  an  argument  that  we  have  the  true  doctrine.... 

Then  he  proceeded  to  tease  his  audience  in  his  best  manner: 

And  will  you  know  where  this  tov;n  is?  I  will  not  tell  you  directly; 

I  will  '  ut  you  to  must  a  little;  I  will  utter  the  matter  by  circumlocution. 

'^ere  is  it?  -Vhere  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  is  an  unpreaching  prelate,   166 

He  seems  to  have  been  speaking  of  Colchester,  and  the  unpreaching  prelate 
would  in  that  case  be  Bonner,  for  Colchester  lay  in  the  diocese  of  London. 
There  is  considerable  evidence  that  Colchester,  a  center  of  radical 
Protestant  activities  in  the  reign  of  Mary,  was  at  this  time  harbour 
to  numbers  of  Anabaptists.  Futto,  the  penitent  farmer,  came  from  there. 
The  fantastic  Christopher  Vittels  was  there  in  1555,  and  in  the  years 
about  1575-80  the  town  was  a  J^milist  center,     Colchester  was  to 
Anabaptists  what  Lancashire  was  later  for  Puritanism.  But  the  sect  and 
its  doctrines  ray  have  been  n-ore  widely  spread  than  this,  for  John  Hales, 

the  royal  commissioner  on  enclosures,  found  it  necessary  to  clear  himself 

170 
of  any  suspicion  of  sympathy  with  them  in  154B,  in  his  Defence,    and 

Lever, in  his  sermon  of  2  February  1550,  devotes  some  care  to  the  repu- 
diation of  the  theory  that  the  Christian  society  must  imitate  the 

171 
communism  of  the  Acts, 

Professor  Allen  had  explored  the  main  doctrines  of  the  Anabaptists, 


/^•^ 


ii(82) 


deciding  that  their  greatest  contributions  to  politico-ecclesiasticsal 
thought  during  this  period  were  their  idea  of  the  visible  church  as  a 

voluntary  association  and  their  insistence  upon  the  validity  of  das  tnnere 

172 
jfort.  These  ideas  have  an  intiiaate  relationship  to  some  influential 

theories  current  in  the  days  of  the  Coraciomrealth,     But  vdien  John  Gharapneys, 
of  Stratford  on  the  Bow,  appeared  at  Paul's  Cross  in  1548  or  1549,  his 
recital  of  his  errors  suggests  rather  than  explicitly  states  these  im- 
portant ideas,   which  had     ot  yet  found  a   fruitful  soil  in  iwhich  to  f^row. 
due  may  see,  however,  why  he  vas  rut  to  correction;   he  had  had  dangerous 
notions.     He  confessed  that  he  had  "taught,  irrote,  and  defended",  that  a 
raen,  after  he  is  regenerate  in  Christ,   cannot  sin;   tiiat  the  outward  man 
mifjht  sin,   but  the  inward  man  could  not;   thet  the  Gospel  has  been  so 
much  persecuted  and  hated  since  the  Apostles'  times  that  no  man  mlpht  be 
suffered  openly  to  follov;  it,     Ee  had  believed  further  that  f^odly  love 
never  falls  away  from  theoi  vrho  are  regenerate  In  Christ,  wherefore  they 
cannot  do  contrary  to  the  coffiiiiandments  of  Christ,     He  had  asserted  that 
the  ecclesiastics  keep  ir.cn  from  this  truth  for  their  own  purposes, 
finally,  he  had  taught  that  God  penrlts  to  all  his  elect  their  bodily 
necessities  of  11  earthly  things,   "^     The  belief  in  the  inner  light, 
thouiP:h  heretical,  was   'Ot  so  dangerous  as  the  last  of  these  corollaries 
from  the  Anabaptists'   special  version  of  the  doctrine  of  election,     By 
holding  to  the  former  a  man  mifht  fail  of  salvation,  but  if  too  irany 
men  held  to  the  latter  the  magnates  would  fail  of  their  privileges. 

But  the  belief  in  the  inner  lir.ht  -fas  nourished  by  the  relip-lous 
policy  oi  .jO.Tierset  and  florthmaberlaxid,  noi,  oa.&  oj.  piety  but  from  policy. 
So  intent  were  they  upon  the  spoliation  of  what  reiminod  of  the  old 


/;?:> 


ii{83) 


peligioiis  foundations  that  they  too  much  ignored  the  daivgerous  develop- 
ments wnioa  iaeir  innovations  encouraged.  If  there  were  not  very  iiany 
Anabaptists  by  count  of  heads,  there  surely  v/ere  nany  undisciplined 
intellects  which  embraced  the  radical  Protestant  doctrines  out  of  piety 
or  greed,  or  even  a  combination  of  both  in  one  believer.  If  one  examines 
with  great  care  the  long  reports  of  the  esaminations  of  the  martyrs  in 
Foxe,  one  is  left  wondering  bow  many  of  these  persons  were  not  of  the 
tradition  of  Laticier  and  Hldley  and  Cranmer  but  believers  in  sjore  radical 
doctrines,  doctrines  which  Cranmer  \«Duld  have  most  violently  eschewed, 
rhere  is  no  iisss  of  definite  evidence  in  one  place,  but  a  hint  here,  a 
dubious  phrase  there,  -.vhich  coEoine  into  a  hall-forrj.ed  suspicion  that  the 
Marian  aJiiiinistration  was  perhaps  fiot  aioved  by  the  specially  vicious 

bigotry  iciich  JTose  himself  attributes  to  it.  No  state,  said  Cecil,  can 

174 
live  in  safety  where  there  is  toleration  of  two  religions,    and  one 

suspects  that  there  were  in  i^ry's  realia  net  two  religions  bat  two 

hundred. 

It  aaiat  be  repeated  here  that  the  Edwardian  Reforsiation  if 
viewed  fron  ]aiil*s  Gross  fresents  a  ver:'  imperfect  sight.     Here  if  any- 
where this  approach  to  the  ecclesiastical  history  seens  surely  to  distort 
it,  anu  all  that  is  proper  is  to  recount  in  sequence  the  names  of  preachers 
and  what  they  said  so  far  as  it  is  known,  and   leave  the  time  as  on«  finds 
it,  supplying  a  series  of  little  footnotes,  straws  in  the  wind  perhaps, 
certainly  not  signposts  or  milestones.     Yet  surely  it  is  as  legitimate 
to  make  much  of  these  sermons  and  penancos  which  show  the  Mwardian 
church  in  operation  as  it  is  to  dwell  securely  uron  Craniaer's  liturgical 
theories  or  Gardin's  view  of  the  royal  supreracy  and  its  limitations. 


I?-Q> 


il{84) 


lb  is  salutary  also   to  reflect  that  this  period  of  tentative  experiment, 
of  troubled  and  unsure  opinions,    so  thoroughly  revealed  In  all  their  im- 
perfections at  Paul's  Cross,  was  surveyed  in  retrospect  by  the  Elizabethan 
preachers  as  the  a/re  of  Josiah,   the  dawning-  of  the  new  day,  the  tir.e  of 
the  triuinrh  or  the  Gospel.     Such  are  t.he  delusions  of  the  godly.       Actually, 
as  the  3aul*s  Cross  Eiaterial  dein'tonstrates,  the  reign  of  Sdward  did  far 
more  daiu3/?e  to  the  Chui>5h  of  England  than  the  I/!!arian  persecutions.      If 
during  these  years  Cranifter  framed  the  ritua]    of  the  .establishment,   diirinp 
t?iese  years  also  the  gentry  spoiled  that  establishment  unmercifully,   the 
politicians  laid  dotrn  the  precedents  for  onscrvipulous  manipulations  of 
its  jTj.:iistera  ior  pur^'ost;^  oi   i  tii^riciue  unu  "*ic.j.tace,  and  the  fanatics 
succeeded  in  makiiw?  it  suspect  with  the  conservatives  and  the  ordinary 
worldly  citizens.     If  the   theologian  exercised  his  right  as  political 
theorist,   laying  down  the  rule  of  obedience  according  to  St.  laul,   it 
is  also  true  that  the  politician  exercised  through  the  powerful  precedent 
of  the  supremacy  his  right  as  theologian,  and  stiffening  secular  authority 
nlth  the  niiture  of  the  private  judf;ment  learned  to  make  the  churchmen 
his  creatures  and  the  word  of  God  his  instrument  of  tyranny,     fo  pass 
over  any  evidence  which  juts  theae  facts  in  their  pix)per  focus  is  to  be 
indiscreet  indeed, 

HART 

9.    "The  restitution  of  the  Jope's  primacy  in  I^gland, " 

iivents  at  laul 'a  Crotts  during  the  reign  of  L^ary  have  a  simplicity 
and  continuity  which  is  at  once  reassui'ing  and  depressing;   reassurinpj 
because  uo  unexplainable  cr  aiibiguous  things  happen,  depressing  because 


i?~l 


11(85) 


wtiere  one  had  hoped  to  supplement  the  rather  unsatisfactory  materials 
on  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  relg-n,  to  fini  some  conteiaporary 
justification  of  the  use  of  the  act  de  haeri'Lico  coir.burendo.  for  in- 
stance, which  should  throw  some  light  on  that  difficult  question,  one 
finds  only  tlic  statecent  of  conventional  Catholic  principles  and  some 
evidence  for  the  existence  of  active  but  usually  ill-orcanized  and  un- 
disciplined opposition  elements.   One  could  scarcely  expect  to  find 
anythin^^  correspondiac  to  Gardiner*£  senr.on  of  1548,  but  the  material 
is  still  disapjjointing. 

The  truth  is  that  Kary  did  not  "tune  her  pulpits",  did  not  use 
the  forum  at  Paul's  Cross  with  her  father's  clevernese  or  the  careless- 
ness of  her  brother'^  Council,  I'l  tMs  perhaps  she  was  wise;  certaloly 
her  distrust  of  the  pulpit  luust  have  been  enforced  by  the  riot  of  August 
1553.   fhe  iaul's  Cross  pulpit  was  used,  as  before,  for  proclamations, 
spectacles,  and  instruction  in  officially-accepted  doctrines,  but  the 
important  sernons  of  the  reign  v/ere  preached  st  Oxford  and  Smithfield, 
where  the  rituals  of  disputation  or  burning  co'ild  support  the  preacher's 
arguiaents.  It  is  aot  accidental  that  durinr:  this  reign  the  most  im- 
portant occasions  at  laul's  Cross  were  theatre  —  whether  the  play  went 
always  as  arranged  or  not.  'fhe  naterials  are  nost  nieaf^re,  but  one 
wonders  whether  the  rei{^n  does  aot  mark  a  decline  in  ongliah  pulpit 
eloquence. 

Svery   chronicler,  every  hi.Jtoriaa  has  had  >.is  say  about  the 
flrst^^^  laul's  Cross  sermon  of  the  reign,  at  which  Gilbert  Bourne, 
chaplain  to  the  queen,  preachin/^  on  16  August  and  condemning  the  lin- 
prisoninent  of  Bonner,  had  a  dagger  thrown  at  him  from  the  crowd  and 


ii(66) 


narrowly  escajied  nanhandlin^s  by  elerients  ia  the  audience.     It  Is  In- 
struotlve  to  set  side  by  side  a  contenporary  account  and  one  ehaped  by 
Irotesta.it  tjraditioa,   to  see  iphat  lartisanship  oan  do  to  a  irood  story. 
First,  the  fullest  contemporarj'  version  cl"  tliia  notorioue  affair: 

In  the  sennoa  tyiue,  becauso  he    [Boarne3  prayed  for  the  eoules  departed, 
and  allso  in  declarin^e  the  vnroasfall  iiaprisomrient  of  doctor  Bonner,   late 
Bishop  of  I^n:?on,  certeine  leude  and  ille  disiosed  persons  Bade  a  holloi** 
In^e  and  auch  a  cryin^e  thou  lyeat,  that  thf3  audytnce  was  sc  di:itarbed, 
that  the  preacher  was  so  affrayd  by  the  ooira;iotion  of  the  people,  that 
one  Si^dford,  e  preacher,   pulled  hia  backe,  and  spake  to  the  people, 
desyrinc  thcu.  in  Jhristes  name  and  for  the  bloods  of  Christ  to  pacific 
theiikeelves,   -vhich  people  were  so  rude  that  they  would  not,  but  one  lewde 
p/crson  drffs©  a  dascer  and  cadt  yt  at  the  preacher,  3  Ool  iTOald, 

hitt  ai^inst  one  of  the  posts  of  the  pulpit.     Ky  lor  ,        .  ir  then  and 
Aldsrjcen  rysinge  from  thlr  places,  went  about  the  churchyard  to  cause 
the  people  to   iepart  away,   .ihieh  ^ere  so  rude  that  in  a  great  space  they 
would  not  daiarta,  but  cryed  kill  liim;  and  so,  «rita  great  payne  and  feare 
the  aayd  Boi^e  was  conveyed  from  the  pulpit  to  the  scholehouse  in  Fowles 
Churchyard.      Ihe  Lord  Oourtney  and  the  Is "  lea  oi"    i-xecoter  otoode 

above  my  Lord  iayor,   with  Ooctor  Boanor.    .  .of  London,    4iich  were 

sore  astonyed  to  se  the  ruocur  jhomourTJ  of  the  people,  and  had  as  much 
adoe  by  their  nieanes  to  see  the  sayd  Bishop  conveyed  in  safetye  through 
the  church,   the  people  were  so  rude,         176 

In  the  traditional  life  of  Eradford,  the  incident  has  a  different  slant: 


In  the  beiTinnlns;  of  'i^een  Marie's  reign.  Bourn,  Bishop  of  Sath  made  a 
seditious  sermon  at  l^ul*c-Croose,  which  so  B.oved  the  people  to  indir'na- 
tloQ,   that  t"  ••  to  pull  him  out  of  the  Iul]it,  and  one  thjrew 

a  dat';?er  at  j       .  i  bourn  requested  «astc-r  Bradforu,  .^hc  was 

behind  him  to  stand  in  his  place,  and  to  quiet  the  people,  which  accordinf^y 
he  did;  whor^  when  the  jooplo  Ea.v,   the;/  cried,   Bradford,   Braiford,   Goi  save 
thy  life  Bradford:   Bourn  not  yet  thiaki.ir  Jiiiriself  safe,  requested  I/Rster 
Bradford  to  conve  i   e  hia.  into  the  i-fChool-Bsaster't.  house,  vhich  aecordinfjy 
he  did,  eoloi'  at  his  back,  and  shelter! ng  Mr.  from  the  peaple;   aiiereupon 
one  said  to  hir..  Ah  .'Jradfcrd,   Bradford,   Thou  savest  hlai  t/h:.t  will  heir   to 
burn  thee.     In  the  afternoon  2£aster  Bradford  preached  at  Bow-church,  aad 
sharply  r------ ■*  the  people  for  their  seditious  carria5;e:  Yt-t  within 

three  dal  .r,  he  was  sent  lor  before  the  Ooanolll,  and  charr;e<I  with 

sedition  for  this  act,  and  by  thesi  was  sent  prisoner,  first  to  the 
Power....         177 


That  last  piouB  clairvoyant  ejaculation  froia  the  crowd  sounds  apocryphal 
to  Be,     Foie  and  i\iller  are  chiefly  I'esponsible  for  the  3  rotestant  account. 


ii{87) 


178 
Foxe  treats  the  affair  as  one  ini{5ht  expect,         adding  one  detail,   that 

Bourne  spoke   "much  to  the    lero.^ation  and  disprai=;c  of  Kinr  Sdvsard,   which 

thinp;  the  people  in  no  case  could  abidej'.      Fuller  contributes  a  typically 

telling  phrase,   "the  people  Joyfully  iogerainated  with  a  loud  Toice, 

179 
Bradford,   BradforL"  and  conjectures  that  Bourne  ?sas  light  in  persecu- 

tion  because  he  was  saved  by  Bradford,         a  pleasant  postulate,     Burnet, 

following  in  this  tradition,   explains  the  crowd's  behavior  by  their  hatred 

of  Bonner,  aids  that  some  flung  stones,   contributes  a  picturesque  detail, 

that  Bourne  ducked  to  escape  the  dapger,  and  says  that  Rogers,  as  well 

as  Bradford,    "gently  quieted"  the  audience,  I  have  not  found  any 

other  evidence  that  Rogers  figured  in  the  affair;  hv  had  preached  in 

the  midst  of  the  troubles  on  16  July  a   "godly  and  vehement"  semon, 

avoiding  politics,^ 

Tvro  other  contemporary  accounts  n»ay  be  of  help  in  discovering;  what 
actually  dii  happen*     ^c  Grey  Friars'   Chronicle,   in  a  brief  notice  to 
the  episode,  differs  from  all  the  other  accounts;   it  recoris  that  Bourne 
"there  was  pullyd  owte  of  the  pulpyt  by  vacabonddes".  Eeaxj  Xachyn, 

whose  rre.ludices  seen:  usually  to  have  been  nullified  by  the  inveterate 
diarist's  honesty,  has  a   version  not  unlike  that  ol    cae   ..riothsley 
Chronicle  at  some  points: 

Ther  [was  aj    gret  up-rore  and  sho'.vtynr  at  ye  sermon,  as  yt    [were]    lyke 
mad  pepull,  watt  yonqe  pepell  and  \(onan  ]ps]   ever  was  hard,  as  herle-borle, 
and  castyng  up  of  capes    jcajs?/  ;    ^if^  my  lord  mer  and  ray  lord  Cortenay 
ad  not  ben  ther,   ther  had  bene  grett  myscheyl'f  done.         134 

185 
Observe  that  two  of  the  three  eye-vd tneos  accounts  mention  Gourtenay, 

and  that  none  of  them  mention  Piradford.     It  seems  rather  odd,   too,   that 

Bradford  should  have  been  in  the  pulpit  with  Bourne,   but  not  so  odd  as 

/3o 


ii{e8) 


that  in  such  a  situation  he  should  have  been  the  preacher's  sole  or  eTsn 
principal  i-rotection,     '.Jriothsley's  and  liachyn's  accounts  suggest  that  a 
claque  began  by  howling  down  the  preacher,   that  some  of  theiJi  tried  to  drag 
him  out  or  thepulpit,  that  a  dafger  was  throv.n  during  the   confusion,  and 
that  a   nuriiber  of  persons,  including  the  city  officers  and  Courtenay's 
attendants,  and  perhaps  Bradford,  surrounded  Bourne  and  hurried  hln-i 
off  to  the  safety  of  the  schoolhouse.     The  rest  is  eiribroidery  and  pious 
fabrication,     London  iiiay  have  been  laore  strongly  Irotestant  than  any 
other  part  of  the  realm,   but  the  same  peojle  who  had  acclaimed  Eary 
a  few  days  before  with  bells  and  bonfires  -i^ere  not  likely  to  rise  in 
v;rath  against  her  chaplain,  as  if  moved  by  a  general  infusion  of  the 
Gospel,     There  is  besides  another  weal:  point   in  the  later  i-tory,      vihy 
should  the  Londoners  have  hated  Bonner?     There  would  be  some  ground  for 
supposin"-  thev  v.'otild  hate  him  after  the  heresy  hunt,   though  even  that 
is  doubtful,   but  why  juat  then?     He  had  never  done  them  any  hants.     Only 
the  highly  unjustifiable  assuaption  that  the  audience  was  solidly  of 
the  reforming  temper  will  make  the  Bradford  story  credible,      Desides, 
we  do  not  kr.ow  what  he  sail  at  3o«-church  in  the  afternoon,  except  that 
he  condemned  sedition,     Ke  likely  condeiJied  other  things  as  well. 

But  no  matter  how  niuch  one  discounts  what  propaganda  has  made 
of  this  cTisoie,   there  ?ras  a  riot.     The  reasons  for  it  need  not  be  those 
advances   uy  -oxe  una  jii--   follo.vors,   but  others   no  loss  inoereating  and 
son.ewbat  more  satisfactory.     It  was  much  easier  to  start  a  riot  in  those 
days,  when  the  people  did  not  know  for  certain  what  #as  going  on:  they  had 
no  newsjapers,  no  radio,  they  were  not  es  carefully   "conditioned"  as  we 
are.     In  the  midst  of  a  political  crisis  they  behaved  as  Shakespeare 


/J/ 


ii(89) 


aFiong  others  describes:  they  reeled  tc  endt  fro,  swept  from  one  party  to 
another,  moved  by  i*umours,  seduced  by  shouts,  'Jfcat  else  couli  be  ex- 
pected? A  cro-^d  is  always  an  unstable  compoun!;  it  was  the  more  unstable 
then  becauee  it  lacked  the  easy  certainties  v:hich  advanced  technology 
affords, 

ii.i::;i,orians  regard  uneasily  the  influence  of  the  London  mob  upon 
the  course  of  events  during;  the  first  years  of  the  long  larlianent,  but 
those  Eobs  seen  to  have  been  directed  froia  behind  the  scenes;  at  least 
their  dtJirx)nstrations  occurred  at  moments  useful  to  the  parlieimentary 
radicals.  But  such  demonstrations  as  this  juiit  described,  thourh  perhaps 
set  off  by  disaffected,  "lowd  and  ill-disposed"  persons,  have  the 
sinple  quality  of  boisterous  uceaslnesE,  They  are  futile  siniply  because 
they  never  were  intended  to  accomplish  anything,   Phey  do  not  Indicate 
disaffection  so  auch  as  simple  uncertainty. 

The  governoent  took  iminediat©  steps  to  enforce  subiniseion. 
The  Council  .jas  juctly  alarmed,  and  as  always  hajpens  in  such  cases 
proceeded  with  sone  violence  against  the  most  blameable  authority. 
They  threatened  the  liberties  of  the  City,  and  the  City  officers,  to 
preserve  their  position,  pronised  to  take  steps  to  keep  apprentices  and 
children  in  Ev;e,  to  have  special  regard  to  the  vjstch,  and  to  apprehend 
if  they  could  *ive  or  six  of  the  rinp.leaders  In  the  riot.     The  Lord 
Kayor  offered  a  rev/ard  of  £5  for  information  leading;  to  the  arr«t;b  of  blm 
who  threw  the  dagger;  on  15  and  16  August  two  men,  r/illiam  £utter  and 
Kuiaphrey  raldexi,  vfer©  comaitted  to  prison  on  evidence  that  they  had 
spoken  again:^t  the  preacher,  though  it  is  not  clear  whether  this  was 
durim;  the  tioe  of  the  sermon,  and  a  surgeon  vho  lived  by  laul*c  was 

/3^ 


ii(90) 


set  in  the  pillory  with  his  ears  nailed  back  for  similar  naughty  obser- 

187 
vatlons.  On  the  next  Sunday,   20  Auff;ust,  the  inculcation  of  ri^ht 

doctrine  was  jTorraally  instituted,   under  iwther  forbidding  if  necessnry 

conditions.      IDr,  Ttetson,   chaplain  to  Gardiner,   --reached  at  Taul*s  Cross 

before  the  lords  of  the  Council,   the  crafts  in  their  liveries,  and 

surrounded  by  two  hundred  of  the  royal  puard,  vrf-io  "stode  there  alle  the 

sermon  t3'me  with  ther  halberttes,".      The  seinaon  v?as   "quietly  ended  'rlthout 

ise 

any  tumult,".     ".liat  account  of  the  sermon  survives  comes  from  a  letter 
of  a  certain  ii^llllar.  Dalby,  no  friend  to  the  Catholic  faith,  bat  in  spite 
of  prejudice  he  gives  the  facts. 


His  sercione  was  no  more  eloquent  than  edeflens,  I  meane  it  was  nether 
eloquent  nor  edefien,7e  In  my  oplnlone  for  he  medled  not  withe  the  OosTclle 
nor  i;pistle  nor  noe  parte  of  ocripture.  After  he  had  red  his  theano 
he  entred  into  a  by  nattere  and  so  spente  his  tyir.e  ,  4  or  5  of  the  cheefe 
poynts  of  his  sennone  that  I  cane  reiceinber  I  will...  rej'orte  unto  you: 
vilz,  he  reculrede  the  people  not  to  believe  the  preachers, ^^^  but  that 
ther  faith  should  be  firne  and  sure  because  theare  is  suche  vanetiea 
anongests  them  and  yf  any  mane  doubte  of  hln  faithe  let  hlme  goe  to  the 
Scriptures,  and  also  to  the  olde  Interpreteres  of  the  doctoree,  and 
interprite  it  not  aftere  their  owne  bi^yne,  he  vrlsshed  the  people  to  have 
no  newe  faithe,  nor  to  build  no  newe  ter.ple,  but  to  keepe  the  ould  faythe, 
and  edifye  the  ould  Temple  apiaine.  He  blace.l  the  people  in  a  manor  for 
that  heertofore  they  would  have  nothin<r  that  was  manes  tradissyone,  and 
no7je  they  can  be  contented  to  have  manes  tradlsnyon,  shewlnp:  that  in  the 
first  yeare  of  the  rainge  of  our  soveraipne  lorde  kinr  Zdward  the  6. 
theare  r,-SB  a  lawe  established  that  in  the  sacrarLente  theare  was  the  bodie 
and  blood  of  Ghrlste  not  really  but  spiritually,  anl  the  nexto  yeare 
aftere  thej-  established  another  lawe  that  theare  was  the  body  of  Christe 
nether  speritually  nor  really  .   fhes  2  in  themselves  are  contrarj'-es 
thearfor  they  cannot  be  bothe  treT/e  ,   He  shewed  that  «e  should  ground 
our  faithe  uppon  cods  word  which  Is  scripture  and  scripture  is  the 
bible  which  we  have  in  Hebnie  Greeke  and  lattine  and  nowe  translated 
into    '   '  e:  b  ut  he  ioubteth  the  translatyon  was  not  true  .   Also  he 
said  ,      hathe  byne  in  hin  tyr.e  tliat  he  hathe  seene  xx  Catechesjneses 
and  e-rexy   one  varintc  fron  other  in  ooice  points,  and  well  he  said  they 
lalghte  be  all  false  but  they  could  not  be  all  true,  and  thus  percuadln  p 
the  people  that  they  had  follo-ved  ncnes  tradinhyones  anri  had  gone  a 
straye,  wlahin  g  then,  to  come  home  agayne  and  reedefy  the  ould  Temple. 
Thus  with  many  other  persuasions  he  spente  the  tyrae  tyll  x1  of  the  cloke 
and  ended.    191 


133 


ii(<Jl) 


Even  from  tlds  helter-skelter  rerort»  it  is  clear  ho?/  astute  was  V/atson's 
atproack  to  the  problem  of  bridj^ine  the  gap  in  the  lopular  coascioue- 
ness  between  tlie  Irotestant  innovations  and  the  old  faith.     He  attacked 
the  order  just  past  at  its  weakest  point,  its  divei'sity  of  opinions,  and 
specifically  the  diversity   of  opinions  about  the  lord's  Gupper.      ?;.' l  n- 
Q  weapon  froci  the  ariuory  of  his  opponents,  he  grounded  the  faith  upon 
Scripture,  dei'bly  shifting  the  onus  of  blame  to  the  translations.     If 
the  Refonriers  had  bused  their  attack  upon  Catholicisiu  upon  the  arirument 
that  the  old  faith  was  Iciperfect  since  it  depended  upon  "manes  tradi- 
shyones",  he  could  show  that  the  varieties  of  Trotestant  doctrine  v;ere 
also  the  traditions  of  men,     lie  had  to  support  his  arrtirient  the  powerful 
liictive  of  distrust  or  change,   which  supports  arx  iastitubiou  when  nothing 
else  will.     Ihis  is  not  profound  theology,   but  it  is  excellent  persuasion, 

Ihis  course  of  edifying,  sercions,  designed  to  establish  once  more, 
though  ba  dcp;rees,   the  old   usages  end  doctrines,  was  continued  in  ser/rions 

by   Dr.    ..illiaru  Chedsey  aiia  x^eckenhad.,  and  by  Dr.    i-eston,   now  dean  of 

192 
"rfestndmiter.  The  last  of  these  willed  the  people  to  pray  for  souls 

in  piirgatory,  denounced  the  Protestant  catechiein,  and  ventured  upon  a 

slighting  reference  to   the  con-jrami on- tables  of  the  Edwardi<l8i  ritual, 

1S3 
calling  thexn  oyster-boards.  On  1£  llovember,   Jajues  Brooks,   after 

Bishop  of  Gloucester,  preached  from  Jiatthew  9.  18,  celebrating  the 

return  oi    the  realm  under  the  tutelaf,e  of  tlxe  queen  to  the  Roman  foli. 

fhe  application  of  the  Kew  i'estaiiieat  stcry  was  perhaps  a  bit  strained, 

and  was  censured  by  Irotestauta  who  objected  that  it  made  the  queen  equal 

to  Christ, ^^*     Brooks,   whoa  Jewel  called    "a  beast  of  r/iost  impure  life, 

and  yet  tore  iapui-e  conscience".  had  to  defend  one  iiajortant  point 


'J^ 


il(93) 


in  his  exposition  against  Latimer,  at  the  latter's  examination  in  1555, 
Latimer  argued  on  that  occasion  that  the  Bishops  of  Home  had   turned  r'lle 
according  to  the  word  of  God  into  rule  accordin,^;  to  their  own  pleasure, 
and  contended  that  Brooks,  in  this  sermon,  had  imposed  upon  the  new  11 s- 
pensation  the  rif^t  rej^ere  in  the  power  of  the  Levites  as  laid  down  in 
Deuteronoiay,     Brooks  replied  that  if  in  the  old  law  the  priests  had  poT»er 
to  decide  matters  of  controversy,   the  same  power  ought  to  reside  in  the 

priests  of  the  new  law.     Latimer  insisted  that  he  meant  they  mipht  decide 

196 

matters  of  religion  according  to  their  ovm  will  and  not  the  word  of  God. 

•But  the  men  who  might  have  contended  with  the  official  preachers 
upon  such  terms  were  in  prison,  and  what  opposition  there  was  to  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  old  faith  was  channeled  either  into  such  abortive 
risings  at  rfyatt'a  in  the  early  part  of  1554,  or  issued  in  strange  sur- 
reptitious fashion,  in  deeds  in  which  zeal  and  charlatan! src,  wrath  and 
mischief  are  inextricably  blended.   Fnere  are  notices  of  some  such  acti- 
vities ivhich  find  their  wsy  into  the  history  of  It-ul's  Cross;  as  one 
considers  them  it  is  proper  to  remember  tliat  they  indicate  popular 
opposition  to  the  liiatch  with  Ihilip  of  Spain,  decided  upon  tn  Dctober 
155o,  arranged  for  durinp  the  early  ~.onths  of  1554  and  solCiTjiized  on  25 
Ji^y*  just  as  much  or  more  than  simple  objection  to  Catholicism,  Here 
berinc  that  distrust  of  Spain  -.vhich  was  the  dominant  motive  in  English 
politics  lor  t.-v'0  genera Glons,  and  vHilch   cropped  up  again  upon  a  very 
important  occasion  in  the  1620 *s. 

rhe  first  of  these  episodes,  however,  i^  simply  an  act  of  mis- 
chievous irreverence,  blaspher.ouE;  and  obscene.  Early  iiunday  morning, 
8  April  lo54,  there  was  aiscoverea  naiigin^.  on  o.\t;  {n'QtiL,  la   '/iieapside  a 


/3i 


197 


ii(93) 


a  dead  cat,  vrLth  shaven  crown  and  a  vrafer-like  object  in  its  mouth, 
naie  llko  a  rrlcst  celebrotinc  the  5iass.     Tbe  thirir^  -vras  at  once  taken. 
dovni,  and  exhibited  during  the  semon  at  I'aul'o  Cross  preached  the  same 
laornins  by  Dr.  Henry  Pendleton,  canon  of  St.   Faiil's  and  chaplain  to 
Bonner,  who  vnis  once  more  bishop  of  the  dlocesp.     A  revjard  of  20  nobles 
was  ofxcred  for  the  apprehension  of  the  culprit,   but  it  was  not  collected. 
Tliis  sort  of  enorirdty  may  be  thought  peculiar  to  these  tiiaes,   but  the 

spirit  of  it  did  not  die  fror.  controversy.     In  1571  Dr.   John  Bridges 

198 

usGerGca  tiist  a  priest  at  I'saso  is  like  a  cat  with  a  nouse,   eating  Christ, 

199 
The  roots  of  this  blasphemy  bj'  analof^r  vvith  animals         ro  deep  into  the 

folk  consciousness;    they  have  not  to  ir^  knotvledge  been  studied  to  any 

purpose  by  the  students  of  i*elicioUi>  syiabollsn.     Duc)i  ideas  reach  the 

surface  only  in  times  of  crisis,  find  expression  j^erhaps  in  a  wood-cut 

as  stv^^estive  as  an  obscene  drawing  on  a  ?js11,  and  pass  off  into  metaphor 

to  die. 

Dr.   Pendleton  preached  again  at  the  Cross  on  10  June,  and  on 
tliat  occasion  vrent  in  danger  of  his  life,  for  soiueone  fired  upon  him 
either  from  the  crov;d  or  from  one  of  the  houses  by  the  churchyard,*' 
The  would-be  assassin  remained  undiscovered,  T'endloton  may  have  con- 
mended  the  project  of  the  queen's  marriage  with  Ihilip^  it  is  clear  that 
disaffected  persons  (some  of  \Aom  may  have  been  Catholics)  were  prepared 
at  this  time  to  use  any  means  to  stir  up  popular  antagonism  to  the  match, 
Terhapa  follo^rtng  the  precedent  of  the  Nun  of  Kent,  "diverse  lewd  persons" 
promoted  a  pious  fraud,  usinj  as  agent  a  c?irl  named  Elizabeth  Croft,  who 
was  called  "the  whyte  byrde,  or  the  byrie  that  spake  in  th'    wall", 
fhc  little  conspiracy  vvas  discovered,  and  on  iLi  July  the  girl  did  penance 


/  3t 


ii(94) 


at  Paul's  Gross, 


where  she  confessed,  that  she  bein^  mooved.  by  diverse  lewd  persons  there- 
unto, had  ufon  the  fourteenth  of  I&irch  last  before  r,«s3ed,  counterfeited 
certeine  speaches  in  an  house  ivlthout  Aldresgate  of  London,   through  the 
which  the  people  of  the  \-4iole  citie  nere  v.-onderfullie  molested,  for  that 
all  r.ien  irdght  heare  the  voice,   but  not  see  hir  person,     aoiii©  said  it  was 
an  nni^ell,   some  a  voice  from  heaven,   sone  the  TIolie-,T,host,   &c.     This  vjas 
called  the  spirit  in  the  uall;   shee  !iad  laine  whistling  in  a  straa^^e 
whistle  iBade  for  that  purpose,  'Aich  was  given  hir  by  one  Di-akea:   ther 
where  diverse  companions  confederat  vdth  hir,  which  rutting  thesnselves 
aj3ion;'?:st  the  presse,   tooke  upon  theiu  to  interpret  what  the  spirit  said, 
expressing  certeine  seditious  T7ords  against  the  queene,  the  prince  of 
Spainc,   the  aasse  ,   and  confession.,   te.  202 


This  Drakes  isas  a   servant  of   "oir  Anthony 'Sj".    viho  V£iy  have  been  a  priest. 
The  girl  v/ept  pitifully,  asked  forgiveness  of  Ocrl  and  Biercy  of  the  queen, 
and  confessed  that  she  participated  in  the  fraud  in  the  hope  of  "iaany  good 
things  given  her".  fhe  sermon  on  the  penance  was  preached  by  John 

a^yiranesley ,  Archdeacon  of  London,  vAo  was  reputedly  one  of  the  natural 
children  of   "old  parson  Sava^ie"  of  Davenhaju,  and  brother  to  Bonner. 

Froifi  the  same  religious  underworld  which  prcsnpted  these  futile 
and  silly  protests  came  three  other  outbreaks  in  the  next  year.      Co  19 
llay  1555  tivo  women  did  penance  at  laul's  Cross  for  promoting  a  fraud  not 
diasirrdlnr  to  the  Croft  affair.     They  had  affirmed  that  a  new^brown  child 

had  spoken  niraculously,    rrcrhesylnp;  the  apocalypse.     Latrr  in  the  year 
two  Eien  were  punished,  ror  railing  ana  slander,   performed  about  Taul's 
Gross,  ^4 

Kdfr's  marriage  with  Philip,  i^hich  was  the  political  sanction  for 
the  reconciliation  '.rtth  Rome,  was  performed  1n  "^nly  1554,     Proiiiptly  the 
preachers  u.&     aul'a  Oroiijs  ^vere  set  to  proclci;    i-^s  virtues  and  advantages 
to  the  multitude.     On  29  July  Harpsfield  prayed  there  publicly  for  the 


/37 


ii(95) 


kinc  and  queer.,  aad  on  50  Se]:t6irJ>er  Gardiner  preached  tliere  what  was 
prestujiably  the  first  seriaon  since  the  inarriage  vihich  set  clearly  before 
the  people  the  implications  of  the  new  political  ani  ecclesiastical  dis- 
pensation, and  delivered  the  duties  which  the  alliance  with  Spain  ail   the 
return  to  the  old  faith  necessarily  involved. 


First,  he  prayed  for  the  kynge  and  quen,  and  for  fruits  of  them;   secondly 
for  the  spirialty    (cicj,  ia  e;E;p£cialle  for  the  byshope  of  London.,., 
thirdly,   for  the  sowles  departyd  and  yeate  reinayne,,,,  205 

Speaking  very  much  of  love  and  charity,  at  last  he  had  occasion,,,. 
to  speek  of  the  true  teachers,  and  of  the  false  teachers;   saying,  that  all 
the  preachert;  almost  in  King  Edward's  ttfi,  preached  nothinf;  but  volurtuous- 
ness,  and  filthy  ani  blat:>phe:.'iouE  lies;   affirridn,'    their  doctrine  to  be  that 
false  doctrine  whereof  ot.   James  speaketh;    saying,   that  it  vias  full  of 
perverue  zt«l,   earthly,   full  of  discord  and  dissension,    that  the  pr--^aehers 
aforeneji.ed  ivould  report  aothin«.;  truly,  and  that  they   taught,,  that  it  was 
lawfiil  for  a  iian  to  put  sway  his  wife  for  adultery,  and  la&rry  another; 
that  ir  Q  man  vov,-od  today,  he  udght  break  it  ton.orrow  at  his  pleasure: 
with  Fiany  obhur  things  v/hich  I  omit.     And  when  he  spake  of  the  sacrament, 
he  said,   that  all  the  church  from  the  beginning  have  confessed  Christ's 
natural  body  to  be  in  heaven,  and  here  to  be  '  n  the  sacran.ent;   and  so  con- 
cluded  that  inatter.     And  then  willed  all  aen  t-o  say  with  Joseph's  brethren, 
"Feccavimus  in  fratreni":    "^e  have  sinned  against  our  brother":  —   "end 
BO,"  said  he,    "have  I    too."     fhen  he  declared  what  a  noble  king  and 
queen  we  have,  sayin,^,   that  if  he  should  go  about  to  show  that  the  king 
came  hither  for  no  necessity  or  need,  and  what  he  had  brouf,ht  with  him, 
it  should  be  superfluous,   seeing  it  is  evidently  knov/n,    that  he  hath 
teii  times  as  much  as  we  are  in  hope  and  possession  of;  affirffiing  fclr.  to 
be  as  wise,    sober,  gentle,  and  temperate  a  prince,  as  ever  y«s  in  /nrland, 
and  if  it  were  not  so  proved,  then  to  take  him  for  a  false  liar  for     is 
so  saying:   exhortine  all  mea  to  rake  &uch  of  hin,  and  to  v«ia  hlBi  viiilat 
we  had  him;  and  so  should  we  also  win  all  such  as  he  hath  brought  with 
hiDU     And  so  made  an  end,  206 


Phe  ola  xox  had  lot-t  none  of  Ids  cuiming,  though  daiiiQf.;od  by  illness,  and 
no.v  full  of  honours.     Shrewd  indeed  was  the  praise  of  Ihilip,  shrewd 
because  for  the  laost  part  so  negative.      Gardiner  knew  well  enough  th«t 
lingllshZien':.  chief  foar  ^;as  that  they  i;ii£,ht  loct    their  vjorldly  goo...   i.... 
tlie  Spaniards,  and  he  soiight  to  reassui-e  the/a  by  affiraing  that  the 
rapacious  follo-ers  of  a  temperate  prince  would  not  bother  to  pick  up  what 


/3i 


ii(96) 


sxnall  spoil  £.ngland  afforded. 

Tet  anotiier  official  act  waited  to  be  published  at  Paul's  Cross. 
Cardinal  lole,  .vho  as  papal  legate  «as  to  bear  the  news  to  isngland  of 
the  reconciliation  with  th©  Holy  See,  had  been  delayed  by  Charles  V  in 
the  perforxaauce  of  his  embassy  until  the  emroror  v^ss  assured  of  the  con- 
summation Ox  the  inarriage.  lole  finally  arrivea  la  i  ovfe.Jjtr  1054,  and  on 

28  November  delivered  his  message  with  legatine  authority  to  the  king  and 

207 
queen  in  parlisiisnt.     On  2  December  the  good  news  Tms   proclainied  at 

Paul*s  Gross,  jxo:  u  t,i.ectacular  procession  and  a  sermon  by  Gardiner. 


Sunday  the  2  of  December  Cardinal  Poole  cauie  froin  Lambeth  by  water,  and 
landed  at  Faules  wharf e,  and  «ent  from  thence  to  laules  Churche,  \«ith 
a  crosse,  £  pill&rs,  and  2  pollaxes  of  sylver  borne  before  liim.  He  was 
there  receaved  by  the  Lord  Chauncellor  ^CardinerJ  with  procesuion;  where 
he  taried  tyll  the  king  came  from  iVestminstre  by  land,  at  xi  of  the  clock* 
And  then  the  lord  Chauncellor  entred  laules  crosse  and  preached  a  sermon,.. 
In  vjhich  sermon  he  declared  that  the  King  and  ;,ueen  had  restored  the  lope 
to  his  suireBiacie;  and  that  the  ii  estates  assenbled  in  the  larliament 
(representimre  the  whole  bodie  of  the  realme)  had  submitted  themselves 
to  the  sarie.    206 


One  caxmot  help  wondering  what  Ihilip  must  have  thought  as  he  remembered 
this  occasion  thirty  years  after.  He  was  not  apt  to  perceive  ironies. 

V^e  have,  fortunately,  a  more  full  account    than  the  foregoing 
of  these  proceedings,  an  account  which  demonstrates  how  effectively 
Gardiner,  preacUine  his  last  sermon  at  the  Crocs,  rose  to  the  occasion. 


And  so  the  kynges  majesty  and  my  Lord  cardinall,  v;yth  all  the  lordes  of 
the  privy  counsell  beiuge  preseute,  with  suche  an  audience  of  people  as 
was  never  seene  in  that  place  before,  oy  lorde  chauncellor  entered  J ole 
crosse.  Ani   after  that  the  people  ceased,  that  so  rr.uch  k3  a  whispering; 
could  not  be  hearde  emongst  them,  more  then  emongst  those  of  whome  the 
poet  Yirrile  cpeaiitth,  Continuere  oj'-nti.o  intcnbinut^i-a  tcncbant.  but 
every  bent©  hartelye  wyth  eares  to  here,  eyes  to  perceave,  and  bandes 
to  vvryte,^^^  hie  lordshyr  preceded,  and  tooke  to  hys  tbeaiL  these  wordes 
of  the  epystle  oT  that  daye,  wrytten  by  saynte  laule  the  holye  apostle 
in  the  xiii.  chavter  to  the  Romaynes,  i'ratres.  HCientes  quia  hora  est 
Jeua  nos  de  doxr.no  surRere,  whyche  parcell  of  scripture  was  so  r.oolye  and 
sc  clearkelye  handeled  by  him,  ae  no  manne  alyve  (all  flattery  ioutles 

/2^ 


U(97) 

set  aparte)  was  able  to  meande  it. 

He  appealed  to  his  hearers  to  return  to  the  old  faith,  held  in  England 


until  kinf;  Henry  the  eifrht  toke  on  hs'ia  to  be  supreine  head  of  the  church, 
Froifi  whych  tyme  unto  the  raygne  of  the  quenes  majestie  that  novf  is,  his 
lordshippe  declared  what  Mseries,  what  calamities,  what  sorrowes,  and 

griefes  England  had  sustained. 


Aaiong  these  sorrows  and  griefs  Gardiner  cannily  included  the  debasing  of 

21 1 

the  coinage  and  consequent  rise  in  prices  during  the  precedinc  rei^n. 
Amid  the  silence  and  the  silver  "pollaxes"  the  Lord  Chancellor  was  still 
the  realist.  He  went  on  to  deplore 

what  aboialnable  heresyes,  what  synistratf?}  and  erronious  opinions  were 
in  iinglande  without  anye  restreynt  taught  and  receaved....  rhese,  wyth 
manye  other  notable,  yea,  and  lamentable  lessons,  to  lonjo  here  to  be 
rehersed,  hys  lordshypje  there  declared,  whyehe  reoved  a  g-reate  nombre 
of  the  audience  with  sorro-vf  ull  syghes  and  wepynge  teares  to  chaunge 
theyr  cheez'e.... 

He  declared  also,  how  xix.  yeares  agoe,  at  that  tyme  when  the  in- 
surrecion  in  the  north  of  Anglande  in  defence  of  religion,  that  King 
Henry  the  eyt^ht  was  adnded  to  have  geven  over  the  supremacy  to  the  poises 
hclinas,  but  the  leat  therof  was  thea  because  he  thou^hte  it  would  be 
sayed  it  shoulde  have  been  done  for  peace.  lie  declared  also  how  the  said 
king  sente  him  and  ser  Henry  tjiyvet,  knyghte,  to  the  emperoure,  exhorting 
him  imperial  cajestie  to  be  intcrcessour  for  him  to  the  pope  to  receyve 
the  supreiaacye;  but  it  tooke  none  effect,  because  the  time  was  not.  He 
declared  further,  howe  in  Kinge  Mwardes  dayes  the  counsell  were  once 
mynded  co  have  the  pope  restored  to  the  supreBjacy,  but  the  let  therof 
in  those  dayes  was  because,  as  it  was  supposed,  it  v/ould  have  been  sayd 
t)iat  the  rouLue  could  not  be  defended  durynge  the  kynges  ininoritie 
without  the  popes  adsistaunce. 


rhese  are  important  revelations.  Of  Gardiner's  good  faith  in  publishing 
theis  there  is  little  doubt;  one  way  accuse  him  of  no  more  than  a  dis- 
ingenuous desire  to  i^veal  these  state  secrets  at  the  time  most  useful 
for  Ms  lurposes.  There  is  little  to  surprise  the  student  of  Henry's 
foreign  policy  in  the  first  of  these  disclosures.  It  illustrates  that 
nice  balance  of  expediency  and  bluff  which  characterized  all  of  Henry's 


11(98) 


dealings  nlth  European  powers;  It  must  be  emphasized  that  for  Henry  and 
his  advisers  the  pope  was  a  Europeaa  power  before  he  was  the  keeper  of 
the  keys.  As  for  the  state  secret  from  the  reiga  of  Edward,  \^ich  nay 
be  dated  nlth  some  confidence  about  1549-50,  it  seems  evident  that  a 
party  in  the  Council  were  consideii.nf  even  a  reconciliation  vfith  Rome 
to  avoid  the  peril  in  'iiriiich  the  kingdom  stood  diplomatically.  In  this 
period  as  in  our  own  time,  English  policy  was  determined  by  the  realities 
of  a  strong  navy  and  a  weak  land  force.  The  defence  of  the  Island  rested 
upon  the  bottoms  ufcich  Henry  VIII  had  set  down  with  the  funds  from  the 
spoliation  of  the  houses  of  religion;  but  the  exigencies  of  attack  de- 
pended upon  a  a  artiy  larger  and  better  equipped  than  any  Tiiiioh  could  be 
developed  out  of  the  nucleus  of  the  trained  bands  or  the  dregs  of  the 
old  feudal  levies.  In  this  suggestion  for  an  alliance,  ignoring  religion, 
with  an  Italian  power,  one  may  perhaps  discern  dimly  the  subtle  voice  of 
Cecil,  at  that  time  winning  his  spurs  in  discussion  around  the  council 
table. 

Be  that  as  It  may,  Gardiner,  having  established  with  the  rory*s 
desire  for  continuity  the  historical  necessity  of  the  reccnciliatlon  with 
Rome,  proceeded  to  declare 


how  the  queues  majestie  at  her  coronacyon  thou^bte  for  to  have  restored 
the  popes  holsrnes  to  his  supremacy,  but  the  tyme, .,  was  not  then.  But 
now...  the  tyme  is...  that  the  klnges  and  queues  majesties  have  restored 
our  holy  father  the  jope  to  his  supremacy,  and  the  thre  estates  assembled 
in  the  parliament,  representing  the  whole  body  of  thys  noble  empire  of 
England  and  draninions  of  the  same,  have  submitted  themselves  to  his 
holynes,  and  nis  successours  for  ever. 


He  ].nibli8hed  how  the  cardinal  and  full  and  ample  commiesion  from  the 
pope  to  bless  the  realm  of  lilngland. 


li(99) 


and  here  also  he  declared,  howe  muche  boanda  Englande  is  to  thanke  Gk>d, 
who  of  his  diviae  providence  hath  appointed  sache  a  godlye  and  vertuous 
prynce  as  the  kynre  that  now  is,  he  beinge  sonne  to  soo  victorious  and 
inost  riche  an  emperour,  and  he  beinge  also  so  riche  a  prince  hiiaself ,  to 
joyne  in  mariape  with  the  quenes  majestie,  vdio  for  the  moat  hartye  love 
that  he  had  to  her  hyghnes,  lefte  his  owne  countreys,  realaes,  and  regions, 
to  strengthen  hir  most  noble  grace,  and  to  enriche  her  empyre  of  Englande, 

After  this,  England  was  officially  part  of  Catholic  Christendoia, 
and  a  partner  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Hapsburgs,  Two  further  sermons  at 

the  Cross  in  that  December  inculcated  the  orthodox  doctrines  of  purgatory 

212 
and  of  the  sacraitient  of  the  altar.     On  26  Kay  1555,  Dr.  Chedsey  pro- 

claijned  froti  that  pulpit  a  procession  and  prayer  for  peace  vrith  France, 

and  in  the  same  month  another  sermon  was  preached  on  the  same  theme.  On 

15  Septeiaber  the  pope's  bull  of  plenary  remission  for  the  sins  of  heretical 

England  was  published  at  the  Cross,  and  early  in  1557  Cardinal  Pole's 

instructions  for  confession  and  fasting  were  there  published.  On  15 

August  1557  Londoners  took  part  In  a  Paul's  Cross  ceremony  celebrating 

213 
the  victory  of  the  imperial  forces  at  3t.  ^uentin.     Thus  in  a  few 

fugitive  notations  in  diaries  and  chronicles  persists  the  memory  of  an 

unhappy  and  unsuccessful  marriage  and  an  unrealistic  and  uneasy  alliance. 

The  chronicle  of  Paul's  Cross  exhibits  little  of  the  dealings  with 
heretics  which  have  made  the  reign  notorious.  The  course  taken  with  the 
flBrried  clergy  of  the  Edwardi^jR  establishment  finds  its  way  into  the 
record,  and  there  is  more  than  one  notice  of  the  penance  of  married 
priests, ^^*  tinder  the  ruling  of  clerical  celibacy  about  one-quarter 
of  the  incumbents  of  iinglond  end  Wales  were  deprived.  The   greater  number 
of  these  were  able  to  re-enter  their  livings  by  putting  away  their  wives, 
and  by  performing  public  penance  for  their  offence, '^^^ 


/^A 


ii(lOO) 

One  echo  of  the  controversy  which  has  raged  over  Foxe's  con- 
dennatlon  of  Bonner  as  a  malignant  persecutor  of  Irotestants  appears  in 
this  record.     On  26  May  1555  Dr.   Chedsey,  acting  under  the  usual  instructions 
from  the  ordinary  while  preaching  in  the  }-anl»3  Cross  pulpit,  read  a 
"declaration"  apparently  designed  to  clear  Bonner  from  the  charge  that 
he  wilfully  persecuted  heretics  without  authority  or  by  stretching  what 
authority  resided  in  him  as  Bishop  of  London.     The  preacher  announced  that 
Bonner  had  receired  upon  the  Friday  preceding  t^o  letters  from  the  court, 
one  from  the  Council  eonceraing  procession  and  prayer  for  peace  with 
France,  the  other  from  the  king  and  queen  "for  the  charitable  instruction 
and  reformation  of  heretics,  if  they  irould  amend,  and  for  their  punlshaient 
if  they  would  be  wilful  and  obstinate," 

And  whereas  by  these  letters,  coming  fi-om  the  king's  and  queen's  inajesties, 
it  appeareth  that  their  najesties  do  charge  iny  lord  bishop  of  London  an? 
the  rest  of  the  bleeps  with  remissness  and  negligence  in  instructing  the 
people  infected  Y?i  th  heresy.   If  they  will  be  tauf-Jit,  and  in  punishing 
them  if  they  -jidll  be  obstinate  and     vdlful,  ye  shall  understand  that  my 
lord  bishop..,,   for  his  part,  offereth  himself  to  do  therein  his  duty  to 
the  uttermost;   giving  your  knowledge  that  he  hath  sent  to  all  the  jrisons 
of  the  city  to  know  Krtiat  persons  are  there  for  heresy,  and  by  whose 
coBonandaent :  and  that  he  will  travail  and  take  pain  with  all  that  be  of 
his  jurisdiction  for  their  airieniment ;   and  sorry  he  is  that  any  is  in  jrison 
for  any  such  laatter.     And  he  willed  me  to  tell  you,  that  he  is  not  so  cruel 
or  hasty  to  send  men  to  prison  as  some  be  -»  slanderous  and  wilful  to  do 
naught,  and  lay  their  faults  on  other  nen's  shoulders,         216 

It  is  not  necessary  to  agree  with  Foxe  that  this  was  a  transparent 
subterfuge,  designed  to  shift  the  blame  for  the  bishop's  enormities  upon 
the  court,     fhere  is  little  doubt  that  the  blaitie  rests  upon  the  court, 
though  to  say  this  is  not   to  accuse  Mary  of  cruelty  but  only  of  a  single- 
mindedneas  more  Spanish  than  Tudor,     Moreover  this  document,   if  taken 
without  prejudice,   servos  to  indicate  that  many  of  the  iinprisonmants  and 
e^raminations  for  heresy  were  initiated  more  by  interested  parties  than 


11(101) 


by  the  ordinary  himself  or  >ds  officials.  Joxe  makes  Bonner  the  ecape- 
goat  in  the  diocese  of  london;  behind  his  fulitiiimtlons  is  to  discerned, 
dimly  like  so  many  hidden  things  in  his  great  book,  the  lineaments  of  an 
embairassing  chaos,  in  which  men  accused  one  another  with  the  reckless- 
ness of  zeal  or  the  calculation  of  ;olicy. 

If  this  searmon  gives  us  a  olue  to  the  complicated  question  of 
responsibility  for  the  execution  of  the  acts  de  haeretico  comburendo. 
another  sesion  at  the  Cross  in  1556,  by  Feckenham,  illustrates  the  state 
of  opinion  aiiioag  some  of  the  ccndeiuned.  On  14  June  of  that  year  feckenham 

declared  that  the  thirteen  heretics  condetmed  t*o  days  before  to  be  burned 

217 

for  their  opinions  "had  as  many  sundry  opinions  as  they  were  sundry  persons," 

rhie  has  alirays  been  an  effective  argument  to  denigrate  the  Reformation 
sects,  but  on  this  occasion  the  martyrs  determined  to  try  a  rejoinder, 
"A  letter  or  Apology  of  the  Uartyrs,  purging  themselves  of  the  false 
Slander  of  Kaster  li'ecknam,'*  which  reposed,  with  so  many  other  fugitive 
documents,  in  the  cabinet  of  John  Foxe,     If  this  document  is  exanilned 
in  due  perspective,  it  becomes  appai^ent  tliat  Feckeahani*s  contention,  if 
not  true  exactly,  vras  so  f&r  true  that  the  articles  to  which  the  condemned 
found  thenselves  able  to  subscribe  in  common  contain  some  interesting 
variations  of  doctrine,  which,  submitted  to  free  discussion  among  the 
faithf'il,  could  scarcely  have  failed  to  breed  dissension.   Phey  declared 
that  they  were  condemned  "for  the  most  pure  and  sincere  truth  of  Christ's 
verity,"  and  listed  six  articles  of  belief,  of  which  the  first,  after 
asserting  their  baptism  into  the  faith  of  Christ's  church,  concluded  with 
the  statement  of  the  validity  of  the  baptism  independent  of  the  good  or 
evil  in  the  officiating  minister.  Phis  was  the  doctrine  of  the  church 


J^'4 


ii{102) 

catholic,  and  if  these  martyrs  held  it  they  held  to  the  traditional 
concertlon  oi'  the  irqrstical  body  of  Christ.     But  they  proceeded  to  affirm 
that  in  the  church  are  but  two  sacraraeats,  of  baptism  and  of  the  Lord»s 
supper,  containing  the  faith  in  two  testaments,   the  law  and  the  gos]~el, 
and  ttfflt  there  is  a  visible  church,   though  it  is  not  credited,  confirmed 
by  the  death  of  saints.     Now  although  these  are  not  radical  doctrines, 
they  must  have  had  for  the  iJarlan  divines  a  radical  sound;   to  assert  the 
existence  of  a  visible  church,  into  which  the  believer  is  baptized  "in 
the  faith  in  which  we  continue,"  which  althoup:h  not  credited  is  the  re- 
positary  of  Christ's  truth  was  in  those  days  without  wore  elaboration 
to  condenin  oneself  an  Anabaptist,     iVhen  the  brethren  went  on  to  affirm 
that  the  see  of  Rome  was  the  see  of  Anticlirlst,  and  that  the  nass  was  a 
blaspheiaous  idol,   they  were  perhaps  goinj^  no  further  than  the  generalty 
of  ardent  Jrotastants;   but  they  asserted,   in  their  final  article,   the 
Zwinglian  doctrine  of  the  sacrament,   repudiating  specifically  both  the 
doctrines  of  transubstantiation  and  of  spiritual  presence.     Each  of 
these  articles  was  potentially  a  source  of  division;  only  the  Edwardian 
church  could  possibly  have  embraced  persons  believing  in  all  of  then, 
and  even  then  some  definition  of  what  was  meant  by  baptisn  in  the  faith 
and  by  the  visible  church  viould  have  been  necessary  to  remove  discord  or 
the  shadow  of  the  stake. 


/'/t> 


Ill 


THB  ESTAaLISaaSNT:   SLIZLABSTH 


Thoa^  for  no  other  cause,  yet  for  thl:^;  that  posterity  nay  know 
we  have  not  loo?«ly  throufii  silence  permitted  things  to  peas  a  vay  as  in 
a  dream,  there  shall  be  for  men's  information  extant  thus  much  concerning 
the  present  state  of  the  Church  of  God  established  Tmongst  us,  and  their 
careful  endeavour  which  would  hive  upheld  the  same. 

Hooker,  Preface  to  iiccleslastlcal 
?oli4y« 


Two  thin;  8  there  be  which  greatly  trouble  these  later  times: 
one  that  the  Church  of  iioma  cannot,  another  that  GeneTS  will  not  erra* 

Hooker,  MS.  note  on  Clirlsti'n  Letter. 


^C> 


lil{2) 


It  has  been  agreed  that  the  Slizabethan  church  was  within  certain 
limitations  a  settled  and  solid  institution.   The  church  historlens  have 
understandably  emphp.slzed  this  aspect  of  events  by  contrast  with  the 
uneasy  times  preceding*  and  the  disaster  to  follow.   Surveyed  in  proper 
perspective  the  Klliobethan  church  i.°  consnieuous  neither  for  holiness 
nor  efficiency,  but  for  endurance  and  e  remarkable  stability.   It 
remains  a  monument  of  stubborn  yet  valuable  Imperfection,  n   slowly 
developing,  sluggish  but  dependable  orf  nism,  easy  ami  broHd  In  its 
canniehenslveneBS,  successful  by  its  very  snomallGS,  typically  Snglish 
In  ell  those  characteristics. 

Ml  of  these  impressions  are  true.  The  claws  of  crisis  were 
pared,  zeal  was  diluted,  fanaticlsn  cooled,  violence  atrophied.  Sunday 
after  ounday  the  persons  road  the  services  from  Cranmer's  great  Book; 
the  dignified  yet  supple  phrase?  j;ank  Into  the  popular  consciousness  to 
form  an  ine^faceble  pattern  of  sober  ;?race.  Little  by  little  the  ancient 
religious  traditions  of  the  parlLh,  drawing  their  strenfrth  as  always 
from  tombs  and  chancels,  growing  In  the  shadows  of  -.  thousand  little 
opires,  ^came  pettled  nfter  the  Interlude  of  violence,  and,  tolerated 
by  the  comprehensive  discipline,  provided  thit  continuity  with  the  good 
old  dayc  without  xhich  no  institution  csn  hone  to  flourish.  The  drone 
of  the  ho-  lllee  replr<ced  the  mutter  of  the  mass.  Babies  we^e  christened, 
Komen  churched,  even  the  recusants  and  llberl  In^^e  turned  out  for  aster 
coDsnunion;  a  ganeretlon  was  committed  to  the  ground  In  the  comber  sim- 
plicity of  the  English  service.  Son  aacoeaded  Tath^^r  In  the  responsi- 
bilities of  the  churchwarden,  and  men  grew  old  and  full  of  tales  as 
sextons  and  bell-rin^rers,  A  generation  arose  nurtured  upon  the  <'.BC, 


/^7 


.■..\ 


lii(3) 

a  generation  of  men  who  flnpered  their  Bibles  instead  of  their  beads.   In 
all  places  the  preacher's  voice  was  heard,  in  season  and  oat  of  Beason, 
anfojrcing  the  stem  doctrines  of  the  via  media,  Sngland  became  ^ji^llcan. 

It  in  not  only  this  picture  of  an  Snpland  resting  idyllically  in 
the  lap  of  nhat  seems  to  us  a  kindlier  time  which  impresses  the  historians. 
They  survey  the  .cts  of  Uniformity  and  3upre^:6cy,  sftaing  there  that 
political  wisdom  which  insists  upon  po   little  but  inoists  intensely  upon 
the  sseentlals.   In  those  docuioents  the  etudent  finis  foundations,  finds 
an  interpretation  of  the  Kingllah  constitution  partaking  at  once  of  the 
Henriclan  revolution  and  of  a  spirit  of  comproniise  as  old  as  the 
Heptarchy.  He  observes  that  these  documenta  etlll  control  some  virile 
and  important  elements  of  xinplo-Saion  culture,  and  conclud«5s,  however 
cautiously,  that  the  lizabethan  compromise  represents  one  aspect  of 
the  "folk",  that  it  la  natural,  growing  Inevitably  In  that  .~oil,  the 
plsntinc  of  wise  men  who  perceived  and  unoerstood  the  prinoiplos  by 
which  the  -Onglleh  nation  exists,  a  nation  which  insists  upon  yet  circum- 
vents protocol,  a  netion  which  is  proud  of  its  eonstlt-jtion  but  has 
never  written  it  down,  which  always  hides  its  revolutions  under t he 
nantle  of  tradition. 

These  ajre  the  sober  Judgmen'c  which  transmit  to  us  the  Elizabethan 
establishment  as  a  work  o  art,  a  finished  and  tranquil  parcel  of  England's 
herltae«.  They  are  the  fruits  of  meditation  In  the  ccxnmon  rooms  of  many 
an  ancient  and  noble  foundation,  of  evening  7?alks  in  'uany  a  cathedral 
close.   The  historian  of  Paul's  Cross  must  regretfully  forsake  these 
certainties;  he  is  on  the  firing  line;  he  observes  the  outwarfts  of  this 
bastion  which  the  historians,  with  a  Jcind  of  scholarly  prlraltlvlsm,  have 


ili(4) 


described  for  posterity,   t  Paul's  Cross  the  preachers  peer  out  from 
the  hardly-won  fortress,  and,  blessing  their  gracious  queen,  survey  the 
desolation  waste  and  wild  of  the  papist  world,  casting  by  tlraes  an 
uneasy  ilaace  at  the  ze^ilots  boring  within,  shuddering  at  the  worldli- 
ness  of  the  tines,  and  eallin?  dovn  the  wrath  of  an  angi*y  God  upon  all 
who  would  overturn  the  righteous  order  e«tabliahed.  The  fulminatlons 
of  these  warriors  of  Anglieanian  militant  present  at  first  reading  no 
consistent  pattern;  situations  are  dealt  with  -js  they  arise,  incoberendes 
flourish;  there  are  bewildering  Tarieties  of  opinion  and  degrees  of 
zeal.  Yet  as  the  years  p»sR  the  preachers  are  easier  to  classify;  a 
standard  emerges  by  which  they  may  be  Judged.  The  .stablishment  begins 
to  claim  her  own,  and  the  preachers  begin  self-consciously  to  speak  from 
a  dlstinctiye  platfoiTB,  end  to  insist  upon  the  fruitfulness  of  a  church 
blessed  by  long-continued  peece  and  piety.   In  the  fullness  of  time  the 
Elizabethan  church  brought  forth  hichard  Hooker. 

The  chronicler  of  Paul's  Cross,  then,  must  begin  by  recording  a 
series  of  battles  in  the  course  of  idiich  as  baiaTcred  out  a  theolo?-y,  a 
polity,  a  system  of  homiletios  and  e  pattern  of  exegesis.  But  as  one 
gathers  from  this  sermon  and  that  the  i^iaterials  of  a  system,  the 
differences  between  this  pulpit  and  other  pulpits  continue  to  defeat 
coherence.  The  Paul's  Cross  sermons  reflect  faithfully  the  perils  and 
triumphs  of  Elizabeth's  policies.   The  preacher  may  be  officially 
inspired  or  even  directed  in  detail,  or  he  msy  be  so  hed^'ed  about  with 
warnings  in  time  of  crisis  that  his  utterance  may  be  of  pious  irrelevRnce 
ezaspsratiag  in  the  extreme.  T^hat  w^s  said  at  Paul's  Cross  war  always 
Important,  and  what  was  not  said.  Under  these  circumstances  one  cannot 
expect  from  the  preachers,  even  at  critical  times,  "slgnifissnt"  sermona. 


lli(5) 


Apart  from  the  cersorship  Imposed  upon  thea,  they  were  poor  Interpreters 
of  policy  because  they  were  therarelTOs  pert  of  that  policy,  and  no 
unimportant  part  either. 


I  have  i^ought,  therefore,  to  present  In  these  pages  the  main 
themes  of  the  Paul's  Cross  sermons  first  of  all  as   they  relate  to  the 
various  politico-ecclesiastical  eripes  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  As 
this  material  is  reviewed,  it  will  become  apparent  that  certain  bnple  ideas 
and  recurring  symbols  underlie  the  iamediate  apolication  of  doctrine; 
this  1&  particularly  true  of  the  attoek  on  Home.  Other  central  tenets 
and  symbols  will  also  emerge  repeatedly:   the  obsession  with  apocalypse, 
with  the  fall  of  the  wick'^d  city.  Theae  theass  recur,  with  variations, 
throughout  the  nhole  period  till  1641,  Tihen  these  observations  end. 
In  a  later  Chapter  I  attempt  to  collect  them  in  some  sort  of  synthesis. 
There  they  constitute  the  elements  in  the  preachers'  "world-picture"; 
here  they  appear  in  the  chronological  frame  of  reference. 

There  would  be  little  Justification  for  such  commentary  upon 
method  as  this  were  it  not  that  the  problem  of  organi/ation  reflrcts 
intinately  sad  in  v   sense  explains  the  essential  nature  of  the  rafiterial. 
The  preacher  at  Paul's  Cross  was  the  mouthpiece  of  the  administration, 
involved  in  the  .'^und«y-to-3undey  expedients  of  F.iithorltstlve  -iBrnuasion; 
he  was  jIso  the  minister  and  voice  of  the  Body  of  Christ,  eniUpod  to 
interpret  eternal  verities  in  the  terms  of  history  and  raorila;  he  was, 
firsally,  ia  the  tradition  of  Jeremiah  and  Johah  (si.cmificantly  hie 
favorite  prophets)  the  Lord's  voice  crying  dnto  a  city,  where  London 
stood  for  the  earthly  pole  of  the  tradition-il  symbolic  axis  of  two 
cities,  civitas  Dei  et  civitaa  hominnm.  To  seosrate  these  functions  of 
the  preacher,  then.  Is  riot  arbitrary,  and  to  explain  it  in  advance  not 

/6'o 


lli{6) 


adventitious.  To  cops  even  ciechanically  with  the  problem  is  to  interpret 
the  rnaterial,  to  po^^o  the  Christian  prsradox  of  time  and  eternity. 

1,  "The  Pulpits  often  serve  as  drumm^^s  and  fiffes,  to  inflame  fury," 

Afflid  the  general  rejoicing  and  confusion  nhioh  attended  the 
accession  of  ^^llzabetb.  Dr.  iUlllsa  Bill,  chaplain  to  the  queen,  oreacbed 
at  Paul's  Cross,  on  20  Noveiaber,  Neither  his  sermon  nor  the  instructions 
from  Cecil  upon  which  he  bassd  his  remarks  heve  survived,  but  since 
Christopherson,  Bishop  of  Chfohester,  atteckad  him  ar  e  beretic  in  the 
same  pl?ice  on  the  following  unday,  it  nay  be  presumed  that  he  celebrated 
the  hope  of  a  return  to  the  reforaied  relis^ion  unuer  the  new  queen,  although 
Hizabetb  had  as  yet  given  no  hint  of  what  coarse  she  Intended  to  pursue. 

Bill  was  a  moderate,  having  effaced  hin-iself  under  Mary  without 
going  into  exile,  but  competent  r.en  of  his  sta -p.  were  not,  if  latthew 
Parlrer  be   excepted,  numerous  among  the  possihllities  for  a  new  bench  of 
bishops  or  any  other  important  positions  in  the  new  order.  TTiore  wse 
denger,  amid  the  ceo^i^"!  disorder  concerning  religion,  that  men's  minds 
would  be  dangerously  stirred  up  by  the  preaching  of  eontrfcry  doctrines. 
The  Catholic  party,  still  hopeful  of  maintaining  their  ascendancy,  s>poke 
out  boldly.  How  Christopherson  got  to  the  Cross  Is  a  mystery,  consider- 
ing Cecil's  cere  in  :^uch  aatters,  but  the  funeral  sermon  for  the  I'jte 
Queen  could  not  easily  be  interfered  ?;ith,  and  on  that  occasion  Bishop 
White  of  .sinehoster  ppoke  very  sharply  against  the  "wolves  coming  out  of 
Oeneva,"  putting  unequivocally  before  his  audience  the  unease  that  both 
Catholics  and  the  minority  of  moderates  felt  at  the  thought  of  the 
return  of  the  exiles.  He  also  denounced  the  idea  that  !>lizabeth  should 


iii{7) 


take  her  father's  title  of  supreme  head,  and  said  darkly  that  "Mary 

4 

hath  chosen  the  better  part."   Nor  did  trouble  come  solely  from  the 

partisans  of  the  old  relig^lon.  The  exiles  were  already  beginning  to 
return,  at  least  those  who  had  gone  no  farther  than  the  Low  Countries, 
where  they  had  lived  in  the  housea  of  iJiglisb  Merchants,  and  others 
long  silenced  at  home  now  r&lsed  their  Tole**,  hoping  for  a  return  to 
the  good  days  of  "dward  71. 

In  the  meanwhile   [says  Gamden]  ,  some  ^.celesiastle 's  there  were,  of  a 
Temper  too  impatient  to  »ait  for  the  slower  Itenedles  sMch  the  Laws 
might  provide,  who  began  to  preach  the  Hefonn'd  Doctrine  with  too  unwary 
a  Freedom,  first  in  private  Houses,  and  then  more  pabltckly  in  several 
Churches,  and  other  fonn'd  rtssembliea.  3y  which  means,  they  drew  after 
them  a  numerous  confluence  of  such  Raarers,  «hose  chief  Property  *ti8 
to  have  itching  ^'ars;  and  «t  leneth  proceeded  so  far  as  to  bandy 
controversial  Topicke  among  tliamselves,  and  to  vfraagle  about  'em  with 
those  of  the  Hcnnlsh  comrauiBlon.    5. 

One  party  feared  that  the  queen  Would  not  reform  rellg-lon,  the  other  that 
she  would.   T^ecause  of  the  danrers  inherent  In  such  undisciplined  and 
uninformed  wrangling,  en  order  was  issued  inhibiting  preaching,  on  27 
December,  and  there  was  no  further  preaching  at  the  Cross  until  Thomas 
Sampson  preached  the  Hehearsal  sermon  there  on  2  iipril  1559,  when  the 
pulpit  was  found  filthy  through  months  cf  disuse  and  neglect. 

Meanwhile  the  Parian  ezilss  had  returned  en  masse,  the  Parliament 
had  met  and  passed  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  In  the  acts  of  this  Parliament 
the  i-eformatlon  was  restored  by  the  animate!  voices  of  the  gentry,  and 

the  rupremacy  of  the  state  and  the  secular  mind  maa   restored.  Worldly 

8 
policy  triumphed.   The  new  church  was  to  be  essentially  Calvinlstic,  not 

Q 

solely  from  theological  conviction  but  partly  from  diplomatic  necessity. 
Ko  diffuse  and  vulnerable  statsztents  of  policy  or  belief  were  made;  the 
materials  at  hand,  including  the  returning-,  clergy,  fresh  from  the  seminars 


iii(8) 


of  Geneva,  Zurich  or  3trassburg,  were  used;  a  supple  and  usable  instrument 
was  created  which  could  be  swung  to  move  with  the  passing  wind*  Much 
wisdom  went  into  thin  settlement,  more  th«n  the  Mai-isn  exiles  realized; 
in  their  dissatisfection  gi^w  the  skeleton  of  a  new  party. 

At  first,  bowever,  all  was  well,  at  least  as  far  as  one  is 
permitted  to  senersllze  from  the  utterances  (or  even  the  aopearancos} 
in  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit.  For  the  publication  of  a  re-^lly  Important 

i»sue  Dr.  Bill  was  again  requisitioned;  he  Justified  the  impriaonnient 

10 
of  the  Marian  bishons  atson  and  iWhite  on  9  «pril  1559.    Grindel, 

newly  appointed  riishop  of  London,  and  a  Reformer  to  the  core,  was 

required  to  display  the  revolution  (ao  far  as  it  was  a  revolution) 

Involved  in  the  restoration  of  "King  Edward's  Book."  Bonner  was  still 

le^ially  the  ordinary,  so  far  sa  the  dignitaries  of  the  cathedral  were 

12 

concerned;  they  still  adhered  to  the  Latin  service.**"  In  the  next 

month,  however,  the  new  bichops  appeared  at  the  Cross,  fall  of  their 

13 

continental  sojourn  and  the  nice  theology  of  the  foreign  churches; 

even  the  extreme  left  wing  of  the  Protestant  cohorts  found  a  voice  there, 
perhaps  as  part  of  an  official  policy  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the 

unexpected  respite  afforded  the  aew  regime  by  the  divided  counsels  of 

14 
France  and  Spain.    One  "Makebray"  a  Scottish  oreacher,  for  instance, 

preached  on  3  September  1559;  he  may  have  been  a  disciple  of  Khox.  John 

(or  Jean)  Veron,  a  French  evanfolistic  preecher,  who  had  been  ir.volved 

In  the  Bourne  riot  of  1553  and  had  languiahed  in  Jell  during  the  reign 

of  Mary,  made  his  fippearaneo  at  the  Cross  two  weeks  later,  and  Robert 

Crowley,  the  Protestant  satirist  fire-brand,  appeared  there  on  15  October 

1559.  The  extroTe  left  wing  Protestants  of  the  exiles  wejre  coldly 

received  by  the  new  administration:  Knox  had  been  refused  permission  to 

tS3 


111(9) 

enter  the  realm,  and  though  rsuch  follvwers  of  the  G^enevan  discipline  as 
the  old  translater  jSiles  CoTerdele  were  allowed  to  exerclee  their 
minletry  under  the  £llzabethoa  dlspenaatlm  —  Coverdale  preached  at 
the  Croee  on  12  HoTBDiber  1559,  26  ^pril  1560  end  27  Marchi  1562  >-  they 

were  not  rewarded  «ith  bishoprics  and  their  influence  did  not  proceed 

15 
beyond  what  they  could  exert  from  a  controlled  pulpit.    For  all  this, 

the  roll  call  of  Paal*s  Cross  preaehers  daring  the  first  four  years  of 

the  reign,  nhich  ve  owe  to  the  indefatigable  andertalcer  Hetvy  linehyn, 

includes  the  names  of  most  of  the  exiles  viho  desired  refoi*mdtion  without 

tarrying.  Of  these,  besides  those  like  Jewel,  .vandys,  Pllkington  or 

Cox,  who  secared  bishoprics,  Veron  was  continually  on  the  bill,  Thomas 

Sampson's  talents  were  drawn  upon  for  the  hehearsal  sermons,  and  Robert 

Wisdom,  whose  humiliation  we  heve  witnessed,  reapoeared  on  7  April  ir;60. 

Continental  usages  were  imitated  in  the  service  at  the  Cross:  Psalms 

16 
wore  sung  after  the  sercion,  "Gsnevay  ways."    There  must  here  been  some 

considerable  hostility  to  these  preachers  among  those  who  either  desired 

the  eontinaunoe  of  the  old  faith  and  customs  or  those  who  simply  felt 

disturbed  at  the  Incursion  of  -en  whom  they  considered  strangers.  Yeron 

ia  oerticular  was  the  target  of  some  loose  talk  and  casual  slander.   On 

2  NoT«nber  1561  a  young  Ban  did  penance  at  the  Cross  for  slandering  him; 

three  weeks  later  the  dlarlat  Mochyn,  tiho  hRd  apparently  called  the 

Frenchmsn  "'Vhite-halr"  and  had  accused  him  of  incontlnency,  was  forced, 

in  spite  of  his  excellent  connections,  to  do  ll'rcewlse.^^  Machyn*8 

anthusiasffl  for  sermons  wbs  undiminished  by  this  unpleasant  episode. 

2.  "I  laid  out  before  you  a  number  of  things  that  are  now  in  controversy. 

While  the  people  were  getting  accustomed  to  the  Marian  exiles 
and  thi^e  r^xiles  to  the  policies  of   Elizabeth's  government,  the  apologists 


iil(lO) 

of  the  Church  of  England  were  forced  to  reea^^a  the  defence  of  the 
?8tabllshneat  against  Rorae.     Tn  this  first  stspe  of  hostilities  between 
the  SlizBbethsn  ohoreh  and  KooaQ  CBtholioiSG  the  i^:sues  re-nainad 
dootrinnl  ratber     ban  political;  the  .'ungllsh  con trorersial lets  »ere 
engaged   to  defend  :renmer*s  Book.     r-Jot  until  the  Loll  f^etrnans  in  excel .^ta 
of  1570  was  the  burden  of  political  equiTocation  laid  firmly  upon  the 
eonseienoes  of  i^nglish  Catholics.     Before  that   tirae,  the  stelwarte  of  the 
jinglican  ceupe,  hampered  by  the  indifferences  of  the  wdralnistrBtion,   by 
the  high  incidonoe  of  t^e  old  f<^ith  in   their  cures,   by  nant  of  books  and 
by  seru^ies  of  conscience,  coodacted  a  remarkably  .uistalned  sttaek  apon 
the  doctrines,   rites  tnd  ceremonleiJ  of  the  Ohurch  of  t\<Km» 

Of  these  8tttl:tarts  the  chief  was  John  Tewel,  Bishop  of   "ollsbury. 
It  was  at  Paul's  Cross  t-iat  he  began  his  campaign  a~ainst  the  adversary, 

10 

on  2fl  KoveTiber  1559,  '  challenging  the  l«ramed  of  th«  Catholic  church  to 
prove  tMkir  doctrines.  This  challenge  he  repeated  in  the  sare  oulpit  on 
31  ifarch  1560,   tn  these  tertTis: 


If  any  learned    -an  of  all  our  udveraaries,   or  If  all  the  learned  rren 
that   u3  alive,  be  able  to  bring  any  one   sufficient  sentence  out  of  any 
old  cTthollc  doctor,  or  fathor,  or  out  of  any  old  .general  council,  or 
oat  of  the  holy  scrlpturss  of  God,  or  •  ny  oar  example  of  the  prlQltlve 
church,   a'lereby   It  ^- y  be  clearly  and   plainly  prov  d    that  there  was  any 
priTKte  oBss  in  the  whole  norld  a*    thnt  time,   for  the  8r>sce  of  six 
hundred  years  after  Christ;   Or  that  there  was  then  any  coannunlon  ministered 
unto  the  people  under  one  kind;   Or  that  the  people  hnd  their  comaon 
preyern  then   In  a  8tran|:e   tn^dtthet  thoy  understood  not;    Or  that  the 
bishop  of  Bome  was  then  called  an  unirersal  bishop,   or  the  hoed  of  th« 
unlTsrssl  church;   Or  that  the  people  was  then   taught  to   :. el  leva  thnt 
Christ's  body   is  really,   cubstantlHl ly,   corporally,  carnelly,   or  naturally, 
in  the  saorer^ent;   Or  that  his  body  is,   or  JTsy  be,    in  a  thousand   rlficos 
or  more  at     ne  tine;   Or  that  the  priest  did  then  hold  up  the  sacrament 
vrer  hi:,  head;   Or   that  the  :>eople  did  then  fall  do*n  and  worship  it   *lth 
rodly  honour;   Or  that   the  saerartent  ws     then,   or  now  ought   to  b:3,   hanged 
up  under  a  canopy;   Or  that  in  th=»  saerament  after  tho  worda  of  consecration 
there  seE^lneth  only  the  ".ccldents  er;d  s'.ews,   without  the  substance  of 
bread  and  wine;    ')r  that  fie  priest  then  dlrtded   the  aacraajent   In  three 
oerts,  end  afterward  received  hlnself  all  elono;  Or  that  whoaecrer  had 
said   the   saersraent   is  a  figure,  a  pledge,   a  token,   or  a  re'rie^brance  of 


illdl) 


Christ's  body,  had  therefore  been  jadisred  for  a  heretic;  Or  thst  It  wsia 
lawful  then  to  hcve  thirty ,  twenty,  fifteen,  ten,  or  five  naeBfts  said  in 
one  church,  in  one  day;  Or  that  images  were  then  set  up  in  the  churches, 
to  the  intent  that  people  mirht  worship  them;  Or  that  the  lay  people  was 
then  forbidden  to  read  the  word  of  ("Jod  in  thoir  own  toncue  ~  If  any 
a«n  alive  were  able  to  prove  any  of  these  articles  by  any  one  clear  or 
plain  clause  or  sentence,  either  of  the  scriotures,  or  of  the  old 
doctors,  or  of  any  old  general  eounoil,  or  by  sny  example  of  the 
primitive  church;  I  promiseSthen  that  I  would  give  over  and  subscribe 
unto  hiffl.    20. 


It  will  be  observed  that  the  criterion  is  the  primitive  church  and  the 
practice  thereof.  For  a  century  the  Anglican  apologists  were  to  point 
to  this  Islend  of  light,  sue^eded  bv  darkness,  as  the  shining  raodel.   In 
the  sermon  which  con  ained  this  challenge.  Jewel  girnifiCRntly  emphasized 
the  first  words  oT  his  text,  from  1  Corinthians,  11.23,  "For  I  heve 
received  of  the  Lord  that  which  also  I  deliTered  unto  you,"  since  they 

can  be  Interpreted  at  Pfiul's  restoration  of  the  primitive  rite  of  the 

21 
sacrament  for  the  church  of  Corinth,    Moreover  the  same  reading  of 

history  w^s  applied  by  Jewel  (as  later  by  others)  to  the  Irrmediate  past 

of  the  Church  of  England.  The  sis  as  wsj  abolished  "by  the  noble  prince 

of  godly  memory.  King  >^»ard  the  Sixth; 

2" 
and  the  next  prince,  for  that  she  knew  none  other  elifrion,   and  thousrht 

well  of  the  thing  that  she  had  been  so  loni;  trained  in,  would  needs  have 

it  put  in  ure  a  ain  through  all  her  dominions.    23. 

How  is  the  time  of  the  true  rs'-glorificatlon  of  Ood,  by  the  example  of 
our  brethren  the  martyrs  In  the  dark  time*^ 

The  main  object  of  Jewel's  attack  was  the  nass,  and  this  not  only 
beeause  upon  this  point  it  wa   possible  to  find  »  clear  ground  for 
effective  controversy  «lth  the  Catholic  continental  divines  (Including 
English  Catholic  exiles)  but  also  In  support  of  the  reinstatement  of  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer  in  the  affections  and  coavietions  of  the  ngliah 


111(12) 

people.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  this  sermon  was  dellverad  at 
the  chief  preaching  place  in  the  kingdom  both  becaurfie  it  itas   a  listening 
post  for  foreign  emissariea  and  because  it  .served  as  a  trumpet  for 
proclauoations  to  the  country  at  large,  especially  to  the  large  and 

difficult  diocese  of  London,  Thus  began  '^  long-cuntinued  controversy 

25 
of  lar-.ense  complexity,   which,  although  it  may  be  s&id  to  have  exercised 

the  intelligence,  patience  and  diligence  of  many  divines,  bad  for  the 

Church  of  '-agland  only  one  enduring  good.  Jewel's  Apologia  Eeclesiae 

Anfrlicanae,   which  suasBsd  up  In  remarie  bly  amall  compass  the  main  points 

upon  which  the  defence  of  the  validity  of  Anglican  orders  and  ceremonies, 

renujiaa  one  of  the  classics  of  English  theolo  y,  and  the  only  monument 

of  any  importance  in  its  literature  between  Cranmer  end  Hooker. 

Some  chapter."!  of  the  controve^-sy  were  rehearsed  at  Paul's  Cross, 
appropriately  since  the  first  important  blow  was  struck  there.  Cn  20 
February  1560,  before  Jewel  repeated  his  ohallenf»,  lexander  Nowell, 
dean  of  >:t.  Paul's,  entered  the  llstn  <Tlth  i^ione  intemperate  colloquiallsja 

(impeffectly  reported)  which  was  used  against  him  in  his  subsequent 

27 
entrance  into  the  controversy.    Jewel's  chiff  Catholic  opponent  was 

Thofitfs  Harding,  who  in  1564  published  an  -tnswer  to  Jewel *8  challenge. 

On  30  April  1564  Nowell  read  some  passages  fron  this  work  and  confuted 

thaai  in  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit. ^°  In  the  same  year  Dorraan  published 

his  Proof,  a  treatise  on  four  of  Jo'wel's  erticl  p  of  challenge;  to  this 

Nowell  replied  with  a  ivCproof  of  the  Proof,  In  which  he  controverted 

29 
only  the  first  fifteen  of  Domiun's  pages  before  pausing  to  recuperate. 

His  sermon  at  the  Cross  on  19  Movember  1564  was  apparently  a  trial 

30 
flight  for  some  of  his  ergunents.    A  parallel  situation  occurred  In 

the  iSln  line  of  the  controversy  in  the  next  year.  Harding's  Answer 

/6  7 


111(13) 

«es  of  sach  Importenee  that  1^  merited  a  reply  from  Jewel  also,  and 
part  of  this  rp^ply  »&3  framed  in  h  asreion  at  the  Cross  in  that  year  in 
the  course  of  which  the  bishop  ridiculed  some  of  Harding's  less 

reputable  -mthorltlQS,   filleglng  that  his  defence  of  prlvnte  masses 

31 

"stood  upon  old  men,  women,  and  boys." 

Such  close  arguments,  however  enlivened  by  vigorous  phrases  and 

32 
scurrilous  personalities,   must  still  have  been  dull  fare  for  the 

Paul's  Cross  audience.  T  ere  were,  however.  Issues  to  be  discussed  in 

that  pulpit  with  possibilities  of  arousing  public  Interest.  In 

January  1561,  for  Inst  nee,  James  Calfield,  Canon  of  Christ-Church, 

Oxford,  "published  the  disslmulfitlons  of  the  papists"  in  Oxford,  where 

he  contended  the  old  faith  still  held  sway.*^  It  was  in  June  of  the 

sa^e  year  that  better  occasion  offered  for  the  exercise  of  controversial 

weapons  upon  a  topic  of  ^eat  popular  appeal,   'lien  the  steeple  of  Paul's 

was  burned  in  a  thunder  stonn,  Pllklngton,  Bishop  of  iJurhara,  preaching 

on  orders  frc«  the  iovem-^ent,  took  the  opportunity  to  point  the  obvious 

moral  and  impose  the  obvious  doctrine.  In  the  four  days  between  the 

fire  and  the  sexTson  there  WiS  time  enough  for  partisan^  of  the  old 

faith,  and  probably  not  a  few  of  them,  to  publir-h  their  opinion  that 

the  fire  wa-  undoubtedly  an  instance  of  3od's  Judgment  upon  England  for 

alteration  of  religion.  This  the  bishop  set  hlmpelf  to  Rnswer.  Re 

exhorted  the  auditory  to  a  general  repentance,  and  nsTiely  to 


bumble  obedience  of  the  laws  end  supe  lor  powers,  which  verjrOe  ir  \Ti\ioh. 
iecr.yed   in  there  our  dales.  :  een<la^-  to  have  intellyrence  from  the  ^ueens 
highnes,  that  her  Majestic  Intendeth  that  more  -everitie  of  loves  shell 
be  executed  nrainst  oerson?  diaobedyent,  as  well  in  causes  of  rel Irion 
SB  civil, "^^  10  the  great  rejoysing  of  his  auditours.  He  aiiiortsd  nlso 
lis  fiudienee  to  take  this  as  a  general  wamlnir  to  the  whole  realme,  and 
namelye  to  the  cltle  of  London,  of  riorae  prt;ater  plague  to  folow,  if 
Eendements  of  lyfe  in  all  stated  Sid  not  ensue:   He  -Tiuche  reproved 
those  persons  whiche  Aould  asslgne  the  cruse  of  this  wrethe  of  God  to 


-  ! 


ill (14) 


any  perticular  state  of  men,   or  that  were  diligent  to  loke   Into  other 
men's  lives,  and  could  see  no  faultes  in  th«nself  1^8,35  but  wished  that 
every  man  syould  d-^8cer>d   into  himself e,   and   aay  with  David,   3eo  rum  qui 
peccnvi:      I  aa  he  that  hath  sinned;   and   so  furth,   to  that  effect  very 
god lye. 

He  also  not  only  reproved  the  prophanatyon  of  the  said  churche 
of  Paulas,   of  long  time  heretofore  aouecd  by    talking,   jangline-,   bi^wling, 
fighting,   bargaininfr,  Scc.,  namely  In  sonaons  and  aervlce   tine;   but  also 
answered  by  the  way  the  objectior.s  of  evil-tun.^ed   persons,  whiohe  do 
impute  this  token  of  God's  deserved   iro,   to  alteration  or  rather 
reformation  of  rell   ion,  declaring  oat  of  ancient  records  and  histories, 
ye  like,   yea  and   greater  matter;^,   had  befallen  In  the   time  of  puner- 
etition  and   ignorance. 

For  In  the  first  year  of  King  -  taphen,   not   only  the  said  charche 
of  Paules  «as  brent,   bat  al?o  a  great  part   of  the  city  ....  was  by 
fler  consamed,     itnd  in  ye  dales  of  King  Henry  VI.   ye    -teple  of  Paulas 
was  also  fired  by  liphtaing  ....  Many  other  such  like  comon  calami  ties 
he  reherped,  which  had  happened   In  other  couatrieE,   both  niph  to   this 
realm,   'ind   far  of,    share  the  church  of  Rome  h:  th  mo'!t   authority,  and 
therefore  concluded  the  surest  way  to  be,  yt  every  man  should   jurtsre, 
examin,   ami  a;  ende  himselfe,  and  e-brfce,   beleve,  and    truely  folow  ye 
word  of  God.  36. 


Ibis  Interpretation  of  Ood's  providence  in  history  was  too  provocative 
to  piiBB  unans«ered,   especially  in  a  clloate  of  controversy.     John  Itorwen, 
formsrly  chsplein  to  Jonaer  and  himself  a  preacher  at  Paul's  wross  In 
the  reign  of  f^ary,^"  answered  Pllklngton  with  x-n  i^ddltion,  with  ^n 
Appologle   to  the  causes  of  the  brinninpe  of  F-ul^s  Church.  &c.       This 
work  opens  with  a  re-'iew  of  God's   judgments  apon  oodom  and   r.omorrah, 
the  Egyptians,   Korah,  Dathan  and  Abiram   (the  clt;sslc  citation  aaelnst 
wilful  reL-ellion) ,  and  the  Jews   In  their  Captivity,  followed  by  a 
brief  hlPtoriccl  sumawry  of  the  estriblinhment  of  the  Chrirtlan  church 
by  Christ,    itr  perpetuation   in  the  Church  of  Home,  End   itr  foundint'  and 
continuance   in  Britain*     Xhere  is  now,   he  continues,   no  ra^n  so  simple 
but  he  may  see   thot  the  realm     has  declined  from  the  belief  so 
established,      xieturn  to  the  old   religion,   or  a  greater  plr]gue  is   at 
hand. 

Also,   where  the  said   preacher  did  recite  certain  a  buses  of  the  raid 


111(15) 


ohurche  ....,  e.lthou?-h  thep«9  b«  -ery  evil  and  worthy  much  rebufce,  yet 
there  be  worse  aouaes,  aa  blaspheming  God  in  lying  sermona,  polluting  th« 
temple  with  schlsraatical  service,  destroying  and  pulllnp;  down  holy 
altars,  that  »ere  set  up  by  ifood  blessed  men,  and  there  the  aaorifice 
of  the  blessed  mass  ministered  according  to  the  or'^er  of  Christ*!? 
catholic  church.  Yea,  ^bere  the  altar  stood  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  new 
bl.-hops  hrve  made  a  place  to  net  vhelr  "ell?  upon,  find  there  set  in 
the  Judgrient  of  such  i^e   be  catholic  and  live  in  the  fear  of  Ck>d«    36. 


It  is  the  clergy  themselvee  who  are  ^llty  of  disobedience,  fjince  they 

disobey  the  coconiands  of  the  church  catholic;  they  do  not  obserre  Lent, 

29 
end  their  order  of  rasking  blrhops  is  corrupt. 


To  this  Pilkington  was  enforced  to  reply  with  A  Confutseion  of 
Ab  .-ddicton  (li^SS),  In  which  he  reviewed  the  whole  question  of  the 
validity  of  Roms's  claim  of  universality,  and,  taking  the  contro'reray 
out  of  Its  original  limited  field,  made  the  inciting  episode  the  bri5?l8 
for  a  full-scale  defence  of  the  Church  of  England.  *  The  exehangs 
mercifully  ended  at  that. 


3*  "That  Hierlcho  of  which  »e  have  now  to  consider  Is  the  spiritual  power 
of  dsrkness,  that  restetb  only  in  flRSh  and  worldly  promises,  that 
'.Ithstaodeth  God's  people." 


The  incredibly  rubtle  tnd  devious  pollcle."  by  rhlch  Sllzabeth 
and  her  advisers  managed  to  malntfiln  alliance  with  3paln  and  at  the  same 
time  aid  the  Huguenot:  were  not  known  to  the  Paul's  Cross  preschere. 
If  they  had  been  known,  they  would  not  have  been  comprehended.   For  thoee 
ntill  fresh  from  IntLxiate  contcct  with  the  problems  and  terrors  of 
continental  Protestants,  the  I  sues  were  uncomplicated  by  Statecrr-ft. 
Grindal  seas  ready  in  1562  to  point  the  less  on  of  God's  Judgments  upon 
the  king-  of  Kavarre,   since  he  naturally  had  no  conception  of  the 
derperate  intrigue  necessary  to  rein  control  over  thrt  most  unreliable 
instrument,  the  mind  of  Gharles  IX,  The-e  was  at  least  one  sermon 

/CO 


lii(16) 

pleading  the  cnuse  of  the  Huguenots  preached  et  the  Spital  and  rehearsed 
ot  Paul's  Cross  in  Saster  week  1563,^^  .."hother  or  not  such  sermons  as 
these  were  a  source  of  erabarrass-^ent  to  the  administration  there  1?  no 

Bssns  of  knowing,  .  t  least  no  one  could  object  to  a  public  thsn^'Si^lvlng 

42 
for  the  Peace  of  Troyes, 

The  chronicler  of  Paal's  Cross  has  some  little  cause  for  co»> 
plaint  it   such  vttgae  notices  as  this;  he  has  still  oore  c^.ase  to  inveigh 
Dg-alnst  the  inadequacy  of  records  w.ien,  arriving  at  the  real  crisis  of 
Elizabeth's  reign,  the  period  from  1&68  to  1571,  ;hen  the  imprisonrent 
of  Mary,  the  rebellion  of  the  nortliem  earl-,  and  the  bull  fiegaans  in 
exeelsis  corr.bined  to  create  a  sltustlon  of  the  utmost  (graTity,  he  finds 
in  the  attacks  upon  Borne  at  Paul's  Cross  only  oblique  reference  to  ths 
dangers  of  the  time.  The  i^iul's  Cross  preachers,  at  this  time  as 
later,  preserved  a  stranste  silence  concerning  the  \,ueen  of  Gcots;  they 
E«y  have  been  sternly  warned  to  do  so.  One  has  to  turn  to  the  Book  of 
Homilies  to  find  disobedience  and  wilful  rebellion  dealt  with  in  proper 
terms,  and  diligent  search  produces  no  definite  attack  upon  the  ueen's 
excoamunl cation.   That  eurrlves  is  a  triad  of  fulminations  against 
Boas,  from  Jewel,  Foxe,  and  Bridges,  esch  senaon  interesting  in  its  way, 
but  6'  ch  exasperating  In  its  evoldnnce  of  toplcsl  allusion. 

Jsvcl  preached  upon  the  annlTernary  of  the  ueen's  accesdon  in 
1569, '"  3y  an  allegorical  method  which  he  explained  in  his  exordium  he 
was  enabled  to  see  in  the  fall  of  Jericho  the  fall  of  the  power  of  darkness 
which  is  Hotae.  The  new  Jericho  is  fenced  with  blind  zeal  and  wilful 
ignorance,  and  is  being  overturned  by  good  princes  who  are  the  instruments 
of  God  b3   Joshua  was*  Upon  fan   day  conuaeniorated  in  the  semon,  "Ood  sent 


lli(17) 

44 

his  handmaid  nnd  delivered  us,"    At  one  point  In  the  sermon  Jewel 

seeias  to  glance  at  the  troubles  of  the  time: 


Was  God  able  in  those  days  to  avenge  the  cruelty  of  tyrants,  to 
j^ithstand  the  nroufi ,  to  defend  the  humble  and  lowly;  "-.nd  ?hall  we  think 
that  his  hand  is  shortened?  Greet  Is  our  God,  end  his  power  la  v-onderful, 
and  there  is  no  end  of  his  judgments.  0  what  leagues  and  confederacies, 
what  practices  and  policies  have  we  seen  defeated!   ^;'hat  abuudnnce  of 
blood  hath  been  shed  by  sword  and  by  flrel    45. 


Foxe,  who  was  at  this  time  engaged  apon  the  preparation  of  tha 
necond  edition  of  the  i>cts  and  MaBoments,  consented  to  pfeach  at  the 
Cross,  though  after  much  hesitation,  on  Oood  .  rldr^y  1570,  betv'een  the 
framing  of  the  bull  of  exeoianainicatlon  and  its  publication  in  rin^land  In 
June.  He  ma-^e  no  Bpeclfie  reference  to  the  political  crisis  then  brewing 
an-i  contented  hlsself  with  aach  general  reference  to  the  troubles  within 

the  realm  as  mi^t  be  taken  from  the  traditional  .aetaphor  of  the  "body 

46 
politic,"    His  main  purpose  was  to  attack  the  mass,  the  eiround  of  hla 

arpuaient  being  thtt  tba  ~ass  Ir.  a  superstitious  repudlHtion  of  the  new 

covenant  of  the  Gospel,  ay  whieh  Christ  aada  remlBsion  once  for  nil  for 

our  slna.   TViere  are  some  matters  in  the  sermon  typical  of  Foxe:   an 

opening  anecdote  concerning  Pole's  ler^tion  to  'fCnglEnd  in  15:4,*^  and  a 

set  piece  entitled  "Tbe  Or  t ion  of  ChMst  hanging  upon  the  Cross,  to 

48 

the  Devlll." 

Dr.  John  Brldjt'es,   later  famous  as  the  author  of  The  lefcnce  of  the 

Govem^tent  .'.etHbliahed,  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  after  thd  Cdis;<olutlon  of 

49 
the  Parliament  of  1571,        in  which  action  was   talcen  to  inflict  the 

penalties  of  high   treason  upon  any  one  who  should  by  any  rieans  attempt 

to  tJeprive  ^.lizabeth  of   the  crown,   or   introduce  bulls  from  Home  to 

50 
absolve  any  of  tba    .ueen's  subjects  from  their  allegiance.         Like  7oxe, 

Erldgea  launched  a  barragfi  of  scurrilous  InvectlVK  arainst  all  asoects 

/6A 


iil(ie) 

of  the  catholic  religion,  and  instructed  his  hearers  in  Jur-tiflcation 
by  fsith.  He  did,  however,  note  in  passing  the  dllemzna  in  ichieh  TLngllsb 
Catholics  had  been  placed  by  the  bull  of  the  preTious  year,  though  for 
him  It  was  not  a  dliemna  but  an  occasion  of  deadly  sin.   He  ftpoke  of 
"dissembling  papists",  and  reprehended  the  allsi^iance  to  the  Pope  which 
made  a  devout  Catholic  into  a  traitor."   It  is  possible,  of  coirsa, 
that  some  aoro  specific  rafei-ences  to  the  plight  of  Catholic  profascore 

Tey  have  enlivened  the  spoken  sermon,  though  eliminated  frcwi  the 

52 
T)ublished  copy. 

Indeed  In  all  this  -leterial  here  reviawed  on  auapectB  editing  of 
thie  -ort.  It  is  n-;tural  that  the  rjreachers  should  seek  continuity  and 
forirelity  ifhen  their  eermons  faced  the  whole  public  of  Knerlend,  and 
especif.lly  since  they  were  also  no  doubt  intended  for  eoasumption  by 
the  faithful  nbroed.  Their  friends  and  former  associates  should  I'^sra 
that  sound  doetrlns,  undisturbed  by  political  crises  cr  by  chenees  in 
papal  policy  continued  'o  be  preached  from  such  an  important  uulpit. 
Let  the  heathen  rfife;  they  were  unmoved.   If  in  the  day  to  day  exercise 
of  their  ecolesiestical  functions  they  were  beginning  to  find  the  value 
of  shifts  and  evasions,  in  the  controversy  apisinst  Rome  they  could  at 
least  sound  the  trumpet  ^ith  no  uncertain  note. 


4.  "Under  the  happy  reign  of  her  Mcjesty  which  now  Ip,  the  greatest 

a'itter  'jwhile  contended  for  vias  the  wearing  of  the  c".p  and  surplice, 
till  there  caie  admonitions  directed  unto  tho  high  court  of  '^rliament, 
by  men  who  concesling  their  names  thought  it  glory  enough  to  discover 
th^ir  ninds  and  affections." 


Of  the  first  crif^es  In  the  development  of  '.lizabethan  ruritanisra, 
the  vestl  rlen  controversy  made  but  little  stir  at  Poul*s  Cross.  3y  Its 
very  nature  this  issue  had  to  l;e  fought  out  in  the  nerirh  churches.  In 

/6>3 


Iil(l9) 

quarrels  over  in^actlons  at  visltatioa  and  In  convocation.  The 
"scrupulosity  touching  certain  thln^u,"  i.e.,  the  Proyer  3o.i1c  rabrics 
touching  the  ate  of  the  Cross  In  baptism,  kneellnj?  at  ccmmunlon,  "rid 
clerical  hebits,  »hich  anltnated  the  more  thorough-goinp  of  (he  HeforTierB, 
cajie  to  a  head  in  the  Loner  Hou&e  of  convocation  in  1563*  The  successors 
of  Hooper,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  fired  by  contact  with  the  Swiss 
discipline,  presented  a  petition  demeadinpr  the  abolition  of  cope  and 
surplice.  A  more  moderate  petition,  framed  by  those  ^(ho  could  tolerate 
the  surpliee  but  no  more,  was  rejected,  on  13  February  1553,  by  s 
cajorlty  of  one  vote.^^  Fifty-eight  minority  votes  repres-^nted  the 
powerful  sentiment  among  the  English  clergy  de-'Snding  the  abolition  of 
the  I'ist  rags  of  Popery.   There  were  ^reat  difficulties  to  be  faced  in 
the  eniorceiient  oi  the  decisions  of  convocation,  tad  .'urohbl-hop  Parker 
was  caught  between  the  steady  resistanca  of  the  ministers  and  the 
alternately  indifferent  and  querulously  insistent  ;ueen«   He  lacked 
authority;  his  bishoDS  sere  si -ck  or  hostile;  for  a  year  eriih  man  did 
that  which  wea  rlpht  in  hie  o*n  eyes.   In  the  rumacier  of  1564,  however, 
the  vueen,  from  what  motives  it  is  not  quite  clear,  determined  that  the 
bishops  must  clean  hour-e,  ^.  directive  issued  in  January  1555,  demanding 
a  report  from  the  bishops  upon  conduct  of  services  in  their  dioceses, 
disclosed  an  intolersble  variety  of  dress  and  perfor  apce  of  the  services 
among  the  incumbents.   till  the  queen  hesitated  to  support  Parker  in  a 
positive  campaign  to  compel  conformity  on  pain  of  deprivation. 

The  Puritans,  if  .jne  rosy  call  tt;Gm  that,  had  raised  up  unto  them 
tKO  distinguished  cmmpionf ,  Laurence  EuiRphrey,  President  of  i;48.xialen, 
and  Thotons  .ampson,  .lean  of  Christ  Church*  T.^ese  t«o  stalwarts  had 
engaged  in  a  dir^putation  upon  the  vestments  at  Oxford  in  1564,  and  in 


ill (20) 

itiarch  of  the  next  year  were  sumrioaed  to  Liimbeth,  where  ParJcer  soufrht 
to  win  thee  to  conformity  by  persue/ion.  There  is  no  means   of  knowing 
whether  their  conformity  .voulu  have  served  as  an  effeC-ivo  oxp'-iple  to 
those  ?!ho  followed  their  bnnier,  but  they  did  not  conform,  end  while 
under  what  wes  virtup.lly  op«n  arrest  In  London  they  bot^  appeared  In 
tho  Paul's  Gross  pulpit.^* 

Leicester  was  their  chari.pioa,  and  seeniB  to  have  apootnted  them 
to  thet  pulpit,  or  at  least  inatigated  their  appolnt.niftKt.^  From  his 
receipt  of  some  correspondence  from  the  «1i8affaGted  it  nay  be  s-athered 
that  he  favoured  their  views  or  was  at  least  inclined  to  support  them 
for  reasons  of  hi?-  own.   'alton  Lad  no  douUt  of  It: 


Those  very  nen,  that  began  with  tender  and  meek  Petitions,  riroceeded 
to  Ad-iionitions,  then  to  -lyrical  -^  emonstrenees,  and  at  last,  having  like 
Abaolom  -jumbred  who  was  not,  and  who  was,  for  their  "ause,  they  got  a 
supposed  certainty  of  so  :reat  a  Party,  that  they  durst  threaten  first 
the  Bishops,  and  then  the  C.ueen  and  Parlla'ient;  to  all  which  they  were 
secretly  encouraged  by  the  larl  of  Leicester,  then  in  great  f^Tour  with 
Her  Majesty,  and  the  reputed  C  erlsVier  and  Patron-peneral  of  these 
pretenders  to  reuderness  and  Conscience;  his  design  beln?,  by  thslr 
means,  to  bring  such  an  rdiam  upon  the  Bishops,  ss  to  procure  an  Aliena- 
tion of  their  Lands,  and  a  large  proportion  of  them  for  hiifiself.    56. 


V.lthout,  however,  atterqjtln-  to  decide  either  what  Leicester's  motivee 
were  or  whether  he  acted  in  this  case  or  not,  it  T.ay  be  aafcly  B.'^aumed 
that  these  sermons  at  the  Cross  might  well  have  been  preEched  «ith  the 
consent  of  Grindal,  who  in  this  as  in  other  thing's  was  sympathetic  to 
the  si.Tis  of  the  radical  parsons. 

There  is,  of  course,  no  surviving  report  of  what  Sampson  and 
fiumphrey  preached,  but  the  probably  substance  of  their  arguments  (assum- 
ing that  they  preached  on  the  vestments)  nny  be  gathered  from  the  notes 

57 

of  the  disputation  at  Oxford^   Parker's  position,  clearly  defined  in 

/as 


lli(21) 

the  preface  to  his  Advertise-  ents,  was  that  aoparel  was  a  thing  indifferent, 
to  be  settled  by  the  eeclcslasticol  authority  In  the  interest  of  ^ood 
vorxier; 


These  orders  end  rules  ensuing  have  been  taoueht  inset  aad   convenient  to 
be  used  and  follo^-jed;   not  yet  prescribing  these  rules  as  laws  equivalent 
vith  the  eternal  vord  of  God  anci  as  of  necessity  to  ivind   the  cor.sciences 
of  ....   su  . jects  in  the  nntarfi  of   them  considered  in  themselves,  or  ae 
they  should  add  sny  afficacy  or     more  holiness  to  the  virtue  of  public 
prayer  and   to  the  sficratoentB,   but  as  tempoi^l  orders  mere  eccleai^stlcal, 
iRithout  any  vain  F.uperstltion,   and   ss  rules  in   soaie  oart  of  ditcicline 
concerning  decency,  distinction  and  order  for  the  time.  58. 


To  this  7iaw   the  dissentients  replied  that  the  surplice,  hf.vin-    bean 
consecrated   to  idolatry,  cannot  be  held  s  thing  indifferent;    Valnps 
^-  ■  -, ■  ■  =?=^.  may  oe  enjoined  in  worship  only  if  they  have  warra.it  in 
Scrinture.     It  is  not  baseless  conjuncture  to  assunie  that  this  knotty 
point  was  enforced  at  ?aul*s  Cross  in  Lent  of  lo65,  end  the  auditory 
enlightened  upon  doctrine  to  beoorie  tioto  familiar  p.s  time  passed,  the 
doctrine  of  the  infallibility  of    scripture  in  all  matters  of  church 
foveroiMnt  '.  s   in  all  matters  of  faith  and  morals.     Bdmund  ^este,   3l6hop 

of  Tioehester,  who  had  opposed     ampson  and  uufflphrey  at  Czfoi-d,     reaehed 

59 
at  the  Cross  in  the  ICaster  season,       and   it  Is  likely  that  be  repeated 

against  thorn  the  arguments  which  he  had   used  before. 

Parker  ^as  desperate,  and  took  the  risk  of  proceedings  atfjinet 
the  offender-,  and  the   further  risk  of  issuing  the  -4vertise'";eat8  ulthoftt 

the  royal  authority,   of  applying  them  in  the  diocese  of  London  end 

fin 
ela^^where.         Ilis  corraspondence  revnals  how  carefully  he  rupervlBed  the 

sermons  at  Tsui's  Cross   in  the  sprln/  of  1566,   seeking  to  ensure  the 

pre-iching  of  sound  doctrine  d  rliig  a  diffi  ult   period.®^     Had  the  dispute 

seen-.ed  likely  to  end  *ith  no  itjore   than  a   few  deprivations,  barker  would 

not  have  acted  with  an  independence  and  temerity  unu!?uel  In  a  Tudor 


lil(22) 

official.     But  as  he  had  from  the  first  perceived,   the  flurry  of 
opposition  to     the  cap  end   surplice  wae  out  the  nrelude   to  s   --.ajor 
dtsafTeerent   over  church  discipline.     Ominous  sig;ns  of  xne  lor:    iion  of 
ft  party  followed  the  issuiag  of  the  i^dvejrtiBements;  Ciantp-on  and  Humphrey 

corresponded   assiduously  with  Sullinger  In  ^.urich,  receiving  no  very 

62 

aetisfsctoiTT  ansiier  from  that  oracle  for  the  clearinf  of  their  eonseiences, 

Both  Sampson  and  Himphrey  oq  the  one  side  snd   "rindal  on  the  other  sought 
the  'sdvice  of    -eza,  but   that  divine,   like  the  other,  was  er,utlous  of 
expressing  an  exact  opinion  u;5on  what  he  perceived  to  be  a  qaestion 
purely  for  the  English  ecclealssticsl  polity*   ""     Between  1565  and   1567 
several  pemphlots  were  issued  against  the  vestments,  and   in  June  1567  a 

conventicle  #as  dlfcovered   in  -lumbers'  Hall  In  London,   the   rirst  formed 

64 
conRrep'tion  of  those  with  scruples  of  conscience.         The  conscientious 

objsctorF  were  no  doubt  exasperating,  an'l   considerins  their  powerful 

resemblsnce  to  Anne  Askew  or  John  Hooper  and    their  potentially  revolu- 

tlonai'y  InterprelBtion  of  ^ierlpture  as  a  guide  to  their  "dlscii^llne"  the 

pntience  of  Parker  and  aorae  of  his  blrhope  is  admirable.      In  1570,   for 

instance,   rishop  Benthera  of  Lichfield   sought  to  persuade  a  cert; in  brother 

naiTied  ;arton  in  the^e  terns: 


Vlr,  Alton,  you  s>iall  yclde  somewhat  unto  me,   and  I  will  lykewise  yelct  unto 
you  rhat  I  can.     For  the  cropse  in  bHptlsme,    I  will  never  require  it  of 
you,  and   for  the  surplesse,  yf  you  will  ^erre  It  cut  some  tyoes,  or  but 
twise  or  t'.rise,  or  yf  you  will  ware   it  but  ones,   I  will  urge  you  no 
further. 


But  the  Tiinister  refused  thle  p-e'^.erouB  offer,    saylnp  it  ^cs  a,-alnat   both 
the  word   of  God   ar.d  hia  conscience,    for  the   surplice  '.-as   "a  polluted  and 
curred  ^arke  of   the  Beaste.'*     He  regained  stubborn,  and  wos  eventually 
deprlvod,         A  moderation  'iS  benii^n  but  more  r98er\'ad   than  Benthara's 
distingaiahea  Jewel's  re.Tiarks  upon  the   question  in  his  sermon  at  Paul's 

/(i7 


ill(23) 

Cross  in  1569.     The  ressels  ivere  brouf^t  out  of  Jericho,  he  obsei^red, 
but  not  thins-s  "meet   to  furnish  sad  rralntetn  superatltian,   bat   such  things 
es  be   strong,  and  may  serve  either  directly  to   serve  Ood,   or  else    "or 
coraellneFB  nnd  rood   order." 

From  Jewel  to  Laad  the  orthodox  contended  for  ''coeli.iess  and 
good  orJer,"     "hat  could  there  le  In  that  harmless  phrase  to  which  any 
minister     ould   object?     The  answer  is  to  both  of  its  terras.     Cood  or-ier 
jieant  to  a  frrjwlng  number  of  the  faithful  a  set  of  rubrics  enforced  by 
eccl-^siF'Sti-jfil  authority  and  not  by  the  coavlction  of  the  individual 
conacierjce  from  Sod's  wort.     Coraeliness  mea  t  to  them  Popi^  shows  and 
iflfif^es.     The  generation  *ho  sat  at  the  f.^ot  of  Cartwright  had  no  notion 
of  the  r.ervice  of  God  as  an  art  form,  as  a  Judiciously  proportioned 
observance  nhich  sanctified   the  gestures  end  apparel  of  ."ten  by  informing 
th«a  with  stylo  and  order.     ?or  then  the  ser  Ice  ves  functional  rather 
then  artistic;   its  purpoee  las   the  repentance  of  the  sin;!er,  and  to  this 
;^ipcipllne  of  the  coa"clcncc  the  resource?  of  preachinn-,  cr;refully 
iiesiipsad  to  produce  the  laixliaum  effect  or  urc  from  any  gi"en  text,   were 
turned  with  "^ill  the  devotion  with  ithich  the  de-'^out  in'^llcan   vas  rMe  to 
irrfi'iiate  the  foms  of  the  Prayer  P/Ook.      If     ehind  the  controversy  over 
the  ve?;taenrc  lurked  the  question  of  the  foi'sn  of  church  rovemrent  to     e 
established  in  the  r  aim,   there  loornod  sIfo  behind   the  cold  eneners  of 
a  nran  like  .^xton  a  much  larger  question:     In  what  docs  the  serrice  of 
God  consist? 

The  rlrst  of  these   questions,   however,   was   importa-t   ^aoutth  in 
itself  to  provoke  two  generations  of  controversy  and  to  contribute  in  no 
snail  part  to   th*?  fir.i-l  arbitrament  of   ,',ar.     Had    the  precl^lnns  won  in 
the  Convocation  of  1563,   it   Is  Just  possible  thnt  some  sort  of  cofr>proaii8e 

/Off 


iil{24) 

might  have  sarisfled  all  pftrtlar,  thoug'h  It  is  c^oubtful  if  it  would  hare 
satisfied  the  ^,uean.   3ut  they  did  not  win,  and  were  forced  back  upon 
issues  more  central  to  their  existence.  They  be  on  to  fra  e  odels  of 
church  dlsciplirie.   -t'he  triuraph  of  the  Elizabethan  church  msde  the 
Puritans  into  acadeniic  theorists  upon  disclnllna,  and  such  thoy  renaloed 
until  the  Commonwealth,   ^t  was  an  activity  aot  new;  witness  such  an 
elaborate  pattern  of  congregstionnl  rule  as  that  set  forth  In  Tamer's 

an 

Hgntynge  of  tha  ivotayshe  ■olfe  (1554) •    Yet  the  attempt  was  aiade  to 

secure  by  the  machinery  of  Parliament  some  alteration  of  the  forn  of 
church  govei'nraent,  and  in  April  1571  .  trickland  iatro.iucad  his  bill  for 
the  reformation  of  the  3ook  of  Common  Prayer.   The  cf ce  is  interesting 
from  the  constitutional  alaadpoint,  for  .triclcland  had  exhibited  a  bill 
in  daflancfl  of  the  u-^en's  px*eropati7e  to  introduce  legislation,^^ 
and  was  accordingly  Inhibited;  it  Is  also  infomuitivo  to  aee  how  quickly 
the  adintnistrotion  acted  to  put  ap  preachers  arainat  the  dlscir>line  at 
Paul's  Criss.. 

In  the  :^revious  year  Sandys  had  entered  upon  his  duties  as  Bishop 
of  London,  and  thereupon  preached  b   sermon  to  the  diocese  at  i-"'aul's  Cross. 
Whether  or  not  he  foresaw  the  stormy  time  before  him,  ho  wept  on  beholding 
his  Jerusalem  ani  confessed  that  he  shrank  fran  the  great  responsibilities 
of  the  tnsk.   It  lE  an  office,  he  said,  of  high  peril  ami  dan/or; 

if  this  office  require  a  strong  v,an  to  oear  the  burthen  of  so  sreat  a 
travail,  certainly  it  is  altos'ether  unfitly  cast  upon  rae.   I  '.^ould  have 
wished  rather  rest  for  my  -Aecrifh  body,  full  of  Up   assr-  and,  cp  the 
prophet  speaketh,  almost  Kom  a*8y  like  a  clout  ....  Her  raj^^sty  could 
spy  notiainp  in  Jte  worthy  of  this  room  ....  The  Lord  be  merciful  unto 
me*    69. 

He  southt  also  to  draw  the  teeth  of  Puritan  opposition  in  hi"  affirmation 
of  the  validity  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  church: 


lil{25) 


Ood   be  ppHisad  for  everJ      In  oar  churches  4f  F.nglend,   to  our  great 
eorTort,  God  Is   served  e-ren   In  saeh  sort  as  himself  by  his  holy  word 
hrith  prescriiied;    ro  th;  t  no     Ipcoatented   person  csa  ille^e  any  reason 
BQfflclent  why  to  ^rlthdraw  himself  from  our  assemblies.     Our  church 
prayers  are  the  psalms,   our  l^saons   the  scriptures,   our  3aerH"ientE 
according  to  Christ's  institution.  70# 


The  Imnwdlate  debate,  however,  was  not  with  tho^e  irho  would  withdraw 
Into  their  own  conventicles,   bat  with  those  who  would  refom  the  Prayer 
book  Bccorrtlng  to  the  warrant  of  Scripture.     Yet  the  possibility  of 
trlthdrewal  was  considerable.     Field  and   ''llcox,   the  authors  of  the 
^vdmonitlon.   protested  vehemently  that  they  were  not   seperfitistsi 


Becc-'pe  nany  lye"  find    scl'JunneiT   hav«   bin   spresd   abroade   of  us  that  T^e 
shoulde  perswade  others  to  wlthdrawe  them  elvea  from  publlque  asfenblles 
to  nrlvEte  conventlclfi-s,  w.e  protest  that  ^<s   thinke   it  utterlio  unlawfull 
for  any  to  withdrewe  ttemtelves  from  that  congregation  '^hert;  the  worde 
of  God   ip   trawlie  preached,    the  S^^crament:-   rlncerlle  miaiptred,  and  tne 
eccleaieeticall  disclplln.'   exercised.         71. 


3ut   if  one  were  to  decide  that  the  Chuixh  of  England  was  not  such  a 
•congregation"?     There  Is  ambiguity  also  in   their  effirr.atlon   that 

it   Qq    not  meete  for  private  persons  of  their  own  t;uctorltle  without 
learnlnpe  or  •<noT!ledfe  to  sstpollshe  churchcjs.         72. 

Many  of  this  persuasion  were  to  affirm  that  the  substantial  points  of 
the  GhrlFtlan  religion  are   there  open  in  the     criptures  for  all  to  read, 
and  havinp-  reed   to  assert  their  learning. 

In  1571   the  ousRtlon  of  withdrawal  wa<?  not  ps  important  .^s  the 
quarrel  over  the  veEtmentr  and   whet  that  dispute   implied  's  to  th-»  seat 
of  authority  in  the  church.     The  lishopa  were  busy  in  convocation  framing 
the  iVrtlclea,   ^nd  in  the  three  weeks  follo*in,'r  the  introduction  of 

Strlcklnnd*8   bill,  ;  andys   secured   the   rervic^p   of  Cox,  Jewel  and  Home 

T3 

for  the  pulpit  at  Paul's  Cross.    All  presched  aRainpt  the  precisians, 

no 


iil{26) 


end   for  the  seiinons  of  Je'sel  aad  Home  thera  eurvlve  confute tlons  written 

prouBuly  by  Ailllain  k'-Mte  and   liioinJis      ilcox.      In  "Certoine   rirlef-s   justly 

74 

coccelTed  of  3.  Joitolls  sermon,"   the  bishop  Is  addressed  ap  "Beloved 

fr^tlier  in  the  lord  Jesus",  and  is  r.Bked   not  to  be  offended  ^'t  the 
Dfitholding  of  the  title  "Lord"  which  ip  contrary  to  Clod's  word,  The 
authors  set  forth  some  seven  "grlefes"  arising  from  his  argument  snd  some 
of  Ito  detailn.  He  preached  from  Jeremiah  23,  probably  from  the  first 
verBe:   "i^oe  be  unto  the  sstors  tbst  destroy  and  scatter  the  sheep  of 
my  pastureJ  raith  the  Lord."  He  pleaded  that  we  who  have  the  wheat 
should  not  contend  about  the  chaff, l.e.  things  Indifferent,  to  Rhleh  the 
objector:-  replied: 


If  oae  of  your  feimera  -ould  give  you  freely  100  quartern  of  lure  and 
cleans  ^heat,  £nd  hi*  servant,  whom  he  put  in  truste,  f^hould  f^ellver 
you  wheat  and  chef  torother,  would  you  thinke  him  a  good  servant? 


They  required  the  bishop  t'*  give   the  people  the  pure  wheat  of  God»e 
word,  without  the  chaff  of  "Antlchriatian  tradltlone."  Gfiremoaies,  they 
argued,  huve  their  beginning  "from  the  Dlvell  and  -ntichrist,  'vhose 
i'pplMiantP  and  trappings  they  are."  They  reproved  him  for  his  alender 
argument  in  defence  of  the  words  "F.eceive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost"  in  the 
service  of  ordin.tion,  an;  condemned  hi^  words  as  paplstiofil.  Jewel  waa 
apparently  forced  into  a  defence  of  the  authority  of  bishope,  anrt  his 
opponents  iraplied  that  they  were  ready  to  oppose  the  "baaAtifal  f&ce  and 
purity  of  the  Apoatollcke  Charch"  ognlnst  such  authority.  Here  in  the 
heat  of  debate,  in  scribbled  notes  upon  a  sermon,  one  obBcrves  the  lines 
of  the  lon^  struggle  being  laid  down.  The  arguments  o"   Martin  Marprelate 
and  of  Hilton  may  be  found  in  this  little  memorandum.  Ketornin'-  to  the 
innediate  faestion  of  the  vestments.  Jewel  argued  that  they  vsere  useful 
and  necessary,  as  meet  for  the  belly,  and  that  black,  white,  round  and 

/7  / 


ill(27) 

75 

square   are  "tha  good  creatures  of  God."  He  was  defen<3in|^  thr^  concept 

of  Christian  liberty  in  things  indifferent,  so  they  be  asf>d  *lth  sobriety, 
but  his  opponents  would  hflTe  none  of  It,  r^leat  an(3  apparel  are  unefal, 
but  not  so  the  Popieh  garments;  they  »!-e   nothing  more  than  -intlchrlstlan 
trifles,  and  yet  man  hfiv«  been  thrust  out  of  thRlr  livinpa  for  refusing 
thea,  and  the  mouths  of  "many  grav«,  learned,  and  godly  zealous  ^reachera" 
have  been  ptonped.   It  is  slngiklnr  to  hear  Jewel  accused  of  popery.  The 
authors  made  their  position  clear  on  this  point; 

Even  so  *'j:  [note  the  appellationj   Jeull,  in  defendinge  Ghrists  Church 
apalnst  the  open  peplet,  did  well  and  In  much  to  be  comiended,  but  now, 
beiup,  an  -meray  to  syncorlty  p.nJ  the  truth  of  Ohrlsts  godpell,  ho  doth 
evlll  and  1p  worthy  to  be  reproved,    76. 

Home,  Bishop  of  ^'tnchoster,  preaching  on  the  following  3undsy,  m;s   eren 
.-nora  rouE^hly  treated  in  "An  nn^wer  to  puch  /.rgumanta  ar;  3,  Home  used 
in  his  sermon  nt  Paules  Crosse  ....,  to  alntsyne  the  romnants  and 
rellques  of  -atlchrlste,"  So  sngry  vlth  him  were  the  note-trkers  that 
they  permitted  but  a  few  of  his  phrsses  to  survive.  He  'sdmltted  that  he 
had  heazv!  only  three  sermo-s  since  he  came  to  London,  "nd  they  affirmed 

no 

thet  this  nas   disgrnceful,  °  Ke  commended  Jewel's  sermon,  and  they 
replied  that  David  was  a  good  king:  but  he  did  e/il  thinifrs  —  a  nangeroua 
analogy  Indeed,  He  said  he  would  not  deal  with  controversial  matters, 
because  the  place  ^ee   not  meet  nor  the  hnarers  fit  Judges;  but  this 
apnroach,  so  .tirferent  from  that  of  the  conscientious  Jewel,  did   not  aare 
hltii  from  criticism.  He  feared  the  light,  noted  his  critics,  because  his 
deeds  are  evil;  mnny   in  the  audience  («ere  "honourable,  worshlofull, 
learned,  wise,  and  fodlie."  Home  affirmed  that  he  would  cewpc  his 

ctlons  in  enforcing  ecclesiastical  discipline  if  it  could  be  shown  that 
they  were  unlawful.  They  replied  that  his  own  conscience  should  tell  him 

17^ 


111(28) 

that;   In  other  words,   thoy  astced  an   impossible   thing,   that  an  Elizabethan 
bishop  atould  b«  tvulded   by  the  private  Judpr.^nt.     Ke   wished,    in  conclusion, 
thfit  "those  might  be  cut  off  which  trouble  us,"     To  this  the  writers  said 
"ijnen". 

Jittch  "answers"  as  these  probably  had  a   con^^lderable  clandeBtinc 
circulation  aanong  the  disaffected*     A  party  was  far.-nlag  under  the  stress 
of  what   Its  members  considered   the  persecution  oT   the  bishops  and   Its 
principles  were   being  l^id  down   in  C^ertwripht's  te£ichinp  ht  CJs  abridge. 
But   it  was  a  party  sithin   the  Ghorch  of   England,   as   it   continued,   and 
there  were  many     odeiates  who,    in  spite  of  their  re  -udea  were  f^Jr  from 

despairlnfT  of  compromise.      One  of   these  was  iildwerd    mibti,   who   orea-'hed 

79 
at  Paul's  Cross  three  days  after  the  new  canons  appeared   in  June  .1571, 

Hie  exhortation  was  based  upon  PBalm  75,  and  he  opened  with  b  paean  In 

praiso  of  the  Psalms:      "the  boke  of  Psalmep   is  a  r-iost  precious   oesrle 

....   I  would   to  Ood  yong  men  voald  seeke   to  stay  their  frallo  and 

sllopery  youth  with  the  diligent  resdln?  of  thys  books*'*     Be  set  forth 

the  proper  lay  of  oraiainn  God,   anc   c  ndemned   'he  papists'    "unfruitfull 

mumbling  in  a  strbnge   tounge."     Ve  ax'e  to  praise  God  earneBtly  and  not 

negllffently,   as  the  spirit  of  God  stirs  up  our  hearts.     But  now  the 

world   reproves   zfial  and   fervour  of  spirit;    those  »ho  would   sti;    us  up 

to  reforration  are  called   foolish  arici    indiscreet.      (Slg.  C3tJ        In  his 

second  part  he  dealt  with  God's   judiaaent  of  the  world   in  his  convenient 

tLae,   end  applied   the  lesson  of  God's   juritlce   to  naglntrfites,    that   they 

should  deal  Justly  with  "stirs  and   uprores,"  and    to  Enpland's  deliverance 

from  the  ^(rjpt  and  babylon  of  Hooe.     Men,   llKe  God,   have  n   eonv-^nlent 

tlBfie,    bat  worldly  wise  laea  refuse  to  see  thr.t  r-ellglon  should   seize  ths 

tins  of  reformation  &?  the  geneiral  sees  the  time  to  attack  or  the  marlnsr 

173 


111(29) 

takoH  the  noment  of  tha  fSTourable  wind,   'hen  reform  tion  first  cRtne  to 
England, 

then  «.o  drew  not  oat  of  the  booke  of  ".od   s  right  piat,  neither  laid  w© 
a  sure  foandr.tlon  of  rij-ht  refomvitlon,  «e  did  not  then  utterly  abolished 
£sicj  all  uperstitious  vsnitiss,  ;,iiich  no«  by  Ooos  just  jud  '  -nt  ire 
p;  icices  in  our  eles:  and  thornes  In  our  sides.   [^ig«  E4j 

All  things  ere  not  well  or  in  good  order. 

Bush  proceeded  to  li«5t  some   abuses  still  lemoininf:  in  the  church. 
Some  popish  priests  still  remain  ministers  by  virtue  of  their  idolatrous 
orders;  they  are  like  iregona  who  will  overthrow  in  the  ni?bt  all  that 
is   built  In  the  day.   inhere  are  'lewde  ignorante  and  umneete  ministers," 
end  there  is  "wonderful  great  rant"  of  good  preachers  in  the  country. 
Gjreedy  ena  simonincal  petrons  pass  over  "good  end  godly  men,  leernod  men 
of  long  continuance  in  the  university."  Dut  the  ^r^atest  fault  is  the 
forcing  of  ifien's  conseiencas. 

It  1?  not  a  capne,  tippet,  or  simples  only,  which  are  but  si, ell  matters, 

and  the  s.nallest  of  many  matters,  which  are  to  tse  reforrried  in  the  Church 
of  England, 

but  these  matters  "clog  mens  consciences."  He  made  'uit  to  the  ecclsai- 
astical  authorities  that  men's  connciences  should  not  be  f oread  in  this 
matter,  but  persuaded,  and  added  that  it  was  "a  convenient  tyme  that 
these  things  were  redressed."   fig*  -Jl]   Heformation  muat  not  trrry  for 
any  worldly  policies  or  carnal  counsels. 

There  is  nothing  in  this  sermon  of  the  "discipline."  Bush  was 
no  Presbyterian;  Pimply  a  scrupulous  believer  in  reformation  according  to 
warrant  of  .  crlpture,  uneasy  but  conformeble.  The  famous  admonition  to 
the  Parllartient  of  May  lb72  ans  of  •  different  character  from  this  sermon. 
The  authors  jased  their  complaints  upon  the  scheme  of  church  povemment 


iil(30) 

set  forth  by  Cai-twripht  in  hi?,  lectures  at  Cambridge.  This  consisted  of 
five  points:   the  names  of  archbishops  end  bishops  should  be  abolished; 
in  their  stead  should  be  appointed  bishops  aid  deacons,  th^  forner  with 
a  purely  spiritual  oifice;  church  povermient  should  be  by  minister  and 
presbytery;  each  minister  chould  be  Ettached  to  a  definite  conpregatlon; 
ministers  should  be  elected  by  the  congrepetion.  a11  thin  ororram,  which 
was  not  a  separatist  piogram,  cfic   based  upon  the  practice  of  the  primitive 
church,  -iS  recorded  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,^  The  AdT'onitlop 
accordingly  demanded  the  removal  of  all  "popish"  'abusas  which  should 
Etatid  in  the  way  of  euch  a  platform  for  the  Church  of  England,  contending 
that  though  they  had  borne  with  the  f nulls  in  the  Prayer  '  ook. 


yet  now  being  eoripQlled  by  sabscription  to  allow  the  snre  and  confess  it 
not  to  i-e  afcein&t  Ihe  w  rd  of  Sod  in  any  point,  out  tolerable,  we  murt 
needs  sey  as  folloveth,  that  this  book  ic  an  anperfect  book,  cullnd  and 
cicked  out  of  thav  popi-h  dunghill  the  poituise  and  r/jss-book  ull  of 
all  abominations.   For  some  and  many  of  the  consents  therein  be  such  as 
are  cainst  the  »ord  of  '"^od.    81* 


They  de-^jnded  a  learned  ministry,  the  overthrow  of  some  ecclesiastical 
courts,  p.ni   the  "ancient  purity  and  siHipliclty"  of  the  apostolic  worship 
at  all  points.  The  contention  over  spparel,  though  they  could  not  deny 
ItE  importance,  they  did  not  set  as  the  roal  ground  of  controversy,  but 

esserted  that  the  real  controversy  was  ''far  greet  matters  concei^inp-  a 

so 
true  rainlstry  and  reginent  of  the  church  according  to  the  sord." 

The  Admonition  ivas  at  once  solid  and  picturesque;  its  anlraed- 
versions  upon  the  state  of  the  Eninlstry  struck  home,  end  the  i:lshops 
winced.   It  was  el^out  this  time  that  the  ',enti  "Puritan"  beean  generally 
to  i-a  applied  to  tho^e  «ho  ought  to  Impose  tiie  enevan  discipline  upon 
the  Church  of  Snglaad,  *^  though  Field  and  -  iloox  objected  r.trenuously  to 


/7s' 


ili{31) 
its  theolo^icsl   imolicHtl'jns: 


V,e  truste  tnat  this  our  open  end  plf^ine  coufessioQ  siiaibe  surflcisnte  to 
cle'sre  uf    from  those  de.-pltefull  na-jes  which  the  devlll  and  his   instruunenta 
have  devised  against  us,    thorby  the  riither  to  hln<ier  our  Joalie  purposes 
in  seeklnge   for  Christian  information,   calling  u-^   reprochfullle  puritanes, 
onspotted  bretherno  and   suche  like,     i'hoso  names  vie  abhore  and  detest  and 
openly  professe   th^it     n  ourselves  we  fynde  nothiage  but  aynae  and 
uacleannes.         S4. 


The  official  answer  to  the  Admoaition  at  Paul's  Cross  was,  howe/er, 
renarltably  moderate  and   liberal  in  tone.     Ihoaaa  Cooper,   Jif.hop  of 
Lincoln,  vna  the  appointed  standai'd-bearer  of  the  via  media  on   this 
occasion;   unfortunately  his  sermon,   like  those  of  the  preirloua  year, 
must  OS  reconRtructed   rr<Mi  "Aa  Answer  to  certain  pieces  of  e   sermon,  fee.," 
surreptitiously  set  forth  soon  afterwards, •^"^     Cooper  maintained  realis- 
tically,  that  good  ministers  were  not  to  be  had  at   the  beginaln,}-  of  the 
reign  oecauae  of  oaitauility  of  religion  in  the  days  of  iid  ard  and  ilary 
which  caused  "many  to*aj7dly  niits  to  refrain   the  ministry  ....   anc    to 
comrait   their  studies  to  physic,   to  law,    to  teaching  '^chools,  &c."     He 
added    that   the  people  would  have  been  in  the  condition  of  heathens  "if 
there  hud  not  been  such  made  to  read  the  scripture  unto   them,"      ihe 
"Answer"  celled   this  "maintaining  of  an  ignorant  and  unlearned  ministry," 
Thlch  stunf  Cooper  to  add  to  his  cooy  a  marginal  note: 

I  did  not  allow  them,  nor  Fhesv  myeelf  to  like  well  of  them,  .-ut  bewailed 
the  cause,  and  wished  the  continuance  only  in  respect  of  necesr ity,  'nd 
in  connsrlson  of  oaniGtlcal  priests,  I  somewhat  diminished  the  )7rlevoua- 
ness  of  the  crime, 

?Ie  also  .>om:ne!ided   ••iibove   tho   -oon"   the   Book  of  Common  Prayer,   "saying, 
it  is  most  egroer.bie  to  God*     wori  of  any  since  th^  opostles'   time,  and 
least  clogged  with  unprofitable  ceremonies."     To  thlf  the  Puritans 
replied  flatly  that  the  Genevan  discipline,   and  much  oreachlnff,  were  more 
in  Hccox^  *lth  God's  word.      They  raided  the  same  objection  to  his  argument 

/7C 


lii(52) 

in  aofence  of  church  60'^<'^D3''6'^*  by  bishops,  which  he  traced  beck  throu^i 
the  history  of  the  church  to  the  first  council  of  Nlcea;  it  was  feeble 
since  it  Gid  not  rest  upon  crlr tarsi  warrant.   Fin-lly,  they  rere  noved 
to  cries  of  "Blis-jhefflyl"  by  what  seem  in  retrospect  his  most  telllop; 
points:   that  it  is  erroneous  to  br;3e  the  external  govern.-- :nt  of  the 
church  upon  the  ^/criptures  at  all  points,  and  that  the  prooirsni  of  the 
disciplinarians  would  3s8d  Inevitably  to  the  dissolution  of  the 
anlTeraitiea. 

At  this  point  it  does  not  seem  t^at  the  bishops  were  moved  to 
more  than  such  routine  arguments  to  support  their  authority.   I'he 
iesuea  of  the  debate  were  indeed  grevo  enough,  but  all  the  implications 
of  the  Purlten  position  had  not  bean  perceived,  3ut  in  the  months  that 
followed  Cooper's  sermon,  a  flood  of  pamphlets  maJe  their  appocrnnce 
recontnending  the  discipline  and  v^ritten  on  behalf  of  the  imprisoned 
^ield  and  '^llcoi.  The  chief  oT  these  was  the  so-cslled  Second  -d.-nonitlon 
which,  if  not  Yirltten  by  Csrtvjrlght,  wrs  certainly  ia-'pired  hi/   him. 
In  iiUfeiist  tho  jaBssacre  of  Jt.  Bartholo;aew  roused  Protestant  sympathies 
to  fever  heat,  and  lullzubath's  teiipori'<:atlon   contributed  to  the  anger 
of  thoES  who  were  ready  to  oae  in  the  compromise  of  thr^  stwblishment  a 
coraproalse  with  popery,  I^eanwhile  the  bichops  found  a   chanpion  in  John 
Whitgift,  ilester  of  Trinity,  who,  aldod  by  them,  took  up  the  tfjsk  of 
answoriuf'  the  ..daonltions.  His  Answer  appoRred  in  February  1573,  but  on 

an 

2   iiovember  1572  he  preached  st  Paul's  Gross  on  Ssnays*  appointment. 
It  id  likely  that  he  there  rehearsed  his  :nain  contentions  a.^inot  the 

Puritans,  and  chiefly  his  rein  arfuraent,  that  Puritans  were  like  Catholics 

88 

in  denying  to  civil  aiegistratos  authority  in  relation  to  th?  church.    He 

was  to  argue  in  his  ^ujwer  that  there  le  "no  onc=  cer  aln  and  perfect  kind 

/77 


iii{S5) 

of  f-roverBnent  pra3crlbe<i  or  conrasnded  in  the  cripfcure  to  Ihe  Church  of 
Christ,"  consequently  tho  pattern  of  procedure  I?,  "th")  coitinaal 
practice  of  •  hristiflo  Churches,  in  the  tine  of  Christian  naeistratea," 
which  has  been  ''to  gl /e  to  Christian  princes  supremo  authority  in 

making  ecclesinstlcal  orders  and  lavs,  yea  and  that  which  is  more.  In 

89 

deciding  of  matters  of  religion,  even  in  the  chief  and  prinoi'.ol  points," 

This  was  a  e-ood  argunent  for  Paul's  Cross,  because  of  Its  application 
of  the  ecolesiastical  dllenria  to  political  xealitles.   It  is  n  significant 
arguinent  in  two  vays.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  the  first  really 
effective  rlpaste  to  che  Puritan  aeraande  for  further  reformation;  if 
they  ciilled  e  olehop  a  "petty  pope"  who  stood  in  the  way  of  pure 
Pi^testant  doctrine  and  pruotice,  they  were  by  inevitable  logic  calling 
the  vueen  a  "petty  pope"  end  in  so  coinfc  they  stood  in  danger  of  treason. 
-'Secondly,  one  notes  how  the  necersity  of  the  controversy  forced  Vhitgift 
into  attrioutiag  to  the  Jupreiws  Ckwernor  the  poteafas  ordtnin,  which  she 
f.id  not  in  theory  clain,  by  statuse,  but  which  for  purposes  of  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  her  ministers  must  either  attribute  to  her  or  to 
themselves.  l«ot  until  Bancroft  spoke  at  Paul's  Croaa  in  1539  did  the 
bishops  presume  to  claim  it  for  themselves,  and  then  the  clain  met  vtith 
a  storm  of  opposition  from  all  quertors.  The  ffict  is  thet  the  Elizabethan 
church  was  not  fitted  to  serve  as  ezsmplar  for  any  abstract  argument; 
to  defend  it  was  almost  as  perilous  ss  to  attack  it. 

It  may  be  conceded  that  the  "Briafe  confession  of  F'aythe," 
written  by  Field  and  Vilcox  from  Uewgate  anv".  dated  4  December  1572,  waa 
in  answer  to  such  nllegntions  as  these  In  •ihitgift's  sermon  of  2  "ovember. 
Thin  document  contains  not  only  the  familiar  objection  to  such  careless 
and  slanderous  terms  a-   have  been  applied  to  them  by  the  bishops  and 


/7«r 


111(34) 

others  in  tho  h^at  of  controversy,   but  a  repudintlon  of  Whitfflft's 
contention  concernLag:  thair  attituda   to  ard  the  cItII   c-overn.-ient.     The 
pasari   e   In  queatioa   runs  aa   follo/.s: 


And  alactca,  who  selth  not  that  her©  amongest  us  the  same  accusations 
and  wor38e,    if  AorsB©  may  be   (than  in  Germany  S  Prance),^  ;  re  used  against 
the  Oodlie,   that   seelringe  at  a   parlyarnents   tyrce   for  Christiane  raformatlon 
of   a&ases,   yea  anc'   of     any  sache     abuses,   as  are  confessed,        and   of 
themselTes  wished  removed,  ere  not  onely  feared,  but  also  afflrrred  to  be 
.nabaptists,   Donatists,    ....  ..rians,  Rulnckrelclians,  MeBsallnss  CJJ    » 

pirltans,   and   I   ran  not  tell  what? 

Yea,   the  prince  and  aagietrates   (whose  eares  we  bee-^eche  God  to 
stoppe  frort!  sach  rwlloious  counr-ells)   are   s.i  red  up  to  awaire,   to  loolre 
abowt*  them,   to  drawe  owte  the  eworde,  as  if  thene  men  were  raadie  to 
thrunte  ttera  o^te  of  theire  places    (to  whom  in  rr.  ny  pieces  of  their 
wryti ige  they  iteh«  lonce  continuance  with  all  happlnes),®^  to  overthrowe 
t^atr  kln-'i-doTio   and    to  brin'^e  all   thin-??    to  conf  .'- lone. 

iecsuse  they  wOuld   have  L>y?shope3  uniorded  accordin./e  to  Gods 
';7orde,   therfore   they  conclude  thnt    they  senlte  the   overthrowe  of  '"Ivlll 
Irtag-istrates.     i:»ecaw8e  th^^y  aaye,   sll  byshoppes  and  ministers  are  equall, 
aid  therfore  tiaye  not  ererclse  sovemirntle  o-rer  on<?  another,    therfore  they 
conclude  that   they,    when  they  have  broughte  this   in  amons-e  the  Byshops, 
7.'111  slco  brinp-e  it   in  amonse   the  nobllitie  ani  all  the  people.         93. 


•Thitglft'n   sermon,    perhnps  becaaee   it   opened  up  new      I     as  of 
discord,  did  not  silence  the  onpoFltion;    indeed   it  moved   tht=>in  to  further 
efforts  in  reprisal.     Since  the  puritans  were  anxious  to  obtain  the 
widest  possible  clroulstion  for  their  argunents  it  ^as  natural   that  they 
should   storm  the  Paul*8  Cross  pa).pit.     The  brunt  of  the  attack  fell  upon 

the  unfortunate  Sandys.     His  letter  of  complaint  to  Cecil,   dated  5  August 

94 
1573,       1g  well  knorvn   to  historians  of  "liTiabethan  Puritanism.      >en 

before  the  events  which  ha  records  «ith  melancholy  cfindour,      r.   Thorryis 

filckley,   one  of  the  lesc   known  "sllzabethan  binhop8,"°8tte"ipted  n  defence 

of  the  !:8t,T  ■.llshmant  slth  little  success,**   if  one  is  to  Jiidw  by  the 

fulrr?'.    i-iois  of  B  Puritan  sBquaintance.         The  comment  upon  t>i"    -«rmon  by 

a  Puritan  critic   lllastrr.tes  exnctly  the  position  of  both  perti'^s  at  thi*- 

crisis.     Dr.  Bickley,  like  Cooper,   was   in  all  conecience  viilllnr  to  admit 

that  the  Church  of  Lngland  had  not  a  oerfect  "discipline,"  and   from  this 


lli{35) 

adralssiou  hir,   opponent  was  ready  to  infer  that  such  &   church  was  not.  a 
"perfeat"  chor-ch  according  to  the   'ord,  CalTin  had  said  that  a  church 
Kithout  discipline  is  a  ".nainjijd  church,"  and  jer.a  had  affijmed  that  such 
a  church  allocs  latitude  to  licflntlousness  of  life  among  Its  memb9"s. 
On  the  other  hsni,  Blckley's  Puritan  critic  was  leilliniS-  to  adnlt  "that 
the  Church  of  England  is  the  Church  of  Christ"  and  an  a  me.-riber  t^iereof 
to  confeFB  this  fundamental  point  sith  all  frankness.  He  spoke  of 
Eickley's  seraon  ^.9  "catchyng  and  cavilling  to  defarne  a  brother.?  It 
may  be  tiat  hn  thought  of  Blckley  as  e   lost  leader,  for  he  had  been  one 
of  the  most   extreme  among  the  reformers  In  the  days  of  "duard,  and  waa 
suDpoaed  to  bare  expressed  his  horror  for  the  idolatry  of  the  "^as  by 
breaklnt;  the  Lost  In  pieces  and  tranplinp  it  beneath  his  feet. 

^.ickley,  who  was  at  this  time  arden  of  .V'erton,  f^&y  hfive  had  hia 
zeal  a  little  tempered  by  preferments,  but  the  preachers  who  trou  .led 
Sandys  in  i^ugust  1573  were  out-and-out  supporters  of  the  discipline. 
One  difficulty  in  selecting  preachart>  for  the  Cross  at  that  ti^ce  was  that 
the  sheep  were  very  Imaerfectly  separated  from  the  goats,  and  the  •-'ood 
bishop  did  not  knee  vhoB  he  could  trust.  Crick,  chaplain  to  the  Bishop 
of  Norwich,  was,  he  coipleined,  "much  commended  unto  mc  for  learning  and 

sobriety,"  but  he  attacked  the  church  goveriuaent  established  and  extolled 

99 
"lir,  CJartwright's  book"   as  the  "true  platform  of  the  sincere  and 

100 
apoatolicfil  Church."     Tandys  ralfT-ht  have  expocted  something  like  thla 

from  Parkhorst'a  chaplain,  for  Parkhurst  *Ha  very  nyrapathetlc  to  the 

Puritans.     lir,   '.ake,  of  Ci-rlst  Church  in  Oxford,  was  also  Infected 

with  Cartwrlght^B  opinions,  though  he  hod  preached  a  "good  sermon"  at 

the  -ro3S  tho  previous  y.'ar.     He  wasj  aou-coramittal  when  interrogated 

by  the  bishop,  but  was  permitted  to  pre>ch  on  2  ^ugust,  and  like  Crick 


iii(3C) 

before   him  took  the  opportunity  of  attac Icing;  tho  bishops  and  corainending 
the  new  plntform.     :^ianfiyB  oould  pet  his  hands  on  iiolthrtr  of  the  offenders 
by  5  August,  v?hen  ho  wrote  to  Borghloy,  and  he  was  sor-;  disturbed: 


Such  men  rauat   be  reformed,    if  the  r>tate  shall  stand  safe.     Truly,  my 
Lord,  I  havQ  doaLt  as  carefully  as  T  can,   to  keep  such  fsnatlc'il  spirits 
from  the  Gross:      but  the  deceitful  Levll,   enemy  to   ralirlon,    h-th  so 
poured  out   tho  ooli'on  of  sedition,   and   so  .?,iddanly  tjhrm^ed    taese  wavering 
nlnds,    that   it   is   aai'd   to     ell  whom  a  man  may  trust,  103. 


He  preached  at   the  Cross  himself  la  I'ovember,  admitting  as  Cooper  had 
done  that   the^e  were  "certain  maculsts"   in  the  inlnlstrj-,   but  pointing 
out  that    Lhey  must  be  deaLt   ulth  according  to  th»T  authority  residing 
In  the  r.o^emraent  established  for   tVie  church,  and   not  by  appeal  fr-au 
unconstltuted  minorities, ^0*     Mis  appeal   to  the  Council,  with  others 
like  it   from  th  ;  hard-pressed  bi.~hopfl,   brougiit  sone  aiore  «s8lstance 
In  the  taankloss  task    it  enforcing;  conformity,  and  st  Paul'-  Cross  at 
least    there  was  a  seSBon  oT  quiet;   at   Least  no  more  such  grievous 
breaches   of  aui^hority  as  these  hav^e  oonie   to  my  n^>tlco, 

Thef.e  "answers"  or  "confesBions"  upon  which  one  ht  s  to  depend  for 
the  content  of  so- >e  of  these  sermons  point  to  the  hr-bit  of  note-taking 
at  the  Paul's  Cross  ser^iona,  and     ndead  note- taking  vsith  a  purpose  otjjer 
than  pure  edification,      ^ne  of    rhe  most  significant  aspects   of  such 
controversy  as  that  Inspired  by  the  Admonitions  Is  the  development  of  a 
haoit  among  the   brethren    if  using  a  3srmon  by  a  member  of  the  opposition 
as  sn  opportunity  for  eiercise   in   th«lr  favorite  techn4<Sae  of  testing 
by  proof  te-.ts.     The  authorf  of  the  "Answer"    to  Cooper's  sornon  warned 
him  that  many  were  not  prepared   to  swallow  his  doctrines  ?;itho'Jit  such  a 
Fiftlng: 


/»/ 


Thern  resort    tc   tnat   pls.ce  [^     uI'p  CrossJ   such  as  cajti   try  fell  thin^p, 
and  prove  the  spirits,  whether  they  bs  of  God  or  not  and,   though  they 
lack  yoar  counter.ence  und  estim  tion,   ere  cblQ  to  rienl  vith  you,   or 
the  bftst  bishop  In  this  church;    in  any  oolnt  of  Christian  rali;rion. 
ho  cone  not    to   pl'^en,   ae   ro^v ,    or  for  a   s'-n- ,   ?'lfch  other   '-o"'.8,   or  to 
tangle  you   {as  you  unjustly  report),   but  to  hear  your  doctline,   anci  to 
sear -h  thR  scripture  d.lly,   whether  things  ho  so  '.het  you  soeak.       105. 


It  is  not  clear  whether  thene  are  Inynen  or  clortry;  one  suspects  the 
learned  layrB^n  in  ariong   thera.     certainly   fiis  was  the     1ft    vhich     the 
"nrophesyin-Ts"   sought  to  cultivate  in  the  nlnlstry,  and   thero   1?  no  doubt 
that   it   could   be   piibTersive,   as  the  Queen,  believed.      It  ?fns   the   fcilure 
of  the  refomln'5  brethren  to  focure  a  hesr5n^  in  such  en  Influential 
nul7)it  at  ^nul'p  Orose  after  this  chanter  of  errors  which  forced   their 
energies  into  thn  prophe8yin(?s  and   Into   thft  production  of  a   lltex-f^ture. 


5.    "le  proade  druncken  whoore  of  Sfibylon,   the  triple  crooned    .inhop 
even  ye  preat  Antichrist,** 


The  opposition  to  Aoaa  was  expressed  not  only  in  fon-;slly 
constituted  controversy,  not  only  in   invoctivcs  a.ninst  irrvedlate 
daa«rers,    such  as  Jesuit  missionaries,  Spain,   or  recuFants  wavering  in 
th'^ir  allegiance,   but  also  In  a  continuous  general  polemic  from  the 
Paul's  GrDSS  pulpit.      It  Is  not  necessary  to  assume  that  the     an/rers  from 
Catholic  powers  abroad  vai-e  trreater  than  they  were  or  that  a  I'jrse 
proportion  of  the  population  remained   "ntholic   In   nympathi?"?   in  or-ier 
to  explain  the  long-continued  and    violent  assaults  upon  Ro'e  froji  that 
and   other  .Tllzabathan  pulpits.     Scholars  will  never  agree  upon  the  number 
of  English  recusants  at  any  date  dirlng  the  period,  and   apscul   tion  is 
it   once  fruitless  and  raisleadlno-.     The   real  reason  for   th«:se   full-scale 
attacics  u-^on  all  aspects  of  the  rioman  faith  was  that  tha   tr.ie   faith, 
the  so-called  via  raedia,    ^sb  being  defined   by  this  process,     Anpllcanlsga 


/{r;?, 


111(38) 
was  still  revolutionary,  for  all  the  protestations  of  the  Parltans  and 
sectaries  to  the  contrery;  It  .vaa  «  reforming  doctrine.   Its  validity 
coald  be  aasaaaed  by  nefiatlTas,  and  the  vaat  apparatus  of  invective  by 
which  the  preachers  organized  their  virulent  and  uneeaainp-  assault  upon 
the  old  faith  nrovided  the  foundations  for  the  nf?w,  ^.t  the  saTie  time 
It  was  obvious  that  such  an  approach  left  room  for  an  attack  from  the 
left  srithin  the  reforming  movcnent.  Those  who  Insisted  upon  their 
status  as  reformer.';  could  easily  be  accused  of  not  having  reformed 
enouiTh  or  quickly  enough.   All  too  clearly  they  realized  that  In  certain 
respects  the  practice  of  the  iZstabllshraent  failed  to  Illustrate  their 
shlnlnfT  precepts,  and  in  their  defence  of  this  compromise  (a  copiproalse 
forced  upon  them  by  a  «oddly  and  astute  \:ueen)  they  almost  unconscimsly 
created  the  ides  of  the  middle  way.   It  was  left  for  Hooker  to  give  It  a 
philosophical  oaBia,  and  for  Bancroft  to  defend  it  by  the  procet^ses  of 
law. 

No  ^'uznmery  of  arguinents,  no  collection  of  jxoerpts  can  eonvey 
the  InRlatence,  the  overwhelmingly  tedious  energy  of  these  tirades 
against  Rome  from  the  ?aul*8  Cross  pulpit.  There  is  nothine-  else  In 
Sll7Bbeth8n  and  Jacobean  literature  thot  can  compare  ,;lth  them  in 
ubiquity  unless  it  be  the  Joke  about  the  cuckold's  horn^  In  the  drama. 
Such  repetition  argues  more  than  Infelicity  of  ImsglnHtton  in  the 
pre.'.chers,  though  that  must  always  be  considered  an  Importent  factor 
In  performances  which  were,  after  all,  pretty  standardized  and  conven- 
tional.  Phe  continued  appearance  of  this  theme,  often  Introduced  by 
some  straining  of  the  natufal  course  of  the  sermon.  Illustrates  the  real 
Insecurity  of  the  Church  of  England  during  this  period,  a  church  not 
sincerely  cherishud  {for  all  the  preachers*  protestations  to  the  contrary) 
by  the  ,'overnment,  exposed  to  the  formal  ancault  of  controversisllsts. 


iii(39) 

the  intermittent  infiltration  of  trayelling  zeolots,  and  the  debilitating 
incuri'lons  of  en  a:;tive  secularism.   t  Paul's  Cross,  too,  the  pre-jchers 
were  cut  off  from  the  coniforteble  pernonaliti  ;e  of  the  parish;  they 
••re  engaged  to  promote  the  interest.-  of  en  'stablishment  the  functions 
of  which  in  the  nsttonal  organism  ware  not  alway?  clear  in  any  specific 
political  crisis;  they  found  in  the  tested  platitudes  of  the  old 
controversy  an  ar  a  for  exhortation  not  subject  to  any  out  the  moat 
general  controls,  on  outlet  for  that  Infective  which  they  had  inherited 
In  an  un  .  oken  tradition  from  the  friars.  They  roEo,  then,  and  smote 
the  papacy  with  the  resources  of  a  considerable  if  stereotyped  learning 
and  a  prose  style  enriched  as  well  oy  the  Tulgar  cadences  of  the  alehouse 
as  by  the  reading  of  Jewel  or  Ualvin  or  Augustine,   .'ith  calculated  {or 
sublimely  uncalculated)  simplicity  they  harped  upon  a  few  tested  themes; 
they  were  rarely  '^ibtle,  but  they  were  persistent,  and  pers^istence 
reBches  beyond  subtlety  to  conTiction. 

A  fe«  typical  arguments  will  serve  »■-   Indfr  to  the  ».hole.   John 
Dyes,  a  defiant  rnan,  to  Judge  by  his  record  at  Paul's  Crossj  ^  took 

upon  himself  to  detect  "the  false  Church:  or  rather  nialignr-nt  rable" 

107 
in  a  sermon  on  19  July  1579.     His  teat  was  Luke  5.  1-11,  and  he 

compered  the  ship  from  which  Christ  taught  to  the  Church  militant.   It 

is  shaken,  he  said,  by  "Tur'^kas,  Jewes,  Anabaotlstes,  LibertineB, 

Sectaries,  Atheistes,  .':;chi8matikes,  the  Familie  of  Love,  and  the  Ronishe 

rable,  and  to  be  short  the  devlll  and  all  his  members."  [sig,F4Tj  H« 

then  set  forth  to  prove  that  Home  is  not  the  true  church,  though  it 

pretends  to  be  the  true  uhip.  It  hears  not  the  voice  of  the  nhopherd; 

it  shakes  the  true  ship  because  it  is  a  persecuting  church  and  the  true 

church  does  not  lersocute.  Tertullian  has  affirrjied  that  e  matter  of  the 


111(40) 
spirit  nwy  not  be  submitted  to  a  temporal  fire.  "These,"  he  raid  of  the 
papists,  "are  the  rirht  Canlbals!,  like  to  the  barbarous  people  of  Anierlca 
yt  eat  one  another.  Yet  they  say  all  this  1b  for  love,"  pic.  76t\  The 
weapons  of  the  true  church  are  spiritual  jseapons;  heretics  are  to  be 
Instructed  by  the  »ord. 

The  church  of  iiome  ha-  not  the  true  aarrant  of  Christ's  word; 
there  is  one  shepherd,  Christ  and  not  the  Pope  who  usurps  His  office. 
The  title  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  to  the  position  and  authority  of  pope 
derives  only  from  Phocas,  who  wan  a  murderer.  The  Pope  Is  Antichriet; 
Home  is  Babylon.  Rome  urges  antiquity,  universality  and  succession, 
but  these  make  nothing  for  her.  Her  "antiquity  is  iniquity";  Christ  is 
more  ancient  than  all  traditions. 


For  all  this  I  will  not  strike  to  eraunt  these  men  entlqaltie 
eren  from  Namrod,  yea  ^o  pleasure  them  from  Cain. 


Universality  is  no  note  of  the  true  church;  Christ  teeehes  that  many 
more  5;hall  be  damned  than  saved,  and  the  iU*k  of  Noah  Ib   type  of  the 
true  church  as  are  the  righteous  of  S^dom,   They  pronounced  Hurs  a 
heretic,  thoui'h  he  preached  the  pure  doctrine  of  Christ.  The  true 
members  of  the  body  of  Christ  sre  few,  bat  the  Church  of  rome,  being 
arabitlous,  refuses  none,  t^s   for  succession  Khlch  they  allef-e,  it  means 
nothing  since  It  Is  a  succession  of  those  impure  In  doctrine. 

Dyos  then  passed  to  the  figure  of  the  broken  net,  I'he   Catholics, 
he  claimed,  break  the  net  oy  the  idolatry  of  the  tjss,  which  was  invented 
by  Pope  Honorlus  about  1210.  \_i?»   17j  He  Inveighed  a  lust  the  adoration 
of  the  Host,  pointed  out  thnt  the  word  mass  is  not  to  cjS  found  In  the 
Bible,  and  entered  upon  a  long  argument  to  prove  that  trsnsubstantiatlon 


111(41) 

Is  false.   They  break  the  net  olro,  he  continued,  by  the  iocirinae  of 
JuBtlf lc«tion  by  trorks,  by  Purgatory,  which  bus  no  :^crlp1.ural  sarrant  bAt 
dates  only  from  1<139.   Authorities  of  their  own  differ  on  the  location 
and  ireogrfiphy  of  Purgatory. 

It  earae  from  Virgill  and  Plato  and  other  Heathen  w-lterr.   If  a  nan 
aske  them  where  it  ia:   Some  of  them  3ay  in  Ireland,   r3ig.K7v| 

They  break  the  net  by  affiiroing  free  will  and  by  larocatlon  of  saints. 

This  is  poor  stuff,  a  more  serious  set  of  ars?umenttr,  presented 
more  in  the  form  of  argument  from  authorities  then  by  casual  invective, 

is  to  be  found  in  a  sermon  prenched  at  the  Cross  on  25  June  1587  by 

108 
William  Gravet,  for  thirty- three  years  vicar  of  3t.  Sepulchre's.    So 

rarious  and  insistent  were  his  citations  from  the  doctors  that  he  was 

atta  ked  by  a  brother  on  this  ground  in  a  Mer  sermon  from  the  same 

pulpit. ^'^"  Prepchiag  from  John  16.33,  he  declared  how  the  true  foundation 

of  Christian  peace  is  in  Christ,  how  both  law  and  gospel  are  two  ^jspeets 

of  the  ea.ae  spiritual  truth,  thi  law  pertr,  ininf  to  the  old  man,  and 

abrogated  by  the  sacrifice  of  Christ,  the  new  Morses.  Thus  the  two 

teataaentF  ire  bu' stantiplly  th?  same,  one  contained  in  the  other;  »e  are 

therefore  to  add  nothing'  to  God's  word;  the  ^crlpturer  are  sufficient  for 

felth,  and  the  doctors  testify  ebundently  to  this  point.   The  Komish 

i^ntichrist,  however,  de'"aces   the  pure  T,ord  of  ^od,  thoujdi  not  onsnly. 

Lven  the  Homish  doctors  are  divided  upon  the  truth  of  transubstantiatlon, 

and  may  be  confuted  out  of  their  own  mouths.  Their  only  r^^al  cllegiance 

Is  to  holy  church,  no  matter  what  divisions  may  be  proved  in  its  authorities. 

They  blasphemously  assert  that  the  crlptures  must  follow  the  Church. 

Gravet  then  turned,  after  irome  animadversions  upon  papist 


lii(42) 

mlBtranslntiona  of  a  passage  In  Aueustlne,  clngalflrly  unsuited  to  a 
pulpit  out  apparently  Trae.chod,  to  an  attnck  upon  the  Catholic  cl:^lm  of 
auccession,  upon  the  validity  of  their  use  of  catholic,  and  upon  their 
false  claim  of  ualveraallty,  since  they  never  had  the  consent  of  the 
Greek  church.  Holding  their  noses  to  the  grindstone  still  further,  to  use 
his  own  phrase,  he  disputed  with  them  tho  signiflcHnce  of  cer  ain  ambiguous 
te}:ts  of  AuKustine  concerning  faith  and  works,  and  resisted  the  clelm  of 
antl  ulty  In  similar  torms  to  thore  used  by  Dyos.  These,  with  a  few 
scattered  remarks  concerning  "Jackanapes  toy-^s"  of  ImSi-es,  cmplete  his 
assault  upon  OetholiciaDi  in  this  sermon* 

One  notes  little  variation  in  the  familiar  linr-a  of  atteck  in 
Manninghfcm* a  notes  of  a  seraion  preached  on  19  December  1602,  by  **one  with 

a  long  browne  beard,  «  hanging  looke,  a  glotlnp  eye,  and  a  toseinp  learlng 

110 
Jeasture."     He  preached  upon  false  prophets,  and  "ran  over  manie 

heresies,"  then  proceeding  to  the  sins  of  the  pap  sts*  He  attacked  their 

pretence  of  universality,  of  antiquity;  their  elnglng  by  note  in  tho 

church,  the  ado  ntion  of  the  Host,  auricular  confession  and  "unlversall 

pardon,  !cc."  He  produced  the  same  arpu^.ents  as  Dyos  that  "multitude  is 

no«  slgne  of  the  churche,  for  Noah  and  his  family  in  the  old  world,  Lott 

in  Sodome,  to." 

His  whole  sermon  Qtennin-^ham  concludes  conterriptuounlyj  iibf   a  strong 
continued  invectlTs  against  tho  pnpistes  ani  jesuites.  Not  a  notable 
villanous  practise  eoaiml  ted  by  a  pope,  a  cardinall,  a  birhop,  or  a 
priest  had  a  hand  in  it;  they  were  still  at  the  worst  end. 

Such  aensons  as  these  are  typical.  They  are  dlstln^-uished  neither 
by  subtlety  of  argument  nor  variety  of  a p-  roach.  They  lack  either  dignity 
or  dullness;  their  strength  Ilea  in  a  colloquial  harshness  and  violence, 
their  weeknese  in  ;.  capacity  to  produce  tedium  that  is  perhaps  unequalled 

/i:7 


111(43) 

in  the  ecclesiastical  literature  uf  the  tirne.  ManQinghsm  ^as  not  pious, 
but  he  was  not  entirely  veorldly,   and  his  reaction  to  these  efforts  must 
haye  been  sh^ired  by  many  another  in  the  audience.  Yet  such  sermons  serred 
their  purpose:  they  inculcated  in  the  hearers  a  solid  body  of  precepts, 
limited  in  number  end  sustained  by  argoraents  transpnrently  simple  and 
trustworthy.  The  higher  flights  mlfht  be  left  to  such  men  as  ^Vndrewee, 
as  the  Church  of  Sngland  began  to  bring  forth  some  respectable  theologians 
and  casuists.  Popular  persuasion  was  safer  and  more  effective  in  the 
efforts  of  the  less  gifted  and  less  reasonable  of  the  clergy. 

If  the  Paul's  Cross  preachers  were  perhcps  not  especially  Impres- 
slT*  in  sustained  contention  over  doctrines  or  in  Intejrpretrtion  of  church 
history,  they  could  be  counted  upon  to  do  «rell  enough  with  aspects  of  the 
homan  menace  which  were  of  more  immediate  concern  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  church.  Chief  among  these  was  the  long  threat  of  subTersion  from  the 
recusants  and  Roman  missionrrlen,  especially  the  Jesuits. 

The  history  of  English  «atholiolsm  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  is 
as  difficult  to  trace  as  thst  of  any  underground  movement.  Certain 
prominent  i^nglish  catholics,  who  would  in  a  ieess  eorapliceted  situation 
hare  been  rather  less  than  distinguished  in  the  national  record,  have 
been  elevated  into  -artyrs;  acts  of  public  policy  which  under  other 
circumstances  would  have  been  branded  as  brutal  perseofttlon.   It  is  un- 
deniable that  the  lot  of  the  English  Catholic  after  1570  was  anything 
but  a  happy  one,  ospeeAtily  if  he  were  a  good  Englishman  as  well  as  a 
good  Catholic.  The  act  of  1563,  extending  the  provisions  of  the  Act 
of  Supremacy  concerning  those  forced  under  pain  of  treason  to  taka  the 
oath  of  supremacy,  an  act  inspired  b'  the  danr-ors   growing  In  France  and 


lii{44) 

Scotland,  was  not  preesed  Into  rlgorouR  execution,  but  the  orents  of 
1569-70  made  all  hope  of  reconciliation  either  deploraatic  or  rellgioas 
impossible,  and  tbe  acts  of  1571  to  preserve  the  ..ueen  In  her  title  and 
her  subjects  In  their  allegiance  laid  a  considerable  strain  upon  the 
consciences  of  her  Catholic  subjects.  Ihe  bull  of  Pius  V  failed  both  as 
a  political  implement  and  as  a  religious  weapon.  More  dnnrerous  to  the 
Enrilsh  state  were  the  olasions  of  the  Jesuits,  oe^un  about  1579.  The 
mlssion&ries  set  about  to  organize  secretly  the  centers  of  Catholic 
resistance,  to  convert  the  disaffected,  and  to  educate  those  hungry  of 
an  imagined  martyrdoa.  The  governinent  retaliated  with  the  roost  severe  of 
penal  lews  to  date:   by  the  act  of  1581  to  retain  subjects  in  due 
obedience  conversion  to  Homanis-n  wes  laade  «  treasonable  offence,  ;--'aying 
or  hearing  of  iTa-s  was  forbiddeti,  and  a  fine  of  iiZO   a  month  inposed  on 
recusants.   In  1585  Jesuits  and  semlnsry  priests  were  banished  the 
country  under  pain  of  death.  Logilatlon  arolnst  the  Catholic  laity 
reached  its  heit^-^ht  in  1503  with  an  act  which  inhibited  the  movements  of 
"popish  recusants".  As  a  result  of  this  legislation,  increasing  in 
intensity  and  enforced  with  intennittent  out  consider'  ble  severity,  the 
numbers  of  English  Catholics  decresf^ed  but  their  zeal,  animated  by  a 
Catholicism  necessarily  more  Roman  than  English,  bees -«  of  an  intense 
and  dangerous  kind.  The  Counter-Refonnatlon  in  r.ngland  became  an  affair 
of  plots  and  poisons,  of  secret  passares  and  secret  masses,  of  spies 
and  subor  ed  servants,  of  tortuee  and  blood »^^^ 

From  the  1570*8  to  the  end  of  the  reign  the  preachers'  invectives 
against  the  prectices  of  the  Catholics  paralleled  thoir  attacks  upon 

Catholic  theory,  and  increased  in  intensity  with  the  fears  of  the 

112 
administration.   In  1577  Gurteys  of  Chichester    eiforeed  the  n ^ed  of 


J^f 


iil(45) 

discipline  to  compel  recasant-8  to  ooaoe  to  the  feast  of  God*s  word  to 
nblch  all  ^agllshmen  ere  bidden: 


It  is  now  requisite  that  Judges  and  Nobles,  and  Counoellors,  ahlche  hsve 
in  thii:  camsion  welths  the  authoritie  &  countenance,  should  draw  out  the 
rod  of  discioline  ....,  use  the  iron  rod  of  correction. 


The  recusants  are  armed  with  the  girdle  of  falsehood: 


false  speeches,  false  rumours,  false  sarmlses,  scleanderoas  Bookes  and 
infaxioas  libels. 


He  undoubtedly  hod  in  luind  the  propaganda  of  the  Englleh  Catholic 
colleges  abroad.  He  had  his  suspicions  alRo  of  Rosjinlsm  In  universities 
or  perhaps  in  the  Inns  of  Court.  There  Is  loose  conversation  over  the 
wine  at  "coiiBTion  tables. "  This  suspicion  vua   uttered  more  forcibly  and 

directly  by  John  Stocknood  in  1579;  some  of  our  obstinate  Papists,  he 

113 
said,  roost  in  the  Inna  of  Court.     The  preechere  feared  for  the  souls 

of  young  intellectuals  in  general,  and  espeoially  those  who  letarned  from 

the  Grand  Tour  not  only  Italiaaate  but  papist,  aad  if  papist  traitorous 

and  promoters  of  treason.  Thomas  .vhlte  was  exercised  over  this  danger: 

I  Hill  say  nothing  of  Gentlemen  travelers,  yt  hold  in  c:ood  fsadnespe  this 
devilish  opinion  ....,  when  thou  art  at  Korae  live  after  ye  Kaalsh  rv-iner: 
but  they  learne  their  ler.son  so  perfit  there,  yt  a  great  number  cannot 
forget  it  here  ....  k  nan  may  be  a  very  naughty  person  k   yet  a  good 
servant  ...,  but  he  can  never  ,a  a  right  Rooaine  k   a  faythfull  subject, ^^* 

It  vas  not  neoessary  to  go  abroad  to  be  subverted  from  true 
allegiance  and  rlgjit  religion.  The  great  Catholic  lando^nerrs  of  the 
north  and  vest  could  afford  to  have  private  instruction,  secular  and 
perhaps  relieloue,  for  their  children.  The  government  sow  in  this  course 
the  possibility  of  danger,  and  guarded  ar^ainst  it  in  the  act  of  1563, 


/90 


iil(4«) 

vhich  provided  that  "all  schoolmasters  and  public  -nd  private  teachers 

115 
of  children"  should  be  enforced  to  take  the  oath  to  the  ct  of  Supremacy. 

John  Stockwood,  hlmcelf  mf-stcr  of  a  grammar  echool,  ettaoked  the  Catholic 

116 
tutors  ot  Psul'a  Cross  In  1578,    even  oetore   the  estnbllshaient  of 

anything  like  an  ort^anlzed  Jesuit  cempelgn  In  England.  He  discussed, 

with  sher«cteri»tlc  prolixity,  the  office  of  a  schoolmaster  In  general, 

and  affirmed  that  one  of  the  most  dangerous  infections  of  the  time  was 

the  neglect  of  schoolm-  sters  to  teBCh  tbelr  ch  rges  God's  word.  Looming 

Tilthout  thla  Admixture  is  "but  a  ring  of  .?old  in  e  swlnes  snoute."  JP.88 j 

•Tullie  his  Offices  or  Aristotle  his  Sthlckea,  or  Plato  his  preoeptes  of 

maners,  n  ever  yet  laado  a  godly  and  a  vcrtuous  man,"  thougii  profane 

authors  have  their  use,  and  he  does  not  dorplce  them* ^.91^  The  Papists 

full  well  understand  the  aallesbility  of  young  minds, 

and  therefore  have  tlSLr  picked  seholemai sters  orlvately  to  nousel  up 
their  children  in  their  houses  in  th©  Popes  religion  ....  By  this  meanes 
are  -neny  towarde  gentlemen  otherwise,  utterly  marred  &  spoiled.  Howe 
(I  pray)  you  falleth  it  out,  yt  you  have  at  thys  day  in  this  Innde, 
many  yong  gentlemen  not  above  24  yeres  olde  at  the  moste,_that  are  more 
obstinat  and  stubborne  Papiates  than  their  fathers.  |j*^3] 

In  many  noble  houses  ere  rotten  Papists,  the  sweepings  of  the  Universities, 
and  also  "olde  Poplshe  persecuting  '.tesse  Priestes."  ^«  95^   The  children 
of  Papists  should  be  taken  from  them  ami  committed  to  rodly  teachers  while 
their  parents  still  *ould  pay  for  the  expenses  of  their  education. 

If  Stockwood  feared  especially  impurity  of  religion  others  feared 

117 
more  impe  feet  allegiance.  The  celebration  of  mass  in  holes  and  corners 

was  bed  enough,  but  It  indicated  piety  and  not  sedition.   But  the  oanie 

persons  who  showed  disobedience  in  not  coming  to  church  %era  suspected 

of  harbouring  traitorous  perf>ons  in  their  own  households  or  of  supporting 


/?/ 


ill(47) 

them  beyond  the  seaa*  John  Dyos  went  so  far  as  to  suggest  "If  you  'noke 

diligent  search:   you  ehall  finde  fat  bulla s  of  3asan  of  this  company 

IIB 
in  Cathedrall  Chruches."     Theae  foxea,  he  went  on,  would  ran  to  Rome 

119 
If  the  chain  of  gOTemment  should  break*     It  wee  a  fifth  column* 

spear^-headed  by  Jesuits  and  supported  by  foreign  and  domeatle  subsidies, 

«hieh  the  preachers  were  instructed  to  attack  from  this  pulpit.  The 

120 
Catholic  Pharisees  of  Rome,  said  villlam  Fisher  In  1580,    hare  two 

swords  Indeed,  tyranny  and  infamy.  !?e  are,  thinks  be  to  God,  out  of 

reach  of  the  'irst,  but  with  the  sword  In  infamy 

eTen  now  hee  [the  rope\   leyes  about  him  in  England  k   strlWes  more 
desperately  et  all  estates  than  ever  he  did:  for  al  our  bold  I^cusarts, 
al  our  quondam  priests,  el  our  harper?  upon  a  change,  all  c^r  lookers 
for  a  f?olden  daye,  all  our  private  whisperers,  and  subtile  surmlsers 
shiche  we  have  in  Sn^^lande,  what  els  are  they  but  the  Popes  souldlers. 

(sig.  at] 

This  is  an  acute  sociological  obserTntion,  of  which  the  historians  of 
Catholic  raartyrdoiis  naturally  take  little  account.  The  Catholic 
causa  enlisted  more  than  the  devout;  like  all  such  movements  it  Included 
a  legion  of  disreputable  cdventurers.  The  secret  history  of  salsingham's 
use  of  3uch  persons  will  never  be  fully  known,  but  now  and  then  one  of 
thai  swims  into  prominence.   In  1563,  for  instance,  one  Lawrence  Caddy, 
who  had  been  used  as  a  spy  in  the  Bnglish  College  In  Kome  while  still 

a  professed  Catholic,  performed  a  not  very  edifying  recantation  at 

ISl 
F8al*s  Cross.     Perhaps  the  most  unstable  and  th'ts  one  of  the  most 

useful  of  theae  oonscleneeless  renegades  was  the  notorbus  Anthony  Tyrral, 

who  with  another  of  the  same  staap  performed  one  of  his  many  recantations 

at  the  Gross  In  December  lb87.  In  the  midst  of  the  dlaturbnnces  which 

attended  the  death  of  Mary  ^ueen  of  Scots  and  the  Spanish  expedition, 

and  who  was  used  in  the  following  January  to  reveal  .'^ome  of  the  ^^atholie 


111(48) 

plots  from  the  sarae  pulpit. ^^^ 

There  Is  remarkably  little  direct  attack  upon  the  Jesuits  from 

the  Paul's  Cro«8  pulpit  during  the  thirty  years  under  review,  considering 

123 
their  Importance  end  the  fear  and  loathinir  they  Inspired,     In  1592 

Robert  Temple  imrelghed  against  the  -murren  sect  of  heretieka  ....  that 

fib  jure  a  lawefull  allegia,^nce  to  their  Prince  ....,  and  by  forreine 

oonaplracie  ....  put  In  practice  the  death  (j3f  the  prince^";  these 

124 
desperate  men  are  'aspired  'oy  Jesuits.     Their  jastificstion  end 

support  of  bsssssinatiou  Is  not,  however,  touched  on  as  much  as  one 

migh)^  expect.  Perhaps  the  govemisent  sought  to  play  dovin  the  dangers 

among  which  the  ,usen  moved  equally  as  much  ns  thay   soinetlmes  eniphesized 

then  for  propaganda  purposes.  Horer  Kenton  in  his  sermon  of  21  November 

1602  glanced  at  the  Jesuits*  self-seeking  in  attaching  themselves  to  rich 

125 
men.    This  method  of  attack  upon  them  suited  a  less  desperate  time* 

From  the  dangers  to  the  klnrdom  and  the  ""wueen  which  the  efforts 
of  the  Catholic  minority  created,  as  nwch  as  from  the  theories  Inherited 
from  the  first  days  of  the  Reformation  and  more  rB^iotely  from  the  Tsritlngs 
of  ttarslliac  of  Padua,  emerged  a  doctrine  of  allegiance  and  obedience  which 
•stiB   preached  steodily  from  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit  during  the  whole 
period.  Uo  subject  called  forth  Bore  eloquence  than  the  defence  of  the 
Queen's  right  to  allegiance  and  the  duty  of  obedience  arising  from  tha 
law  of  Gk>d  and  from  the  dictates  of  national  expediency. 

Of  those  preachers  who  found  in  Klizabeth  Buch  an  example  of 
righteous  governJTient  deroandir.g  tot^.l  allegiance  bs  tbat  establl^^hed  by 
Ood  among  the  Jews  perhaps  the  most  forceful  was  Thomas  vhlte,  a  clothier's 


/f3 


iii(49) 

son  »lio  establislied  by  his  will  a  profossorship  of  sorel   philosophy 
at  Oxford,   a  "noted  and   fraqueat  fJreacher  of  God* a  word."  He 

preached  et   Paul's  Cross  on  9  Deceaiber  1576,   upon  Jeremiah  23.5,   the 

127 

prophecy  of  the  "righteous  Breach."     Ha  dealt  first  with  the  pi'ophecy 

ae  it  applies  to  a  heavenly  kingdom,  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah.  The 
icerk  which  the  prophets  all  shot  at  is  Jasus  Christ;  Christ  Is  the  right 
breach  of  I'^avld  according  to  the  spirit.   Gut  God*!?  love  to  his  Th  .rch 
is  ertended  to  the  visible  church, 

and  hone  graciouslie  he  hath  dealte  «ith  us  of  Hlnglaode  ...,  raaye  not 

passe  unspoken  of  in  plantln^^  e  ryght  braunch  to  ^aygne  over  uc,  not  a 
bastarijr  braabXe,  as  Abimelech  was.   fp.SS^ 

Elizabeth  has  gone  "rartl-,er  in  lleli^ion  than  uiany  of  them"  her  prede- 
cessors. lAay   the  Lorxi  "lengthen  hir  lyfe  lon^e  to  r^ygne  over  us:   And 
though  I  jaaye  not  saye  as  the  Olyve  tree  to  beare  fruite,  yet  to 
floriahe  as  the  Palme."   fp.SOj   Having  thus  at  once  eeteblithed  the 
uean  as  the  earthly  "ryght  braunch"  and  at  the  oBTr.e  time  carefully 
okirted  a  suggostive  uiCtaphor  applied  to  a  virgin  quaen,  ^ite  proceeded 
to  the  doctrines  which  eioerge  from  the  phrase  "a  King  shall  reign  and 
prosper."  jill  other  hesdn  of  God's  chiirch  except  Christ  are  traitorous, 
OS  iney  "king  or  Caesar,  or  Turks,  or  Pope,  or  Devyll."  The  true  head  of 
the  church  is  Christ,   ho  bears  rule  i.-nmed lately  aa  he  is  God,  and 
mediately  through  Prince  and  pastor.  The  example  adduced  is  t^isit  of  Moses 
and  Aaron:   the  sword  and  the  word.  To  the  end  that  God's  word  raay  be 
pref^ched  and  defended  the  ponero  that  be  are  ordained  of  God,  arid  a 
Prince  is  subjeet  to  no  oneunder  God.  "Both  good  on'   bad   fprinces^ 
gracious  and  tyranrious?,  are  all  of  the  Lord,"  [p,  37 1   Throu^  the 
minister,  as  the  voice  of  Ood,  has  authority  to  rsL^uke  princes,  yet 


/  9<f 


lli(50) 

"whether  for  our  .eneflt  the  Prince  be  good,  or  for  our  trlall  he  be 
naught,  «e  are  and  must  b«  yet  subject  unto  both,  becs'ine  they  are  both 
of  God."  JF,  41^  Ab  for  the  maimer  of  the  Prince's  rule,  hi?  wisdooi 
is  a  glimpse  of  the  greater  wl^idora  of  God,  end  misAtm   is  the  most 
powerful  attribute  of  en  earthly  king. 


ETen  the  subtilty  of  l^ernentes  qualyfled  with  the  Innocencie  of  Doves, 
l8  a  perfect  Mlthridate  a -ainet  all  treasons,  seditions,  alterations, 
•varreH,  and  whatsoeTer  Popish  pollicie,  for  the  which  ye  Lorde  sonde  a 
purging  pyll. 


All  eboat  U3  are  examples  of  the  dangers  in  which  good  princes  s^end.  We 
need  the  wisdom  of  TTlysses  as  well  as  the  velour  of  '>chllles,  but  In  this 
we  are  fortunate  becFuse  of  the  wlsdo?'.  of  our  Tlnce  and  Hounctl.  Upon 
this  he  entered  upon  a  general  eulogy  of  the  wisdom  of  the  Queon,  which 
was  Indeed,  ris  he  adtriitted,  beyond  his  elaple  cppaolty  to  a ppre  end. 

He  returned  to  the  sane  theme  In  hl^  serraon  on  th"  anniversary 

128 
of  the  ueen'n  accession  In  15B9,     God  is  to  be  praised  or  every  good 

and  perfect  gift,  not  only  for  the  redemption  of  !>ln;'ul  man  by  Christ  but 

also  for  external  and  worldly  benefits,   e  enjoy  a  comsnon  goo<l  in  our 

gracious  sovereign,  who  has  reigned  for  thirty-two  years  unrter  submission 

to  Cod,  Like  David,  she  has  come  to  the  crown  through  many  dsnger^-,  and 

like  Solomon  she  hae  been  blessed  with  plenty.  Like  Joslah  she  h?s 

restored  religion.   "I  do  not  say  ehee  exeeedeth  these,  to  flatter  hir, 

but  I  say  shee  reseir.bleth  them,  to  Ctxnfort  us." 


For  Dangers,  whether  shee  resembler.  David  or  no?  Consider  you:  He  afriade 
of   J  lie,  and  shee  of  her  Sister,  «.nd  who  was  worse  beset,  he,  with  eul 
before,  and  iibsolom  behinde;  or  shee,  set  bet.Qen  two  (Mfirahs)  th>  one 
Crowned  before  hir,  the  other  shrewdlle  h'Steninh-  to  hlr  Crowne,  (3i=r,  Hiv3 

129. 


/fr 


lil{51) 

(This  is  oae  of  the  few  referen  es  --  r.ll  of  than  mo.-t  oblique  ~  to 
Uary  (<.ueen  of  ..cots  In  the  P8ul*t-  Ci^jsb  sermons.)  For  plenty,  lugland 
is  not  to  b«  canp<ired  ulth  2gypt  or  Csnaan  jnly,  but  sith  T':ng;lRnd  before 
alixabeth,   -iha  best  tradition;-,  of  the  Tudor  monarchy  btb   hroufht  to 
their  high  pitch  in  the  rule  of  the  great  ,;aeen. 

A  fflore  precious,  more  elaborate  and  perhaps  lass  convincing 

parallel  with  Old  Testament  history  was  drawn  by. Dr.  Thomas  Holland, 

ISO 
regias  professor  of  divinity  in  Oxford  and  "mighty  in  the  scriptures," 

132 
who  preached  the  annlver.Tsry  sermon  in  1599,     In  this  sermon,  nerhans 

Inspired  by  the  renewed  threat  of  Spsnlnh  InTaslon  and  by  the  atmosphere 

of  sedition  aurroandinp  the  activities  of  S»M»x,  Holland  prefixed  to  an 

apology  for  the  obeervance  of  the  anniversary  a  virile  If  overworked 

analogy  between  Elizabeth  and  the  C.ueen  of  -heba,  based  upon  Matthew 

12.42,  The  hlstorier?  of  the  Old  Testament,  he  be -an,  are  qH  for  the 

instruction  of  the  faithful;  not  a  Jot  or  tittle  of  Cod's  work  is  idle. 

In  this  text  we  have  the  ioage  of  an  honooreble  person,  a  prince,  ."^e 

Is  a  cueen,  a  wonan;  Gtrabo  records  that  she  was  a  virgin.   In  one 

"ayaticall"  sense  she  shadons  forth  the  faithful  who  have  followed  Christ. 

Qig,  D2j  Ihls  senrse  he  pursued  th.rou,thout  his  sermon,  hanunering  home 

the  doctrines  which  emerged  from  every  infrenlous  sppilcation.  3ut  he  also 

in.  Isted  upon  the  ujon  of  -heba  as  type  of  Zllzabeth,  "a  rare  ?benlx," 

and  supporter  of  the  true  religion.  3y  this  -neans  he  :T«de  TSllzabeth 

aLaost  the  equlval'^nt  of  the  church  of  the  faithful,  and  her  safety  froai 

conspiracies  a  mstter  of  relij'loufi  CRre. 

Elizabeth  told  her  laet  rarllaraent:  "Thi^^  I  count  the  ^lory  of 
my  crown:   that  I  have  reigned  vith  your  loves."  It  was  true  and  It  was 


/?i> 


111(52) 

the  secret  of  her  amezing  success.  The  preachers  who  drew  these  laboured 
comparlsoaa  between  their  ueen  and  the  pr.ragone  of  Old  ^eatamont  story 
were  only  expresalag  in  terms  of  pulpit  exhortation  -ihrt  nad  become  an 
Immea^e,  comfortinp  yet  exhiierating  platitude.  Only  once  or  twice  does 
any  sign  of  popular  discontent  with  the  ^ueen  appear  in  the  records  of 
Paul's  Cr.sB.  3he  almost  Kent  too  far  in  straining  her  subjects*  loves 
in  lier  diplcxaittic  flirting  with  i>nJou  in  1579.  John  Stubbs'  puulicstion 
of  t-iscovery  of  r^  C»aping  Gulf,  and  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  him  in 

132 

September  of  that  year  are  well  known.     The  sullenne&s  of  the  cro^-d 

who  vatched  his  a»:ony  disturbed  the  ^uoen,  ss  well  it  might,  end  a  preacher 

was  appointed  to  extol  the  .u  en's  gorernfflent  and  her  true  Christian  fi4th 

133 

at  the  Ojroas,  probably  in  October.  His  remarks  got  a  mixed  reception. 

It  is  worth  noting  that  ;7iHlam  Fisher,  in  his  sermon  in  the  ?ame  place  the 
following  January,  while  the  negotiations  with  Anjou  eere  still,  a:?  far  as 
the  people  knew,  in  pro.-ress  re  before,  totk  it  upon  him  to  assure  the 
audience  tnat  the  vueen  70uld  never  return  to  tho  damnable  idolatry  of 
the  nassa 


No,  it  '.ath  caused  too  many  conspir- cles  end  rebellions  Sfffiinst  her  most 
noble  person,  for  her  raajestie  ever  to  brooke  it:  even  in  polllcie.  134. 


YoT   the  leneth  of  a  phrase,  the  pleasant  fiction  of  the  ueen's  ringle- 
.-nindedness  was  abandoned.  "Pven  in  polliclet"  no  wonder  that  the  preacher 
went  on  to  utter  n  rodly  and  fervent  prayer  that  hee  ■  -  nly  tviedom  might 
direct  the  .ueen's  proceedings. 

Six  years  later  ho^  differott  wsp  the  state  of  affairs,  Catbolic 
plots  against  tho  ""ueen,  culminating  in  the  rjally  serious  efforts  of 
Ballard  and  i3abington,  finished  the  task  of  cementing  the  affection 


/97 


iil(53) 

between  Sllzabsth  and  her  people.  Tlien  Candys  prowched  at  the  Cross, 

135 
probably  in  .august  1566,  "at  what  time  the  mnio  treason  ^sa   discovered,'* 

Share  Is  little  doubt  that  his  pious  fear  and  heart-felt  priase  found  an 

echo  in  raont  -nen's  minds,  lie  preached  from  Psalm  4.5,   The  princely 

prophet,"  he  began,  ''wrote  this  psnlm  |ln3  the  great  distress  whei-eunto 

ha  was  brought  by  the  monstrous  and  unnatural  rebellion"  of  jibsolon. 

In  the  psalm  he  alleges  his  own  rir^teousness  as  a  vise   and  merciful 

ruler,  praises  God  for  his  mercy,  and  reproves  those  who  conspired 

against  him.  David  was  "a  merciful  and  Just  prince,"  and  In  TRSpect  of 

this  he  affirms  his  righteousness  of  heart.  God  has  many  times  delivered 

him  from  danger  end  treason. 

Thus  we  see,  that  the  security  of  princes  doth  not  rest  upon  their  power, 
by  they  never  so  strongly  guarded,  but  upon  their  innoceacy:  ^lee  aee  from 
whence  they  ought  in  their  troubles  to  look  for  succour,   fp.  40f»J[ 

After  asserting  this  nultable  doctrine,  which  perhaps  gives  too  little 
credit  to  alsinghaa,  Sandys  reviewed  the  eopepirecy  of  Absolon  as  it 
applied  to  the  present  situation.  The  contrivers  of  that  conspirscy  were 
men  of  high  place  and  authority. 


Conapirncios  are  not  vont  to  be  bred  in  the  haads  of  the  risanest  sort  .... 
Sore,  .■■athan,  and  ^ibirara,  which  conspired  p1-o  arainst  Mo.ies,  sere  not  the 
meanest  men  in  their  tribe  ....  If  I  should  eater  into  profane  histories, 
and  recite  unto  you  the  nuthoia  8n>1  contrivers  of  civil  seditions  "rom 
time  to  time,  it  would  aopear  that  they  were  for  the  most  part  filil  vlri. 
It  Is  sometim^r-  otherwise.   For  we  re>  d  that  simple  r^ien,  that  "\ea   whose 
names  are  not  apoken  of  lirlthout  rome  ?peoiol  note  of  extreme  bisenese, 
hove  notwlthstnndinff  etlrred  up  danj-erous  tumults.  3ut  such  f^r«  either 
set  on  by  otUar  of  :fraater  c  illln  r,  or  else,  as  heedless  men,  thi?y  soon 
vanish  and  come  to  nothing.   ^p.  4"5-fi^ 


Tas  this  a  glance  at  Mary,  or  raor^  likely  "it  Philip  of  pain?  He  con- 
tinued to  rehearse  the  rebellion  of  .bsolon,  to  show  how  it?  continuance 


/9? 


111(54) 

illustrfites  the  malice  of  the  consplrato  s  and  also  the  :»rcy  of  the 
king,     Atolon  oretended  zep.l   to  religion:     "this  holy  hypocrite  -would 
hide  his   xrep.son  under   Ihe  clo«fc  of   religion".     For   tale  reason  ir.8ny 
of  the  chief  noblr^s  followed  him  —  «   reflection  upon  the  Eyran^ithles  of 
the  English  Catholic  gentry. 

From  this  we  le«m: 

Contreralscite;   "Be  afraid"  to  set  ; oar ss Ives  against  God  and  your 
Prince,  to  utteapt  such  an  overthom  to  the  conunon  state.  GsRse  from 
conspiracy:   leave  your  treachorous  devices:   be  not  deceived,  you  cannot 
prevail 

Antichrist  x-enews  his  hollow  sacrifices  every  day,  but  the  i)eople  of  God 
offer  their  sacrifice  of  righteousness  by  •:  Just  priesthood.  Each  has 
his  proper  sacrifice  to  offer:   the  minister  .-nust  feed  the  flock 
entrusted  to  his  char§-e;  the  m-igistrate  rauct  mete  out  the  nrath  of  God 
against  evil-doers.  Ihesa  days  all  are  cold  In  their  devotion  sad  feint 
In  their  sacrifices.  Oar  sins  have  provoked  the  wrath  of  God,  and  it  is 
hiah  tiiiie  that  *e  offered  a  sacrifice  of  thankfulness. 

L»t  ue  herein  with  hunbla  and  penitent  h  srts,  with  cure  trunt  that  God 
will  i.ear  uh  out  of  heaven,  crave  at  his  hands  the  delivaanea  of  his 
anointed,  our  sovereign  Lady,  out  of  all  distress,  from  the  rebolllon  of 
^beolon,  froo  the  counsel  of  ,  hltophftl,  from  the  rage  and  fury  of  sll 
that  cii3plre  to  do  aer  li;  rm.  ITiou  kno'est,  0  Lord,  that  she  hath  not 
deserved  this  ■  reachery  at  their  hands,  iieing  raost  mild  and  jerclful, 
doing  good  unto  -J.!,  hurting  none.  (_P^. 415-6] 

Here  at  lenst  the  David-Hilizabsth  parallel  found  expression  in  a  pdgnant 
prayer,  in  which  action: 1  feeling  end  piety  kissed  each  other. 

S  tlonallsm  and  Protestant  piety  found  united  xprcsBlon  in 
fulminitions  :. gainst  Spain.   In  one  sense  the  ^ar  vtith  "^pain  ran   a  cift 
of  God  to  the  .'hurch  of  lingland;  the  .-urs^lnK  spirit  of  Knglirsh  pride  was 


iiil55) 

Into  a  project  at  onc«  adventurous  end.   cmsadlng.  En^^laad  was  fighting 
a  holy  irer,  sad  the  bloody  banners  rhich  wcved  over  the  flats  of  "Innders 
and  t'?^  splintered  deckr  of  Snglish  oriv^teers  vtere  the  bunnor-  of  the 
church  militant.  The  precchers  at  P'-ul's  Croos  rose  to  the  opportunity 
with  p;usto;  too  long  they  had  had  to  stifle  their  thoughts  upon  foreign 
affairs.  The  stern  slmplloitlea  of  ^ar  serr.   more  ruited  to  kheir 
e^trava^rant  r.etaphors  than  the  devious  complications  of  rJiploaacy  ■shlch 
Informed  those  affairs  until  1580.  Antichrist  had  always  elevated  the 
Host;  his  instrument  had  dow  raised  a  naked  sword. 

The  O'binntlon  of  olety  and  policy  which  miide  Philip  II  the 
champion  of  the  Catholic  world  aratnat  3%nglend  in  written  in  htp 
namberless  deariatches,  and  n'^^ed  not  be  reviewed  here.  En   was  urged  fran 
every  side:  by  a  ruthless  Pope,  f^regoiry  XIII;  by  angry  exiles  like 

Nicholas  Sanders,  who  in  1577  shouted  that  "the  S5tatr!  of  Christen<^ome 

136 

dependeth  upnon  the  stowte  assallynge  of  England";    by  the  urplngs  of 

hlB  own  extraordinary  conecleace.   Every  interested  party  depended  upon 
him  for  help:   itery  of  cots  said  that  she  "set  more  hooe  In  the  M.p 
of  the  king  of  Spain  than  on  any  other,"  and  <«lth  the  hope  of  aligning 

English  Catholics  against  France  ee  well  as  afr-alnst  Slizabeth  rhillp 

137 
pensioned  them  largely  and  foatered  their  most  reckless  designs.     He 

was  accordingly  oven  befo  e  the  formal  outbreak  of  hostilities  a  figure 

of  anathema  to  ?ji<?liBb  churchmen,  a  pillar  of  /Antichrist. 

Appropriately,  the  :>pani8h  mannee  first  appears  In  a  Paul's 
Cross  sermon  as  a  menace  from  Irel-'.nd.   Philip  Lupoorted  n  rebellion  in 
Ireland  In  1579'^  nartly  aa  a  diversionary  me'.'3ure  to  engatre  the  attention 
of  Elizabeth  while  he  en'orced  his  cl  ims  in  Portairal,  A  motley  force 


P.00 


111(56) 

was  recruited  In  Ferrol,  and    this  detaclment  assisted  Desmoad  In  hla 
attacks  upon  the  new  Lo:d  Teouty,  Lo  d  0;  ey  of  55iltoa,  durinc  the 

Etimrierc  of  1579  an^-^  1580.     By  rJoveaber  1590,   I'ray,   though  fighting  under 

138 
great  cTlfflcultl&s,  ha*"!   succeeded  in  stampinf:  out  the  reb«illion.  '        In 

January  1581  Janifts  Sisse,   f^lloic  of  Ma^ialen,   preeched  at  the  Cross, 

and   In  the  coarse  of  a  general  invective  ai-jainat   the  sins  of   the  r -aim, 

pointed   to   the  victory  in  Irel.nd  r.s  earn-Ht  of  what  3^gland  can  accomplish 

under  a  Deborah  in  the   service  of  God. 

3y  Illzabeth,  a  woman^    the  Ooates  of  Italy,   the  wolves  of  3paln,    the 
cormorentes  of  iioaie    (shall  be  overcome^  •      The  Irish  coltss,  a  id  the 

Foxes  of  T^ngland ,    that  are  now  in  Ireland,  an.'   all  other  her  snemif^s 
£>iiall   bee  broUj^ht   to  sV.Hme   ....     Goe  tell  them    {if  they  have   any  fi*tend 
here)    that  those  Goates,    .olvaa,     ormorantos,  Coltes,  Fox':;8,   shalbe 
so  hunted  and  bftr'ted  by  an  English  ^'rey,    t.iQt  not  one  of  t:xeia  s'.albe 
left  to  plsse  agninst  a  wall   .,,,    JThp"  foes  of  England^   shall  bee  like 
isater    th'-it  laanetfa  ti  pace,   like  a   suaile,   like  the  untimely  fruite  of 
a  woman,  like  a  totterlnp  wal,         139. 

Bisse  was  obviously  enjoylne  hi .:i?elf.     Eat  sareater  triuraoKh  sere 
to  core.     The  yeer  *88  *as  a   legend  almoet  as  eoon  as  the  l-st  cri oidsd 
galleon  reached   the  shores  of  cpeln,  and  a  legend  with  power  even  In  1940. 
This  was  r.n  ms  mlxabllis,  mundt  cli  iiecteriua  beyond  all  raclroQlns'.     For 
generctionB  preachers  mentioned   it  with  ewe  and    r-ride.     Je  hnvo  lit  le 

evidence  for  ^  ;ct  they  said  In  the  five  se  tnona  of  thnnkaglvin.'»  at  raul*s 

140 
Crons  from  20  August  to  24  JIovMilaee,  but  sonething  of  their  conception 

of  the  defeat  of  Philip's  fl^et  -iB  the  Tiovenent  of  God's  provic^ence  may 

be  found  in  the  icscrlplion  on  the  ->edal  struck  to  comreraoreve  the  event: 

141 

Tu  leus  na ^^nus  et  r.apna  faoifi   '.u  aolus  Leus.  The  estates  of   the  realm 

had  fought  against  /OJtichrist,  end  bed  triumphed,     /.s  John  Pier?,  Bishop 
of  Salisbury,   stood   in  thfit  pulpit   befo.-e   the  i.ueen  on  24  l.ovember  end 
exulted  in  her  glories,   one  wonders  whether  he  divided   the  credit  for 


J.  0  1 


iii(57) 

the  victory  as  Drake  divided  the  necessities  of  preparing  for  it. 

"^The  Lord  is  on  our  side,"  wrote  thet  expert,   "but  I  boaeech  you  to 

142 
consider  powder  and  shot  for  our  grent  ordnance." 

Just  as  Ellzfibeth  could  irith  profit  be  compared  to  the  heroes  of 
Israel,    so  Philip*8  prototype  might  be   found  stoong  their  enenies.     Thomas 
"hlte  saw   in  him  the  lineaments  of  -Oennarcherib.      -s  he  reviewed   the 

sins  and  dutifis   of  the  realm  in  hlr=  anniversary  sermon  for  tho  year 

143 
following  the  ^^rmada,         he  could   extol   Elizabeth's  care  for  the 

icinRdora  in    ',he  hour  of   Its    'Ire  peril.      Aho  can  number  the  soal4  T»ho 

perished   in   the  Spanish  attempt?     3ut  33  the  devil  dies  not,   so 

3enn«cherib  Is  not  daunted  by  hie  ill  success.     He  prepares  again,  and 

means  to  :nake  his  second  ccRiing  r.orse   than  the   "irst. 


They  say  their  3hippe8  were  too  bigge:     They  will   trie   what  less  c  an 
doe. 


Tyrants  like  Sennacherib  love  war,  but  our  queen  '*did  suffer  long:,  und 
too  long,  almost  uefore  shoe  tooke  the  Zworde  In  hande."     May  she  now 
!7lve  ae  rest  to  thor«  iiho  would  sot  up  again  in  Sngland  the  Idol  of 
Degon.     .a  for  the  king  of  Spain, 

sre  would  not   have  him  to  come  into  our  countrie  neither  o   Friend  nor  a 
Voe:      for  we  have  tried  his  conming  both  wayes  to   bo  nouf.ht,    though 
worse  to  ua   in   (Mrriage)    that  in   iMort.)    (sig.   I^ 

Publish  it  around,  he  cried,  "tell  Itln  SpRlne,  and  In  the  Ilsnds  there 
•ibout,  flhere  (perheps)  you  may  come  "that  God  hsth  nagnlfled  Sllzabeth. 
[  ig.    12vJ 

They  did  coeoe   to  the  islands.      In  the  three  years  follow inp  the 
defeat  of  the  jirmada   the  ."English  sea-does  preyed   upon  wpsnish  coitHnunlca- 


iii(58) 

14-4 
tions  with  imiifferent  success  but  T.ith  magnificent  bravado. 

On  14  rebraary  1590  Roger  Haclcet,   son  or  a  Lord  Moyer  of  London  and 

145 
"cried  up  lor  an  eminent  preacher,"  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  ^. 

Sermon  Needfull  for  the~e  times,  wherein  ir   shewed,   the  Insolencler.  of 

Naaah  King  of  ^uniaon,  Naash  repre'-enting  Philip  II.     In  hi?  7-plt?tlo 

Dedicatory  to  ^Ir  Henry  Norris  he  rehearsed  the  hatred  of  the  oopish 

ruction  for  the     ueen:      they  have  attempted  to  do  violence  to  her  person, 

and   some  have  sought  to  -nove  rebellion;^.     Her  state  hos   been  threatsnied 

J.46 
of  late  "by  the  great   o&tron  of  the  holy  leaue,         who  unaor  a   show  and 

couler  of  rellfion"  affects  the  sovereignty  of  all  kingdoms  in   the  west. 

In  this  emereency  it  stands  all  ^ood  people  upon,   to  obey  their  superiors. 

He  began  hi?,  sermon  by   asraohraslng  the   story  of  the  plif~ht  of  Js  .esh  Gilead 

from  1    --nmuel  11,  noting  hot*   the  klnp  of  .-'n'on  saw  that  the   time  was  ripe, 

for  the  men  of  Jebesh  were  at  varence  B-ong'  themselres,  and  ho»  his 

attack   -.Rs  upon  the  pi^tence  of  en  onclent  title.     The  modem  Naash  Is 


the  great  monarch  of  the  wert,    those    tre  iruiep  f  r©   fed  rith.   theqold   of 
Indy  ...,  whose  navy  as  &  forest  hath  sh'^doTred  our  seas,,.,,  havin^  of 
late  espied  the  dissensions  of  Israeli,  vfiriaunce  of  France,   and  howe 
mfmie  of  them  refur-ed  Saul    [i.e.   Henri  iv]    ,   the  Lordes  annointed  and 
naturall  soveraigns,   to  bee  their  sovemoure:     uppon  «  title  to  the 
Dukedomne  of  -rrittaine   .••,   h/ith  entered  vith  hin  forces  not  only  iito 
Brittanne,  but   into  Lanculdoeke,  Province,  Dalphine,   o'hampaigne,   P'^irls, 
the  very  he:;do  citty  an;;   chamber  of  Iraunce.  147. 


The  Icing  of  Spain  is  raore  cruel  than  Haash  of  Aramon,   for  he  seeks  to 
bring  in  the    'blindine  darkoieose  of  I'operJ"  again,      0  sad   fate  of  France, 
thf^t  the  faint  gllnimer  of  Cod's  t.uth  jihould   s-o  out  in  theft     altogotherl 
iihen  the  tidings  of  t!.e  plight  of  Jabeah  Cller  d  were  brought  to    iaul   the 
people  nept  because  the  itilserlcs  of  their  brettien  were  their  own.       bother 
your  brethren  be  French  or  :ietherlanders,   the  troubler  of  .'ngland  is  the 


^  0-3 


ili(59) 

troubler  of  thenu  ..'e  fight  for  the  same  faith  ocaiast  the  same  eneny. 
If  wo  cannot  weep  for  them,  weep  for  yourselves,  for  if  he  comes  again 
it  will  not  be  vdth  a  navy  froG  Spain,  but  from  nearby  France  or  Flan- 
ders. 

Saal*6  demani  for  recruits  against  Amnion  throughoat  all  Israel 
is  a  model  of  good  princes'  care  for  their  people;  England  is  full  of 
abases,  but  we  have  a  good  nursing'  mother,  a  ^ul  to  help  us.  Saul  isias 
angr<y,  and  anger  in  such  a  cause  is  justified  before  God,  He  was  obeyed, 
and  this  is  a  lesson  of  obedience  much  needed  in  these  times;  when  the 
prince  coisnands  he  cormands  with  the  voice  of  God.  For  him  who  loves 
England,  thrn,  what  better  occasion  to  show  it  than  now?  It  does  not 
rest  in  your  choice  to  have  peace  with  Spain;  Ood  has  decreed  waf. 

May  the  spirit  of  God  strengthen  us,  for  all  things  are  in 
his  power. 

A  more  thorourh.'»oi n^  and  elaboi^te  justification  of  wnr  was 

143 
provided  in  l&9a  by  the  redoubtable  Stephen  Gosson.     Like  Hacket,  he 

soucht  a  precedent  in  Olu  festanent  hiatoi^r,  this  tine  in  the  war  of 

Jehoshaphat  against  the  men  of  Moab  and  Ammon,  recounted  in  2  Chronicles 

20,  He  distinguished  between  false  and  Just  causes  of  7»ar,  Revenge  is 

a  false  cause. 

Neither  is  it  enoucJ^  to   jus ti fit    the  warre,   that  the  people  upon  whoni 
the  warre  is  Biade,  are  Inferiour  in  witte  unto  the  wairriour,   except  they 
be  so  poore  that  they  live  like  bruite  beaates,  or  feede  upon  huaiane 
flesh.     In  which  case  peradventure  it  may  bee  lawf'oll  to  invade  them, 
not  to  kill   the;  ,   as  the  Gpaniardes  did  the  naked  Indians,   but  to  brine 
them  in  order  to  live  like  men.       ^iR.   B5] 

There  is  only  one  Just  cause  of  '.rar,  necessity.      Ihe  Gospel  may  be  broupht 


lot 


iii(60) 

In  by  anas  against  Tuik  or  loje,  but  not  if  the  people  willingly  embrace 
the  idolstrous  religion.     Injuries,  as  insult  to  a  prince's  honour,  af- 
front to  his  ambassadors,   or  invasion  Biay  be  Ju:itly  revenged  by  action 
of  war. 

Iter  is  undertaken  on  the  lawful  authority  of  the  prince,  which 
iDBkes  it  different  from  an  affair  of  private  revenge,  since  a  prince, 
havin,^  no  superiors,   cannot  have  recourse  to  them  for  redress.      "A 
Prince  may  be  a  Judge  and  actor  in  his  own  case."     [^ig.  Clj     The  action 
of  war  includes  beginning,  progress  and  end.     The  beginning  is  properly 
be  deliberation:  possible  loss  to  the  church  has  to  be  considered. 
All  preparation  is  vain  without  the  help  of  God:    "Rerfiembex-  the  great 
Airoada  in  the  year  1588."    All  neans  to  prosecute  a  war  avtjust  if  the 
end  be  just  and  the  innocent  discovered  and  sj.ared.      ""Hhe  varres  of  the 
enimie,"  in  the  Indies,  in  }'ortugal,  in  Granada,  in  the  Low  Countries, 
in  Franca  and  against  ua  you  will  find  to  be   "uncharitable  and  unjust." 
Uncharitable  because  they  weaken  Christendom  and  strengthen  the  Turk; 
that  they  are  unjust  appears   "oy  the  roujrh  regiment  of  his  nwrriours.  * 

looke  upon  your  own  warres  another  while,  you  shal  find  thee,  to  be  very 
charitable  and  Just..,,    Qindertakei^    in  defence  of  l^ngland  and  an  innocent 
maiden  .^eene,  whose  glorious  life  hath  injuriously  and  dishonourably 
been  fought  and  thirsted  after  these  rany  yeers:  and  to  this  purpose, 
raerceaai'ie  raorderers,   Jewes    ^opez?]  ,   unnatural  iaglish,   and  batefull 
traitors  hyred  by  the  eneciie  frora  tiaie  to  tine   bo  destroy  it.       ^g.    D^ 

It  would  be  perhaps  unfair  to  search  Oosson's  arguioeat  for  evi- 
dences of  Bore  than  a  solidly  patriotic  piece  of  special  ;:leading,  induced 
by  hatred  of  Sj«in  and  that  happy  insular  vi/^our  which  the  events  of  the 
tims  produced.     But  there  is  a  hint,  and  no  jiiore,   of  stirrings  of  con- 
science, although  they  become  conveniently  applied  to  the  end  in  view. 


ror 


iii(61) 

at 
There  is  this  to  be  said,  that^holiness  of  these  preachers  is  little 

foulod  by  sanctliaoniousness,  aai  their  fuliainations  agaiast  the  executor 

of  popish  designs  Ijave  freshness  if  little  subtlety. 

6,  "^his  cloudy  tenpest  of  naliciousness,  whereby  all  parts  are 
entered  into  a  deadly  war  amongst  themselves. " 

It  is  needful  to  turn  again,  froia  these  vigorous  certitudes,  to 

the  intestine  stru3£:le  in  the  Church  of  aagland.  Step  by  step,  the 

quarrel  vjith  Puritanism  as  a  platform  of  church  discipline  and  with 

the  undisciplined  supporters  thereof  aay  be  traced  at  i'aul's  Cross  in 

the  years  following  the  publication  of  the  Admonitions.  Now  and  then 

a  voice  aas  raicod  in  defence  of  those  v/ith  scruples  of  conscience,  but 

not  in  defence  or  Iresbyterianiaia.  No  one  spoke  against  the  Puritan 

ethos,  because  rany  of  the  preachers  were  in  the  larf;e  sense  Puritan 

themselves,  hov/ever  loyally  conforming  to  the  ecclesiastical  organization. 

Between  1572  and  1508,  vihen   the  Varprelatc  tracts  stirred  so  much 
contention,  the  energies  of  the  disciplinarians  were  turned  chiefly  to 
formation  of  their  pro?»ram  throu^  what  are  usually  kno'.m  as  "prophesy ings,  •♦ 
These  sodly  eieireises,  which  flourished  chiefly  in  lancashlre  and  North- 
amptonshire, were  really  elaborate  debatinr  societies,  with  strict  rules 

and  pious  formularies;  th^  were  very  useful  to  the  less  learned  of  the 

149 
ministry.     But  iuizabeth  feared  theci,  as  those  in  authority  distrust 

"pink"  discussion  groups  in  our  tine,  lest  thej'  should  lead  to  faction 

and  "^nvection"  against  authority,  rhere  is  little  doubt  tliat  out  of 

such  sessions  often  ere-*-  unorganized  associations  with  the  assurance  of 

their  ovm  righteousness.  Bishop  Curteys  jointed  to  this  danger  in  his 

sermon  at  the  Cross  in  1577: 


I.  C>«c 


iii(62) 


Now  there  is  an  Art  to  lieavQ  and  tltroa'?;  a  aorte  into  one  faction,  and 
they  bend  themselTes  to  speake  and  doo  all  the  evlll  they  can  devise  by 
such  as  they  .-nislike  be  Wiey  never  so  good.     Aad   to  speake  and  doo  all 
the  good  they  can,  for  such  as  they  like,  be  they  never  so  bad.         150 


As  for  the  contention  that  the  prophesy in.53  improved  the  learnine  of 
such  of  the  clergy  as  needed  some  inatructlon,   there  were  those  who 
deprecated  the  extremiats'  attacks  ujon  the   "dunb  dogs"  who  filled  icany 
a  benefice.      John  .ialsal,  once  tutor  to  Francis  Bacon,         in  his  day  at 
the  Cross  in  1578,   took  note  of  the  care  to  be  used  in  the  creation 
of  ministers,   of  the  objections  which  aoi?ie  have  taken  to  rdnisters  of  the 
Chmrch  of  England,   ss'-infr  ttiat  there  may  have  been  some  excuse  for  unraeet 
Incurabents  Just  ifter  the  castlnR  out  of  ropery  but  none  now.     He  rejoined 
that  England  has  greot  oaune  to  rejoice  for  a  p;oodly  store  of  wise  and 
good  rdnisters, 

The  meanest  of  all  our  ministers,  though  unable  to  preach, ^^  are  not- 
withstanding such,  as  for  their  true  relipion,  right  ^TOrshipping  of  God, 
zealous  affection  to  the  Oospell,  prayinpe  for  and  with  their  congregations 
in  a  knowea  lan^uaf^e,   onely  to  thf-  Lord,  ami   their  wishing  well,  and 
seeklnj;,  as  they  can,  to  doe  ^ood  in  their  charges,   &c.  may  Justly  be 
preferred  to  the  learnedest,    to  the  wisest,    and   ievoutest  of  all  that 
Boxnish  rabble  of  sacrificing  priests.         152 

It  is  no  doubt  fanciful  to  see  in  this  charapionshij    of  expediency  any 
influence,  hoivever  remote,   upon  the  laind  of  the  young  lawyer  and  phil- 
osopher,    .falsal's  case  would  have  been  better  had  he  been  able  to 
point  to  a  power  in  that   "fie."     Generations  were  to  pass  under  the  sickle 
before  thab  inclusive  and  delightf-il  tera  was  to  include  studies  of 
natural  history  and  old  gonoalo^ies,   or  any  of  the  various  pastimes  by 
which  the  rectors  in  little  parishes  have  enriched  the  cultural  heritage 
of  the  Ghurch  of  England,      dese  v/ere  stern  tinea,   tiwen  in  which  a 


tOT 


iii(63) 

catchword  or  a  slo^aa  was  the  viatioam  to  death  and  dis^^raoe.     Ihat  grim 
and  resolute   "Puritan"  John  6bock'.»ood  kne^  this  well  enough,  and  like 
the  outright  reforiaers  Field  and    «ilcox  rebelled  against  it.     Perhara» 
he  suggested,    the  antipaWiy  to   those  v6io  are  pure  in  heart  rises  from 
hatred  of  those  wiio  fearlessly  rebuke  sin  in  whatever  rank  of  life  it 
appears.      But  is  this  to  follow  the  law  of  CJod? 


ilftiat  if  for  hatred  of  him  that  rebuketh  in  the  cate,  and  through  abhorring 
hin  that  speaketh  upri.'?,htly,    tie  be  tearmed  by  the  odious  naines  of  PTii-itans, 
Frecisians,  unspotted  brethren.         154 


iJtockwood,  garrulous  and  singularly  humourless,  stands  out  unpleasantly 
from  what  one  comes  to  reconnize  as  the  usual  run  of  I'aul's  Cross  preachers. 
One  suspects  that  he  achieved  that  sicinence  because  he  was  patronized  by 
the  CoEipar^  of  Skninners.     He  does  not  represent  the  expected  orthoddsy 
of  that     ul>3it. 

A  different  kind  of  unorthodoxy,   easier  to  classify,  having  no 
iiffiJiediate  effect  but  si{;nifioant  for  the  later  development  of  Anglican 
theology,  vras  heard  in  the  raul's  Cross  pulpit  in  1581.      liLchard  Hooker, 
fresh  froH  "his  colled^e,   where  he     had     continued  rds  studies  vrtth  all 
quietness,   for  the  space  of  three  years , ''^"''^  broke  a  lance  v»ith  Calvin 
upon  a  knotty   theological  ; oint  which  he  was  later  to  explore  in  Book  7 
of  his  great  v/ork,-^^"     fhe  preachers  at  Taul's  Gross  durinj^  this  period 
were  for  the  /nost  part  indifferent  theologians;    so  far  as  their  attacks 
upon  Puritanism  went,  the;.'  condemned  faction  and  the  institution  of  the 
Presbyterian  discipline,  and,   good  Calvinists  themselves,   left  the 
Institutes     alone.     Hooker  alone  v«s  prepared  to  aj  proach  the  very 
ati^nghold  of  the  opposition.  Kith  whatever  diffidence,  and  to  lay  the 


2ag 


iii(64) 

groundwork  for  hia  elaborate  defence  of  the  Book  or  CoaBiiaa  Prayer. 
One  woalers  what  the  audieaco  cade  of  his  doubileso  subtlo  and  elegant 

dis>^ui3itlon  upon  the  double  will  of  God,   "It  was  not  excepted  against*. , 

157 
by  Jotin  iilmer,  then  Bishcj:  cf  London,"  says  ./alton,    "when  Mr.  Hooker 

luaa  accused  for  it,"  liany  good  students  of  the  Institutes  were  doubtless 

present  to  "try  the  spirits."  They  would  be  satisfied  with  John  Dove's 

1  CO 

paraphrase  of  Calvin  upon  the  same  points  in  l^'cbruary  1596."^*^° 

The  issues  at  stake  were,  however,  not  doctrinal  but  disciplinary. 
In  158o  7/hitgift  succeeded  to  the  priiaacy.     Calvinist  in  theoloey,  he  was 
starnli''  epiEcopalian  in  principle,   and  prepared  to  defend  episcopacy 
not  only  on  the  perhaps  doubtful  ground  of  its  divine  institution  but 
also  upon  the  iiaraedlate  issue  of  Its  i^>le  in  the  relations  of  the 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  ixjwers.      ..liat  inconsistencies  existed  in  foroal  ~ 
theory  between  bishops  Jure  divine  and  bishojs  as  crcnm  officials  did 
not  bother  lilizsbeth's  beat  disciidinariau.     He  Tsas  prepared  to  enforce 
conforuiity  u^on  grounds  of  national  unity  and  popular  obedience  if  nothing 
elstj.     Consequently,  he  at  once  upon  his  consecretion  took  steps  to  secure 
uniforiaity  of  subscription  to  the  suproritacy,   the  ixnx  Articles  and  the 
Book  oi'  CcMia'-oa  Prayer,  and   in  Ilovesiber,   preachinf  at  the  Gross  upon  the 
anniversary  of  the  Queen's  accession,   took  occasion  to  preach  upon  obedi- 
ence,  an  appropriate  theiue,    but  one  with  special  significance  for  the 
clerfj  at  that  tiee, 

159 
liis  text  was  Titus  3.1.  Enlarging-  upon  the  Apostle's  injunction 

to  obedience  delivered  to  the  prioitive  church,    .ihit^ft  observed  that  if 

such  varnings  were  necessary  when   "the  church  was  in  her  virginity," 


Zos 


iii{65) 

they  were  much  r»re  needful  in  such  corrupt  tinoB  ea  those  In  fdiich  he 
spoke.     Indeed  the  Apostle  spoke  oi"  latter  dayr,  in  which  should  come 
"despisers  ol"  government,  end  such  as  speak  ill  or  men  that  be  in 
authority."  Obedience  is  needful  because  of  the  express 

conaaaadinent  of  God;    "ye  ntust  needs  be  subject,"  said  3t.   laul,  who  so 
charged  the  faithful  when  the  magistrates  were  infidels,  in  the  time  of 
the  cruel  Nero.     How  much  more  oupht  obedience  to  be  cojnnanded  now  by 
us,  and   "yielded  by  you  to  e  Christian  ica^ristrate  that  saveth  you  froa 
persecution."  "The  maaristrate  is  appointed  by  Gtod.     He  is  his 

vicar  and  vicere<?ent....  All  power  is  of  Ood."     If  the  iniler  do  ill, 
that  is  sin  in  himself;   Jiis  power  is  of  CSod. 

This  is  the  familiar  ar^^maeut  —  say  rather  the  faiidliar  paradox  — 
fron  iViidale,   or  from  wishful  readiae  of  Calvin,      .ifliitgift  continued  upon 
the  difficult  ther.e  of  conflict  of  obedience  and  conscience.     Some  ^-^lll 
say,   ahall  wo  obey  the  raaf^i strata  in  all  things  ^vithout  exception?     The 

ansver  is  easy:   the  corapandiaent  of  BiQsistrates,  being  not  against  the 

160 
word  of  God,         bindeth  in  conscience  and  is  to  be  kept  u~on  pain  of 

damnatioa.     la  cases  where  the  magistrate  commands  anything  against  the 

law  of  God,  answer  xidth  the  Apostle:  aeliuiJ  est  obedire  Deo  quam  hocdaibus. 

^.  590l      Is  it  that  .fhitgift's  notes  are  defective  here,   or  did  he  depend 

upon  the  large  authority  viiich  he  was  ready  to  clair.;  for  the  episcojal 

direction  aa  to  the  interpretation  of  the  word  of  God? 

The  iiaobedlent,   he  proceeded,  are  of  three  classes:   papists, 
anabaptists,  and   "our  wayward  and  conceited  ;  ersons. "     He  brushed  away 
aunmairily  the  claima  of  the  t;wo  former,  and  apiainat  the  last,   his  chief 


iitt 


iii{66) 

opponents,   argued  that  the  supremacy  does  not  incluJo  the  potestas 
orijlnls.      The  office  of  the  prince  is   "tc  see  (Tod  served,   and  honoured, 
and  obeyed  by     his     subjects."  Christian  liberty  frees  us  from 

sin,   from  the  subjection  to  Satan,   but   "not  from  subjection."    ^.   osi] 
wayward  p-eraons  will  obey  the  magistrate  only  when  they   list;    "they  go 
from  house  to  house,  and  from  tabic  to  table,   especially  to  the  houses 
of  wilovfs  and  simple  women.*  Q".   59151      So  much  is  evil  in  the  "lecturers." 
They  speak  ill  of  bishops  and  magistrates ,   and  the  original  cause  of  this 
carping  is  the  devil.      "This  hath  been  always  in  all  af^es  the  lot  of 
bishops,   to  be  evil  spoken  of," 

Although  a  raan  hold  all  the  articles  of  reli^iion,  and  break  the  unity 
of  t/ie  church,  he  is  not  of  tiie  church.     Yea,  albeit  ho  have  never  so 
p,reat  a  taultitudo  of  hearers  at  Mb  senuons, ...  iuid  yet  these  men  colour 
their  contention  by  the  naiAe  of  religion,  faith  and  perfection,    (i-.  595^ 

He  could  not  have  jut  it  more  clearly;   the  most  orthodox  in  theologj''  is 
still  subversive  unless  he  obeys  the  formularies  of  biaho  s  and  napistrates. 
Perfection  is   not  perfection  vdthout  the  crovm  of  obedience. 

i!he  same  theme,    the  disturbance  of  unity  by  private  fancies, 
was  reieated  in  a  sermon  at  the  Cross  the  followin*>-  February  by  John 

Ibl 

Eudson,   canon  of  Chichester.  In  these  times  i.Tany  are  puffed  up  in 

their  own  conceits.      £he  devil  divides  us  into  juany  factions,  and  sows 
tares  in  the  Lord's  wheat.      vVe  cannot  be  joined  to  Christ  unless  we  are 
joined  to  one  another,      .ve  Kiuat  all  obey  the  coxfljiiandraeiita  of  our  rulers, 
and  not  follow  ever^/  ojinion  that  aeecis  ^rood   to  our  faacios.     Sometimes 
dissension   "Tiath. ..   an  usuri>ed  face  or  shoyi  of  holine^  o^'  zeale  or  con- 
science, but  the  sequel  is  pernicious."  ^ch  tiaes  as  these 


2t1 


lii(67) 

ore  to  be  deplored,  when 

every  one  wil  like  or  jnlslike»  wll  censure  L  controll  whatsoever  is  not 

aunewerable.    to  ye  levell  of  his  o«ne  ooaceite,   ahile  everjQ  one  hath 
a  song,  hath  a  vision,  hath  a  fancie,  hath  a  revelatiOQ,  hath  an  inter- 
jretatlon  by  hiraselfe.    [oig.   G2vj 

The  wrath  of  God  raust  coae  upon  as  for  such  iissensioa;   there  are  many 

examples  in  God's  book  against  such  breakinic?  of  the  bonds  of  unity. 

The  days  of  our  pilgriieag^e  are  short  eaough;   the  day  of  wrath  approaches; 

let  us   theiv  ^ut  asida   tbese   ""etty  quarrels. 

But  the  quarrels,   insteai  of  beini-^  rut  aside,   bej-^an  that  very  year 
to  increase;   another  paper  war  ^ras  bre^win^:.      It  -.vas  in  this  year  1584  that 
Dr.   Sojcot  of  Caiiibrid,n:e  answered  in  a   seniion  at  the  Cress  the  Gounter- 
Poyson  of  Dudley  Fenner,    that  ubiquitous  l\iritan  pariphletoer  who  was 
associated  with  Cartwripht  in  the  I  resby terian  pastorship  at  Middelburg. 
In  this  year  also   the  Presbyterian  faction  brought  forth  tliat  very  im- 
portant 'doctuaent,  A  Brief  ana  Jlain  Jeclaretion,   usuallj'  knomi  as  the 
Learned  JiGcourse,   in  which  the  vdiole  luritan  position  as  it  then  had 
developed  was  put  with  great  clarity  and  force,      ^e  authors,  starting 
with  the  usual  assumi  tlon  that  a  rifcht  platform  i'or  ecclesiastical 
organization  ie  to  be  found  only  in  C-od*s  word,   set  forth  their  prograiiB 
of  church  government  by  pastors,   elders  and  synods,  and  defined  their 
Bubnission  to  the  royal  supresiacy  as  contingent  u]on  its  ccnforitity  to 

T  /■ -2 

God's  law,  a   subrclssion  already  explored  ano    found  wanting  by  f?hitfift. 
Dr.   John  Bridges,   now  dean  of  oallst^ry,   rreached  again&t  this  woric  at 
laul's  Cross  in  1584,^^^  an^   "in  an  evil  hour,"  as  Irere  luts  it,  under- 
took to  exiand  hie  arriments  into  the  r.cnmiifntal   .')efence  or  the  Government 


!.»•> 


iii(68) 

established   in  the  Chiirch  of  Tiinf^lgnd,   a  line  by  line  refutation  cf  the 
Discourse,   tedious,   weip.hty,  of  3409  j:aj;6s,   inviting  ridicule.      ATiat  it 
invited  it  received.     Ta  the  follov/inf  year  the  first  of  the  liarprelate 
tracts  bepan.  to  be  surrertitiously  circulated.      "C,  reao.  over  D,  John 
Bridges,   lor  it  is  a  worthy  vrork,"  criec  its  title-ia^e  irreverently, 
Tlic  most  myctifyin^  an.i   fascinating  chapter  in  the  liistory   of  Puritanism 
v-as  just  beginninr. 

On  15  June  1587,  Vdlllani  Gravet,   in  the  course  of  that  part  of  his 
discourse  at   the  3ross  -which  implored  jeace  and  unity,   referred  to  lewd 

slanderous  libels,   defaadng   the  adnisters  ox     .oa's  word,    to  vrhich  the 

155 
■writers  have  not  set   their  names,  Soite,   he   .vant  on,  are  so  curious  and 

perverse   "that  they  v/111  forsaice  a  sure,  -t^olosome,   and  handsome  houue, 
for  the  standing  a'.«ry  of  a  window.     These  for  inatters  indix'ferent,    for- 
sake our  societie. "  The  last  sentence  nay  refer  to  separatists, 
though  I  can  discover  no  Brownist  ramphlet  v»hich  is  libellous  in  the 
sense  he  means;   it  laif'ht  equally  well  refer  to  Puritan  pamphleteers,  and 
perhaps  some  iiartinist  squibs  preceded  those  which  are  Icnown  to  history. 

1  fifi 
fhe  story  of  J'^artin  is  too  vjell  known  to  need  rehearsal  here. 

The  riposte  of  the  Sstabllshment  Is  too  little  erarhasized.      The  major 

attacl:  was  made  on  9  Februar}-  15i39  in  a   seri.oi,  uu  caul's  Cross  by  Richard 

ir9 
Bancroft,   i)reached  on  the  firut  Sunday  of  the  larllainent.  Bancroft's 

allusion  to  the  Jure  divino  validity  of  ei>iscopac3?-  has  received  much 

ettentio.'i,   but  few  if  any  historians  have  taken  the  trouble  to  reproduce 

the  brilliant  if  facile  arguments  with  ?<hich  he  opposed  the  anonyicous 

pamphleteers.     Some  attempt  will  be  made  here  to  fill  this  gap. 


■ng 


iii(C9) 

The  soriTOn  aa  published  is  preceded  by  three  quotetiona  fror.  the 
£^'^nGr3  u:o'i  one  dangers  of  schlsiiatics.     Augustiae  says  that  thej' 
separate  theaselves  froR  the  diurch  for  inlifferent  orders  and  ceremonies; 
Jerome  tliat  ia  a  short  tine  theij'  are  likely  to  ];rove  lieretics,   and  that 
th^'  cast  abroad  infaiaous  libels.      The  scholars  of  schismatics  are  .Yorse 
thea  their  iiiasters,  added  Bancroft,  with  the  castomary  bow 

in  the  direction  of  Cartwrifiht.     His  text  '.vaa  that  utterance  so  popular 
for  a  century  with  the  defenders  of  the  status  quo.   1  John,  4.1:    "Beloved, 
believe  raDt  every  spirit,  but  try  the  spirits  whether  they  are  of  God: 
because  raany  false  prophets  are  gone  otot  into  the  world.'*     In  this,  said 
he  in  his  iivisioa,   is  contained  a  prohlbitioa,   a  coranandinoat,   and  a 
reason  of  thaivi  both.     She  last  in  order  (false  prophets^   is  the  first  in 
nature,    "and  I  neaac  to  proceed  accordiOi^ly. " 

The  false  prophets  are  inany,  as  they  were  in  the  time  of  the 
priiaitive  ch;irch. 

After  the  Apostles  tines,  as  it  were  out  of  the  asses  of  these  false 
prophets,  there  grew  and  sproong  up  raany  other  schisFatics  and  heretics, 
[Gig.   31] 

The  Apostle  prophesied  of  these  times  in  vrhich  we  no.v  live:    "aome  shall 
depart  fron  the  faith,  giving  heed  to  seducine  spirits."     TM-S  is  fil- 
filled  in 

Arians,    Donatists,  Papists,   libertines,   Anabaptists,   the  ITaKille  of 
Love,  and  sundrie  other  (I  knowe  not  of  what  opinion)   so  many  sectaries 
an!  schiomatikes,  as  t'lat  ia  very  deed  dlverr>  do  revolt  daily  to 
Pacistrle,  iiiany  "re  become  nearly  Atheists,  and  the  beat  do  stand 
1.1  soma  sort  at  a  gaze,    (big.    52j 

The  prophets  are  false,   in  doctrine  and  in  conversation,   spirits 


'L\  1^ 


ili(70) 

of  error,  by  nature  'Verle  contentious  and  unquiet,"    They  despise  govem- 
Bent  and  apeak  evil  of  those  In  authority;  they  are  libellers  ^dio  speak 
111  of  what  they  knoir  oot.     Some  perrert  scripture  and  find  false  doctrine. 
They  affirci  that  where  Christ  used  the  words  Die  eccleslae-^^^  he  meant 
that  In  every  parish  should  be  established  the  form  of  ecclesiastical 
government  vhich  liSoses  appointed  from  Sinai. 


They  had  (sale  these  men)  in  their  synagoes  their  prl^^sts,  me  nast  have 
in  every  parish  o-or  psastors:  they  their  levltes,  we  our  doctors:  they 
their  rulers  of  their  syna^^ogs,   ae  our  elders:  they  their  leviticall 
treasurers,  -ae  our  deacons,    j^ig.  83] 


ahere  such  discipline  as  this  is  not  erected  they  say  God*s  ordinance 
Is  not  perfonaed.     In  their  vehenence  they  pass  "^he  measure  of  a  n»iest 
nan's  concelto. "    As  for  the  force  of  the  argument  froia  tMs  place  of 
scripture,  never  lid  ancient  father  or  any  living  or  dead  church  so 
eocpounl  that  flace;   It  is  strange  that  this  interpretation  should  sleep 
for  fifteen  hundred  years, 

Ihe  fietlse  prophets  are  f;one  out.     "Before  th^y  lay  hid  in  the 
Church,  but  nowe  by  their  schisiss  th^*  have  mede  thenselves  knowen. " 
This  they  do,  though  it  has  been  ever  acknowledged  that  the  church 
which  aalntains  without  error  the  faith  of  Christ  and  retains  the 
lawful  use  of  the  sacraments  appointed  by  Christ,  though  It  nay  have 
BBoy  imperfections,  yet  is  to  be  accepted  as  the  mother  of  the  faith- 
ful,    niey  pp  out  from  us,   these  would-be  schlsotatics,  because  they  are 
not  of  us;   they  are  the  chaff  in  the  wheat.     Martin  af fires  tl3t  there 
■re  nany  schiess  in  the  Church  of  England  atthls  day  because  bishops 
"will  :jot  suffer  sea  to  do  as  they  list   (for  I  can  make  no  better  sence 


%^'i 


111(71) 


Of  hlB  discourse  touobiog  that  letter). "  Phis  oontempt  of 

bishops  Is  the  joore  to  be  abhorred,   alaco  they  bBve  had  government  of  the 

170 
church  since  St.  liBxic*s  time,    Qsig.   B7y1  The  disaffected  have,  as 

Qregory  puts  It,   "desire  of  priacl pall tie."     rhey  affect  the  places  and 

prefenosats  of  their  superiors.     They  are  noved  by  self-love;   Cyprian 

says  that  the  beginning  of  all  heresy  derives  frcsi  isan's  desire  to  please 

himself.      "Alledge  against  tha&  the  geaerall  consent  of  all  the  ancient 

fathers,  and  they  esteejce  it  not  a  rush." 

These  were  generalities  for  the  raoet  part.     Bancroft  then  proceeded 
to  a  shrewd  practical  attack.     The  Tresbyterlana,  he  went  on,  ere  above 
all  moved  by  covetousness. 


ifOT  1  ajB  fully  of  this  opinion,    that  the  hope  vdiich  ii>anie  taoa  have 
conceived  of  the  sjoile  of  the  Bishors  livings,  of  the  subversion  of 
cethedrall  churches,  and  of  a  havocke  to  be  made  of  al  t}}e  churches  rev- 
enues, l3  the  cheefeot  and  mor.t  prlacipall  caus€_  or  the  creetest  schlsBtea 
tliat  we  have  at  this  day  In  our  church,    (olc?.  04^ 


The  "clergy  factious"  contend  that  all  church  livings  ought  to  be  em- 
ployed for  QBintanance  of  their  presbyteries,  and  that  the  old  spoil  of 
abbeys  and  religious  houses  should  be  restored  again  to  their  use.      In 
•  supplication  to  the  rarllaaent  in  1585  they  submitted  that  things  once 
consecrated  should  rejraln  sacred,    [pig.  C4v^     The   "laie  factious"  are 
naturally  of  a  contrarv  opinion.     They  contend  Uiat  the  preachers  should 
conforsi  to  the  jractice  of  Christ  and  his  ajostles  and  live  without 
preferments,      SUhat  do  the  clergy  answer?     Ihe  author  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Dicclrline  says  that  It  tickles  the  wrs  of  the  rich  to  hear  him  and  his 
brethz*en  attack  the  bishops,  for  "they  have  in  their  harts  devoured  al- 
readle  the  churches  inheritance,"     They  are  cormorants,  say  the  Iiiritans, 


Zl* 


111(72) 

their  lapropriationa  are  alreaJy  a  burden  upoa  their  coasoiences. 

"And  is  not  then  deere  barethron,"  added  Banciroft,    '*the  consider- 
ation hereof  very  pitiful  onto  yoa?"  This  was  hitting  home 
indeed. 

Me  are  coiamanded»  he  pursued,  to  try  the  spirits.     The  rapists 
suffer  the  people  to  try  nothing;    they  forbid  the  readinc  of  the 
scriptures  and  bind  the  Bible,   once  translated^  to  the  authority  of 
councils  and  decrees,     fhere  are  another  sort  of  "giddle  spiirits  who 
will  have  the  people  to  be  alvaies  seeking  and  searching."    'fhese  take 
it  upon  theai  to  be  masters  before  they  deserve  the  oaoe  of  scholars. 

They  wring  and  wrest  the  Scriptures  according  as  they  fansie.  It  -^ould 
pittie  a  aans  hart  considering  what  painca  they  will  take  in  quoting;  of 
places,   to  see  how  ;erver3ly  they  will  apply  thta:.    ^ig.    D*] 

This  has  ever  been  a  ripht  property  of  heretics.     The  »eaa,  then,  between 
these  two  erross  iu  best.     Read  the  Joriptures,  but  with  sobriety;   dutiful 
children  ought  to  subodt  to  the  church  for  the  resolution  of  their 
doubts;    nov;  that  porery  has  been  banished  suz>ely  some  authority  is  due  to 
our  lawful  assemblies.     Galvln  hitsself  is  witness  of  the  danger  of  con- 
tention about  patters  in-lifferent.    [3ip.   D7v3 

dfe  are  then,  to  believe  not  every  spirit,      ^^ihen  the  .^ueen  came 
to  the  crown  her  chief  care  was  to  piece  in  the  people's  hearts  a  rifriit 
feeling  of  Christian  religion,  and  at  the  banishment  of  popery  all  the 
refoiuked  churches  of  iiurope  clapped   their  hands  for  joy.     Who  would  have 
thourht  to  see  Irotestant^  rejrove  our  relifrlon?     Yet  qaarrels  are  picked 
against  the   "oormainlon  booke,"  so  often  revised  and  submitted  to  the 


xi^ 


111(73) 

ceasure  of  the  best  divines  of  the  age.     Great  account  was  made  of  it 
in  tiaes  past,  but  now  two  or  three  years*  study  Is  as  good  as  twenty. 

It  la  woonderfull  to  see,  how  some  aen  get  perfection.     One  of  fower 

or  five  and  twentie  yeeres  old,   if  you  an^er  bini,   will  aweare  he  knoweth 

more  then  all  the  ancient  fathers,    (pip,  ESj 

Instead  of  our  order  they  vwuld  have  a  book  cf  their  own  making,  and 
in  their  perfect  platform  the  civil  magistrate  is  quite  forgotten. 
Indeed  they  mention  the  magistrate  "for  inaners  sake"  but  in  such  a  cold 
and  sparing  way  that  there  is  not  a  priest  in  s^isbeach  who  would  not 
subscribe  to  their  limited  notions  of  obedience.    (Gig.    E8v]     So  far  as 
their  fona  of  prayer  is  concerned,   they  would  have  the  minister  pray 
"as  the  spirite  of  God  shall  ooove  his  hart,"  and  what  sort  of  edification 
could  we  expect  froia  that?     Phey  cry  out  that  the  government  of  the 
Church  of  England  is  antichristian  and  devilish  because  the  civil  mag- 
istrate is  aade  a  temporal  pope;  Uartin  reasoned  against  the  bishotfi;  but 
in  doing  so  he  has  implied  the  very  saiue  reasons  against  the  temporal 
po*ar,  for  upon  his  principles  a  man  may  call  Her  Majesty  a  petty  poje 
who  is  not  to  be  tolerated  in  a  Christian  commonwealth. 

No  church  has  been  planted  since  the  apostles*  time  without 
bishops.    (Sig.  F3j     Bancroft,   intent  upon  his  clever  insinuation  of 
sedition  in  the  luritan  painphlets,  did  not  pause  to  elaborate  this  highly 
suggestive  statement,  but  ret'irned  to  the  isaln  attack  and  pushed  it  home. 
The  '^een  has  suprejuacy  in  ecclesiastical  causes;    she  is  endowed  with 
ordinary  authority  for  making  laws  and  coneititutions  ecclesiastical, 
Biis  the  papists  dispute,  but     ow  another  sort  deny  that  this  authority 
belongs  to  pope  or  to  prince  and  would  rest  It  in  their  presbyteries.  (Sip-.  F4j 


x  V8 


iii(74) 

Ihe  experlenceo  of  the  Scottish  fclnp  with  presbyteries  should  be  warning 
onough,^'^     Indeed  a  preacher  of  this  faction  in  :LiiglBnd  produced  these 
"desperate  points"  In  a  sermon,  labourii^  to  persuade  his  auditory  that 
in  France  it  vee  lawful  for  the  people  or  the  inferior  laagistratea  to  compel 
their  prince  to  a  reformation  of  religion. 

Bancroft  had  i^ade  his  two  points,  repeated  in  his  closing  ex> 
hortation  to  Kagiotrates  and  people:   the  Puritans  are  covetous  and  they 
are  seditious.     His  sereion  was  neither  profound  nor  logical  but  it  nc^a 
expert  maaipulation  of  the  issues,  an  artful  Jugeli^  of  half-truths. 
It  proTOked  an  answer  fr<»i  the  other  party,   written  by  that  earnest  .Velsh- 
oan  John  lenry,   entitled  A  Brief e  discovery  of  the  Untruthes  and  Slanders 
apialnst  the  true  government  of  the  Church  of  Christ  contained  in  a  Serron,  &o. 
and  printed  by  2teldegrave  the  next  year.     But  tiiis  was  as  nothlDf;  compared 
to  the  stomi  which  t^rose  over  Bancroft's  assei^ion  of  the  authority  of 
bishops  from  apostolic  times.     Chief  aiacng  those  dlcturbed  by  what  such 
doctrine  could  lead  to  was  the  Lord  Treasurer,  Sir  Francis  Knollys,  who 
was  sure  the  Bancroft  was  indirectly  attacking  the  royal  supremacy  and 
dosei^Qg  of  a  praemunire.     He  wrote  to  oaqj'  persona,  among  thwa  the 
learned  Jr.   John  Hainolds  of  Oxford,  who  replied  with  a  learned  treatise 
which  s»s  reprinted  in  1641  as  The  Judgaent  of  Joe tor  Reynolds,  being  one 
of  the  zsanlfestoes  issued  by  the  antiepiscopal  party  in  the  Long  Jarlia- 
sent.     ''     Or.  R«ilnold8  did  not  agree  witb  Bancroft,  who  had  sierely  made 
a  statesient  without  arguing  It  to  any  extent.     Bancroft  was  cunning  rather 
thalh  subtle,  and  did  not  apparently  perceive  all  the  ijtplloatioas  of  his 
doctrine.     It  was  left  for  Bishop  Bilson  to  develop  the  case  for  the 
luro  divlno  episcopacy; "^^'^  even  at  that  the  quarrel  did  not  develop  further 
in  the  reirn  of  Elizabeth. 


111(75) 

So  much  of  a  landmark  has  Bancroft's  serFosn  bacome  In  the  history 
of  Puritanism  that  a  worthy  successor  to  it,   preached  in  November  of  the 
saEie  year  and  rehearsing  the  same  arguments,  has  been  overlooked.     Wlllian 

James,   Dean  of  Christ  Church,   Oxford,   fonaerly  chaplain  and  death-bed 

174 

confessor  of  Leicester,   later  Bishop  of  Durham,         was  not  one  to  let  a 

good  field  lie  fallo?/.     He  perceived  the  force  of  Bancroft's  method, 

apparently,  and  hastened  to  use  it  himself,    .;hile  adding  some  grace 

175 

notes  of  his  ovm.     His  senzKin         as  published  was  dedicated   to  Sir 

Christopher  Hat ton,  whether  because  Eat ton  was  Chancellor  of  his  Uni- 

176 
versity  or  from  a  oolitlcal  motive  is  uncertain.  His  chief  purpose, 

he  says  in  his  iiipistle  Dedicatory,  was  to  assua{^;e  contentions.     He  has 

not  kept  back  his  opinion,  he  continues,    "touching  the  man  that  troubleth 

us,  and  the  laatter  by  hiiu  entended,  "^ 


I  am  sory,  and  lb  ^rieveth  mee  to  see  the  heapes  of  Novelties  that  in 
her  Uajestles  most  gracious  ralgne,  and  in  so  jlentifull  a  li^ht  of  the 
Qoapell,  our  inconstant  Islanders  have  brought  into  the  world. 


Ihere  was  a  time  when  zeal  for  a  learned  ministry  was  not  accomp>aaled, 
as  it  is  now,   by  zeal  to  extinguish  "the  ancient  names  and  functi<»s  of 
Bishops  in  the  Church...  and  overturning  the  estate  established." 


If  any  Bishops  have  transgressed  in  their  callings,   especially  in  ad- 
mitting of  insufficient  Uinisters,    (as  it  must  be  confessed  they  have 
done).,.,  sorely  it  is  ill  physlcke  for  this  bleard  eye,   or  for  this  sore 
hand  or  foote,  to  choppe  off  the  head,  or  kill  the  body. 


James's  text,  1  Corinthians  12.25-27,   treated  of  divisions  In  the 
body  of  Christ.     He  developed  the  metaphor  of  the  body  politic  at  some 
length,  pointed  to  the  analof^y  of  the  harmony  in  nature,  and  set  before 
his  auditory  the  ideal  of  the  unity  o±  the  church  catholic.     Jesuits  and 


i,x.  © 


iii(76) 

the  Bamily  of  Love  break  this  unity,  and  there  are  others  who  rend  the 
fabric  of  the  church  by  tradacing  loinisters  from  tlie  pulpit,  in  talk  about 
dinner  tables,  and  in  '*lewde  and  shamelesse  libels."    Martin  is  eneii^'  of 
the  universities: 


As  oft  as  1  behold  his  ^latfonue,  whome  I  am  lothe  to  name,   that 
persona  tj.3  his  trio  Kartine,  who  thirstefch  at  the  overthrowe  of  Bishop- 
rickes,  and  Gathedrall  Churches,  like  unto  him  that  reapeth  where  he 
soweth  not:   sic  oft  me  thiaketh  that  I  see  a  miserable  ruine,   first  of  the 
Universities,  and  so  consequently  of  the  Church.    [Sig.   C3\ 


Even  as  it  is  young  men  forsake  divinity  for  law  and  physic;   their 
parents  think  only  of  a  naite  and  a  posterity  here  on  earth,  and  little 
chance  there  is  of  this  in  the  conteiuned  juiaifitry.     Seform  is  needed, 
sure  enough,  but  there  are  those  who  seek  in  the  cause  of  ref orir:ati on 
to  overthrow  all. 


lo  speake  what  I  thinke,  and  to  si  eake  my  conscience  freely,  they  that 
with  Kartine  seeke  the  overthrow  of  all,   ioe  offer  sacrifice  to  their  god 
their  own  bellie:  and  although  they  would  seeaie  the  most  sincere,  yet  In 
this  seeking  after  the  church  spoils,   they  are  in  deed  the  greatest 
idolators,  serving  their  God  Uanmon.    [Sig.   C4vJ 


Picking  his  authorities  with  care,  James  quoted  Calvin  and  Gualter  as 
prophesying  that  monitions  should  be  sought  for  munitions,   that  church 
lands  should  become  a  prey  for  the  seeming  godly.     He  quoted  a  letter  of 
Calvin  to  Cranmer,  urging  the  necessity  of  authority  in  the  reformed 
church  of  ISngland: 

Yet  I  understand    [v;rote  CalvliG    that  there  is  one  or  en  let  or  liinderance 
(jbo  unity  in  the  church}  ,   that  the  Church  revenewes  are  laid  open  for  a 
pray,     A  misohiefe  truly  intollerable.      ^liat  thinke  you  would  he  have 
said,    if  he  had  seens  liartlnes  platforms?    [Sig.   D2\ 

fhe  signs  are  about  us.     OxlJord's  comnon  rooms  are  empty;  many  are  led 


z^-l 


iii(77) 


astz*ay  by  Uartla.     As  for  Martin's  manners, 

NeTer  did  any  godly  aaa  write  or  speake  on  this  maner.     None  of  the  fathers 
of  the  primitive  church  ever  Aelt  in  this  sort,    qo  not  with  niost  darmable 
heretikes,.,.  No  man  that  by  reading  of  the  holy  scriptures,  praying, 
or  neditatinjij,   talketh  with  Ood,   can  speake  with  a  spirit  so  void  of 
God.    [pie.  eQ 

Ijartin  is  let  by  avarice  and  ambition;   to  sneer  at  the  church  wtoich  Is 
protected  by  the  Queen  is  to  attack  the  Q,ueen,  Shy  are  such  men 

so  bitter?     "Do  wee  approove  the  faith  by  the  jersons,  or  the  lersons  by 
the  faith?...   Good  come  is  not  the  woorse  for  a  patched  sacks,  nor  bad 
wine  the  better  Tor  a  golden  cuppe, " 

The  weapons  are  Bancroft's,  it  will  be  perceived,  but  they  are 
dulled  by  a  piously  protesting  temperament.     Jaiaea  was  no  flghterj  hia 
tone  is  alBtost  plaintive.     The  change  of  tone  in  itself  marks  the  end 
of  a  phase  of  the  controversy  with  the  Puritans.     Throughout  the  following 
decade,  as  the  quarrel  with  the  disaffected  settled  into  sporadic  skirmishes^ 
exhortations  froa;  Paul's  Cross  became  sore  or  less  stereotyped  appeals  for 

unity  in  the  bond  of  peace.     The  first  of  these  is  contained  In  ISiofflaB 

179 
rijhite's  anniversary  seroion  In  this  same  Movember.  The  Church,  he  said, 

is  one, 


yet  shee  is  not  in  one  Union,  but  laboureth  with  the  pains  of  hlr  wombe., 
I  know  how  that  I  have  a  f7oolfe  by  the  eares,  and  can  ;ot  tell  whether 
I  should  hold  him,  or  let  him  goe  (for  both  is  dangerous)  I  choose  this 
rext  Luke  3.10-14  to  misse  him,  and  yet  he  meetes  ne,  and  so  raeetes 
me,  that  1  cannot  well  avoile  him. 


Having  ao  tentatively  and  piously  entered  upon  this  theme,  iVhlte  pro- 
ceeded to  ''warble  Si^eetlie,  to  east  out  the  foule  spirit  of  the  Faction, 
with  Devids  barpe.  *^         Should  we  not  strive  for  the  truth  which  shall 


'L1.•^^ 


iii{73) 


njake  us  free? 

But  on  the  other  side,  to  pretead  such  a  cause,  Sl  not  to  prove  it,  or  if 
there  be  any  other  good  course,  as  the  redresse  of  some  abuses,..,  y t 
to  follov.-  it  out  of  time, and  Place,  by  inportunitie,  and  unlawfully,  by 
false,   or  foolish  libels.,,,   I   suppose  that  no  wise  san  can  allov/e  the 
course;   sure  I  am,   the  evill  successe  thereof  doth  disalovve  it;  and  if 
his  nana  should  answere  his  doing  herein,  as  It  seemeth  bee  would  have 
it  by  the  Title,  and  lurpose  of  his  bookes,   sure  hee  should  bee  called 
for  Marre  Irelate,  l^arre  Preacher:    for  there  are  fewer  cf  these,  and  no 
lesse  of  those,   if  not  more,   since  he  practised  so  to  mari^  them.    {Sig,   GItJ 

Hen  liice  Hartln  pretend  conscience  and  zeal  vAo  have  it  not.     But  the 
fault  is  not  all  on  one  side;   there  has  been  intemperate  language  used 
on  both  sides: 


Likewise  they  are  to  bee  admonished  that  fill  the  lulplt  too  fiil  with 
these  controversies,  I  doe  not  meane  our  lunatike  libellers,   «^ich  cast 
phrases  on  both  sides,,.,-*-^-'-  but  I  ceane  iien  cf  iriy  owne  Profession  and 
Mnde,  that  they  consider:   that  the  lope  hath  had  too  long  a  Pause,  and 
hath  gotten  ground  apace,  since  wee  have  spent  our  breath  about  these 
things,    jSig.   G2v] 


Exhortations  such  as  these  recur  steadily  in  these  sermons.      iJhe 
thene  is  ever  the  same:   the  peace  of  the  church  imist  be  preserved;   Home 
is  the  real  eneicy;   troublemakers  ahould  bold  their  jbongues.     So  Gervase 
Bablngton  in  1590: 

Bay  that  most  fearefull  division,  bitternesse  and  ga'xLe  both  in  word  & 
writing  yt  hath  now  too  lon^,  so  spotted  this  famous  Ghui'Ch  of  England, 
and  oany  worthy  r;en  in  it  proove  unto  any  guiltie  causer  of  the  sair.e 
his  coniinc  to  Christ?     Surely  it  doth  net.  182 

Richard  Lewes,  preaching  at  the  Cross  probably  about  1591,  pleaded  for 
tecperance  on  both  sides: 

And  inasmuch  as  the  counsels  of  GOD  cannot  be  hindered  by  any  pollicie 
or  po«er  of  ffian,  I  wish  with  all  my  hearte,  that  our  learned  and  grave 
Jfathers  v/oulde  sonewhat  refraine  themselves  from  thca-i  thut  sue  for 


n.-u^ 


iiil79) 


reformation,  and  let  thoia  alone;  for  if  this  counsell  or  this  worke  be 
of  men,  it  will  come  to  nought;  but  if  it  bee  of  (3od  they  cannot  destroy 
it,  lest  they  be  fouade  even  fighters  against  God.  And  withall  the  veines 
of  ciy  soule  I  wish  that  they  that  seeke  reformation,  would  take  heede, 
that  they  inake  lot  the  cause  the  worse,  by  their  indiscreete  zeale,  un- 
brotherlie  reproches,  unchristian  slanders,  unsavorie  and  unlearned 
libels,  and  almost  Fharisaicall  contempt  of  their  fathers  and  brethren.   183 

Roger  Racket  repeated  White's  warning  that  Bome  is  the  real  enemy;  let 
us  not  ga].e  after  the  shadow,  he  said,  and  lose  the  substance. 

The  which  I  speake  not  to  rubbe  and  fret  the  sores  of  any,  which  mourne 
in  Sion  for  the  sins  of  there  people,  and  would  have  Jerusalem  builded 
as  a  city  that  is  at  unity  -.vith  itselfo.  But  to  advise  our  overheidy  and 
hasty  splrites,  ether  for  a  while  to  rebate  the  edge  of  their  il  tempered 
fury,  or  els  to  turn  their  keene  and  wel  sharpened  humours,  against  a 
knonen  and  aoat   bloudy  enisiy;  which  lAiill  none  of  oar  Bishops,  nor  yet  our 
pastors;  none  of  our  religion,  nor  yet  our  discipline;  none  of  oar 
protestantes,  nor  yet  our  puritans.    184 

Robert  Temple  likewise  preached  discretion,  and  quite  properly  suggested 
that  the  answers  to  loartin  and  his  ilk  might  well  be  left  to  others  of 
that  stamp,  and  not  suffered  to  disturb  the  gravity  of  serious  religious 
exhortation: 

Hee  [Marti li]  haniUeth  diviaitie  with  scurrilitie,  &   scripture  with 
laughter,  nore  pleasant  to  a  sight  o£   gospell  libertines,  and  Church 
robbers,  then  medling  at  all  with  the  inat;,er  in  hande,  mich  lease  de- 
ciding the  controversies  by  aionient  and  wayght  of  argument,  and  therefore 
better  ans'.vered  alreadle  by  some  merriB  mates  like  hlmselfe,  then  to 
bee  vouchsafed  so  ouche  as  a  silable  by  learned  rexlye.    185 

The  direction  of  attack  upon  the  Furl tans  was,  in  fact,  cha aging. 
Hie  original  issue  of  the  discipline,  clouded  by  the  libels,  receded  some- 
what, to  be  succeeded  by  consideration  or  the  threat  involved  in  an 
alliance  of  the  Itiritan  ireachers  with  the  gentry  and  the  coBUBon  lawyers, 
an  alliance  against  the  exercise  of  the  royal  prerogative  in  oatters 
ecclesiastical  tliDuglt  the  iUgh  Cosunicslon  court.  This  alliance  laanlfe^^ted 


T-T-V 


iii{80) 

186 
itself  in  the  oonstitutionally  important  Cawdrey's  case,    and  in  the 

disturbances  iu  the  rarliament  of  1593  which  resulted  in  the  imprisonment 
of  Peter  tjeatworth  and  of  Jaiaes  Morrice,  who  had  been  Cawdrey's  counsel, 
"Sroia   the  tyranny  of  the  olerta'  of  Sngland,"  wrote  Morrice  from  prison 
to  Burghley,  "good  Lord,  deliver  us.  "^    It  is  not  then  merely  a  con- 
tinuance of  that  good  stroke  of  Bancroft's  which  enlivens  Adam  Hill*3 
attack  upon  what  he  calls  (generically)  "ilartin"  in  a  sermon  at  the  Cross 
in  Septeiaber  of  1595.  He  asserted  that 

■artin  findeth  fault  that  a  Minister  should  have  two  benefices,  but 
for  a  nobleioaa  or  Gentlexisan  which  hat):  sixe  hee  reprehendeth  it  not.... 
'dbat   is  the  reason,  he  reproveth  the  ministers  so  sharply,  and  leaveth 
the  other  unrep roved?..,  The  net  is  not  laid  for  the  hawk  or  the  kite, 
or  theiL  that  do  ill;  it  is  laid  for  them  that  do  no  harm.    188 

189 

Five  years  later  the  intrepid  GtossoD         was  even  laore  sweeping  in  his  con- 

de£in.ation  of  the  reputed  alliance  of  the  disaffected  parsons  with  potenti- 
ally seditious  laymeat.     The  faithful  ninlstr:^,  he  complained,   are  little 
regarded.     Now  the  j'iore  ireacliiag  the  less  devotion. 


In  the  beginning:  of  her  Kajost.   reign  every  man  begafi  to  treir.ble  at  the 
word  of  God  and  to  give  hoed  to  the  preaciJLnf;  of  the  same:   but  the  happy 
continuance  thereof  hath  laads  it  so  fairdliar  unto  you  that  you  care  not 
for  it. 


The  age  is  plagued  by  diistortint:  f:lasses. 

Such  a  glasse  was  Harding  to  ttuel,   the  lerned  Bishop  complained  of  it, 
that  whatsoever  he  spak  was  to  lone  or  to  short,   or  one  way  or  other  it 
stoode  away,     uuch  a  glasse  is  the  new  Presbyterle  couchiof^  downe  at  the 
gates  of  great  personnes,    .-(ith  her  bellie  full  of  barckin;  libells  to 
disgrace  the  persons  of  the  best  men,  and  the  laboure  of  the  best  learned 
in  the  Jhurcu  of  Lngland....    Ae  best  way   the  devill  can  finde  to  disgrace 
preaching,   is  to  disgrace   the  preacher.       (Sip.   li^l 

The  gentry  and   the  lawyers  persecute  the  poor  niini^ters;    sohisioatics 


r-i-f 


lii(81) 

and  "caterpillars "  are  deteriuiaed  to  reduce  the  Establishmeat   to  dlsi^race 
and  penury. 


I!he  Cleargie  of  Snglande  may  nowe  joyne  hande  in  hande  In  a  falre  roundelay 
and  slug  and  record  one  to  another,  as  little  children  do  in  the  streets, 
whea  shall  we  eat  white  bread?  when  the  puttock  is  dead. 


Libel  and  robbery  go  together: 


To  this  purpose  it  nsay  be  you  shal  perceive  some  broker  belonging  to 
the  ccHicaon  Lau,   or  socie  jester  hanging     i-on  the  Court,   or  some  lyris  Toet 
and  comaou  uiicer  hovering  about  this  Cittie,  subborned  and  bolstered  to 
deale  in  derision  of  the  Church  ia  time  of  Parliament  as  Italians  do  in 
their  plaies. ...  A  gre&t  part  of  this  mischief  being  lootched  by  the 
presbyterie.     ^ig.   FSJ 


He  concluded  that  the  innovators  had  not  been  properly  dealt  with: 


Conference,  connivence,   tolleratlon,  disputation,  printing  of  bookes, 
and  preaching  of  sermons,  have  beene  applied  unto  theoi...,  one  draia  of 
iilleboras  would  fiave  purged   their  huraour, ...   By  favour  and  support  these 
Vernine  that  were  long  since,    by  the  labours  of  learned  bishoppes  hewen 
in  pieces,  have  crept  out  of  their  holes,.,,  and  by  continuall  rolling 
recovered  tiioilj  taile,  their  tome  papers  end  inaim©<l  paiiiphlets  have  bin 
atickt  together  againe  with  a  skainc  of  jiaters  thred,  and  v;rouFht  round 
with  a   white  selvedge  of  reTortiation  to  grace  them,   whereby  the  earen  of 
the  Church  have  been  filled  vdth  a  newe  hissing,   to  the  very  aiockerie  of 
religion,  and  the  ixapudent  slander  ox'  the  church  of  iijiglaade.     j^ig.   Fsj 

It  is  the  younger  generation  of  preachers  ndio  stir  up  trouble: 


A  great  isrt  of  the  troubles  of  the  church  of  England  hath  sprunr  out  of 
greene  heards,   that  have  ouch  busied  themselves  about  the  state  of  bisho. a, 
these  are  yong  cockerels,   th£.t  have  learned  only   to  clap   their  feeble 
wiivgs,   &.  to  crow  upon  the  roost  in  time  of  peace,   but  \ih.ea  religion  is  in 
danger  they  dare  not  come  into  the  cockpit.    (3ig.   Gl\ 

In  all  this  there  is  a  suggestion,  corefully  veiled,  that  some  great 
person  or  j  arsons  well  enough  known,  coulil   they  be  named,   are  behind  the 
defamers  and  robbers  of  the  Church  of  England,     The  melaacholy  youngsters 


ti^-i 


iii(82) 

have  a  patron,  Gosson  renarked  in  his  conclusion  that  he  had  been  re- 
prehended (though  not  officially  "celled  In  question")  for  a  sermon 
treating  of  the  "Churches  quarrel"  preached  at  raul*s  Cross  in  1596  [?\ , 
in  which  he  seemed  to  strike  at  "seme  groat  person.'*^    This  whole 
I^BBsage  in  the  sermon  of  1598  is  heavily  portentous  and  exceedingly 
ajubiguous,  but  it  is  safe  to  conjecture  that  if  Oosson  had  in  mind  any 
great  ierson,  that  person  vras  Essex. 

In  all  these  attacks  upon  I-'uritanism,  there  is  little  or  nothing 
of  reasoned  objection  to  the  religioua  Ideal  of  the  opposition  p^rty,  no 
analysis  of  their  view  of  the  nature  of  the  worship  of  GoJ,  Yet  before 
the  end  of  the  reifjn  one  champion  ox'  the  listablishment  arose  at  the  Cross 
to  point  out  eiuphatically  how  the  luritan  idea  of  worship  was  related  to 

the  contemit  for  the  physical  fabric  of  the  church  wMch  was  leadinc  to 

192 
such  spoliation  of  its  effects  by  the  greedy  patrons, 

John  Eowson,  alumnus  of  3t.  l-^ail's  School  and  of  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  had  a  laost  distln^-uished  career,  .\fter  proceeding  IL.A,   in 
1581,  he  held  prebends  In  Hereford  and  l;xeter;  in  1598  he  v«8  made 
one  of  the  Queen's  chaplains,  ami  in  1602  became  VIce-Chancellor  of 
Oxford,  where  he  strove  to  put  down  Puritanism  with  a  heavy  hand.  He 
won  the  favour  of  James  by  these  efforts  and  by  his  violence  in  attacking 

popery,  and  in  1619  he  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Oxford.  Nine  years  later 

193 

he  was  elevated  to  the  see  of  Durham  and  died  in  that  difficult  office. 

But  it  was  in  the  last  decade  of  Elizabeth's  reipin  that  he  made  his  mark, 
with  two  sermons  at  Paul's  Cross,   the  one  preached  againat  simony  in  1597, 

the  other  upon  sacrilerie  and  neglect  of  common  prayer  in  1598.     It  is  this 

194 
latter  sermon         M^ich  must  now  engage  our  attention.     His  theme,   the 


z^-V 


iii(83) 

thene  also  In  general  of  his  sermon  of  the  year  preceding,  was  CSirlst's 
casting  out  of  the  thieves  from  the  Temple,  and  his  interpretation  of  God's 
law  as  revealed  in  human  reason  and  in  God*s  word  indicates  how  close  a 
student  ho  vras  of  the  Bcclesiastlcal  lollty.     He  proceeded  to  describe  the 
proper  condition  of  God's  house.      The  Temple  hud  much  furniture,   for  God 
will  be  worshipped  not  onl:-'  '.idth  the  spirit,  but  £he  body  also.     Such  fur- 
niture is  as  proper  under  the  gospel  as  under  the  law.  In  our 
days  the  Temple  is  spoiled  by   "irrelicious  Julianists"  who  have  made  some 
village  churches  no  better  than  "pigstyes,"  and  in  cities  the  churches  are 
like   "a  country  hall,  faire  whiteliited,  or  a  citizens  parlour,  at  the  best 
walnscotted,  as  though  we  were  rather  riatonistu  then  Christians."    (sif.   dJJ 
To  contend  for  oeemly  furniture  in  the  church  is  not  superstition  but   "true 
Christianitie";   the  sin  of  spoliation  will  not  escape  without  punishment. 

Hie  reason  why  such  avarice  is  sanctioned  by  some  is  that  they 
differ  from  the  true  Christians  in  their  view  or  the  end  and  use  of  God's 
house.     Christ  said  that  his  Father's  house  was  a  house  of  prayer,     Thet 
is,  of  '  ublic  service,   in  which  prayer  is  the  chief  eleiaent.     In  the 
primitive  church  the  house  of  Go i  was  called  onatorium. 


Now  we  say...  let  the  first  and  chiefe  place  be  given  to  preaching: 
and  a  proviso  is  cade,  that  the  people  be  not  ovei-wearyed  with  too  nmch 
praying.     And   though  the  Church  of  England  liath  no  such  constitution,  yet 
the  people  entertaine  the  practice  of  it,  luany  of  them  condetoninf  coimnon 
prayer,  but  a  greater  part  neglecting     it   ,  and  holding  it  the  only  ex- 
ercise of  the  service  of  God  to  heare  a  sermon,    fSig,  flvi 


This  la  an  ancient  error;   St.  Chrysostoic  corailains  of  it,     Even  under 
the  law  of  nature  without  the  benefit  of  revelation  men  were  moved   to  the 
service  of  God  not  be  external  inr^truction,    "but  only  by  a  naturall  and 
inward  notion."     Phis  must  have  been  the  fruits  of  prayer,   not  preaching. 

In  the  time  of  Abraham  the  whole  service  of  God  was  invocation 

I  zsB 


iii(84) 

or  ador-.tion;   leter  and  John  went  up  to  the  teicple  to  pray;   Christ  and 
St.   Paul  both  exhorted  to  contiaoal  prayer,  with  "^o  such  testimony  given 
to  hearing,"     "The  blessing  is  not  promised  to  hearini?,  but  to  doing," 

Such  vas  the  complaint  of  Gardiner  against  the  extreme  reformers 
SLLmost  fifty  years  before: 


These  men  speak  much  of  preaching,   but  note  well  this,   they  would  we 
should  see  nothing  in  remeiabrance  of  Christ,  and  therefore  can  they 
not  abide  icages.     fhey  would  we  should  sriell  nothing  in  remeitbrance  of 
Christ  and  therefore  speak   they  againat  anointing  and  holy  water.      They 
would  we  should  taste  nothing  in  meicory  of  Christ,  and  therefore  they 
cannot  away  with  salt  anJ  holy  bread....   Finally,    they  would  have  all 
in  talking,   they  speak  so  much  of  preaching,   so  as  all  the  gates  of  our 
senses  and  v.'ays  to  laan's  understanding  should  be  shut  ap,   saving  the 
ear  alone.         195 


There  could  be  no  clearer  danonstratlon  of  the  kinship  between  the  radical 
Reformers  and  the  later  Puritans.     One  scholar  would  make  the  "puritan" 
faiidly  much  larger  and  of  more  ancient  lineage,  and  his  provocative  con- 
clusions deserve  nobice  here,   since  they  alone  seem  to  resolve  the  obvious 
contradictions  faced  but  not  escaped  In  Howson,  who  was  forced  into  a 
paradox:   that  the  service  of  Cod  Is  not  to  be  referred  to  hearing,   but 
heailng  is  to  be  referred  to  the  servico  of  God,  This  scholar 

contends  that 


no  small  part  of  our  liturgical  difficulties  In  the  Church  of  England 
coffie  froia  confusing  tv.o  things:   jrotestanti sr...   anrl   ruritanlsm  —  which 
is  a  general  theory  about  worrfilp,   not  sj«ciflcally  proteatant  nor  Indeed 
confined  to  christians  of  any  kind.      It  Is  the  v?orklng  theory  upon  which 
all  mohaianiedan  worship  is  based....  The  puritan  theory  is  that  worship 
is  a  purely  Hiontal  aotlvity,    to  bo  exercised  by  a  strictly  jsycholopical 
•attention"  to  a  subjective  enotional  or  spiritual  experience.     For  the 
puritan  this  is  the  essence  of  -ivorship,  and  all  external    things  which 
might  inp«ir  this  strictly  aental  atteAition  have  no  rightful  place  in 
it,...   Its  princiial  defect  is  Its  tendency  to   "verbalism,"  to  suppose 


2« 


iil(85) 


that  vjords  alone  can  ezprees  or  otinulate  the  act  of  v.'orEhip, ,,,    Phe  early 
Cistercians  were  profoundly  puritan,  but  they  v/ere  never  Irotestant. 
rhe  thorou^'ii  protestantism  of  the  Swedish  lutherens,   with  their  vestments 
and  lights  and  crucifixes,  has  never  been  puritan.         196 


He  contend  not,  said  the  scrupulous  objectors  tc  the  vestcicnts,   for  a  cap, 
tippet  and  eurplice,   but  for  the  true  coveiniRent  of  Christ's  Church, 
tight  not  the  statement  be  reversed?     Balked  of  their  hopes  of  the  right 
discipline,   the  Puritans  exercised  their  immense  spiritual  virtuosity  in 
the  exarcination  of  the  nature  of  their  religious  experience,   and  found 
it  inward,   found  it  to  be  the  effect  of  the  J^fORD.     The  attack  upon  the 
vestments  nas  in  one  sense  the  real  battle,  and  the  establishment  of 
synods  incidental  to  the  main  ifi^ulse  of  the  otoveioent,  which  was  to 
bring  the  wayfaring  Christian  to  a  consciousneas  -     a  shattering  but 
renovating  consciousness  -     of  the  overpowering  will  of  the  Almighty. 
Against  this  po-.rerful  impolso  a  genemtion  of  the  orthodox  were  to 
tilt  in  vain. 

7,   Tfonstrous  and  horrible  heresies.  " 

No  connected  hlstor:'  of  the  separatists  during  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth  can  be  constructed  from  references  in  the  Faul's  Cross  sermons. 
There  were  times  when  the  danger  from  those  withdrawn  from  the  body  of 
Christ  and  holding  opinions  danceroua  and  wild  seemed  to  be  greater  than 

ordinary,  and  at  those  times  the  preachers  warned  and  condemned,  and  that 

197 
is  all.     Reference  has  been  m^de  above         to  the  recurrinp  fear  of  the 

Anabaptists,   whose  tenets,   horrible  as  well  from  the  political  as  from 

the  theolorical  roint  of  view,  served  as  a  sort  of  devilish  locus  for 

dangers  as  terrible  as  those  to  be  feared  from  papacy,     Fowc  foreign 

heretics  named  as  Anabaptists  were  burned  in  157t>,  having  in  liiay  of 


7.3e 


lii(86) 

198 

that  year  performed  a  public  recantation  at  the   Cross.     I3i,e  next  month, 

fire  Snio;llsh  meiabers  of  the  Family  of  Love  recanted  the  heresies  of  the 

199 
author  of  their  sect  at  the  sense  place.     This  sect  had  been  founded  by 

Davll  Geor^,  an  Anabaptist  of  Delft,  who  diei  in  1556.  His  disciple-,  the 
Apostle  faul  of  the  noTsment,  was  Henry  Nicholas  O^endriok  Niclaes] , 
flfteei  of  :^ose  works  were  translated  Into  Inpllsh  by  the  visionary 
Christopher  Vittels  of  Soathwark  and  printed  at  Amsterdam,  Vittels 
promoted  one  of  the  conventicles  of  the  sect  in  Colchester.  In  1575  the 
Fanlly  of  Love  addressed  an  Apoloocy  to  Parliament  professing  their  inno- 
cence of  dan/rerous  opinions  and  their  loyalty  to  the  ^ueen.     Answers 
began  to  appear  to  Nicholas*  works.  In  1578  John  Sogers  published  the 
Displayinr  of  the  Famllle  of  Love,  attaokinp  the  licentlouaness  and 
•atheism"  of  the  sect.  Laurence  Chaderton,  rroachinr  at  the  Cross  the 
sane  year,  mentioned  the  erroneous  doctrines  of  H.H,^^-^  In  the  following 
year  t^«)  more  pamphlets  were  issued  aj^ainst  the  family  of  I>ove,  the  Con- 
futation of  rfilllan  Wilkinson  and  another  Confutation  by  John  Knewptub. 
In  the  same  year  John  D:'08  condemned  the  books  "or  rather  babies  of  R,K, " 
in  his  i^ul*s  Cross  sermon,*^  ^  The  preachers  were  ready  to  enforce  the 
paper  war  with  exhortations  from  the  pulpit  somewhat  more  elaborate  and 
intense  than  the  passing  mention  th^*  usually  ^ave  to  these  errors. 

References  to  the  Brownists  are  confined  to  the  year  1592, 
This  is  not  the  place  to  review  at  large  the  career  of  the  founder 
of  the  Independents,  and  his  important  rlace  in  the  history  of  non- 
confomitv  In  p-eneral  and  of  political  theorv  In  riarticular.   I  have 
found  no  mention  of  him  or  of  Jtobert  Harrison  In  the  foraative  years 
1575  to  ISS*^,  precedine;  the  exile  in  Middelburp-,  Bro'.vne  disappeared  in 


2.3^ 


Hi  (87) 

1591  into  that  mysterious  silence  vrtilch  covered  his  confArraing  ministry 
until  his  death,  but  his  successors  Oreenwodd  and  Barrow  took  the  road 
to  nartyrdonu     They  were  imprisoned  and  interro/?^ated  in  1586,  and  the  rest 
of  thettr  lives  were  spent  between  sessions  in  Newf^te  and  continued  patient 
interrogations.      Phe  two  persisted  In  objecting  to  the  Establishment  on 
the  ground  that  It  included  the  profane,  that  its  miaistry  was  anti- 
chrlstlan,  that  its  worship  was  idolatrous,  and  that  its  government  by 
bishops  was  Romish,      fhe  crisis  came  in  1592,     A  silly  read     conspiracy 
had  been  mooted  to  muivier  the  c^aeen;   the  utterances  of  the  sectaries, 
once  laid  to  their  charge,  could  be  interpreted  by  the  nervous  authorities 
as  aore  fleditlous  than  in  fact  they  were,  and  the  re-arrest  of  Greenwood 
in  December  1592  paved  the  way  for  the  execution  of  the  two  zealots  in 
1593,  »ifhile  the  last  act  of  the  sordid  little  tragedy  was  in  inaklng 

the  l^ul's  Cross  preachers  took  occasion  to  condejiji  in  general  terms^^ 
the  Brownist  opinions.      Robert   Temple,   preacliing  in  the  month  before  the 
re-errest  of  Qreen-rood,   took  notice  of  the  Bro-wnists,  who  would  be  alone, 

perfect,  unspotted.     If  they  are  let  alone,  they  will  seduce  numbers  of 

205 
silly  people,  A,S,,  called  to   the  Cross  in  the  same  year,  observed 

of  the  Brownists  their  "prerosterous  and  rash  disordered  zeale, "     They 

have  not  yet  openly  rebelled  against  the  order  established,  but  let  them 

take  care,  or  their  schism  will  be  changed  to  heresy  and  sedition, 

8,    Vollov/ers  of  this  dacmable  paradoie, " 

If  the  separatists  were  not  yet  a  menace  sufficient  to  demand  such 
extended  and  vigorous  counter-attack  as  that  delivered  upon  papists  and 
I-uritans,   the  so-called  atheism  of  the  time  sadly  shook   the  security  of 
the  good  men  who  exhorted  the  multitude  in  Paul's  churchyard.     It  mast 


r.^^ 


iii(88) 

be  made  clear  that  rtien  the  preachers  conieirmed  athelan  they  meant  one  very 
definitely  definable  sort  of  unbelief,  or  they  meant  almoat  anything  at 
all.  That  is,  atheists  neant  those  "of  whom  God  is  altogether  unarprehended" 
JHookerJ ,  or  it  was  a  penaral  term  of  denunciation.  Both  these  uaes  aprear 
in  the  Paul's  Cross  sermons,  and,  except  for  a  brief  period  in  the  '90 's, 
the  second  is  the  niost  common  one.  Thonas  '.^ite  describes  a  sermon  preached 
by  him  in  1577  as  a  sermon  against  "covetous  Atheists, "207  ^y  which  he 
obviously  meant  the  covetous  in  general,  and  Kowson  refers  to  the  spoilers 
of  the  Church  as  atheists  and  "Julianists. "^   In  sermons  dating  froE 
the  lasl'year  of  the  reif;n,  one  finds  atheism  identified  with  poperj'. 
Francis  Marburj'  observed  that  such  papist  doctrines  as  the  treasury  of 
merit,  free  vidll,  purgatory,  bixiught  atheism  into  the  world  (a  singularly 
demagoeic  argument),  A  Topish  Atheist,"  he  continued, 

Is  a  hideous  mungrell,  evert  a  verie  Centaur.  As  to  say  the  very  truth, 
loperj'  and  Athelame  are  ver:/  coincident,  and  their  differences  veiry 
obscure....  Ae  Papist  is  a  make-god,  and  ye  Atheist  is  a  mock-god.    209 

Dr.  John  Kin?  came  nearer  to  an  analysis  of  men  of  unstable  opinions 
when  be  observed  in  the  sane  year  that 


laen  thinke  nowe  a  dayes,  thr».t  Arrlanisme,  Atheismc,  Paplsrce,  Idbertinisme, 
may  stand  togither,  and  like  salt,  oyle,  ani  neale  be  put  togither  in  a 
sacrifice,   rheir  conscience  is  sett  in  bonde,  like  Thamar  when  shee  went 
to  play  the  harlott,...  ilyevy   religion  yd.ll  serve  their  turne.    210 


£11 
In  fact,  anyone  who  denied  the  validity  of  the  Scriptures,  deists, 

agnostics,  seditious  persona  who  denied  that  the  king  was  the  vicar  of 

God  on  earth  —  all  these  were  atheists  by  Elizabethan  standards,  and 

in  consequeoce  the  term  has  often  little  more  than  a  pejorative  csnnotaticn. 


2,f 


111(09) 

nie  last  phrase  of  King's  ladle fciasat,   however,  sugsests  that  for 
the  pious  atheisir.  -aas  :nore  or  leas  eciulTalent  to  ilachiavelllanisin,  or,   to 
put  it  more  broadly,  '^lorldliaess  ia  general,      nils  is  the  suggestion  In 

Aihite's  ani  Hoursoa's  use  of  the  terju,    to  cite  onl,'   two  of  many,  anl 

212 

their  view  is  amply  enlarged  ia  Hooker's  treatment  of  the  same  subject. 

JJaohiaTellianlsis  in  religjoa  he  attributes  to  contentions  in  religion: 
"Ilothins  pleases  them  [atheists]   better  than  these  manifold  oppositions 
upon  the  matter  of  religion,...  For  a  politic  use  of  relieion  they  see 
there  is,  and  by  it  there  would  also  gather  that  religion  itself  Is  a 
mere  politic  device,   forged  purposely  to  serve  for  that  use, "^^^     It  is 
significant  that  one  finds  little  or  nothing  of  this  attitude  in  the 
preachers,  thoush  they  were  warned  In  1593  frora  a  very  different  quarter, 
from  T""oaas  Tiasho: 


University  men  that  are  called  to  preache  at  the  Crosse  and  the  Court, 
arne  your  selves  against  nothing  but  Atheisme,  laeddle  not  so  much  with 
Sects  'i.  forraaine  opinions,  but  let  Atheisiue  be  the  onely  string  you 
beate  on;   for  there  Is  no  Sect  ao*  in  England  so  scattered  as  Atheisme. 
Ia  vaine  doe  you  preacb,  in  vayne  doe  you  teach,   if  the  roote  that 
nourisheth  all  the  branches  of  security  be  not  thorowly  dlgd  up  from  the 
bottome.     You  are  not  halfe  so  wel  acquainted  as  theii  that  lyve  con- 
tinually about  the  Court  and  Cltty,  how  laany  followers  this  daicnable 
paradoxR  hath:   hor.i  ciaay  hi^c^h  wits  it  hath  bewltcht.      .Vhere  are  thejr  that 
count  a  little  ssiatterlag  in  llberall  Artes  u  6he  reading  over  the  Bible 
with  a  late  Coaaeat  cufficieat  to  oake  a  Pather  cf  Ji vines?     What  wyll 
their  disalowed  Bible  or  late  Conaoents  helpe  them.  If  they   have  no  other 
readiag  to  resist  Atheists?     Atheists  If  ever  they  be  coafuted,   with  theyr 
owae  prophanc  Authors  they  roust  be  coafuted.         214 


ifashe's  warning  suggests  a  good  leal  more  about  Elizabethan 
atheism  than  that  it  mqb  stimulated  by  undiscirlinod  contention  about 
"Sects  u.  forraine  opinions,"     It  is  a  smart  paragraph;  Kashe  was  a  good 
reporter,     ritere  had  been  for  forty  years  before  he  wrote  enough  free- 
thinking  about  such  fundaiaentals  as  God'e  providence  and  the  Immortality 
of  the  soul  to  furnish  the  faithful  with  materials  for  denunciation. 


lil(SO) 

rhe  sources  of  heresy  or  unbelief  were  various:  jerhaps  the  Aristotelians 
of  ladua,  Iliny,  Lucretius ,   snatches  of  wiextus  Smpiricus  and  Epicurus, 
The  evidence  that  such  STeculations  existed  is   in  various  attacks  upon 
then.,   in  a  jnarginal  note  or  tv/o  in  Robinson's  translation  of  the  TJtorla. 
in  Eocer  Hutchinson's  Iiiage  of  God  or  laynian's  Book   (1550),   In  John  Yeron*8 
rrultefull   xi-eatise  of  rrcdestinetion  and  rrovijcpce   (c.   1558),  in  John 
Woolton's  Ihe  Imi.iortalltie  of  the  Soul   (1576),   In  Arcadia .   ill,   10,  which 
contains  a  reasoned  attack  on  the  Eaterlalisra  of  Lucretius.     John  Hudson 
In  his  senrcn  at  the  Cross  in  1584  provhesied  the  wrath  of  God  upn  "dis- 
tempered and  discontented  huiriours     which    doe  troubJe  most  mens  heads 
now  a  days": 


our  braynes  are  busied  about  Pithagoras  nuiabers,  and  Hatos  Idea,  and 

Ai'istotles  coMuon  wealth,  we  build  castols  and  towers  in  the  eyre.         216 


Carryinc  too  far  the  allcsorical  nethod  of  interpreting  the  Scriptures 
was  thought  equivalent  to  atheicia.     In  15G1  Bishop  ISoolton  of  fixeter  tm- 
frocked  a  certain  Anthony  Randall,  arho  had  affirmed  that  the  Scriptures, 
and  especially  the  book  of  Genesis,  were  to  be  interpreted  solely  as 
allegories,^^''  anl  about  15C4  one  John  Hilton,   priest,  made  confession 
in  Convocation  of  his  blaspheicous  opinions,  including  belief  that  the  Old 
and  New  Testanents  were  fables.     He  was  set  to  recant  at  Paul's  Cross, 
Such  opinions  as  these,  carried  farther  in  the  speculations  of  libertines, 
are  similar  to  those  laid  to  the  charge  of  Christopher  Uarlowe  and  others 
in  1593.^^^ 

It  was  between  1592  and  1594  that  the  fear  of  atheism  reached 
its  heieht.     ITashe's  Chrlsts  feares,  which  contains  the  warning  to  the 
preachers  already  quoted,  belongs  to  that  period,  and  during  that  time 


T3f 


iii(91) 

also  the  raiil*55  Cross  rreachers  -Yere  unusually  vehement  upon  the  subject. 
In  September  1593  Adajr.  Hill  called  atholar:  the  "sinne  of  oil  sinnes," 
reportinp;  that  "our  Atheists"  deny  the  divinity  of  Christ.  He  raado  some 
cloudy  and  euphulstlc  alleviations  concerning  the  pirovenance  of  atheism: 

As  poison  when  It  entreth  into  the  body,  it  infecteth  first  the  vains, 
secondl"  the  blood,  thirdly,  the  nembers,  *:  last  of  all  the  heart:  so 
AtheisFie  began  in  the  vains  of  the  lighter  sort  of  people,  and  from  thence 
it  hath  crert  into  the  blood  and  p;eneroaltie  of  this  land,  by  meanes 
whereof  it  is  spread  into  all  the  members  and  parts  of  this  realme:  God 
keepe  it  from  the  heart,  thfit  is,  from  the  Court  and  the  Citie  of  London,   22 

It  is  hard  to  tell  what  he  meant,  because  it  is  impossible  to  guess  how 
■ach  he  knew,  and  how  amch  was  merelj'  general  exhortation  and  high  style. 
It  is  rossible  that  by  the  "lipihter  sort"  he  meant  mad  wits  like  Uarlowe, 
or  perhaps  illiterate  village  atheists.   It  is  possible,  indeed  probable, 
that  by  "^lood  and  fjenerositie"  he  meant  members  of  the  gantry.  He  was  more 
careful  than  Nashe,  who  implied  that  atheists  wore  about  the  court  and 
isany  "high  wits"  bewitched.  He  certainly  meant  Marlowe,  and  he  may  have 
Bieant  aalef»h,   I^is  presumption  is  strengthened  by  the  remarks  of  John 

Dove  at  the  Cross  on  3  November  15S4,  He  said  flatly  that  atheists  "^re 
i.T  the  courts  of  crinces.*^    I  believe  that  those  references  Indicate  the 

Interest  and  disquiet  felt  over  the  gossip  about  Ralegh  and  his  circle, 

222 
whlo'i  culminated  in  the  inquiry  at  Gerne  Abbas  in  1594.     Dove,  as  It 

happened,  did  not  follow  the  advice  of  Nashe  to  confute  atheists  by  their 

own  authors:  he  answered  Aristotle  "not  by  witte  or  humayna  reason,  for 

that  I  cannot,"  but  by  "the  doctrine  of  Saint  I^aule,  "^ 

By  1598  the  scare  had  ao  much  subsided  that  Gosson's  Invective 
against  atheism  consisted  chiefly  of  an  extraordinary  exemplom: 


2.3* 


lii(92) 


Th.er«  vjp.b  but  fe^  yeeres  Rince  a  prophane  con^nny  about  this  Cittie,  which 
were  called  the  daioned  Crewe,  ntenae  without  feare,  or  feeliog,  eyther  of 
Hell  or  Heaven,   .^el  Irihtlnp;  in  thnt  title:  It  pleased  Ool   to  dravje  therr:  all 
into  one  net.     Th^  were  shlpt  all  into  one  Bark,  and  passing  downe  the 
River  vritU  sound  of  Trumpets,  in  a  falre  day,  a  faire  tide,  a  faire  wlnde, 
and  a  faire  new  bark,  aodainly  about  one  or  the  Reaches  a  perryoi'  winde 
cone  fron  the  laado,   and   ao   filled  the  snilos,   that  th^  were  all  run 
under  water  before  they  came  to  Cravesende,  I  coulde  never  heare  to  this 
day  that  any  one  of  them  escaped.  224 


I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  record  of  this  episode. 

9,    T-ossessed  he  is  with  greatness." 

rhere  remains  to  be  considered  the  very  important  events  e.\i  the 
Paul's  Cross  pulpit  during  the  last  act  of  the  tragedy  of  iisseic,   ending 
with  Silllam  Barlow's  sermon  apon  the  Sari's  confession  preached  on  1  March 
1601,  three  days  after  the  execution,  a  sermon  which  I  believe  '^lliam 
Shakespeare  listened  to  with  some  attention.     The  story  of  Essex's  last 
two  years  of  life  is  most  eoropllcated,  chiefly  because  Robert  Deveraux 
was  a  jiost  comilioated  man.      In  studyin;?  him  one  has  to  consider  a 
political  situation  involved  with  severe  psychological  struggles,  and 
in  spite  of  brilliant  efforts  the  definitive  analysis  of  his  character 
regains  still  to  be  made.     It  cannot  be  made  without  close  study  of  his 
religiousness,  and  for  that  Barlow's  sermon,   taken  with  other  evidence, 
Is  most  valuable  if  somewhat  exasperating  in  its  omissions. 

For  the  most  part,  however,   the  Paal's  Cross  sermons  which  contain 
allusions  to  Essex  or  which  were  j reached  directly  upon  his  case  are  in- 
teresting as  propaganda  and  counter-propapands.      Essex  had  immense  popular 

appeal,  and  this  may  explain  the  puardedness  and  ambip-ulty  of  Gtosson's 

225 
references  to  a    "a;reat  person"  in  1596  and  1598.  Cto-*  says  that 


Z^ 


iii(93) 


sioh  and  so  graat  ^as  the  hearty  Iotg  aril  ;!ee-    afxootl ons  of  the  i  eople 
towards  him,  by  reason  of  his  bounty,  liberality,  affability,  and  inlld 
behavio'ir,   that  as  well  acholars,    soliiers,  citizeas,    sailors,   etc., 
Protestants,  Papists,  Sectaries,  and  atheists,  yea,  women  and  children 

uhicli  .lever  anv;  hi-^.,    that  it  -«j3  held  ia  the.a  a  happiness  to   follow  the 
worst  of  his  fortunes.         2E6 


la  the  collapse  of  his  fortunes  he  becaiae  the  rallying  point  for  the  dis- 
affected,  and  for  this  reason  it  vras  aeooaanry  both  to  guard  against 
praise  of  him  at  the  Cross  and  to  proceed  with  p,reat  care  in  condeirmin^. 
hla  frojn  that  pulpit,     Essex's  abrupt  return  froin  Ireland  and  bis  violent 
irruption  into  the  :iueen's  chamber  took  place  in  September  1399.     Daring 
his  inrrisonnsent  in  the  Lord  Keeper^s  house,  and  liis  serious  illness, 
Gaabridge  liviaes  who  came  up  to  the  Gross  to  preach  prayed  for  him  in 
that  place,  to  the  disgust  of  Bancroft  and  Cecil,  protesting  that  since 
he  A'as  their  Chancellor,  they  were  in  duty  bound  to  pray  for  hia.     There 
is  little  doubt,   ho^Tever,   that  their  sympathies  were  with  liim.     One  of  these 
preachers  who  was  interrogated  on  tJiis  charge  was  Or,   John  Richardson,  later 
Vice-chancellor  of  Oarabridge  an!  one  of  the  translators  ol'  the  Authorized 
Version  of  the  Bible, 

After  examination  by  the  Council,  iissex  was  set  at  liberty  and 
Client  do'jn  to  the  country  to  await  the  Queen's  decision  on  the  farm  of 
the  sweat  wines,  upon  the  rene^vsl  of  ivhich  in  hia  gift  all  his  fortunes 
depended,     la  October  of  IGOO  uhu  ^uecjn  decided  to  hold  tMs  nionopoly 
for  the  Crown,     In  Jeceiaber  Essex  cam©  ap  to  London,  and  from  that  day 
forth  iLaaex.  House  became  a  place  of  resort  for  reckless  young  gentlemen, 
Puritan  preachers,  and   the  disaffected  generally.      Jedition  was  taUced 
there,  and  this  holding  court  under  the  Queen's  nose  was  noted  with  general 
uneasiness,     fo  all  objections  iCssex  answei>ed  tliat  he  supposed  he  might 


X58 


iii(94) 

rreeljT  entertain  iiij  xriends,   siace  he  waa  under  no  inMoidon,  ami  as 
for  the  x^reachars ,   they  were  for  his  spiritual  conforfc.     Oa  the  afternoon 
of  7  Zebruar:'  loOl  3one  of  the  geatleirien  cf  lissex's  company'-  attended  a 
i-erAorL^ance  ai   L.ie  Globe  o2  Ajchax-d  II »  having  iorsuaded   the  Lord  Ohainber- 
laiu's  mea  to  revive  tho  i-lay  for  40s.  and  the  prooise  of  a  irell-filled 
houae.     The  aext  ir.oraing  Jasax  raaJe  his  abortive  atteiapt  at  rebellioHj  , 
beiaij  raaeivad  .a on  ndneled  affeoticu  and  Tear  by  the  citizens  of  London, 
and  by  night  be  was  a  prisoner  -.vith  some  of  his  coafederatas  at  Laiabeth 
Palace.     Ihe  Council  acted  i^ith  dispatch,     iiuspected  persons  were  rounded 
up  and  iatorrogated,*^®  a  proclaaation  .vaa  issued  setting  forth  the  facts 
of  the  rebellion  and  warning  against  seditious  rumours,         and  directions 
were  issued  for  the  preacher  at  the  Cross  the  following  tJunday,     The 
speaker  ohoseii  was  John  Ilayisard,   rector  of  3t.   LSaiy   tioolchurch.     So  jreat 
vias  the  fear  of  disorder  that  the  Lord  iiiayor  contemplated  keeping  five 
hundred  arioed  men  all  day  in  ;^ul'3  churchyard, ^^     There  was  no  demon- 
stration, however,   and  Bancroft  expressed  hinself  well  satisfied  with  the 
preacher's  perfonaanee: 


The  preacher  at  St.  Tad 'a  Cross  this  day  hath  dischiriiod  his  duty  ex- 
ceedingly well,  and  delivered  to  the  people  the  whole  matter  of  the  arch 
traitor,  accorliag  to   the  instructions  you  were  acquainted  nlth.      fhe 
auditory   ssas  great   (though  the  Lord  liayor  and  his  bretiireu  were  absent) 
and  the  applause  for  her  iiajesty'a  deliverance  froia  the  raischiefs  intended 
exceeding  (p:eat,  loud  and  Joyous,     The  traitor  Is  no     laid  out  well  in 
colours   to  every  jnan's  saticfaction  that  hoara   the  scr/aon,  as  I   suppose 
or  couli  Juir:e  by  men's  countenances.      Phe  preacher  (nac;ed  Kr.  Hay.rard, 
a  man  ^fery  gracious  in  the  City);   Ms  text  was  II  oam,   21,  17,   in  these 
words:    "Then  iDavid's  men  eware  unto  hira,   saying,   thou  shalt  go  no  more 
out  .dth  uc  to  battle  lest   thou  :iaench  the  li^ht  of  Israel,"  and  he 
handled  it  exceedingly  isisll,    being  a  nost  fit  text  for   the  present 
occasion,  2:51 


./ell  received  the  aorcon  i-ay  have  been,   but  in  uheir  aaxiswy  the  Jouncil 
and  Bancroft  went  too  far  and  accused  i£ssex  of  Imasons  for  ndiich  he  was 


-z-Sl 


lii(95) 

not  arraigned,   thus  keeping  alive  s  consldei^bln   rympathy  for  him 
which  might  othemise  havo  been  dissipated.     This  orror  was  noted  at 

the   time: 


Order  was   taken...   that  the  preachers  at  Peal's  Cross  and    other  chifirches 
in  London  should  deli-er  the  rame  matters   from  the  pulpit,  and  decry  the 
Earl  8s  6  hyDOcrlte,   Ppist,   and   confederate  with  the  Pope  and  King   oi^ 
Spain,   to     ake  him  King  and   bring  in  idol;try.     But  as  usual   in  ai  ch  c  ises, 
they,   from  malice  or  desire  to  please,  amplified   it  beyond  all 
probability.     On   the  one  side  they  cry  "Crucify,"   on   the  other  there   is 
such  fi   Jealousy  of  li-Jht  and  b  d   felloAf^,   that   it   is  rumoured  the 
preachers   of  London         STIfill  rise  and  deliver  him  out  of  the  Tower.^'^"' 


This  contemporary  seems  to  believe  that  the  exagger'^tlon  or  outright 
falsehood   in  these  declarations   was   the  fault  of  the  preachers   (i.e., 

Hayward  and   the   preacher  on  22   i<'ebruary) ;   a  moder-n  scholnr  is  inclined 

234 

to  lay  the  blame  directly  upon  liencroft  and  Cecil*  The  fact   reraaina 

that   these  charges  were  not  used  againrt  him.     3o  John  OhamberlQln 
noted: 


I  must  needes  say  that  o^e  thinrs   sticks  much   in  mciny  mens  minde    th -t 
whereas  (iiver?  preachers  Tsere  comviaaded   the  Sonday  before  to  deliver  to 
the   people  araong  his  otoer  treasons  th  .t  he  had  compietted   with  Tirone,  and 
vcB  reconciled   to  the  Pope;   c-nd  where  e  Msfter  jitturny  at  Tom  Le'.8 
arraigniaent,  averred   the   -«nie   combining  with  Tiron,  and  that  he  had 

pr-ctised  by  the  mean^s  of  seminarie  preists  with  the  Pope  and    the  king  of 
Spaine  to   be  king  of  England:      there  was  no  such  m  tter  once    lentioned  st 
his     rraiganent,   and  yet  there  wcs  ti  .e  enough  for  jrt,   fjx)m  nine  aclocke 
in  the  morning  till  almost   seven  at  nipht.  236. 


One  suspects  that  they  1  cketl   the   evidence   in  the  ''black  bag"   which 

237 
Sasez  burned  nfter  his  return  to  isaex  House  on  the  8th. 


The  trl-il   took  place  on  19  February.    :i;8sex,   c  indemned ,   n^eiting 
execution   in  the  Tower,   tins   In    i   strange  mood.      He  was   first  visited  by 
Dr.  Thomfis  Dove,   Dean  of  Wo;wich,  who  caie  r^ri   ed   to  get  a  confession 
from  him  and  failed,     nev.    nbdy  Ashton,   one  of  Essex's  favorite  gospellers. 


tt^ 


111(96) 

wsB  more  successful,  convicting  him  of  hla  sin  against  God  In  rebelling, 
und  nromptin^:  him  to  miko  a  confession  to  Cecil  eni;  Howard.  He  wrote 
a  full  confession,  nblch  disgusted  his  tou; <h  and  vici  >us  secretary  Cuffe. 
He  recelTod  Dr.  William  Barlow  with  cheerful  desire  to  orepare  hlmF=el'" 

for  death.  He  nee,  says  his  biofrrnpher,  a  "fected  by  v;cute  rellplous 

238 

nsel:jncholl8,'*  fter  hi     execution  Dr.   Barlow,   later  to  achieve 

prominence  as  reporter  of  the  Hanwton  Court  conference  and   Bishop  of 
/Rochester,    ..as  set  up   to  report  the  confession  and   its  sig'nlflc  nee  to 
the  multitude  at   the  Cross.     Eis  directions  from  Cecil   survive,    snd  must 
here  be  reproduced   in  full: 


I  1  ave  all  the  things  which  I  htive  delivered  you  by  my  Lords' 
direction  to  be  ca  ried   -ind  applied  as  you  like,   only  the  Lor  s  desire 
that  when  you  touch  the  practice  anri    ourpose  or  coming  to  Court  with  a 
power,  you  move  them  to  consider  he  oeriloua  ;.    thln»r  it  -^r.s  to  h  ve  put 
a  lady,  a     ueen,    in  fiat   friffht  she  must  hnvvi  boen  in;   239     for  when   it 
WIS  appointed  tbet    -Ir  Christ.   Blount  with  one  c;:.ompi.ny  ■^^hould  seize 
thr   c-ate,   nnotrer  comp'>ny  should   possess   the  hall   .vith  3ir  John       vies, 
and  a  third  should  master  tht.  iruard   oy  seizing  the  helberts  it  th.^    ruard 
chamber,  and     ir  Ch.    jsnvers  master  the  presence  eh'raber  with  another 
company,   how   can   It   be   ImTlned   '.iut  rome  resistance  would  be  m  de? 
Bloo-    once  drown  more  would  have  folio  ed,  which  vrould  have  b  en  no 
s-nfill  horror  to  the     uien'a  n- tare.     Neither  en  it  be  erpected  th'^t 
the«e   thT'^e  commanders.,,   would  hove  cared  much  to  commit  any   Insolence 
rather  th'^n  be  frjstrated  in  their  deslor*.     Tha^    thir  was  true  the 
Earl  penitently  confessed..,. 

Tel    the     arl   ever  protested  that  *hen  he  entered   into  the  aurpose 
and  sent  the  erticles  to  be  considered  at   .  rury  Hou'e,   he  ever  resolved 
to  hfave  all  things  done  with  as  little  blood  n.-   could   be;   -md   for  the 
stoeen's  o'-m  person,  would  never  have  suffered    it  to  receive  rny  h'rra. 

In  any  wise  remember  to  name  the  pnrticulnrs  of  his  obstinate 
speeches  to  44r.   DoTe,  which  my  Lord  of  I^ondon    (B  ncroft]   cen  deliver 
you.      nemember  also  precisely  to  decln   e   it,   so  ',3   it  nay  be   clearly 
conceived  how  great  cult  the  i  arl  nade   that  he  mlipbt  die  priva'.ely   In 
the  Tower,   and  ho^  much  even  to  yourself  he  eTpressec*   his   thankfulness 
for  it,   therein  also  you  rauy  not  forget   how  himself  tihs  pons  ssed  *ith 
an  opinion   that   he   i;h:iuld   h  ive  hvd   of  the   pnople   0   :  re';t  ac- lawi  tlon.      If 
you  C6n  bring  it  in  *«11,    It  will  be  very  fit  to  remember  that  his 
purpor-e  of   ticking  the  Tower  was   only  to  have   been  h    brldlo   to   the  city, 
if  happily    [haply]]    the  city  should   h.-.ve  mi."li-ed  his  other  utte   pt.      240. 


xV^J 


111(9^) 

The  sepfflon  got  a  mixed   reception*      -hen  It  was  published,   with  'n  account 

241 
of  '  8sex*s   oehs-'lour  and  words  at  hl8  execution,  3arlo;»  saw  fit  to 

prefix  to  the   -ermon  end   confession  a  preface  "To  the  "eader,"  of  an 

apologetic^^l  n;^ture,     'Ahatever  a  m  n  sneaks,   he  bepsn,    is,   as     eneca 

said,   open   to  other  men's  censure*     The  bartest  have  the  mo~t   Invlsh 

tongues.      In  this  sermon  he  was  8ubJ«?c:t   to  offence  to  authority  If  he 

renounced  his  duty,cf  offence  to  the  auditory  "If  I  should   speak  of 

uncertRtntie."     Accordingly  he   reports  that  he   spoke  "with  much  feer 

and   trembling."     For  three    ir>y8  before,  he  continued. 


I  was  not  one  day  from  the  Court,    still   labouring  to   informe  myrelf  of  erery 
thing  which  I  doubted,   that   I  might   in  these     rdumnious  times,   keep  my 
selfe,    for  anything  I  wcnld    there  deliver;   from  the  co  trolment  either 
of  111   tonp-ue:?,   or  mine  owne  conscience:    to  which  purpose  I  both  framed 
a   «!hort   preface  -lersonRll,   before   I  en  ered   the  discourpe,  which  raip^ht... 
rubbe  out   oil  opinion  fore  stalled;   and  abstyened   from  all  bltern  sse 
ageyaat   th  ;   person  and    action   of   the  1  te  "';rle,    least  thereby   I   should 
exasperate  mindos  not  resolved;   and   conpared   every  sps^.ch  of  his,   uttered 
by  rr^f   joth  with  his  confession   to  the  Lords,   whose  wltn^^sse   tha.eln  I 
humbly  rs-quest,  appealing   thereuntj;   and  with  tha*.  conference  he  h'^d   with 
ur,    let  my  >issoclBtes  fce   Judges,  which  mi   ht   satlsfle  any  imt  even 
indifferently  affected. 


In  spite  of  all  his  care,   "the  mallgnitle  of  the  aZ_e7'2  eny"  was  such  that 
It  was  given  out  after  the  sermon  that  ho  was  struck  with  nadness  or  a 
dre  dful    rickn  ss   or   th-t    he  was  next  day  committed    prisoner  to  the  Tower, 
or  at   least  that  he  had  offended  the  ;.ueen  and  Coijncll,     The  first  two 
charges  he  en  easily  confute,  and    the  Inst   too,   though  not  "'without   some 
opln  on  of  vanity  and   selfe   priory."  {Either   the  public  mind   was 

in  b   sftd  state  of  confusion,    or   these  reports     were  s"iread  by  Interested 
nartles.)     Some  contended  that  he  broke  the  c?'nons  both  of   i-ell^rion  and 
law   in  revenilng  a  penitent's  confession.     To  this  may  be  replied  th't  this 
confession  was  gi'en   la  cudlence  of  three  or  four,   th'it   the  '"tI's  crimes 
were  confessed   by  subscription    (I.e.    In  writing),   and  that   they  were 


111(98) 

rehearsed  In  tb«  pulolt  not  ad  scfendalmn  'jut  'to  satlsfle  themvho 
deslrei  resolution,  and  to  glorifle  God." 

Others  objected  that  he  spoke  for  s^en,  be-aase,  although  he  had 

242 

proclaimed  the  victory  of  Cadiz  with  prals«  of  "saex  nt  the  Cross, 

he  had  not  received  any  emolument  for  it.   But  1*  is  knovn  that 


I  used  all  the  m  anes  I  could  to  avoide  tt   the  sermon  of  1596   , 
alleagins-  coth  the  phortaesse  of  the  ti-se,  but  three  ikyes  full;  my  Iste 
beeing  in  that  place,  scarce  two  monsths  before;  my  youth  and  unexperince 
in  those  state  natter-;  and  such  other  deleyes,  till  as  he  Dr,   Stanhope 
knoweth,  it  was  injoyned  by  a  eom-nendemeni  BETRmptory.   243 


Be  did  not  follow  the  'arl  after  thr,  never  saw  hire  until  about  a  year 
after  his  return  from  Csdiz;  surely  this  may  be  credited. 

The  senaon  proper,  the  printed  form  of  which  he  asserted  was  as 
far  as  possible  verbetim,  »ar  upon  !''»atthew  22.21,  "jriender  unto  C- eear, ..." 
Ab  the  Pharisees  hunted  ■■. u>ut  to  t-ntrap  Christ  In  hie  t'  Ik,  so  ever  the 
proud  lay  their  snares  for  the  righteous.   At  this  time  the  Ph-risoos 
■nought  to  trip  up  the  Lord  upon  matter  of  religion  and  policy,  but 
counsel  and  wisdom  may  not  prevail  a-aint  the  righteous,  thoach  their 
question  s.e  aeagerous:   one  answer  tended  to  trenson,  the  other  to 
blasDhemy.   In  his  answer  we  arp  to  note  the  word  Bender;   grudging  and 
murmuring  mnrs  royrlty,  and  like  t  lorns  under  a  pot  turn   ».  at'll  fire 
into  ■;  crackling  flame,  -subjects  should  fona  their  obedience  from  the 
soul,  not  frc«n  the  eye  only. 

Snrlow  descanted  at  some  length  upon  the  virtue  of  obedience. 
The  nation  is  heppy  thi>t  hos  o  good  prince,  though  even  a  tyrant  is  God»» 
minister  and  to  oe  obeyed  for  the  Lord's  <^ake.   Those  therefore  .-ho  *ould 
kill  their  lie  e  lord  or  ffill  from  hla  "are  gulltle  not  onely  of  rebellion 


lii(99) 
tut  of  Irrellgion." 


And  hero  I  mlctit  encounter  thnt  trnyterou^  lioeller  Parsons  w'-o  nakes 
the  er'Mtne  of  "ngland  u  tennis  bhl,  and  tosaeth  tt  from  P-iplst  to  Puritan, 
and  from  Purl ten  to  Protestant,^**  but...  the  whole  sway  of  disposing-  It, 
when  It  Ir  V  Id  (aa  I  hope  to  God  non*^  here  shall  see  It  volde)  hee 
ascrlbeth  to  the  Inte  TCcrles  power  of  plficlnfr  It  where  It  -hodd  please 
hla,  and  to  hlm  therefore  he  dedicates  hie  booke,  in  my  conscience  I  am 
persvaded,  a  principal,  if  not  the  oria;inall  poyson  of  the  lote  "Varies 
hart.  {oig.  B5-^ 


Parsons  also  proves  from  Scripture  the  lawfulness  of  a  subject  rising 
against  hin  ;^rince.   .^fiinst  this  is  to^enforced  the  docttine  thet  the 
enthroning  oa>''  deposing  of  princes  is  God's  "prerogative  royall." 
God  honours  princes;  reverence  and  obedience  is  due  to  the  crown,  and 
supplies  must  be  grantod  for  it?  maintenance.   If  these  duties  hfid  been 
granted  to  her  idjesty  by  e,ine  of  l«te,  the  realm  would  not  now  be  so 
disquieted  and  scandalized. 

This  ouch  w;8  sermon.  Barlow  then  proceeded  to  the  "short  preftce 
personall."  He  begnn  by  observing  the  necessity  of  defendiiif  his  sermon. 


becnu!ie  we,  beln^  commanded  by  authority,  on  the  ^aboth  after  the 
insurrection,  in  our  r.everall  cures, -45  did  describe  the  nature  and 
ugliness  of  the  rebellion,  ere  become  tlie  servers  &  men  pie  sors,  leaving 
the  grot  man  that  Is  d«ad,  and  nos  cleaving  to  others,  en^  clo^-ing  with 
them  for  prefer-^ients.  Qlg.  07t3 


To  this  accusation,  which  suggests  that  the  City  preachers  were  oxnected 
to  be  followers  of  "snex,  Bsrlow  replied  by  citing  the  •  erraon  on  the 
Cadiz  victory  which  he  mentioned  In  his  published  preface: 


Why  should  thin  be  imputed  to  rne,  who  ^bout  foare  yesres  slthence.  In 
thlr  pl-ce,  uppon  lilco  suddeyne  warning,  celebrated  the  elory  of  both  the 
generols,  the  right  honourable  the  Lord  Adnlrall,  and  tho  late  Irrle,  the 
victorle  :-t  Caliz:   at  which  ti.~ie,  and  loni^  since,  he  roared  In  his  hlis-hest 
pitch  of  favour  with  her  M'  Jqstle,  and  yet  from  that  Any   to  this,  though  it 
weie  given  out  th  t  he  wold  advance  rne,  I  am  not  either  a    oenny  the  richer 
or  a  stepoe  the  higher  form  him:   and  in  truth  I  nover  moved  hlra,  neither 


ill (100) 

did  it  move  my  effectlon  from  him,  which  I  continued  as  Intlre  unto  him 
a-  any  follower  of  his  until  his?  open  fail,  (Slg.  B8t1 

Always,  he  oontlnaed,  he  has  abhorred  flettery  of  great  persons  and 
popul  Jlty  with  the  multltide;  at   he  Is  a  subject  and  n  tare  and  ^crioture 
bind  him  to  obedience.   In  this  cjpr.clty  he  la  appointed  to  declare  *hat 
he  knows,  "and  what  is  fit  for  you  to  heare."  He  promised  to  deliver 
nothing  upon  oiere  infom  tion  or  report* 


but  '.That  these  eares  of  mine  have  heard  from  his  o'^^n  mouth,  in  thrt  two 
hour«8  conferences  with  him  ^efore  hie  doath,  and  there  eyes  of  mine  s  ene 
undar  hi"  o  ne  hand,  f--nd  subscribed  with  his  nftme,    '  .   1 


So  he  began: 


Non  for  the  late  T^arle;  dead  he  is,  and  his  eoule,  ao  doubt,  with  the 
Bslnts  in  he-ven:  you  will  ay,  then,  that  dead  men  bite  not,...  nor 
by  reason,   or  religion   should   be   oitfeen. 


Solomon  notes   it  er  f.  point   of  athelaro  to  peefer  a   living  dog  before  a 
dead   lion.     But  there  in  a  difference   in  fnults  of  men:      those  who  hurt 
only  themselves,   let   their  ffiults  be   buried  with  their  bodl <;8;   others 
will  annoy,  and   so  must   be  remembered  after  death.       .ould   to  God   the 
Earl*3  offence  mlAt  have  been  burted  with  him,    'which  hluselfe  confessed 
to  be  a  leprousle   infected    f«  re  and   nearo."     j^lg.   C2v\      Thcreapon  he 
proceeded   to  ^-.   pener  jus  praise  of  '^BSex; 

First   (give  him  his  du   )    who   grieves  not   that  a  mnn   so  noble   by  birth,   so 
honourable  in  office,   so  gratlouf  with  his  prince,    ao  witty  by  n-  tu:e,   so 
learned  by  conference  and  ^tudy,   so  religious  in  crofesBlon,   eo  v':li"nt 
in  warre,    r?o   jelovid    by  the  common.-,,    so   follo'sed   and  honoured   by  men  of 
all  sortes,   should   not  use    those   great  fovours  of  God  snd  his     overaigne 
to  gods   rlory  an:   his  c-ountrios   rood?     for  coul'    he   in  any  mo'erfitlon 
h've  CFiri  d  hlnself,    md   h-ve  fteene  contented  with  his  tcTout  ptete,    iph  t 
poofi  might  he  hove  done  to  this  church  and  realm?       ^'Ig.   C2v] 

But  he  would   be  "the  onely  great  rT-an,"  and   so  he  has  fallen,  dragrlng 


iiKiob) 

others  with  him.       t   this  point,   3arlo'   quoted   In  illuBtriition  riutarch 
upon  Corlol9nu£?,"a  gallant  youne,   but  a  discontented  Komane,  who  mlpht 
ralilce  a   fit  p-.ralell  for  the  Ir.te  ITarle,   if  you  reid  his  life."    Dig.  CStJ 
He  maa  persuaded ,  he  continued,   of  Essex's  hearty  repentaoco.     The 
heinoasness  of  his  crime  n-"ds  no  emphasis:      consider  the    -ueen's 
favours  to  him,   with  his  disobedten  e    to  her  and  his  eihaurtins^  her 
treapury  in  the    "raitl'^as  Irish  ceiapslgn.      In  this  connection  one  !nr:tter 
may  not  be  OTr«r»itted:      "namely  hlr   strenge  ^pologie  of  hinpelf  unto 
Malster  Teane  of  Norslch, 

sent  unto  him  by  the  Lordes  for  his   souIbp  good,    the  next  day  after  hia 
arraignement,  who  urging  hLr  to  hcknowledre  his  offences,   the  late   'lerle 
utterly  denied,    'That  in  anythiag  he  had  done  he  ras  guiltie  of  offending 
Almighty  God.'    (pig.  C4V] 

So  also,    the  night  of  his  appi-enhension,    <^t  Lambeth,  he     aid  sailingly 
to  the  Archbishop,  "'thnt  the  Einceritis  of    [^i-'\     conscience,   -md   the 
goodnesse  ofxjtiv/c-iuse"   coTiforted  him.      aut  how  is  it  possible  to  be  patient 
when  one  se^s  '^od'a  word  alleged  af^inet  God*!?  ordinance? 


Clem  nt  the  Frier  who  killed  Henry  the   third  the  French  Jcinc,  reasoned 
thus  with  hlrr^elfe   to  his   bloudy  m'jrther  out  of  (iods  booke,   ^hud  killed 
king  ^glon,  therefore  I  m>y  kill  Henry.      Ei<-lon  was  aklng,   :-o  is  lerny, 
.'7hnt   t':en?     "-.'glon   r.ignfticth  t-    'alve  and  Herny  Ir,   o  C?ilvlnist.     Kr^o 
I  m^y  kill  hlra  oy  authoiitie  of     crlpture. 


To  wrest  Scripture  thus  fro:"  it?   true   sen?'©  is  heresy  or  frenzy,  aid 
tearing  the  bowels  of  the  text  like  a  viper. 

Barlow   then  celled   to  m^nd   thtt   ^asex  had   said   his   of  ence  ^aa 
tB  a   l-iprosy,   and   this   shows   well   in  ».hat  hn  mid    to  r;r.   j.ov   ; 


If  you  knew  how  -nany  motlone  hovj  b    ena     ade  to  mo   to  do  my   best  to  rerm^oTe 
such  eville  as  the  contnon  wealth  ie  burthened  with,  you  would  vastly 
wonier....   It  :==«eme8  the  contagion  is  S'jred.      Qig.   C6tJ 


-z.'*i 


111(102) 

Upon  tills,  the  dean  tsked  him  wh  t  autho:  Ity  he  had  to  redress  wronpe, 
and  he  nnswered  that  he  was  ■.•arl  Mnrshal  and  needed  no  other  wrrant.  Hie 
comoHint  from  be?lnnln«  to  *  nd  was  "some  things  to  be  reformed."  For 
all  thir  slffncBs  with  the  dean,  he  wae  easy  when  Sarlow  himself  c'.-no  to 
him.  He  aid,  "I  eii   beoaae  another  ^an,"  an-  epcribed  his  change  to  God's 
apirlt  working  in  hio  throuip'h  i:r,  Ashton.  I.-«fore  his  execution 

he  had  conference  with  members  of  the  Council  and  laid  open  the  whole 
project,  eonfec^sed  it,  and  prayed  psrdon  of  the  Secretary  for  the  unjjust 
calumniation  he  had  cnst  upon  nim  at  the  trial.  He  asked  to  die  in  the 
Tower,  and  to  set  down  hia  confession  in  rlting. 


The  confeasion  It  selfo  filles  foure  sheetes  of  paper,  every  worde  in 
his  owne  hand,  and  his  name  at  the  end,  *hich  my  sel  'e  have  seene,  and 
will  shew  unto  you  -o  much  ae  ie  fit. 


In  this  is  confessed  that  his  purpose  was  to  surprise  the  court  with 
a  potver,  Blount  at  the  gets,  Davies  in  the  hall,  a  third  to  f;eize  the 
halb  rds,  Danr  era  to  possess  the  privy  chamber.  R'hht  a  cau&e  of  fear  to 
the  CueenI  Two  of  these  commanders  were 

stiffs  aad  open  Papists,  and  the  fourth,  by  report,  affected  thatw- y, 
whcit  aneer  to  her  person,  to  ral  igion,  to  the  "ealrae  they  rcay  p-ease, 
who  have  reade  the  libells  ofiieynolds,  Oifforde  and  others  of  that 
church,  writing  slaunde  oulsy  of  her  :j8je8tle8  person,  blasphemously  of 
our  reliclon;  snd  basely  of  our  ;  -alrrie  and  pollcie.  [^ig.  DiJ 

If  you  think.  Barlow  went  on,  that  this  wf.8  but  "a  nichts  conceit,"  note 
that  he  has  confessed  "that  it  was  plotting  and  devising  not  long  after 
hee  lays  In  the  i.orde  ^^epers  house."   iVe  may  indeed  believe  t'lot  he 
mf^ant  the  ueen's  person  no  h  rm,  but  a.hs  it  in  his  power  to  have  her 
Icept  safe  "at  the  time  of  their  rage  and  in  whot  bloud?"  No  papist  In 
the  world  is  to  be  trusted  if  he  has  opportunity. 


■z.^-^ 


ili(l03) 

They  thought  of  cslllnc  a  Parliament,    but  who  in  England  has 
authority  to  do  that   but  the  monarch?     Bodin  is  witness  upon  this  point 
of   the     nglish  constitution.  The  Enrl  himself  hns  8;'id   that 

God  was  to  be  thanked  that,   the  device  was  prevented;  he  admitted   th-it 
"he  knew   that  the     ueene  could  not   ue   in  safe  ie  so  long  ac.  he  lived 
upon  the  earth."      Qsig-   D4]     He  has  spoken  hiinself  of  "his  great  slnne, 
his  bloudy  slnne,  his  crying  slnne,   his   Infectious  slnne." 

His  offence  an^   treason  QwnsJ      the  compound   of  nil  the   fnmoua   rebellions 
eyther  in  Gods   booke,   or  ourn  owne   land,...   cons^tinp  of  ^-bnfirs  dlscontment, 
or  Corahfl  envie,   of     bsalons  popularity,   of  ■  hebes  defection,  of  c-.blmelechs 
faction,  and  bandinjr  his   fomilie  ftnd  allyes,   of  Hsmans   pride  and 
ambition:      in  pretence  finall,   all  one  with  that  of  henrie  Duke  of  Lancaster, 
against  id  chard  the   second,  S'^  6  remoovln?  cert  ijne  ivhich  ni  sled   the  king. 
In  pretence   orlglnall,    that   of  Kettos  and   Tylers   for  the  king,    ss   they 
In  your  citty  cryed   in   that  insurrection  for  the    ^ueen,   for  the     uoene. 

This  was  shrewd  stuff;   i«rlO'.   was  following  Cecil  cp.refully.      He  continued 
to  do  so.     You  may  say,   he  continued,  addressing  the  City  reprasentstivps, 
hat  he  loved  you  .veil,   but  the  night  of  hia  taking.   In  L  mbeth  Houne, 
he  said 

that  you  were  e  very  bTS3  people:    that  he  trampled  up  onrf   downe  your  city 
without  any  r^slstaaea;    that  he  would   undertake  with  four  hundrsth  men 
of  his  choice  to  b .ve  overrunne  your  citie.      O^lg.   D6] 

Ha  said   further  thnt  to   trust   in  the  multitude   Is  vain,   th-  t  your  love 
was  bat  vanity,   and    that  he   wished    to  die   in  the  Toiser  lest  your 
acclamation  ''should  hove  hoven  hlra  up,"  and  he  desired  to  remain  huinble 
in  s^it.     .^hen  he  wa^    asked  why  he  purposed   to  relze   the  Tciter,   he   raid 
that   It   should   hove  been  a   bridle,   to  your  citie." 

After  thl.    stroke,   Qarlow   sunwsed  up,  desiring  hlf=  auditory  to 
"conferre   these  points  top-ther":      (upon  which  au Juration  he   sunraed  up  his 


ill (104) 

Indictment  of  the  S  rl's  proceedinf:s  In  thirteen  points).  He  then 
read  sppropriata  p^.&sa  es  from   the  "true  copy"  of  the  Sorl's  confession 
at  the  tinie  of  his  ^xeeutlonp  and  closed. 

On«  must  conclude  th.-3t,  although  the  -ermon  throws  much  light 

upon  such  4ifflcult  questions  as  the  popular  sentiment  to  9rd  -KSex  uni 

the  state  of  his  mind  an-  sTfections,  it  yet  le'.ve?  the  heart  of  his 
mystery  pretty  well  untouched* 

10,   "Their  careful  endeaTOur," 

Dlvexse  Indeed  are  these  utterances  from  the  most  Inportrsnt 
Sllzebethsn  pulpit,  yet  there  i*  e  llkenes  in  them  all.   It  Is  not 
only  that  the  preachers'  theology  is  Calvin's  —  that  Is  to  be  taken 
for  granted,  snd  Ister  In  this  surrey  some  attempt  will  be  msde  to 
es  e^s  the  importance  of  the  feet.  There  Is  In  these  sermons  s  singular 
oreoccupatlon  with  that  In  our  time  la  li^jbelled  security,  Trlth  the  theme 
of  unity  and  the  power  and  happ^nes.--  which  ^ittends  unity  nn>J  ju'tlfies 
It.   In  no  other  collection  of  Cll7,abethan  documentr  doe.*;  this  thene 
emerge  with  more  polgnnncy  than  intk^se  sermons,   England  wsa  made  by 
such  ferrld  exhortations  bc   well  es  by  profitable  speculation  at 
.^twerp  and  daring  upon  the  high  Feas.   It  was  Elizabeth's  great 
virtue  ss  queen  thnt  she  pp.rcelved  ind  fostered  this  revolution  In  t  e 
Snglieh  spirit,  and  built  upon  It  a   legend  at  onea  romantic  and 
commonplace  ithlch  has  endured  to  this  day. 

ihe  clergy  who  »»*re  rumi'ioned  to  Paul's  Gross,  fresh  fron  the 
co.">mon  room^s,  from  convocation,  from  the  mixed  buslnesr  of  the  dloceaas. 


lyi 


lil(105) 

were  Impelled  to  these  affljrmetlons  as  much  by  the  motive  of  self- 
preservitlon  ^.b   by  the  mora  lofty  Impulses  proper  to  their  theoreti- 
cally indispen^^able  position.  They  felt  engaged  to  maintain  e   tradi- 
tion older  than  most  of  them  nould  formally  ncknowledge,  the  tradition 
of  the  namlns  voice,  h';llo'.fed  by  generations  o)^  IJominlcfins,  nnd  hallowed 
for  them  by  the  gsieration  of  the  Heformerr,  upon  whom  that  danreroas  montle 
*11.  They  were  all  sont-  of  Latimer,  and  Latimer  wBb  the  on  of  Bromyard, 
iVhat  was  Latimer,  after  all,  but  the  preching  friar  nith  o  n -*  theology 
but  an  old  ihetorlc?  How  should  such  men  at  Stockwood  and  Hill  perceive  th^^t 
th«y  were  to  be  eupplemnnted  in  a  century  by  the  poll  tic  1  ec  noralsts, 
that  their  divine  certitudes  were  to  be  replaced  by  stetlstlcs,  and  their 
apocalypse  by  propheci  s  of  progress?  To  the  extent  thrt  they  saw  from 
ofar  the  dawning  of  this  new  day  they  were  the  more  tireless  In  r>xtolllng 
the  sensitive  fabric  of  the  Tudor  alon^^chy,  In  Inrl sting  upon  their  ri^ht 
to  attsck  all  who  would  separate  entirely  the  ideal  from  the  r;Bl. 

Yet  in  spite  of  whnt  little  s-'n'^e  of  aefstlny  they  h-id  they  rere 
forever  being  distracted  by  cripes.   They  Svelt  In  the  midst  of  sltustiona 
the  full  import  of  which  they  coalo  but  fe«oly  understand,   i'he  foreboding 
^iflfeffl  of  a  Hoolcer  was  not  for  them.  How  could  Bancroft  or  JeiiJ^s  see 
that  the  Morprelate  tracts  were  the  fore runners  of  the  intempernte  pamphlets 
which  accompanied  the  meetingr.  of  the  Long  Parliament,  or  Hill  thnt  what 
he  called  "atheism"  was  the  effluence  of  r  secularism  destinec  to  produce 
eithr  a  theory  of  government  by  "natural  lew,"  or  an  o^'errossterlng 
empiricism?  iJid  i>arlow  sea  in  the  icnominious  tllure  of  ?;ssex  the  last 
emergence  of  that  feudal  Inaoucisnce  over  the  f«ce  of  which  the  Tudor 
monarchy  had  been  created,  and  hlch  -nsa   to  trouble  the  -taKrta  not  atlall? 
Be  belaboured  nn  amchronism,  t/ut  it  v. as  very  present  to  him.  To  the 


tfo 


111(106) 

preacher  In  th«  rhado*  of  Paul's  these  lessons  were  hidden,   a  was 
proper.  Praechere,  like  sple.*?  and  lawyers,  ere  Instruments  of  destiny. 
This  much  may  be  said,  that  the  Sliznbethsn  Paul's  Cross  preacher  was 
still  nbreast  of  history.  If  not  enough  in  advance  of  it  to  meire  it  an 
effective  i7e8pon  In  his  armory;  me   shall  see  how  under  the  Stuarts  he 
becarte  a  peilod  piece,  and  a  contributor  rather  to  a  herlt?j>-e  then  to 
£  program.  He  stood  still,  and  the  sw-ep  of  events  w  shed  over  him,  and 
left  him,  dwelling  in  a  dry  place,  his  power  surreridered  to  the  cabal  and 
the  coffee  house,  and  hi:-;  eloquence  out  of  fasbion* 


■L^J 


IV 

IFrESLUDE:  JMESS   I,  1603-1620 


ThiB   little  Goshen  of  ours. 


Francis  vihite,  londoa^;  .farain^?;.  by 
Jerusalem,  sig.  iA, 


Fow  he  that  planteth  and  he  that  watereth  are  one:  and 

every  iran,  shRll  receive  his  own  reward  according  to  his 

own  labour. 

J?or  we  are  labourers  together  with  God;  ye  are  God*s 

husbandr:/,  ye  are  God's  building. 

According  to  the  grace  of  God  which  is  piven  unto  ffie, 

as  a  Klse  saterbuilder,   I  have  laid  the  foundation,  and 

another  buildeth  thereon.      But  let  every  nian  take  he«d 

how  ho  Ifulldeth  thereupon. 

For  other  foundation  can  no  man  lay  than  that  is  laid, 

which  is  Jesus  Christ. 

Kow  if  any  man  build  upon  this  foundaiion  gold,   silver, 

precious  c bones,  wood,  hay,   stubble: 

Every  irian*s  work  shall  be  made  manifest:   for  the  day  shall 

declare  it,   because  it  shall  be  revealed  by  fire, 

I  Corinthians,  3.  0-13. 


Z-fo- 


iv(2) 


The  circumstances  of  James  I's  accession  set  the  tone  for  most 
of  the  sermons  at  Paul's  Gross  during  the  first  seventeen  years  of  his 
reign.  It  had  been  generally  supposed,  says  Bacon,  that  when  the  nueen 
died. 


there  must  follow  in  Ensland  nothing  but  confusions,  interreip.ns,  and 
perturbations  of  estate;  likely  far  to  exceed  the  ancient  calamities  of 
the  civil  wars  between  the  Houses  of  Lancaster  aad  York,  by  hou  Bouch  ciore 
the  dissensions  were  like  to  be  usore  irjortal  and  bloody  when  foreipn  com- 
petition should  be  added  to  domestical,  and  divisions  for  religion  to 
matter  of  title  to  the  crown. 


But  James  succeeded  q^uietly,  and 


it  rejoiced  all  men  to  see  so  fair  a  morning  of  a  Kingdom,  and  to  be 
thoroughly  secured  of  former  appirehensions;  as  a  man  that  awaketh  out  of 
a  fearful  dream,    1 


There  was  nothing  surprising  in  this  peaceful  march  of  affaii^.  The 
Tudors  left  to  James  a  furnished  house,  with  most  things  handsome  about 
it.  A  social  and  ecclesiastical  revolution  had  been  effected  with  c:reat 
effort  but  remarkably  little  Internecine  strife;  the  realm  mts  secure, 
really  secure,  against  foreign  Intervention  in  its  internal  affairs. 
Upon  this  capital  the  first  Stuart  drew  lavishly,  but  it  was  sufficient 
to  last  him  for  some  time.  This  happy  state  of  affairs,  disturb€>d  by  only 
one  episode  of  terror  (and  that  odngled  vTith  thankfulness),  is  reflected 
in  the  sermons  at  the  Cross,  the  more  because  James's  mistakes  (or  the 
more  serious  of  them)  were  made  in  his  Parliaments  and  in  his  relations 
with  the  law  courts.  It  was  there  that  the  issues  were  brought  forward 
which  were  to  split  the  i>ealm;  it  was  there  that  £liot  and  Coke  laid  down 
the  principles  of  a  revolution  in  the  Jinrlish  constitution.   The  pulpits, 
nourished  studiously  though  inconstantly  by  a  pedantic  connoisseur  of 


xrj 


iv(3) 


clerical  eloquence,  reflect  rather  the  atabilitr  and  self-grati^tion 
of  the  tii&es,  thoush  in  the  background  one  inay  see  the  lines  of  the 
coming  struggle  being  laid  down.     In  the  background,  because  the  con- 
serratisEi  of  the  preachers  (or  niost  of  them),  their  insistence  upon  the 
traditional  forms  of  argument  aiKi  the  traditional  foci  of  belief  which 
they  inherited  from  the  Reformation  and  the  Elizabethan  compromise,  makes 
them  into  commentators  rather  than  actors,  belatedly  recognizing  forces 
already  effective,  not  fighting  against  the;a  in  the  battle  line  like 
Jewel  or  Bancroi't. 

1,    "An  Hyperbolicall,  yea  an  hyperdiabolicall  divelishness," 

Janes •s  tolerant  attitude  toviard  English  Oatholicisra  at  the 
beginnine;  of  his  reign  is  clearly  suiraned  up  in  part  of  his  address  to 
his  first  Farliainenfc  on  19  l^reh  1604: 


And  now  for  the  Papists,  I  must  put  a  difference  betwixt  mine  own  private 
profession  of  mine  own  salvation  and  ay  politic  government  of  the  realm 
for  the  weal  and  quietness  thereof.     As  for  ndne  own  profession,  you  have 
lae  your  head  now  a.-nongst  your  of  tho  same  religion  as  the  body  is  of.,.. 
And  I  was  never  violent  nor  unreasonable  in  my  profession:  I  acknowledge 
the  Roman  Church  to  be  our  Lother  Church,  althoufrh  defiled  with  scaiie 
inl'inaitles  and  corruptions,,,.   Bat  as  I  would  be  loather  to  dispense 
in  the  least  point  of  mine  own  conscience  for  any  worldly  respect  than 
the  foolishest  precisian  ol  them  all,   so  wojld  I  be  as  sorry  to  strait 
the  politic  government  of  the  bodies  and  oinds  of  all  luy  subjects  to  :?iy 
private  opinions.     Kay,  my  luind  was  ever  so  free  frrai  persecution,  or 
thrallinr  of  :.iy  subjects  in  iratters  of  conscience,  as  I  hoi>e  that  those 
of  that  profession  within  this  kingdom  have  a  jroof  since  ny  condng,   that 
I  was  so  far  from  increasing  their  burdens  witV^  Rehoboaci  as  I  have  so 
much  as  either  time,  occasion,   or  law  could  permit,  lightened  them,  <d 


Cleared  of  his  characterintic  verbiace,  this  means  that  he  was  prej^red 
to  use  his  dispensing  power  to  make  lenient  the  execution  of  the  penal 
laws  against  recusants.     Unfortunately  the  Catholics  were  their  own 


7.5'f 


iv(4) 


noTQt  eneiiies,  ani  the  effort  at  toleration  was  short-lived.     The   "Bye 
Plot"  and  the  "Kain  Plot"^  hardened  James's  heart,  as  well  they  might, 
and  in  February  1605  Jameo  announced  a  change  of  policy  to  the  Council, 
asserting;  that  he  \ma  so  far  from  favouria'-  the  religion  and  practice 
of  the  Papists  that   "if  he  thoufi;ht  his  son  and  heir  after  hin  would  ?',ive 
any  toleration  thereunto,  he  would  wish  hiir.  fairly  buried  before  his  eyes,"^ 
The  penal  laws  were  accordingly  enforced  with  some  severity,  and  this 
severity  contributed  to  the  formation  of  the  Gunpowder  riot. 

The  Hot  is  part  of  our  folklore,  and  the  jireachers  helped  to 
jsake  it  so.     The  first  of  these,  preaching  upon  the  Sunday  after  the  plot 
was  discovered,  was  J.llliara  Barlorv,  again  appointed  to  instruct  the  auditory 

at  the  Gross  in  a  time  of  crisis,  but  on  this  occasion  with  a  somewhat 

5 
easier  task.     His  serrson  vras  published  early  in  the  next  year,     with  a 

preface  contributed  by   "the  Preachers  friend,"  in  ?&ich  some  apoloi^  is 
made  for  any  faults  in  the  exegesis.     If  Barlo.v  7»as  nervous  in  1601  be- 
cause of  the  mixed  opinions  of  the  auditory,  he  vras  upset  in  1605  because 
he  had  had,  like  many  others,   a  bad  scare: 

Ho-a  gratefull,  or  distastefull  it  was  to  the  Audi  tori  e,  the  present 
Hearers  can  best  report:  but  Tjfcether  to  the  censorious  reader...   it  wil 
be  either  currant  or  refuse  is  a  que."tion,  which  none  but  he,   v7hich 
bringes  the  assay  and  scales  can  assoile,  and  yet  if  he  will  withal, 
remember  the  shortnes  of  the  time  for  the  gratulation,   the  dreadfulnes 
of  the  danf^er,  the  fresh  escare  whereof  could  not  but  leave  an  impression 
of  horror  in  the  Preachers  iriinde   (able  to  have  confounded  his  Kemorie,) 
who  should  have  bin  one  of  the  hoisted  number,   the  late  receivlnf^  of  the 
Instructions  which  in  that  short  space  could  not  be  cany:   he   All  per- 
hapi'GS  not  bee  so  ripide  in  his  Censure.      [Sip.  A3y] 

Barlow  constructed  his  serraon  with  the  aid  of  the  King's  speech  to  the 
larliament,   the  lord  Chancellor's  speech,  and  "divers  circumstances 


2.rr 


iT(5) 


conceived  and  imparted  to  him  over  oight,  by  the  iSarle  of  Salisbury." 

His  senaon  proper,  upon  Psalm  13,50,  was  nothing  at  all.  He 
hurried  to  the  application:  the  dangers  which  Javid  escaped  by  God's 
Biercy 

were  great  indeed,  but  compared  to  this  of  our  gracious  Iling,..  is  but 
as  a  niniuiii  to  a  large,  whether  we  consider  therein,  eyther  the  Plot  it 
selfe,  or  the  Concooitance  with  it,  or  the  Consequences  of  it. 

In  the  plot,  we  are  first  to  note  "a  cruell  iliecution,  an  inhumane 
crueltie,  a  brutish  imnianltie,  a  develish  brutishnesse,  &  an  Hyperbolicall, 
yea  an  hyperdiabolicall  divelishness. "  There  was  cruelty  in  the  effusion 
of  blood,  cursed  both  of  Ood  and  man;  iinmane  cruelty  in  the  multitude 
of  the  slain  ~  by  the  reiort  of  the  military  the  provision  of  explosive 
was  so  larpe  that  the  v;hole  of  .Vestiainoter  should  have  gone  up.  There 
was  "divelish  feritie,"  in  the  cu^powder  which  the  devil  invented  as  a 
copy  of  the  fiery  raassacr©  from  the  infernal  pit.  The  plot  was  inore 
than  devilish,  since  by  taking  away  so  naay  unprepared  with  all  their 
sins  upon  then,  the  plotters  aimed  at  the  death  of  the  soul  as  well  as 
the  body,  flie  devil  would  draw  to  him  only  the  third  part  of  the  stars 
of  hoaven,  but  the  authors  of  the  plot  would  draw  to  then  stars,  sun 
and  raoon  and  all. 

Lastly,  oarke  in  this  Plot,  a  prodition  without  a  Batch,  {and  yet  it 
GhO'ilde  have  beene  effected  with  a  match)  but  I  nieane  a  treason  with- 
out Paralell;  a  slaughter  beyond©  comparison,  (pic.  04] 

The  nearest  analogy  he  can  find  to  it  in  the  records  of  the  past  is  that 
of  the  sohoolxnaster  of  the  i?&lerians,  whon  Camillus  besieged;  as  for 
slaughter,  there  was  lliaraoh's  slaughter  of  the  males  of  Israel  and 


T-^i. 


iv(6) 


the  roassacre  of  the  innocents,   the  fury  of  Achilles,  but  all  these  were 
kioga  and  tyrants. 

At  this  point  he  read  the  confession  of  those  taken/  in  the  dis- 
covery or   u-c  treason,    "so  much  as  concerned  the  Hot." 

He  hurried  to  the  "Con-cosiiitance  of  it."    Usually  a  state  is 
changed  gradually,  but  in  this  design, 

with  one  blast  at  one  bio-.,  in  one  twinklin^r  of  an  eye,  ^oald  have  been 
crushed  top.ether,  the  GSovernnent ,  the  Councell,   the  wiseSom,   the  Religion, 
the  Leaminc;,  the  strength,  and  Justice,  of  the  iidiole  land. 

What  should  have  been  our  condition,  with  all  of  our  lights  at  once  ex- 
tinguished?    Loss  of  the  king,  the  joints  of  the  «iiole  state  loosened 
without  counsel,  nc  priests,  magistrates  —  what  rapes  and  rapines  had 
ensued? 

The  hedge  lying  open  for  the  vdld  boare  of  the  forest  to  enter,  a  Forrener 
to  invade,*^  or  the  slie  ?oxe  of  the  wood  to  clime,  a  domesticall  usurper 
to  intrude,   this  had  bin  the  CJiiamerian  darknesse  of  our  nrtion,  when 
these  lightes  had  bin  extinguished,      (sig.   OSJ 

In  this  one  deliverance  there  were  many:  even  if  the  king  alone  had 
escaped  there  v»ould  have  been  many,   for  the  lives  of  the  \diole  nation 
are  contained  in  the  king's  person." 

But  this  was  not  all,   for  vjithall  was  delivered  both  his  fruitfull  vine, 
and  his  Olive  branches,  as  David  calleth  then,..,   his    iueene,  and  Children, 
the  Crowne  of  his  Table,  the  Diademe  of  his  Crowne;    the  glory  of  his 
Diademe,  the  hope  of  hifi  glory,  the  assurance  of  his  hope,  and  the 
pledges  of  Ms  assurance. 

The  King's  vrtiole  life  has  been  a  succession  of  deliverances: 


-is-i 


iv(7) 


It  seemeth  by  his  Majesties  speech  yesterday;   that  his  case  and  race 
hath  bin  the  same  with  the  Irophet,  beia^  preserved  in  utero,«««  Ab_utero,,, 
Ex  utero. ...  i'OT  no  sooner  was  he  conceived  in  the  v/ombe,   but  presentlie 
he  was  hazarded,  no  sonaer  delivered  from  the  woiabe,  but  inviix)ned  with 
danger,  and  what  perils  he  hath  passed  ever  since  he  was  borne,  need  not 
to  be  related,   they  are  so  rnanifest:   dismissed  from  those  parts  with  a 
dreadfall  farewell  of  a  desperate  Preacherie,       and  entertained  aisKin-p: 
us  vrith  a  Conspiracie  unnatural  &.  as  dangerous:   there  crowned  with 
Thoraes,  before  hee  coulde  get  on  the  Crowne  of  Golde.      jsig,   D4vJ 

Barlow  f^ave  most  of  toe  credit  for  the  discovery  of  the  Plot  to 
the  King's  perspicuity.     He  read  the  letter  to  itonteagle  idiich  revealed 
the  design  to  the  King's  sensitive  apprehension,  making  him  suspicious 
of  "some  fiery  engine,  perhaps  remembering  his  Fathers  case,  who  was 
blowne  up  with  powder."    /vfter  a  lone  and  florid  eulory  of  James, 
and  exhortation  to  thanksgiving,  the  aermon  ended. 


2.    "Cur  seducior;  and  seduced  laplats, " 

Our  Parliament  which  had  bo  narrowly  escaped  being  "hoisted" 
proceeded  to  pass  severe  penal  lepiislation  against  recusants  and  Jesuit 
missionaries,-'-^     On  2  Kovanber  1606,   the  neai-est  Sunday  to   the  anniversary 
of  the  Jlot,  a  stern  exhortation  was  delivered  from  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit 
to  nagistrates  to  seek  out  the  papists  and  i]n;ose  upon  them  the  full 
rlGOurs  of  the  law.     The  preacher  was  Richard  Stock,  a  Cambridge  man  and 
pupil  of  i*hi taker,  who  had  two  years  before  been  appointed  curate  of 
Allhallows,  Bread  Street,      (He  succeeded  to  the  rectorship  in  1611,  and 

it  was  under  him  that  the  youthful  Milton  sat, )^^     In  his  dedicatory 

14 
epistle  to  the  sermon  of  1606,       addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  Bath  and 

A'ella,  he  denounced  Popiah  idolatry,  and  apolop;ized  for  ooramendiog  the 

punlshmoat  of  papists  tc  those  in  authority,  alleginf;  as  excuse  for  his 

boldness  the  purest  necessity  of  justice  instead  of  mercy.     Treatia'^  of 

Isaiah  9.  14-16,  he  exj;atiated  upon  the  terror  of  Ood'a  Judgments:  we  are 


t^8 


iv(a) 


full  of  the  sins  of  Sodoia;  vie  contemn  the  ;Vbrd.     This  is  instruction  for 
Christian  oasistrates  to  deal  properly  with  laalicious  malefactors,  es- 
pecially  "our  seducing  and  seduced  papists."     This  day  revives  the 
memory  o^'  the  terrible  plot;   the  lesson  is  that  more  severity  ou^ht  to  be 
used  toward  them.     Parliament  has  confirmed  inore  severe  laws,  but  some 
executors  of  them  are  possessed  of  a  lethargy,    "being  laid  asleep  like 
Sisera  with  the  milke  of  that  harlot,"    Love  of  yourselves  as  well  as 
the  peace  of  the  state  demand  action;   it  was  the  leniency  of  the  last 
six  years  of  illizabeth  and  the  first  three  years  of  James  that  caused 
the  hatching  of  the  Hot.     L'ven  noi»  the  papists  may  be  plotting  a 
revenp:e  for  the  harsher  la'ws.     Cruelty  is  not  to  be  condoned,  but  the  sword 
of  justice  must  nov:  be  drawn. 

If  Courtiers  for  money  will  procure  pardon  for  such  as  have  offended 
(abusing  the  lenitie  of  his  Kajestie)  or  else  some  dispensation  for  the 
tiiiie   to  cofue;   to  suspend  the  lawes  af^alnst  soiof  great  ones;  If  Judges 
favour  them  in  their  trialls,  and  Justices  in  their  committments,  one  set 
at  libertie,  \yhom  another  hath  conatiitted:   If  Sheriffs,  and  other  oiTicers, 
bee  remisse  in  their  searching  for  them,  and  informing  against  them:  If 
uhen  inforireitlon  is  given,  ani  the  Jury  hath  found  tlie  inditement,  Clarices 
and  Officers  both  know  how  to  doe  it,  and  doe  jractice  to  smother  of  20, 
or  30.   cr  r.iore  of  the  princlpallest,  and  most  daun2:erous;  If  I  say   they  may 
finde  this  favour,  and  rerdssion  of  the  lawea  by  these  meanes:   ho.v  bolde 
will  they  grow,  and  how  will  they  insult,   that  though  the  face  of  the  lawe 
be  against  them  yet  the  edge  Is  turned  from  there,    ^ig.  B33 

The  sturdy  Irotestant  could  feel  fears  w4iich  had  never  risen  during 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  when  the  whole  controversy  with  Home  stood  in  the 
clear  terms  of  war  and  peace.     V<hat  n.en  like  Stock  really  feared  was   "the 
lenitie  of  hii.  Liajestie,"     There  was  cause  to  fear  it,     James,  vd.th  re- 
markable moderation  and  reasonableness,  unfortunately  seasoned  with  in- 
stability in  action  and  obscurity  of  purpose,  wished  to  separate  the  sheep 
from  the  goats,  and  for  this  policy t  1'  it  could  be  called  a  policy  and 


2  5-^ 


iv{9) 


not  a  dreaiii,   some  leniency  was  necessary.     After  he  had  recovered  frcaa 
his  l^anic  over  the  I'lot,  he  was  disposed  to  relax  the  severity  of  the 
administration  of  the  penal  laws,  and  to  present  the  probleraa  arising 
fron  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  in  such  terns  as  r-,i?*ht  make  gaod  Catholics 
into  good  subjects,      fixe  oath,  he  contended,   'jaa  aesigned 


onely  for  inakinp  of  a  trev?  distinction  betweene  papists  of  quiet  dis- 
position, and  in  all  other  tldn^^s  good  subjects,  and  such  other  papists 
as  in  their  hearts  niaintained  the  like  violent  bloody  maxiaies,  that  the 
powder- trai tours  did.         15 


Jaoes  was  a  good  theorist  but  the  worst  of  adr.d.nistrators,  and  what 
he  really  failed  to  perceive  was  that  all  depended  on  the  practice  of 
his  officers  in  reiuovine  the  recusants  from  the  horns  of  their  dilerwia. 
The  whole  effort  could  easily  be  nullified  by  unintelligent  or  corrupt 
tendering  of  the  oath  or  implementation  of  the  laws.     Yet  he  was  right, 
and  had  learned  more  from  the  Hot  than  aiany  of  bis  subjects.     In  his 
speecV-  to  parliament  in  lolO,  he  pointed  out  that  it  is  a   sure  rule  of 
divinity  that 


God  never  loves  to  plant  Ilis  Church  by  violence  and  bloodshed;   nnturall 
reason  may  .,.   persuade  us,  and  dayly  experience  rroves  it  trew,   thnt 
when  men  are  severely  persecuted  for  relif^ion,   the  gallantnesse  of  many 
aens  spirtts,  and  the  vrf.lfulnes  of  their  humoars,  rather  than  the  justnes 
of  the  cause,  make  then,  to  take  a  pride  boldly  to  endure  many  torments, 
or  death  it  selfe,   to  gaine  thereby  the  reputation  of  martyrdome,  though 
but  in  a  false  shadov/.         16 


All  this  was  not  so  clear  to  his  rarlianents  or  to  the  preachers. 
Stock's  adjuration  is  repeated  almost  in  the  sane  words  in  the  Petition 
concerning  Religion  presented  to  the  Kinc  from  the  Oocimons  in  July  16IO: 


Whereas  good  and  provident  lavs  have  been  made...  against  Jesuits, 
seminary  priests,  and  Topish  recusants: 


Zfco 


iv(lO) 


An<i  although  your  Majesty  by  your  eodly,  learned  and  judicious 
writings  have  declared  your  Christian  and  pilncoly  zeal  in  the  defence 
of  the  religion  established...: 

Yet  for  tliat  the  laws  are  not  executed  against  the  priests,  who 
are  the  corrupters  of  the  people  in  religion  and  loyalty,  and  many 
recusants  have  already  comjounded,  and...  mere  and  more...  will  compound 
with  thope  that  beg  their  penalties    (the  iuformersi,  which  rraketh  the 
lav/s  altogether  fruitless  or  of  little  or  none  effect,  and  the  offenders 
to  becone  bold,  obdurnte,  and  uaconfortable: 

Your  I/ajesty  therefore  vjould  be  pleased...   to  suffer  your  Hii^haess's 
natural  cleuency  to  retire  itself  an.'  give  place  to  justice,.,,  Anl  that 
your  I'jijosty  would  be  pleased  like7riLse  to  take  into  your  ov.-n  hands  the 
p-enalties  due  for  recusancy,  and  tlmt  the  same  be  not  converted  to  the 
private  ,^ain  of  some,         17 

The  preachers  echoed  the  same  fear  and  the  same  reproach,  Thomas  Adams, 
preaching  at  the  Cross  in  1612,  coupled  the  Hot  with  the  massacre  of 
St.  Bartholomew,  affirmed  that  papists  could  only  take  their  orders  from 
the  Itjpe  and  him  a  usuri)er  and  tyrant,  and  declared  that  papistry  can 
never  be  made  into  Christianity,  No  truce  is  possible,-*-"  Thomas  Sutton 
adjured  the  judges  and  other  officers,  in  his  sermon  of  1615,  to  rise  to 
their  duty  of  protecting  the  week  against  the  malicious,  hence  to  punish 

recusants  and  Jesuits,  and  to  prosecute  their  offices  against  the  papists 

19 
without  fear  or  favour. 

Considering^,   then,  this  difference  in  principle  between  Tames 
and  those  in  the  Church  of  the  solid  centre  and  the  left,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  although  formal  attack  upon  Itomish  theology  is  certainly  not 
abandoned  in  these  sermons  there  is  a  higher  incidence  than  in  the  reign 
of  iL'lizabeth  of  complaints  of  an  imrvediate  and  practical  character,  com- 
plaints about  tlie  every-day  machinations  of  the  eneir^y.     These  warninfrs 
have  a  tone  of  urgency  about  them  which  was  perhaps  justified  by  the 
steadily  grouring  uncertainty  amonr>  the  rank  and  file  of  the  clergy  about 
the  real  riositlon  of  the  crown  and  its  servants  in  the  upper  hierarchy 


L(.\ 


iv(ll) 


oi"  state  and  church.     One  or  the  less  in;  ortaat  of  these  warnings  came 
from  John  Hosklns,  who  determined  tliat  It  isas  impossible  to  trust  a  Papist 

because  of  the  doctrine  of  equivocation,     There  is  no  safe  society  ivith 

20 
a  Papist,  Observe  that  he  oade  no  diatinctlon  between  the  persecuted 

recusant  and  the  captured  seminary  priest,  who  was  authorized  to  proceed 

by  this  means,      ^/illiani  .forship  brieicly  flouted  the  Jesuits  and  their 

converts  in  1616: 

Are  these  the  men  so  renowned  for  Artes,    Tongues,  Resiling?     Are  these 
the  Kil-Cowes  of  the  -Vorld,    for  learninR;?     Aie  these  the  beet  Sohollers 
of  their  oeven-healed  Parnassus?     Coioe,  come,    the  Jesuits,    the  iopes 
Roaring  Boyes,  know  well  enou^^h  we  have  pot  the  start  of  them,  and  there- 
fore they  cake  now  no  iiyllogismee,  but  in  FiilUC.     Yet  some  of  our  'Gentlemen, 
tbat  have  made  a   stepi/e  beyond  the  Alpes,   looke  as  bigge  as  8ull-beefe, 
if  we  offer  to  compare  with  them:  and  tell  us  with  a  shruggie,   that  raey,  have 
Scripture,   Gouncels,  and  the  i''athers  on  their  side.         21 

In  fact  there  is  less  to  be  feared  front  the  ar«:unients  than  from  the  daggers 
of  the  eneay.     Such  are  the  rebellious  exiled  in^lishmen  against  whom 
itobert  dibthorpe  T.vsrned  his  audience  in  1618,      Fney  may  be  found,   he 
said,  creeping  into  houses  "and  leading  Captive  simple  vraiaen  laden  vjith 
sinnes. "     They  mark  out  ministers  for  martyrs  and  magistrates  for  inassacre; 
they  are  not  son«  of  the  realm  but  slaughtermen. 

lie  that  returnes  vdthout  license,   into  the  confines  of  that  Kln/^dome, 
from  whence  the  la^es  have  baniaht  hliu,   ir  he  be  ajj^rehended  and  adjudged 
to  execution,  hee  dyes  not  as  in  case  of  Rellg^ion,   but  for  the  cause  of 
nebellion;    not  as  a  i^rtyr,  but  as  a  malefactor,  not  as  a   Christian,   but 
as  a  comi£)nweales  di;;turber.  22 

But,  as  the  King  had  observed,   such  a  death  vrould  not  seem  like  that  to 
the  Catholics. 

AMle  behind  the  scenes,   fostered  by  disgruntled  gentlemen  of 


tfc-z- 


iv(12) 


the  Cojiuions  and  by  rigorous  preachers,  a  daage-oua  unease  G2*e<»  aaong 
the  people  conceraing  the  secret  danger  from  Hoiaa,  the  formal  con- 
troiroray  with  the  chaiapions  of  Homan  orthodoxy  contiaaed  vdth  renewed 
vigour,  made  the  ::»re  significant  by  the  champions  raised  on  both  aides, 
Dollar;.iine  and  Andrewes,  The  audiences  at  the  ^ross  still  £*ot  their 
share  of  these  broadsides  for  their  better  edification.  On  14  February 
1508  they  listened  to  the  first  draft  of  a  treatise  by  Uilliam  Crashaw, 
prominent  axuong  the  Irotestant  controversialists,  ironically  remembered 
as  the  father  of  one  of  the  chief  of  English  Catholic  poets.  iJir  Kenelra 
Digby,  v.Trtting  to  the  3"ope  on  behalf  of  Hichard  Crashaw,  termed  hin  "the 
learned  son  of  a  fanous  heretic. "^   The  elder  Crashaw  collected  a  hug© 
library  of  Catholic  v/rlters,  whose  \TOrks  he  combed  for  citations  to  use 
in  his  own  polemics,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  poet  read  them 
for  a  different  sort  of  edification.    *e  do  not  have  the  sermon  of  1608 
in  anything  like  its  original  form,  since  it  «as  enlarged  and  "justified" 
before  publication  tc  ansTier  a  "pernicious  boo^"  published  in  French  by 
H.C. ,  and  exists  for  the  Bxist  of  it  in  the  lor;  of  a  treatise,  exploring 
"the  X*  iltounds  found  to  be  in  the  body  of  the  present  KoMsh  religion, 
in  doctrine  and  in  manners:  "roved  in  this  Serr^oa  not  to  bee  yet  healed," 
i.e.,  not  removed  by  the  Council  of  Trent.   .;  toe  "wounds"  are  of  interest 
since  they  illustrate  the  points  upon  which  what  Frere  calls  the  "lower 
level"  of  controversy   was  canried  on,  the  level  Judged  appropriate 
to  be  aired  in  a  popular  pulpit.  Soob   of  these  points  of  dispute  —  or 
simple  slander  ~  are  meretricious  and  vulgar,  therefore  all  the  more 
powerful  to  stir  populf^r  prejudice,  Crashaw  lists  the  "wounds"  con- 
veniently; they  thunder  in  the  index; 


Zh^ 


iT(13) 


1.  The  Pope  is  a  God,  &  the  Lord  Gfod,  aad  such  a  head  of  the 
Church,  as,   infiiseth  spiritual  life  &.  heavenly  crace  iato  the  body 
of  the  Church.... 

2.  Ihe  Tope  hath  done  more  then  God:  for  he  delivered  a  soule 
oat  of  hell, 

6,  God  hath  divided  his  kingdome  with  the  Virgine  Marie,  keeping 
Justice  to  hiffiselfe,  but  oofliadttinr  and  giving  up  his  mercie  to  her;   so 
that  a  iitan  iray  appeals  from  hixn  to  her. 

4,  The  iopes  decrees  bee  equall  to  the  Canonicall  scripture. 

5,  Phe  Christian  Religion  is  founded  rather  from  the  lopes 
mouth,   then  from  Gods  in  the  Scripture, 

5,     rhe  holy  Scriptures  are  therefore  of  credit,  and  to  be 
believed,  because  they  are  allowed  and  autorized  by  the  lope:  and 
being  by  hia  authorized,  they  are  then  of  as  f^iood  authority,  as  if  the 
Tope  hiRselfe  had  made  them. 

7.  ImatTes  are  good  books  for  lay  niea,  and  better  &.  easier  then 
the  Scriptures. 

8,  An  Image  of  God  or  a  Grucifixe,  or  a  Crosse  are  to  be  wor- 
shipped with  the  saiTie  worship  as  God  and  Christ,  with  la  trie  that  is 
divine  worship.,.,  and  that  vse  may  speake  and  pray  to  the  Crosse  it 
selfe,  as  we  do  to  Christ. 

9.  frier  Francis  vias  like  to  Christ  in  all  things,  and  had 
5.  wounds  as  Christ,   thst  did  bleede  on  p;ood-i''ridaie;  yea,  he  did 
more  then  Christ  ever  did, 

10,  'Che  Pope  nay  and  doth  grant  Indulgences,  for  a  hundred 
tliousand  yeares,  and  give  men  a  power  to  redeer,  soules  out  of  Jur- 
gatory. 

11,  The  rope  inay  annexe  Indulgences  for  nany  thousands  of  yeares, 
to  such  beades,  crucifixes,  peictures  and  other  like  toies,  th'^t 

are  hallowed  by  bis  hands....   The  popish  Churc};  baptizeth  bells, 

12,  rht  Pope  denieth  the  Cup  in  the  oacaament  to  the  Laitie, 
tho  Christ  ordained  the  contrarie. 

13,  i'he  popish  Church  alloweth  many  sorts  of  sanctuaries  for 
wilfull  murder. 

14,  Rosiish  religion  x>ublickly  tolerates,  and  permits  Stewes, 
and  takes  rent  for  them,  27 

15,  By  the  lopes  lawe,  he  that  hath  nol>  a  wife  luay  have  a 
Soncubine. 

16,  Some  xoen  had  better  lie  with  another  inanswife,  or  keep  a 
whore,    then  marry  a  wife  of  his  owne. 

17,  Iriests  in  popery  ijoaj  not  jnarry,   but  are  permitted  to  keep 
their  whores,  under  a  yeerely  rent. 

18,  ouch  priests  as  be  continent,   and  have  no  whores,  yet  must 
pay  a  yeerely  rent,  as  they  that  have,   because  they  iray  have  if  they 
will, 

19,  Their  Liturgie  is  ful  of  blasphemie,   their  Legend  ful  of  lies, 
their  Ceremonies  of  suierstitioa. 

CO,     A  generall  corruption  of  all  estates. 


There  are  only  nineteen   "wounds"  since  the  last  numbered  is  a  vigorous 
attack  upon  sacrilege  and  plays.     It  is  not  unimportant  that  this  is 


z.(.+ 


lv(14) 


deliberately  included  with  the  others. 

A  Tery  different  preacher  resumed  the  controversy  in  Kay  of  the 
same  year.  It  is  time  that  Joseph  Hall,  "the  iinglish  Seneca,"  revlevred 
the  sins  and  shortcomings  of  Catholic  theolo^'y  and  practice,  but  he 
sought  to  apply  them  to  the  '/rorldliness  and  carelessness  of  Englishmen, 

to  make  the^a  an  occasion  for  correction  (as  befitted  one  by  temperaisent 

2S 
a  moralist)  rather  than  for  virulent  and  selfrirhteous  invective. 

He  preached  upon  Roman  "Pharisaism"  and  contrasted  it  with  the  pure 

faith,  ho"/fever  tisat  pure  faith  is  corrupt  in  the  practice  of  the 

worldly,  first  he  set  down  the  justifying  arpujient  that  the  Jrotestant 

is  the  true  faith:  the  rapists  say  that  one  is  Calvin's,  another  Luther's, 

but  we  disclaim  and  deny  these  titles;  we  are  one  in  truth.   "It  is  the 

lace  and  frin^^e  of  Christ's  garment   that  is  ciuestioned  among  us;  the 

cloth  is  sound. " 

The  Romish  Pharisees  have  £-one  before  us  in  their  devotion,  their 
holy  carriaf:e,  their  strict  observance  of  their  law,  in  diligent  teaching, 
in  proselytizin/?.  He   must  learn  to  go  before  them  in  our  diligent  reading 
of  our  law,  the  Bible;  we  must  emulate  their  strictness  and  cease  to 
associate  with  "Romish  Samaritans," 

Our  young  students,  the  ho)  e  of  posterity,  newly  crept  out  of  the  shell 
of  philos^)hy,  spend  their  first  hours  in  the  great  doctors  of  popish 
controversies  J  Bellarmine  is  next  to  Aristotle;  yea,  our  very  ungrounded 
artisans,  young  gentlemen,  frail  women,  buy,  read,  traverse  prordscuously 
the  dangerous  writings  of  our  subtlest  Jesuits.   ^.  1]J 

But  their  alms  is  a  lesson  to  our  extortion,  and  their  hypocrisy  and 
vforldliness  a  model  for  ours;  their  "strange  crlosses  and  ceremonious 


Zfc^ 


iv(15) 


observances"  are  absurd,  but  we  too  are  guilty  of  their  covetousness 
and  ambition. 

IMs  is  the  finest  kind  of  pulpit  controver^iy,   since  it  combines 
the  statement  of  the  position  v»ith  the  true  purpose  of  preaching,  vihlch 
is  to  brinp  the  hearers  to  a  consciousness  of  their  sins.     It  was  not 
coiw*on«      Doubtless  the  auditors  enjoyed  Crashaw  niore.     Hall  was  accustomed 
to  hold  the  mirror  up  to  nature;   others  were  prepared  to  have  no  such 
traffic  with  human  failings  when  the  subject  was  the  evils  of  Rome,      rhe 
preachers  who  v/ere  to  fonii  the  core  of  oi^position  to  Laud  sharpened  their 
Invective  upon  what  they  regarded  as  the  papist  comfrojrdse  with  human 
nature,  with  the  Inconstant  faculties  which  do  not  aid  in  the  true  service 
of  God,     Such  a  preacher  was  John  Hoskins,  who  in  his  KehearsalserEon 
of  1614       cleverly  made  the  occasion  itself  —  the  rehearsal  sermor  ~ 
a  point  of  Turitan"  theology  and  a  point  of  attack  u]:on  Rome,     The  nat'ore 
of  a  preacher's  errand,   he  said,   is   "no  late  device  starting  up  upon 
occasion  in  the  phantasie,  but  en  ancient  record  long  since  enrolled  in 
the  meBBrie."    After  the  Ck)spel,  there  is  no  need  of  further  inquisition: 
all  serr-'ons  are  rehearsal  serrions.     Only  tone  faculty,   then,    "the  memorative' 
faculty,  is  engaged  in  the  forraation  of  the  Christian's  fiaith;  his  belief 
and  acceptance  is  a  mental  act;   no  comprcHnise  is  to  be  made  with  his 
"humourous  appetites."     In  other  words,    the  repetition  of  the  fact 
of  grace  is  designed  to  elirtinate  fros:  the  consciousness  of  the  hearer 
the   "gree     and  unseasoned"  conceits  of  his  human  nature.     Could  there  be 
any  more  clear  and  apt  statement  of  Furitan  theory  than  this?     Upon  this 
basis  Hoskins  is  equipped  to  attack  the  truckling  of  the  papists  ;vith 
what  he  calls   "imnjciinatlon":   the  papists  well  know  how  men  are  transported 


!(,(. 


iv(16) 


by  phaatasibs  iMhich  arise  froin  their  baae  nature: 

rherefore  have  they  devised  a  penance  in  app-arell,  a  devotion  uj;on  the 
ringers  ends  to  please  iuiaginatioa,  a   i^nsubatantiation  like  a  Leta- 
inorphosis,   to  please  imaf^ination;   lives  ot  Daints,  like  tales  of  the 
^ueene  or  the  dairies,   to  please  iffiaginstion;   ordera  of  I-'riars  of  all 
colours,   like  the  dreame  of  a  lainters  apron,  to  please  imaglnetion; 
Liaises,  jilevatioaa,  irocessions,  like  Lleasures,  iiuDiioeries,  ilnterludes, 
and  all  to  please  imaginiition.      |lp.  ;52>3] 

jSie  reader  will  observe  in  such  arguaents  as  this  the  clue  to  the 
popular  association  of  Laud's  reforms  with  papitjtry,  and  the  possibility 
of  a  natural  shift  in  the  focus  of  attack  from  liosae  to  Canterbury. 


,5,    "The   troublssoae  spirits  of  some  persons  who  never  receive 
contentment, " 

But  those  issues  were  as  yet  but  imperfectly  seen.     There  were 

more  inusediate  disturbances  within  the  church,  uneasy  stirrings  as  of 

a  giant  yet  in  his  swaddling  clouts,  voices  lifted  in  cries  of  protest 

at  once  silenced,   steru  censure  froja  the  pulpit  of  those  -/ixo  would  read 

the  seaialess  garment  upon  a  presumption  of  their  unspotted  consciences. 

The  Puritan  party,  infinitely  complex  and  diverse  in  its  composition, 

animated  by  a  single  theology  but  by  a  thousand  motives  of  legal  injury 

and  economic  inhibition,  was  gathering;  strength  for  the  day  of  wroth 

as  yet  far  off. 

The  clergy  were  not  concerned  r.ueh  with  separatists  or  atheists, 
except  as   "atiieist"  meant  libertine  or  carnal  professor.      '^?e  be  not 

much  molested  now"  \rlth  separatists,  said  Georf^e  Benson  in  his  Taul's 

31 
Cross  seriiion  in  1609,       and  this  is  borne  out  by  the  paucity  of  references 

during  the  period.     As  for  atheists,  Samuel  Gardiner  repeated  in  1605  the 

usual  warning  so  common  in  the  late  Elizabethan  sermons,  that  theire  are  too 


247 


iv(l7) 


iiiauy  oi'  them  in  the  city,  that  they  sho.ild  be  lisrked  like  lepers, 
aad  X'hoEias  Adanis,  detertJ-ned  as  always  to  include  all  sorts  of  vices 
vdthin  the  limits  oi'  his  castigation,  describe i  their  unbelief  in 
general  terjiis: 


Atheists:  such  as  have  voluntarily,  violently,  extinguished  to  them- 
selves the  sunliejit  of  the  litoripture,  moonlirht  of  the  creatui*e,  nay, 
the  si«rks  and  cinders  of  nature, '^'^  that  the  )uore  securely,  as  unseen 
and  uncMdden  of  their  own  hearts,  ;.hey  jaiftht  prodigally  Adt  the  works 
of  darkness:  not  Athenian-like,  dedicating  an  altar  to  an  unknown  pod, 
but  annihilating  to  themselves,  and  vilipending  to  others,  altar,  re- 
ligion, Goii,  and  suffocating  the  breath  of  all  jwtions,  arguments, 
iiianifest  convictions  that  heaven  and  earth  produced.    34 


tlhen   one  comes  to  review  the  allusions  to  luritanism  at  the 
Cross  during  this  period,  it  is  necessary  to  make  careful  distinction 
between  the  minority  who  desired  the  abolition  of  episcopal  government 
and  the  large  number  —  perhaps  a  xaajority  —  of  the  English  clergy  who 
desired  further  reforination  according  to  the  warrant  of  Scripture,  At 
the  accession  of  James  the  Puritan  group  in  the  Ghurch  was  still  moderate, 
still  devoted  to  the  coimnunion  of  the  Church  of  England,  A  man  like 
Ilosklns,  in  whose  thought  one  sees  the  luritan  assumptions  very  clearly, 
died  quietly  in  his  cure  of  Ledb'Jiry,  suffering  neither  e^ibarrassraent 
nor  deprivation.  The  ICing  made  hi.';  mistake  in  publicly  humiliating  and 
alienating  the  conforming  Puritans  at  Sampton  Court,  in  allowing  his  very 
understandable  prejudices  «ad  hiu  cloudy  notions  of  absolutism  to  blind 
ilia  to  the  possibilities  of  compromise,  and  by  showing  so  little  discretion 
in  what  he  permitted  his  bishops  to  exorcise  of  the  royal  prerogative 
in  matters  ecclesiastical. 

If  these  distinctions  are  remembered,  it  irlll  be  perceived  that 
the  attacks  upon  Puritanism  from  the  Cross  In  the  reign  of  James  are 


^fc8 


iv(lO) 


directed  chiefly,  if  not,   solely,  against  the  railitaut  i^erfcy  of  jotential 
nonconformists,  and  that  the  defence  of  luritanism  from  the  same  pulpit 
is  for  the  most  part  the  nioderate  protest  of  scrupulous  men  who  had  no 
intention  of  quittin^r  their  cures  and  prefen::ents  but  were  vdlling  to 
break  a  lance  in  favour  of  either  some  institution  of  the  "discipline" 
or  wore  likely  some  (Effective  protest  against  the  oppression  of  the  hier- 
archy. They  were  anxious  to  preserve  the  jure  Gospel  against  any  sort  of 
misinterpretation. 

In  the  sermons  of  those  jAio  issued  isamings  asainst  the  precisians 
the  expected  arguments  appear.  Barlow,  in  his  excited  observations  upon 
tlie  Plot,  jointed  out  that  the  "fiery  spirites"  Knox  and  Buchanan,  supported 
by  soiae  iinglishmea,  were  not  averse  to  the  shedding  of  the  blood  of  the 
lord's  anointed,*^"  but  this  ivas  not  re.pptod;  it  i»ras  a  spark  from  the  anvil 
of  his  anzious  wratl'.  L'xjre  usual  was  the  vjarninf-  af;ainst  the  Puritan 
"lecturers"  delivered  by  Benson  in  iSOS,  Thty  are  never  well,  he  de- 
clared, 

but  vdien  they  have  their  scicklos  in  an  other  mans  harvest,  as  though 
they  would  rob  all  the  I.'inisters  about  theiii  of  their  crowne  of  rejoicing 

like  Ivie  winding  about  the  oke,  that  it  iuay  stand  it  selfe,  but  yet 
sucking  the  juice  out  of  the  oke  they  flatter  so,  they  winds  theEselves 
into  favour  v/ith  great  ones,  thereby  standing  themselves  in  credit.    37 

lie  aims  at  no  particular  roan,  and  he  is  not  opposed  to  friendly  inter- 
change amons  ministers,  only  to  those  idio  for  advantage  sake  keep  this 
unsettled  course: 


these  oyly  mouthed  Absolons  apeak  plausible  thin^Sf  to  brin^  the  people 
out  of  love  with  their  true  Father,,,,  their  .3avid. 


Zfc^ 


iv(19) 


The  metaphor  ic  telling,  but  Benson's  chief  coinplaint  is  as  old  as  the 
conflaint  of  the  parish  priests  against  the  friars:  the  regular  pastors 
are  disgraced  while  people  listen  to  these  wandering  souls: 


The  people  come  to  heare  their  own  Itirson  or  Vicar,  as  K.   Bliney  sayd 
the  people  came  to  heare  him,  like  ^^alchus,  having  their  right  earcs 
cut  off:  they  bring  their  left  only,  sinisterly  interpreting  whatsoever 
they  hearo.  So  the  nurses  of  Schisme  do  invade  the  possessions  of 
many  painefull  labourers.   Qjig.  C4vj 


They  are  so  careful  to  avoid  evil  company  that  they  look  disdainfully 
on  all  men: 


They  are  so  teasty  that  they  quarr«ll  with  the  orders  of  the 
Church,  reputing"  them  as  olde  haire  which  superstition  hath  shaken 
off.    •  .  "- 


Tliej'  are  near  friends  to  the  Church  but  are  impatient  at  careiaonles. 
But  there  was  never  a  successful  army  without  order;  let  us  not  be  so 
conceited  of  our  own  holiness  that  we  breatc  the  bonds  of  unity. 

The  same  theme  finds  expi^ssion  in  Robert  3ibthorpe's  sermon  nine 
years  later.  Obedience  is  necessary  in  church  as  in  commonwealth:  how  then 
can  the  disobedient  children  in  the  church  plead  exception?  "Their  pre- 
tended pure  tender  conscience  is  impurely  polluted,  and  their  faith  worse 
then  infidelity,  "^   He  who  is  disobedient  to  his  spiritual  father 


vfill  not  sticke  to  spot  himselfe  with  any  impietie,  yea  Atheisme  it 
selfe,  upon  occasion,  wlxilest  he  dares  to  derof^ate  from  his  dignity,  v^;tome 
Christ  hath  substituted  to  supply  Ms  owne  seate  in  this  earthly  Con- 
sistory,  [cig.  CZ^ 


Sibthrope  was  far  on  the  right,  in  the  alif^mnent  of  parties  which  was 
proceeding  behind  the  scenes.  Soger  Ley,  fresh  from  Jesus  College  and 
jnaking  his  mark  at  the  Cross,  was  less  extreme  though  just  as  decisive. 


1.TO 


ivl20) 

"Out  Novel ista...   have  contended  to  breake  the  bond  of  Ecclesiastical 
Jurisdiction."    But   "if  our  rainistry  be  yet  subject  unto  sinne,  and 
specially  to  fall  by  erroneous  doctrine,  there  nust  be  rulers  to 
supprcisse  snd  censure  it, '^       In  this  life  we  are  in  cur  nonage,   not  yet 
advanced  to  the  heritage  of  heaven:  as  long  as  we  live  here  we  need 
guidance,  and  each  one  that  is  iix>re  than  a  private  ran  has  a  special  gift 
of  God. 

Apart  from  such  general  censure  there  were  few  attacks  upon  the 
centres  of  iuritan  activity  fjpom  the  iaul's  Cross  pulpit.     Attacks  froja 
that  pulpit  upon  the  City  adiuini  strati  on,   such  as  that  of  George  Closse 
in  1586,  Stock  in  IGOo,  ana  Kverard  in  1610,^*^  were  rather  social  ri'O- 
tests  ttian  ecclesiastical  controversy.     Lven  those  preachers  most  aternly 
opposed  to  tht  luritans  did  not  ain  at  particular  persons.     One  preacher, 
however,   larlcer,  preciTufccr  of  lincoln,  vras  so  ill-advised  as  to  censure 
the  Coaiiicns'  proceedinsss  upon  ecclesiastical  questions,         Earlj'  in  May 
160G  the  Coitaivons  sent  up  to  the  lords  a  bill  intended  tc    "restrain  the 
execution  of  canons  ecclesiastical  not  confirraed  by  parliament. "     fhe 
Lords  rejected  this  bill,   but  the  Comnons  jave  short  shrift  to  a  bill 
sent  down  to  thea  by  Bancroft,  making  provision  for  recovering  impro- 
priations by  parliamentary  subsidy, *2     ;,'ith  the  two  Houses  at  such  cross 
purposes,   the  serraon,  whicii  condemned  certain  nejabora  of  the  GomiaonG  for 
defending  lurltan  ministers  deprived  under  the  canons,  could  not  fsil 
to  cause  trouble.      The  House  protested,  and  Parker  was  ooirmdtted  to 
custody  for  hii;  rashness,      Ihie  isolated  incident  illustrates  pretty 
clearly  how  sensitive  vras  the  balance  of  cooper?ition  in  the  affaire  of 
the  state  ecclesiastical,  and  to  a  certain  extent  explains  the  decline 


t-w 


i\'(i:'i) 


or  the  }aul*c  Cross  pulpit  as  an  effective  apotit  of  the  crovm, 

This  decline,  v/hich  becomes  taore  noticeable  as  one  considers  the 
times  about  1620,  is  also  partly  attributable  to  the  divided  counsels  in 
that  pulpit.     It  ',?ill  be  recalled  that  the  ilizabsthan  preachers  spoke, 
upon  all  iiri]  ortaat  natters,  with  one  yoico.      They  did  not,   even  in  the 
quiet  times  of  Jaaies.      She  solid  centre  of  the  clergy,  Jnen  essentially 
iilizabethan  in  theology,  confoniable  but  scrupulous  in  polity,  were 
alienated  or  if  not  alienated  actively  disturbed  both  by  the  enforoeiaent 
of  Bancroft 'e  canons  and  by  what  they  considered  a  dangerous  trend  in 
Anglican  theology.     Anglican  thought,  under  the  influence  of  men  like 
Andrawes,    vas  bein(^  purged  of  the  -iOre  rigid  elements  in  Calvinism,  ^ma 
becoiainf.  more  "benevolent  and  rational,"        The  ministers  who  htid  learned 
nothing  since  the  Lambeth  Articles  were  highly  suspicious  of  doctrines 
i«hich  to   Lhelr  tender  consciences  sinaciied  cf  loj-ery.     liven  before   bhe 
Synod  of  Dort  they  called   this  body  of  doctrine  Arminianisrc,  and  they 
laada  little  distinction  between  Arminianisia  and  popery.     Liberalism  in 
theology  and  the  broader  vie*  of  the  nature  of  the  visible  church  -^ich 
Bay  be  traced  in  part   to  the  influence  of  Hooker  frif^htened  theia  also, 
Those  authors  -who  admitted  that  the  foundations  of  the  Roaian  church  had 
not  been  ruined  by  error  and  superstition,  ani  that  Rome  enbraced  vrln- 
ciplos  which  can  lead  to  salvation,'*     alai^.ed  the  preachers  exceedi.n,-ly. 

Accordingly  one  finds  in  some  of  the  sermons  at  the  Gross  during 
this  period  protests  if^ich  one  ajoy  hesitatingly  term  Tiiritan,"  protests 
which  should  rather  be  termed   "JSlizabethan, "  thoup;h  the  first  of  theni, 
by  Richard  ^tock,   io  at  leajt  potentially  schismatic.     Governors  and 


TT 


iv(22) 


ministers  of  0   visible  church,  he  declared,  may  err  in  faith,  manners 
and  doctrine:   the  best  know  but  in  part,   since  the  prardse  of  incessant 
guidance  from  the  Holy  Spirit  x»as  made  onlj'  to  the  Apostles.     Sve3r7 
man,  then,  r.ust  labour  for  the  knoy/ledge  of  thf;  word,  to  try  the  doc- 
trines which  are  delivered  from  the  seats  of  authority.     In  the  past, 
persons  in  positions  of  ecclesiastical  authority  have  alx«ays  fallen 
into  error, 


so  that  the  sinceritie  of  religion  'sas  upholden,  and  the  truth  defended, 
and  laaintained,   only  by  soase  fewe,   that  were  molested,   persecuted, 
traduced,  as  turbulent  and  seditious  persons,   and  eniinies  to  the  coimaon 
peace  of  the  Church,,,,   Often  times  meaner  mea  may  sound  the  depth, 
and  see  more  then  purest  schollers.         45 


The  others  who  protested  vjere  considerably  more  moderote  in  their 
conclusions,   though  not  necessarily  in  their  language,      fhomas  Sutton, 
condemninp  the  Laodiceans,       called  those  who  would  mediate  between  the 
Church  of  fJod  and  the  "Ronilsh  synagogues"  perfect  examples  of  the  luke- 
wam.     He  delivered  a  violent  exhortation  against   "Church  Papists," 
and  it  is  clear  that  he  did  not  mean  recusants  who  attended  church. 
The  lukeTfflrm  professor  is  a  continual  disturber  of  the  church,  and  is 
it  !JOt  then  most  improper  for  such  to  condemn  the  pious  and  scrupulous? 


iShlch  conclusion  nay  serve  to  stop  the  stentorious  mouths,   and  to  pare 
the  Satyricall  and  bloudy  pencils  of  some  men,  '.vho  in  all  their  learnlnf; 
can  finde  none  that  either  disquiets  or  endan/^ers  the  Church  but  the 
strict  J  recislan,  who  cannot  awallov?  dovme  some  of  our  Church  Gerer.onies, 
and  tiierefore  employ  their  whole   strength,  and  spen>l  their  v.hole  life,   in 
humblin,"  thejii  -^ho  are  brourht  alreadj-  to  the  Iwrest  nadir, as  if  they  then 
had  swept  and  purified  the  Church  of  all  her  imposthuraes;  whereas  yet 
our  Churches  hanp  full  of  Romish  spiders,   who  in  their  Italian  cobvjebs 
v.'ould  straniBile  our  linclish  aoules.      (jp,   232-3| 


&itton  irajst  probably  had  in  mind  the  welcome  accorded  two  Italian  friars, 
who  professed  allegiance  to  the  Church  of  Eag-land;   the  Ai^shbishoj:  of 


iT3 


1-7(3:5) 


S.nalatro  11<1  loh  some  to  Kn<^land  until  1516,  but  vihen  he  dic\  he  becarrie 
a  centra  of  adherence  for  certain  of  the  Arrainian  party,*"     iVllliam 
Worship,  preaching  ia  1616,   confessed  that  he  could  not  abide  the  "^'evvtrals' 
?fho  wo'ild  mediate  between  the  Church  of  England  and  Ronie,^  and  Sanuijl 
mrd,  who  -was  prosecuted  for  non-conformity  in  1623  and  15J5,^^  delivered 
in  the  same  year  a  blast  against   Torery  and  n-;tare,  and  the  old  leaven 
of  Felaf-iu3,   newly   lorse  scoured  by  Arirdnlus,   affirming  that  no  minister 
can  keer  a  good  conscience  and  be  given  to  ropery  and  Ansiiaianisitu 
Roger  Ley  launched  a  similar  attack  upon  Arr.inlan  theolo/y  in  1618,^^ 

Amid  these  attacks  and  counter-attacks,  amid  the  almost  universal 
temper  of  unyielding  assurance  and  controversial  determination,   one  small 
voice  was  heard  at  the  Cross,   inipioring  moderation  in  all  controversies 
and  the  exercise  of  Christian  charity.     The  preacher  vms  John  Hales, 
"Ht,  Hales  of  Ston,"  "a  prettie  little  man,"  as  Aubrey  affectionately 
called  hirr,,   and  a  modest  retionaliat,  v/ho  at  the  Gynoi''.  of  Dort    "bade 

John  Calvin  pood-nlr:ht.  "^       His  IbuI's  Cross  sermon  v;as   "of  dealing  with 

-53 

errin/-  Cliristians,  "^     uj^on  Roraans  14,1.     Goodness,  he  began,   is  the  most 

notable  of  Christian  virtues,   for  it  is  the  sociable  virtue;   the  ancient, 
professors  of  the  faith  of  Christ  were  called  Chrestians,  Tihich  sip- 
nifies  benifnity.     This  is  a  note  too  often  forfotten  in  our  days. 
In  the  church,  as  in  civil  society,   there  are  high  and   lor,   the  stronp: 
and  the  weak  in  faith.     The  eoori  Christian  is  benipn  to  the  weak  and 
ouerulouE.     Compassion  whould  be  bounded  by  discretion,    "but  not  to 
doubtful  disputations": 


For  many  there  are,   otherwise  ri^ht  good  men,  yet  weak  in  judj?ment,   who 
have  fallen  uj'on  sundry  private  conceits,   such  as  are  unnecessary  Oiffer- 


Z.Tf 


iv(?/l) 


eJiciiTG  o£  lieats  and  .Trinka,  d3.3tinction.  of  .Oayo,  or...  none   singular 
opinions  concerning  the  state  of  Souls  departed,  private  interpretations 
of  obacux-e  ri5:A.ts  of  ocripture,  and  others  of  the  same  nature;  Of  these 
or  the  like  thoughts,  which  have  taken  root  in  the  hearts  of  men  of 
shallow  capacity,  those  who  are  luore  surely  grounded,  may  not  presume 
themselves  to  be  judges,  J^.   Z2\ 

..■ho  are  the  "weak"   ones  of  whon  ot.  }'«ul  speaks?  Surely  all 
persons  v;ho  are  within  the  bounds  of  Christ's  compassion.  In  come  thinjPia 
all  nea  agree,  "and  thus  far  the  very  Heathen  themselves  are  to  be  re- 
ceived. "  It  is  true  that  a  good  life  is  not  eaough  without  true  pro- 
fession, but 

all  those  jood  things  which  iiioral  sen  by  the  li^^ht  of  Nature  do,  are 
a  part  of  Gods  ?;ill  vnritten  in  their  hearts;  wherefore  so  far  as  they 
wsre  conscientious  in  perforniiuf  them  (if  oalviamis  hia  reason  be  good) 
so  far  have  they  title  and  interest  in  our  Faith,..,  I  must  confess  that 
I  have  not  yet  made  that  proficiency  in  the  ochools  of  our  age,  as  that 
I  could  see,  why  the  c;cconi  Table,  and  the  Acts  of  it,  are  not  as  properly 
the  parts  of  Ktili^ion  and  Christianity,  ss  the  Acts  and  Observations  of 
the  first,   jf?,  otJ 

The  weak,  then,  whether  he  is  n  "Inoral  laan"  or  a  true  professor  of 
profane  life,  is  to  be  received,  bat  weak  nen  are  to  be  restrained 
froE  doubtful  disputations. 

for  nothinc  is  there  that  hath  more  prejudiced  the  cause  of  3ieligion, 
then  tJiis  promiscuous  and  cureless  adriiEsion  cf  ell  sorts  to  the  heariing 
and  handling  of  controversies,  vsrhether  we  consider  the  private  ease  of 
every  nan,  or  the  publick  state  of  the  Church,,,,  For  what  need  this  great 
breed  of  .vriters,  with  which  In  this  ai^e  the  world  doth  swarm?,.,.  For 
vjiiat  else  are  the  i/ritinfs  of  riaay  men,  but  nutual  Tasquilc  and  Satyrs 
agaln;-,t  each  others  lives?   JFp,  33,  42} 

Controversies  hinder  the  growth  of  the  weak  in  Christ,  and  passionate 
men  stir  ip  strife  upon  false  ground, 

for  it  is  not  the  vari«ity  of  opinions,  but  our  own  perverse  wills,  who 
think  it  meet,  that  all  should  be  conceited  as  our  selves  are,  which 


^^r 


iY(25) 


hath  so  inconveaieaced  the  Church;   were  we  not  so  ready  to  Anatheiratize 
each  other,   where  we  concur  tx)t  in  opinion,  we  raipjit  in  hearts  be  united, 
though  in  our  tonpues  we  were  divided,  &.  that  ;cith  singular  profit  to 
all  aides.      |l  ,   4fcJ 

Opinions  about  predestination,   for  instance,  which  is  a  mystery,  are  set 
donn  not  as  opinions  but  as  necessary  truths. 

i/ith  such  views,   it  was  natural  that  Hales  should  conanend  the 
mild  treatment  ol  the  ijajlsts  by  the  laws  of  the  realm  and  the  practice 
of  the  Jhurch: 

ii'or  out  of  desire  to  make  the  breach  seem  no  greater,   then  indeed  it 
is,  to  hold  cojtEunion  and  Christian  fellovvship  with  her   (the  Church 
oi   RoneJ ,   sc  far  as  we  possibly  can;  ive  have  don«?  notbinp-  to  cut  off  the 
favourers  of  that  Church,      The  reasons  of  their  love  and  respect  to  the 
Church  of  Roir.e  »e  wish,  bat  we  do  aot  conanand  the::;  to  lay  down:    their 
lay-bretiiren  have  all  i^eans  of  instruction  offered  their..      Our  ICdicts  and 
otatutes  fijade  for  their  restraint,  are  such  as  serve  onely  to  awaken  than, 
and  cause  thes.  to  consider  the  inaocency  of  that  cause  for  refusal  of 
coBuiiunion,   in  which  they  enaure    (as  they  suppose)   go  great  losses. 
Those  who  are  sent  over  by  them,  either  for  the  retaining  of  the  already 
perverted,  or  perverting  others,   are  either  returned  by  us  baci:  aj^ain  to 
theiu,   is;ho  dispatch* J   thei.    to   us,   or  >d.thout  an^A  wrong  unto  their  jeraons, 
or  danger  to  their  lives,   suffer  an  easie  restraint,  iidiich  only  hinders 
theii.  froKi  dispersing  the  j.oison  they  brought.     And  had  they   not  been 
sticklinr  in  our  state  business,  and  lae'-ldlinf;;  wdth  otjr  Irinces  Crovra, 
there  had  not  a  drop  of  their  bloud  fallen  to  the  ground;    unto  our 
Sermons,   in  which  the  swarvin^is  of  that  Church  are  necessarily  tc  be 
taxt  by  us,   we  do  not  bind  their  presence,   onely  our  desire  is,    they  '.vould 
joyn  with  us  in  those  Ixayers  and  holy  Cereriionies,  which  are  common  to 
ther.  and  to  us,      (jp,   52-3J 

ouch  was  the  lone  voice  which  cried  in  the  midst  of  disputation 
and  bitterness.     }i>r.  Hales  went  back-  tc  istou,  tc  hie  books  and  his 
"vlolet-colouT'd"  (iressinr  gown,  and  laul's  Gross  regained  the  dwellinfr- 
place  01  wrath. 


4.    Tie  reineu.berinf;  his  mercy  hath  holpen  his  servant  Israel." 

Yet  lor  some  time  this  wrath  renained  :f.ufiled  in  the  preachers' 


nt. 


iv(26) 


breasts.     SUch  notes  of  anger  as  have  been  here  reviewed  are  for  the 
most  part  incidental  and  unsustained,  and  of  course  in  many  preachers 
there  is  no  note  of  coroplaint  excepting  the  general  complain  of  sin. 
The  Biain  thene  of  these  seri-aons  during  the  first  seventeen  years  of 
the  rei^n  of  James  was  thankfulness  for  the  hapiy  and  7>eacef-il  state 
of  the  realr;!.  under  a  wise  and  gracious  klnf.      i?he  nation  vras  at  peace 
and  for  the  most  part  exceedingly  prosperous,  end  few  preachers  were  so 
dour  as  to  neglect  this  xranifestation  of  God's  abundant  mercies.     Our 
state  is  blessed,  cried  Geor^se  Benson;  v;ltnesn  the  failure  of  the  Papists 
to  baptize   the  realn  in  bloou.     For  all   their  plots  the  late  ^een 
"lived...   til  she  ivas  olde  and  mellowe  for  the  kln^dome  of  God,"  and 
when  tt-e  chanr  ed ,    "we  changed  alpictt  nothing  but  the  sex,"     ^ter  a  David 
we  have  a  oclonicn.      If  ever  KarcL  cacie  in  like  a  lion  and  went  out  like 
a  lajnb,   it  was  then.     God*s  minions  we  are.         Let  us  be  thankful  for  our 
peace,   said  Adams  in  1612,  a  peace  they  enjoy  not  in  France  or  in  the 
low  Countries.     This  peace  is  a  gift  of  God: 


Though  nature  hath  bound   up  the  loins  of  our  kingdom  with  a  j^lrdle  of 
■paves,  and  roUcy  raised  another  fence  of  wooden  walle,  yet  God  EUist  put 
about  us  a  third  girdle,   the  ...   circle  of  his  jirovidcnce,   or  our  strength 
is  weaker  than  the  waters,         55 


tie  are  the  wonder  of  the  worl3,    "we  are  the  Lillies  ind  the  Rose,"  we 
have  hiph  <snd  rich  prerogatives,^" 

Many  and  mighty  deliverances  hath  the  Lord  given  us:   from  furious  A.tale- 
kltes,   th3t  cair.e  with  a  navy,  as  they  bragged,  able  to   fetch  away  our  land 
in  turfs;    froiii  an  an§:ry  and  raging  pestilence,  that  turned  the  r>opular 
streets  of  this  city  into  solitude;^''  fron:  s   treason  wheroia  men  conspired 
with  devils,   for  hell  was  broupht  up  to  their  conjurations,  and  a  ivhole 
brewing  of  that  salt  sulphur  ms  tuianed  up   In  barrels  for  U3  to  drink.         58 


XTT 


iT(27) 


59 
Our  land  Is  a  Colchis,       delivered  from  the  tyranny  of  Rome,  blessed  by 

a  wise  king  and  the  meaicry  of  a  Miriam,  a  gracious  queen,  by  an  Aaron,  a 

holy  and  learned  clergy,  ^*^ 


A  mightie  Nation  »e  are,  whose  bulwarke  is  the  Sea,  whose  con- 

fedeirate  Feigkhours  round  about  are  onr  Sentinels..,,   The  bees  may  hive 
thetiselves  in  our  helraets.         61 


The  loyal  —  and  sycophantic  —  preachcre  affirmed  that  the 
highest  of  these  gifts  of  God  was  the  King,     Upon  him  and  his  virtues 
they  heared  praise  without  stint,     lerhaps  the  most  ftilsone  exhibition 
of  tMs  order  i^as  Harlow's  in  the  Hot  seraicn  in  1605.      Our  Kin<7  is 
the  chosen  of  God,  and  this  is  evident,  whether  we  look  unto  the  lip'ht 
of  nature. 


of  pregnant  wit,   or  ready  apprehension,  of  sound  judgement,  of  present 
dispatch,   of  imrrernable  ir.cEtoiy, 

Or  the  light  of  /o-t,   being  an  universall  ujholler,   acute  in 
arguing,   subtle  in  distinguishing.  Logical  iu  discussing,  plentifuli 
in  inventing:,   powerfall  in  pei-swadin^^,  aaMrable  in  discoursing. 

Or  the  lif/ht  oT  (r.race,  whether  intellectuall,   for  speculative 
Theology,  a  perfect  Textuar,  a  sound  Sjcpoaitor,  a  faithfull  Christian, 
and  a  constant  Jrofessor,  or  affectuall,   for  Regeneration  and  assiduous 
prayer,  a  chast  husband,   of  sweete  carria«e,  of  humble  deportment,   of 
mortified  lusts,  of  sanctified  life. 

Or  the  light  of  government,   an  ujricht,  arbitrator  in  cases  of 
Justice,  a  loving  father  to  his  subjects,   a  carefull  guardian  of  bis 
kingdODies,  a  wise  manager  of  his  itate,  an  especially,    favourer  of  this 
Cltty,  an  absolute  Stonairch  both  for  Repiment  &  judgement,  62 


One  is  reminded  of  Osric,   praisinr:   "a  soijl  of  srreat  article,"    Hall, 
proaciiinf;  ujon  the  accession  anniversary  in  1514,  vms  less  fanciful 
and  more  corivincin^.     He  praised  Jares'r.  lc?.rnlnr-,   as  evidenced  in  his 
Apolo-yy  lor  the  Oath  of  Allu.7;iance;    i^is  ,:u'  u,ic«  in  governing;   his  piety 
and  fimness  in  religion.     He  has  extinguished  the  feuds  In  Scotland  ani 
reduced  the  Herder  to  civility  and  order.      To  the  Klnf;  we  owe  deliverance 


XT« 


lv(28) 


from  the  I-lot  —  by  an  act  of  divination,  freedom  from  persecution  for 
religious  faith,   the  Authorized  Version  or  the  Scriptures.     England  owes 
to  hiiti  the  priceless  and  inclusive  blessing;  of  peace. "^ 

rhe  preachers  hastened  to  assure  their  audiences  especially  of 
Jaraos's  care  for  religion.     Upon  the  anniversary  of  the  Gowry  conspiracy, 
on  5  August  1605,  Richard  Vaughan,  Bishop  of  lonclon,   declared  that  the 
King 


had  made  a  protestation  before  God  anl  His  anpels  thst  he  vras  so  constant 
for  the  iraintenance  of  the  religion  publicly  in  F.ngland  pi^afessed  as  that 
he  woul.i  spend  his  a-.n  dearei^t  blood  in  the  defence  thereof  rather  than 
that  the  truth  should  be  overthrown;   and  that  if  he  had  ten  times  as  many 
ihore  kinf^doK.E  an.  he  hath,  he  \Jould   iiflpend   ther;  all  for  the  safety  and 
protection  thereof;  and  likewise,   that  if  he  had  any  children  that  should 
overlive  hin,   if  they  ahoixld  f.iaintain  or  uphold  any  other  religion,  he 
desired  of  God  that  he  mieht  see  them  brought  bo  their  graves  before 
liin,    tl-iat  their  ahame  mirht  be  b':rj.ed  in  hia  life  time,   never  to  be 
spoken  of  in  future  ages.  64 


Upon  the  accession  day  in  1516  .)onne  called  for  thanks  to  God  that  when 
the  KiOt'  oaiie, 

hs  saa  beholden  to  no  by-religion,     The  papists  could  not  make  him  place 
any  hopes  upon  then,    nrr  the  '.uritans  make  him  entertain  any  fears  from 
them;   but  his  God  and  our  God;   as  he  brought  via  lactea,   by  the  sweet 
way  of  peace,   th^t  flows  witlx  &ili:  and  honoy,   so  he  brought  him  via  rei'i;ia, 
by  the  direct  aud  plain  >«y,  without  any  devietion  or  descent  into  i/^noble 
flatteries,  or  servile  humouring  of  any  persons  or  factions,         65 

The  most  strikinc  of  those  sermons  in  which  the  audience  at  the 
Gross  vjore  invited  to  ,^ive  thanks  for  their  blessing;  in  sudi  a  king 
is  Bishop  Kint^'.T  Sor^ion  of  Publicke  fhanksf^ivim-  in  A' :ril  1619,   upon 
the  Kin/^'s  rwcovory  from  .^rave  illness.      It  is  a  magnificent  effort  In 
the   •Vitty"  style,  upon  the  themos  of  death  and  recoveiy   so  enriched  by  the 
genius  of  Donne  and  f&ylor,   -.northy  indeed  to  stand  by  their  best  efforts. 


til 


iT(29) 


His  text  was  from  Isaiah  38,  "the  writing  of  Hezekiah  king  of  Judah,  -Ahen 
he  had  been  sick,  and  was  recovered  from  his  sickness": 

It  is  written  with  the  point  of  a  diamond,  to  remaine  for  eternitle,  and 
it;  a  part  of  the  evidences  and  muniments  of  the  Church,  layd  up  amongst 
her  sacred  Records,  for  a  cieLioriall  of  his  thankf ulnesse ,  offered,  and 
consecrated  to  God  upon  that  deliverance. 

King  descanted  elegantly  upon  the  sickness  of  Hezekiah  and  upon  the 
bitterness  of  death: 


Death  hath  ever  her  arrow  in  her  bow,  though  in  the  prime  ages  of  the 
world  she  was  some times  nine  hundred  yeares  before  she  sped,  yet  now  she 
hittfetii  quickly;  and  whea  God  saitb,  shoote,  she  shooteth;  and  so  lone 
as  God  saith,  spare,  she  spareth.  For  what  is  they  life?  Breve  suspirium. 
a  short  panting. 


Death  came  upon  Hezekiah  "in  his  peace,"  for  death  is  an  intestine 
enemy  that  cojies  "without  Beacon,  or  any  admonition  at  all,"  £very  part 
of  our  frail  bodies  is  an  invitation  to  death. ^'^  But  the  recovery  is 
sweeter  by  ho;v  asuch  the  danger  is  greater:   "Kora  is  Horsus,  death  is 
but  a  biting  not  a  conauming**;  the  flesh  is  consumed  indeed  but  "the 
hony  of  the  soul  ia  taicen  out."  Tiie  stoiy  is  a  noJel  and  pattern  of 
the  condition  of  our  gracious  king.  He  has  not  restored  religion,  like 
Hezekiah,  but  he  has  maintained  it;  he  has  spared  not  the  high  places 
of  Antichrist  more  than  Hezekiah,  his  deliverance  from  the  Hot  is  like 
Hezekiah's  fx^rri  Sennacherib,  Under  hin;  we  have  enjoyed  the  blessings 
of  peace  for  sixteen  years.  He  has  been  sick  unto  death,  but  God  has 
brought  coKifortout  of  bitterness  in  his  recovery;  the  prayers  of  the 
king's  lovin;?.  and  devoted  subjects  have  reached  the  throne  of  grace, 
"have  pierced  through  the  clouds,  and  knocked  at  the  gate  of  his  mercy 
at  nidnleht,  and  given  hlra  no  rest  on  behalf e  of  their  king."  So  we 


Z-io 


iv(oO) 


have  cone  to  raake  this  place  an  altar  for  our  thankfulness. 

How  are  we  to  explain  this  traasfoi*ination  of  the  raonr.rch  into  an 
object  of  veneration?     Certainly  JEi;ues*6  personal  character  did  not  deioand 
any  such  reverence,  although  no  doubt  he  attracted  many  of  the  clergy 
by  his  genuine  interest  in  theological  problexas,  by  his  pompous  and 
heavily  witty  flattery.     He  was  for  them  in  some  respects  a  kindred 
spirit.     To  iiJizabeth  the  bishops  were  ageats  of  the  crown,  required  to 
serve;   to  Janies  they  were  its  ornazaents,  required  to  shine.      But  there 
are  deeper  reasom.  than  these.     The  Church  of  England,  reconstructed  by 
the  Canons  of  1004,  had  become  more  of  a  coherent  organisn  than  was  per- 
JGitted  by  Elizabeth.     It  vras  more  efficient  but  it  vjas  also  more  of  a 
kingdoxft  within  a  kingdom,   existing  by  the  virtue  of  the  royal  prerogative, 
TJiat  prerogative,  already  challenged  in  the  reign  of  iilizabeth,   vvas 
seriously  attacked  in  the  reign  oi"  Jacies  throu/'h  rulings  of  the  coranon 
law  courts  and  exercises  of  privilege  by  the  Coraiions.     As  the  rift  widened, 
it  was  inevitable  that  the  preachers  should  turn  their  energies  to  the 
exaltation  oi'  their  true  source  of  io.ver,      jhen  Holland  extolled  lillzabeth 
in  1599,  he  saw  in  her  the  type  of  the  faithful,   syrriool  at  once  of  the 
nation  and  the  congregation.      The  Jacobean  eulogist  was  deter/dned  to 
set  up  the  image  of  the  King*s  person.     No  letter  had  actually  been 
changed  in  the  constitutions  ecclesiastical,  but  the  iiaplioations  of 
the  prerogative  were  insisted  upon  first  of  all  by  James  in  his  capacity 
as  mediator  at  Hampton  Court,    and  wtien  thus  emphasized  the  prerogative 
changed  as  a  colour  changes  when  it  is  placed  under  a  strong  light. 
Hbat  had  been  comforting  was  now  blinding.     Bancroft  and  the  other 
bishops  acquiesced  in  this  shift  of  emphasis  to  pirotect  themselves 


2,1  » 


iv(31) 


from  the  iuritan  lecturers,  and  the  damage  was  done.  Had  Bancroft  vjorked 
out  his  apprenticeshij  in  an  acaiemic  chair  or  in  a  rural  diocese  instead 
of  in  harrying  the  Puritans  as  the  bishops'  apent,  the  history  of  the 
Jacobean  church  fldt»ht  hare  been  very  different.  Even  in  those  who  had 
risen  in  the  church  from  the  academic  halls  and  the  disputations  up»on 
theology  the  saiiie  tendency  was  to  be  expected,  fhe  reaction  from  Cal- 
viniaia  in  a  man  like  Andrewes  took  the  foim  of  reliance  upon  the  doctrine 
of  the  apostolic  succession,  and  upon  the  "Catholic"  elements  in  the 
English  creed.  It  was  easy  to  forget,  especially  in  the  atmosphere  of  the 
controversy  witJi  Bcllarrdne,  that  the  Ghurch  of  England  was  created  by  an 
act  of  J-arllamtat,  and  not  evei  by  one  act,  but  by  inany  petty  incursions 
upon  the  Papal  power.  This  historical  fact  could  be  interpreted,  it  is 
true,  in  support  of  an  argument  for  the  essential  theological  continuity 
of  the  Sngliah  Church  in  the  Catholic  fold,  iihat  was  too  easily  overlooked 
was  the  si<?:nificance  of  that  phrase  of  Parlioinent.  and  the  precedent  there 
established  of  refonu  as  an  act  of  the  nation.  I'rom  St.  Geriaan  to  Coke 
and  Trynne   the  lavr,'ers  and  genti-y  explored  this  aspect  of  the  ecclesiastical 
situation,  and  in  doine  so  virtually  pushed  the  orthodox  clergy  into  a 
position  of  unqualified  support  of  absolutism. 

This   does  not  mean  tht^t  when  a  preacher  under  James  set  himself, 
up-on  the  accesaion  anniversary  or  at  another  time,  to  exhort  to  obedience 
he  drew  upon  doctrine  different  in  source  or  raeaninc  from  the  Homily  of 
Disobedience  and  5fllful  Rebellion  cf  1571.  In  this  case,  as  with  the 
eulogy  of  the  royal  person,  it  is  a  matter  of  emphasis.  Note  that  when 
Donne  approached  the  matter  at  laul's  Cross,  he  bej^an  as  it  were  from 
the  top  of  the  hierarchy.  The  king  is  a  step  below  God,  kings  have  no 


Z.«T- 


iT(32) 


en 

example  but  God,         Such  are  the  fervid  pronouncements  of  John  .Vhifcc  in 
his  accesaion  aermon  in  1615.     Kings  are  God's  anointed,  though  bad  ser- 
Tants  laay  come  like  clouds  between  a  king  and  his  subjects;   so  was  our 
Xing  anointed  to  reign  over  us,      "All  the  ecdneacj-  and  distinction  of 
authoritj'"  under  the  King'  is  equally  of  God's  ordinance,^®     It  was  to 
be  expected  that  the  substitution  of  anointed  for  set  over,  of  right 
for  duty,  made  a  preat  difference  both  in  the  delivery  and  the  recej tlon 
of  these  doctrines.     It  is  the  diffei-ence  that  may  be  found  in  the 
sreeches  of  Elizabeth  and  James  upon  the  prerogative:  ISlizabeth  Jias  ac- 
castomed  to  rei.iind  li&r  subjects  ohat  such  matters  were  her  concern,  her 
business,   in  her  i)Ower;   Jeiues  observed  loftily  that  these  things  are  a 
riiyaten'-.     Y&t  in  all  these  exhortations  one  fails  to  find  a  statement 
indubitably  setting  forth  what  we  call  the  "divine  right  of  kings," 
The  differentiating,  idea  is  that  of  the  kine  as  above  the  law.     Uiere 
is  nothing  of  this  in  Zln£,  in  Jonno,  in  ribite,  in  Sibthorpe,     I'o  say, 
however  veheaiontly,    that  tdie  kinp  is  ancintod,   that  klnp;s  are  as  gods, 
is  the  necessary  ripoito  to  tiuu  lope,  but  it  does  not  grapple  with 
the  peculiarly  Znglish  tradition  of  the  relation  of  the  king  and  the  law, 
exjAored  so  ably  and  aitti  such  historical  insight  by  i'ortes^ue.  Sir 
Thomac  ar,iith  ana  oexaen.     I  have  sought  ia  these  seniHins  for  an  unequivocal 
statement  of  the  "divine  right"  idea,  and  have  not  found  it.     To  assert 
that  disobedience  is  a  sin  is  not  necessarily  to  assert  indefeasible 
hereditarj'  right  in  the  king,  since,   if  civil  society  is  the  ordinance 
of  God,  disobedience  is  a  oiu  oven  under  a  contract  theorj'  of  kingship. 
The  "divine  right"  ilea  is  in  Gowell'a  Interpreter^^  but  it  is  not  here. 
Instead  one  finds  enthusiasm  but     o  instruction,   emphasis  ;daich  nuat  have 


L^-i 


iv(33) 


been  disturbing  to  some  of  the  auditory  but  nothing;  revolutionary.  The 
preachers  echo  the  double  voice  of  James  hiiaself,  who  before  he  cauie  to 
the  English  crown  iBas  clear  enough  upon  the  divine  right  by  Scottish 
precedent,'''^  bat  fsll  into  a  strangely  twisted  dialectic  as  Kinr.  of 
England,  in  one  speech  proclaijoinf;  that  J-lings  exercise  ''a  reseablance 
of  Divine  povrer  uft>n  earth,"  and  that  "^  king  governing;  a  settled  king- 
dom leaves  to  be  a  king  and  degenerates  into  a  tyrant  as  soon  as  he 

71 
leaves  off  to  rule  according  to  his  laws."    Still  he  was  concerned  to 

raintain  "the  nystieal  reverence  th^it  belongs  unto  then  that  sit  in 

the  throne  of  Ctod,"    .'Jhere  are  we  to  have  hii.i,  and  vdiere  are  we  to  have 

his  clercy?  Not  in  certainties,  but  in  asserviJtions;  not  in  logic  but 

in  exhortation.  The  best  Iaiil*s  Cross  preacher  of  the  reign  never 

preached  there;  Jaties  would  have  been  happier  in  that  pulpit  than  in 

the  chair  of  iitate.  His  talents  were  exactly  suited  to  that  office. 

One  inay  find  an  appropriate  finale  to  this  period  of  stifled 
aninosities  and  dubious  <^uiet  in  the  acrmon  of  Bishop  King  in  March 
16S0  uion  the  rebuilding  of  3t.  Paol'v,  a  serrxm  attended  by  the  Kinp 
in  state.  The  tbeme  of  the  sermon  is  the  re-odifj^ing  of  the  ter-ple, 
specifically  the  repair  of  St.  r^ul*B  and  in  the  larger  sense  the  preserva- 
tion of  Sion.  There  is  little  in  Bishop  King's  words  to  suggest  the  storm 
already  brewing  which  v.-as  in  the  end  to  overturn  the  teaple,  Ilis  pious 
ezaltation  is  sustained  by  a  sure  sense  of  God's  great  mercy  to  Israel. 
■.Titnoss  his  text,  which  was  chosen  for  the  occasion  by  Janes  himself:'"^ 


Thou  Shalt  arise,  and  have  mercy  upon  Zion;  for  the  time  to  favour  her, 
yea,  the  set  time,  is  come. 

For  thfu  servants  take  pleasure  in  her  stones,  and  fnvour  the 
duflt  thereof. 


Z?f 


iT(34) 


As  the  verses  arc  t<vo,  so  are  the  parts:  one  belonging  to  dod,  the 
other  to  man.      "The  korasll  ond  sjarrow"  of  the  tert  Is  Ood*3  boundless 
mercy;  our  faith  rests  upon  this,  not  upon  "the  bricke  sad  slime  of 
riortall  ccrru^tloa. "     Xhc  object  cf  Gcdȣ  icercy  is  Slon: 

Slon,  a  Mount  by  nature:  by  nature  and  art  toeether,  a  Fort;  by  mis- 
prlsioa  an.l  errour,   fcr   whc  tire,   3  Fort  of  the  .Tebuslter.,  cnenieD  of  God; 
by  conquest  anJ  -urchase...  the  Fort  of  David;  by  accession  and  Imiroove- 
r.ent  o::'  honour,   first  th3  lalass,  oni  aftnr.'-Aiz'Lx'i  tha  Oitic  of  the  great 
king;  by  grace,  tho  Habitation  and  Shcmsion  of  God;,,,  by  type,  the  Jigure 
cf  the  Church,  both  nllltant  in  this  '.vorld,  and  trluniphant  in  the  world 
to  co.'ae.      [Sie.  C4J 

The  tine  is  nc's: 

It  is  a   stronr  pcrs^aaioa  th-.Ht  floweth  f  om  time:  and  it  lo  as  sfcroaply 
enforced  in  ay  teit,  nayle  after  aayle,   driver,  hoiae  fco  the  head,     riae 
and  (by  apposition)   time  ti£aiae,  and  (at  the  period  «ai  full  point) 
apr^^iPtQ*^  tiffie,  and  ti^^e  come:   that  is  to  3ay,   tine  aaJ  season  of  tii'.o, 
and  3oa.3oa  of  season:  or  tirr.e,  and  opportanltle,  and  accessitie  of 
Ofportunltle,  and  extremitie  cf  necessltie,  aai  the  veiy  dreg;s  and  sotling 
of  exbremetie:  the  i;tinotun,  the  nunc,  the  nomont  and  indivlslbilitie  of 
time.     TeKius  facieadi  do;aino.   no.v  or  not  at  all,      ^ig.   uf 

In  his  applioation  of  the  text  so  wittily  divided,   the  bishop 
first  proclainied  the  ^jreatiess  of  the  occasion,  iwde  luralnouK  by  the 
presence  of  the  sovereign  and  the  hair  to  the  throne,   "th-it  glorious  Staire 
that  follov/eth  the  Suane,"  rer?dnded  the  audience  that  he  had  but  recently 
prayed  there  in  thankfulness  for  the  recovery  of  the  Kinf.     Then  too  he 
spoke  of  a  temple,  the  teitple  of  the  Klng*s  bo^ ;   nca  he  speaks  of 
another  Slon  —  "ce  are  under  the  bower  of  it."    He  revlc^sd  the  history 
oX   the  cathedral,  pointed  to  its  "sickly  and  crazle  constitution,"  and 
eoBEended  it  to  the  nercles  of  the  Kii^  and  his  lovlnr  subjects.     After 
that  he  entered  into  a  pene.^rlc  of  the  honour  and  happiness  of  the  realm; 
there  Is  "no  Oountrey  beyond  it"  in  cianifestation  of  Ood*o  mercies. 


t'ii' 


iv(55) 


iinslaad  is  "the  Ring  of  Europe,"  aai  Lonion  the  gea  in  the  Tiap»     Yet 
the  gem  is  not  complete  until  this  te^iple  is  refurbished  meet  for  such 
a  glorious  church,  liay  the  rebuilding  of  Paul's  be  the  crown  of  these 
seventeen  years  during;  which  the  iiing  has  nourished  and  protected  the  Church 
of  inland. 

"I  doubt  not,"  he  concluded,  "but  our  Chjronlcles  will  make  report 
of  this,  to  future  a^^es. "  The  present  chronicler  accepts  the  good  bishop's 
challenge,  but  with  a  difference.  It  will  be  his  melancholy  task  in  the 
pages  that  follov/  to  record  the  sequence  of  events,  reflected  at  the 
Cross,  which  for  the  time  obliterated  the  glory  of  this  occasion,  and 
drowned  the  exultant  voice  of  "the  King  of  Ireachers"  in  the  hurly-burly 
of  angry  controversy  and  bitter  reproof. 


iSf' 


JHii  GArUiiRING  SSOmi  JAMES  I,   1620-25; 
CHAHLiJlG  I,   1625-41. 


The  tines  require  a  sharper  physic. 


lilark  Jrank,  A  3erir,on  Ireached  at 
S.   Faul's  Gross    ^6411. 


Ml 


V(2) 


It  is  not  arbitrary  to  divide  this  history  in  the  middle  of 
1620.     However  sparse  the  materials  brought  under  scrutiny  for  the 
years  1620-1641  the  change  of  mood  and  manner  in  the  T^ul*s  Cross 
sermons  is  striking,  and  the  manner  of  the  change  abrupt.     One  enters 
suddenly  into  a  time  of  faction  and  stern  admonition.     Even  if  one  is 
forced  to  admit  that  only  one  preacher  of  those  who  defended  the  royalist 
position  at  the  Gross,  Robert  Sanderson,   explored  the  ideoloc.ical  con- 
tent of  the  situation  ^th  any  perspicuity,  the  fact  reirains  that  the 
serucns  are  imrked  by  a  stiffness  of  attifede,  a  desperation  if  you 
will,  which  is  absent  fron  the  sermons  of  the  reign  of  Jawes  until 
1620,      fhe  entrance  to  this  teriod  is  marked  by  an  unusual  circumstance: 
for   the  first  time  since  the  troubles  of  Hllsey  and  Stokesley^  the  Jaul*s 
Cross  pulpit  got  rfcally  out  of  hand,  and  that  occurred  during  the  turmoil 
over  the   "Spanish  match"  in  1620  and  the  two  years  following, 

1,    The  abuses  and  extravagances  of  preachers, " 

'aholfe  cohorts  of  ironies  attended  Bishop  King's  great  appeal 
for  the  re-edification  of  8t.  I^ul's  in  1620,     James  appointed  a  com- 
mission which  included  Inigo  Jones  to  look  into  the  problem,  and  £22,536 
nas  raised,   but  a  larpe  part  of  this  fund  was  used  for  Buckingham's 
house  in  the  Strand.^®     The  energetic  and  conscientious  Laui,   ever  anxious 
conceminjsr  the  fabric  of  God*s  house,   took  up  the  problem  upon  his  ac- 
cession to  the  see  of  London,  persuaded  Charles  to  appoint  a  new  coirjnission, 
used  his  personal  influence  to  get  contributions,  and  by  1632  was  success- 
ful in  gettine  the  "Tiouses"  which  diminished  the  glory  of  the  nave  de- 
molished, fhese  and  other  cleanlnf;  up  operations  rut  an  end  to  the 


Ltt 


v(3) 


outdoor  sermons  in  the  churchyard,  but  the  re-«difylng  of  the  cathedral 
proceeded  no  further,  having  yoae  so  far  in  opite  of  the  ruritans,  who 
regarded  3t.  Paul's  as  a   "rotten  relic, '^     Besides  this  failure  in  Bishop 
King's  purpose,   there  is  the  fact  that  many  or  the  vast  crowd  gathered 
to  hear  his  words  of  trust  and  sec;irit;r  carip  hopiop  for  some  official 
pronouncement  on  the  negotiations  with  Spain  or  perhapti  a  declamtion 
in  favour  of  the  Bohemians.       Protestant  sympathies  were  at  fever  heat 
as  at    lo  time  since  1572. 

The  negotiations  for  e   treaty-natch  between  Prince  Charles  and 
the  Infanta  of  Spain^  be.-^an  in  1614.     The  pedantic  and  intenaittently 
confident  James  hoped  at  first  for  a  aiajor  alliance  TiAiich  should  turn 
swords  into  plouchshares;   after  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  the 
Empire  in  IGia  ho  sought  to  naintain  his  Bohenuan  son-in-law  by  diplomacy 
since  he  vras  by  teir^eranitnt  Inccsnpetent  to  face  the  arbitrament  of  war. 
?or  this  cause  he  sacrificed  Haleph;   in  this  cause  he  tried  to  protect 
the  pro-Spenish  Howards,   but  failed  because  of  their  crimes  and  incom- 
petence and  because  of  the  charros  cf  Villiers.     AlthoueJi  in  all  the 
complicated  ne/rotlf tions  he  vies  acting  within  the  fact  as  well  as  the 
theory  of  his  prerogative,  popular  distrut-t  of  the  royal  proceedings 
became  nteadily  rnore  Intense.     Gondoirar,    the  ilachiavellian  Spanish  am- 
bassador, was  thought  to  have  alsiOGt  complete  ascendancy  over  the  king's 
mind,  and  was  feared  and  hated  by  the  j^ultitude.      Vilhat,  r.en  asked  them- 
selves, could  be  the  res'olts  of  this  repudiation  of  the  Protestant 
cause?    A  Spanish  Catholic  to  be  the  r.other  of  a  line  of  Pnplish  kings, 
Catholics  in  all  the  chief  positioiui  of  state,   the  end  cf  irdlitant 

Ii^testantisni  in  Europe,     In  and  out  of  Loon  on  the  feeling  was  de- 

.5a 
scribed  by  a  contemporary  as   "wth  all  violence  agaynste  Catholiques.  "'■^ 


T-fl 


v(4) 


In  October  1620  the  Elector  Palatine  lost  the  battle  of  the 
White  Hill,      .Then  the  bad  news  reached  iSngland  popular  an^^er  and  anxiety 
reached  a  nevi  pitch:  Gondomar's  life  was  threatened,  and  in  December,  in 
spite  of  express  warnings  frop  the  king  that  the  clergy  vifere  not  to  mdddle 
with  state  matters,  a   "youngc  fellow"  spoke  at  the  Crx>ss   •'very  freely  in 
general"  against  the  mooted  Spanish  alliance.       James's  third  Parliament 
net  on  30  Januarj'  1621,   suspicious  of  whet  conarltments  the  kinf,  mir-ht  have 
made  to  Gtondomar,  and  deterruined ,  in  spite  of  the  king's iffirnlnf;s,   to  make 
their  stand  known  on  foreign  affairs.     In  February  the  Houses  Joined  in 
a  petition  requesting:  the  llill  enfoixiement  of  the  penal  laws  against 
Catholics,  and  received  what  they  regarded  as  an  evasive  answer.     On  £5 
February  John  Everard,  a  Comtarldge  aam  and  powerful  preacher,  who  had 
been  in  trouble  tvjo  years  before  for  a  senrson  nt  the  Cross,     preached 
there  against  the  Spanish  match,  Qlleginir  the  "craft  and  crueltle"  of 
Spain,       For  this  he  was  conanitted  to  the  Gatehouse,  was  released,  un- 
repentantly  and  stubbornly  preached  on  the  same  the«ie  in  City  churches, 
and  V9as  again  conimitted.     Janes,  on  being  appealed  to  in  his  behalf, 
angrily  made  a  characteristically  atrocious  pun.      "vJhat  is  this  Dr. 
iiver-out?"  he  inquired,      "His  aa:iio  shell  be  Ilevei^out."       The  extent 
of  anti-Jatholic  hysteria  about  this  time  nay  be  judged  from  the 
Cominono'   treatment  of  Floyd,  a  Catholic  lawyer  v;ho  spoke  slighting  words 
about  the  Klector  lalatine  and  his  wife;   on  him  the  House  laid   "the 
most  ferocious  series  of  punishr.ents  ever  ini'iicted  in  iJigland  for  a 
political  offence,"^       Once  this  Parliament,   after  having  made  the 
famous  protestation  which  James  rent  out  of  the  Journals  with  his  own 
hand,  bad  been  dissolved,   relaxing  of  the  penal  laws  proceeded  apace  as 


ZHo 


v(5) 


part  of  the  prograai  to  consuranate  the  long  drawn  out  aegotiations  with 
Spain.     '£he  relaxation  of  the  yenal  laws  increased  the  old  suspicions 
of  fingj-lahnien  and  considerably  strengthened  the  prestige  and  followj.ng 
of  the  iDore  extreme  Irotestant   (i.e.    "Inritan")  preachers,  who  ful- 
irdnated  vrf.thout  ceasing  against  the  Homish  AnticJ-irist  and  Spain, 
lecturers  who  a  few  years  before  v;ould  have  been  sneered  at  as  prec^  sians 
were  now  in  the  tuiault  of  popular  feeling  received  with  acclaim;  the  im- 
portance of  this  wsB  considerable.     Jaiues  was  destroying  the  solid  centre 
of  opinion  in  the  Church  of  England.^-^ 

Two  serffions  at  laul's  Cross  seea  especially  to  have  moved  the 
king  to  silence  the  intemperate  preachers.     At  some  time  in  the  suauaer 
of  1622  one  Richard  Sheldon,   self-styled   "a  Convert  from  cut  ol"  Babylonj,"- 
perfcriaed  his  duty  in  that  pulpit.     He  had  green  a  student  in  the  ijiiglish 
College  in  Rome,  had  returned  to  iiiigland  and  suffered  imprisonment  in  1610 
under  the  recusancy  laws.     Seeing  the  error  of  his  ways,  he  published 
in  1611  a  treatise  on  the  lawfulness  of  the  oath  of  allegiance,   and 
later,  iaaving  conviuccd  the  king  of  the  purity  or  his  convictions,  was 
euiployed  in  the  controversy  against  Vorstius  and  ir^de  a  royal  chaplaln,^^ 
Being  as  his  ser/a)n  shows  an  exceedingly  dull  r:an,  he  made  the  ndstake 
of  entering  in  his  laul's  Cross  sermon  upon  that  ancient  controversy 
over  the  identity  of  the  Beaso  of  the  Apocalypse,   deciding  with  more 
euthusiasi.i  than  logic   that  the  3eust  is  the  Antichristian  state  of  the 
Pope.-^       He  condemned  with  violence  the   "tleutralizers"  who  saw  any  ground 
of  i&ediation   vith  Rome,  and  in  his  closing  exhortation  dared  to  suggest  v;hat 
policy  should  be  i>ur3ued  with  those  who  worshir   the  cursed  Beast  and  are 
narked  with  his  mark.     Ee  adjured  magistrates  to  lay  ,-iaste  the  dwelling 


T.<^\ 


v(6) 


of  the  whore  of  Babylon;  there  is  only  one  ground  on  which  Antlchristlan 
professors  should  be  allowed  to  worshix  freely  in  the  realm  and  that  is 
if  in  their  cities  a  siniler  privilege  should  be  accorded  to  iTotestants. 
(This  was  precisely  what  no  araount  of  negotiation  could  secure  from  the 
Spaniards.)  The  truth  of  God  ^idll  prevail,  he  continued,  so  long  as  it 
is  not  cut  off  by  censorship;  the  eneir;y's  chief  weaix>n  is  eensorshir,  and 
ours  freedom  of  discussion.  In  this  3heldon  v»as  practically  throwing 
the  ministers'  glove  at  the  king's  feet.  Ee  hastened  to  what  he  called 
a  neces3ai7  instruction  for  those  "who  trembling  and  fearing  where  there 
is  no  just  cause  of  feare,  do  fearefully  presage,  and  feare  to  them- 
selves, that  there  loay  happen  (ana  also  th&t  the  sariie  is  at  hand)  some 
senerall  fall,  and  change  from  Religion  to  Popery  in  this  renovmed  state 
and  Klngdone. "  This,  he  affirmed,  is  morally  and  divinely  impossible; 
we  have  the  "perfect  reformation, "^  hence  we  cannot  return  to  the  fold 
of  Aatichriot.  It  is  luoreover  "royally  imjsossible,  "  How  should  our 
"religious  David"  be  anything  but  semper  Idem? 

For   this  meddling  wi  th  state  affairs  iiheldon  received  a  severe 
reprimand,  and  probably  only  his  position  as  chavlain  prevented  his 
being,  nare  thoroughly  chastened.  On  25  August  i-i".  Glayton  of  Hackney 

preached  a  scurrilous  sermon  at  the  Cross  against  the  Spanish  match, 

14 

upon  a  lewd  parable  oX'  a  "opanish  sheep."    Ko  was  at  once  cast  into 

l.riaon.  Before  this.  In  a  letter  to  Archbishop  Abbot  dated  4  August, 
James  had  issued  directions  to  forbid  the  handling  of  controversial 
topics  in  the  rulpits.  These  were: 


rtiat  no  preacher  under  the  degree  and  calling  of  a  Bishop  of 
Dean...  io  take  occasion,  by  the  expounding  of  any  text  of  Scripture 
whatsoever,  to  fail  into  any  set  discourse. ••  which  shall  :iot  be  com- 


2.c,x, 


v{7) 


preheaded. . .   vdthin  some  one  of  the  Articles  of  Relision...   or  in  some 
or  the  Houalies.... 

That  no  parson,  vicar,   cui'ate  or  lecturer  shall  i reach,,,   in  the 
afternoon,,,    but  upon  some  part  of  the  Gatechisiii  or  some  text  taken 
out  of  the  Creed,   Ten  Cofflfiandnients,  or  the  lord's  I'lreiyer. ... 

That  no  preacher,,,   under  the  degree  oi'  a  Bishop,  or  Dean  at  the 
least,  do  Irom  henceforth  presume  to  preach  in  any  [opnler  audiiiory 
the  deep  points  of  predestination,   election,  reprobation,  or  of  the 
universality,   efficacy,   resistibility  or  irresiitibility,  of  Ck>d*s 
grace,..,   being  fitter  for  the  Schools  than  for  simple  auditories. 

That  no  preacher  of  what  title  or  denomination  soever  from 
henceforth  shall  presume  in  any  auditory  within  this  kingdom  to 
declare,   Dimit,  or  bound  out  by  way  of  positive  doctrine  in  any 
lecture  or  sercon  the  power,  prerogative,  and  jurisdiction..,  of 
Sovereign  Iriuces,   cr  otherwise  iiieddie  vdth  niatters  of  State 

rhat  no  preacher,,,   shall,,,   fall  into  bitter  invectives  and 
undeoent  reiliof;  speeches  against  the  persons  of  either  Papists  or 
luritans...,         15 


Now  on  the  day  following  Clayton's  serreon  the  Venetian  ambassador 
wrote  that  some  extension  of  these  orders  was  belnp  discussed,    to  forbid 
attacks  on  Roman  Catholics;    in  this,   said  the  ambassador,  the  klnfi  is 
sovvlng  the  seeds  of  civil  war,^^     On  31  August  these  orders  xere  issued 
through  the  Bishop  of  London:  icinisters  "shall  not  preach  the  damnation 
nor  cry  out  against  the  pope  or  any  of  his  sect,   or  any  thing  pertaining 
to  hir.,   but  simply  uvon  faioh  and  good  works";    they  must  not  venture  to 
interrupt  the  worship  or  liberties  of  the  p-api.-its,  but  on  the  contrary 
"preach  this  purpose  of  his  majesty  discreetly  to   their  parishioners," 
Of  these  measures  the  Venetian  an-bassador  shrewdly  observed  that   "the 
idea  of  bridling  the  tonsrues  of  thepreachers  in  matters  considered  to 
pertain  to  their  faith  is  like  damming  torrents,"-^'     It  v«s  left  to 
John  Doane,   itean  of  St.  laul's,   to  defend  the  preaching  orders  and 
the  king's  proceedings  at  Taul's  Cross:   this  he  did  upon  15  September. 
He  preached  from  Judges  5,20  --   "the  stars  in  their  courses  foarht 
againat  oisera"  — •  which  was,  as  Chamberlain  observed,    "somwhat  a  straim/;e 
text  for  such  a  business, "^^     In  a  long  exordium  he  described    )eborah's 


Z.*t3 


v(8) 


song  of  deliverance  as  evidence  that  God*s  power  to  deliver  his  people 
should  never  be  doubted,      God  may  effect  his  purposes  in  most  obscure 
ways,  but  he  needs  the  cooperation  of  subordinate  means  and  persons,   such 
as  those  who  contributed  to  the  defeat  of  Si sera.     He  is  to  speak  of  the 
God  of  battles,   but  vrarned  his  auditory  that  he  vmn   "far  from  glvlnf  fire 
to  them  that  desire  war,"     God's  purposes  are  not  abandoned  because  they 
are  sowetijaes  slackened  —  here  an  obvious  reference  to  the  king's  desi^rns, 
which  the  populace  were  r>ot  inclined  to  consider  the  woikine  out  of  ofod'a 
purposes.      Chief  ainonp  these  subordinate  meons  and  persons  are  princes, 
and  their  services  In  God's  cause  are  not  always  seen:    TQngs  cannot 
al\«iys  5;o  in  the  sii'Jit  of  ir.en,  and  so  they  lose  their  thanks,"     Governors 
and  great  ofricers  have  their  piece,   so  lon;^  as  thej-^  assist  in  the 
pronotion  of  the  king's  will.     All  callings  have  their  place. 

Phe  stars  foaf^ht  in  order;   the  stars  in  their  courses  are  the 
preachers,     Ihey  maat  fight  in  order  "and  accoi^iinE  to  those  directions 
vjhich  they,   to  whom  it  arpartains,   shall  give  theni."     In  a  spiritual 
war  there  may  be  no  peace  between  Christ  and  Belial,   but   there  may  be 
peace  between  laen  and  aen.      rhe  ministers  preach  against  Sisera,   that 
is  against  error: 


Ckjd  hath  placed  us  in  a  church,  and  under  a  head  of  the  church,  where 
none  are  silenced,  nor  discountenanced,  if  beinc;  stars,  called  to  the 
ninistry  of  the  Gospel,  and  appointed  to  fi,?ht,  to  preach  there,  they 
fight  i-vith-ln  the  discipline  and  limits  of  this  text,  I'^nentes  in  ordine. 


In  ordine  inrlies  a  head,   and  the  head  has  lately  issued  an  order, 
Donne  then   .  roceeded   to   set   forth  pruoeaerita   for  such  an  act:    in  this 
the  king  has  the  authority  that  Josiah  had,  or  Charles  the  Great;  and 
the  kin)7,   like  the  latter,  has  acted  upon  advice  given  hin  by  his  hlo^lier 


■2.  <?M- 


v{9) 


clergy  of  abuses  in  preaching.     In  this  kingdon  there  Is  the  precedent 
of  Henry  VIII,  of  the  regents  of  iikiward  VI,  of  Elizabeth.     Indeed  the 
king  has  established  his  own  precedent: 


It  is  a  seditious  caluiony  to  apply  this  wliich  is  done  now,   to  any 
occaaiori  thit  arises  but  now:  as  thoufh  the  kln^  had  done  this  nov/,   for 
satisfaction  of  any  persons  at  this  tiii;e,   ioi-  some  years  since,   vvhen 
he  vras  pleased  to  call  the  headt*  of  houses  from  the  univei'sity,  and 
intiitthiie  to  thsw  the  inconveniencos  that  arose  from  the  preacVilng  of 
such  xaen,  as  v/ejrc  not  at  all  conversant  in  the  fathers,,,,  and  gave 
order  to  those  p,overaorE  for  remedy  therein. 


Co'old  it  be  that  Jonne  thought  in  his  conscience  that  the  two  occasions 
were  elikt,  or  that  the   "persons,"  that  is  Gondonar,  really  had  no  in- 
fluence on  the  king's  action?     This  one  cannot  decide.     Certainly 
after  this  Dassape  he  hi:i  himself  in  a  cloui  of  citations  to  prove 
that  the  injunctions  to  preach  the  substance  of  the  Creed  and  the 
HoBdlies  were  actually  a  return  to  the  practice  of  the  pririitive 
church.      ITie  king,  he  concluded,  is  grieved  that  any  should  think 
he  wishes  a  restraint  of  preaching  itself  oi'  a  reduction  in  the  nunber 
of  serjaons.     Gould  so  learned  a  prince  bo  suspected  of  laying  a  plot 
to  brfns  in  ignorance?     losterity  vail   sse  in  thest  orders  a  zeal  in 
his  Eiajeaty  Tor  God's  truth  delivered  without  indecent  railing  and  to 
edification.     Preachers  and  people  should  alike  be  obedient  to  the  kin^:, 
have  confidence  in  his  goodness,  and  thaaksf?lvin/:  in  their  hearts  for 
their  blc^soiiif   in  aira. 

This  is  a  poor  perfomsance,  whioli  adds  little  to  a  great 
reputation,   thougih  there  is  i  erhaps  no  need  to   "correct"  one's  view 
of  Donne  by  it.     The  art  of  perauosion  bed  fallen  off  sadly  since 
the  days  of  Itencroft.      There  is  in  this  effort  an  intense  enibarrassment , 


•i.«*s" 


TllO) 


8  preciosity  oi"  definitions,  an  awkward  casuistry.      Pliese  failings  In 
what  might  be  called  the  totality  of  appeal  from  the  pulpit  happen  when 
the  king  is  a  theolorian,  and  when  the  theolop-ians  are  something  like 
kin^s.     Donne  "gave  no  great  satisfaction,"  says  Chaniberlain,  and  indeed 
seemed  unsatisfied  himself.     One  suspects  that  he  had  his  doubts  as 
strong  as  those  of  some  his  auditory.     Four  years  later  in  a  serinon  la 
St.  Paul's  he  recalled  the  preaciiing  orders  and  set  them  in  what  he  was 
then  prepared  to  pronounce  their  proper  context: 

There  was  a  time  but  lately,  when  he  who  was  in  his  desire  and  intention, 
the  peace-makor  oi'  all   the  Christian  world,   as  he  had  a  desire  to  have 
slumbered  all  field-drums,   so  had  he  also  to  have  slumbered  all  pulpit- 
drums,    so  far,  as  to  jiass  over  all  iinpertinent  handling  oi'  controversies,..; 
that  so  there  might  be  to  slackening  of  the  defence  of  the  truth  of  our 
religion,  and  yet  there  might  be  a  discreet  and  temperate  forbearia,^  of 
personal,  and  especially  of  national  exasperations. 

He  who  was  then  our  hope,  and  is  now  the  breath  of  our  nostrils, 
and  the  anointed  of  the  Lord    ^harlesj,  being  then  taken  in  their  pits, 
ana,  in  that  great  reapect,   such  exasperations  the  fitter  to  be  forborne; 
especially  since  that  course  might  well  be  held,  without  any  prevarica- 
tion, or  cooling  the  zeal  of  our  positive  laaintenance  of  the  religion 
of  our  church.     But  things  standi ns:  no..?  in  another  state,  and  all  Peace, 
both  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  with  these  men,   being  by  themselves  i^- 
ffioved...,  and  he  irtiom  we  feared,  returned  in  all  kinl  of  safety,  safe 
in  body  and  sale  in  soul  too...,   it  beconies  us  also  to  return  to  the 
braaing  and  beating  of  oar  drums  in  the  pulpits  too.         19 

If   "taken  in  their  pits"  means,  as  it  must  loean  if  we  take  it  in  con- 
junction with    "returned  In  all  kind  of  safety,   safe  in  body  and  safe 
in  soul,"  the  wooing  journey  of  Charles  and  Buckingham,  during  which 
there  was  indeed  very  considerable  fear  for  his  physical  and  spiritual 
safety,   then  Donne  was  certainly  guilty  of  some  dlsingenuousness,   t.o  say 
the  least,  in  setting  down  this  excuse  for  the  preaching  orders.     They 

were  issued  in  August  1622  and  Charles  did  not  leave  England  until  18 

19a 
February  1623,  iiven  in  so  alniple  a  matter  as  this,   one  strikes  that 

tortuous  vein  in  Oonne's  mind. 


2.«?(. 


T(ll) 


On  the  Sunday  following  the  Prince's  departure  for  Spein  the 
preacher  at  the  Sross  -*a3  eipected  to  make  eoEie  official  annoanceiaent 
concerning  the  Spanish  match,  since  it  v/as  be.3lnning  to  be  known  that 
Charles  had  left  for  5pain,  secret  though  the  departure  had  been.  Btit 
the  preacher  merely  prayed  for  Jils  prosperous  journey  and  safe  return,  " 
I  liave  noted  one  raore  instance  of  trouble  with  the  Cross  preachers  in 
connection  with  this  affair.  On  '60  March  the  preacher,  a  Mr.  iUllson, 

spoke  "general  words  of  evil  interpretation"  In  an  invective  against 

21 

popery.    Some  Indication  of  the  low  level  of  the  king's  popularity  at 

this  time  may  be  gained  from  Chamberlain's  account  of  the  anniversary 
sermon  on  24  March,  preached  by  John  B}chardson  of  Uagdalen: 


He  perfoijned  yt  reasonably  well,  and  the  better  because  he  was  not  long 

nor  Immoderate  in  comniendation  of  the  tiioe,  but  gave  ^ueen  Elizabeth 
her  due.    22 


In  October  Gharles  returned,  to  be  gi^eted  by  a  treoendous  surge  of 
bappy  welcome  and  rejoicing,  and  the  whole  sorry  episode  was  finished, 
for  no  Blatter  how  Jaaes  might  still  cling  to  the  possibility  of  a 
success  in  his  diplomacy,  his  heir  and  his  favorite  were  ready  for 
revenge.  The  era  of  the  peace-maker  was  at  an  end,  and  his  last  sus- 
tained effort  to  play  that  role  upon  the  stage  of  Europe  had  lighted 
some  fires  in  i^ngllsh  breasts  which  jolght  turn  into  a  general  con- 
flagration even  upon  a  different  pretext.  The  virus  of  the  wars  of 
religion  hod   infected,  however  lightly,  the  inglish  polity. 

In  other  invectives  against  Rome  from  the  Paul's  Cross  pulpit 
during  the  last  years  of  James  there  is  little  instruction.  Two 
dramtic  incidents  deserve  mention,  since  one  provided  the  theme  for 


T-T  T 


t(12) 


a  sermon  at  the  Cross  and  the  other  served  as  epiloprae  to  a  sermon, 
ihan  Bishop  John  King  died  the  Jesuits  circulated  a  pamrhlet  containing 
an  account  of  his  alleged  conTersion  to  Rome  an-l  recelTlnp  comaunlon 
before  his  death  at  the  hands  of  the  priest  Thomas  Preston.  This 
scandal  the  bishop's  son,  Henry  King,  confuted  at  large  in  a  sermon 
preached  at  the  Cross  on  25  November  1521,^^  to  the  published  form  of 
which  he  was  able  to  subjoin  "^Phe  SXaminatlon"  of  Thoaas  Preston  before 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  on  20  December,  from  which  it  was  evident 
that  the  wtole  business  was  a  gross  fabrication.  The  sermon,  upon  John 
15,20,  is  an  eloquent  monuEient  to  Henry  King's  loarninif  and  ingenuity; 
the  attack  on  Rome  consists  not  only  in  a  devoted  and  careful  account 
of  the  late  bishop's  virtuous  Protestantism  and  Christian  manner  of 
dying,  but  also  of  some  animadversions  upon  the  Pope's  pride  and  pre- 
sumption in  elainin^  authority  over  kings,  and  upon  the  Jesuits,  "the  great 
Paracelslans  of  the  world,  »rtiose  practice  Is  Thlebotoiuy,  to  let  States 
blood  in  the  Heart- vei ne... ,  the  onely  Inventories  of  adschiefe, "  Pheir 
weapons  are  steel  and  gunpowder, also  slanders  and  caluzmies  such  as  this 
which  it  Is  his  business  and  filial  duty  to  refute, 

rhe  other  incident  occurred  on  26  October  1623,  twenty  daya  after 
the  return  of  Charles  from  Spain,  while  anti-x)apiDt  feeling  was  still 
exuberantly  bitter  among  the  populace.   On  thet  ::9unday  afternoon  some 
three  hundred  persons  '^ere  collected  in  a  large  upper  room  in  a  house 
attached  to  the  French  wabassy  in  the  Blackfrlars  to  hear  the  Jesuit 
preacher  Father  Clrury,  In  the  midst  of  his  sermon  one  of  the  floor 
Joists  gave  way  and  the  congregation  was  carried  in  a  shrieking  mass  to 
the  floor  below.  Some  ninety-one  persons  perished  in  the  accident. 


t.^« 


v(13) 


»rfilch  the  pious  could  attribute  oiily  to   "Ood's  wisdom  permitting,"     Iho 
"fatal  Tespers"  served  as  a  lesson  of  God's  fearful  judgments  upon 
papists,  especially  since  the  coroner's  jury  found  that  there  was  no  weak- 
ness in  the  floorinc»    "in  utter  disregard  of  the  fact,"  as  Gardiner 

24 
observes.         That  ioiornlng  Thosaaa  Adams  had  preached  at  the  Cross  on 

Luke  15,7,   the  cutting  down  of  the  fig  tree,  mentioning  asiong  other 

sins  condemned  by  the  parable  the  papists'   abuse  of  the  doctrine  of 

25 
excomsiuni cation  and  Jesuits'  iaoaarchoaachy.         In  a  postscript  to  the 

published  sermon  Adams  insinuated  himself  into  the  scheme  of  God's 

judgments: 


It  pleased  God  Almighty  to  make  a  fearful  comment  ujon  this,  his  own 
text,  the  very  saae  day  it  vias  preached  by  his  onworthiest  servant. 
■i3ie  arsoRent  was  but  audible  in  the  morninp;,  before  night  it  'Jias   visible, 
Eis  holy  pen  had  long  since  written  with  ink;  now  his  hand  of  justico 
expounded  it  in  the  characters  of  blood,,.,  s'e  pass  no  sentence  upon 
them;  yet  let  us  take  warning  by  them,  fhe  remarks bleness  would  not 
be  neglected;  for  the  time,^°  the  place,  the  lersona,  the  aumber,  the 
manner.  Yet  still  we  conclude  not  this  was  for  the  transgression  of 
the  dead;  but  this  we  are  sure  of,  it  is  meant  for  the  admonition  of 
the  livine,    27 


Another  sermon  by  Adams,  preached  in  1624  upon  the  anniversary 
of  the  Oowry  conspiracy,  deserves  special  attention,  not  because  of  any 
novelty  In  the  arguments  apalnst  popery,  but  because  the  choice  of  those 
arguments  is  not  insignificant  at  that  time.  He  preached  against  idolatry, 

Op 

upon  2  Corinthians  6.  16,    A  sermon  probably  similar  In  tone  and  intent 
had  been  preached  at  the  Cross  in  the  previous  year,    Anti-Catholic 
sentiment  -*as  in  full  flower  in  1624,  after  the  period  of  inhibition 
preceding,  but  the  concentration  and  bitterness  of  Adams'  attack  upon 
forms  and  "Idols"  illustrates  clearly  the  sentiment  amonf;  solid  con- 
formlnr  Calvinists  of  his  stamp,  the  sentiment  which  ^as  to  produce  such 


r*?*^ 


v{14) 


steady  opposition  to  the  reforms  of  Laud.     Adaros  flourished  under  the 
regicie  of  Abbot,     It  is  true  that  he  attacked  specifically  the  abuses 
of  the  Roinan  church,  but  it  cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized  that  the 
attitude  toward  the  worshlj   of  God  which  he,   like  so  aiany  before  him, 
condemned  seemed  to  men  of  his  stamp,  whom  I  have  called  the  solid 
centre  of  the  Church  of  iingland,   to  be  implicit  in  the  Eigh  Church  re- 
forais  of  Laud.      Phese  reforms  end  their  impress  upon  church  tradition 
make  it  possible  for  posterity  to  label  Adams  a  lurttan  and  for  dis- 
eenbing  historians  to  labli  Laud  a  lapist."^^     Sven  to  contempraries  the 
dissolution  of  the  centre  made  for  strange  judpoients:  Richard  llontafju 
called  tlie  framers  of  the  Lambeth  Articles  Puritans.         iHhitgift  was  a 
luritaa  to  hin.     rhere  was  little  difference  in  the  ininds  of  those  on 
the  left  between  lapist  and  Arirdnian:  Lir.   House  asserted  in  the  I&rlia- 
ment  of  162S  that    "an  ArUiinlan  is  the  sj^wn  of  s  Fapist.  "^^     In  ahort, 
what  Adajos  had  to  say  in  1624  of  the  Papists  might  be  applied  ten  years 
later  without  too  ouch  strain  upon  the  intellect  or  the  zeal  of  the 
opposition  to  the  lords  of  the  Church  of  England  and  their  policies. 
It  is  for  this  reason  thnt   the  distrust  of  James'   pro-Spanish  policies 
had  such  a  sinister  aftermath. 

The  argumant  of  Adams,  then,  indiich  belongs  as  well  to  1570  as  to 
1624,   is  by  this  time  familiar  to  readers  of  this  survey,     Christ  and 
fiellal  may  not  be  reconciled;   the  temple  is  Qod's  castle  and  idols  the 
invaders  of  it. 


The  champions  that  Cod  hath  set  to  defend  his  castle  are  especially  or 
principally  princes  and  pastors,   the  magistracy  and  the  ministry;   the 
adversary  forces  that  flpht  against  it  be  the  devil's  mercenary  soldiers. 
The  aunitioD  on  the  one  side  is  the  divine  Scripture,  the  sacred  wor<tv 

■'t 


v(15) 


of  God;  the  eoglnes,  ord^nee,  and  instrtusents  of  assault  on  the  other 
side  are  idols,  traditions,  and  those  carnal  inventions  wherewith  the 
corrupt  heart  of  man  seeks  to  batter  it. 


The  temple  is  opposed  by  Anabaptists,  sacrilegious,  and  defiled  by 
wicked  priests,      "Our  clergy  is  no  charter  for  heaven....  It  is  no 
unpossible  thin^  for  mea  at  once  to  shew  the  way  to  heaven  with  their 
tongue,  and  lead  the  way  to  hell  '.«fith  their  feet.     It  was  not  a  Jewish 
ephod,       it  is  not  a  Romish  cowl,  that  can  privilege  an  evil-doer  from 
punisbBient.  "    ^ery  idol  is  an  image,  bat  not  every  image  an  idol.     Fopery 
abounds  in  idols: 


An  old  laan,  aittinc  in  a  chair,  with  a  triple  crown  on  his  head,  and 
pontifical  robes  on  his  back,  a  dove  hanging  at  his  beard,  and  a  cruci- 
fix in  his  arms,  ia  their  image  of  the  Trinity, 


Nothing  should  be  iiaap^ed  which  cannot  be  imagined;   idols  and  images  are 
men's  babies.     It  is  idle  for  tiieiu  to  say  that  they  worship  God  and  not 
the  ioaf^e,   for  what  if  the  watchman  who  is  to  guide  then,  in  these  things 
should  fall  asleep?     Idolatry  quite  removes  faith  and  can  turn  men  into 
the  stocks  and  stones  which  they  worship. 


How  vain,  then,  are  the  endeavours  to  reconcile  our  church  with  that 
of  Rome,  when  God  hath  interposed  this  bar,   thei*e  is  no  apreembnt 
betwixt  him  and  idols!...    Ihere  is  a  contestation  between  us  and  the 
pontificlans,  vrtiich  is  the  true  church;   but  should  not  we.   In  the 
meantime,  carefully  defend  the  faith  of  Christ  against  idols,  super- 
stition would  quickly  decide  the  business,  and  take  the  possession  of 
truth  from  us  both. 


Ihis  is  of  course  the  crux  of  the  senr.on.  For  ^dams  only  the 
purity  of  the  Church  of  England  from  all  that  savours  of  superstition 
separates  the  sheep  from  the  goats.  Should  this  be  lost....  "tie  have 
but  one  foundation,"  he  concluded,   "the  infallible  word  of  God." 


3o, 


▼(16) 


;34 

2,  "Due  obedience," 

The  chorus  of  exhortation  to  obedience  in  church  and  state  from 
the  I^ul*s  Cross  pulpit  during  these  years  had  as  justification  the  ideal 
of  order  set  forth  elegantly  by  Henry  Kinp;  in  1621.  The  Word  proclaims, 
he  said,  that  the  servant  is  not  greater  than  his  lord. 


There  is  nothing  so  much  sets  out  the  Universe  as  Order,  to  see  how 
subordinate  causes  depend  of  theJrr  Supertours,  and  this  sublunary  Globe 
of  the  Celestiall.    35 


Eierarchioal  order  brought  the  creation  out  of  chaos;  the  elements  are 
subordinate  one  to  another;  harxsony  in  music  consists  in  variety  of  stops 
higher  and  loner,  Squllty  anong  men  would  breed  nothing  but  confusion* 


Looke  up  to  heaven  and  reade  over  that  bright  booke,  you  shall  see  an 
inequality  of  lipht  in  those  celestiall  bodies. 


Hen  are  not  bora  equal,  but  each  to  his  appointed  station:  Dominus  and 
Servtts  "were  the  two  differences  which  in  the  Heraldry  of  Nature  were 
first  put  to  blazon  the  coates  of  all  moii>ality,  and  make  a  distinction 
betwixt  the  elder  and  younger  house, "  The  host  of  heaven  is  so  ruled : 
there  are  two  lights  in  the  heaven,  sun  and  moon,  and  two  on  earth. 
Religion  and  State, 


shining  like  lampes  in  the  great  asnembly  of  rarlianent;  and  a  n.,.. 
imperiall  Starre,  whose  peacefull  influence  hath  many  yeeres  blest  our 
Land,  l!ay  it  bee  long  ere  this  Sunne  goe   downe,  or  by  his  set,  leave 
us  in  darknesse  and  mourning,   /^ig.  ^] 


Note  hero  the  significant  shift  in  the  metaphor:  in  the  climax 
of  adulation  of  James,  the  sun  becomes  State  not  Religion,  This  is 
an  important  variation  upon  the  doctrine  of  the  two  swords.  The  idea 
was  developed  in  characteristic  fashion  by  iX)nne  in  May  1627,  Preaching 


30T, 


T(17) 


from  Hosea  <3.4,  "lor   the  children  of  Israel  shall  abide  naoy  days  nithoat 
a  king,  and  without  a  prince,  and  without  a  sacrifice,  and  without  an 
image,  and  without  an  ephod,  and  without  teraphlm,"  Donne  asserted  the 
primacy  of  the  royal  power  from  the  order  of  the  words  in  the  text: 


Pherefore  also,  in  this  place,  God  pir) poses  first  the  civil  state,  the 
temporal  coverninent,  (what  it  is,  to  have  a  klap;  and  a  prince)  before  the 
projoaes  tho  hajpiness  of  a  church,  and  a  religion;  not  but  that  our 
religion  conduces  to  the  greater  happiness,  but  that  our  religion  cannot 
be  conserved,  except  the  civil  state,  and  temporal  government  be  con- 
served too.    66 


This  is  not  strictly  an  Erastian  position,  since  he  did  not  assert  the 
subordination  of  the  church  to  the  state;  Donne  was  a  long  way  from  Sel- 
den.  But  whatever  the  opinions  of  Anglican  apologists  concerning  the 
divinely  con^tuted  authority  of  bishops,  the  exigencies  of  current 
politics  as  well  as  the  theory  of  the  supremacy  made  it  necessary  for 
them  to  set  first  in  their  exhortations  to  obedience  not  Just  the  "civil 
state"  but  the  rights  of  the  king  by  prerogative.  They  were  committed 
by  their  position  to  defend  the  royal  policies  just  as  if  they  had 
■ade  those  policies;  this  was  the  tragedy  of  Laud,  that  he  was  blamed 
for  activities  of  Charles  and  his  ministers  or  courtiers  with  vihich  he 
had  nothing  directly  to  do,  and  if  this  was  true  of  Laud  how  much  more 
true  was  it  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  royalist  clergy. 

Accordingly  one  finds  Bishor  Mountain,  that  graceful  and  inef- 
ficient prelate,  preachinc  at  the  Cross  in  June  1622  to  justify  the  bene- 
volence required  in  that  year.  In  January  a  cijrcular  letter  had  been 
sent  to  the  bishops,  demanding  that  they  incite  their  clercy  to  contribute, 
and  that  they  should  cause  the  preachers  "In  a  grave  and  discreet  fashion 
to  excite  the  people,  that  nhen  occasion  shall  serve,  they  do  extend  their 


yo3 


t(18) 


i37 
liberalities  to  so  Chiristiaa  and  worthy  an  enterprise. "        Uountaln  set 

oat  to  prove  "that  vftiat  we  hare  Is  oot  our  owae,  and  ^at  we  gave  was 

bat  rendering  and  restoring."^       Phis  concept  of  stetvardship  was  fajniliar 

39 
enough  in  the  social  criticism  from  that  pulpit,       but  in  that  context 

goods  were  considered  the  property  of  Ciod;  here  they  might  be  thought 
to  be  the  king's,  and  that  was  very  different.     We  have  no  copy  of  the 
sermon,  and  consequently  cannot  find  bow  much  this  little  difficulty  embar- 
rassed the   "Canary-sucking  and  swan-eating"  prelate, 

Donne  probably  showed  embarrassment  more  easily.     His  Powder 
Plot  sermon  in  this  same  year,  upon  the  familiar  themes  of  deliverance 
and  provision  against  a  relapse  into  danger,   extolling  the  kinf:  as  the 
soul  or  the  kin^^dom,   its  anima,  contained  a  halting'  and  apologetic 
passage  p^exhaps  designed  to  excuse  Jaraes's  late  proceedings  in  the 
Spanish,  match  or  even  the  inJuBtices  of  his  government  in  general: 


If  this  breath,  that  is,  this  power,  be  at  any  time  soured  in  the  pessage, 
and  contract  an  ill  savour  by  the  pipes  thpit  convey  it,   so  as  that  his 
[the  king's]   good  intentions  are  ill  executed  by  inferior     fnluiBters,  this 
muct  not  be  imputed  to  him;...  princes  purpose  some  things  for  ease  to 
the  people,...  and  if  they  ^rove  grievances,   they  took  their  putrefaction 
in  the  nay.         40 


One  is  reminded  of  the  protestations  of  Charles's  Jarliaraents,   though 
in  thciiu  the  profeasion  of  loyalty  to  the  crown,   impaired  by  evil  ministers 
such  as  Buckingham,  had  always  in  it  an  element  of  legal  fiction.      Donne 
was  as  sincere  as  his  position  allowed  him  to  be.     Here,  as  in  the 
preaching  order,    sermon  in  the  sajue  autumn,  one  sees  in  his  emotional 
(if  not  intellectual)   honesty  the  essence  of  the  preachers'  difficulty. 

Fortunately  the  preacher  engaged  to  defend  the  royal  prerogative 
in  matters  ecclesiastical  found  no  such  embarrassment  in  dealings  with 

3a  «f 


▼(19) 


the  luritaoB,  whether  he  set  out  to  condemn  their  religious  practices  or 
their  political  theory.  He  inas  upon  solid  traditional  ground  in  his  re-* 
futation  of  both,  and  in  his  opinion  each  nourished  the  other.  Henry 
Eing  paused  in  his  review  of  the  enormities  of  the  papists  in  1621  to 
ecsBsient  upon  the  abuse  of  the  good  practice  of  preaching: 


There  are  many  now  adaies  who  never  thinke  they  have  preaching  enough: 
but  as  exq^uisite  gluttons  lay  all  markets  for  fare,  so  doe  they  lay 
all  Churches  where  there  is  any  suspicion  of  a  Sermon,  and  all  is... 
to  glut  their  eares,    41 


To  such  behaviour  the  strictest  Puritan  lecturer  could  and  did  object, 
but  King  feared  untaught  preachers  and  daacerous  conventicles: 

No  wonder  then,  if  I'reaching  cay  breed  surfets,  that  so  many  Crudities 
lie  in  the  stomackes  of  this  Citty;  that  so  many  Funies  and  giddy  vapours 
file  up  into  the  head,  to  the  no  small  disturbance  of  the  Churches 
quiet;  that  so  many  hot  spirits,  like  Canons  over-charged,  recoyle  against 
all  Discipline,  breake  into  divers  factions,  and  with  the  sj-llnts  of  those 
crackt  opinions  doe  iiore  aisohiefe  tlian  deliberation  or  Justice  can 
suddenly  solve....  This  conuriuaitie  of  Ireaching  hath  brought  it  into  such 
cheape  conteiapt,  with  Biany,  that,  as  if  the  gift  of  tongues  were  pros- 
titute to  Idiots  and  IVades,  you  shall  have  a  set  of  Lay  Ueohanicke 
Presbiters  of  both  sexes  (iraedieatores  and  Iracdicantissae)  presume  so 
far  upon  their  acquaintance  with  the  Itilpit,  that  they  will  venter  upon 
an  £xi.osition,  or  undertake  to  manage  a  long  unv;eildy  prayer  conceived 
on  the  sudden,  though  not  so  suddenly  uttered;  nay,  they  are  so  desperate, 
they  M.11  tonoeat  a  lext,  and  in  their  Conventicles  teach  as  boldly,  as 
if  thej-^  were  as  well  able  to  become  Journeymen  to  the  lulpit,  as  to  their 
owne  Trades.   (sig.  BSv] 

The  phrmse  lay  Keohanicke  Presbiters"  is  a  slander,  of  course,  for  the 
sectaries  against  whoa  King  so  cunningly  shifted  his  attack  were  not 
"Presbiters,"  quite  the  contrary.  There  was  this  imich  Justice  in  his 
case,  however,  that  bcrutamini  Gcriptores  was  already  beginning  to  undo 
the  world,  as  oelden  prophesied,  iiix  years  later  the  danger  from  the 
illiterate  ftkiS  undisciplined  preachers  was  more  real,  at  least  in  the 
eyes  of  Stephen  Oenison,  sdnister  of  St.  Catherine  Cree.  He  took  occasion 


io^ 


r(20J 


froa.  the   public  penance  at  the  Cross  cf  one  John  Hetherington  a  boxmaker 

and  preaching  familist  to  review  "the  Severall  kinds  of  Mysticall  Wolves 

42 

breeding  in  a'GIAKD."        j'irst  of  these  are  the  Papists  who  fight  by  force 

and  flattery  to  bring  us  again  into  blindness  and  superstition.     Next 
(for  Denison  was  no  Laudian)   cojcb  the 


Arminian  wolves,  which  make  a  bridge  betweene  us  and  I^opery,  endevoiiring 
in  some  points  to  reconcile  the  Wolves  and  the  Laiabes, 


rhen  there  are  the 

AnaJTaptist  'Solves,  which  Juape  with  the  Aminians  in  conditionall  election 
upon  foreseeae  faith  or  workes,   in  denying  the  doctrine  of  reprobation 
ia  tlie  true  sense  thereof,   in  iiaintaiain^r  oniversall  redenption  of  all 
eorts,  in  maintaining  the  doctrine  of  free-will,  in  defending  the 
pleading  for  fallin{j  froa  grace,  or  the  total  Apostacy  of  Saints,  Sco, 

Fourthly,  I  would  we  had  not  Koeey-crosse  Solves  whiche  tume  Divinity 
into  phansies,  6  idle  speculations  of  their  ovme  braine,  esteeirdng 
text-aien,  or  such  as  endevaour  to  keepe  to  the  naturall  sense  of  Scripture 
(net  darinc;  to  laake  an  ullegorie  in  a  Text  where  the  spirit  of  God  de- 
sires to  be  understood  without  an  allegorie)'^'-'  to  bee  vulgar  Divines,  as 
they  inculcate  in  soiue  of  their  phansifull  bookes;   boasting  of  their 
ability  to  worke  such  miracles  as  I  should  tremble  to  name:   but  be- 
cause they  do  this  more  privately,  being  either  ashamed  or  afraid  it 
should  corae  to  light,  I  passe  it  by  for  the  present.      |sig.  FovJ 

A^o  there  are  various  sorts  of  FaMlists,  as  Denison  calls  them:   those 
of  the  "KJastalian  order,"  who  oppose  every  syllable  of  orthodox  doctrine 
but  show  outward  conformity,   'Nrhich  tearme  theicBelYes  Eagles,  Angels, 
and  Arch-angels ,"  who  hope  for  special  spiritual  illuniinotion,  who 
"allegorize  the  places  of  Scripture  concerain*-  Christ,  drearalng  onely 
of  a  sanctifying  Christ,  and  abhorjring  a  justifvinp  Saviour,"  who  expect 
salvation  by  their  own  norks.     There  are  also    "Gringltonian  Familists 
in  the  North  parts  of  England, 


3£><o 


v(21) 


who  Ixolci:   that  the  Scripture  is  but  for  novices:    that  the  Sabbath  is  to 
be  observed  but  as  a  Lecture  day;   that  to  pray  for  pardon  of  sin  is  to 
offer  Christ  again;   that  the  Scripture  is  to  be  tried  by  their  spirit; 
that  we  aust  go  by  motions  not  by  aiotives;    that  irtien  God  dwells  in  a  man 
there  is  no  core  lusting;   that  liinisters  need  aot  reprove  sinners  since 
the  wicked  can  do  nothing  but  sin;   that  boast  they  have  given  over  faisily 
prayers  and  sermons;  which  scoff e  at  such  as  aakie  Conscience  of  words,  with 
aany  other  parnitious  points,      {sig.  If^J 

Besides  there  are  F&milists   "in  the  l&juntainea"  who  say  they  have  van- 
quished the  Jevil  and  are  pure  f^i'om  all  sin. 

2ach  of  these  sects,  it  will  be  observed,  finds  its  source  in 
some  aberration  based  on  the  interpretation  of  Scripture  or  Scripture's 
place  in  the  believer's  world.     Henry  King's  condemnation  was  not 
without  Justice,     But  interesting  though  it  would  be  to  follow  i3enison'8 
classifications  into  the  history  of  sects  in  the  Coimnonwealth,  both  his 
and  King's  outbursts  are  digressions  from  the  main  theme  of  these  warning 
sertnons  at  the  Cross.     Itaogerous  glosses  upon  Scripture  with  political 
implications  were  Biore  respectable  objects  of  attack,  such  as  Saengler's 
interpretation  of  an  aiobiguous  p'assage  in  Calvin  which  is  itself  a  gloss 
upon  "Let  every  soul  be  subject  unto  the  higher  powers,"  the  indispens- 
able text  for  the  doctrine  of  obedience.     John  Knight,  fellow  of  Pembroke, 
preached  at  Oxford  in  1622  that   "Vf  kin^-s  grow  unruly  and  tirannicall 
they  may  be  corrected  and  brought©  into  order  by  theire  subjects," 
i.e.,  by  the  inferior  magistrate, '^^  and  was  accordingly  comndtted.     t^illiaiB 
rierce,   Bishop  of  Bath  and  tfells  and  Tice-Ghancellor  of  Oxford,  comnitted 
the  case  to  Laud,*^  and  on  the  sa»e  day  that  Mountain  j reached  the  bene- 
volence, Pai^eus*    jjliaengler'sj  books  were  burnt  at  Paul's  Cross, 
though  the  sophisticated  Chamberlain  observed  that  it  vas  of  little  good 
when  the  theme  of  Paraeus'   thirteenth  chapter  was  "current  all  Christendom 


3o- 


▼(22) 


over. " 


Another  glosa  upon  Irotestant  doctrine,  the  jossible  revolutionary 
extension  of  the  doctrine  of  Chrlatian  liberty,  was  first  handled  at  the 
Gross  in  1624  by  Robert  Sanderson,  then  as  long  afterwards  rector  of 
Boothby  Pagnell  in  Lincolnshire,  destined  to  be  Bishop  of  Lincoln  and 
to  be  iacjortalized  by  Jalton.  Sanderson  was  a  Galvinist  and  a  conserra- 
tive.  In  a  letter  of  1649  he  set  forth  his  position  with  great  clarity, 
as  befitted  one  by  temperament  and  training  a  logician  and  casuist: 

iilhen  we  have  iKPangled  ourselves  as  long  as  our  vsits  and  strengths  will 
serve  us,  the  honest,  downright  sober  Snglish  I^rotestant  will  be  found 
in  the  end  the  «an  that  wallcebh  in  the  safest  v/ay,  and  by  the  surest  line. 

She 

1.  /oaketh  the  Written  ilord  of  God  the  sole  and  perfect  Rule  of 
all  matters  proi/erly  of  Faith,  and  of  all  the  essentials  of  God's  Worship, 
and  oi  Church  Governinent. 

2,  A3  for  all  inattors  of  Ceronony  and  Order,  and  other  accidental 
forms  and  circumstances  belonginc  either  to  Church  Government  or  Worship, 
he  leaves  tlie  particular  dQtorinln':ition  thereof,  as  of  all  political  or- 
dinances,  to  the  Civil  and  Ecclesiastioal  Governors  respectively. 

o.  But  in  all  other  miattors,  whether  oi"  Opinion  in  points  of 
smaller  importance  or  not  clearly  revealed,  or  of  Practice  in  things 
not  comoanded  nor  forbidden  by  ar^y  higher  jower,  he  useth  the  liberty 
of  his  own  judgment  and  discretion,  leaving  all  others  also  to  do  the 
like,  according  to  the  zonoTQl  rules  of  CHxpistian  Sobriety  and  Charity, 

In  this  Religion  I  have  lived  hitherto,  by  the  Grace  of  Go;l,  not 
without  comfort;  and  in  this  Religion,  the  same  Chrace  assisting',  me,  I 
hope  to  die,         49 

His  sermon  of  1624^°  was  upon  1  Timothy  4.4,  uron  the  goodness  of  God's 
creatures,  our  liberty  unto  there,  and  the  condition  of  receiving  that 
liberty,  with  thanksgiving.     He  began  by  praising  the  "goodly  system 
and  fabric  of  Tlaturc,"  its  harmony  and  usefulness  in  all  its  parts;   that 
every  creature  of  God  Is  good  is  so  evident  that  the  heathen  equated 
ens  and  bonun.  and  this  truth  serves  also  to  confute  the  V*nichees. 
Let  no  nan  say  then  that  he  is  tempted  of  God,  for  there  is  a  natural 


io8 


v(23) 


goodness  in  e^ery  action;  let  eTeiy  mn  Harvel  at  the  goodness  of  GoJ; 
let  us  not  carp  at  unprofitable  thin^.s.  for  the  inost  unprofitable  things 
profit  us.  if  our  corrupt  understandings  could  see  it.  All  the  creatures 
of  God  ar.  lawful  to  us,  "so  as  it  is  against  Christian  liberty,  either 
to  charce  the  use  of  them  with  sin,  or  to  place  holiness  in  the  abstaining 
froB  them."  rhe  ground^cf  this  liberty  are  our  ri^ht  by  creation  of 
sovereigiity  over  the  creatures;  and  since  we  have  lost  this  liberty  by 
the  i^ll.  Christ's  purchai»e  of  It  in  the  work  of  redemption.  The  legal 
imparity  of  creatures  under  the  law  was  scoured  off  by  the  blood  of 
Christ. 

The  "just  extent"  of  our  liberty  iianderson  defined  in  eight  points. 
It  extends  to  aU  the  creatures  of  God.  It  equally  respects  the  using  and 
non-using  of  any  of  God's  creatures.  It  nay  without  prejudice  extend  to 
some  restraint  in  the  outward  practice  of  it.  as  sobriety;  our  liberty 
does  not  excuse  pride  and  vanity  in  silks  and  scarlets.  Another  re- 
straint  is  charity;  another  is  duty  we  owe  to  our  superiors  from  the 
bond  of  civil  obedience.  Let  no  nan  under  the  colour  of  Christian 
liberty  preach  disobedience: 

•;&osoever  then  shall  interpret  the  ^«*«^f  ^J^"?^  °^,f  f/'^i/tia^ 

°'  inMret:r'fh:U°".T^ee  °anf  sib/unui  dlf/ers»ce  b,t.ee„  the. 

and  c;«n»ditieB.  and  enjoined  f^---^,toL^y"tbl\at  for  order 
Ghurch-Oovernora  may.  upon  good  considerations,  say  it>  ub 


v(24) 


and  uniforEiity*s  sake,  proscribe  the  times,  placae,  vestments,  gestures, 
and  other  Cereiiionial  Circimstances  to  bo  used  in  SccleslasticQl  Offices 
and  asseiiiblias.        §-p.  I6O-9] 

It  is  quite  obvious  that,  as  all  the  earlier  part  of  Sanderson's  dls- 

51 
cassion  follows  Calvin  aliaost  to   the  letter,       so  this  adjuration  to  duty 

in  ecclesiastical  and  civil  natters  contradicts  the  Institutes  III,  :cix, 

15  only  in  seeaniing.     For  in  that  crucial  passa/^e  Calvin  places  th©  seat 

of  spiritual  Jurisdiction  al  thin  the  soul,  as  opposed  to  civil  ordinance 

which  regulates  outnard  conduct,  and  he  assei^s  later^^  the  necessity  of 

discipline  in  the  church,   "for  to  it  is  owing  that  the  members  of  the  body 

adhere  tof^ther  <»ch  in  his  ovm  place."    The  seat  of  difference  betv/een 

3anderson  and  his  inodel  does  not  arise  in  this  semon,  for  he  assumes  the 

legitiEiacy  of  Anglican  discipline  by  vjarrant  of  Scripture,  as  in  Article 

XI;  Calvln*s  doctrine  of  liberty  is  in  question,  not  differences  between 

the  Anglican  and  Genevan  disciplines.     Storeover,  Sanderson  proceeded  to 

Justify  obedience  to  superiors  on  the  ground  of  restraint  in  respect  of 

charity.     Els  argument  is  of  greet  interest: 


Suppose,  In  a  thing  wSdch,  sirtply  and  in  itself,  we  nay  lawfully  either 
use  or  forbear.  Charity  aeeisieth  to  lay  restraint  upon  us  one  way,  our 
weak  brother  expecting  we  should  forbear,  and  iXity  a  quite  contrary  vmy, 
authority  requiring  the  use,  in  ouch  a  case  whet  are  we  flo  do?     It  is 
against  Charity  to  offend  a  brother,  and  it  is  against  Duty  to  disobey 
a  superior....   In  the  use  of  the  creaturos  and  all  indifferent  things,  we 
ought  to  bear  a  greater  regard  to  our  ] ublic  Governors  than  to  our  pri- 
vate brethi'en,  and  be  n»re  careful  to  obey  than  to  satisfy  these,   if  the 
same  course  will  not  in  some  mediocrity  satisfy  both.     Alas,  that  our 
brethren,  who  are  contrary'  minded,  would  but  with  the  spirit  of  sobriety 
admit  common  reason  to  be  the  umpire  In  this  case.     Alas,  that  they  would 
but  consider  .vhat  a  world  of  contradictions   .vuuld  follow  upon  the  contrary 
opinion,  and  whst  a  world  of  confusions  upon  the  contrary  practice.     Say 
irtiat  can  be  said  on  the  behalf  cf  a  brother:   all   the  sane,   and  TiOre,  nay 
be  said  for  a  Governor.     For  a  Governor  is  a  brother  too,  and  something 
more;   and  duty  is  charity  too,  end  sociething  more.,,,   ijo  that,   if  we  go 
no  further  but  even  to  the  eoHanon  bond  of  Charity  and  relation  of  Brother- 
hood,  that  iiiaketh  then  equal  at  the  least;   an:  therefore  no  reason,  why 


^  10 


v(25) 


I  should  satisfy  oae  that  is  but  a  prirate  brother,  rather  than  the  public 
MagiBtrate,  iHio,  that  public  respect  set  aside.  Is  uiy  brother  also, 

la  this  exercise  of  casuistry  it  seems  to  me  that  Sanderson  deliberately 
goes  if  not  contrary  to  Calvia  at  least  upon  a  line  which  does  iK>t  meet 
him,  am  tnat  most  significaatly,     CalTin's  judgment  upon  things  indiffer- 
ent,  followed  by  the  Tori  tans  against  viiom.  Sanderson  contended,  is  loost  clear: 

?<[hate7er  I  have  said  about  avoiding  offences,  I  vtish  to  be  referred  to  things 
indifferent.     Ihlaga  which  are  necessary  to  be  done  cannot  be  omitted  from 
any  fear  of  offence,     i^or  as  our  liberty  is  to  be  made  subaenrient  to 
charity,  so  charity  raust  in  its  turn  be  suboriinete  to  purity  of  faith. 
Here,   too,  regard  ttust  be  had  to  charity,  but  it  must  go  as  far  as  the 
altar;   that  is,  we  itiust  not  offend  Goi  for  the  sake  of  our  neighbour,         53 

Obseznre  that  Sanderson  willed  his  opponents  to  use  "comnon  reason  as 
umpire;    they  were  prej^red  to  invoke  the  decision  of  the  Individual  con- 
science ujon  "purity  of  faith,"  guided  by  the  oioni potent  ^ord.     Their  notions 
of  duty  were  different  from  those  of  oanierson,  who  in  this  respect  stood 
in  the  tradition  of  Aquinas  and  Ilooker;   behind  the  revolutionary  extension 
of  the  doctrine  of  Christian  liberty  lay  an  iadividualiaa  wliich,  like  that 
of  our  time,  considered  obedience  privative  rather  than  positive,     For 
iianderson  duty  is  charity,  and  charity  is  a  positive  virtue.     Sanderson*s 
"duty  is  charity"  was  becoaiOR  as  outmoded  In  the  jolltical  theory  of 
the  gentry  as  the  doctrine  of  "stewardship"  in  their  econoniic   theory. 

If  Sanderson's  position  upon  the  lawful  exercise  of  Chz^stian  liberty 
was  quite  clear  in  16S4,  his  second  Paul's  Gross  seiuion  upon  the  same  theme, 
preached  there  on  6  May  1632  when  laud's  ouremittlng  efforts  to  sectire  con- 
fomlty  had  been  some  time  in  application  in  the  diocese  of  London,   il- 
lustrates by  change  in  emphasis  and  more  extended  application  of  the 
doctrine  the  change  in  the  times.     Phe  sermon  "concerning  the  right  use 


3  II 


v(26) 


of  Jhrietian  liberty"  -was  publlBhed  la  1636,  and  dedicated  to  Laud.     In 
Ms  dedicatory  epistle  Sanderson  asserts  that  he  has  always  been  reedy  to 
vindicate  the  gororiunent  and  rites  of  the  Church  of  England,  now  so  much 
defamed.      ""jJoo  too  ciauy,''  he  coiajlains,    "pleaa  liberty  end  Conscience, 
in  bar  to  Loyalty  and  Obedience,'^*     It  la  probable  tlxat  even  in  1636  he 
had  reached  the  conclusion  Torced  upon  him  by  events  to  i«hich  he  gave 
voice  in  1649 : 


Truly,  when  I  have  considered  well  of  then,   I  find  no  security  at  all, 
either  in  Itopiah  or  Puritanical  principles.     Yet,   of  the  two.  Popery  hath 
this  advantape,   that  it  keeps  the  Iroselj'te,   thoui'h  with  insufferable 
tyranny,  yet  confined  within  some  limits  and  bounds,  like  water  shut  up 
within  the  bunks  of  a  laudd;'  unsavoury  lake,     "thereas,  this  wild  thinir, 
for  want  of  a  more  proper  noiae  cotnoouly  called  Puritani&ju,  like  a  sea- 
breach,  runs  itself  into  a   thousand  channels,  and  knows  not  where  to 
stop.         55 


The  relative  emphasis  given  to  dangers  from  papists  and  Puritans  in  the 
seriion  seens  to  bear  this  out.     His  text  upon  this  occasion       m\s  1  ieter 
2.16,   expressing  strongly  the  negative  aspect  of  the  exercise  of  Gospel 
liberty.     He  struck  the  new  note  in  his  axordi'uu:    "There  is  r.ot  any  thing 
in  the  world  :i.oi^  generally  desired  than  liberty,   nor  scarce  any  thing  more 
genei^lly  abused."     Even  the  bleasing  of  Christian  liberty  is  often  cor- 
rupted by  disobedience,  and  3t,  Peter  was  careftil  to  frame  the  early  be- 
lievers to  reverence  and  obedience  to  the  temi^oral  powers.     We  must,  as 
free,  perform  our  duty  to  authority  with  cheerfulness  of  spii^it:  we  must 
neither  "usurp  mastersiiip,   nor  undergo  servitude,"  as  we  are  servants 
to  Ood  alone.     V7e  are  charged   in  this  regard  by  Christ  and  by  3t.  Paul,  but 

God  forbid  anj'  inan  of  us,  possessed  vdth  an  Anabaptist! cal  spirit,  or 
rather  frenzy,   should  understand  either  of  those  passages   Qlatt.  23. 8-lOj 
I  Cor.    7,23)  ,  or  any  other  ol  like  sound,   as  if  Christ  or  His  Apostle 
had  had  an,r  purpose  therin  to  slacke;'   those  sinews  and  ligeunents,  and  to 
dissolve  those  Joints  and  contignations,  «rtiich  tye  into  one  body,  and 


311^ 


▼(27) 


clasp  into  one  struct are,  those  many  little  members  and  parts  whereof  all 
huiian  societies  consiat:  that  is  to  sny,  to  forbid  all  those  matual  re- 
lations of  superiority  and  subjection  which  are  in  the  -florld,  and  so  to 
turn  all  into  a  vast  chaos  of  anarchy  and  confusion.  For  such  a  meaning 
is  contrarious  to  the  express  determination  of  Christ,  and  to  the  constant 
doctrine  of  St,  I'aal   in  other  places  {Hon,  13,1;  JEph,  6.5;  Col  '6,3^  ;  and 
we  ought  so  to  interpret  the  Scriptures  as  that  one  place  may  consist  with 
another,  without  clashing  or  contradiction,,,.  The  true  and  plain  meaning 
is  this,  that  we  must  not  acknowledge  any  our  supreme  lister,  nor  yield 
ourselves  to  be  wholly  and  absolutely  ruled  by  the  will  of  any,  nor  en- 
thrall our  Judsments  and  consciences  to  the  sentences  or  laws  of  any  man 
or  angel,  but  only  Christ,  our  Lord  and  Master  in  Heaven.  (T.  277| 

The  offenders  against  this  true  Christian  liberty  are  of  tv/o  sorts. 
First  the  papists,  who  encroach  upon  the  liberty  of  others  through  the  pre- 
posterous elaiias  of  the  papacy.  Second,  there  are  those  who  50  about  to 
deprive  us  of  the  risht  exercise  of  Christian  liberty  by  "secret  under- 
minings. " 

rhey  inveigh  against  the  Ohurch  Governors,  as  if  they  lorded  it  over  God'a 
heritage,  and  against  the  Church  orders  and  constitutions,  as  if  they  were 
contrary  to  Christian  liberty,   Vherein,  besides  that  they  do  manifest  wrong 
to  the  Church  In  both  particulars,  they  consider  not  that  those  very  ac- 
cusations, which  they  thus  irreverently  dart  at  the  face  of  their  Mother, 
to  whom  they  owe  better  respect.,,,  do  recoil  in  part  upon  themselves,  and 
cinnot  be  avoided.  For  -.thereas  those  Constitutions  of  the  Church  are  made 
for  order,  decency,  and  unlfonaity  sake,.,,  and  not  with  any  intention  at 
all  to  lay  a  tye  uion  the  consciences  of  men,,,,  as  if  there  were  some 
necessity  or  Inherent  holiness  in  the  things  required  thereby;  neither  do 
our  Governors,  neither  ought  they  to  press  ther.  any  further:  ?riiich  is  suf- 
ficient to  acquit  both  the  Glovernors  from  that  lording,  and  the  Constitutions 
froffi  that  trenchirv?  upon  Christiai  liberty,  wherewith  they  are  char=-ed. 

This  is  the  old  art^ument  dating  from  the  vestiarian  controversy,  thnt  orders 
for  conformity's  sake  are  things  indifferent  which  bind  aot   the  conscience, 
Sanderson,  however,  turned  the  argument  upon  the  Presbyterians  with  some 
effect: 


Alas  that  our  bretljren,  ;ho  thus  accuse  them,  shotild  suffer  themselves  to 
be  so  far  blinded  with  prejudices  and  partial  affeotioz>s  as  not  to  see 
that  themselves,  in  the  r^an  time,  lo  really  exercise  a  spiritual  lordahip 
over  their  disciples,  who  depend  in  a  manner  ujon  their  judgments,  by  Im- 
posing upon  their  consciences  sundry  Magisterial  conclusions,  for  which 
they  have  no  sound  warrant  from  the  Virltten  rtord  of  God,   (Pp,  284-5/ 

3(3 


v(2D) 


Ifevf  jresbyter  is  but  old  priest  writ  large.  He  proceeded  to  push  the 
ar-ijuraent  home: 

rhey  that  positively  make  that  to  be  sin  which  the  Law  of  God  never  made 
so  to  bo,  hoj  can  they  be  excused  froia  symbolizing  with  the  Iharisees  and 
the  Papists,  in  isaklng  the  aarro  ways  of  God  yet  narrower  than  they  are, 
in  teachinT  for  doctrines  ioea'c  precepts,  and  so  castinp  a  snare  upon  the 
consciences  of  their  brethren?  If  our  Church  should  press  things  as  far, 
and  upon  such  grounds,  the  one  way,  as  some  forward  spirits  do  the  other 
way,  if,  as  thev  say,  it  is  a  sin  to  kneel  at  the  GoBununion,  snd  therefore 
we  charge  you  upon  yoiar  consciences  not  to  do  it,  so  the  Church  should 
say,  it  is  a  sin  not  to  kneel,  and  therefore  we  require  you  upon  your  con- 
sciences to  do  it,  and  so  in  all  other  lawful,  yet  arbitrary,  CeremDaies, 
possibly  then  the  Church  could  no  more  be  able  to  aoquit  herself  from  en- 
croaching uion  Christian  liberty  than  they  are  that  accuse  her  for  it. 
«hich  since  they  have  done  and  she  hath  not,  she  is  therefore  free  and 
theiaaelves  only  guilty,   Q'p,  2o3-5] 

If  in  this,  then,  the  Church  of  England  may  be  said  to  define  and 
ezhibit  the  due  exercise  of  this  liberty,  the  wore  reason  for  not  using 
liberty  as  a  cloak  for  maliciousness.  There  are  four  ivays  of  abuse.  The 
first  is  to  hold  ourselvtja  discharged  froir.  the  *hole  iioml  law  of  Ctod  or 
any  p«rt  of  it.  LibertineB  and  Antinomiuts  have  fallen  into  this  pestilent 
error;  Christ  cane  not  to  destroy  but  to  fulfil  the  law;  he  has  freed  nen 
fron  the  law  as  a  covenant  but  not  front  the  law  as  a  rule.    fhe  second 
abuse  is  to  stretch  our  liberty  beyond  the  just  bounds  of  sobriety.  The 
third  to  use  it  uncharitably,  so  as  to  stumble  the  weak  consciences  of  our 
brethren.  The  fourth  is  to  pretend  on  this  warrant  disobedience  to  lawful 
authority. 

These  are  the  aamie   abuses  dealt  with  in  the  first  sermon.  But 
under  the  last  heading,  of  disobedience,  Anderson  adopted  a  far  loore  ef- 
fective method  in  his  second  effort.  He  assumed  —  what  was  quite  true  — 
that  his  luritan  opponents  valued  obedience  in  all  things  except  in  certain 
points  of  church  csreuionial,  and  ;;hen  pointed  out  to  than  the  logical 


3.+ 


v(29) 


consoquences  of  their  position: 

The  Anabaptists,   that  deny  all  subjection  to  LJaglstrates  in  indifferent 
things,    do  it  uron  this  ground,    that  they  iiiiagine  Christian  liberty  to 
be  violated  vdien  by  human  laws  it  la  determined  either  the  one  \iay  or  the 
other.     And  I  cannot  but  'jronier  that  rany  of  oui"  brethren  in  our  own  Church, 
who  in  toe  question  of  Cereooniea  oust  argue  froio.  their  ground,   (or  else 
they  talk  of  Christian  liberty  to  no  purpose) ,   should  yet  hold  off,  before 
they  grow  to  their  conclusion,   j^hich  to  ay  apprehension  seesteth  by  the 
T'Oles  of  good  discourse  to  issue  most  naturally  and  necessarily  froK  it. 

The  objectors  are  jooreover  unconscionably  partial, 

in  laying  the  accusation  against  the  Ecclesiastical  laws  only,  vAereas 
their  arguiaents,  if  they  had  any  stren^^th  in  them,  nould  as  well  conclude 
against  the  Political  laws  in  the  Civil  State,  and  against  domestical 
orders  in  private  ij'anilies,  as  against  the  Laws  Ecclesiastical:  yet  must 
these  only  be  guilty,  and  they  innocent,  wiiich  is  not  equal.     Lot  theE 
either  danm  thoiu  all,  or  quit  them  all:  or  else  let  ther;  ahow  wherein  they 
are  unlike,  which  they  have  not  yet  done,  neither  can  do,      j^.  50lJ 

This  point  aade,  3anderson  continued  in  a  gririly  prophetic  passage: 

If  they  were  put  to  speak  upon  their  consciences,  whetlter  or  not,   if  power 
"rfere  In  their  o%?n  hands,  and  Church  affairs  left  to  their  ordering,   they 
would  not  forbid  those  things  they  nov;  dislike,   every  vmy  as  strictly  and 
with  as  much  imposition  of  necessity  as  the  Church  presently  enjoinoth 
theru,  I  doubt  not  but  they  would  say.  Yea;  and  what  equity  li:  there  in  this 
dealin/;,    to  condeirin  thut  in  others  ^?hich  they  viould  allov;  theiaselves?      ^,   502\ 

The  Anglican  apologists  and  the  Presbyterians  necessarily  collided  in  this 
line  of  argument,  but  the  situation  changed  when  the  Independents  took  up 
some  of  Janderson's  weapons. 

There  follows  a  long  and  ezceedln^y  complicated  jjassa^e,  most 
onsuited  in  our  view  to  a  popular  pulpit,   in  which  Sanderson  answered  five 
objections  to  the  orders  ecclesiastical.     The  objectors  first  assert  that 
the  ecclesiastical  eoni-tltutlona  bind  precisely  what  Christ  left  free. 
This  is  not  true. 


its" 


v{30) 


for  the  liberty  oi^  a  Christian  to  any  thine  iniiffei^ent  conslsteth  in 
this,   that  hi3  judfyaeat  is  thoroughly  persuaded  of  the  ladiffereacy  of 
it;aad   therefore  it  is  the  dtstenniaatioa  of  the  Judgment  ia  the  opinioa 
of  the  thlnfr.,  aot  the  use  of  it,  that  taketh  away  Christian  liberty. 
Otherwise,   not  only  Laws  Political  and  I-xclesiastical,  but  also  all  voi7S, 
proElses,  covenants,  contracts,  aad  what  not  that  pitcheth  ui:on  any  cer- 
tain resolutioa  de  futuro.   should  be  prejudicial  to  Christian  liberty, 
because  they  do  all  determine  aocietiiing  ia  unam  partega,  -^hich  before  was 
free  and  indifferent  in  utraaque  partejo..,..    fo  what  purpose  hath  God  left 
indifferent  things  determinable  both  ways  by  Christian  liberty,  if  they 
may  never  be  actually  determined  either  way  without  impeachiaent  of  that 
Liberty?     It  is  a  very  vain  ;ower  that  loay  not  be  brought  into  act;   but 
God  jjaie  no  power  in  vain.        (l^p.   30?;-3l 

The  second  allefiation  against  the  ecclesiastical  lavfs  is  that  by  nsakiog 
indifferent  things  necessiari'  they  chaof^e   "the  nature  of  things,"    In  reply 
to  this  Sanderson  adduced  the  prefatory  matter  to  the  Book  of  Coianion 
I'royer,    *'0f  Cereoonies,"  observing  that  iJ?  the  ChU3?ch  allov;s  ceremonies 
used  in  other  churches,  and  teaches  her  ovin  rites  to  be  aaitable,  she  cannot 
conceive  the  nature  of  thincs  to  be  changed  or  their  Indlffereacy  removed 
by  her  constitutions.     '2)ie  thlrl  is  that  the  imposition  of  these  con- 
stitutions takes  av;ey  the  freedom  of  the  conscience,  by  binding  the  be- 
liever in  conscience  to  obey,      This  is  not  true. 


for  obedience  is  one  thing,  and  the  thing  comniai.ddd  another:   the  thing 
is  coiaruanded  by  the  Itivi  of  inan,  anu  in  regard  thereof  the  conscience  is 
free;    but  obedience  to  men  is  coiiuaanded  by  the  Law  of  C!od,   and  regard 
thereof  the  oonscieaoe  is  bound.     3o  that  we  are  bound  In  conscience  to 
obedience  in  indifferent  things  lawfully  comrrianded,   the  conscience  still 
reiBSininf'  no  less  free,   in  respect  of  the  thinf-s  so  cora:.ajtided ,   than  it 
was  before,      [ip.  J03-4J 


This  is  one  of  what  Ifelton  called  Dr.   Sanderson's   "clear  distinctions.'* 
The  aert  rebuttal  was  no  less  clear  aad  considerably  icore  effective  as 
popular  argument.      To  the  objection  that  the  Church  irijoses  ceremonies  as 
necessary  for  salvation  he  once  Biore  cited  the  decleretion  of  154S  concern- 
in?  cerenioniee,  which  is  cost  clear  ujon  that  joint,  and  turned  the  argument 
upon  his  opponents  with  the  same  logic  as  he  had  used  before: 

3H, 


v(ai) 


It  w)Uld  better  become  the  latriarchs  of  that  rarty   tliat   thas  deeplj--,  but 
untruly,  charge  her,  to  look  under  their  oisn  cloaks,  dive  into  their  own 
bosoms,  and  survey  their  own  positions  and  practice,   if  hajpily  they  inay 
be  able  to  clear  thejuselves  of  trenching  ujon  Christian  Liberty,  and  en- 
snaring the  consciences  of  their  brethren,  and  imposing  upon  their 
iTOselytes  their  own  traditions  of  Kneel  not,   stand  not,   bow  not,*., 
requirinr  to  have  theci  accepted  of   the  people  even  as  of  necessity  unto 
Salvation,      Qp.   JOeJ 


fhe  last  objection  was  perhaps  from  the  :oint  of  view  of  popular 
appeal  the  rrost  effective,   but  Sanderson  dealt  with  it  in  the  saice  logical 
way*     Ihe  opponents  of  the  Anglican  discipline  contended  that  the  ritea 
could  only  be  defended  by  such  argustents  as  Papists  use  to  support  their 
"rotten  tenet"  that  hunian  laws  binl  the  conscience  as  well  as  divine.     In 
this  point,  said  Sandorson,  we  differ  materially  from  the  papists,   since 
they  teach  that  huioan  laws  bind   the  conscience  not  only  in  respect  of  the 
act  of  obedience  but  also  in  respect  of  the  things  themselves  commanded; 
they  give,   in  their  attempt  to  exalt  the  papacy,  a  preeminence  to  the 
ecclesiastical  laws  above  the  secular,  whereas  the  followers  of  the 
(Genevan  discipline  exalt  the  secular  above  the  ecclesiastical,  asserting 
that  only  tlie  ecclesiastical  la.TS  tyrannize  the  conscience. 


lihereas  the  very  truth  is,  whatsover  advantages  the  Secular  powers  raay 
have  above  the  ikjolesiaatical,  or  the  Ecclesiastical  above  the  Secular 
in  other  respects,  yet,  as  to  the  power  of  binding  the  conscience,  all 
human  Lavs  in  general  are  of  like  reason,  and  stand  upon  equal  terttis. 


'He  differ  also  from  the  rapists  in  not  attaching  the  power  of  bindlnf^  con- 
science to  the  things  cojm,ianied,   whereby  they  assume  the  pouer  of  altering 
the  nature  of  thinps  from  indifferent  to  comiuandud.     Finally,   they  v/ould 
have  the  binding  rower  to  flov/  from  the  virtue  of  the  laws  thenselves, 
which  is  in  offset  to  make  theia  equivalent  to  the   rjiTine  law.      vVhere  they 
impugn  Christian  liberty  by  itiakinf;  the  obligation  to  obedience  spring  from 
the  constitution  itself,  we  base  it  in  "the  constitution  of  the  Kapistrate" 

3'1 


vC32) 


and  thus  bring  it  under  the  definitive  ijorijtu^^l  injunction  to  obedience, 
TL^t  every  soul  be  subject," 

As  the  historian  considers  a  time  -ahen   ideas  are  swords,  as  in  this 
time  the  idea  oS   Christian  liberty  was  a  sword,  if  a  fcwo-edged  one,  he  is 
prone  to  overlook  that  some  held  the  shields,  that  what  mras  sirord  for  one 
was  shield  for  the  other.  It  may  be  an  index  of  the  weakness  of  the  Laudian 
church  that  the  conservative  interpretation  of  the  great  doctrine  of  Christian 
liberty  should  have  been  thub  of  a  casuist  and  logician  instead  of  an  able 
propagandist,  but  surely  it  uust  be  adbiitted  that  before  the  assaults  of 
the  Independents  were  launched  the  inconsistencies  of  the  Fresb^/terian 
position  u]  on  this  point  had  been  thoroughly  explored  by  one  whose  ideas 
of  theolof^y  and  polity  were  essentially  i£lizabethan.  Once  again  one  is 

forced  to  see  in  the  weakening  and  dissolution  cf  the  politically  conser- 

S7a 

vative  Calvinists  a  raajor  cause  of  the  collapse  or  u.ie  Laadiaa  systea. 

Very  different  ,»as  Donne's  defence  of  the  cereitonies.  In  his  sez^son 
of  162?,  already  referred  to,^^  he  contented  himself  with  corresponaences, 

iThe  ephod  prescribed  by  implication  in  Hosea  U.4  represents  ecclesiastical 

59 
ganaents,   and  the  teraphim  in  the  sar^e  text  represent  images,  vimich  are 

not  idols  if  used  as  aids  to  instruction,  ; roperly  conceived  as  adjuncts 
to  the  completion  of  the  Christian  life.    In  I'^oveaber  1629  he  was  simi- 
larly ineffectual:  speaking  at  the  Cross  during  the  popular  cojaBotion 
which  accoiiiranied  the  iuprisonment  and  before  the  impending  trial  of 
the  Com;x}ns  uecibers  who  had  offended  the  king  during  the  session  of 
1529,  he  contented  hiiuself  with  a  pious  objurgation  against  "wilful 
jnlsinterpretiog  of  other  3«n,  especially  my   superiors,"  against  casting 
"aspersions  or  iaputa&ions  upon  the  church  or  the  state, "^ 


5  \i 


▼(^3^ 


Edwerd  iioaghen,  e  Christ  Church  man  and  Kentish  vicar,  wis 
tougher  in  controverey,   in  all  respects  a  more  able  f-pokeanaa  for 
authority.      In  /Jlpril  1650  he  prenohed  at  the  Cross  upon  1  John  4.1-3, 

go 

that  te«t  beloved  of   the  orthodox  end  the  defenders  of  the  stetus  quo, 
and  his  wsmlngs  against  eitrevsgant   rplrlts  were  based  upon  the  Kind's 
teclaretion  concerning  religion,    issued  in  1628  to  discourage  controversy 
concerning  matters  of  faith.      In  the  l-eclaration  the  King  afflmed 

That  the   t.rticles  of  the  Church  of  England   ....  do  contain  thft   true 
doctrine  of  the  Church  of  England  agreeable  to  God's  ^ord:     which  we  do 
ratify  and  confirm;   requiring  ell  our  lovin,?  rubjocts  to  contlruR  in  the 
uniform  prof^Tsslon  thereof,   md  pi-ohibiting  the  Iftost  difference  from  the 
said  ;.rticlc;s; 

thet  differences  concerning  the  external  polity  of  the  Church  raust  be 
settled  by  Convocation  with  the  royal  ratificRtlon; 


that  ell  further  curlou'  search  be   laid  aside,   end   ...  disputes  shut 

up  In  Ood*s  oromlses  ....   in  the  Koly    -criptures,   anri    the  e«^®^»l  meaning 

of  the  ^irticlef?  of  the  Church  of  Rnglunci  according  to  tbetn; 


that  anyone  preaching  or  prlntinp  anything  contrary  to  what  is  fistablished 
68  official  doctrine  rhell  be  liable  to  the  Church's  censure  in  commission 
ecclesiastical.         Between  the  promulfBtion  of  this  I'eclarHtion  and 
roughen' B  sermon  thi;  royal  prerogative  h^.d  been  assailed    in  the  Parliament 
of  1629  and  in  such  soortilous  pamphlets  as  Leighton's  Slon's  rlea. 
Bou-^hen  accordl  ng'ly  malntelned  the  original  Lnudian  position  on  public 
controversy  in  matters  of  reli.'rion  without  any  compromise  whatever.     The 
time  i"  fruitful,  he  exclalined,   in  "saint- seeming  Heretickes,"   In  "windy 
sermons"   full  of  zeal  bat  no  matter.     Trust  no   -an  >»ho   teaches  anything 
contrary  to  »hnt   tlie  Church  believes;    too  nany  are   lini'iO':1erstely  wadded  to 
their  ORn  conceits.      Our  King  has   tsken   the  best   course,   a     his  Declaration 


3«, 


v(34) 


In  these  matters,  showa.  Hid  doing  in  this  is  the  Lord's  doing  &iid  It 
ought  to  ne  f.cceptuble  in  our  oyes: 

fthnt  hath  beene  ooce  defined  by  the  Church,  ought  not  to  be  subject  to 
the  cenr,urs  of  peiticular  persons;  the  definitive  serteace  of  the  Church 
overswayes  ell  partlcalars,  as  an  -ict  of  i'arllament  over-ruleP  sll 
perticular  opinions;  ana  muct  doe  ;"0,  untill  it  be  reversed  by  the  rame 
pover,  that  enacted  it.   ^ig.  B2tJ 

iVe  nsist,  as  the  Apostle  determines,  use  certain  tolfens  to  dietlKg^ulBh 
between  snirlt  pnd  spirit:   the  law  of  God  reaches  not  only  to  the  act 
but  to  the  7,111;  an  itchin?  or  inclln-. tlon  to  change  I:'  not  enough  without 
an  inward  desire  that  way;  hence  ne  must  not  "stagger  at  every  new-broched 
fancle."  Trust  not  everyone  t'nnt  can  speak  In  a  pulpit;  he  may  be  a 
giddy  unruly  spirit,  full  of  the  cunning  "irhich  alway* characterizes 
herotictl  impostei-s,  iiny  pan  can  bra^  of  the  ''spirit":  and  now,  es  in  the 
days  of  King  James,  we  are  in  danger  from  "ungrounded  dlvtB".."  "Our 
navlour  sent  his  Disciples,  as  Itimbes  into  the  midst  of  wolves;  Jut  these 
Dljjciplinarians  corae  as  wolves  Into  the  midst  of  Lembes." 

They  seek  to  -anlsh  the  fesr  of  the  kinr-  from  our  hearts,  and  if 
they  do  thlo  they  alr.o  seek  to  banish  the  fear  of  God: 


Dfinl'h  one,  «n.^  banish  both;  for  there  is  bat  one  Time  belonrn  to  both; 
Tjpte  Doninum  fc  .MqEem  ....   If  we  feare  not  the  kln^,  «ee  feare  not  God, 

L  le.  ^3j 


It   is  a    fine  tolcen  of  pood  rell jion  flhon  it   1p   joined  vflth  true  of/'^dienee 
to  the  king,   but  now  all  will  be  law-givers  and  low-m^ leers: 


Let   the  I'lng  conwiand   Divine   Jervlce  before  Preaching;   no,   not   ro,  wee 
icnow  not  hov    to  submit,    to  boT^e;    b-jt  wee  know  hor   to  controule,    !o 
cominand   out   of  12  Pulpit   ....  At   comnon   orayorr-  we  are  not,    where  humility, 
•(nd   fe^re,   nnd   reverence  are   rhewod;    there  we  are   t  nriumn  r'irt   n^^    --s   in 
guriTlte  T'jsto,  one   in  a  Pew©,  ancl    t7*o  in  an  lie;   ■  nd  -^cll  1£  so.      :'ut  at 
:;er!non3,   'Mhere  no  humility  la  required,   or  at  least  not  dercrled,    there 
we  are   like  gnats  in  the  ayre.    Q  i£*   CSVj 

3x0 


T{35) 

Humility,   liou^en  hoicks,    if  I  Interpret  him  erlght.    Is   induced  by  the 
act  of  bowing,  by  the  postue  of  i-everence  enjoined  at  common  prayer; 
the     ermon   i-enulrr-s  no     aoh    iCt   c.n3   confiaouently  dnes   not   lir-ulcato 
humility.      The  8i'(^-u.oc:nt   is   latere^ ling,  end   thro»s  sorae  additionrsl 
lisht  upon  the  a'itui-e  of   thn  objections   to  Puriten  pre.schinp. 

It   is  not  for  every  men,   he   proceeded,  to  examine  i^ioctrine. 
This  we  may  know  by  common  reason,   for  the    >olrit  bestows  his  sifts 
diversely  aati   the  readiest   preachers  have  not  necesserlly  the   ;)e8t 
judgriente.     In  f-onis  cases,   *hei-e  the  "fruits''  of  doctrines  are  evident, 
moat  Christians  are  competent  judges.     But  some  prophetp  cone   in^eep*8 
clothing,  an'  how  to   fell  them?     By  searching  th--      criptares?  Tertulllan 
advises  against   this  -method  of  coBtroversy,   since  the  i    r^ue  Is  bound   to 
be  uncort'in;    if  Tertullien  1p  not  eoncidered  velld  authority,  Colvln 
hlroc-elf  hcs  affirr.^d  that   the  >.crlptiire  nsy  not   be  'jsed  to  -ettle 
differences  when  we  are  not  certain  of  It     meaning,  and   thf:t  no  "an  not 
a'^llled    in  divinity  chould   try  the  cpirlts  by  Scriptuie.^*     Little  do 
soae  no7.adBys  heed  these  ^emlnts: 

I  know,   there   ..y  many  In  the  world,   that  never  naluted  either  University, 
end  have  no  tongue,      ut  ^h.jt   tbcir  motherc   teut'ht   thea,    r.o  well   seene 
in   the  bcoke  of  God...   thPt   they  uro  able  to  expliiine  tho  moi;t  'Jifricult 
Jcriptuie   ^\v.   tcis   ;;ede   In   uno,   with  :s  n.uch  e".se  hs    to   sup:ie  up  a  riesse 
■f  broath;    bee   uae  CHhlSl    hath  promised   to   reveals  Kis  rill   to   brbes  and 
8ucklint!8.    tig»  ^It] 

DUt  thif;    la  an  ioiabaptlatlcal    tenet  and   the  sure  way  to   bnnish  all 
learning  out  of  the  church;    it   le  directly  contrary  to  the   rule  of  3t. 
Peter. "^     But  ne  are   gx-o-»n   to  a   wonderful  pride  thc^ue  days,  and  do  not 
heed  the  sdjuretion  of  Calvin  that  a  council  of  bi  hops   la  necessrry  to 
£ei:tle  doubtful  polnte.         The  "Catholike  or  icclesiastlcall  seme"   of 
crlpture  Is  known  by  universality,  antiquity,  and   consensus  of  opinions; 


'I  I 


▼  (36) 


the  safest  rsy,  therefore.  Is  to  tie  ruled  by  the  coamon  consent  of  the 
v/liarc.i.   -nd  aht  is  Lbe  true  Churcli?  That  ne   Kay  find  by  tlae  evidence 
of  St.  Chrysoetom:   Yerbum  I'el  et  >-nti.:ulta:  doctrlaa.  Is  not  he 
prcsu  ptlous  who  in  exposition  of  Scripture  will  contredlct  "the  whole 
current  of  Interpreters"?  what  If  one  of  you  In  the  Corporation  opposed 
the  Court  of  -Iderraen  or  the  Common  Council  of  thlsClty?  The  Church 
of  Ingland  hse  the  sane  warrant  as  you  tj  silence  such  pertonr,, 

After  this  shrewd  strolte  3oufhen  contlnu'^d  hi:.-  dlscourre  with 
unwearied  energy,  untroubled  by  rr'-)Q tltion.   The  'crirt  jrs  is  like 
B  floud,  wherein  o  Ismbe  raey  .=  ade,  and  an  Elaphant  iBsy  swlnrie."  But 
even  thed.ephant  will  dro^n  if  ho  ventures  into  Its  denths.  i-.s   8t. 
Jerone  h-^.a   put  it-,  eve-y  voru  nr.d  syllabic  of  Scripture  is  full  of 
mystorlHS.  Dut  noT^adays  aome  are  much  puffed  up  with  knowled  e  efore 
they  hove  learned  thc^ir  Cntechisn;  they  are  followed  by  mslapert  heretical 
Bomon  who  dare  to  enter  It  to  c  nt roversles  about  rellflon,  "and  aIII  not 
be  t'et  do»ne,  bocaune  they  h  -ve  the  Spirit,"  Their  nouths  are  full  of 

crlpture,  but  like  the  Sadducess  they  have  the  wonis  but  not  the  sen^e; 
they  sto'-i^  'n  defiance  before  tholr  bl:-hopf  -=:nd  srovernor?;  thny  r.re   oetter 
at  cmfutiag  than  ost-'^bl  i  shlng,  "'-ood  at  the  ntabbe,  but  bad  st  the  word: 
desperete  ren."  Through  their  ii^fluonco  the  sanctuary  of  God  1"  denied 
to  be  seer,  d,  the  sacramentfs  ecarco  h^^^.    to  je  holy,  ?nd  high  featir:;!  d  ys 
held  no  .'.lore  than  a  com:ion  working;  day.  Some  of  them  pre   "walklqp  Splrltr," 
"T^andarlng  Jtarrea."  They  ret  Into  some  wealthy  nen's  house  and  then  suck 
him  dry.  Tliey  have  foraa  en  the  Onlrlt  of  ".o'  ).v  rors«;)clnff  *he  whurch,  nnd 
rov3  up  sn;i  do^n  in  the  i-tepr  :>f  -stan,  and  thouirh  they  r^kc  the  cnu-e  of 

their  .'oln,^  godliness  "they  have  Procaratlona  (as  It  were)  in  diverse 

A7 
ahires,  and  Dioceses." 


T(£7) 

Thetfe  are   the  tried  and  true  Karnln^s,    .-epeated   end   Intense  but 
breaking-  no  new  pround.     In  his  conclusions,  hoirever,   Boughen  ettrcV-ed 
m„   I  .ctorers  sf   foa^rr-terr   of  rebellion.      •  ny  nan  can  c.eily  gain  renown 
in  the   tents  of  reoela;    tho  chronicles  «';ould  never  hava   spoken  of    .at 
Tyler  and  Jack  Strew  if  they  htd  not  been  rebels,      Ih'^   sa-e   ic  tnio  of 
these   upstarts  and  factious   persons:      "If  a  rian  bee  but   of   their  faction, 
Ch,  hee   Is  ■:-■  breve  sparfce,"     How  df  ngerous  is  the  zeal  of  these  men  who 

blame  the  present  government  both  of  Church  and  Jtete,    ....   knox   the 
lesst  blemishes  in  both.     They  hfwe   t  .em  upon  all   occasions  et  their 
fingers  ends,  and  laMent  thrm  grle7ously;    they  proraiae  Itrge  redress-e  of 
all  abuses,   if  they  co;  e  in  place,    J3ig.  F2v] 

Thus  3oughen  upon  obedience  to  the  Church,     The  ?©rmon  Is  st 
least  vigorous   if  not  nec<?ssarily  logically  convincing,  rn^l   it  is 
effective  because  the  preacher  fout'ht  the  orDOsitlon  upon  their  o^n 
ground.     He  ceme  dotun  into  the  lie  s  anc  took  stock  of  his  oriponents 
before  he   struck.     This  was  not  Laud's  ustbod,  es  his  accession  clay  sei-non 
at  the  Criiss  in  1631       demonstrates.     Laud  did  not  »rgue;  be  nagged.     For 
him  the  issue  of  obedience   to  the  order  esteblished   wae  as  simple  as  could 
be;    there  was  nothing  to  be  ccaicedeii,  nothinr  to  be  debated;   debcte  was 
to  hia  dangerous  sad  unnecessary.     Hin  fidjurf-tions  were  pointed  enri   orecise, 
his  irony  hetry,   his   threats  explicit,     ilis  text  »jr.8  isalm  72.1:      To  the 
king  judgtaentc,   to  hi;   son  righteousnesc.     -"-he  fathers  affirm  that   this 
pessare  refers   to  Christ;    It   9I   o  refers  to  all     elltj-'ous  kln~s.      "I  em 
glad  to   findC'arist   so  -'.ear  the  King."     But  the  age    ir^   so   b'ld,   "th'?y  will 
not  endu  "e  a  good  King  to  be  commended,   for  danger  of  flattery:      I  hope 
I  shall  offend  none  by  praying  for  tho  Illng."     The  king  ought  to  hHve  the 
prayers  of  his  people;   Indeed  no  nan  decervee   the  afcme  of  a  Chri?^tl«n  who 


3T-3 


v(38) 


prays  not   for  the  king.     The  king  should   pruy  too,    "and  God   oe   olessed 
for  it,   you  hove  a  Ulng  trxt   Is  d^lly  i:t  hid    ixayers,   both  for  biirts-elf 
nnd  for  you."     The  king  pi'oys  for   jucigjaent,  *hlch  Is  the  establishing 
of  the  king's  throne,     -l-'here  is  no  matter  In  the   school  distinction 
betseen   judgment  ind   .-justice,  for  justice  is  necessarily  in  the  king's 
will  and  Judgment  or  execution  must  follow  upon  Justice  o.-    the  people 
will  not  be  kept  in  order. 

liemote  and  pitifully  Inedequate  w;  s  this  erg-uraent  to    Tnce  the 
protests  of  t' e  conraoi?   1  iwyers  concerning  the  abuse  of  the  royrl  prero- 
gative.     But  it  was  ell  the  nrf-ument  Laud  would  admit;   he  contented  himself 
with  exhortation: 


Take  heed,    T  heartily  beg  1^.  of  you  —  I  say  It  sgaln,   I  heartily  beg  it 
of  you  —  that,   no  sir  of  unth-^nkfuln -ss,   no  bsse,  detroctinir,  piurmuring 
sin,   poss-^ss  your  souls,   or  w  et  :-our  ton?u  s,   or  sour  your  bre'ste, 
tgainst   the  Lord,  or  egalnst  his  enolnted. 


And  with  a  thrort: 

And  here  I  should    Inka  occsion  to  tell  you  of  t^f^  cnre  end<feTotton  of 
our  Jr.vld   In  his  de-ys,  arxH    of  his   prpyers,    both   for  himself  «ind  hlP   son; 
but  that  the  a 'e  Ic  ao  bad,    they  i^lll  not  beli?»ve  he   1,-   so  rood  bej'ond 
them.     And   soKe,   for  they  »re  but  some,   tre  so  -  f  spishly  set  to  etine-, 
th  t  nothing  cen  pler.se  tholr  esrs,  unlRss   It  sherpon  their  odpeanelnBt 
fiuthoi-ity.      But   tf^he  hoed:      for  If  thlr   fruit   be   not   E-^ended,   Justice  risy 
srize  upon  them  that  are  guilty,  God  knows  how  soon:      and  the  Ivinp*s 
Judgment   th^t   "od   h'lth  gi^en  him,   may  poll   out   their  stln.^s,    thst   cnn 
employ  their  ton!.ae©  In  nothine  but  to  round  Itim  end  his  e-overnment,    JP.EOSJ 

taud  took  the  Star  Chamber  with  him  right  into  the  Pf.uI's  Cross  pulpit. 

He  then  proeeedee   to  sho     the  analogy  between  the  klnf'r   pon  and 
Solomon,   In  whom  i^nflfind  nhell   see  plentiful  ble  sing  of  Cod's  eracs  when 
he  corws  to  power.     Hla  insistence  upon    t^ils,   euitsble  enousrh   "or  sn 


^-i-f 


t(2-9) 


annivertery  cernon,   was  likely  c  used   by  the   fears  expressea   by  some 
Purltcins  Eiaid  the  r.joicing  over   the  birth  of  the  hsir.     They  feared  a 
child   .rought  up  by  his  Catholic  ;nother;    nhey  had  hoped  for  Elizabeth  of 
Bohemia : 


God   ^sald  one  of  them]  had   slreedy  hotter  provided   for  us  th?.n  we  had 
deEerved   in  fivln?  as  such  a  hopeful  progeny  by  the     ueen  o'"  Bohemin, 
brought  up  in  the  reformed   relir:lon;    ^herpes  It  is  uncertain  »h';t  religion 
the  King's  children  k   11  follov.,   being  to  be  brought  up  under  sj^prher  so 
deTOted  to  the  Church  of  i^ome.  69, 


Certainly  the  occaclon  cslled  for  a  statement  of  the  divine  rie-ht  of 
klnrs,    IndefeaEible  hereriitax'y  rlpht,  tnd   It  was  forthcamlng.     Cod's 
Judgment   1"  eubstfince,   the  klnp's  accident,   a  llfht  imparted   t.o   the  King's 
judpraent  from  the  divine  llb|it,   for  "TAn^r,  are  ordained  of  CrO&  for  the 
pood  of  the  peopla"     If   the  people  are  revellloup  this  light  may  be 
snuffed  out,    anc   hence  must     e  cerrlec'    in  a  lanthorn,   with  carF.  and 
sobriety.     The  right  of  Ruceeealon  must  be   sbsolttte  so  that  the  light  of 
Ood  inparted  to  the   people  through  the  king  may  not  be  extlnp wished. 

rhere  Eoughen  wee  prepared  to  debate  the   icnuea  with  the  PurltP-ns 
perhaps  by  the  proraptinrR  of  an  arguinentntive  temperament,  Sterk  Frank  was 

forced   to  do  so  by  circumEtsncee,      Frank  v,Br!  b  Fellow  of  Pen  roke.   Just 

70 

pradueted  5.D,  Tjhen  he  preached  at  the  Paul's  Cro;  s  four.dation  in  ie4l. 

He   s:ema  to  have  been  £  Laudian  both  in  belief  en:  manner,   but  no  n^an 
could  preach  in  1641  as  Laud  hed  done   ton  yesrc  before.     Frenk  w«is 
queruloup  ?fhere  L>^.\i6   vtr   authoritltivo;  his  sermon  oeksB  r.  fitting 
concluaioQ  to  the  defence  of  the  royalist  pocltion  frorti  that   nulpit. 
Ee  pro?.chod  upon  Je-eraiah  w5.   18-19,    the  commendation  of   tha  rechftbites* 
obedience,  cbservinp  grimly  that  the  te^ft  vt:3  not  fit  for  the  tine,   "but 


3«.r 


1  r-m  sure  it  is  nt?edful,  —  i  toxt  of  obedience  never  mare.  ,  little 
of  th-^t,  well  prncticd,  would  make  us  undarstfiiid  one  Jiuother,  ret  us 
all  together  -igain."     The  text  m«y  Indeed   be  applied  to  the   tiaie: 


3ec-:ase  we  cone  not  hither  only  to  com-nend  ethers,   but  to  lesrn  otzselTes, 
....   we  "ill,    in   the  clo-e   of  ©very  sreneral   point  of  their  obedience, 
f^xamine  our  own;    see  how  neKr  or  ^hort   we  come;    rhere,   if  I  chance  to  saj 
you  b^ve  not  done   no  much,    oardon  ae  that   per-on  'ill   the  r.iiy;    it   ir  the 
person  In  the  t?'t,  end   I   therefore  use   it.     I  raenn  not  you,   nor  you^ 
none  of  you  unless  your  actions  apply  it.      I  Irnow  not;    if  they  do,  yjni 
raust  forpire  ne   if  I  strike  home.     I  come  not   so  far  to  flatter  you;   and 
the   tLmi»3  require  e   '^h' rper  phyr-ic. 


It  i3  evident  then  from  the  text  that  God  d-'listhts  in  ooedi^nee: 


God  doth  more  than  say  it;    says  it  with  delight;   goes  with  it  over  and 
over  again;   obi'distia.  cuatodiatia.   feclstia;    thrice  in  a  breath;   tskes 
notice  of  every  tit  Me,   fills  the  whole  chapter,   -ilniost  every  verse  with 

it;    lovT.  t-)  P'^'-'-^w  -f  it,    it   '-0  aach  contentn  him. 


Hg  cnya  it  rot  dixit  but  rtlelt,  sajrs  it  to  us.     He  wss  plessod  with  the 
hech-T.  it'^s  bec-Jttse  they  were  a  haopy  f.'itntiy,  their  rule  obedience,      iiow 
do    -e  compare  ^Ith  them?     In  civil  affai:  s  nen  brotik  through  the  la«s  as 
if  thoy  were  cobwebs;    In  eccleslartic&lB  it   is   noree  —   both     exee,   all 
conditions  and  a|^8  of  subjects  will  not   bow  the  knee  or  bend  the  hend 
In  God's   service.     The  itocbnbltes*   obedience  consls'ed  of  hnarlnfi;, 
pubmisslon,   ncquieacpnee  in  the  act?;  of  their  satjerlora.     TTnleps  we  Bre 
re3   y  to  /la^r,   and   hf'^rin'r  t,o  submit,   we   shell  be   driven  up   to  the  chaoe 
of  our  private  lusts: 


I   need  call  nothlnp;  el'^e   !jut  the  dismal  experience  of  there  last 
tunuiltoous  tiines  to  witners   it,    therein  tonrues,   and     enp,   and   actions 
hQ-^e   so  h -rrlbly  exoreBsed   it. 


And  s-lve  me  leave  a  little  to  re-^son  with  you.     Authority  ufed  to  be  a 
losricsl  ar^ment   to  iTuidft  our  reason:    end   have   »■?;  los':   our  lo''ic  too,   es 
well  a-   our  onedience.     The  consent  of  wise,  grave  leornod  fathers,    ... 


^v*. 


▼  (41) 


*lth  eny  r.-n  T?ot   too  hleh  in  bin  ot:-!!  conrelt.   Is  certainly  of  a  wlue 
so-nenhat  abore  his  privata  ima^in  tlon.     For,   who  te'ls  you  they  are 
deceived?     Your  pi-iv;.t9  cinlster?     .-'.nl   sre   you   rare  he   i"    r.Dt?      '.'icl 
are   they  decalved?     ^nd   Ir  it  not  as  likely  th^t  you  and  he  should  be? 
^.ere  they  net  £8  wise   as   you  —  «'    just  ^s   jou  —  as  devout  as  yoa? 
Co  you  use  the     crlntur-e,   and  did  not   they?     i^ad    they  iiii^ereets,   nrd 
have  not  yoa?     That  all  should  be  decei7fid,   till  you,    and  your  nr-w 
irlnisterr  esf-e   iato  the  world,   Is  morally  Impoacible  ....    It   is   true, 
your  governors  ere  not  infallible;    no  ir.ore  are  you.     Yet  certnialy  ther» 
is  more  certainty  in  their  united   Jud^aents  thnn  your  simple    fSir.ci  s. 

[r.  421] 

The  good  rubject  submits  in  Judfrncnt  and  In  affections,  but  the  rebels  to 
the  Icinp-  have  murmurei  at  him  and  enthralled  their  judg^-onta  while  thinking 
to  licer^ite  the-^ 

to  the  factious  and  dlseontentei]  decision,.,,  of  ignorant  and  nelicioua 
ti^-ichsrs;  '^ho  ha-v?  -ve.clsed  more  tyranny  upon  your  consciences,  than 
the  moBt  clinorous  csn  proTe  ever  bishop  did,  du^  st  ever  icfeuse  'lim  to 
do.   [p.  423j 

It  i?  cl'^'r  enough  what  motives  have  stirred  wn  to  nove  aeainr-t  their 
l<5wful  prince:   "rlota,  riches,  pride,  aad  a  desire  of  raising  fartilies, 
have  tnade  mcny  of  you  for'jet  ....  to  keep  under. "  Such  ambitious  gentry 
wrln*"  the  laws  to  their  osn  er.ds,  nrete'd  liberty  and  conscl'^nce,  but  are 
corBctscl  by  pride. 

HsTlnf  dewonstrpted  that  he  knew  a a  well  rs  the  economic 
hlrtorlen  the  Rocloloplcel  bapis  for  the  revolution,  rrank  turned  his 
ertlllrTy  upon  the  City  fathers.  How,  he  Inquired,  cen  you  nqunire  your 
disobedience  to  the  '^rown  rlth  the  obedience  you  Impose  In  your  corporations? 
"where  the  opiisslon  of  a  punctilio  draws  after  it  Intolera  .le  defaults?" 
You  d1o"(J  IsTj'-  and  cistoras  In  your  tenures,  lands  end  corporations,  may 
not  the  '"hurch  olead  them  tooT 


^■^'^ 


ri^'i) 


Itoy  not  I  ?3s  lawfully  ^evTB   my  •'>ocl  in   reverent  posture,  r-s  thou  in  a 
saucy  anJ  irreverent  garb'j   Is  It  superstition  in  iae  to  stand,  becsa-e 
thou  sittest  or  leun  st  on  they  elbow?  I"  it  Idoletry  in  ne  to  kneel 
because  thou  wilt  not  foul  th**  clothese,  or  vex  tiiey  kneesV 

Such  i'  our  sorry  record  In  compsrlson  with  the  echabttss.  Kow 
rhom  did  tbey  obey?  Surely  their  fether,  their  right  'ath-r, 

sought  them  no  ne*  ones,  neither  in  Church  nor  tate;  kept,  es  you  rould 
say,  to  their  town  king,  to  their  o«n  bishop,  their  own  priest;  wandered 
not  out  of  their  diocese,  gadded  n.  t  out  of  their  own  parish  to  find  on© 
of  thfir  own  choosing. 

They  acknowledged  him  their  father  without  any  difficulties  or  injunctions, 
ofaeyt'd  him  because  he  was  their  ftither  enu  for  no  other  reason,  ninths  and 
nursing  fathers,  and  there  la  no  earthly  power  above  the  king,  neither  the 
Pope  nor  people,  [p.  433][   Bishops  too  are  fathers  by  their  title, 
the  fathers  of  the  Church:   this  wes  never  -^i.-pu^ed  "till  this  nev?  unchri;  tlan 
Christianity  started  up."  Ihelr  service  ie   no  Iieavy  yoke: 

41  Het,  e  knee,  s  reverent  posture  of  the  body,  are  no  euch  tyrGnr,i:>a,  as 
eone  please  to  fauncy  them.  You  would  do  more  in  r.   g-rea;;  man'r.  presence, 
mox^  for  a  sxall  teciporrjl  eooouregetnent.  -^  heoit,  a  hood,  a  cp  ,  a 
suprlice,  a  name,  are  wonderful  thinfB  to  trouble  a  devout  conscience. 
You  have  mor^;  ceremonies  in  your  oojapanias  anu  corporations^,  and  you 
observe  them  strictly.  You  will  find  It  if  yo  i  ccrapore  thom,   jj'.  4343 

Moreover  our  King  is  a  true  ana  kind  father,  and  he  has  bsen  evilly  used: 

Let  the  affronts  at  hia  own  palace-gate,  the  saucy  Isnguu  '^  in  every 
rascal  mouth,  the  reualllous  sermons,  the  seditious  libels  cnst  about, 
hln  own  words,  a  here  ho  Is  ffiln  to  nroclaim  to  the  tsorld  he  is  driven 
from  you  —  let  these  c^ptjak;  I  say  nothiii^.   [?•  435^ 

From  such  disobedience  can  come  ncthlnr  but  ruin  and  desol-'itton. 

One  huadrad  und  seven  years  before  Frank  spoke  out  uf  his 
oitternoss  und  despair  ihomaa  Crom>.ell  initiated  the  preaching  of  the 


3T,f 


ri^Z) 


roypl   rupre.Tiacy  at  Tf^ul's  CroFS.    In  1534   the   eneriea  of   the    -BtebllEhn»Bt 
tronsfomed  —  perhBpe  created  1.b  s  bettsr  ».ord  ~-  by  the  king  in  Tarlia- 
ment  7:er©  few  and  almost  poweiless,  unsupported   by   those  who  posseseed 
the  polIticFl  and  ecia-mlc  oo^er  in  the  r^alm.      In  1641   the  system  of 
prerogiitive  f?ovexn'ent  f.hich   served  Kenry  and   Lli^sbeth   wis  broker.,    the 
ba?  6  of  pover  hod  shifted   (as  Harrington  observed)   fron  th---  cro^n  to  the 
gentry,  tind  the   theory  of  governnent  proclalneci  from  the  official  palpit 
had  beco  e  unrealistic  snc    invf.lld,     fhough  it    -as  by  no  cicanr.  dead  and 
was  fated   for  e  storpy  pHssSj-e   in   the  restoration  period  es  the  doctrine 
of   passive  obedience.     Yet   it   is  posaible  to   overeetlmste  the  unrealistic 
ana  reactionary  aspect  of  th^te  Benr.ons,     Our  view   of  seventeenth-century 
rngllsh  history  has  beer   until  recently  so  coloured  by  the  pronouncements 
of  the   trluranhant  V  higs  who  were  the  heirs  of  the  Long  pTllament   pquires 
th«it  the  reraf^rkable  con'-dstency  ana  nobility  of  the   ideal  arer.ched  at 
Paul's  Grose  i?   likely  to  be  depreciated.     The  statesmen  tho  KorVred  Tithin 
that   frs'fiework  of  ideas,  applying,  tne  precepts  which  nound  so  rigid   in  the 
pulpit  Tflth  considerable  elaat.iclty  and  with  that  tenporizing  art  which 
More  In  the  Utopia  professed   to  adsiire,   finished  the  interrupted  tssk  of 
the  riantaponetr.  in  making  England  one   state   inscead  of  two  privlnces  of 
the  Church,  and   put  en  end   to   feudal  anarchy.     These  processr-s  er<»ated 
the  "new  -len"  end  In  their  coming  to  po^er  there  was,    tronicrlly,   t 
return  to  the  past  as  well  as  a  breaking  of  n  w  ground.      In  one   r.ense  the 
▼  ictory  of  the  Pnrliaoient  war?  a  triumph  for  the  ancient  trsdltlonr   of 
the  common   Ir.v  rnd  the   po^era  of  the  T^dieval  Parliaments,   self-connclously 
intorpretect   by  men  like  Coke  and  Pym.     It   is   no  de  radox  to  say  that   the 
Tudor  and  -  tuart  autocracy  was  revolutionary  rather  than  reactionary. 


3t^'{ 


v(<;4) 


Dut  if  tluH  ijspect  of  the  tutocr'-cy  ia   prominent  in  the  orcitniza- 
tlon  and  functioning  of  the  conoiliar  courta  and  in  the  preaching  of  the 
ivefor.riotion  doctrine  of  obedlencti  in  its  *;xtreTie  form,  the  truly  cnser- 
vetive  natui-e  of  the-  Tudor  and  -tuart  rule  ir>  deraonstreted  in  the  social 
theory  in  the  principles  of  which  the  preachers  tirel  ssly  instructed 
their  auditories  for  a  century.  To  this  important  dep8rtra::nt  of  the 
preacher's  duties  we  nay  now  turn,  having  suiTeyed  e  century  of 
justiflc&tionB  cf  the  oranicompetent  Prince  and  hif^  relisrious  estebllBhment. 


330 


VI 


THE  CH&ISTIaN  3XIETY 


For  if  *e  Bhrll  be  so  affected,  thst  every  nan  for  his  owne  oomraodity 
will  rob  and  spoyle  another  rasn,  he  society  of  -iiaaklnd,  »hlch  of  ail 
thinrs  Is  most  natuirill,  must   needes  be  dissolved. 


John  Ho  son,  J-   Sermon  ^re  ehed  at 
Paultjs  Crosse   (1597),   sig,   D5y. 


Tor  the  Church;  we  have  but  two  children,  and   thoae  none  of  oar  own 
breeding  neither,   t.ouph  ;ie  &.re   fain  to  bring  t'lem  up  with  rfitipnce. 
Poverty    'nd  Contempt;   'md    'eke  thea  who    vill,   so  to  were  rid  of  them, 

Thoroaa  Adams,   The  '.pcrlflce  of 
Thankfalneps     1615, 


331 


n(2) 


The  period  la  £ing^lsh  history  between  the  dissolution  of  the 
raon»steriep  and  the  Long  Parliament,  between  Wore  and  Miltoa,  Latimer  and 

Laud,  was  a  time  of  mr:jor  econimic  and  social  revolution  which  njorks  the 

1 
beginning  of  the  modern  world  or,  if  you  will,  the  world  before  Marx, 

The  transition  to  the  modern  is  observable  in  every  field  of  huncn 

endeavour,  but,  whether  lor  theory  of  history  is  Marxist  or  not,  we  must 

f.dnlt  that  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  the  age  was  the  rise, 

thoupii  certainly  not  the  birth,  of  capitalism  and  the  crpitallstlc  ethic 

and  folklore.   It  was  the  ap-o  of  the  3ook  of  Coomon  Prayer  and  of 

Inflation,  of  Hooker  and  of  .llr  I'hocaas  Gresnam. 

Now  in  the  coupling  of  those  two  renowned  names  we  see  cymbollzed 
two  of  the  most  important  eleiTients  in  that  siniruler  ccmpound  which  we  call 
the  ijriglish  r.enaissance.   It  is  a  sad  and  elevating  common-place  that  the 
courre  of  h(im.n  events  is  very  complicated,  that  "moveraents,"  chnnscs  in 
the  culture-complex  of  a  society,  ere  at  first  obscured  by  the  per: latence 
of  the  old  order,  and  that  the  essence  of  change  is  conflict,  often 
blurrf^d  by  the  wrltinge  of  Ecnsible  men  who  have  a  foot  planted  in  the 
old  t-B   xell  as  the  n  w,  and  in  their  )>appy  equilibrium  upset  the 
generalizations  of  the  historians.   In  tine  neriod  before  us,  the  basic 
diagnosis  is  this:   that  there  existed  a  conflict  between  the  medieval 
heritsf«?  of  the  ordered  3ocicty,  enclosed  and  static,  a  conauoerc* 
Society,  with  its  or^-anio  and  religious  lnequ--lity,  and  the  ne*r  order 
which  was  developing  as  a  result  of  what  the  clr^ssieal  econimists  csll 
the  ooer-tion  of  economic  laws.  The  apparatus  of  risk  and  credit,  »fith 
its  eorollarlRs  of  Individualism  amJ  expediency,  whs  slowly  but  sujrely 
being  erected  (though  much  later  la  England  than  in  parts  of  the   continent. 


^3-^ 


vl(3) 


notably  the  Low  Countries)  upon  the  ancient  framework:  of  the  mnnorlfil 
and  gild  system*.  Sarope  was  opening  upi  the  narro^v  boundarl'^s  of 
the  medieval  world  we  e   dissolving  In  ne«ly  aiscovered  watfire;  the 
imagination  of  aan  was  freed  —  we  have  hoard  that  many  times  —  but 
so  iias  his  cupidity. 

This  phenomenon  has  been  -o  often  an.;  -o. capably  explored  that 
I  need  not  rehearse  it  here.   3ut  one  asoect  of  it  needs  al  ays  to  be 
emphasised.  ..cro  s  the  fairly  constant  path  of  economic  chnnp;e,  the 
recurring  r.otifa  of  enclosur  s,  higher  orices,  engrossing,  adventuring, 
the  foundling  of  exchanges,  the  poor  laws  legislation,  the  birth  of 
taercan'ilism,  sweeps  the  r.eform.tlon,  at  once  eivposing  and  dls  uisin?  the 
fccts.    e  norraally  think  of  the  period  in  terr.n  of  the  political  and 
rellgiooa  cont.  overly  inspired  b:  the  reformation,  and  it  1'  soraetlroes 
surprising  for  th«  economic  historian,  brought  up  on  Adam  S  ith  as  he 
often  ir,  to  find  hi -self  obliged  to  study  the  sernons  and  godly  pam- 
phlets of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  in  order  to  comulete 
his  picture  of  whftt  was  going  on.  He  has  to  r-^member  that  he  Is 
exploring  the  officlnl  utternnces  of  an  ace  when  the  Soolf  of  Private 
Prayer,  Issued  for  the  .Jevotlons  of  the  faithful,  contained  this  orayer 
for  landlords: 

we  heartily  pray  thee  to  send  th^  holy  spirit  Into  the  hearts  of  them 
that  possess  the  grounds,  pastures,  and  dwell ing-pl'cep.  of  the  earth, 
that  t  ey,  re.,-.emberine  themrelvcs  to  .e  thy  tenant;  ,  nay  not  rack  ar-d 
stretch  out  the  rent  of  their  houses  and  land'  ,  nor  yet  take  unreaf^onable 
firiRP  an:  incomes,  after  the  a^.nner  of  covetous  worldlings,  ...  but  so 
behave  therriselvrs  in  letting  out  their  tenements,  lands  and  nastures, 
thet  after  this  life  they  nay  be  rscolvod  into  everlestln?  dwelling- 
plRces. 


333 


Ti{4) 


In  those  days,  eTen  when  the  ideal  slipped  farther  i^nd  farther  away 
frora  the  reality,  the  landlords  vkere  still  considered  tenants  of  the 
Almighty.   That  the  Qlzabeth-'^n  or  Jacobean  Londoner  went  to  serscons 
with  the  EB'-ie  Tjerclatence  and  enthusiasm  with  which  we  atte  d  the 
cinema  should  not  lead  ar  to  believe  that  le  w-^s  more  eligious  than  we. 
That  is,  he  wr-is  not  raore  rellgiou'.'  in  the  evangelical  sense:   he  did 
not  >:wear  less,  or  drink  less,  or  i^amble  less,  or  fornicate  less;  nor 
was  he  less  covetous,  vain,  o8tentati.<u3  or  morslly  grubby  t*ian  his 
modern  bourgeois  counterpart.  But  he  was  more  relisrlous  In  this 
sense,  that  hi  society  was  still  a  religious  society,  in  which  the 
sanctions  of  rellf-ion  operated  in  all  departments  of  huT.an  endeavour. 
He  was  still  living,  though  precariously  and  with  a  short  tenure,  in  a 
world  more   llise  GhaiiAcer's  than  like  ^.r.  Johnson's.  He  was  a  Protestant 
and  did  oot  go  on  pll.  riT^ages  to  the  -<hring-  of  s  saint,  but  he  went  to 
Paul's  Cross,  and  still  not  in  a  departn»nt  of  his  life,  but  bs   a  ^an; 
not  as  a  church-.^oer,  out  ns  a  oinner. 

But  by  the  time  that  ^Tiomns  da  s  or  Charles  Kichardson  came  to 
denounce  covetousneso  and  usury  at  the  illustrious  preaching  plr>c«,  the 
attitude  towird  covetousn;>s8  «as  well  advanced  in  chanp-e,  and  nowhere 
rmrtt   than  in  London.  Kor  what  the  preecherr,  cnlled  covetousness  and 
extortion  was  what  -e   rcll   good  business,  which  hns  nothing  to  do  with 
what  the  preacher  snys  on  Sundays.  The  other  vices  against  which  they 
thundered  are  still,  I  suppose,  vices,  except  perhaps  plays.  There  is 
a  heritage  unbroken  from  the  puritan  condemnation  of  hedonism  find 
libertinism  in  thin  period,  md  from  the  satiric  coraplainbg  of  t;:e  friars, 
to  the  comtemporary  attack  upon  the  pursuit  of   fleshly  lusts  by  those 


Sif 


▼1(5) 

who  in  lf!t  upon  ftbne.fotlon  as  the  mark-  of  the  Christian  life.   sut  the 
motlTe  of  indivlduollsrn  wa  -  working  steadily  from  the  fifteenth  century 
onward,  changing  the  attltuc'^e  toard  "troff  Icklng"  in  general  and  tovard 
u  ury  in  particular,  and  questioning  the  pi-eogetiva  of  the  stj^herds  of 
souls  to  meddle  oTermuch  with  the  ^equlsltive  lebouro  of  their  flock-a. 
This  conflict  between  two  attitudes  toward  coTetousness  has  fostered 
many  loose  generalizations  against  which  the  .^sry  student  must  be  on 
his  guard.   It  Is  -ince  the  appearance  of  eber's  famous  essay  to  equate 
the  rice  of  Calvinistic  protestantism  with  the  rise  of  capitalism,  even 
from  the  thesis  of  so  carrful  a  scholar  as  Tawney,  and  to  seek  a  scs  lo- 
goat  for  the  sins  of  ell  Titreet  in  the  vestries  of  Geneva.   Celvin  raay 
be  blamed  for  much,  for  the  rigorous  legsliaiBwjith  which  ho  invested 
Christian  ioctrine  for  instance,  bu*  although  he  onctloned  the  taking  of 
moderate  Interest,  he  and  his  ministers  set  their  faces  sternly  orainst 
economic  individualism.  Galvlnftsm  grew  up  In  the  urban  centers;  Its 
le-'.dorc  recognized  more  clearly  than  Luther  and  his  disciples  the 
expediency  of  admitting  some  righteousness  to  oro-vperlty,  but  Calvininm  was 
aleo  a  discipline  compared  to  which  Laud  ironically  obi?erved  that  his  own 
was  a  thing  of  shrede  and  natches,   hen  ^ndrRwes,  preaching  at  the  Tpltal 
in  1588,  sought  authority  for  the  con-iemnatlon  of  the  selfl-^h  u.  e  of 
rlchfis,  he  found  It  In  dt.  /.ugustlne  but  also  In  Calvin,  -ctu'illy  the 
devolopTnent  of  -^alvlnism  bec(»aes  confured  with  the  sectarian  movements 
which  were  sometimes  Calvinistic  in  their  formal  theology,  anu  the  trhole 
Pfttltim  spirit  g-jve  rife  to  almost  every  sort  of  economic  and  political 
theory,  as  even  the  most  superficial  study  of  the  Commonwealth  will 
demonstrate*  Moreover  not  ell  cspltcilists  were  puritans.  There  v";8 
always  present  in  the  Puritan  etho.'  the  tradition  of  the  "g-odly  discipline" 


335- 


vl{6) 


and  the  godly  dlsolplinQ  included  the  pious  orderlns^  of  one's  temporal 
af  airs.  The  Lord  mifht  look  benignly  upon  a  lerge  brnk   account,  but 
not  if  it  had  been  amaf-aed  by  the  exploltati3n  of  the  v?eak  and  the  needy, 
or  by  dl8ho::;e8ty  end  fraud.   Witness  Or,   Badraan,  and  Kichard  Baxter's 
aeny  adjurations  to  "arold  sin  rather  than  losa.** 

The  doctrine  of  the  Church  of  ^.ngland  upon  usury  and  enclosures, 
upon  engrossing  and  rack-renting,  was  throughout  th?  period  the  traditional 
doctrine.  Inherited  from  the  middle  ages,  ard  preached  when  It  seem;;  to 
us  a  voice  crying  in  the  wilderness.  The  AngliCHn  apologists  used  and 
quoted  Aquinas  upon  the  just  price;  they  invoked  the  custonary  authoritlea 
ageilnet  urury,  arlstotle  and  the  appropriate  te^ts  of  icrlpture.  The 
dialectic  of  the  thir  eenth  century  is  applied  to  a  different  aituation 
in  the  seventeenth;  one  hears  from  the  pulpit  r>8  from  The  Merchant  of 
Venice  the  attack  upon  those  to  presume  to  breed  barren  metal,  and  to 
demand  a  return  upon  e  fixed  day,  sharinp  the  profits  but  not  the  losses 
of  the  borrower.   In  persoective,  it  Is  possible  to  see  that  the  Catholic 
theorists,  fran  riaytnond  de  Pennafor  e  to  -.llson,  and  the  Catholic  homlllsts 
from  Broayard  to  Laud,  were  falling  to  make  a  distinction  between  consumer's 
and  proclucers*  loans,   ■'•he  doctrines  wex-e  f  amed  when  the  producer's  loan 
was  practically  non-existent,  bat  the  pr^^achers  ooatinued  to  apply  there 
doctrines  where  perhaps  they  did  not  apply  at  all.  They  condemned  often 
the  nhole  aopsratus  of  credit  as  we  might  condemn  the  loan  sharks  of  o  ir 
time.   It  is  to  be  remembered  that  s  good  deal  of  the  attack  upon 
capitalist  methods  did  not  rest  npon  any  doctrinaire  assumptions  at  ell, 
ut  upon  oboerrntlon  of  the  plain  facts  which  foced  th^  vicar  as  he  went 
a:oat  his  parish,  enforced  alvnys  by  a  tre'tendouD  folklore  condemning 
usurers  and  the  coTetous  In  general,  by  etriolems  In  which  the  fraudulent 


5-5  (. 


vl(7) 

merch^mt  and  the  rreedy  landowner  were  shown  tossed  raerrlly  apon  the 
deylls*  pitchforks. 

Besides  the  theory  and  the  popular  prejudice  there  was  another 
main  reason  for  this  remarkable  eoneistency  in  Anglican  opinion  on  aU 
economic  matters.  That  intifnete  relstionshlp,  amouating^  almost  to 
identity,  betsoen  church  and  state,  shlch  was  the  siniiiular  and 
influential  product  of  Tudor  statesniGnship,  made  it  impofsible  to 
countenance  a  society  in  fhich  any  groups  of  persons  should  operate 
without  state  regulation,  and  equally  iiiporslble  for  churchmen,  themselves 
at  once  guardinns  of  .?oal8  and  of  an  estebllshneat,  to  reg.ird  such 
intrusions  upon  order  with  Rnythiag  but  a  conserv  tlve  remonstrance. 
The  statutes  in  any  collection  of  Tudor  economic  documents  clorely 
parallel  the  pronouncements  from  the  pulpits  and   the  IniJunctlons  in 
the  Homilies.  The  intricacies  of  public  finance  under  !^lizabeth  and  the 
first  two  Stuarts  need  concern  us  only  Incidentally;  what  is  directly 
InrolTed  is  the  close  and  regulatory  nature  of  their  povera~ient  and  Its 
inti-at"  associtftion  with  clerioi  discipline.  The  two  arms,  ecclesl.'.s- 
tical  and  secular,  were  In  theory  dovetailed  in  purpose,  ajid  Indeed  it 
worked  out  that  way  in  practice  for  the  most  part,   'hen  they  r^nung 
apart,  as  on  the  question  of  monopolies,  churchnen  questioned  not  so 
much  the  orerog'Stive  ae  the  n  buse  of  that  prerogMtlvo.  The  welfare  of 
thv>  CO nmonnealth  was.  In  Ideal,  an  accoraplishmfnt  to  ^od's  «rlory,  and 
obedience  to  the  sovereign  end  his  laws  in  the  r^alm  established  was  a 
religious  duty. 

To  these  reasons  for  the  per.^'istence  of  exhortation  which  seams 
in  oerspoctive  re.ctlonary  and  the  feeble  continuance  of  a  vsln  hope  murt 


^37 


vltS) 

be  addec,  in  the  e.ae   of  such  Church  of  Sngland  "Puritflns"  es  John 
Stockwood  end  Thoase  Adans  —  to  nsne  tao  of  many  —  another  reason  no 
less  corent.   'hatever  eccloslrstic^l  discipline  the  Puritan  spirit  might 
£?ubmit  to,  whether  of  Canterbury,  of  OeneTa,  or  of  the  congregation, 
there  existed  in  such  men  e   te-nper  of  mind  .^hlch  the  vlelbls  church 
organization  does  not  -adequately  disc  lbe,apoe.tuYe  of  the  f^^irlt  rigorous 
and  Intolerant,  yrrogsnt  and  humourless,  austerely  tender  to  the  sinner 
nnd  withHl  pitless.   It  was,  I  suppose,  a  sort  of  ''hard  prlnltlvlsm," 
as  LoTSjoy  would  cnll  it,  and  ss  it  found  in  the  primitive  chiirch  the 
severity  of  temper  which  It  craved,  it  found  in  the  simplicities  of 
medieval  society  another  E=ort  of  Ide^il.   "itnesr  Latimer's  famous 
apostrophe  to  his  father't  yeomfinry.   It  was  a  spirit  *hich  eschewed 
intemperance  nnd  riot,  and  found  the  cloven  hoof  as  often  under  the 

Idernan's  robe  as  under  the  ermine  of  the  !udge,  the  vestments  of  the 
bishop,  or  the  rlobon  and  g  wn  of  the  Garter.  It  may  be  seen  slike 
among  couformisti?  and  non-conformists.  Both  Laud  and  Adams  condemn 
unary,  but  Ada.ns  condoi.iwi  pl^y?  as  vigorously  if  not  so  copiously  aa 

tock-^ood  or  Prynne,  crjnne   whose  earless  pate,  crooned  with  a  cullt 
e»p  and  the  halo  of  rl^btnouanesB,  sticks  out  as  a  terrible  symbol 
above  the  controversies  of  the  period. 

One  fimle,  then  two  levels?  of  social  criticism  in  the  Paul*8 
Cross  sermon!:.   There  1e  the  ccHiventional,  even  official,  eonderiiotion 
of  abuses  In  the  continar.l  revolution  in  l-^nd  tenure,  of  usury,  of  the 
whole  institution  of  the  entrepreneur.  There  is  nlso  this  reheipent 
atteek  upon  luxury  and  Intemperate  living,  upon  the  ploKSuree  of  this 
world,  an  att'ick  not  necesshrily  "Puritan",  to  be  pushed  by  the  historian 


336 


vl(9) 

under  the  blsck  and  white  of  the  Partten  hnblt  and  r-sde  the  object 
of  lewd  mirth.   l*he  friars  did  likewise;  If  the  preacher  wished  he 
might  dra/,  upon  a  long  tradition.  The  preachers,  »lth  only  one 
exception  In  shaX   Paul's  Cross  sermons  I  have  seen,^  ma  tee  no  ?uch 
distinction  ns  I  make  here  for  my  convenionce.  Under  the  eyes  of  a 
Just  God  and  his  minister,  drunkenness,  ostentation  in  apparel,  or 
using  falrc  weights  and  measuros  were  alike  damnable  sins.  "Be  not 
conformed  to  this  world,"  said  the  Jipostle,  'but  be  ye  transformed  by 
the  renewing  of  your  alckd,  that  ye  may  prove  what  la  that  r ooc ,  and 
acceptable,  and  peifect,  will  of  Ood. 

There  was  another  abuse  arilnst  which  the  preichees,  especially 
but  certainly  not  -olely  during  the  reigns  of  idward  and  Elizabeth, 
ralred  their  voices  with  anderstanoable  fervour:   the  spoliation  of  the 
Establishment.  They  complained  continually  of  the  poverty  of  ministers, 
and  of  the  devious  litigation  by  which  they  were  defrauded  of  their 
tithes  and  their  livings.  This  wr.8  a  eontlnusl  scandal  in  the  ishole 
history  of  church  Innds  after  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries.  There 
are  not  many  lars^e  and  notorious  epirodes  of  the  kind  kaierianr^   love  to 
discover  In  their  economic  history;  the  process  of  plllsfing  proceeded, 
efter  the  first  great  impulse,  by  rmall  steps,  but  the  cumul^^tlTe  effect 
was  considerable.  "There  will  always,  be,"  said  Hooker  sadly  In  hln 
treatment  of  endow;Dents  and  tithes,  'some  skilful  persona  which  can  teach 
a  way  how  to  Rrind  trestably  the  Church  with  Jaws  that  shall  acorco  move, 
and  yet  devour  in  the  end  more  than  they  that  come  ravening  'slth  open 
mouth  ap  If  they  would  worry  the  whole  in  »n  Instant."  Historians  are 
still  swayed  by  their  prejudices  upon  this  question,  but  it  seems  reasonably 
clear  that  the  ln£ti^< ting  force  was  the  dissolution,  and  the  immense 


3-S1 


Tl(lO) 

auction  which  Croraioll  conducted  with  such  e^tpedltlon  end  resource,  one 
of  the  biggest  r  aX   estate  deals  in  history,   its  effects  were  almost 
incalculable:  among  other  thins.  It  changed  the  ffce  of  England,  and 
It  raay  hsTe  changed  the  3oul  too.   It  created  the  new  r^n  of  the  first 
dispensation,  he  the  wooll?n  industry  and   the  companies  of  msrchent 
adventurers  created  the  new  men  of  the  second  dispensation.   Ilie 
dissolution  might  not  hure   created  such  difficulties  for  the  Ghureh  of 
England  had  it  not  b  en  for  the  rapid  succession  of  policies  which  added 
to  the  chaos,  the  wholesale  deprive t ions  which  occu  red  at  the  beginnings 
of  the  reigns  of  ifory  and  Hlizabeth,  added  to  the  illicit  nnd  intemperate 
plun^^ering  permitted  under  the  regime  of  Northumberland,  ^.dded  to  these 
disturbonces,  of  which  the  most  significont  result  vtas  thousands  of  vficsnt 
•urea,  was  the  perilous  financial  position  which  persuRded  Elizabeth  to 
hold  on  to  church  revenues  (as  to  those  of  Ely) ,  or  to  farm  out  positions 
and  perquisites  and  sell  church  lands  a-nong  the  new  xen  wh^m  hei-  father*s  , 
policy  had  created  (and  among  others  of  the  next  generation  such  as 
hslegh)   in  order  to  reolenlsh  the  roytil  tre'isury.   On  one  side  this 
resulted  in,  ciany  secular  deanshipa  or  actual  expropriation  of  church 
lanrls;  on  the  other  It  resulted  in  the  necessity  for  pluralitl  s,  a 
necessity  which  like  all  necessities  was  much  abused.  Thou  amis  of 
livinrs,  remnr.nte  of  the  esscult  upon  ecclesiastical  properties,  were 
worth  little  ot   nothing:   In  some  the.e  was  no  church  and  the  vlcsr's 
consecration  took  place  In  the  ehedon  of  a  hedger  w;  In  others  ihe/e 
dwelt  only  one  or  two  fsrailles,  somatlnos  becsupe  of  the  depopulation  CBueed 
by  the  cspitallotlc  sbsep  farmers;  in  many,  adjscent  to  the  .'emesn-sE  of  the 
great  and  lesser  gentry,  the  living  had  been  plundered  Gystemsticglly  by 
lltlfation  or  force,  usually  the  former,  for  there  were  often  loopholes 


Sho 


▼1(11) 

in  the  laws  of  land  tenure,  complicated  as  they  7?ere  by  vestiges  of 
faudel  right?,  which  could  be  conveniently  abused  by  unscrupulous  Inwyers. 
^gsinct  the  rspscity  of  the  nan  lords  end  pentleoen  the  incumbent  or 
hie  bisbop  could  usunlly  call  up  little  nore  than  the  venreancs  of  God, 
which  though  terrible  i?  often  long  caning.   As  for  the  yoonp  man  just 
down  from  the  University,  considering  holy  orders,  if  ha  did  not  hove  a 
convenient  patron  in  command  of  a  good  living,  what  opening  in  the  church 
for  him?  Ihe  dis^l  prospect  often  made  him  melancholy,  and  he  turntfJ 
either  Puritan  or  plryaer,  o*  fell  into  even  worse  courses,  to  the  great 
peril  of  hlP  soul.   The  evil  state  of  church  ilvin?s  contributed  'i  great 
mony  unemployed  intellectusls  to  the  English  scene.   It  is  apparent  that 
the  situation  improved  nuch  after  the  r.c  ession  of  James.  Certainly 
statutes  were  passed  to  prohibit  further  alienation  of  church  oroperty  by 
fraudulen'  leases,  ^nd  theie  8'*eitts  to  have  been  «  slo"?  improvement  both 
in  the  condition  of  country  livings  and  by  consesjqonce  in  the  quality  of 
the  incuabenta,  but  the  pace  of  recovery  was  slow,  and  had  not  oroceeded  fo 
even  approxlmctely  a  satisf .'etory  situation  before  the  heoellion. 

In  describing  the  flood  of  rhetoric  which  issued  from  the 
Paul's  Cro.is  pulpit  upon  social  questions,  few  concessions  need  be  mads 
to  times  or  persons.   In  the  sermons  of  Latimer  and  Lever  the  agrarian 
problem  is  most  prominent;  in  the  1590's  the  preacher.^  were  more 
exercised  than  u?u8l  over  =lmony  and  sacr'. lege.  The  first  of  these 
protests  arose  from  the  enorsiitier,  of  the  gentry  in  the  reign  of  -Edward, 
the  second  apparently  war  little  more  than  the  acoumulnted  effect  of  an 
ancient  grievance  too  long  unreformed.   The  theory  of  the  Integrated 
functional  society  regulated  by  a  paternal  executive  was  preached  without 
cessa'ion  throughout  the  whole  period  under  review,  but  perhaos  the  raost 


3hi 


Ti{12) 


8i . "mi f leant  aspect  of  this  continuity,  its  stringent  application  by 
Liud,  is  not  to  je  fathered  from  the  Paul 'a  Cross  sermons.  Laud  said 
that  the  rtar  Chamber  was  his  pulpit;  in  that  court  proceeded  his 
efforts  to  recover  church  property,  to  punish  immorality,  dspop^latore, 

engrossers.  The  effect  of  this  program  upon  the  opinions  of  the  Parlia- 

4 

mentarinns  hss  beon  expertly  described,  and  needs  no  more  than  niention 

here.  The  purpose  of  this  discussion  is  to  describe  the  traditions  f^hich 
formed  Laud's  opinions. 

The  ideal  which  directed  the  preachers  was  never  more  clearly 
stated  than  by  Laud: 


If  any  nan  be  so  addicted  to  his  private,  that  he  neglect  the  cordon, 
state,  he  i  void  of  the  ense  of  piety,  and  wisheth  peace  and  happlnesB 
to  himself  in  Td*n.  For,  whoever  he  be,  he  must  live  In  the  body  of  the 
Cornnonwealth  and  in  the  body  of  the  Church.    5. 


The  individual  is  a  member  of  the  body  politic  ^nd  of  the  body  of  Christ; 
he  is  not  one  but  part  of  one;  no  nan  is  on  islsind;  no  man  is  a  law  unto 
hi".sclf ;  the  ^.narchy  of  *he  Book  of  Judf;o8  la  the  ultimate  terror  and  to 
s^lsh  it  the  ultlm.  te  sin.  The  Christian  commonwealth,  said  Latinrr,  is 
as  the  ?oing  or  two  ploughs:  a?  it  is  necessary  to  h^^ve  the  bodily 
ploag^hing  for  "the  sustentatlon  of  the  body,"  so  we  must  have  the 
spiritual  ploughing  for  the  bus  entation  M  the  soul.  The  sin  of  the  times 
la  that  "the  bodily  ploughing  is  taken  in  pri^enclosed  thfcurh  singular 
commodity."  The  spiritual  ploughing  is  hindered  through  "lording  and 
loitering"  among  Cod*8  ministers.   "Both  olouKhs  must  still  be  golnp..,, 

and  herefore  are  fflagistretes  o.dalned,  but  that  the  trBnauillity  of  the 

6 

conmonweal  may  be  confirmed,   limiting  btoth  ploughs?"       The  preahers 

Invel^ed  aj-aineit  "private  state"   or  "singular  commodity",   and  defended 


Ti{13) 

the  right  aad  pri"ilege  of  the  mfigistrate  to  limit  both  ploughs. 

The  n  ture  of  ownership  in  the  society  ordelaed  of  God  is  very 
different  from  that  determined  oy  economic  "laws."  So  man  in  his  calling, 
said  ftilliam  James,  works  for  hiraelf  alone,  but  for  all.   Twenty-five 
years  later,  John  Hoslcins  affirmed  that  a  man  is  not  the  owner  of  whst 
he  calls  his  ovrn:   "the  princlpall  right  of  nil  outward  things  r,od  h  th 
reserred  to  hlipelfe...,  yet  hath  hoe  committed  to  the  sonnes  of  men  a 
right  of  use  an  dispensation  ngreeable  unto  reason,  which  asketh  that 
thincrs  in  nature  perfect,  should  seirve  creatures  of  more  oerfection; 
whereonto,  for  the  aroyiing  of"  dieaoder,  a  genf^rall  distinction  of 
owna?es,  was  added  by  the  Law  of  the  Nations.    Ownership  as  stewardship 
is  conformable  to  reason  and  to  n«tural  law;  it  Is  fionreheneible  by 
reason  oecaase  it  Is  conformable  to  Cod's  decrees  for  *.he   re^ul  tion  of 
the  religious  life;  the  religious  life  is  the  r)ison  d'etre  of  poclety. 

You  that  are  greet  in  thl^  world   Qsaid  Geori^e  Bensoi^,   you  do  not 

wind  &.   turn  t)ios«  things  which  are  absolutely  your  own,  you  are  but  feofees 

In  trust  with  them  to  the  use  of  God's  Orphsnes,    9, 

Degrees  of  wealth  are  also  the  ordinance  of  God,  which  is  to  the  ordered 
intellect  (that  is  to  tha  Intall'^ct  informed  by  right  reason)  "agreeable 
unto  reason."   "God  would  have  some  rich,  sone  poore,  for  iletlnction 
sake,  and  the  mutuall  exercise  of  liberality  and  pntience,"   which  are 
Christian  virtues.   «11  ranks  in  society  are  in  the  1  eal  condition  bound 
together  by  charity;  the  preachers  lament  tit  thlf  Idoal  lo  broken  by 
the  crnjl  practices  of  the  tiaa: 


Charity,  being  unto  other  virtu'jc  as  the  moon  in  comparison  of  the  rest 
of  the  stars,  1?  aleo  changed:   her  sweet  and  a-lable  nature  is  converted 
into  more  thnn  r'uvage  barbarity:   tender- hearted  nen  are  bf=>coffle  bloody- 
minded:   every  man  hu'>t«th  aftar  his  b  other  as  after  a  prey:   each 
degree  Is  ri-^liced  ?in(^  hated  of  other,  the  clorsy  of  the  If  Ity,  the 
sh*??  erd  of  the  sheep,  the  rich  of  the  poor,  ypa,  the  mnster  of  the  serrants, 

:?y3 


▼1(14) 


all  raen  of  some,  and   some  nlmost  of  fill.     The  bond   of  poece  •*.•     Is 
burst  eauador.  11 


The  and  and  rule  of  connarcial  transactions  is  tho  "mutael  profit"  of 

12 
buyer  ani  sailer,   "not  the  fj^in  of  one  of  th^m  eLone."         3ut  none  of 

the  preachers  will  adnlt  that  such  coranunlsm  as  that  proposed  by  the 

■ajjabaptlats  would   be  a  solution   to  the  illegltim;te  use  of  riches. 

Communism  means  anarchy;  distinctlcMa  of  properties  ir  eccopcling  to  resaon 

and   providence,   so  it  be  not  ebu-ed,  as  by  the   grasping  entrepreneurs 

it  i"  abused.     Due  obedience,  nrgued  Lever,  requires  that  each  keep  in 

his  station  assigned  to  him  by  God*s  ordinance,  and   the  citation  of  the 

pnctiee  of  the  apostolic  church  is  n-yt,  rightly  considered,  an  argiiment 

as-ainst  distinction  of  wealth,      i'rue  it   1p  that   the  Apostles  had  sll  things 

confinon , 


yea  and  that  christen  nsen,  in  that  they  are  christen  men  rather  then 
covetous  men,  hove  all  thyn^'es  comen ,  e  en  unto  this  d'ij,         13, 


That  Is,  theChristlan  1 -hours  for  the  com-non  *©el,  th"?  common  pood,  the 
society  bound  topather  by  the  bond  of  peace  and  Integrated  by  TjaBarall 
distinction  of  ownages";  in  this  snnss  goods  are  common. 

How  be  it  ther  can  be  nothyag  more  contrarye  or  further  disngreyne:  from  that 
phnntaetlcal  commennesse,  or  rather  from  th.?t  divelyshe  disonler,  and  un- 
rlphte juse  robry,  .-here  a«  Idle  lubbers  myghte  lyre  of   hon'»ste  ennns 
Ibboures,  then  to  have  all  thynres  comen  as  the  Aaosteles  hsdde,  as  christen 
men  have,  and  -.t:   1   do  me^ne.   And  this  Ib  theyr  u»a?-e,  a  no  my  mcenyn^e: 
that  ryche  ;iea  e  shoulde  Hepe  to  theym  elves  no  more  then  they  rede, 
an-  peve  unto  the  poore   o  muche  ae  they  nede.  ...  Kor  so  it  is  rwe,  that 
christen  lens  p-oodes  shald  De  comen  unto  every  mans  nede,  an:  Drivfit  to 
no  -"fins  luste....  For  they  that  Iraagyne,  covet,  or  wyshe  to  h  ve   all 
thynges  coraune,  In  suche  sorte  that  everye  man  inyght  tr.k-e  irhat  hym  luste, 
w-^lde  h^ve  all  thynpes  conen  :n-d   open  unto  everye  m^ns  luste,  and  nothynge 
reserved  or  Kept  for  any  isns  nede.    14. 


3H--f- 


▼1(13) 

Without  distinction  of  wealth  there  Is  no  reserve  for  the  n?ied8  of  the 
deserving;  indeed  under  such  nn  arrargement  It  would  not  be  possible  to 
find  the  deserving,  and  the  rein  given  to  concupiscence  -ould  destroy  both 
virtue  end  the  field  in  which  virtue  mlgh'  be  exercised.  Moreover,  only 
In  order  and  degrse  is  it  nossible  for  8  aj'^;n  to  see  the  evidence  of  hia 
own  honesty  and  industjpy,  to  heve  by  comp'^.rieon  .-orae  visible  yei^stlck 
for  his  virtue.  Lever's  ergiment  is  at  once  high-minded  and  shrewd. 
The  passage  throws  s  shadow  before,  for  it  demonstrates  how  incompatible 
th'2  Puritan  doctrine  of  the  calling  is  with  equalitarifnlsm,  and  how  both 
peternsl  conservatiEiE  and  Individuallatlc  opportunism  are  supported  by 
and  in  turn  support  the  concept  of  degx*ee. 

It  follows  then  that  one  mast  consider  the  rel?^;ted  questions  of 
the  validity  of  rlchf>8  end  the  invalidity  of  Idleness  in  a  society 
constituted  upon  these  grounds.  There  Is  no  doubt,  Raid  the  preacher, 
that  the  desire  of  money  Is  the  root  of  ell  evil;  ..Todllness  Is  great  rain 

only  if  the  <f«in  coopiets  In  this,  that  a  men  is  content  with  what  he 

15 
has,  **  If  riches  bring  contentment  end  not  ambition  and  immoderate  desire 

of  worldly  prosperity  they  fulfil  their  function  as  a  pood  gift  of  Cod. 

For  riches  being  the  gift  of  God  nre   not  evil  in  themselves;  it  Is  the 

abuse  of  rich'?s,  which  Is  covetousness,  that  is  a  hydra-headed  monster.^* 

A  men  may  be  rich  and  also  godly: 


There  ir,  an  Inward  Joy,  there  1p  an  outm-nrd  dignity  3nd  reverence,  thst 
j^ccomoanies  riches,  and  the  jspdly,  the  righ  sous  man  is  rtot  incapable 
of  there.    17. 


Ihe  Inward  Joy  and  -'itlsffiction  of  which  Donne  speaks  In  this  passage  may 
arlee,  as  Perkins  observed,  from  the  contemplhtion  of  Ood'."  ordlrrnce  of 
inequality  in  worldly  roods:   "such  as  have  sundry  f •  xms  ...  may  lawfully 


Tl{16) 

18 

enjoy  them."    Only  in  the  exerciae  of  Christian  charity  which  is  the 

efflaence  of  this  consciousness  of  beinr  blest  is  the  rich  ■lan  a  godly 
man.  The  tension  of  duty  and  privilege  implied  in  thi';  cnsaistry 
was  never  better  exr^ressed  than  by  Richard  Bernard: 


Riches  well  used  brir.f^  prnce  and  estiimitlon  before  Tien,  for  hey  In.-able 
nen  to  shew  forth  ^odlinesse,  5:  to  paese  on  their  time  with  more  comfort, 
and  to  countensnce  f;nd  defend  their  poore  Cbristian  brethren  in  well-doing. 
Therefore  if  praoe  and  goods  coe  together,  thou  has*  isreet  cause  to 
blesse  God:  for  it  is  a  most  h?ippy  estate,  to  bf«e  rich  to.ards  the  world, 
ani  to  God  too,  to  bee  rich  body  end  soule.   But  slthough  thl?  ip  f.   very 
rare  estate,  yet  we  see  that  they  may   neete  to«?ether:  snd  therefore  we 
may  not  thinke  that  he  which  is  rich,  can  not  be  relifflous.   True  it  is, 
thst  it  is  hnro  for  e  rich  rasn  to  enter  the  Kin-dome  of  ,eaven;  but  it  it 
not  impossible.   19. 


The  reletion  of  riches  of  bov'.y  to  rich':S  of  soul  sas  indeed  subtle,  so 
sabtle  -^s  not  to  e  contained  in  Gosson*?:  suggestion  th't  "God  Is  contt^nted 
to  drswe  them  (the  worldly  nffectad)   unto  him,  v ith  oromisen  of  worldly 

prosperiti?,  that  by  the  e  steppes  they  nay  by  little  nnd  little  f^scead 

20 
to  loTe  him  for  hlmselfe  at  last."*    I  hove  found  no  other  oreacher 

prepared  to  escaoo  from  the  dilemma  of  the  rich  nan's  case  by  any  s  ich 

attribution  to  God  of  the  dlplomc.tic  faculty,   i^ey  in-isted  that  the 

rlg^ht  ur»e  of  riches  was  a  matter  of  eonaei'-nce,  and  one,  that  sturdy 

Puritan  ^amusl  ard,  noted  hoi?  concentration  upon  bu~inesn  left  the 

consci^.nce  asleep: 


ifark  ther,  you  th:^t  hare  mills  of  busines?  in  your  hefid",  ^vhale  estminrster 
Hallr,  jourses,  l-.xohanges,  nnd  '^at  Indl?^s  (as  I  fear  mp.ny  of  you  h  ve 
whilst  I  am  speakln?  to  your  e,>nscience) ,  that  "";kinff  hn-te  to  De  rich 
orerlRy  your  brains  with  r^ffairs,  nr  ■   so  cusy  in  your  countins--houre 
'ind  bookr,  nnd  thst  uoon  thl'".  very  day,  thn   you  never  hcve  onco  in  a 
week,  or  a  year,  an  hour'sspace  to  confer  sslth  your  poor  conscience;  yee , 
when  did  you?    21. 


'.hat  ard  was  warning  against  wee  the  departmentalization  of  life:  business. 


3f  V. 


▼i{17) 

like  all  other  human  employments.  Is  a  set  of  moral  acts,  subject  to 
the  reTlew  of  the  conscience  as  much  as  the  performsnce  of  strictly 
religious  duties.  H  accused  hi^  hearers  of  luaving  consciences  li»ce 
"sleepy  nrstiffs,"  Inadequnte  watch  doKS,  not  al>v8y3  a  ake.   But  who, 
he  concluded  plaintively,  hath  believed  our  report?  Thomrr'  ASams  wes 
concerned  also  to  emphasize  the  burdea  upon  the  rich  nan's  conscience: 
the  greater  richon,  the  greater  danger  of  sin.   'It  is  herd  to  bonr  the 
bag,  and  not  to  be  covetous."    rJlches  are  no  mak  of  God's  favour,  merely 
a  greater  trial  laid  by  God  upon  mnn's  conscience.  ^^Imost  eve.-y  oreachep 
insisted  upon  the  burden  laid  upon  the  cons^^cience  of  the  Protestant 
wealthy,  and  accordinp'ly  a  idressed  himself  wi '-h  some  acerbity  to  thct 
or-pn.   -  s  Protest'snts,  argued   isseiand  his  arguraent  is  typical),  we 
are  freed  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Law  upon  the  conscience,  which  is  free. 
-(8  free  we  sre  prone  to  eornallty;  .'^ince  we  know  that  we  csn  hcve  no  nssrit 
by  their  alms,  as  they  fondly  suppose;  but  froia  the  practlc  1  standpoint 
It  has  to  be  admitted  that  th?  «lai8  are  ffiven  and  c'ood  ic  done. 
Protestant  carnality  corresponds  in  evil  *ith  Papist  idolatry. 

Such,  then,  ore  the  t-rounds  for  such  an  '.ssault  upon  covetournoss 
as  that  of  Ch  rles  Richardson  in  his  gre-^t  sermon  of  oppression  and 
freuc-ulent  dealing'^  preached  at  the  Cross  in  1614.  r^ichErdson  might  have 
bren  ss  willing  as  the  Puritan  flerna;d  to  admit  that  --race  and  go  via 
mif?ht  po  together,  but  he  nas  concerned  to  emphasize  thntthls  1p,  ".b 
Bernard  admitted,  "'a  rare  estate,"  to  show  the  Difficulties  thnt  rich 
men  sve  in  gaining  admittance  to  heaven*  Hie  text  wss  1  Thessalonirsns, 
4.6:   oppression  and  fraud  are  expressly  forbidden  by  Cod.   Opprernion 
is  a  crime  agaiant  nature,  since  every  man'r.  u<iighbour  is   «8  it  were  hie 
own  flesh,  and  If  he  hurts  his  neirhboar  he  team  his  o«a  flesh.  Men's 


34^-1 


▼i(18) 

greatest  enemy  Is  hlraeelf;    In  opprefsing  othsrf;  ha  stands  in  :nortal  sin 
at  the  sarrs  tine  as  kb  murd'^rs  his  neighbour  fnd  dissolves  the  i}B8tice 
that  ou^ht  to   be   in  civil   societies.     Men  are  brethren   by  nature,   by 
country,   by  kindred  and  by  affection.       e  are  one  body,   end    In  the  body 
no  one  rr-embex*  ct-n  be  for  itself  more  th^m  for  the  whole.     Oppression  and 
fraud  aj  e  particulerly  evil   if  tuey  co-exist   in   the   na^ie   rich  man    vith 
profession  of  religion.     Such  profession  is  as  worldly  an  account  as  the 
entries   in  a  merchant'E  lsd?,er;  here  the  gilded  hsnd  may  breElr  through 
man's  Inws,   but   not   through  lod's. 

There   is  neer  n   teare,      hich  cruel  Tyr'^nts  sirring  from  the  eyes   of  the 
poore,  but  the  Lord  putteth  it   into  his  bottle.  24. 

Though  som^  clerical  "clawbacke  or  other"   will  usually  be  i""ound   to 
eulorizs  th:  cruel  rich  men  in  e  funeral   p<?rmon,  God   Is  not  deceived.     They 
cay,   re  will  do  some  deeds  of  cha  ity  before  we  die,   build  a  hospifl  or 
an  alms-house.     By  ouch  acts  the  poor  may  indeed  be  relieved,   but  the  ^^ct 
is  not  a  godly  set,   not  «  true     ct  of  cherity,     .  uch  acts  are  ths  -^^cts 
of  a  guilty  conscience;   they  axe  of  no  avail   to  buy  saivatlOTi.     The  guilty 
conscience  Is  part  of  God 'a  program  of  poni   hrtent  for  covetousness.     So 
«h^t  voooars   to  men  as    m  actof  Charity   in   -.iCtuslly  an  evidence  of  the 
rich  rcjn's  damniition." 

Such  is   the  stern  l05:ic  which  inform«d  the   reproof  of  ths   industry 
of  the  rich,      ^he  loric  was  •jcoomp-jnied  by  c^lls  to  repentance,  none  more 
eloouent  than  Latimer's  as  he   brooded  like  a   prophet  over  the   sicked  city: 


Now   what   shall   I  say  of    there  rich  citizens   of  London?      ".hnt   rhall    I   say 
of  them?     Shall   I  call   theni  oroud   ren   of  London,    'lollcious  men  of  LondcM, 
merciless  men  of  London?     ':io ,   v.o,    1  rcsy  not     ay   roy   they  will  be  offended 
r-lth  me  then....   <hat  ado  was  the  e  made   in  London  at  a  certain    ^an, 
because  he  said,...   "Batf^esB^si"  luoth  he,    'nay,     utterfli   si"     Lord,  what 
ado  thex-e  was  for  that  wordl     ^i-nd  yet  would  God   th^^y  we  e  no  worse  then 

3t% 


vi{19) 


butterflies....  Oh  London,  London!   repant,  repont;  for  I  thing  God  is 
more  di8Dle'>?ec}  with  London  than  e  ,'er  he  was  Trith  the  city  of  N<»bo»  26. 

The  preacher  In  nddresslng  the  rich  was  prophet  as  well  as  caFulst: 
knowing  that  the  right  use  of  riches  was  a  matter  of  conscience  he  applied 
hlmrelf  to  the  Instruction  and  ev-aicanlng  of  thst  coaRcience,  Having  drawm 
upon  all  his  posers  of  casuistry,  however,  he  ended  with  a  general 
proclaaietion  of  sin  -rnd  the  need  of  repentance;  only  fa«  .s  genernl 
redirection  of  the  will  viaa  senctlfi<Hbion  of  the  comnonnealth  pon  Ible. 
In  his  heart  as  by  his  theolo;:lc  j1  convictions  the  preacher  knew  thtit  the 
earthly  paradise  »8s  Impossible.  Ke  una   not  enpagod  to  build  Jeruaalem 
in  ijigltind's  ple>jstint  land,  but,  ss  iiicharc^son  put  it,  to  hold  up  a  gless 
In  which  the  people  might  see  taei;  sins.  Like  the  friers  before  him  he 
was  6  satirist^'  wlio  by  his  cleansing  wit  and  his  images  of  t'^rror  soupht  to 
purify  civil  society  .-^o  that  it  might  remain  the  nu^clng  rcother  of  the 
Church,  tUBt  it  might  provide  e  fertile  soil  for  the  i^ro^th  or"  the 
elect  in  grsce.  He  spoke  greatly  to  these  ands.   -Ve  know  that  he  failed 
in  the  first,  ^nd  of  the  second  we  are  nat  Judges. 

As  the  prencher  reproved  the  Industry,  or  :s  he  called  it  the 
eovetousness  of  the  rich,  so  he  reproved  idleness  in  sll  estates, 
fhough  there  was,  practlciilly  considered,  ?cMie  little  difficulty  in 
deciding  whe  c  industry  ended  aau  eovetousnsss  oegan,  the  e  seemed  to  be 
no  rach  embftraEsing  distinction  to  make  in  the  case  of  r?loth,  't':cidla, 
that  traditional  target  of  the  righteous  homlllst.   Indeed  It  was  easy 
•nough  to  define  and  denounce  the  Rlugg  rd*e  slt.fulness  simply  as  he  is 
an  "idle  Lubber."  W  >ny  cumber  the  i^round,  said  Adams: 


3«f1 


Tl(20) 


What  innuraerable  swarms  of  nothing-do^s  belearaer  Ihl?  cityl   .'^en  and 
Komen,  who?e  uhole  oniployirent  Is  to  go  from  their  beds  to  the  tfp-ttou'^e, 
then  to  the  pl':yhou.^e,  -here  they  lake  -  st  tch  for  the  brot' el  house, ^® 
and  from  thence  to  bed  ecsin.  To  omit  tho-^-o  nmbulutory  Chrl8t-"8nE,  that 
wear  out  the  psve.iio  it  of  this  greaL  te.-np^l^®  ?dth  their  fjet,  but  scarce 
ever  touch  the  stones  of  it  with  their  knees;  that  are  never  farther  from 
God  thfia  inhc-ii  tiiey  &ro  ne.rest  th«  church.    SO 


..dam  Hill  pointed  out  the  danger  '^f  .~uch  persons  to  the  public  pnaea: 


And  idlenesse  is  the  cauae  of  so  uiimy  f rales  and  bloodsheds,  that  are  in 
St  about  London.   For  es  the  scripture  saith:   they  lye  in  .ait,  which 
cannot  be  perfourrced  si  thout  idlan  sse.   I  would  wish  tr.ai   yong  Gentlemen 
and  serving  r.en  were  kept  from  idleae.^se,  a.id  then  no  cioubt  they  7<ould 
keep  theTiselves  from  homicide.    ol« 


Two  years  before  Hill  spoke  'illlbm  Fisher  wHrned: 

Ecr.ar^  you  desperate  ympes,  ho»  ye  secke  by  blood  to  i*e  enge  your  drunken 
quarellss,    32, 

Duelling  and  bloody  frays  ?:ere  to  fna  preahher  evidences  of  IdL^^nesB  ill 
spent;  he  noulo  argue  that  it  is  irnpossible  to  spend  Idle  time  well. 

So  much  then  for  the  Osrlco,  the  Kt.strilk,  the  Bobadils  of  the 
time;  the  troops  of  liveried  hangers-on  who  made  up  the  ruites  of  the 
lords,  thf  dischc-rged  gentleaen  of  caunshies,  and  unemployed  cadets  of 
noble  families  and  the  upper  gentry.  But  the  attack  on  idleness  involved 
the  question  of  the  idle  poor,  of  the  "masterloss  -en'  ^ind  '•sturdy  beggars" 
'(«ntioned  so  frequently  in  Tudor  statutes.  Upon  this  question  en 
otherwise  so  diverse  as  .^ndrewes  and  Ada^s  spAke  with  a  sinp-le  voice,  which 
was  the  voice  of  the  Poor  Lhwb  and  of  the  Statute  of  -.rtifloers  of  1563, 
There  Id  a  dlstinc  ion  nade  between  the  ~ood  poor  and  the  brd  poor,  "The 
poor,"  said  ..ndrewes  in  his  well  knoim  samon  at  the  pital  in  15^8, 


3^» 


Ti(21) 


are  of  tso  sorts;  such  a-  shill  be  wtth  as  'alirays,'  as  Christ  saith, 
to  whom  vte  mast  do  food  by  relieving"  them:  such  is  the  comfortless  state 
of  poor  caplive:  ,  th;  succorlfiae  estete  of  poor  orphans,  the  dasolste 
eotete  of  the  poor  widows,  the  distressed  ostHte  of  poor  atrensttrs^   the 
disconLentod  estate  of  poor  scholars....  There  are  others,  such  '2?-  shoa'd 
not  be  suffered  to  b©  in  Israel,  whereof  Israel  is  fall;  I  mean  beggsrs 
and  vacabonJs  able  to  work.   53. 


iidaras  made  the  HaKie  distinction: 


There  are  two  sorts'  of  poor,  and  cur  care  nuPt  be  proportionable  to 
their  condlti  :n8:   there  are  oonio  poor  of  Hod'n  neking,   omc  of  their 
own  uaklng.  Let  me  say,  the  e  ere  c>od'e  poor,  snd  the  rievil's  poor: 
those  the  hRnd  of  God  hath  crossed;  theso  hfive  forced  necessity  on 
themr elves  by  a  dissolute  life.    24. 


The  first  are  to  be  cared  for  with  compassion.   In  the  society  of 
ordered  ranks  they  are  inevitable,  and  their  case  is  within  the  bounds  of 
alleviation  if  the  hi::;hor  ranks  perform  the  ^utifs  which  th^lr  position 
emails,  and  succour  the  poor.  This  is  not,  be  it  noted,  the  sa.-se 
ine-zitabllity  which  ::ns  the  shibboleth  of  the  popul'^r  expositors  of 
the  lass  of  iev,  .Robert  iiolthus.  This  Is  the  work  of  God,  and  oro/ldes 
03Cji8ion  for  liberality,  ac  Ir.  Hollead  observed.  Almost  every  prochep 
who  dealt  at  all  with  social  qusstlonn  exhor  ed  the  hnvos  zo   the  relief 
of  the  hsve-nots  es  a  priiT>a,.y  vlhrlstian  duty.  He  who  does  not  consider 
the  poor  is  ao  member  of  the  oo-y  of  Jhrist,  8i;;c8,  sg  ..da;M  put  It, 
■"there  mry  be  difference  'n  the  fleece,  there  is  none  in  the  fl'^sh." 
Thex-e  ere,  hovever,  the  other  poor,  "who  have  nulled  necessity  upon 
themselves  -sith  the  cords  of  idleness,  riot,  or  such  disordered  courses." 
They  are  to  be  recovered  if  possible  by  correction: 


That  rabble  of  pilforlnp  vas^abonds,  that  like  be:!'?t8  know  no  other  end  of 
their  creation  ::ut  racreatioa,  but  to  eat,  find   dr^nk,  and  sleep,  "hst  en 
army  of  these  mlfht  be  -nust'-red  out  of  our  suburbs,  but  th -t  idleness  hath 
disabled  them  to  any  sar\rice;  they  aie  neither  fit  for  God  nor  rafin.   35. 


3fl 


Tl(22) 
The  fruitless  should  be  cut  down  for  th©  righteous  to  fill  their  room. 

The  rlfht«ous  are  the  laduatrlous;  sll  the  people  of  Hod,  said  Adam 

36 
Hill,  labour  in  their  ▼ocatloaa  while  it  is  yet  deyl    Laws  should  be 

maJe  to  make  idlerc  work,^''  but  we  are  adjured  to  be  merciful  to  the  poor. 

Under  ths  name  of  the  poore,  ere  ma  nt  the  miniete.  s  oT   God  !   , 
poore  scholirp  shlch  are  the  seede  plot  of  the  Church,  poore  souldiers, 
poor  impotent  ^n,,.,  ?^ick  men,  prisoners^S  and  banished  men.^® 

It  is  easy  to  see  in  these  paasaces  a  conviction  of  whst  i?  fsmiliar  to 
students  of  Puritanism  as  the  doctrine  of  the  "calling,"  tn'  al?o  to  see 
the  seeds  of  what  Poofepsor  lawney  has  called  "the  new  -nedicin©  for 
poTerty"  in  the  Coraraon*salth  and  ivedDratlon  administration  of  the  Poor 
Laws;^  the  attitude  which  e.aerged  in  .;;a3uel  Ilertlib's  dictum:   "the 
l&w  of  God  saith,  'he  that  will  not  work,  let  him  not  est.'   ihis 

wrould  be  a  sore  courge  end  sn^rt  whip  for  idle  parsons  if  ....  none 

41 

Should  be  suffered  to  e&t  till  they  hed  woaght  for  It,"    Herar   wee 

the  Goctrl'ie  of  leboaring  'n  one's  vocction  put  -ore  c.  utiounly  than  oy 
James  Biose,  ^ho  illustrates  a  port  of  condition  of  balcnce  in  the  belief 
in  godly  Industry,  a  teLance  upset  in  the  next  century.  The  description 
of  iden,  he  botr'an,  shows  thnL  Ood  abhors  idlcn  ss,  since  He  out  ran  to 
dre:::-8  the  .?arien  though  there  was  no  noed  to  w:-.rlc.  V.here^^s 

ydle  livers,  loytring  vacabundes,  vilde  rogues,  be.rglng  Friers  (in  15811]  , 
loose  llbertin-?s,  carnall  .^nobeptlstas,  anatchers  from  other  -ens 
trenchers,  hey  ^hat  live  in  no  TOc;;tion,  ao  arte,  no  trade,  no  silence, 
C'innot  raako  this  a  i-hroud  for  their  slnne  ....  -aylng,  we  ai-o  forblddento 
loboure.    42. 

This  Is  blE  text,  "Labour  not  for  the  meat  which  oeri^heth,  but  for  that 
maat   7*hich  endureth  unto  everlasting  life,"  Though  It  is  true  thRt  there 
should  be  no  idlers  in  the  Christian  co7i  lonweelrh,  that  cich  hould  lebouP 


3rx- 


Tl(23) 

in  his  vocstion,   yet  in  Sden  too  God   first  enjoined   temperance  nn6   fasting 
from  the  trea  in  the  Gerden;  Sre'r  sin.^was  the  same  ss  ours  whan  wo 
labour  for   the  meat  that  perisiieth.     Hence  it   Is  ft^ear  thBt  re  rhoald 
not  1  -   O'xr  carefully  for  the  n  at  of  the  body.  t  this  point  i  ioae 

esoaped  haopily  Into  on  ectoanding  raytholOf^ical  exemplum,  Inavlnp  the 
degree  of  industry  enjoined  by  the  Aliiighty  rithout   it3   Imnopsible 
ex  ct  definition: 


Cerea  the  goddesse  of  come  Rnd  Lrend    is  plfc  d   In  the  lo  ept  raome  of 
the  heathen   ^od;^  and   Doddesses,  ^nd   her  daurhter  Proserpina,  was  married 
to  Pluto  King  of  hei. 


Pluto  is   traditionally  the  god  of  wealth;   Christ  walked   in  poverty  and 
hxTiility.     The  pre-cher  continued  e  .ally  with  the  trciditionol   invective 
against   zorldllnoss, 

.rchbiehop  Sandys,   not  erabarrassed  by  n  crlticf;!  text,  wr's  much 
more  explicit   in  delineating  the  benefits  of  industry: 

There  Ir   no  one  f^ult  from  'shich  the  wise     an    (the  author  of  ProTerbe] 
doth  so  much  endeavour  to  withdraw  .iien,   as  from  sloth.     For  this  c  eu^e 
he  putteth  u:^  so  often  in  niiad   of  the  great  blessings  which  God  doth 
heap  upon  the  pplnful  -nan.     "The  han«i  of  the  diligent  nhsll   bear  rule." 
"He   t;ic!t  tilleth  his  land   r-hall   oe  satisfied  with  broad,  JcC."   ....   .-.s 
for  the  slothful,  he  did  not  orly  hate  thera  himself,   but  laboured  by  all 
auns   to  Jielce  them  odious.         44. 

But  if  God  lo73S  the  painful  m^.n,  he  also  loves  the  poor.      In  spite 
of  the  daaiage  done  to  the  tradition   in  a  harJ-haaded   -nge,   there  st'.ll 
eicisted  In  the  Elizabethan  literiture  of  socl'il  protest  the  ancient  belief 
thfiit  God  hgars  the  prayer     of  the  poor,   tnat  the  poor  are  peculiarly 
bolovad  of  'liHu      wealth  1j   social,  an^   though  the  poor  air.n  has  no  title 
to  the  wealth  of   tho  rich  .m;n,   to  tu^'e  it  away  from  hlra,    "yet  the  ooor  man 
hath  title   to    the  rich  tnin't;  gooas;    so  that  tho  rich  m'^m  oujdit  to  let   the 


3<3 


Tl(£4) 

45 

poor  518a  have  part  of  his  riches."  ^hon  th^^  poor  man   is  slothful  and 

vicious    his   sin  is  great  not  becKuee  he   Is  a  source  of  offence  to  the 
rich,   but  because  poverty  Is  a  lofly  calling,   a  calling  which  Christ  did 

not  dlrdain,   snd   therefore  to  be  followed  in  putience  and  humility.     So 

46 

Langlsn.)  and  the  followers  of  the  so-cnlled  Piers  Plowman  tradition. 

Jlnee  the  prayers  of  the  poor  are  swift  to  repch  the  ear  of  God,  said 
Latimer,  it  follows  that  the  rich  '•can  obtains  his  riches  of  God  n  t  only 
through  his  own  prsyers  but  also  through  those  of  the  poor.  How  then  can 

47 

he  deny  e  portion  to  the  poor?         In  all  this  noble  argument  there  is 
nothing  of  a  man-made,   empirical  distinction  betwe  n  the  good   poor  rnd 
the  bsd  poor.     Only  one  other  Paul's  Croi"s  preacher  beside  Latimer  went 
so  far,     Ihonac    '^hite,  himself  a  rich  ram,   entered   in  his   aerraon  of  1589 
upon  what  appears  to  be  the  usual  line  of  exhortation.     The  comraund  In 
Luke  3.11,   he  bogan,  does  not  mean  that  we  should  give  hfiif  our  roods   to 
the  poor,   but  only  raoves  as  to  keep  our  consciences  clean  in  pitying  the 
poor»     A  man  »ho  gives  too  much  of  ends  against  himself.      There  are  many 
poor,  «nd   5<orae  are  poor  by  their  own  defult.        hall  -ve  thon  clve   to  the 
"♦deserving?"     "ho  is  to  say,   he  added   with  a   sudden  terrible  logic,  which 
Is  the  deserving?^" 

Ther^   is   then,   for  God»8  minister?,  no  possibility  of  one  law  for 
the  rich  and  another  for   'he  poor.     They  «ere   to  a  man  agreed  with 
King  Edward's   tutors  that 

thl3    Is   the   true  ordering  of   the   stale  of  a    lell-foohloned  co-nmonwealth, 
that  every  part  do  obey  one  hcnd ,   one  governor,   one  law,   .?s  all   narts  of 
the  body  obey  the  be:d,   agree  a^ong  theaselves,  and   one  not  to  eat  ap 
another  through  greediness.         49. 

They  fulminated  without  ceasing  against  offence's  glided  han  .     They  were 


3^f 


vi(25) 

fond  of  the  old  slulla  of  the  cobweb, 

that  the  lane  arc?  like  cobwebs;  thftt  they  hold  f  st  the  silly  files,  but 
the  great  hr^rnets  break  through  fiem  as  oft  as  thetjllst.    50. 

They  would  have  no  "cobweb-dlvlnlty."  For  the  moat:  pnrt  they  pooke  'In 
the  Renarall,"  as  one  of  them  put  It,  though  occaslonelly  they  ventured 
a  more  specific  protest. ^^  The  Jud  e  Is  In  tiie  Lord's  plsce  on  earth  to 
minister  Justice  and  equity,  and  he  ougit  not  to  be  a  loTsr  of  gifts. 
It  ip  ^8   bad  to  defer  suits,  protrnctlns-  them  from  term  to  term.  The 
good  Judge  is  no  respecter  of  psrscwis  s^nd  dilijrent  in  his  office, ^^ 
Let  him  who  alts  in  judgment  beware  of  bribery,  which  is  the  most 
dangerous  of  all  usurpers,  since  it  destroys  the  prooer  function  of 

power.   Partiality  rips  the  blindfold  from  the  eye«  of  jjstlce,  ^hich 

53 
should  take  no  accoont  of  friend  or  enemy.    Poor  clients  are  fsd  with 

suffared  words  and  golden  hooea  while  the  lawyers  sain  out  the  thread  of 

54 
contention.    The  Jud-^e  may  pocket  bribes  in  prirate,  out  his  vice  Is 

not  hidden  from  t  e  eyes  of  God;  his  duty  io  to  protac  the  weak  against 

the  strong,  not  to  conspire  with  the  strong  to  the  oppression  of  the 

55 
weak.    In  theae  warnings  the  pre'iChers  were  confscious  of  the  alliance 

between  onoresslng-  landlords,  graj»lng  raerchents  and  the  learned  in  the 

Iftw  who  were  of  their  own  cl'ss,  the  "middle  rank."  By  convlctl-;n  end 

by  the  dictates  of  expediency  the  preachern  were  hindered  from  r?ugsrest1ng 

another  kind  of  alliance,  between  the  oppressors  an.i  the  crown.   They  do 

not  attack  monopolists.  Yet  one  of  them,  perhaps  mo7ed  to  Torotest  by  the 

greedy  courses  of  Jtmes  I's  Scottish  followers,  observed  ^ener^lly  that 

the   glorious  port,"  purchnsed  in  the  country  by  mck-rentlng.  In  '-he  city 

by  SDCculc-tlon  ':nd  "corrupting  qu-:  llt-'es"  of  pocis  and  by  other  "shirking 

sophistications,"  "must  be  maintained  by  no  dribblets;  but  by  thepound,  8r 


J^-r 


rl(26) 


under  3ooie   PTe«t  countenance  of  euthorlty." 


What   11-   the   source   of  lew?  and,   one    It   i?  decided  whit    it   is 
is,   hos  •Btphstically  may   Its  rlictates  be   npplied   In  society?     Thefa  ere 
the  questiouG  ihich  the  preachers  answered  for  their  time,   in  voices 
only  iincertsin  from  expediency  and  rut  from  conyiction.     Law  is  the  lew 
of  3od,     Msy  its  execution   be  surrendered  entirely  to  the  Lord's  anointed 
or  Is  that  corrected  ani  directed   by  e.  Ian  of  natore   imprinted  upon  the 
hjmhn  con  ciousness  by  the  Creator?     -Ince  humrm  n:-ture   is  corrupted  by 
the  Fall,    it  in  clear  that  the  eiap  of  covetousn^ss  and  sloth  informed  by 
concupiscence    (Calvin's  concept  of  sin  is  o;  senti^^lly  of  sin  np   Iianoderate 
5ni   ill-directed  desire),  unle-s  regul^Ued  by     od's  vlcepsrent  into 
socially  productive  cbannelE,   will  naife   the  commonweal  -j   tennis  ball 
tor.srd   unccsnfortafcly  arr.onr'  nen's  deEirep.     Partlcul'irly   t;?   thl?   troe   of 
land.     L«nd   »   s   for  the  i-ngllehnan   jf     hs   ..liddle   ^ges  t   possession  very 
different  from  othfir  property;    the  conception  of  lend  as  commansl 
iletes  from  the  orcanlzetion  of  the  Teutonic  comitatus.     The  revolution 
in  tlie  id'ia  of  land   tenure  at  the  ti.Te   of  the  Renrioian  neformation  was 

orofound  in  its  effects.      It   1?  true  thut  before  that  time  there  were 

57 
IndividugliFtic  landlords,    ircludin?  .--o-ne  of  the  n^onks,       who  acted  in 

the  vcirlt   if  not   in  the  letter  of  the  Statute  of  -ills,'"     w'-;ich  em- 

oowered  the  landowner  to  dispose  freely  of  his  land  held   in  peeunlory 

tenure  end  of  two-thirds  of  lan-is  held   1n  ^ni^ht's  service,  but   it  was 

from  the   time  of  the  dissolitlon  of   ihfi  monasterits  that  landowners 

"took  it  for  no  offence,   jut      C-sid]      their  lend  is  their  own.'^®     It  was 

this  chanre   in  attitude,    this  iiber^^tion  of  unlimited   covetousnrss,  which 

sponsoi-e  1   .  uch  protests  es    the  piteous  complaint  of  th*?   tensnts  of  the 

monastery  of   Ahitby  against  enclosure  and  rack-renting,  among  many  others 


ii-c 


Ti{27) 


of  the  kind.  It  -vas  to  be  expected   that   the  preflcher-B  would  denounee 

both  the  theory  and  tho  practice   of  --ich  a   reivolut.lon,   the  more  becau:-'e 
of  the   implications  of  the  stat  ites  which  legr.li7.0d   the   -ei7are  of 
monastic  lenis.       is  More  polnt»d  out  with  his  customary  perspicuity, 
the  precendent  of  takinj^  away  a  man'r*  goods  "pretending  that  he  had  too 

much  or  that  he  aseth  it  not  well  or  th^t   It  might  be   better  used   »f  some 

61 
other  hid   It,"       offered  scope  for  both  the  unlimited   pov/er  of  the  c  rown 

over  Innd   (which  Is  •vh'Jt  More  hnd  in  mind)   and  for  the  'jnacruoulous 

manipul'tion  of  lc*ases  by   the   squirearchy.      If  thf'  propagandists  of  a 

state  church  -^isht  be  expected  to  skim  lightly  over  the   "Irst  f^onclusion, 

they  light  be  '^xnected   to  drell  be-jvlly  upon  the  aecond.     What  seens  at 

first  surprising  ia  that  they  devote  so  little  time  to  the  abu^-^s  in 

in  land   tenure,  considered  in  themselves  without  any  rel«tion  to  the 

other  problems  of  the  Christ Isn  society.       ny  collection  of  Paul's 

Gross  sermons,  ho-ever  accident  dly  discovered,  botween  1530  ani   1630, 

should  contain  ^   mass  of  flilmlnstion  sgainst  enclos'trws  and  engrossing 

comperable  lu  Intensity  and   exceedingly  in  scope  Moo^s  f'jmous  fsttack  in 

Sook  I  of  the  Utopia.     It  i?  true   that  for  the  modern  hlstorinn  the  land 

problem  ie  the  key  to  all  the  economic  ch&nges  of  this  coraplieateci  period. 

It  was  the  chanpe  in  the  concept  of  the  ownership  of  land,    the  chsnge 

which  the   pociologists  refer  to  es  the  break-up  and  dissolution  of  the 

manorial   >^y8tem,  which  both  stimul'^ted  and   directed  the  other  soelel 

revolutions  which  tranpfor-ied  More».->  Sny-lsnd   into  Mill's  "ngland,     But 

one  cannot  expect   the  preachers  to  he  Boclolos;lpt3;   neverthelersone 

might  expect  th€>m  to  be  mor"  el  nborate  upon  rhee-.  than  f'.ey  are.     They 

appear,   on  the  contraiy,   »^fter  the  first  flurry  of  «;ni!Ter  and  excltem^^nt 

among  the  "Commonwealth   -en"   in  the  reign  of  '^dnard,    to  osy  but  paEslng 


3s'l 


vl(20) 

attention  to  oncloslng  of  co-nmonr ,  r:-:clr-rentlng  and  depopulation, 
"hen  they  stood  et  Paul's  Croas  they  were    preachnrs  to  London,   concerned 
to  st'aclc  usury  haii    freudulent  dealing  in  the  City.      ?;b  douot  treir 
ilttla  churches  resounded  to  denunciations  of  the  unehrirttan  covetouB- 
nesB  of  iendlords,   pj Irons  of  Itvinffs  —  when  the  l-^indlords  wer-e  away  at 
cuarter-ses:  ions  or  buay  in  Paj-lianieiit  — -  but   in  London  fe??  vpntured   to 
pabmit  to  Divine  censure  the  aprarlan  problem  in   its  breeder  asaecte. 
It  aiay  be  that  In  this  paaclty  of  aiRnlficant  allusions  f-ere   i     "-oBe 
evidence   for   the    lodern   vien  that  enclosures  cu^'ed   less  d'.niaee  and 
Rsre  lesswideapre&d   then  some  contemporary  pamphleteers  would  h've  ua 
believe,  Ahat  is  certain   is  tli"it   the  agrarian  revolution  was  chiefly 

of  poignant   Interest  to   the  preachers  as   it     ffected   the   state   of  the 
Eatablishraeat. 

The  nrotests   of  the  "Cotamonwealth  men"  against  rural  change 

during-  the  reign  of  Edward  VI  are    justly  famous,     -^tuaily  the  orotests 

of  Latimer  and  Lever  are   the  anxious    invectives  of  churchmen  as-sinst 

disostablishuient.     Tet   these  rrven,    inspire     by  the   prncticjl  activities 

of  their  condjutor  John  Hales,  apnolnted  by  the  Protector  as  Commissioner 

to  investigate  enclosures   in  1548-49,   ngaln«5t   ^he   fnrious  opposition  of 

the  gentry,       attacked  what  they  considered  the  general  dissolution  of 

the  connonweel  by     liat  Latimer  called  "singular  commodity." 

You  whych  have  pot, en   'here  goodes  into  your  own  handes      &ald  LevexQ    , 
to  turns  them  from  evyll   to  worse,  and  othe     goods  -no  frome  good  unto 
evyll,   be  ye   sur?-    it   is  evpn  you  that  have   offended      od ,    ..■^frj'^led  the 
kynge,  roboed  the  ryche,   ppoyled  the  poors,  and  brought  a  nomen  .SfSlth 
into  a  comen  miserye.  64. 

It   is  a  wondrous   thing,    he  continued,    "to  see  gentlemen   take   so  greet 
rentes,   fyna-,    incones,   yea  and  bribes  for  oovetousnes  to  r^et  other 


ii-J 


vl(£9) 


.65 


mannes  ferrnRS.'''*^     The  "new'   landlords,   for  whom  land  is  r  cepltsllst*8 
investment  ano   not  a   kniphtly  privilege,   "ts-ko,    kepe ,   and   enjoy  the 
rouTnes  and  lyryn^es  of  everye  manreo  voeetion."         Thrit  is  the  point; 
what  ir  the  "vocation"   of  the  displaced  yeomen?      Jenderin/r  the  roHds   is 
not   r-   vocation.      .-.11   thosn    .vho   thnv  r^nnnoil    the  old    ^ec^   of  the   reulm 
have  done    It,    so  they  aay,   for  the  Oo.pel,   to  shotter  the  evil  grip  of 
popery  ss  well  upon  th™  land  as  u  on   the  r.oals  of   thr;  popal^ce,   hut 


all  tbose  ;7ho  dalyte  in  a  eamall  libertye,   or   senke  unlewfull  pteynes, 
".Itho'sshe  t';ey  be  nn-ed  Christiani'    .nd  favourers  of  th:'   ^-o.-pell,   yet  be 
they  in  dede  not  myniste.-s  of  Chr'rt,  but  ennerayes  unto  Chrirte:      not 
lover-   of  the  dospell  but   sclr-ondeiers  of  the  Oospell.       67, 


To  be  9  minlstar  of  Christ  in  his  celling  the  landlord  must  "by  lettyng 
of  fermes  dyspose  unto  the  tenants  necessary  landea,  and  houses  of  an 
indifferent   rente,'' 


The  housbandman  by  tyllin-'  o"  the  ipround  ani  kep:;!!^  of  cettsl,  must 
dyspose  unto  their  landlords,  dew  rentes,  and  unto  th-saiselves  ani  other, 
both  corns  and  other  ♦ytols.      "o  everye  men  by  doyn.'re   of  bin  dutye  muete 
dysoose  unto  other  th£t  ea.i:nodytye  and  b^nefyte,  whiche  is  com  .Itted  of 
-od  unto  thaym  to  be  dyspos^d  unto  other,   by  the  ff.ythfal  nnd  diligent 
doyng  of  theyr  dutyes,  68, 


9ut  'jlthouffh  it   is  God  that  rrtskea  the  com  to  siring,   not  ".tennon,   land 
h*js  co^e  into  Mararion's  market,  and    the  prod-ice  of  It   too.     Men  buy  corn 
cheap  ami   sell   It  dear;   ^orse  then  that,    leasemon-arshave  crashed  the 
land   rnarket,   hrve  broken  the  ancient   ^nd  almost  halloved   structure  of  the 
feudal  dues,   so  that  neither  the  lan^^lora    (unless  he  folloTJs  the  same 
course,   jjs  too  often  he  doi-r?)   nor  the   tenant  ir,  able  to    'keep  houre." 
These  'nerchants  of  mischief  50  bet  sen  "the  bark  nn'l   the  tree,"     They  have, 

said  Lever  In  a  passage   of  Immense   slgnf flcnce  for  our  unflerstandlng  of 

69 
his  position,  ewery  nan's  living:  nut  no  -xsn's  duty.         Once  the  cash 


in 


Tl(50) 

nexus  replacos    -he  bonds  of  custom  and  Cliriatisn  charity,   the  bonis  of 
nef.ee  are  broken,   -iCid   th?  oo-nsaonweal   Is  as   the   stPte  of  Israel  under  the 
Jucigas,   each  ^nan   for  hinself  and   no  mnn   for  all. 

The  geinful  activities  of  the  nftw  landlards,   said  '^ardys,  which 
"join  house  to  hou  e,  whose  parners,  cellarr^,  and    p«8t.ur?s  nre  fall  of 
jpxain,"  are     ent  entirely  upon  this  world;    their  ill-sousrht  messunees 
are  matter  for  thp   flame,^     ?.'ost  later  protests  are  of  this  tenor:      the 
preachers  denounced  covetous  Isndlordn   in  their  relations  with  their 
tensnts  and   in  their  cnpltaltstie  manipulations  of  -^rices  end  rea'iD;   they 
were  not  specifically  alBruisd  a   out  the  decay  of  tillage  through  the 

gror.th  of  sheep  farming;     "The  Citie  wonders  at  the  Country,"   said  Hoekins, 

71 

"that  the  poore  sheepe  should  eete  up  .ren."         Sheep  are  the  csure  of  the 

decay  of  honoltelity,   "for  .-ho   seeth  not   th-.  t    they  zhich  were  v.orit   to 
keep  meny     ervants,   end  to  give  rrnn.y  Coatee,   do  now  k.^epe  m-^ny  .  heeps, 
for  a   sheepe   Is  found   Detter  to  their  i^-stership  then  a    :ervcrj t."'^     Here 
as  elsewhere  the  pref^chare  -irero  concerned   over  the  ppsRlnp^  of  the   croat 
hou-?e,  with  its  troop  of  retciners,  the    soc'al  center  of   the  countryside. 
Their  concern  was  nostslric;    from  the  viewpoint  of  the  society  of  fixed 
deere-38  it  was  also  in  a  sense   prectical,   for  the  revolution  in  the   Isnd 
market  wee  breaking  down  the  distinction  between  r.erchantr  and  gentlemen. 
Lever  saw  great  mischief  in 


the  example  of  ryche  ^len,...   raarchauntes  of  London,...  when  ne  by  their 
honest  vocacion,   and   trade  of  mf^rehandise  pod  h- th  endo.ved   them  with 
pr  at   abuniaunco   of   rych^n,    then  onn   they  not  b°  canti^nt  ■:Tith  the 
proswerou;-  welth  of  th-it  voc.elon   to  satlssfye   theyra  solves,  and  to  heloe 
other,   but   thftir  richer  muste  abrode   In   the  countroy  to  bie  fenpi:--   out   of 
the  hand^.s  of  worshypfull  g^ntlenen,   honcste  yetxnen,   and   poie  loborynge 
husb-sndes.  7S. 


3to 


▼1(31) 


These  reatures  were  nado   possible  by  the  steady  price  rise  during  the 
psrlod,    .vhich  bore  very  hi?avily  upon  the  nobtlltv  ".n-'.   the  coti'^sr"  tlve 
Isndlordn   In  general.     The  real  vslue   of  cu9torac;ry  rents  decreased 
aherply;   unless   the  landlord  by  one  Tears  or  another  eontrlToc!   to  ral^e 
hi      rents   or  elter  their  b'sis  he  mas   coniiemned   to  live    'like   a  rich 
bec'gar,    in  perpetual  want."  Owners  not  bred   In  the  trndition,  aoney- 

lendera  and   rich   -erchants,  as  well  8s  the   gentry  coine   In'o  wealth  at  the 
tire  of  the  dissolution  of   the  reli-'ioua  houssa,  Tiere  not  'it  f-11  scrupulous 
in  adootinc  a  voriety  of  exoediontr  to  r-iiae   the  income  from  their  lends* 

They  ere  "merciless  oppressors,  that   purchase  ststely  msnnera     jpBnoraJ 

75 
and  sell   the  poore  for  olde   shooee."         The  old  men  of  Harrison's  village 

complained   of 


the    inhensing  of  rent.-,    latelie     .entioned;    the  d   ilie  oppreri   ion   of 
cooieholdeis,   whose  lords  seeke   to  bring  their  poore   tenants  hlmost   into 
plaine  eervitude  end   mlserie,  ciaille  devisiog    -ew  nesnea,   and  seeking 
jp  'jII  the  old,   how  to  cut  th'-*m  shorter  tnd   shorter,   <5oubl1ng,   trebling, 
and  now  ant'    then  teyun  timea   increasing  their   finos;   dXriviPj?  theni  alFO 
for  3jeri3  trifle  to  loo-^e     no  forfeit   their  tenures.  76. 


The  old   racords,    it   ic  cle!;r,    were  searched  by  the  landlords  and  their 
leryere  to  find  pr9cede>nts  for  pet*inr  rid  of  thr;  tenants  by  custom  of 
the  Lienor  n  >d   substltatinff  for  the  TiSnorial   jervlees  and  dues  a   high 
rent  in  cefth.     Cruel  Is^dlords,  said  iUchardson,   enclo-e  land;?  and  decay 
tillsige,   partly  by  rr.cking  their  rents  an""    taking  oxcers\ve   fin?s,   Tnd 
partly   "by  making  their  Leases  voide  at   faeir   pleasure."     To  thi?  purpose 
they  employ "prow ling  Bayliffes,"   who  hunt  about    (among  the  leases)    like 
bloodhounds.     "The  rhole  land  (rroanes   unr^er  this  burden."         ^dams  attacks) 


covetous  landlords,    that   stretch  their  rents  on  the  tenter-hooks  of  ".n  eril 
coniaience,   an>!    swell    theLr  coffers   by  unioing   their  poor  tenantF.      These 
sit   clo  e,   and   Ftere   the  law   in  the  face,   yet,   by  their  leave,    thoy  are 
thisvas.      I  do  not  deny  the   Imoiovement  of  old   rents, soit  be  done   ivith  old 
minds  --   I  mean,   our  forefathers'    charity  —   but  with  the  devil,    to   ret 

3fci 


Tl(?2) 


right  upoti  tiiQ  plnQacl'39,  an«3  pitch  so  high  a   price  of  our  lands  that  it 
straina  the  ten=nt8'  heart-blood  to  re  ch  it.  If:  theft,  snd  klllina- 
theft.    78. 


To  keep  these  complaints  in  thsir  pooper  perspective,  it  should 
be  ob^Beeved  that  p^rt  of  this  process  which  the  preachers  con'^emned 
utterly  the  modern  "liberal"  capit^ilist  still  condemns.  Ke  cannot  of  course 
accept  their  concaotion  of  oirnershlp  of  lend  ^s  sasentially  different  from 
ounership  of  goods  and  other  nasets;  but  the  raeans  which  many  of  the  land- 
lords took  to  transform  leases  Jtithout  proper  recomiense  to  the  tenant, 
in  their  design  to  secure  i   sulft  turnover  in  rents  and  e.  larger  x-eal 
income  aro  still  beyond  the  pale,  and  modern  counterparts  of  thepe  pro- 
ceedings are  punishable  by  law.   In  general  the  preachers  lamented  the 
decline  of  the  yeomanry,  of  citizens  of  the  clars  to  which  Latiiner's 
father  belonged,''®  the  men  who  *on  ^.glncourt.   Ihe  nhole  a:reat  class  was 
being  split:   the  "progiessiTe"  ones,  by  absorbing  the  lands  of  their 
poorer  faretLren,  entered  the  ranks  of  th  -  p-eatry;  the  poorer  decayed  into 
oeasantry,  rubsistina;  upon  their  old  lands  upon  ne»  leas  is,  or  sere  "eat'^n 
up  by  sheepe''  end  became  fSEEterless  men.  The  eociel  historian  of  the 
future  may  find  some  interesting  parfallels  and  contracts  in  what  appears 
to  be  the  corresponding  decay  of  the  middle  class  in  England  in  our 
time. 

"By  yeooians'  sons,"  said  Latiacer,  "the  faith  of  whrist  is  find 
bath  been  raaintalned  chierly." '^  It  *es  in  its  relation  to  the  -^ainii^inonce 
of  the  fbith  of  Christ  that  the  preachers  np.ds  their  chief  complaints 
against  the  agr?.rian  reTolution.   ihe  faith  could  be  ir.Qintalned  only  by 
faithful  ploughmen  of  God,  ministerE  faithfully  performing  their  duties 


?fcv 


vl(?3) 
of  preaching  and  cherlty  in  their  cures. 

They  have  great  labors,  and    therefore  they  oupht   to  have  ^ood  livings, +Uv 
they  m-iy  cor•^^looioucly  feed    their   flock;    for   the   preaching  of    the  word 
of  Ood  onto  the  oeoplo  is  called  raeat   ...»   not   strawberries,..,,   it  is 
meat.   It  ir  no  dainties.        81. 

The  root  of  the  toouble  w?is  that  there  were  not  enough  jrood  livin,-;?. 
There  hod  not  bnen  enough  before  the  dissolution  of  the  mon-. stories; 
beneficos   in  the  gift  of  the     great  religious  bourses  had  suffered  much 
from  Impropriations;  but  when  the  lands  of  the  religious  passed   into 

the  hand;'  of  creedy  6r\(i  ambitious  lay  patron."^,   the   situation  deteriorated 
St  R  terrific  rote,    ospscielly  in  the  reign   of  Sd-sard  VI,  un<3er  the 
patronage   of  Northumberl??nd.     Thi-ee  comnisslonK  sp pointed  froa  1551  to 
1553  confiscated  a  variety  of  rural  endowments   "to  pay  my  debts,"   as  the 
King  re.Tifirlred   to  his  Journal.     Eoi^copal  revenues  wore  ruth^lesaly 
plundered   to  reward   the  Kussells  and   the  Herberts,   omong  others,   for  their 
support  of  ilorthumberl3Q;":.     Ihus  still    core  benefices  passed   into  the 
bonds  of  the   laity.      In  July  1551   G'ilvin  rrote  to  •^O'e   set: 


The  stipends  of  the  clergy   ...   s»  so  alienated  and  squandered  that  there 
Is  not  ruf'icisnt  to  aialntaln  good  tren  fit  to  exerci'^e  the  office  of 
true  pastors   ....     Thoee  who  today  nre  o/oflting  from  church  POods  suffer 
no  detrlnont.    If   tho   rjfcst^rs  receive   'j    ?.>if ficient  living....   j'or    they 
canrot  prosper,   if  they  'efraud  God's  people  of  the  spiritual  pjiSture.       83, 


The   eentry  did  not  agree.     Latimer  complained  that  "we  of  the  clerf^yr  had 

Pi 
too  much,    but  th:.t   is  taicen  away  and  we  hove  too  little."  In   the  reign 

of  Lli7.aL,eth,    the    vueen  reserved    to  herself  oy  statute  the  rirht   to 

alienate  episcopal   revenues,    snd  her  example,   notably  in  the   sees  of 

Salisbury,   Uly  and   Winchester,   was   followed  "at  a  respectful  distance"  by 

the  gentry  in  their  inror^ds  upon  the  b  riefiaes,"^     It   is   very  difficult 

to  arrive  at  any  significant  or  trutitworthy  estimte  of  the  percentage  of 


3<.3 


Tl(34) 

inadequate  liTlngs,  even  for  ono  diocese.     A  surrey  mride  In  1604  by  the 
bts*".ops  98  part  of  Br.ncroft'p  reformlnfr  program  showed  e  mixed  but  on  the 
whol"  dismal  return. ^^     Figures  vfhich  hnve  survivfifd  from  this  survey  for  the 

diocese  of  Lincoln  do  not  at    first  fiance  neem  depress! nir;   the  vnlue  of 

87 
come  ninety  benefices   had  Increased  soe  4^00  since  1525.  -iut  In  that 

tine  prices  had  rlren  cnougt  to  wipe  out  a  greet  denl  of  this  increase, 

and  many  of  the  incumbents  were  jflerried  with  fanilies,   whereas  the  valuations 

88 
nfiade  inl535       showed  the  incomns  of  clergy  not  so  loaded  with  rer-ponsibili- 

tles.     Tithes  were  reduced  by  the   siople  device  of  double  leases;   out  of 

one   the  titl:e  TiTSs  paid,  the  other  showed   the?  v.'lue  of  the  property  in 

the  onen  market.  In  1570,  i-'.dwerd  Dering,  preachins-  before  the     ueen, 

exhioLted  the  conditions  of  large  numbers  of  benefices,  "defiled  with 

on 
Impropriations,   some  with  sequosti-ations,   some  lorden  ^Ith  pensions, 

socie  racked  of  their  comMOdities."         Although  "^hltgift  was  inclined  to 

be  circuracpect   la  attocking  the     buser  of  lay  petronnge,   ler:t   .vorde 

92 

should  befall  the  church,       the  preacheiS  certainly  aei-e  not.     The  clearest 

stste.-aent  of  the  church's  condition  iuring  the   reign  of  ':ii7.abeth  one 
finds  in  h  letter  written  ay  ■-;rindal   to  Elizabeth   in  1576: 

This  Church  of  Bncland   hath  been  by  appropri-jtlons,  and   that  not  without 
sacrilege,   £;poiled   of   the  llvln,:-,   v.hich  at    the    "1  'st    •.ere  appointed   to 
the  office   of   preachinar  nnd   tenching.      '!'.hich  nnpropriationa  were  first 
annexW   to  ab^i    s;    and   after  ccne   to   the  Crown;   an-1   are  now    Us'ierned    to 
private  men's  possessions,   without  hope  to  reduce  the  same   to  the 
orleTlncl   inGtitutionn.     3o  as  at   thic    lay,   in  rain  opinion,   inhere  one 
Church  is  able  to  yield   sufficient  livlni?  for  a  learned  preacher,   fiere 
are  at   the  least  seven  churchis  unable    to  do   th'3     :a-:.e:   ';nd    in  rr-ny  onrlshes 
of  your  retlm,   There   there  be  seven  or  ei?ht  hundred   souls,    (the  more  is 
ths   pit;),    there   are   not   '=>i(.-ht   pou:id      e   year   raservevl   for    the  -.'IniBtor. 
In  such   -v^risaes,    it  ir  not   possible  to  place  able  preachers,   for  want 
of  con-eniant  stipend.        96» 

Not  only  the  plllaginf  of  livinf;s  b"  their  patron?  was  responsible 
for  this  evil  state   of  thin/s.     Consider  the  highly  saee;estive  instance 


"itt 


▼1(35) 

of  3tretton  iiarkervllle  In  crwickshirc,  entirely  unconnected  with  the 
dissolutions: 


Thomsa  Twyf ord ,  htvlng  begun  the  depopulntlon  thereof,  in  4  Henry  711 
decaying  four  mesPaages  and  three  cottages,  vche  eunto  160  ocros  of 
err  ble  land  belon-ed,  sold  It  to  Henry  Sniith,  "entlemftn.   /ihieh  Henry 
following  thet  exanple,  in  9  Henry  VII  enclosed  640  Rcres  of  land  more, 
•hereby  twelve  me-'suages  and  four  cotteges  fell  to  ruino,  and  80  persons 
the  e  inhabiting,  :^ein;  employed  aiout  tille  e  and  hufsbrndry,  were  con- 
strained to  depart  thence  and  live  ml-erally.  By  means  irhereof,  the 
charch  grew  to  such  ruine,  that  it  was  of  no  other  use  than  for  the 
shelter  of  cc^ttle,  being  with  the  churchyard  vretchedly  prophaned,  to 
the  evil  example  of  others,    94. 


Depopulation  resulting  frcm  enelopures  produced  a  shift  in  popul'tion^ 
the  dispossessed  either  living  "miserably",  moving  to  the  towns  and 
especially  to  London,  or  at  3  tliae  Ister  than  the  depredations  of  Henry 
Smith,  settling  in  the  wecvlng  and  oilning  centers.  »8  a  result,  some 
pijrl'^hcs  with  tiny  stipends  as  registered  by  the  ordtnery  -ere  filled  ».ith 
untaupht  children  of  God  crying  ploud  for  the  fervent  ministrations  of 
Puritan  lecturers;  other?,  vhatever  their  vnilue,  wore  left  desolate  or 
the  more  or  less  le,cltim<ite  ppoil  of  plurelists.   In  both  cases  the 
sheep  ificked  s  true  shepherd. 

This  widespread  pilleging  of  the  church  and  poverty  of  livings 
contJiffiin.  ted  the  life  of  the  Church  at  almost  every  point.   The  orotests 
of  the  Paul's  Cross  preachers  embr-ce  nil  the  corollaries,  and  vstth 
vehemence.  Their  protesto  were  the  more  poignant  because  the  Seformers 
expected  so  much  righteousness  to  flow  from  the  dissolution.   s  one  of 
them  put  it, 

A.8  I  walked  nlone, 

rnd  mused  on  thynj^es 
That  hav '  in  rr.y  time 

bene  done  by  rrent  Kin^js 
I  beth 'Ught  ne  of  bbay-^e. 


3t,C 


Ti(36) 


th  .t  fiometyme  I  save, 
biche  are  aowe  -luppresi'sd 

all  by  a  laws, 
0  Lorde  (thought  I  then. 

what  OCC&  ion  w&s  here 
To  provide  for  learnlnge 

and  make  pover^ ye  che  a? 
The  landes  end  the  jewels 

that  hereby  were  hfidde, 
%ould  heve  found  godly  oreachers 

which  mi%|i|t  ^ell  h'ive  ladde 
The  oeopb  srieht 

that  nowe  sroe  !:strp.ye. 
And  have  fedde  the  pore, 

th»!t  farclshe  everye  daye.     95. 


The  like  pious  hope  was  expreaesd  in  the  "iict  for  the  King  to  make 

96 

Bishops"  of  1539.         Lever,   who  had  felt  these  hopes,   obse.ved   bitterly: 


Fop  in  suppressinge  of  /bbeyes,  Cloysters,  Colleges,  and  Chauntlrfes, 
the  entente  of  the  kynges  raHJeatle  thst  dead    Is,   ^;^r,   and  of   thir   our 
icynge  no7..   Is  verye  godley,   and    the  purpop^e  of  els  the  pretence  of  other, 
uonderottP  goodlye:      that   therby  suche  &bjndp!unce   of  poodes  as  was 
supersti tlously  spente  upon  \»e.yne  ceremonies,    or  voluptuoufly  upon  idle 
bellies,    rayg-ht  come   to  the  kyn^res  handes  to  -^ear  his  great  chnrges  necee- 
sarllle  bestowed  In  the   conen  wesilth,   or  partly  unto  other  T.ennes  handes, 
for  the  better  reieve  of  the  pore,    the  tnayntenaunce  of  learning,   and  the 
cettinre  forth  of  yoddes  worde.     Howe  be   it  covetour  officers  have   ro  u^ed 
this  •. -tter,   that  even  those  goDdis  whyche  dyd  serve  to   the  reieve  of  the 
p^ore,   the    layntenaunce  of  leaminf,  end   to  comfortable  ne-essary  hospi- 
talitie   In  ye  coiien    vealth,    be   no*   tarried   to  mayntayne  worldly  wycked 
covetouse  ambitions.  97, 


Later  preachers  egreed  with  Lstlraer  that  too  much  h-^d   been  succeeded  by 
too  little,     fiowson  admitted   that  onde     Popery  the  riches  and  endowments 
of  the  church  were  too  great;   the  clergy  then  were     fflicted  by  inordinate 
desire  of  *eeith  and  desire  to  advance  their  kindred.     Now  the  laity 

go 

o  respond  in  sin,  being  filled  with  avarice  wnd  luxurla.    Ur.  King 
bewailed  the  saccesion  of  evils  in  similar  terms: 


Tyraes  p::8t  were  so  llberall  to  the  clergy  that  for  feaie  all  uould  h^ve 
ru:me  into  their  hendes  ihere  were  stotutes  of  mortmaine  enacted  to 
restrayn  that  current:   but  ievotion  at  this  day  is  grown  soe  cold,  that 
the  harts  ".n  .  hanip  of  nil  are  o  very  mortmaine  it  self;  they  hold  s./e 


3c(. 


Ti(37) 


fast  they  will  part  from  nothing;  noe,  not  from  thnt  which  h  th  bin  of 
aun^ient  gl-ren  4-o  holie  u^es.  There  are  In  ■''•nglsnd  ebove  3000 
traoroprl  ctlona,  ^hee  the  minister  h\th  e  poore  stlnend,  tholr  bread  Is 
broken  amongst  stren^ers,  the  fo^es  and  the  cubbes  live  in  their  ruines, 
the  snallowe  builds  hir  nest  end  the  8 ! tyres  (morrlce  dancers?]   daunce 
and  rerel  r^.eie   the  Levltas  «e:e  wont  to  sine-,  the  Church  livln^B  are 
seised  upon  and  possessed  by  the  secular.    99. 


Thourh  ^.i.,  pj eaching  ot  the  Cross  In  1592,  was  ready  as  pny  of  his 
brethren  to  fl^ndenm  the  "corru:t  Cormorants,"  p-jtrons  who  oy  "cunning 
sleights  and  devises  spoylo  the  Church,"  he  produced  a  novel  and  by  no 
means  convincing  explanation  of  the  sad  state  of  church  llvino-s.   He 
observed  that  in  the  days  of  Henry  III  the  bishops  made  suit  to  have 
Impropriate  beneflcg."  t^at  were  annexed  to  monastic  houses  restored  to 
the  church.  This  suit  war.  disssllowed  r.t  iicme.   "^hich  godly  notion  of 
theirs  if  it  hid  then  wne  forward  and  taken  piece,  it  haS  been  happier 
with  the  Church  of  England  at  this  day."     home  then  is  respon?tble, 
even  if  remotely,  for  this  trouble  In  the  renlni  ss  for  others.  A.*, 
conveniently  and  necessarily  ignored  the  spoil  t ion  of  the  bi.-hoprics  by 
the  Xudor  monarchfi,  as  large  a  source  of  the  difficulty  as  the  conveyance 
of  ironastic  imp .oprlations  Into  lay  hands. 

That  the  informers  and  their  successors  were  prep- red  to  nake 
some  concespion  to  the  necese  ties  of  the  monarch's  "great  charges," 
Is  clear  enough.   But  their  disappolntirent  was  keen  end  their  embarrass- 
ment keener.  They  belle  ed  with  all  the  passion  of  which  they  were 
capable  th«t  Elizabeth  was  the  nursing  mother  of  the  church  to  protect  it 
against  the  terror  of  the  papist  and  the  rav«  -es  of  the  noctarios.   They 
knew  perfedtly  well  that  sh*  was  not  by  any  meenr  a  ursing  mother  to 
their  incomer.  MlnlPtern  of  their  convictions  were  2church-outed'  by 
Laud,  who  laboured  with  consldernble  success  to  re8to;e  the  revenues  of 


JfcT 


vi(38) 

church  and  to  recover  the  damage  done  in  the  century  before,   '^uch  are 
the  ironies  of  the  ecclesiastical  histoiT^.   ..t  le-st  they  felt  no 
embarrassment  in  denounclnjr  the  attitude  of  the  laity  tovard  their 
much-abused  profession.   They  were  underpiid,  under- prlviles-ed,  the 
butts  of  liceatious  secul'irism,  playthings  of  the  all-powerful  patrons. 

Aas  there  ever  any  time   OSeid  Sandy^  ,  any  sge,  any  nation,  country, 
or  kingdom,  when  and  where  the  Lord's  messengers  were  worse  entreated, 
more  abused,  despised,  f-nd  slendered,  than  they  ere  here  at  ho.Te,  in  the 
time  of  the  gospel,  in  tiiese  our  days?  ??e  are  become  In  your  sight,  and 
used  as  if  we  were,  the  refuf;e  and  parings  of  the  world,  Every  mouth  is 
spitefully  opened,  every  tooth  is  sharpened  and  whetted  as-ainst  us.   101. 

The  messengers  of  Ood  are  despised,  complained  another,  whether  they  be 

102 
drunken  or  honest,  preachin?  or  riumb,  diligent  or  idle*     They  are  the 

butts  of  every  man*s  amusement  and  of  all  manner  of  slender. ^^^  They  are 

despised  by  the  very  "churlish  Mabals"  who  h'3ve  denied  them  "their 

104 
necessary  maintenance."    oteohen  Goeson  ^as  typically  defiant:   "Grease 

ever  [y]  halter  that  stops  our  breath  that  the  rope  may  ride,  and  make  a 

quick  riddance  of  us  el,"  he  advl  ed  the  patrons.  Bu(t  he  «dded,  "Let  them 

tarry  untlll  we  be  colcie  in  the  mouth,  and  then  throw  Pelion  and  Ossa  the 

105 

Gaints  weight  upon  us,  we  know  we  shall  rise  ae-ain."     The  poverty  of 

ministers  It   flouted  by  those  who  have  their  llvincs;  "no  jest  ends  In 
such  laughter  as  that  svhic.  is  broken  on  a  priest."     You  benefice- 
mongers,  said  James  Bisse,  "make  the  ministers  your  serving-men,  you 

make  them  Joarney  men,  they  have  the  name,  you  have  the  nroflte,  they 

107 
the  straw,  but  you  hfjve  the  come,  nay  you  h'lve  some  straw  niso. 

The  benefice-mongers  often  pave  the  sraw  to  men  of  straw.  The 
preachers  we  -e  forced  to  admit  In  .nger  and  embarrassment  that  ministers 
were  contermed  because  they  were  often  ionteTiptible.   The  lay  patrons 


/<>« 


vl(30) 


gave  the  saall  livings  to  "boys,  to  erving  T^en,  to  thelx-  o?,n  children, 

109 

seldom  to  leemed  postors."  Ihey  gave   them  to  their  retainers,   to 

"baker,   butl=rs,   cookps,   falconers."  Laynen  received  prebends, 

artificers  and   the  "bnsest    sort   of  people"   held    llvlnf.s;     Harding    (no 
eaey  critic)    called   them  tinkers,  taoster'-,   fiddle !S  and  pipers.      Ilie 
financial  advantage  to  the   pstron  from  such  corruption  is  obvloue.     Abuse 
of  p'=)tron8g©  was  not   the  only  reason  for  Incompetent  clergy,     j>  very  large 
number  of  the  displaced  monks  were  settled   in  country  baneflces,   and 
often  their  cualifici-tiona  were  aq/thlng  but  acbjuate.     The  state   of  learning 
in  the  mon.-isteries  before  the  dissolution  was  very  low   Indeed,  the 
ignorance  of  the   inmates  extending  sometimes  to  Ignorance  of  the  rule, 
and    It   ir   to  presumed   that  few   of  these  men  Improved   themselves   in  their 
livings.     The  ct>reers  of  a  noaber  of  these   imcompetent   ^ersons  hr.vo  been 
traced  into  the  reign  of  cllzabeth;    the  record   shows  Thom.8  Me'-clns  of 
Ashleworth  in  Sussex  "seen  In  the  Scriptures  but  meanly,"   and  filchard 
Blackwin  of  Knnptoft   ignorant   in  the  L.tln  tongue  and    the  rjcrlptures,   to 
cite  two  of  many   such,^^^     Cures  were  filled  by  desnerition  or  eovetousness 
and  they  were  filled  by  Ignorant  men,   often  men   inc  ipable  of  performing 
the  services   in   the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,   certainly  raen  Inc^nHble  of 
preaching  the  sermons   overy  quirter,    "dumb  doic-e,''     Bishop  Hooper's 
visitation  of  Gloucester   in  1551  showed  171  of  311   clergy  unnble  to 
repeat  the  Ten  Commtindmentc,   ten  unaole  to  repeat  the  Lord's  nrayep 
and    twenty-seven  unuble  to  t«ll  who  was   Its    mthor.     Professor  Galrdner 
properly  observed  that   in  many  respects  the  figures  p-iven  ore  mlsleading;^^^ 
but  the   sad  condition  of  the  dioceee  is   impresRlve   in  spite  of  such  scholarlj 
quallf ic  tloDS.      In  e    survey  of  the  diocese   of  Lincoln   In  1576   the  results 
obtained, though  bettor  dn  the   »hole,  were   singularly  aepreasing:      The 
majority  of  the  clergy  weie   "meaalie  learned,"  end  some  utterly  ignorant. 


3fel 


Tl(40) 


Among  the   incumbents  the  visitorr  fouai   one  linen-draper,   one  ostler, 

seven  serving  nen,   two  gentlemen,   one  carpenter,   one  flsher-'isn,   one 

113 

tellow-chandler,  and  one   soldier.  Preaching  "ran  very  low"   in  the 

reign  of  Klizabeth,   to  u  e  Fuller's  phrase. 


It  is  no  wonder,  then,   that  Paul's  Cross  preachers  thundered 
against  "dumb  dofs."     Nothing  but  ""straw^rry  preache -s"  even  at  Oxford 
In  1566,   said  one  of  tbem.^^*     There  are   still  "..bbay-lubiiers"   In  the 

church.    Idle  drones   that  they  are,    compluined  anothsr.^^^     The  church   is 

116 

full,  ^aid  Stockwood,  of  "ydel  shephcardes,  and  able  to  doe  nothing." 

These  silent  servants  of  Christ  should  leave  the  ministry  if  not  cslled  to 

117 

It,  an  few  of  them  are.     Those  who  are  afraid  to  preach,  whether  young 

or  old,  ar?hlrelin?r.;  some  know  not  the  rirst  words  of  their  accidence, 
and  could  not  preach  if  they  would  —  very  unprof it-  ble  members, -^^^ 
Ministers  are  called  to  be  Vocales,  "but  prove  muti,"  for  fear  of  straining 
their  voices,  forsooth,  or  because  they  have  no  voices.     So  the 
fittack  oroceeded.   But  the  preachers  knew  perfectly  well  that  n  chief 
reason  for  the  large  numbers  of  incorapatents  was  the  dearth  of  learned 

men,  referred  to  by  Canden  ifc  »  trouble  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign 

120 
of  Elizabeth.       The  dissolution  and  the  events  which  followed  it 

damaged  the  universltie  seriously,  not  because  the  monasteries  had 

contributed  an  Irreplaceable  body  of  learned  to  the  universities  in 

the  Yciars  preceding,  but  because  the  universities,  most  stable  and 

lee:  t  adaptable  of  all  insititutions,  had  suffered  a  serie   of  religious 

tests  exceedin<z  In  scope  and  as  damatring  in  effect  as  "loyalty"  tests 

in  our  time,  Many  fellows  compromised  with  their  conscieDoes  from  lh36 

121 
to  1559  to  evoid  "eating  mice  fit   urich,"  ind  the  result  was  chaos. 

The  univer.lty  libraries  were  ruthlearly  plundt3red  by  iconoclastic 


37  o 


vi(41) 

Tl si tors.   Worst  of  all,  the  new  gentry  were  alow  In  providing  reans 

for  poor  young  scholars  to  rtudy  divinity.   "None  helpeth  the  Fcholrr" 

122 
now,  compl'  Ined  Latimer,    and  Lever,  s  loyal  son  of  Cambridge,  portrayed 

at  the  Cross  in  1550  it??  sad  state,  ^e   iHte  King's  mind  was  to  provide 
amply  for  the  maintenance  of  learning,  but  th-^  ilsporers  of  his  liberal- 
ity have  cau.sed  the  dec  y  of  learning  at  Cambridge:   two  hundred  students 
of  divinity  "all  clene  gone,  hou:=e  and  manne,"  and  a  small  number  "of 
poore  godly  dylygent  studentes  nowe  reraaynyn;?e  only  in  Colleges  be  not 
able  to  tary  and  contyne  theyr  atudye  in  ye  unlversitye  for  lacke  of 
©ihiDitlon  ^nd  helpe."   In  the  country  rnony  grarrimsr  schools  founded  "'of 

Godly  entent"  are  t^sken  away  by  freedy  covetouBncse,  and  the  youth  of  the 

123 
land  is  drowned  in  ignorance.     Nearly  fifty  years  later  Ho  son 

renewed  the  old  cemplaint:   one  estate  of  the  commonwealth  is  busy  eating 

up  another,  making  "barren  end  like  desolnte  and  forsaken  wldo-'es  the 

two  Universities,  th«  t'O  frultfull  Mothers  and  full  of  Children,  though 

now  reedie  to  give  up  the  host."  The  poor  scholar  exists  in  penury,  and 

124 

has  nothing  to   spur  him  on  but  the  prospect  of  a  poor  living.  There  is 

so  l:ttle  exhibition  for  poor  sebolare,   said   fhomps  Sutton   in  1613,   that 

many  "golden  wits"  cannot  follow  their   cf:lllng  for  lack  of  maintenance. ■^^^ 

There  Is  so   little  hope  of  a  decent   livelihood   in  the  ministry  once 

education  has  been  attained   th  t  niOL-t  young  men  turn  to  "Ju-tinlan  RndGalen." 

126 
(Twenty  ^^ars  later  the  preacher  would  have   said   3racton  and  Galen;   the 

127 
Common  lawyers  flourished  more   than  any  other  class.) 

.Vhen  the  Puritan  pamphleteers  and   preachers  condemned  the  prelates 
for  maintaining  an  l^orant  and   unore^ching  ministry,   tho  discusrion  of 
a   situation  admitted   by  all   parttes  to  be  ci   .^reat  defect,   in  the  Kstcblishment 
entered   o  vicious  circle,    for,   nn   the  sermons  of  'Bancroft  and   Jamos 


3TI 


▼i(42) 


Indicate,  the  defenders  of  the  .'"Btibllshment  could  retort  that  the 
Puritans  were  in  alliance  with  the  p-entry  to  spoil  the  Church  still 
further,  or  that  they  wished  the  overthrow  of  the  good  found  t Ions  In 
order  to  pscure  their  revenuee  for  themselves.   But  if  the  orthodox  oreachers 
felt  safe  in  accusing  their  opponents  of  duplicity,  they  were  then  elves 

forced  into  a  ▼  riety  of  temporizations.   -^he  survey  of  the  ministry  made 

12S 
by  the  Puritan  classes  fibout  1536,    hoTiever  exa  rgerated  In  its  f^fures 

and  intemperate  In  its  condefflnstions,  shows  how  much  ammunition  the 

dipclolln". .ians  h'Jd  for  their  attack,   ihe  binhoo?  admitted  mony  "maculats" 

120 
in  the  ministry,     one  pr^afcher  at  least  defended  the  sorrices  of  the 

131 
dumb  doi?8  as  e  good  deal  better  than  nothing,    and  In  1538  Dr,   Holland 

ootimistically  pointed  to  about  5000  preachers,  catechlst?  and  "axhortsrs" 

132 

duly  performing  the  service  of  God  in  the  realm.  )?hile  the  bishops  and 

the   preachers  condemned  the  idle  shepherds,   they  were  forced  for  political 
revsons  to  suppresR   the  " prophesy Inrs,"  which,  however  potentially  sedit'ous, 
•ere  godly  exercises   tending  to  the  improvement  of  the  minor  clerir, .     The 

replies  to  f«lartln  Marprelfite  sf^cused  him  of  «ri8hin?  to  spo^l  the  church 

133 

for  the   "maintenance  of  wars,"  but  fron  Lever  to  Thomas  Adams  the 

def-nders  of  the  Church  of  Engl-'ind  defended  the   secularization  of 
eccleslfjahlcol  property  to  bear  the  king's  "great  charges."     "I  complain 
not,"   said   Adaras,  "thst  claims tra  are  turned   into  castra;   obbeys  into 
gentlemen's  houres;   places   of  m^Dnition,    to  pljces   of  munition;   but    that 
men  rob  aram  Domlnieem,   God's  hoise   to  furnirh  horara  doreoticam,   their 
own  houses." 

The  poor  liTlnss,  then,  *ere  filled  with  ignorant  anii  unpreaching 
ministers,  both  through  the  cerelescnass  and  co  etousnass  of  patrons,  and 
becaure  the  lesinad  could  not   find  a  decent  livelihood   in  then. 


3-11^ 


Tl(43) 

Competition  for  good  or  at  lesat  adequate  living'  and  for  plutolltlea  waa 
conpeqqently  keen,  so  koen  that  It  corrupted  the  ministers.  One  setirist 
delivered  some  ua  e  ad- Ice  to  the  youna  divinity  stud?int  on  the  pvithnay 
to  preferment: 


first,  for  hi?  easo,   et  him  looks  no  farther  than  n^Xt  to  -und,   nd 
•nqiiree  wnat  beneflcea  belong  to  their  >«n  Colled^e.. .,  and  amon.st  them, 
which  are  Told  at  the  prerent,  or  whose  Incumbent  Is  not  like  to  live 
long. ... 

Nex^t,  he  mast  cllne  up  to  the  -ains  ton  of  pecaletlon,  snd  there 
looke  about  him  to  discover  th. t  Benefices  ere  eapty  abrocd,  where  the 
Incur.. ent  li'ea  only  upon  the  Alnes  of  Confectio  Alehemie;  Or  where  one 
is  reedy  to  take  hie  rise  out  of  Slerge  Into  .;ottin...,  let  him  r.ot  be 
slow  of  foot  snphlD  In  thst  c  ee,  by  snj   neanes,,.. 

The  King  hlmselfe,  only  and  Imnedleiely  oresente  h  in  his  owne 
right  to  Siioh  Benefices  as  belong  to  him,  and  are  fjbove  twenty  pounds 
value  In  the  flr?t  Fruits  Book^a,   for  attayninj  of  any  which,  I  can 
advise  you  o^  no  better  course,  than  to  learne  the  *ay  to  thn  bnck 
stayres.   135* 


The  way  to  the  back  statrs,  even  the  back  stairs  of  losser  persons  than 
the  king,  had  to  je  found  by  oxorcism  with  gold  and  silver.   Simony  whs 
inevitable,  but  the  preachers  made  no  compromise  with  tiist  kind  of 
Inevltubllll ty.   Litlmer  and  Lever  each  cnndenned  slnony  In  his  o»'D  way: 

Latlicer  »;lth  the  story  of  ttie  "good  brother"  who  boas-ht  his  brnofloe  for 

136 

thirty  apples.    Lever  with  pss: ion: 

Yf  thou  by  money  or  frynd^  yp  hive  tfoughte  eyther  benefice  or  office,  thou 
canst  not  be  of  ;':iiriotes  Institution,  but  of  the  Dyvylls:  intr'slon,  not 
a  fayethful  dlaposer,  but  a  thev-sh  extorfioner  of  Ood  gyfts.    137. 

Irty-seven  years  later  Inmanuel  Bourne  condemned  simony  as  an  adjunct  of 
depopulation: 


ahen  the  field  is  depopulated,  corne  groweth  aoarce,  and  therefore  the 
oppressing  pjtron  must  pert  staires  with  the  Slmonlcall  Incumoent,  for 
ease  of  chnrges,  hence  It  comraeth  to  p«sse,  that  of  thor.e  foare  ordinary 
gates  of  entrance  Into  the  Church,...  by  favour  of  Oaesar,  of  Jlmony, 


3l3 


vl(44) 


of  Friends,  and   of  God,   throe  of  han  r.re  almost  etopt  up,  and  their 

p   ssa  es  yro'vne   over  with  irrasse,  bit  thp   n  th   of   jimony   is  ma  :«  a  high 

way,   becaure   rhe.?  h  ;th   played   the  incroaser,   ami    oought  the  Monoooly 
of  the   rest,          138. 


The  stronfnst  outcry  agninst   olmony  from  Paul's  Cross  ca^ne    in  the 
1590*8.     There  are  fashions  in  invective,  and  this  s -ema  to  hava  been  one 
of  then.     Baft  scandals  attending  the  transfer  of  certain  bishoprics  during 
the  period  probably  brought  the  old  evil  to  a  position  of  new   prominence. 
In  1591  John  Coldnell  was  forced  to  Furrender  9  larae  part  of  the  manor  of 
Sherborne   to  Sir  7;alter  nalegh  in  order  to  secure  that  bishopric  of 
Salisbury,  and  on  his  decease  C  ^tton  surrendered  raore  raenors  for  the  same 
see.     Bishop  Day  p.^id  iTlOOO  to  Sir  Pranci     Garew  for  the  sae  of  ''.incheator 
in  1595;   he  died  after  only  ei -rht  months  nonsession  of  his  honours;    the 
?ee  was  Isft  vacant   for  him  who  was  willing  tib  impoverish  it  most   in  order 

to  p^et    it,     ThOBKtB  Bilson  fot  it   In  1597  at  the  prl«e  of  ^2400  annuity  to 

139 
the     ueen.   ^       The  ?cul*8  Cross  preachers  did  not  of  course  subject  these 

transactions  to  close   scrutiny,    but  they  spoke  pretty  veheinently  "In  the 

geneiall."     "There  be  e-reat  preys  to  be  founde  by  oresenttnents  in  the 

Church,"   warned  one,  "but  they  have  oft  s  woightie  lease  or  -^^omewhat  els 

banging  ot  them:      weigh  th'se  leases...   you  Phall  finde   that  they  will 

140 
cost  you  the  Fee  simple  of  e  better  thing:      These  5"Ould   be  left  alone." 

Alas,      (said  another]    ,    that  ever  the  clergy  of  Sr.g'land   should  draw  * 
drinka   in  e  en  into  her  very  bowles,   the  deadly  poison  of  covetousness  and 
contention;   and  nowe  a  deies  simony  Is  an  open  ana  an  e^sie  way  to  have  a 
living:      the  maide  riraony,   that  kept  the  door  in  pooery,    is  crept  into 
patronp  houses,    and  suffereth  not   Peter   only  to  cone   In,    but  e^ery  m»8ne 
fellow   is   e.dmitted,   sOiTjeti-iJcs   of   favour,    Rt  Johnr,   request:      but  rommonly 
the  Church  doore  is  opened  with  a   silver  key:   and  'jiany  a  lewde  patron... 
maketh  e   living.  141. 

Men  covet  not   spiritual   a-ifto  but  spiritual   promotions,   "not  the  calling, 

142 

but  the  living,  not  the  benafite,  bat  the  teneficss  of  the  church. 


3Tf 


Ti(45) 

Patrons  choose  their  minl::;ters  as  lAinerva   ohose  the  olive  tree,  because 
it  was  fat;  they  cry  out  for  a  Ir^avned  ministry*  but  will  oresent  none  bat 

base  and  ignorant  persons  who  will  accept  the  livings  upon  unlawful 

143 
conditions.     One  full-scale  attack  upon  simony  was  preachecJ  by  John 

Howeon  in  1597,  upon  Matthew  21.12-13.   The  buyers  and  sellers  whom  Christ 

cast  out  of  the  Temple  h"d  ot  least  ;tome  colour  for  Ihelr  action  in  the 

Law;  there  is  ao  euch  pretence  of  legality  to  over  the  Pin  of  simony. 

Selling  a  benefice  is  just  as  sinful  as  baying  It,  for  nothing  Is  bought 

but  that  which  is  sold.   This  is  a  canker  thrt  must  be   cauterized,  n  sin 

that  contains  many  sins.   It  lakes  a^ay  the  ■rociety  and  fellowshio  of 

mankind;  it  takes  a*ay  validity  from  the  temporal  establishfoent  of  the 

Church  militant  -.vhieh  is  Justified  by  the  law  of  Nature  and  the  L:  w  of 

God;  it  removed  hospitality,  and  in  p-eneral  portends  some  ^reat  evil  to 

follow.  HoKSon  appealed  significantly  to  the  fathers  of  the  clergy  not  to 

fall  Into  this  sin,  so  much  more  heinous  in  them  than  in  Inferior  minis'ters. 

He  appealed  to  the  patrons: 


Is  it  not  sufficient  to  have  tf.ken  from  the  body  of  this  one  state,  the 
:;aperriuoun  rancke  blood  of  'O  mnoy  f.^onasteries  and  by  their  buse 
Irreliplour  houses,  and  to  hnve  abated  that  ...  fulnea  of  blood  in  our 
Bishoprlcks;  and  -o  far  to  have  opened  the  vain  s  of  the  Pri?s'.s  for 
feare  of  a  Pleurlsie  oy  Impropriet ions,  that  for  very  wesknes  they  ere 
ready  to  faint  In  the  streets,  thut  you  Rust  draw  out  that  little  life- 
blood  which  is  left  by  selling  your  Vicarages,  or  retaining  your  Tythes? 

144. 


nlth  splendid  Irony  he  suggested  that  pox-haps  theli'  retaining  of  tithes 
Tfss  from  religious  scruples: 


Peradventu  e  you  ere  of  opinion  (hs  I  understand  some  are  now  adeies) 
that  either  thei-^-  is  no  1-riesthood  in  Chrisinnity;  of  if  there  be  ^ny,  we 
be  all  6llke  Priests,  beea ise  S.  Peter  saith,  you  are  s  royall  Priesthood, 
rep-ale  By^fftr^^hjnm;  and  hereof  inferre,  that  seeing  Tythes  .ire  due  to  the 
Priest  onely,  f-nn  either  there  nre  no  Priests,  or  If  they  be  due,  they 
belong  to  us  ell.   But  beloved  Christians,  the  text  of  o.  Peter  is  borrowed 


^T^" 


vl{46) 


out  of  the  IS.  of  :xod.  where  God  epoaketh   It  to  the  Jewee^in  one  respect 
were  s  nrlesthood,  *  yet  nevertnel:  sf!  had  the  order  of  PrieBthood 
distinguished  from  them;  the  like  may  hold  In  Christlentity,  th't  ell  may 
be  Priects  *.  yet  have  a  distinct  order  of  Prie8th:)od  and  Minirterie.   Hut 
by  that  text  you  may  as  aell  nroove  your  pel  es  Sings  as  Priests,  and 
chcllen^e  u  to  you  the  offices  and  pri-irlledges  of  Princes,    145. 


Simony  h?.s  a  stins^  in  its  tail,  it  appears.   It  lo  heresy  for  certain, 
decided  Howson,  Implying  that  the  idea  of  universal  priesthood  is  either 
hypocrisy  or  sedition. 

Early  in  thir.  sermon  Ho* son  set  forth  'jn  important  principle 
concerning  ecclesiastical  fo'indations: 


If  an  houoe  hath  been  once  dedicated  to  Ood,  though  It  be  fallen  downe 
end  utterly  decaied,  yet  the  soyle  is  holy,  snd  the  p-round  religious, 
and  not  to  .ee  imployed  to  clvill  or  pro^  lane  uses,   146, 


This  nfis   by  no  mefms  the  first  bl-^st  of  the  trutioet  against  sjcrllege, 
bat  it  see^s  true  'Although  thehlgh  tide  of  sacrilege  occurred  durinp  the 

reis^n  of  Sdnard  VI,  Justified  by  iconoclastic  ProtestantiPm  and  by  a 

147 
statute  of  1551,    there  was  not  either  then  or  in  the  first  days  of  the 

Elizabethan  listablishment  ths  i-ame  concern  about  such  spolintions  as 

becane  eTldent  in  the  lost  years  ofTllizabeth's  relrn,  and  later.  Men 

like  Lever  denounced  the  irapoverir:h;rient  of  livings  beceurc  it  defeated 

the  end  of  the  Refortaatlon,  which  was  that  the  criptures  should  be  read 

to  the  peoole  in  their  own  tongue  end  th-  ^Tord  of  God  presohed  without 

ce-.sing.   Later  apologists  of  the  Church  we.e  Inspired  by  the  nition  of 

"comelineBS"  in  God's  bouse.   Indeed  the  outbursts  apainst  sacrilepe  in 

th^  later  years  ofl  lizsbeth's  reign  antlcipete  th^^  theolop-i^al  changes 

which  transform  d  the  church  of  Le  er  and  Crlndal  into  the  church  of 

^ndrewes  and  Laud,  and  Howson,  who  is  in  this  n  tter  much  more  uncom- 

promiein,-  than  some  of  hi  n  fellows,  was  what  we  should  cill  a  High  Church 


:?7t. 


vi(47) 

mfln.  another  rasaon  for  Intenalfiad  anxiety  over  sacrilefc  Is  thot  the 
p  ocer>s  was  cumulative,  and,  ns   Booone  noted  and  ?js  one  may  see  from  the 
cine  of  3tret'on  3askervllle,  s  crlletre  n^iturally  aceomoanied  dopopulotlon. 

The  ^odlesse  depopul  tore  [said  "-iourne]  hsve  inclose:  fields,  to  nes, 
Churches  and  11,  pulling  those  downe,  which  their  rellcious  foref '  theis, 
did  build  up,  atopplnp  their  doores  with  thornes,  148 

and  their  vrinriowop  with  bushas,  yea  corerln?'  their  ro^ofes  with  thatch,   149 
nay  leaving  them  naked,  or  el:  turning  those  holy  plr.ces  into  b  m«s,  or 
sheepe  costes,  or  other  proph  ne  unes.   150. 

Sacrilege  wns  the  ordinary  and  inevitable  accompaniment  of  rpolllng  of 
livings.  The  Clerophi^rl  who  have  ensrrossed  the  patrimony  of  the  Church 

have  already  fle55hed  ■hempelvee  upon  Its  fabric,  have  "broken  dovne  the 

151 
csrved  workes  therof  v»i  h  axes,  !c  haraTiejs."     He  Brs   com-nanded  to 

bestow  our  goods  for  the  -n-  Intensnce  of  the  church,  ut  many  pprooriate 

to  theini-elves  the  living",  and  so  become  ""chapMen  of  soula''  as  "-hey  are 

eh=3pmen  of  goods;   they  hav^  defrauded  God  for  their  own  vanities,  "so 

the  church  Qois  love,  is  no.  become  3  partridge  pursued  and  nr?yed  upon 

152 

by  tyrenny  Rnd  oppression."     The  times  of  gathering  stone?  was  u  time 

of  devotionjnow  that  tine  Is  eoded,  and  the  tline  of  cstlnr-  aray  of  stones 

is  at  h3nd.   'S  tho  cruel  tyrants  s;aoe  c^fter  tithe? ,  so  thay  gnpe  after 

153 
"coTnodltles." 


Hath  God  no  mo  hmds     n  heaven  nor  earth  at  his  comm'  nde-eat  to  write 
wrath  agalnrt    nuch  in  our  dales  a:-:   ttche  to  hBve  not  onely  the  vessels 
of  gold   'jnd  silver  If  eny  poore  on-is  be,   but  l^nd  and  living,   ctone  ^ 
timber,    lesd   and    iron   and   -Bhatsoever  rerrelneth  st   this  dcy,        154. 


ThlB  If'St  o^ervDtlon  confirms  the  suspicion  thot  the  Elizabethan  and 
Jacobean  ^pollers  of  the  church  fnbric  found   little  to  satisfy  them  but 
the  structure   of  the  church   it-elf;    the  ornaments   ha;   boen  pretty  well 
decimated   during  the  i^iwurdlan  oerlod. 


377 


▼i{48) 

Simple  condemn  tions  lite  thir  nre  common;  a  few  prep.chors  were 
re'^dy  to  stifgest  other  motives  for  sacrilefe  besides  pui-e  greed.   Robert 

Temple,  for  instsace,  celled  sacrilege  "that  holle  covetousness  St  both 

155 
honour- ble  end  worshipfull  luoll  of  Protestants."     At  that  point  in 

his  sermon  he  was  spealring  of  the  arrogance  of  Puritnns,  who  think  they 

know  as  much  se  the  preacher,  "unlearned  -jratera"  that  they  are,   i^^his 

angle  of  attack  use  deyeloped,  n-  one  might  expect,  by  Ho«8on  in  his 

serrron  of  1598,  which  slgnlflcently  combined  the  them-'f  of  Puritan 

lb6 
insistence  upon  precci  ing    and  sacrilege.  This  sermon  was  a  "eoncluplon" 

of  his  '  erraon  upon  simony  in  the  orevlous  year,  pre^iched  by  authority, ^^"^ 

very  likely  on  'Vhitgift's  order.   It  is  based  upon  a  theory  of  the 

relations  between  reason  and  6'ithority  obviously  derived  from  a  clo  e  and 

sympathetic  re':;ding  of  rcolealastlcal  Polity,  I.  Upon  this  foundation 

Howson  bv.sed  his  repudiitlon  of  the  Puritans  and  the  sectaries,  and  his 

defence  of  "ceremonies"  with  its  accompanying  8tt:::ck  upon  pacrilepe. 

The  Jewish  Temple,  he  argued,  had  much  furniture,  for  Ood  will  be 

worshipped  not  only  with  the  spirit,  but  with  the  body  nlso.  This 

kind  of  fiirntitai~e  i^  ■  Ir-o  proper  under  the  Cocpel;  hence  churches  wer« 

bailt  with  royal  m-gnif icence.   Nowadays  many  "irrelig-ious  Julls-nlsts 

are  ready  to  spoil  the  church. 


They  hove  now  brought  their  desire  to  the  1  sue,  so  that  in  Countrey 
Villsees.,.  the  Churchea  are  almost  become  .,..  little  better  th?n 
horstyes;  for  the  best  oreparatlon  "^t   any  hirh  feept  for  swlns  In  their 
stye...,  and  In  cities  and  boroushos  they  ere  not  like  the  Palaces  of 
rrineer.  as  they  were  la  the  primitive  church....,   but  like  a  countrey 
hall,  faire  »hite  limed,  or  s  citizens  parlour,  at  the  best  well  »ain- 
ecotted;  as  though  we  we.e  rather  PI  tonlsts  then  ^hrictlans,  who  whould 
neither  have  gold  nor  silver  in  their  churches  becnur^e  it  w-s  Invidloea  ma 
and  £ave  occaptlon  to  sacrlledj^e.   (j'^E*  ^■^t    Italics  mln^ 


^IJ? 


▼1(49) 

Howson  wcs  a  brilliant  propagRndlst;  he  stole  the  argument  from  the 
primitive  church  Just  where  his  opponent  most  needed  It.  His  ad- 
▼antage  was  obvious  and  he  made  the  moat  of  It.   ."^e  make  but  a  bare 
allownsce  to  God,  he  continued,  like  "a  otoicks  dinner,  or  Philos- 
ophers broaftfast,"  bare  walls  and  s  cover  to  keep  us  from  rein. 
"Neither  If?  lawfull  to  add  any  oraament,...  except  perchance  a 
cushion  nnd  a  welnafcot  seate,  for  onas  owne  esse  end  credite."  [£ig»D2VJ 
What  a  mngnificent  analysis  of  the  mind  of  the  parrenuJ  The  s'-lf- 
interest  of  the  spoilers  is  great:  they  take  away  the  stone  to  build 
their  own  great  houses;  "a  roofe  of  wilde  fig  trees  will  serye  for  a 
chd^ch."  Then,  like  bny  good  publicist,  he  recollected  his  defCKc*  *. 


Let  no  man  thinke  that  hears  us  this  day,  that  this  zenle  for  the  house 
of  God  is  any  spice  of  superstition,  but  a  very  religious  affection, 
inherent  to  nature,  and  true  christlanitie,  tbourh  now  for  the  most 
part  blot*^.ed  out  by  irrelig'ion  and  avarice.   ^ig«  D3v  italics  mine] 


The  noture  which  ororapts  the  u  e  of  a  cushion  to  e.^so  the  knees  is  not  to 
be  confuted  with  the  nr tur^  1  order  of  thlnr^s  which  damnnds  coiTiollness  in 
the  worship  of  God;  it  Is  a  parverplon  of  God*  rifht  order,  of  i*lch 
(such  la  liowson's  Imolicition)  some  fragmentR  remained  even  In  the 
midst  of  Pooery,  The   defence  of  the  temporal  fabric  of  the  ^"stablishment 
against  Its  enemies  never  again  re-sched  this  peak  of  logic  and  subtlety. 

In  his  review  of  the  abuses  in  land  tenure  and  their  relr<tlon  to 
the  plunderlnf  of  the  Sst^Jbllshnent  the  rtre:  cher  may  sometimes  hfeve  felt 
thp.t  une'jsa  which  must  have  accompanied  the  T.oral  condemnation  of  the 
power  which  nnde  that  condemnation  possible.   vhen  he  turned  to  the 
unchristian  practices  of  the  City  of  London,  to  the  eDormlti"-?  of  the 
traders  and  noneylendex-s  he  could  speak  with  unalloyed  confidence,  r^nd  he 


311 


Ti(50) 

did  so.   Trtide  in  his  Tiew  ?/a8  sn  engagement  for  the  mutual  profit  of 
buyer  and  seller,  'i  joining  of  proner  functions  for  the  comnon  g-ood. 
This  was  even  in  1590  or  1615  nn  old-fashioned  Idtt^,  but  he  rested  secure 
in  its  simple  integrity  though  he  cisely  concentrated  upon  those 
irregularities  in  trade  which  even  the  enterpriBinp  business^isn  mlr^ht 
condemn  as  poor  policy  snd  bed  ou.-lness  —  though  not  ^ith  nrecisely  the 
same  eriphusis.  Merchandizing,  said  Hlchardson,  Ip   good  in  Itself,  "Jnd 
necesB'^ry  for  eru:   no  rann,  locality  or  country  Is  self^sufficteait. 
But  the  mslic?  of  nen   hfis  filled  merchandizing  with  deceitful  tricks. 

It  is  not  for  nothing,  that  their  tr-des  ere   called  .Mysteries: 
for  there  la  a  mystery  of  iniquity  in  them. 

In  buying  and  selling  each  men   hunteth  his  brother  with  a  n?t.   i1iey  say 
caveat  emptor,  but  even  the  pagan  moraliet  Glcero  will  tell  us  that  this 
is  evil  dealing.   ellerc  are  not  nllo?,ed  to  dlsoose  of  their  p-oods  of 
their  own  choice  and  at  n   proper  price;  ».hftn  the  buyers  eome  in  their 
turn  to  oell  they  offend  morality  by  lying  about  their  wares;  they  shew 

one  thing  and  sell  another,  u. e  felsc  weight?  and  re  sares;  sell  wares 

158 
of  bad  euality,  concesllng  the  faults  in  their  goods.     You  are 

thieves  in  your  shops,  said  ThoniBS  .^hite,  end  within  what  laws  there  are 

or  with  sabtlety  circumventing  them,  while  poor  jJellows  die  for  theft 

158 
upon  the  highwoys.**"  Deceitful  men  in  the  city  r.teel  from  their 

brethren  "with  bed  and  nau?hty  wares...,  '^Ith  ereeselve  end  unreaeonnble 

160 
prises. " 

Eeere  bee  ^reat  preyes  to  be  found  by  trading  In  this  Clttie  [warned 
Henry  PriceJ ,  but  they  have  oft  an  o;)th,  or  lie  hanging  at  them:   these 
will  bee  so  h.  avie  on  your  soules  they  -lil  presse  you  downe  to  hell: 
the: e  would  bee  left  alone.    161. 


3<o 


vl(51) 


The  dark  shop,   the  iispadent  toa^-ue,   vcitb  other  devices  of  the  worldly 
ret  .iler  who  tetes  his   profit  after  the  engrosser  has  stopped  the 
"conununlty"   of  coinz2x>ditie8  and     o  r&i&ed   their  price,  all  the  ethic 
and  practice  of  coves t  emptor     the  preachers  hastoned    ':o  denounce,  as 
men  isho  clid  not  understand  bugine  s  ..ut  who  insisted   that  they  kneir 
God*s  business.     Last  jraar  the  present  writer  listened  »ith  attention 
to  8  sermon  in     hich  a  mrinifold  anelory   (to  use  luBnanuel     ourne*s  phrase) 
w&s  dravn  between  Christ  and  the  "good  salesman";   f-uch  are  the  reirolutions 
of  times. 

The  prei.chers  were  equally  clear  upon  the    ini.uity  of  u.'-:jry  and 

162 
uriurers.     Not  for  them  the   f^nevan  compromise   *ith  economic  activity, 

or  the  ter-riversatione  of  the  goTornment'B  policy  on  no'iey  landing 

occisioned  by  th-3  aeceasitios  of  cttte,    the  realities  of  comnerciul 

lav 

ODteiT)rise,   ^nd   the   incorrlons  of  the   eontirental  money  market.     ^     They 

agreed  with  Nieholns  Iteming  th.-t   it  leae     the   p^rte  of  the  preacharn  to 

»164 
invelg'h  against  all  unla^.full  f.nd  wicked  controcter,   to  reprove  usury; 

usury  being  unlawful  by  scriptural    prohibition,    md  h||- the  oronounceiocnts 

of  ^^rifetotle  and  Thoat's  Aqaini.s,  The  most  they  *ouid  admit  eas   that 

the  times  gnve   thara  but  a   cold  hearing.     There   is     sm&ll   or  no  hope"   for 

anandnemt  in  this  regard,   ssid  Thomes  .Tiite,    "and  yet  we  must   speake  stll 

ngoinst   it  for  sll  that.*'  If  you  uobrsld  the  unuier,   complained 

Tilliam  Fi.^her,  he  will  plead  the   profit  of  th-  city.        uota  Luke  6,34 

at  him,  fcnd  he  lill  reply. 


Tush,  Tush,  Sreipture  is  pcrlptu;-^,   but   for  fill  the  scripture,   h  roan  must 
live   by  his  cne,   en'    I    l«ll  you  my  money  is  my  Plough.  16"^. 


Bs\ 


Tl(52) 

■>lell  the   preichers  alght  coraplala.     Lay  scepticism  of  the   Interference  of 
"siaiplo  divines''   ia  aiitteri   of  credit  is   beautifully  set   forth  in 
George  Phillips's  Life  and  -eath   of  t'aa   AJch  ::^an  and   L.zsras   (1600). 
There  the  story  Is  told  of  3  self-mate  city  magn  te  who  sent  his   son  to 
univeislty  an     upon  heerlng  that   hi'^-   freshly  ordained   offspring  hed 
prefiched  sgainrt  usury  at  Peal's  Gross  observed  ?rlth  cslm  pride: 

I  canaot   Justly  b^frie  my  Sonne  for  that  he  hith  done,   for  it  I'-  as  •sell 
his  profpsnion,   to  specke  tigalnrt  us:iry,  k"   i      Is  my  occupation  to  follow 
it,   otherwise  he  mliht  wsat  matter  to  speafce  on,   '  nd   both  my   selfe  ard 
my  Ion  might   larke  T;oney  to  live  on:      proceed  therefore  my  r>onne,   quoth 
thl?  groldflnder,  and  see  you  spare  not   to  In'^ent  demnlne  firguments 
a,?alnst   ''uch  as  live  by  loane,  am!  I  hope  thflt   In  time  this  wll 
become  my  trade  alone.        168. 

Men  like  this,   as  John  Dove  bitterly  rer:arked,   "wll  heare   three  sermons 

ia  a   dey   (Tind  yet^      thinke  thrlty  poundes  interoat  in  the  hundred    to  be 

169 
too  little." 

"Eemning  arruiurnts"   appear  in  quantity,   but  are  conventional;   he 
who  has  read     ilson'   Dlsjotirse  upon  Usury   (1572)   knows  them  all.     One 

or  t^o  fUndara-sntal  ones  may  be  noticed  here.     Ueory  is  a  sin  against 

170 

n'ture  like  the  sin  of  Sodom.  The  usurer  binds  others  to  himself  by 

other  bonds  tb'^n  tho-e  prot>er  oner,  of  charity:      "his  religion  is  all 

171 
rcli^TTitlon,   a  blndln,r  of  others  unto  himself,   of  himself  to  the  devil." 

TJRury  is   the  unlawful  usujrpation  of  another's  goods;   creditors  should 

lend  only  "according  to  the  nokture  of  losne    {a  contract   of  m=ere 

?r3tultlel  ,    their  money  accovdlnc-   to  the  n   ture   of  mony,   which   la  en 

apoointed   Insi rument  of  oxchsn^e  uncapable  of  such  monstrous  improve- 

172 
mont."  The  usurer  hen  no  place  in  the  recognized  orier  of  rlldr  and 

173 
corporations:      "he   Is  free  of  all  Companies." 


if  v- 


Ti(55) 

It   ip  evident   too    that  tha  preachers  fittacked  avf.rlcbus  dealings 
in  caeup-l  credit,    in  eonsunrers'    lo  as.   "either  prodigality,   or  penury, 
or  dlneerabled  riches,   borrow  on  usury,"   said  i^ams.      ihe  i'pecunious 
and  eitrSTsgent  gentlemen,    the  oppressed  tenc   t,   the  snail  creftpnan 

fri'lcr,   upon  evil  dsys,    the  e  ore  the   usurer's  vlctcns,     Usu -y  BPts 

174 
up  nany  snclent  f-mllles,   the  f^t  of  the  1;  nd.  It  prindrs   the  poor 

to  powder.     No  preacher  whose  complaints  I  have  studied  roslres  any 

reference  to  loans  for  coramerolal  enterprise  or  shows  ony  apnroval 

of  the  standard    ten  per  cent.     Like  the  Doainican  Bromyard,  like 

Dickens,  he  paint^:   3  aatiri  al  picture  of  the  usurer  who 


sits  !:t  home  in  hlr   warm  furs,  and  spendahis  time  in  a  devilish  arith- 
metic,  in  number.ition  of  hours,  d^iys,    -.nd  mon^^ys,    in   subtraction  from 
ot'r.ers»  estates,  ar.d  raultipllc^tion  6f  his  own.         175. 


The  usurer  Is  unnatural,     a  monstrous  thing;   ho  tolls  not,   neither  does 
he  spin,  and  the  devil  feeds  hiir. 


The  usurer  sitting  at   hor.e   In  hie   fuixl   sowne,   hrvins-  nelt  .er  plourfinor 
horare  at   worke,  yet   -eoth  his  harvest  more  plentifully  come   in...   then 
the  poore  husbandmen  that  tolleth  in    -ho  earth,   is  worne  with  l-bour, 
and  wet  with   the  dsR  of  heaven.       176. 


Good  order  depends  on  "distinction  of  ownages";    it   nlso  do-ends 
upon  dirtlnctlon  in  consumption,  notcbly  in  the  apperel  of  the  out  ard 
nan.     The  neln  pujrpose  of  thi'  ancient  acts  for  reformation  of  ftzces''1ve 

array  was  the  nslrtenfnce  of  "degree  and  estate,"   fmo   of  "peace,  amity 

177 

ft  concord."  In  our  days,   coraplnlned  the  preachers,   this  propriety  Is 

SKdly  defcced.     Pour  shillings  for  a  p:.lr  of  breeches  for  a   king  In  the 

dnya  of  Wllll?,m  Rufus,   "but  I  fciire   shortly  It  *ill  be  a  proverbe:      five 

178 

hundred  poundes  for  a  oayre  of  pnnt  \gj    pies  for  a  subject." 


3^3 


vl(5«) 

"Even  such  rpparel   as   is  costly  and   sro.gnloas  may  be  fit  for  sornr-   Ft^tes 
end  peraonsgee,"  admitted  rendys.     3ut   in  these  d   ys  -^en  do  not  svear 

nht-t  is  appropriate  to  tholr  cnlllng,   but   "llpbt,   vain,   Btran^e,   proud, 

179 

and  monatrous  apparel. "     Fxcess  tn  eppsrel  n-rjoap  the  gentry  "eateth 

up  this  land,"  ptnce  men  put  on  their  backs  what  thny  should  put  to  the 

180 

exercise  of  their  duties. 


Amongst  u8  the   compendious  course    is  t^i^en  of  g£.t  .erin(?  our  credit  neere 
unto  ur   Into  clo   thes,  which  lay  scfitter;=d  in  hospitality  before,   and 
in  attendiata.  181. 


This  strange  comnetltlon  in  pride  is  not  to  be  excused  by  the  plea  of 
liberty: 

Do  «e  think  that  Liberty  nill  ercuse  our  pride  and    vanity  and  excess. 
If  ife  xniffle   it  out  In  silks  '.'od  scsrleta,   or  othPr-wlse  in  Ftuff,  colour 
or  fashion  unpuitable   to  our  yesrs,  s  ?x,   calling,  er-t-te,   or  condition? 

182 

Not  only  is  excess  in  apparel  a  violation  of  good  order  but   it 

is  also  6  eource  of  decline   in  native   industries,   which  the  sumptuary 

lavs  were  designed   to  protect,     ho  ona  likes  to  go  in  good  old  English 

hontespun  like  hi-'-,  forefathers;    the   pi-oud  puppies  must  epe  the  f -^^ons 

of  foxei guars,  must  rurfle   i t   in  the  mode  of  "The  Gaskoine,  the  Venitian, 

the  French,  the  Jpanish,   the  Dutch,  Soc,"^"*''     Portia's  "oddly  suited' 

184 
i^nglislimnn  Is  the   cause  that     our  ancient  pubstantiall,  fundsmental 

trude.    belonging  uni-o  Clothing  do  dos?ne,  end  they  that  fill  our  Cities 

are  liuRivendi,    trifle-Bellers....  The  men  that  are  busied,  ^nd  the 

chsrge  that   is   imployed,    ebout  these   pnlnefull  and  •ifficult  toys, 

185 
would  perve  for  meny  new  Pl8n^atlons.''  '        Old   trades  and  new  enterprise 

are   uoth  damaged   by  excese   in  ap-arel.     fhe  comjfcint  was  not  confined   to 

be  y?ara  about  the  turn  of  th  -  century.     Lever  warned  the  London 


39t 


vl(55) 
merchants  s   ainnt  frivolous   imports: 


Take  hed  you  Max-ch«antes  of  London  that  ye  be  not  ila  chaan  es  of 
rayschy-sfe,   c-o-7'^yinf  -^vray  nuch  old   le-d,   v.ol,    Irathor,   a-:<l   such  S'lbrtP.nclall 
wares  as  wold    set     sny  Snglyshraen  to  work,  and   do  every  manie   srood  serryce 
ann   bryngynge   home   sylkes  end   sebles,   caLtayla,   and   folyshe  fethers 
to  fil  the  r  aim  full  of  such   baggage  as  Ryll  never  do  r'che   or  poore 
-  -od,   and   n-^coasnry    ^^rvyce....    rnke  hade  t'lr.n  that  your  m-irchuandlse  be 
not  a  serbynp-e  of  folysh  rens  fonsies,  vhyche  will  destroy  the  realne.   186 


The  preachar^s  stera  consematism  with  its   In-istenee  upon  a   pri- 
mitive simplicity  and  comeliness  was  now  and   ngain  flavoured  with  the  same 
aalty  anlm^ldvelslon8  upon  the  vanity  of  women's  appa  el  as  those  ??hich 
brlffhten  the  pag«s  of  the  poor  Parson's  homily.      I  Ao  not  find  many  of 
thes^e  obswr'Btlons  in  the  -'li%abeth"n  sermons;    it   is   just   possible  thct 
they  cid  not   olense  the     ueen.       .apdya,   for  instance,  when  he  quoted 
St.  P'"iul  upon  the  proper  nhamefacedne^JS  and  modesty  of  women,   hastened 
to  observe:      "I  do  not  doubt  but  that  Hester  and  Judith  did  wear  trold, 
and  were  gorgoou$^y  decked."  The  array  of  a  qusen  mic-ht  be 

magnificent  and  costly  according  to  her  st^^tion;   for  lesser  women  to 
?eek  to  outdo  their  husbands  in  pride  of  apparel   ie  a  grievous  sin 
against  good   order.     Fantastic  end  artificial  aids  to  beauty  are 
moreover  unnatural  and  evidences  of  pride.     "Jfoe  to  the   crown  of  pridei" 
exclaimed  Hoskins. 

Deuphters  of  ^inrland... ,  build  not  Tarret?.  or  Crstlec  on  your  heads,    Tith 
braided  hair,  and   gold   put  about:      these  en  be  no  fences    ir  fortresses 
of  your  chastity,  rf.tr.er  tbey  are  allurer.entr.   of  your  enemle.    If  not 
trophees  end  tokens  of  his  vlctorie.         IBS. 

The  garnishments  of  pride  hove  nothing  to  do  with  dacency  and  comeliness; 
comellne-B  would  not  m-  ke  niore  of  jewels  then  of  children.     God  hath 
giren  you  one  f;ce,  he  continued,  and   you  rake  yourselves    '.nother: 


3S{ 


vi{56) 


Neither  msy  you  daughters  of  England...   •  buE©  Gods  Creation,   ettemot  to 
control,   or  i^orrect  his  workmanship,  adding  to  that  face,  which  Saint 
Jamea    tertneth  n   turell,    the    joiros-ed   feetures  of   .    fece  ertif icisll,,, 
7:aF   it  not    'nouph  that  unnaturall  nicen^ss  hath  hid   their  brests,  and 
refueed   to  give    theix-  cue   bo  clr   suck?  muct   rrldc  hide   their  Tree  too? 
....  Among  the  wise,   -Luni  i'  iLT:aty,    their  pleaplnt,-  humour  takes  none  effect 
;r  succesE'o  s:   b11;    for  when    their  time,    their  colour^;,  .-. nd   their 
paines,   end  their   In  entlons  ere  ^srsted,...   sh-ill  we  Cfill  it  a   face,   or 
6h':ll  5se   c'll    ;t  an   Iciposthura?       109. 


Hoskins   .ould  hit  almost  cs  hard  as  Samlet,   though  his  stroles  fjre  not 
so  clean  and  cri56.      It  is  llVcely  that  he  snoke  without  prompting,   in  the 
ordin-jry  course  of  his  exhortation.     In  1619,  however,    sermons  Sfsinst 
feminine  T'^nltiec   wore  ordered  by  the  King;   they  were   presumably  preached 
at  Paul's  Cross  ?s  sell  as   in  the  city  church:^s.     Charabeilain  reported 
that 


yesterday     {^7.  Jtc.   ISlvFI    the  11  shop  of  London  csjled   together  all  his 
Clorpie  about   this  to>Tn9,   "nd  told   them  he  had   a^rreased  comneundenent 
fromthe  iling  to  will  them  t."  inveigh  Teheiraiitly  and  bitterly  in   theyre 
sermons  ngainst  the  insolenc^le  of  our  wo-ien,  and  theyr  wearing  of  brode 
brlrad   hats,   pointed  dubliSts,    theyre  h».ire  cut  rhort  or  phoren,and  some 
of  them  stllettaes  or  poin?)rd8,  and    such  other  trinckets  of  lik-    mordent, 
adding  7»lthall   that  yf  pulpit  admonitions  eill  not  raforrae  them  he  wold 
proceed   by  naother  course;    t-he  truth  is  the  world   is  very  fnr  out  of 
order,   but   whether  this  will  mend  it  Cod  icnoves.       130 


Thr  e  weeks  later  he  wrote  Carleton  thf;t  "our  oulpits  ring  contunually 

of  the   Innolence  «.nd   Irapudence  of  women,"   so  that  what  isith  sermons, 

191 
pl«ys  and  ballads  "they  can  com?  no  where  but  theyre  eercs  tingle." 

Whether  or  not  the  campaign  oroduced  araendn-ient  in  their  7;t.ys  is  not  so 

clerr. 

i^xcess  of  the  belly  is  as  much  to  be  reorehendcd  as  excess  upon 
the  back.  Gluttony  -^nd  ospaclally  drunsenneaa  «ire  eins  becau?o  they 
destroy  the  true  order  and  subordination  in  the  body  a-  excess  in  apparel 
ceforma  the  hierarchy  of  degrees  an-J  comeliness  of  estates.   They  are 


3«(. 


vl{57) 

sins  against  n  ture.     Sendys'   long  end    thorough  dlseuerion  of  there   3lns 
m'jy  serve     s   our  tejt: 


Katiire   is  conlanted  *ith  «   Utile:    but,    .MVere   sobriety  T/nnteth,  nothing 
is  enoufh.      '-^he   body  mu^t  havp   sufficient,    lest   it   feint    ?n  the  ml;'st 
of  necer,sary  dutls:      but  beware  of   gluttony  ana  dmnkeness,,.,   Thepe 
lerconr  sre   fit   for  Enplsnd,   »?h3r;'  enclRnt   sobriety  ht'th  given  plrce   to 
superfluity....  John  iJeptist  was  content  with  s   simple  diet,  Christ  with 
very  clftndar  fp.re;    hut   there  are  of  uf5,   I   fePr  me,   who?e   foil    la 
their  belly,  and  *ho;-e  felicity  is  meat  and  drink.      Our  ex::3ss  this  way 
is   intolerable  and  abomlnsble....     This  excepE   Is  an  eneriy  to  wealth  «nd 
hedth:      it  hsth  cut  off     much  housek  coping,  and  brought  many  nen  to 
eytre?!9  be-pary..,.   And  as   ir.moderete   feeding  doth  much  hurt   to   the   body, 
so  it   .iJ  more  noisome  to  the  mind,     i?or  as   the     round,   if  it  recei  e  too 
r-.uch  rain,    ••  r  not  retered,    but  drowned,   snd  turnffth  into  nire,  -hlch  is 
neither  fit   for  tillage  nor  for  yielding  of  fruit;    so  our  flesh,   over- 
watered  with  Tiin?,   is  not   fit   to  ac'rait  the  spiritual  plough,   or  to 
bring  forth  th-  cel'-s  Isl  frult'^    of  rlphteousn-^ss.      rhe  herbs   thct  ^zrow 
about   It  will   be  lo  thsome  end  stinking  weeSs;   ss  brawlinc,   chiding, 
blasphemy,   slander,   perjury,  ha.red,  manslftuphter,   and  such  bed  workA 
of  drunkenncrs  f^nd  dsrVnepe....  A  drunken   "jody  is  not   d  man,   but  a  swine 
fit  for  devils  to  enter  into,     ior  these  sins  are  atains;t  nature,  which, 
being  noderately  refreshed,   is  s-itisfied;   being  otuffed,    is  hurt, 
violated,   aac   dftfonised.     God  hath  jlven  up  hie  ereaturej:    soberly  to  use, 
anc.  not   bd  shenefully  to  ebu^'-e:     ice  should,   if  we  d'd  well,    feed   the 
body  to  serve  «nd  not  to  rule,    to  obey  and   not   to  lead,  the  spirit.     192, 


vihether  or  not   the  "ancient  sobriety"  was  diminished  by  tie  importation 
of   foreign   wines  with  th-T   erpnnElon   of  "^npllsh  trsiie  rnc'    by  the   increase 
in  tf.e  alcoholic  coatoat  of  Znglish  ^le   by  the  Iraportiitijn   ;>f  hops  from 

iQ'i  I 

iVrtois,    certain  t  Is  thtit  the  prenbaero  turned  their  thunaer  upon 
drunkenness  sepecially,   JrunkennosSk  naid  Sibthoroe, 

is  the  mother  of  nisrtameKnors;  the  matter  th:"it  ministers  all  mlschlafe, 
the  root  of  ti etchedness,  the  vent  of  vieo,  the  Subverter  of  the  "neses, 
the  Oonfounder  of  tho  O^i-ficlty,  rayslnf  a  stome  in  tho  Tongue,  ?lllowe8 
in  thQ  Body,  nndShlppewracke  in  the  oule,  the  losae  of  Time,  the 
eorruoter  of  Conversation,  the  dlscreriito  of  Carrlnce,  the  Infamie  of 
Honesty,  the  oincke  that  sviallowes  Chaatitie,  the  Infirmity  ahoae 
Physiti  n  Ic  1  norainle,  aad  the  n  .dn«38e  whose  Medicine  ip    /Ir-ery.   194. 

Drunkenness  is  everywhere  in  the  realm,  and  is  too  much  tolerated. 


^f1 


Tl(5B) 


The  e  was  in  rocie  e  straefce  called  Vlcua  -obrias:      iTie  Jober  street©, 
becauEie   there  wjib  never  an  alehousa   in  it;   which  is  herd  to  be  eeid  of 
eny   Ftreete   in   Lngl&nd.        195. 


/J.1  over  the  lend   "the   justi*e  of  pesce  is  -^ilde,   and  the  drunkard  merry, 
which  t»o,  you  know  will  a-.end  no  aln." 

When  they      [drunkcrcis]     are  preeeated,   they  answer  for  them.'PalveE   some 
flegr.';ticlce  conceit...   that  relishea  of  the  broth;   and  the  "'aglstr-te 
biis,   !."o  no  fliorr;   so:    ana  so   the  drunkard   in  honour  of  the  Justice,  nakes 
his  image   for  saving  him,  and  writes  upon   it.  Good-ale  ne-er  wanted  a 
friend  upon  the  beach.  196. 

Thoinas  idams,  edified  by  the  reading-  of  Othello,  exclaimed: 


Ch  that  a  man  -should  take  pie  sura   in  th'it  which  T.airss  him  no  man;    that 
he  Phould   let  -^  thief   in  tt  hie  moath   tojteel  away  his  wit;    thst    for  a 
little   tbDat-lndulgence,  he  should  kill  in  hiiupelf  both  th?   first  /^dara, 
his  respon,  fani  even  th?  second     dsm,  his  regeneration,  and   so  commit  two 
mui-ders   at   once.  197, 


He  had  a   theory  to  explain  the  common   indulc;ence   in  strong  drink,  s   theory 
which  reminds  us  of  the  cuses  suggested  by  ecanoraic  historians  for  the 

epidemic  of  gin  drinking  in  tho  1740 's: 


Drunkennes  raakos  no  quick  ridnnce  of     he  ale  that  this  raieeth  the  price 
of  malt,  anu    the  eood  3al-=  of  innlt  raiaeth  the  price  of  barley:      thus 
if  the  lan3  distressed,      t"^  •  poor's  bread  dlseolvad   into  the  drunl-vprd's 
cup,  the  markets  are  hoisad  up*      If  the  poor  cannot  reach  the  prieo,   the 
iralt-mastar  *ill;   he  c   n    itter   it  to  th^  t-^'Dhouae,  a/id  the   tsohoupe    Is 
sure  of  her  old   ff^nd,  drunkennes.     i'hus  theft  oits  clo-e   in  a  drinlcing- 
riom,     nd  rots  ill  raho  siil   into   that  coaet.  138. 


Almost  a  vicious  circle,   you  will  obcerve,   but  not  -uite.     Mama  was 
not   an  econamic  determinist;    the  process  beglnr   with  the  drunkard,    who 
is  s   drunker;!   becaure  he   is   ::   sinner,   not  bscaus-.a  it  happeaa   to   uo  more 
orofltabl'^   to  sell  nle   then  ajeal.      In  like  manner  John  Hoskins,  while 
concerned   to  exoose   tho   ohysic -1  misery  of  th«  drunkard,  affirmed  the 
sinful  pride   in  dru;ikennes8.     As  seir-ssteem  is  t    surfeit  of  the  mind,   so 


?«* 


vi(59) 

is  drunkeqpsB  of  the  body,     I'he  out-ard  estate  of  the  drunkart?   If 
poverty;      his  l^nds  are  drowned,  hlB  beck  stripped   to  Una  hi:^  belly. 
Ha  is  afflicted  with  many  "cornorall  incorrreniencoa." 


A  Goalee  of  Prage...  ua/lng  heard  at   shrift   the  confesBion  of  drunkards, 
and   p;^wning  his     irlts  to  purchase  e.  perlence  of  the  ainne,   stole  himself 
dxainke;   and  after  threa  d;iies  drowi^y  loth;;ome  iangulshla^  YexR.tion, 
•shen  he  c:^-me  abroad,    to  cjII   that  confessed  the  shme  sin  e,  enjoyned  no 
■oenaace  but  thi*  ,  C-oe  and  be  drunke  agaiae. 


This  sin'    nsvor  comes  alone;   it  brings   In  its  train  mocking,  murder, 
adultery.    Incest.      iTrinkinf:  e~alnst  dryness  or  sadaesE  is  to  be  tolerated, 

but  drinking  bouts  of  shole  days  and  nighta  are  sinful.     The  reraembrence 

c 

of  theCup  of  Christ  should  res.  rain  U3  fro.^  such  ex^psses.   199. 

The  "atoraa  Ln  the  tong'e,"  uncomely  speech,  the  sin  -.f  blfisphemy: 
t'lese  rr.ay  oroceed  frojTi  other  causes  besides  djrunkennass.   From  a  wilful 
careless  naas,  for  inst^^nce,  as  -.daa  Hill  was  sura:   "the  despei-te 
peopl  of  thie  declinin?  age  are  so  glv'sn  to  STtearlnf ,  as  though  no  man 
ciuld  .;e  5^av3d  happily,  unlesse  he  did  a;eare  continually."  Ourslng  is 
the  infernal  Inaguagr,  nna  all  too  frequent  it  la  in  -n^'Iand  becau -e  of 
the  negligence  of  the  m  giatrate"  »ho  punish  not  the  offence,  "and  the 

fearfulnesse  of  the  iJinisters,  who  doe  not  reprove  this  sin  In  Gentleinen 

,,200 
and  mobla  perx^onas^es.      It  was  the  upper  clcsses,  too,  whom  Thomas 

^utton  reprored  t-.enty  yetirs  later  in  his  long  invective  araint  sneering. 

Idle  swearing  ir  evil  for  .  land;  it  is  cried  d  wn  in  the  ancient  laws 

of  the  igyptiena,  icythiand  and  Komans.  '^he   very  Totfks  -.ill  8tOL>  their 

ear?  et  the  het^rlng  of  an  oath.   Wowadays  our  magistrates  daro  not  make 

any  la*B  against  this  sin,  so  thoroughly  condetined  in  scripture,  for 

fear  of  catching  their.relves.   There  is  much  shearing  among  the  nobility 

and  gentry;  the  court  Is  a  "school  of  bJ>0L8pheray."  You  c  .n  tell  a  courtier 


??<^ 


by  the  TBPlaty  of  his  new-feshloaed  oaths. 


Tl(50) 
201 


That  *8s  putting:  it  pret- y  deerly,  am'  the  accusfltlon  wss  th« 
more  d  rin?:  and  wei<.:hty  because,    If  one  can  ti-ust  flarington.  Chamberlain 
and   other.-,    it  <kv,s   true.     I'here  were  mnny  parTonu  "roaring  boys"   In   the 
entourage  of  James  I.     "Hoarlns?"   is  nil  too  coarion,    testified  John  '.hite. 
aut  neither  button  nor  "hite  percftived,  as  did  William  .Yorshlo,   the 
jucigeaent  of     od   upon  the  ains  oT  high  life,      "jih,   noble  Prince  HENtiY," 
cried  he,   "'(who^e  very  narie  still  inekes  my  heart  to  bleode  afresh)     »ee 
nay  thanke  our  Conrt-oathes,   &r,   one  chiefe  cause  of  thine  untimely 
deeth."^^ 

./ben  the  Paul's  Cross  morel  :.st  turned  to  ctistla  tion  of  disorder 
and  excess  in  raane:'s  domestic,  he  repro/ed  pa.-enis  who  by  6Lack4ning 
their  authority  and  neglecting  religious  obsor  anoes  in  the  home 
permitted   their  children  to   --e  disobedient.     The  eirjmle  o?  the     enturioii 
Cornellur.,   paid     tockwood,    in  painfully  dischiir^iag   those  cjutier,,    should 
be  a  lesson  to  us  all.     If  'i.e  neglect  to  kacp  our  households  in  religious 

order,  we  are  guilty  of  the  very  ^ins  which  our  disobedient  children 

203 
will  cotamit.  Isaac's  blind  affection  to  bless    "sau,   nsmed  Lev-'es, 

should   bring  us  to  ponder  how  our  affections  away  us  figainst  God's  itlll; 

our  affections  are  the  waves  and  winds  of  our  souls,  niovint^  us  often  to 

neglect   the;   oroper  rectraint  of  our  children.      "V.'ell,    -li  >)id   so  long 

204 
cocker  his  ciildren,   that   they  caused  him  to  brestte  his  necVce." 

Worse  by  for  and  more  common  thati  disobedience   in  children  is  adultery. 

on  13  inarch  1586,   upon   the   occasion  of   the   pennnce   of  c   ivhoremonrer ,    the 

pre  Cher  delivered  g  long  harangue  upon  the  evils  of  promiscuity. 


Jto 


vi(61] 


Sbewing  by  sundrie  examples  whr-t  punishments  hare   been  inflicted  upon 
offender''   in  that  kind,   by  the  laws  of  diverse  n  tions:      fis  of  the 
Tartars,   Jews,    lurks  am  Aegyptiaas,  l-c:      some  stripping  the  man  that 
WHS  ruiltie,   starke  na'icfld   in  the  Bijrht   of  the   osople.    i«ho  received  a 
thousrnd  yerks  upon  his  flesh:      the  worn  n  hcd  her  nose  cut  off,  end  so 
lived  with  -   oarcetusl  note  of  infamie,    iesiing  a  visible  br-.dge  of  her 
fonasr  lewd  life.    ...  This  fault  wss  likewise  revoDged  isith  stonlne  to 
defith,   and   other   corpornll   snTBrtf   and    fcoraien   a;    ell  which   shew  how   ocJlous 
a   sinne   It   Is,   both  in  the  elKht  of  God  ana  man.        805. 


ffhere  thie  pre^icher  depended  upon  the  recital  of  gr'sly  punishments, 
oanderson  explored  with  chamcteristic  loclc   the  nature  of  the  siln  itself. 
T.Ven  the  pj^gans  could  see   th-^t  adultery  v^  s  grievous,   th  ough  the  ll?ht 
of  n:tare  In  them.     They  saw   that  it    is  a  mixed  crime,   partskinp  of 
Injactice  as  ?rell  t;8  uncle&nness. 


Krery  nsrrled  person  hath  loee  facto  surrendered  up  the  right  and  interest 
he  had  in  aad  over  his  oifn  body,  and   :-'ut  it  out    ^f  his  own   Into  the 
power  of  another:   rhat  an  urrant   thief  then   is  the  adulterer,   th  t  taketh 
upon  him  to  rlispose  at  hi?    ole- s  ire   tlat    ^hich  is  mnp    if  his,        ''06, 


Robert  Sibthorne  nropose-?    to  survey  "afar  off,  as  thi-ough  '    Perspective  or 
Cptlcke  Ins ^rument. .,   three  Deformities   in  this  den  of  Cscub";   the 
unlawfulness  of   it,   certain  mrticulcrs  to  be  eschewed  of  those  who 
wbold  not  fell  by  it,  and  the  punishinent  of  offenders   in  it.     l-or  the 
first. 


If  thou  wilt  see  adultery  beget   Idolatry,   thou  needest   but  cast  sn  eye 
on  :alo'TOn;      If  Wltchcrcft,  rellect  on  Jezebel;   If  thou  wilt   behold  Lust 
in  Xravell  with  Hatred  and  Hevenge,   lutiphars  Wife  is  at  full  time  of 
C<ellvery. 


This,  sin  Is  worse  than  all  others,    though   stiff-necked  men  s^ek  to 
excuse   it  as  natual  and   inherent  to  the  bo^iy.      To  avoid    it,   shun  idlen'=)8a 
and  sloth;  Cupid    "hlt-s  few   out  the  sloathfull,"     3hun  Tilthy  communication, 
foolish   talking  end   jesting;    these  days  children  leern  lewd  rhymes  as 
soon     8  they  can  chatter,      ihe  third    'rock   to  be  retired  from"   is  wanton 


/-?» 


looks  and  llfe-ht  behaviour,    l   fonrth  the  froquonting  of  lewd  places 
end  flssoci-tlon  with  lesclTloas  persona,  a   fifth  is  drunkenness  and 
ourfeltinp.     /s  for  the  punishrnent  for  adultery,   there  is  in  this  life 
excommunication  and   In  the  next  s   strong  possibility  of  immersion  In 
the  lake  of  fire  and  brirjjtono.     Having  surveyed  these  points  €  far  off, 
Sibthorpe  approsched  the  sins  of  thR  day  more  nearly.     Adulterers  asoemHe 
"by  troops"   in  htrlots'   houses,   publishing  their  impurity  to  the  eyes 
of  offended  observers.      .here  are  these  hou':^es? 

I  will   ...  f-fethema  cicelly  describe  unto  you  a   three  fold  stla  tlon,   of 
such  sinckes  of  sinne,   thnt  so  you  may  the  speed ilier  sddresso  ha 
lnqui£?ition  for  the  suppressing  of  them. 

The  first  is  as   tiabab's  hou;e,  upon  the   town  wall;    thn  second  as  the  vale 
of  Sorck,   in  a  valley  by  s  br  okride;   the  third,   like  the  dwelllnB-  of 
the  two  h'srlots  who  carae  before  3olomon,   the  bouses  of  c   couple  of 
«ictuBllers   In  the  City.'^'' 

(Mention  must  be  made  here  of  John  Dovb^  e-  sermon  Of  Divorcement 
preached  at  Paul's  OroGS  in  1601,  not     nly  because  his  argument  has  sn  lntl» 
nste  connection  with   the  preachers'   horror  of  adultery,   but  becF-use  the 
serr.on  /as  an  episode   in   the   long  controversy  upon  divorce   ■'•hlch  forms 
pert  of  the  background   to  ?Allton'H  divorce  pamphleta.     The  conservetive 
reaction  to  progressive  ?rotest>jnt  te.ching  upon  divorce,   e.g.   the  'Jtorka 
of  Bucer  and  Gartwrlght,   bepri  n  with  idmund   Bunny,   a  prebon  ;  ry  of  York 

in  the  1590'b,  who  opposed  the  piSctlco  of  roiaarriege  •  rter  se-^nr^^tlon 

208 

for  infidelity.  lie  was  answered  by  the  Purl' an  jr.  iiglnolds  of  Oxford, 

and  rejoined    in   IfcJS  while  his  oonoient's   tre.  ttae  mf.r.   still   In  mnnuscrlpt. 
.irchbiahop   ..hltplft  refused   to  otarmit   the  puQlicatijn  of  elf^er  t  reatlae, 
though  he  wns  of  the  conserv.tive  persuasion  and   permitted    ^ove's  aermon. 


31 -u 


vl(6S) 

which  was  designed  to  prove  three  propositions;    there  cnn  be  no  divorceinent; 
he   who  puts  «way  hln  nl fe  cen  marry  no  'ther  while   she  liveth;    the  woman 
who  is  divorced  may  not  remarry.     Hia  text  «^.s  the  tnuch-sPfTued  pronounement 
in  Matthew  IS. 9  and  his  whole  sermon  a   tightly-woven  axpof'ition  to 
arrive  «t  a   right  understanding  of  the  text.      Publicition  of   the   s-rmon 
was  presumably  ?eriaitted  because,  ns  Dove  put  it   in  his  pref story  epistle, 
he  *as  mistaken  "by  sjme  *ho  understood  it  not,  &,  unjustly  traduced  by 
others  which  heard   it  not."     '".ome  wei-e  displeased   because  he   presumed  to 

apeak  sg-alnst   Bezp,   others  pleaded  ef-tainst  his  div'.sion  of  the  text  as 

209 
straunge  and   insolent."  In  the  afteraath  the  controversy  •Jina 

continued  at  Oxford   between  John  Howson  as^'ice-Ch8noa.lor  end  the   furitan 

Thoass  Pye.     rainold's  and  Bpnny's   tre  tlsos  «?re  published   in  1609  and 

1610). 

The  brotheli  end  the  theatres  stood  closer  together  in  .-ome 
prenchere'   minds  than  e -er  they  did  upon  the  Bankslde.     For  Adamj,  the 
playhouse   is  one  st3ae   in  the  epicure's  riotour.  course: 

If  every  they   (epicures)    be^-ln  pny  wirk  with  the  day,  th^y  dispose  it  on 
thi?  fashion:      first  thay  visit  the  tavern,    then  the  ordinary,   then  the 
theatre,  and  end   In  the  stews;   from  wine  to  riot,  from  that  to  plays,  from 
them  to  harlots....  Here  is  a  day  spend  in  an  e  :cellent  method.         210 

The  theatres  were  notorious  an  pl-ices  of  ^rsign-^tlon;    so  Tuch  if?   ffCt,   and 
this  aspect  of   Ihe  pre. chers'   attack  upon  the  stspe  muFt  not  be  dismissed 
58  me-e  frenetic  c'lunry.     Other  elen  n  s   in  ^.h«*lr  crvonl ifT>  a'-e  pIbo  easy 
to  explnin.      In  the  Jacobean  period,   for   instance,  ministers  of  the  T>uritan 
nersugsion  were  P^pxieved  at  levd  representrtlons  of  th^ir  kind  upon  the 
stage.     In  1608  ''.illiHn  nrnshaw  deplored  the  "nm^nily  Play^s  and 
/".nterludes   -o  rife   \n  this  ntlon."       hat  ere  thej,  he  vent  on,   but  "a 


3f3 


▼1(64) 


bsstard  of  3'ibylon,   a  dcu,'?hter  of  error  end   confusion,  a  hellish  device?" 
Like  i^orthbooolce  before   2nd  Prjoine  after  him  he  listed  the  ususl 
irrelevcnt  citations  of  the  Fathers  against  plays,  but  ss  he  cinisB  nearer 
home  the  real  source  of  hly  anger  appeared:      play  ra  grow  worse  and  worse. 

For  now  they  bring  religion  anct  holy  thinffis  a?on  the  3ta/e..».      Two 
hypocrites  must  be   brought   forth;   and  how  shall  they  be  described  but  by 
th6se  names,  Nicholas  i",  ^ntHn;^"^,   "dmon  '.■.  r.iaryoverles?     ThuB  hypocricle 
a  child  of  hell  must  beure   the  nv.iaes  of  two  Ghorehns  of  God,  and  two 
wherein  T.oda  name   Is  called  on  publikely  every    nay  In  the  yeare,  and   In 
one  of  them  til^  blessed  word  preaehed  eTerle    '-y   (an  exa-nple  screee 
iaatchsble  in  the  world):     yst  theee   two. ..shall  be  by  these  Tiiscreants 
thus  dishonoured,  nnd   th-^.t  not  on  the  sta^e  only,    but  en^n  In  print,     211, 

Gamual  Ward   la  his  sermon  of  1(516  slso  alluded   to  such  ridicule,   in  an 
apostrophe  to  his  brethren: 


j,-   for  the  playerB,  snd    jesters^  and  rhymers,  1-  all  that  rPbblement,  tell 
them,   thou  silt  c»ne  day  be  in  onrnest  with  then,  snd  though  thou  suffer 
them  to  personate  th  e  upon  their  stages,    jnd   sh-T  th'lr  wit,  and  break 
their  jestson  th'^e  now,  thou  wilt  owe  it  to  them,   till  they  cone  upo4  the 
(Boreat  sts-re,  bf^fore  God  end  fill  the  world,        212, 


For  those  who  deplored  the  profane  'isa  of  the  Sabbflth  the  players  were 
chief  amon^j  those  who  luade  the  Lord's  (lay  n  time  o±  ui'  odly  exorcises. 
FrofanstlJn  of  the  ...abb^th,   r-^id    .dam  Kill,    ir  an  evident   sin  and  very 

coanion  etaong.  us;    the  Sabbath  is  profaned  "with  'launclnf;,   stage-ploying, 

213 
bear-bsyting,   bowling,  A  with  all  manner  of  .•i'.bhominitiona."  -very 

day  with  us  in  evil,   compliiined  Thomas  r.hite,  "and  the  Sebbath  w^r-t," 

214 
It   Is  with  us  the  d ■  y  of  bsnquotln;;8,   curfeitlng-s  and  plays, 

215 
Something  was  don«   by  the  euthorities  ftbout  pl'jyinf  on  Sunday, 

and   it  wRF.  done  gs  a  result  of  the   Inters^^  cave  of  protest  against 

plrylnr  th^'t   8we-)t  pulpit  and   pr-^rs   in  the  ynarB  1E77   to   1579.     This 

cavalcade  of  fulmlnttion  ir  a  phenomf^non  of   rrs    t  1ntflrir!.<^t ,  and  since  s 


S'm 


▼1(65) 

of  the  heeviest  artillery  wes  sounded  off  at  P"ul's  Cross,   sons 
discussion  of  It  may  isell  prorlde   the  climax  for  this  survfiy,     a  bare 
list  of  the  ettaC'-a  on  the   stage  during  this  time   is  impressive.     The 
first  hloff  seems  to  have  been  struolc  by  Thomas  f^hite  in  his  sermon  'dt 
the  Cross  in  1577;    in  oecember  of  thst  year  John  Worthbrooke's   :re:;tl3e 
Ttas  entered   In  the   Jtatijner>-'   xiegister;   thonext  yesr  saw  the  publication 
of  Xhomas  3rasbridge*s  Poore  :^ns  Jewell,  which  repeated  Vihlte*s 
arpuments  cboat  the  rel  tion  of  plays  and  plsfrue,   Htoclmood's  first 
serrcon  end   /alsal's  sermon  at  the  Cross;    in  1579  appeared   N'ewes  from 

the  North,     fiooert     Spark's  sermon  at  the  cross,  *•     'it oclrs ood •  s  second 

217 
sermon  and  Oosson's  Schools  of     buse.  The  pre  chers*    invective 

ran  nearly  the  rrhole  gainut  of  denunciation  mac^e  fonillor  to  students 

of  the  period  through  the  violent  and  tedious  pe^os  of  Hiptrloniestix* 

0  aborainoble  and  filthy  cltyl     cried    .hlte, 

Looke  !.ut  upon  the  coannon  pl?=iyes  in  Lodnon,  and   see  the  multitude  th- 1 
floc!-eth  to  there  end   followeth  t>iera:   beholdc  the  sunptuous  Theet.re 
hou-es,   a   contlnu'=ll  raorument   of  London^   prodigill fie  nnd   folly. 

The  sumptuous  houses  »;ero  the  Theatre,   begun  oy  5urbn(?e  in  1578,  and   the 
Cartnln,   occupied    in  the  next  yenr.     They  were  elored  because  of  plague 
when    ^hlte   spoke  on  3  November. 


I  like  the  pollicye  well   If  it  holds   still.. ..  The  cause  of  plagu  s  Is 
sinno,   if  you  looke  to  It  roll:      and  th--?  cause  of  slnne  are  playes: 
therefore    the  cause   of  pi  .;.:uea   oire  playes. 


fter  thi'  simple  sylloi^lsm  "hlte  set  forth  the  horrible   r^tn-  and 
enormitlen  exhibited   on  the  stare,    na   theft   and  whoredom,    nride  and 

prodigality,  villainy  and   blispheniy.      "It   is  no  plnylnf?  time,"  he 

218 
concluded.  "nlsal   brought  forward  a  theme  much  l<'^oared   In  ths  llter- 


Sii- 


Ti(66) 
ature  of  ''Purl ten"*  objections  to  pleys: 


As  in  the  couutrie  minstrels  thua  seduce  &,  bewitch  the  opople,  so  it 
hoth  bene  gyd  (I   truFt  It  bo  reformed)  that  vaire  nlfilers  have  had  p bout 
thlo  citie  of  London  I'srre  grev^ter  audience,  then  true  prej^cher^s,   219 


The  chief  onr>onent  of  the  theatres  at  Paul'sCross  was  John  toclctinod, 
a  0  ototye  oi   ryr.'.e.  Though  vithcut  Prynne'e  vre;  t  learning  si«  queru- 
lous where  Prynne  was  Ticious,  He  bepau  his  observ  tions  unon  plays  in 
l-.is  rermon  of  1578  with  a  renetltion  of  .alssl's  complsint,  though  In 
more  conficent  terms: 


Kyli  not  (!  fylthye  plsye,  ~ith  the  ol  st  of  a  Trumpete,  sooat^r  c-11 
thyther  a  thounande,  than  an  houres  tollinp  of  a  Bell  brin?-  to  the 
ierraon  a  hundred. 


-fter  8  e'srrulouB,  dull,  end  prosaic  enum  ration  of  England's  sins  he 
returned  to  the  attec'f,  affirming  thst  every  man  cries  out  against 
"beastly  Playas"  from  Paul's  Cr^ss,  and  pointing  to  the  "houses  built 
^Ith  urs   t  charge"  of  purpose  for  playing,  ^nd  built  without  thft  liberties 
"'581*0  would  sey,  the;-e,  let  them  saye,  what  they  will  saye,  we  wil  play," 
rhese  buildinf:s  are  like  to  the  hesthenlsh  theaters  of  Ro^.e,  enticers  to 
whoredom.   How  can  "uch  be  tolerated  in  e   Chrtetlan  coramonveelth  and 
upon  the  Lord's  day  too?   iTielr  building  is   unprofltnbie  expendltare: 


For  rectcening  with  the  l^^;3te,  the  sroine  that  Is  reaped  of  el.'^hte  ordinarie 
plsces  in  the  Gltle  which  T  knowe,  by  ployinf  but  nnce  e  w^eke...,  it 
amoanteth  to  2000.  pounds  by  the  ye  re,  the  suffering  of  7?hlche  wpste 
muste  one  a<=.ye  be  answered  before  God,    220. 


lis  resomsd  his  attack  in  the  ne;{t  yeer,  heaping  up  epithets  upon  such 
detestable  exercises  *iili^h  aie  still  cintinued,  though  cried  out  nreinst 
by  worthy  'nen  from  the  .aul's  Jxobs  pulpit.  They  are  used  on  the  Lord's 
day,  which  is  a  thing  intolerable;  though  the  frequenterf?  of  them  affirm 


Ji(. 


Ti(67) 

that  the  pleyy,  belnjc  In  the  afternoon,  do  not   Interfere  with  th«  time 
of  sermons,   yet  "the  people  thn  t  reeorte  thither.    If   th-^y   .-.ill  h?y  e  any 

convenient  pl'.ee  to  h?nre,  must  bs  there  before   the  time  of     er  one." 

231 

Playhouse-    are   filled;   chorches  eapty  except   in   tine  of  plngue. 

It  has  been  suggested  thr:t  this  outbreok  of  protest  wfis  not,  of 
the  convention  il     Puritan"   kind  altOijether,    bat   instigated  by  influential 

groaps  of  London  citizens,  and  that     tock«ood  was   their  chief  spokesman 

222 
because   of  his  connection  with  the  Company  of  Jkinnors.  It  c  nnot 

be  denied  that  some  of    .'''ockifood' a  proteetssound  the  key  of  the 

practice!  merch  .>ntE'   concerted  Toice:      the  weste,    the  great  charge   <ibout 

things  unprofitable,    the  licen?e   in  the    suburbs  beyond   the  jarl '-diction 

of  the  aldermen.      ..i^aliist   thic  vlei*  sisy   be   pieced   the  evidence  that   the 

City  outhorities  hfld   little  or  no  control   over  the  Jippoint'^ient  of  ='aul'8 

223 
Cross  preachers,  and  also  the  unmistakeable   sentiment   of  rlvfilry  be- 

ty<een  the  pre-chers  and   the  pl:yerr,  of  jealousy  on  the  preachers'   part 

which  could  scarcely  fail   to  produce  condenn?.t ion*     There   Is  little 

evidence  that  the  City  was  able   to  comicand  either  the  Cross  pulpit  or 

the  pr^'ss  for  its  purpose;   there   iw  nuch  evidence,   though  u-ifortttn^^tely 

little  of   it.   oooearp   in    the  Paul's  Cross   sermons,   for  an  urjnerlyinf 

antipathy  to  th"^  stage   in  cert-.la  of   the  devout,  an  entipathy    'rising 

perhaps  from  the  Puritan  fear  of   the  mime  of  the  use  of  the  body  In  any 

ritual,    .'hether   profane   or  holy.      Tne   . ua^eoLs    th-t    tha   "urltsne 

objection   to  acting  was  oi  a  piece  with    luelr   Dbjection    to  church 

cerBmonial, 

There  is  danper  In  pftyinp:  too  great  defe  ence  to  the  pest 
nerely  because   it  Is  the  pnst,   because   its  pHtternrs  are  irrevocable. 


3<»n 


vl(60) 

because  If  they  pre  not  beyond    our  feer  they  ere  beyond  our  censure, 
iis  C'.rlyle  observed   In  his  perh<BPB  extravagant    iPtaphor,   the  Paul's 
Gross   Permons  bsd  something  of   the  quality   of  editorials.      The 
hsrassod  citizen  clatc^ing  his  pr<ornlng  peper  on  his  way  to  work  often 
wonder:-   if   tha   editorlGlist   can  posalbly  belie   e  his   ots-q  lofty 
pletitudes.     So  must  many  of  the  auditory  In  Paal'p  churchyard  h-sve 
debated   the  sincerity  of   the  oreaeherr  who   proclaimed  en  impossible 
virtue,   condemned   TOod  bu;?ln?:3S,  and  set  their  faces  asralnst   the  ancient 
relaxations  of  the   popal'jce.     But  there  l3  a  difference,      rhe  preachers 
*«re  not   subeidlzed.     It   Is  true  that  for  the  most  p^^rt   they  defenc^ed  a 
govemTient  policy,   bat  they  were  "o-^tted   by  Heaven",   In  their  consciences 
they  were  lndepend(?nt,  and   the  only  pressure  i'-rouo  to  which  they  had  to 
defer  -jas  the  power  of  petronege.      It   is  renerkable  how  little  deference 
they  shO'^ed,   how  secure  they  felt   in  thrtlr  armour  of  rl?:hteousn«as.     They 
spoka  with  the  authority  of  men  a-.o  stood  to  pain  nothlns?  by  the 
processes  of  ciiptlellst    Individualism,  rho  existed  with  an  Intense 
inverted   pride  upon  relatively  araaH  rtlpends  fixed   by  oaetom  and  aaage; 
iV    is  impossible  to  deny  that  they  spoke   from  r  con-'iction  of  divine 
panction.     No  doubt  nmny  o  fellow  of   the  University  colleges,  new  from 
the  formularies  of  the  crnonlsts  and  the  pleeeant  certfiintles  of  t  he 
common  room  spoke  e'i'ainRt  covet ousne^'S  with  more  conviction  than  he  might 
have  shovn  afta?  twenty  years  in  the  world,  pfter  workin,r  to  aocumulnte 
8   library  and  a  cellar,   to  carry  favour  «jlth  a  worldly'-  bt-hop  and  s 
worldlier  J.'^.,   after  oxo  rieneeing  the  exaaneratlons  and   teraporlzatione 
of  the  courts  chrtsti^m  and  temporal.     But  if  tho  prea<?'er  was  R0'^<?tlmeB 
academic  he  wns  al  ays  consistent,  being  by  his  ohAlce  of  Drofesslon 
exempt   from  the   cynlciam,   sneclal  oleadlnp  or  hypocrisy  vrhtch  afflicts 


31S 


vi(59) 

the  en  repreneur  wlieu  called  upon  to  enunciate  Chris   Ifm  nrincipl  s. 

But   their  r-al  condition,  obscJfVsd  by  the  neglect  or  the  adulation 
of   scholars,   is  not   so  clear.     The  voice  of  God  was  also  the  voice  of  a 
corporation,  ;Tienaced   by  new  corporations  framed  in  the  coiiimodity 
markets  of  -  ntwerp  and  London,   their  articloa  drnwn  to  :-eet  the  requirements 
of  a  aev  .--urope,  which  'ma   busy  ascnpln,?^  the  manor  upoa  the  hijh.'.ays  of 
the   sea.     Not  one  of  thefie  preachers  mentioned   the  New    -orld   specie, 
though  this  was   fcheir  BeSl  ene^T^y.     i«ot  one  raentloBed  the  dissolution 
of  rnedie.'.=:l  '^hriste adorn;   they  c   lied  up  the  Turk  t5  a  horrible  oxariple, 
but   they  ignored    the   Tudian  and   the  Muaaorite,    the   ;old  and  the  salt  fish 
of  the  new  world  and   the  timber  from  the  northern  slopes  of  the  steppss, 
Jenkinson  and  Helecih  had  3^^en  these   thin  r',    but  they  were  not   mentioned 
at  Paul's  Jross.     -the  preachers   in  tn^jt  place,   though  heated  '<>j  reforming 
sentiment,   spoke   for  an  "ist  blishnaent  which  existed  urjon  essentially  med- 
ievel  land  yaluos,   nbich  In   fio-e  times  of  chanre  relied   upon  tradition 
wliere   it  could   not   rely  upon  cold   cr'sh,  which  ?ou:_-ht   to  re-n'-un   toriporally 
powerful  while  repudi  .ting  thO'Je  iniQ>uritios   vhich  had  mede   it  so.     The 
Paul's  Cross  oreachers  are  c'rurchraen  first  and  last   in  thei;-  social 
doctrine. 

They  were  doomed   to  sjch  slender  resurrection    ?s  they  ney  find 
in  a  scholar's  pages  because  they  were   on  the  wrong  side,   practicfilly 
rpeaking.     They  s^ie  advocates  of  what  are  called   "control e^   1^  "u^  ti  e, 
an^f   like  those  who  support  controls   in  our  ti^ie  they  were  upopular,   at 
odds  with   the  powerful  and  wet-lthy  minority  who  directed  ■England's  destiny 
towards  shopkeeper's  heav<=n.     Tbe   Intricate  flnperatu?  of  nrlce-flTlng 
and  wage-flxlnr  uhlch  the  "llrabethfin  en-:'   Jsccbesn  roveraTentP  coaeht  to 


i'i<i 


▼1(70) 

Impose  upon   -    society  air  ■  dy  anrious  to  enjoy  the  economics  of  i<lc8rdo 
W6S  by   Implication  defended   by  the  preacherr;  end   by  day  to  riay  practice 
floated   by  the   proprwrsive   entrepreneiHfE,      ^iiuce   they  were   the   official 
propagandistB  of  the  government,    in  a  position  of  competence  in  crises  of 
opposition  between  ec^le^i  :8tical  and   temporal  povers,  the   preachers 
■were   forced  to  defend  the  sutocrncy   In   Itr   lack  of  understa -■-lln'^  of  economic 
tre:;ds,   and  no  d'Xibt  to   the  sturdy  morcinants  of  the  City  they  Flood  for 
monopolies  and   tncorapetencfi  as  well  as  price-fixing,   encra^ed  by  their  very 
position  to  defend  the  rnounciering  carniossness  bb  the  cro.ijrt,  as  woll   as 
the  ch;rity  e-.joined  by  the    -criptttraa.     i\ll   their  fei^tid  rhetoric 
cannot  save  them  from  diminuendo.     All  our  nostalgia  cnnot  save  them 
froic  silence. 


f  oo 


VII 
THE  FMI^mSMa*  VISION  OF  WE  iJORLD 


ihan  uod  created  heaven  ;vad  earth,  ho  r-ated  not  in  the 
heaven,  or  in  any  heavenly  thing,  not  in  the  et-rth,  or  in 
any  e^irthly  thing,  but  oaely  in  man  which  is  both. 


Thoiaas  ^'layfare,  '^esrta  i>eli;!3it» 


For  behold,  the  day  coneth  that  shall  burn  ae  an  oven; 
and  alithe  proud,  yea,   iind  all  that  do  v/ickedly,   shall  be 
stubble  •  and  tiae  day  that  coueth  sluill  bura  ther.;  up,aaith  the 
Lord  of  hosts,  tixat  it  ahall  leave  tiiem  neither  root  nor  bronchi 

But  unto  you  that  Sear  z:y  nane   almll  tho  3un  ariao  fi..th 
healing  in  his  wingoj  aai  yo  ahall  go  forth,  and  grow  up  aa 
calves  Oi  "tiie  stall. 

-^ad  ye  shall  tread  dovm  the  wicked|.  for  tliey  shall  be 
ashes  under  x-he  30I03  of  your  feet  in  the  day  that  I  shall  do 
thia,  saith  the  iord  of  ho at 3. 

l*ialachi,  4.  1-3. 


fO| 


viiCl) 

Up  to  this  point  thia  study  has  been  in  the  ordinary  sense 
historical.  '4iat  is,  -^  have  dealt  with  the  Paul's  Cross  aenaona 
not  as  seriaons  but  as  ilxustrative  documents,  as  a  series  of  foot- 
notes to  a  n&.rrative,  footnotes  often  so  iiaportunt  that  they  force 
the  pace  or  change  the  direction  of  the  narra.tive  itself,  but  still 
not  "inaking"  hi  story  out  aerving  inxther  as  a  discontinuous  coauuentaiy 
upon  the  oarch  of  events.  Jiie  role  of  the  preacher  as  oorai-'entator 
is  particularly  oleto"  in  his  protests  against  tfee  aoquisitivo  society, 
■in  all  this  only  the  "doctrines"  and  "uses"  of  the  serraona  have  been 
brouglit  under  discussion,  not  the  sermons  themselvos,  which  were  not 
intended  as  historical  com.jen'oary  at  all,  but  as  soae^thing  far  more 
lofty  and  subtle  than  editoriali2ing»  iu  which  the  application  playa 
a  auboi^iinate  if  necessury  part,  -liie  •'^aul's  ^ross  preacher  was  propa- 
gandist and  moralist,  but  first  of  all  ho  tms  prophet.  Proachiaag  is 
keryCTiai  exegetical  pi'ophecy,  as  well  as  didach§,  homily. 

■^he  sonaon  is  therefore  an  art  fom  peculiarly  designed  to  inter- 
pret eternal  verities  —  "Ihus  sslth  the  Lord"  —  in  teraia   of  history 
ajid  morals.  This  desifin  necessarily  includes  two  elementsJ  proclamation 
of  tho  "'ord  (which  includes  the  "division"  of  it),  and  accomodation  of 
the  "ord  to  the  capacities  of  the  hearers  for  the  purpose  of  directing 
their  actions,  (ihe  sonaon  is  by  its  very  nature  not  a  directive  to 
conton^jlationi  hence  its  popularity  in  the  English  Hefonnation,  vrhich 
eschewed  conteiJ5)lation. )  Unless  both  of  these  elements  are  present, 
what  we  have  is  not  a  sei^non  but  something  else.  In  certain  of  the 
ruritan  prea.heps,  whose  division  of  the  text  was  practical,  the  first 
element  is  almost  swallowed  up  in  the  secoixl,  and  the  sermon  becomes  a 


•i-ov 


vii(2) 
homiletic  handbook,     'ihe  otnor  extreioa  is  probably  reached  in 
AndrewQS  t-nd  perhaps  John  ICing,  birb  in  them  the  hoailetic  element 
ia  never,  oven  at  the  highest  pitch  of  "wit,"  in  danger  of  diaap.eaw 
anoe*      -^he  hcinnoaloua  balance  of  t-heso  two  elecenis  tkttougaout  a 
sermon  wo^ld  be  the  perfectaon  of  iv.nalsayjioe  pulpit  e.rt;  such  a 
sermon  was  probably  never  preached, 

Tne  proclomation  of  the  Word,  accompanied  by  all  those  images  of 
delight  ajul  terror  vmich  Holy  v^rit,  the  fabric  of  ntvcure,  the  know- 
ledge of  tongues  and  the  facility  of  hurajja  fancy  can  pirovxde,  ia 
divine  poetjry.     But  the  se  nion  is  not  a  poem,  even  a  didactic  poem* 
For  ^ere  the  post  teaches  ia  ixiages,  the  preacher  teaches  b^  iiiiagjs. 
He  may  use  an  allegory,  but  not  a  con-fcinued  allegory;  he  may  use  a 
conceit,  but  not  a  dark  conceit,     ho  uses  and  analyzes  his  images j 
his  tfeapon  i3  the  exeaplum  not  the  siaiils.     The  poet  fuses  his  idea 
in  the  white  heat  of  his  i!a;i.giimtion  and  the  result  is  metaphor;  the 
preaoaer  as  it  were  breaks  down  metaphor  into  its  parts,   sets  them 
aide  by  side  ror  tne  ediiication  of  his  audionee.     ■'•he  whole  of  iiourncV 
tiaiiiebov.'  ia  aa  oxercise  of  tiiia  kind. 

As  oi«  distinguishes  the  preacher  from  the  poet,   so  Lnust  he  be 
distinguished  from  the  theologian  and  the  controversialist.     ^^Ithough 
sons  of  tiie  sormons  of  this  period,  produced  in  an  age  of  controversy, 
sul'fered  a  sea-change  when  they  wore  published,  being  alteredxnto 
treatises,  and  altnough  xz  seems  likely   chat  some  preachers  read  as  it 
were  some  chapters  of  their  books  against  i\ome  or  Geneva  to  the  i-'aul's 
uross  auditory,  the  ordinary  seroon  is  not  a  troatise.     Ihe  purpose  of 
a  treatise  is  proof  of  a  thesis  by  syllogism  and  evidence;  whatever 
has  been  said  of  the  place  of  tne  different  schools  of  logic  (Aria- 


fo^ 


vii(3) 
iotelian  or  r^uaistic)   in  fonaing  the  seniion  does  not  alter  tho  fact 
that  the  end  of  a  sermon  is  not  proof,     One  must  insist  that  the 
proaoher  is  not  concsmed  to  roconcilo  oppositions  or  to  assert  the 
aupremacy  of  aoctrinos  o-j  altering  the  relation  of  eloraeirto  in  his 
dicilectiG,  but  to  convince  by  what  chEinge  he  producea  in  his  hearers. 
2he  sermon  is  not  self-contidned,      ihc-  preajhers  speaks  to  bring  men 
to  the  condition  of  repentejrt  sinijorc,  to  convict  thea  of  oin  by  chfjsg- 
ing  their  attitizde  to  the  ./ord,     lliis  he  does  by  showing  them  a  prophetic 
viaion  of  their  utatej  the  fruits  of  his  sermon  are  not  in  his  suEKiary 
of  conclusioiia   (hi^rdly  any  of  these  sernons  have  a  svoaJtiry,  rather  a 
passionate  peroration)  but  in  the  effect  upon  the  soils  of  the  auditory. 

It  would  not  be  necessary  to  labour  this  point  were  it  not  xhat 
criticism  of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  sermon  literature  emphasizes  either 
the  preacher* s  art,  his  variety  of  division,  his  purple  patches,  his 
virtues  or  defects  aa  a  prose  artist  soleily,   or  on  the  other  hand  his 
contribution  to  theological  tliought  or  political  and.  social  theory. 
Valuable  as  these  approaches  are,  they  deal  with  grayaents  of  tiie  sor- 
laoUf  not  with  its  totality,     I-or  is  it  possible  to  understand  even 
imperfectly  the  real  significance  of  post/ ^iefonnation  homiletica  in 
ii-'ngland  without  f acting  the  sermons  sqtiarely  as  they  are  sermons, 
SOT  inthe  tension  implicit  in  the  seroon  fora  between  the    .brd  and  the 
world  one  may  see  most  clearly  a  conflict  analojjous  to  that  whicli 
i'rofoasor  Griorson  has  ciescriced  in  his  metapiior  of'cross  currents," 
in  the  study  of  the  sermons  at  i'aul's  Gross  the  metaphor  of  forces  in 
equilibrium,  in  a  state  of  tension,  ia  better,     Tiie  tension  is  laanlfest 
in  txio  rel::ition  between  the  text  and  its  ap.  lication  by  the  preacher; 
that  relation  ouy  be  hj:.naoniouj    or  it  may  be  striined,  depending  upon 


fof 


vii(4) 
how  much  the  exigenoies  of  the  tiiaea  press  upon  the  speaker.     An 
Linalogy  between  idniveh  and  London  is  easy;  an  aAalogy  betwean  the 
iisfonaed  Church  and  the    ^lueen  of  the  South  is  more  hazardous.     In- 
junctions to  alms-giving  ::aay  be  rooonciled  to  justification  by  faith 
alone  only  by  the  exercioe  of  a  precise  dialectical  exegesis;  the 
preacher  uiust  proclaim  the  cortairrty  of  apocalypse  while  proclaining 
the  uncertainty  of  ito  da-^o  in  hiaaan  reckoning,     'iliese  and  other 
paradoxes  bring  into  fooua  in  the  sermon,  as  in  no  otter  genre  of 
expression,  the  conflict  betwoon  eternity  and  tine,  the  subtle  re- 
lations of  grace  ejid  nature,  v;hich  fomed  the  thouglit  of  the  v/hole 
period. 

lot  while  insisting  upon  the  need  of  considering  the  sermon  in 
its  totality,  the  student  of  the  Paul's  Gross  sermons  seems  to  adioit 
another  sort  of  pcirtiaiity.     it  may  be  objected  tho.t  these  clains  are 
large,  but  the  range  of  evidence  siaall,  aroitrarily  chosen,  the  sound 
of  only  one  pulpit.     To  tlxis  it  nay  be  answered  that  what  seems  a  C03*» 
siderablo  limitation  is  actually  the  greatest  of  advantages.     For  at 
Paul's  Gross  the  preacher  spoke  to  the  whole  Christian  com  amity,   not  to 
justices  on  ci.-cuit,  to  conventiclos,  to  courtiers,  to  fcllo^vs  of 
colleges,  to  pensioners  or  to  parishicnors.     Ills  audionco  was  of  £uLl 
eatatooi  -^i^land  in  a  little  room,     ^e  sermon  vas  thus  the  typical 
witness  of  the  ..ord  to  the  world,     i'urtla encore  siix©  in  tlaeory  at  letist 
the  ecclooifi  was  coterminous  with  the  state,  i^aul's  Churchyard  was  a 
church,  the  Churchof  -.ngland  under  the  canopy  of  heaven,  and  the  pulpit 
set  in  that  church  for  edification.     From  either  point  of  view  the 
Paul's  Crocs  sermon  v/as  the  idoal  scinon  of  the  period,   simply  because 
the  situE-tion  of  the  proacner  ir^luded  all  the  possibilities  which 


io-r 


could  affect  nia  attitude  or  method,  and  could  give  rise  to  all  the 
occaoiona  of  coniiJrociise  or  sooerrassnjont  wnioh  eight  oake  c.  rixt 
BOtw@eu  his  text  fjjoii  its  application. 

It  may  be  said,  then,  that  certain  crieaa  in  i^enaiasanco  thought 
are  expressed  in  four  aspects  of  the  i'aul's  Croaa  aermojis.     ^irot,  the 
preacher  is  uod's  voice,  proclaiming  the  word  of  regeneration  in  Jeil- 
vin's  terms,   setting  forth  justification  by  faith  and  the  condition 
of  the  ele*t.     oocond,  he  is  honilist,   analyst  of  the  nature  of  man 
in  its  relation  to  iuan's  chief  end,  which  is  to  glorify  God.     i-liird, 
1X9  i-3  tho  official  spokesman  for  a  national  church,   engaged  to  defend 
and  to  explore  its  place  in  the  iiistory  of  the  Church  in  the  uorld. 
i'inally  ho  is  the  Lord's  voice  crying  unto  a  sinful  city,  proclaiming 
desolation  and  apocalypse.     -'U.1  of  these  sispocta  of  the  preacher  s 
function  are  oschatalogical:  the  first  tv/o  deal  directly  with  the  end 
of  laan,  the  second  two  with  the  meaning  of  huaan  history,     xiach  of  them 
derives  from  a  i-eirtlcular  irrfcerpretation  of  ijcripture,  or  rather  from 
differences  of  aaphasis  in  inteirprctation.     Tliese  aspects  of  the  soraons 
naijt  now  be  exaained  in  detail,  but  with  the  proviso  ali'sady  laid  dov/n, 
that  tlio  subject  uattor  ic  olweya  preaohiar..  not  style  or  systaiao  of 
thou^lTt  • 

She  importance  of  the  i'aul's  Crosse  pulpit,  the  only  general 
pulpit  in  the  reaLn,  dirning  this  period,  and  its  loose    of  importance 
during  the  regime  of  Laud  and  the  rogiae  of  the  roxliament ,  needs  niore 
explanation  than  the  simple  answer  that  that  pulpit  v/as  a  useful  propa- 
ganda instrument  for  the  government,  in  a  time  when  there  were  no     news- 
papers and  no  radio,     n  merely  sociological  explanation  for  this  phenom- 
enon ia  obviously  incomplete.     It  is  clear  that  the  government  soaetimes 


H-oL 


vii(6) 
enlisted  the  services  oi"  the  iuul'a  Gross  preachers  because  the 
sonaoia.  was  believed  to  have  an  axf oot  different  in  kind  frcaa  the 
apiieol  of  the  pcuaphlet  or  the  orator,  because  pretichiag  was  not  siiaply 
psrsuusion  but  somethiiig  isore.     From  the  point  of  viev/  of  the  sorvanfc 
of  ood  either  defei:ioe  of  critique  of  the  government  was  legitiroaxe 
because  hy  preaching  the  purposes  of  the  atate  were  in  a  real  sense 
oanttified,  justified  as  subsidiary  movocents  of  tjie  will  of  God.     i'or 
preaching  is  the  proclaination  of  God'w  will,     in  this  as  in  other 
aspects  of  the  li^nglish  ^^fonaation, history  cioves  in  the  shadow  of  Cal- 
vin.    "Vi/hat  is  the  moutn  of  God?"  asKed  Calvin.     "It  is  a  declaration 
that  he  makes  to  us  of  his  will  when  he  speaks  to  us  by  his  loinisters." 
Tne  word  wnioh  is  heard  is  isade  efficacious  through  the  working  of  the 
Holy  spirit,     breaching  is  alaost  a  sacra^aent.     it  is  in  el'fect  the  chief 
vonicle  of  coEJounication  oetween  God  and  man,  for,  because  God's  will 
is  inscrutable  and  all  huioau  eotion  insignificant  and  irrelevant  to  its 
dictates,   no  iiuiiian  acxion,  no  ritual  can  possibly  brine  the  believer  to 
a  rigiit  notion  of  God's  will,     ihat  oay  be  attained  only  by  the  inner 
witness,  the  "sure  teatimory"  which  follows  upon  obedient  hearing  of  tbe 
•*ord.     ■'•t  is  well  iaiovm  that   ohis  was  the  Puritan  doctrir^;   it  seems  to 
me  to  have  been  the  general  belief  of  the  Anglican  pastorate  and  the 
theory  behind  the  use  of  ^'aul's  Cross  during  this  period,   il'  one  excepts 
such  followers  of  ^'iooker^  as  iiov/sonS  Biyj  perhaps  John  jpenser;  it  io  the 
formative  influence  upon  the  rehearsal  sermons.* 

But  the  inward  witness,  to  be  effective  in  feforming  doctrine,  Iiad 
to  be  accompazxied  by  outward  witness.     (Indeed  if  I  am  right  in  8ugge.it- 
ing  that  the  temporal  power  used  the  aennon  because  of  its  special 
validity,   it  was  to  produce  an  empirical  result.)     Tliia  appears  very 


f-l 


vii(7) 
clearly  inth©  ^information  coiitroversy  over  the  nctss,  tho  ssi  vmich 
the  Keiomers  aeized  upon  for  the  differerrbiatiiig  aspect  of  their 
gotiKia.     '416  A^roteatant  objection  to  the  aaas  took  tv?o  fonns.     Tne  firet 
was  an  inward  protest  against  tho  ouiv/ard  sign  of  the  Kucharist.     John 
Frith  deiiied  that  the  sixjtion  of  the  body  of  tho  bellovor  accompliDhod 
what  could  b©  don©  only  by  an  act  of  faith,  or  rather  by  (jod's  act  in 
our  election,  not  subject  to  eiapirical  classification.5     But  the  ro- 
fonaing  proteot  was  also  an  empirical  protest  against  the  scholastic 
abstractions.     A  body,   said  Caranmer,  is  only  in  one  place  at  one  tiiaej'^ 
in  thia  he  is  to  bo  enrolled  with  the  ignorant  and  ns-licious  gossipers 

and  pamphleteers  who  made  his  task  most  difficult.     Aa  I  have  already 

7 

shown,     the  main  problem  in  the  ^^dwardian  church  was  the  license 

allowed  to  this  "natural"  ai'gumerrt,  and  the  groat  achieveiaent  of  iu.d- 
ley  was  iiia  preaalxing  of  a  noble  coiaproQise  between  the  acceptance  of 
the  elenents  as  things  aid  their  exhibition  of  inner  witness. 

iiidley  s  was  a  great  constructive  effort,  and  it  was  possible 
because  in  the  ^^ef  onaing  doctrine  of  the  .:.uchcjrist  tv/o  contraries 
luet  in  onet  -the  other-worldly  and  this-worldly  arguments,  brou(jht 
togetiier,  produced  a  siaining  and  indestructible  paradox,     l.'o  such 
nice  neeting  of  contraries  soeined  possible  in  the  preaching  of  tiie 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith.     Tnere  was  no  difficulty  in  the 
proclacoation  of  the  doctrine  from  such  texts  as  ^^ooans  8.30j  9.22-3| 
but  tho  pre-ohors  w/oru  continually  forced,   in  their  capacity  as  homil- 
ists,  to  insist  upon  the  necessity  of  works,  the  L^erit  of  which  was 
repudiated  in  the  new  covenant.     ^©  spoctra  of  antinoaianism  nudged 
then  o.t  all  tines,  becau..o  for  tho  unlearned  antlnonianism  wiis  not  only 
theoretically  but  practically  probable,     •'^e  doctrine  of  election. 


H-oi 


vii(8) 
warned  -"abington, 

maketh  no  taon  set  all  at  six  and  seven  as  oeirelesse  what  ho  doth, 
suyiuj;  if  I  u©  i-redeotinato  to  be  strved,  I  cannot  be  damned,  and  if  I 
bo  apointed  to  death,  I  caniiot  be  saved.  But  coirtr.iry  uise  it  maketh 
iaen  rather  carofull  to  uoe  oeanes,  as  knowing  that  the  decree  of  God 
taketh  his  effect  by  meanos....  -"oing  apointed  to  bo  saved,  it  la  not 
posaiole  that  you  should  do  nothing,  i'or  as  v/oll  you  are  apointed  to 
the  iseanes,  as  to  ye  ende*^ 

Tixis  distii»tioa  is  necessarily  acaueaic,  and  very  difficult  to  apply, 

for  it  dJGB  not  aid  the  believer  to  decide  what  is  gxi  iiidifferojit  act. 

!Ihe  argumGnt  daiaaads  the  aid  of  tho  casuist*  not  simply  of  the  preacher. 

■^  is  here  to  be  obaorved  that  tho  proraulgation  of  this  doctrine  led 

inevitably  to  the  develoijnent  of  tiie  fine  art  of  the  conscieiice-s^eker, 

vRiioh  could  not  bo  exercised  with  confidence  and  success  in  such  a 

pulpit  as  that  of  i'oul's  Cross,     iiie  olternatiY©  to  casuistry  at  this 

pulpit  which  faced  tno  vmole  of  ^^hristendora  was  polemic,     iiuch  a  serion 

as  that  of  John  t>ove  in  1597^  was  a  lecture  from  the  Institutes  and 

aothiuG  more,     in  the  Eiatter  of  aasunstnce  of  ©lection  the  preacher  seemed 

uo  stand  on  firmer  ground,   since  the  v/orldly  certainty  that  might 

accoQpary  the  acceptance  of  the  doctrine  was  obviously  the  aneient  enenay 

pride • 

I  have  stood  tlie  longer  in  this  troatie  [said  "^haderton  of  works]  to 
proovo  the  necesaitio  of  woorkes,  bee:. use  our  Gospell,  which  v/e  nave 
received  of  ^^hriat  and  his  /ki^ootles,  is  falsely  changed...  to  be  a  doc- 
trine of  libertio,  and  licGnciouanease  of  lyfes  as  alao  for  tiut  the 
moot  pc^rte  of  *'rotsstant©3  ai-e  altogether  secure,  and  caralesse,  touch- 
ir^  the  obodionce  or  faith,  rather  presuning  in  the  pride  of  their  hearts 
of  the  r.ercies  of  God  for  their  salvation,  then  by  humble  c.nd  trerablinc 
hoartes  to  v/orke,   r&.tifio,  and  confinae  uirt,o  thair  oyne  coaacisnces 
the  certaintie  of  tneir  election, 10 

But  here  o^ain  the  arbiter  is  ins/iurd:  the  mediciioe  required  is  the 

i'rotestant  equivalent  of  the  confessional,  and  not  the  somen.     Adjured 

in  this  mangier  the  ^uritan  searched  the  scripture,  tried  the  spirits 

by  tn©  Scripture,  directed  his  will  by  the  ocripture,  and  vThile  boc^-ing 

down  before  the  sercion  in  effect  circumvented  it.     ^^oreover,  casuistry. 


fo<\ 


vii(9) 
however  expostly  handlod  in  the  pulpit  by  non  of  the  ccilibre  of 
Forking  and  oanderaon,  was  fitter  for  prophesyings  and  other  godly 
oxer^ises  of  that  iciiid  than  for  tho  i'aul'o  orojB  pulpit,     'iho  strain 
uuich  the  oalviriist^  a-jservationa  iaposod  upon  the  coascienee  could  not 
00  I'osolved  ©itner  by  "bhe  reiteration  of  th©  word  or  by  the  traditional 
houilies  directed  to  the  dilferent  estates  of  men,  wnich  was  the  kind  of 
foruial  cxiiOrtction  that  tiie  proachors  iriierited  fron  the  uoininiccns 
and  that  was  peculiarly  suited  to  the  Cross  sei-.rx>ns.     Instead  of  casuistry 
the  preachers  inevitLubly  produced  pol<KiiicB  dafonding  the  doctrines 
against  luaiuan  opponenuB.     rolasaic  aas  certainly  necessary,  but  it  should 
not  iiave  usurped  th©  functions  of  prophecy  and  homily.     Xu  those  ful- 
lainations  against  vhat  "«ua^a.ri£haia  called  the  "conujon  eneuy"  the  preacher 
fell  back  often  upon  mere  invective,  as  when  «illiam  ^.orship  obsei'ved  tlxat 
if  the  papists  say  we  cling  to  faith  so  auch  that  "we  have  paokt  Good'- 
workes  out  of  the  Gountrey,"  it  is  aotning  but  "Cue kow- spit ♦"■'•^  '^ere 
are  a  multitude  or  exaaples  of  this  substitution  of  controversy  for 
inotruction}12hov;ever  effective  they  nauy  have  been  as  controversy  they 
were  but  placebos  for  the  sou3/i  of  the  believer,  for  the  socond-thoughted 
zealot  wiiom  ^'rote  stunt  ism,   like  any  other  revolutionary  process,  pro- 
duced in  its  afteruath. 

It  is  quite  clear,  tnen,  tnat  in  taese  sorraons  tne  preachers  were 
coaii^iited  by  a  lialf -realized  obstacle,   .  nich  bid  fair  to  destroy  the 
unity  and  litiraony  of  their  preaching.     Ihe  declaration  of  the  very  root 
of  theii'  faith  could  only  be  applied  to  the  amenoment  of  life  oy  the 
continued  exercise  of  a  rigid  dicJ-ectxc.     That  is,  the  docti*iaes  of 
salvation  by  f uith  alone  and  of  perseverance  in  election  must  lead  to 
antinomianifim  and  uasoeialy  and  unchristian  pride  asiong  carnal  men. 


Hio 


vii(lO) 
It  mu3t  be  Eiv.de  cleur  that  uod  rewards  good  works  at  the  saxm  time 
as  He  regards  thcan  not  in  respect  of  his  eternal  decrees j  it  rauat  also 
be  mada  clear  tliat  while  assurance  of  oloction  saves  us  flron  unchristian 
deapair  our  boldness  inuat  b©  a  "sodly  boldnosso,"  as  one  preacher  put 
it,     ■'■heae  paradoxes  could  be  stc.ted  sioat  ex'fectivsly,   in  a  i;ier:^:ont 
as  ariiVEaonts  against  the  advorsijy,   and  for  the  siost  part  tlaey  were  so 
stated,     ■'hen  thoy  ware  applied  to  tho  behaviour  of  the  choson  of  God, 
aa  by  -^abington  in  an  exalted  passaeo,^  the  effect  was  necessarily 
to  "sov;  pillows  under  the  elbov/s"  of  3in:i©r3»     ^ert  tho  breakdown  of 
the  sennon  was  postponed  by  the  operation  of  a  number  of  factors, 
"iheoe  must  now  be  considered. 

In  the  first  place,  there  were  sosie  preachers  at  the  Oross,  and 
they  perhaps  the  laijority  of  those  whose  sorraons  I  have  read,  who 
fulfilled  tho  imiflEiorial  duty  of  ilie  preacher  to  rebuke  sin  in  all 
estates  without  reference  to  the  fuadaaeatala  of  refoxTSiing  doctrine. 
PerjMxps  the  riioat  significant  ezcanple  of  tiiis  tendoricy  is  a  sermon  by 
J.  Trji;^r,  vicar  of  iiorth  i'etherton  in  ->oaeroet,  which  is  modelled  on 
•urorfcs  in  tli©  tradition  of  cle  contonotu  niundi.  smd  is  svioh  a  rianual  of 
penitence  as  one  niigiit  find  in  the  fourt^en'fch  coirtiiry,-'-^    The  vast 
■ci-'.-uz  of  material  which  Id  suniaarized  in  chapter  VI  of  this  study  is 
Eiostly  of  the  socie  kindj  the  -^mnoa  ^ro^icgxtiua  brought  up  to  late  in 
application  though  not  in  fona.     Ikwy  of  these  sermons  sere  preached 
by  "Puritans,"  but  the  pre-iouera,  as  I  have  shov/n,  admitted,  though 
with  sono  difficulty,  hc-rdly  ary  coripromise  with  those  eleraeo.  3  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  calling  which  showed  tho  way  to  tho  ideal  of  godly 
iriiustry. 

.moreover  there  were  sooe  preachers,  though  definitely  a  uinority. 


f  I. 


viiCU) 
vho  professed  to  pei-oeive  tne  secrets  of  God's  v/ord  by  other  raothoda 
than  those  peraiitted  by  tho  strict  student  who  pored  over  the  sacred 
toxt  \7itli  the  aid  of  the  ^^alviiiistio  coia.«ntarioa»  aiid  vmo  fouiid 
therein  a  porfectioa  v^iich  HiiQ  coiau>n  reader  was  denied. ^^  -^•on  like 
Howson  end  Hoi -and,  who  belonged  isor©  in  the  Ci^tholic  'iraclition  tioau 
^KJst  of  these  preachers,  eapouaed  a  different  viev?  of  iiifcerpi'Qtation 
from  that  held  by  laan  like  -oxe-'-^or  wruahassr' ,  ifho  would  go  no  furtner 
than  to  adiait  an  alltsgorical  sena©  within  uiie  liiaits  suggested  in 
1  i'eter  3.20  or  1  G^^latioiia  4.2'i,  and  for  tho  purpose  there  dolivor- 
ed,  that  uho  -i^staaoato  ndght  do  ahown  to  be  one  in  their  revolution 
of  the  Faith,     .iowaon,  for  instance,  who  did  not  believe  in  irroa- 
ponaible  and  unauthorizea  exegesis,   indicated  that  the  aeyijacs  of 
vjhrist  have  "the  parf wet  lorm©  oi  a  oabala.-^^herobv  iaplyiag  the 
noceuaity  of  the  preachers'  function  in  disclosing  the  hiddon  truth. 
i/r.  iiolland,  in  a  panegyric  upon  the  rustical  seruso,  the  non  enclosed 
in  a  ring  of  gold,  inisisted  upon  tlie  preacher's  art  as  the  shov/ing 
forth  of  ayateriee,  as  holding  up  a  xairror  in  isiiich  the  auditory  nay 
oee  "the  face  of  the  Lord  with  open  fiace."13  'rn6  "dark  sayii^igs"   (liollarhi 
uaeti  the  term;  ore  not,  presuiaably,  to  be  interpreted  solely  as  they 
are  "in  apt  accordance  vith  the  scherae  of  doctrine,"  which  is  Oalvin'a 
rule  for  inteinjretation  of  the  aigna  by  which  God  revealed  hiinaelf 
as  recorded  in  tho  scripture. "^0     Holland's  set  of  cina.lof;ie3  dr-asra  from 
ohe  story  of  the  Queen  of  oheba,  developed  with  considerable  ingenuity 
in  this  -^ery  sonnon,   is  enough  evidence  to  show  that  he  waa  unrestrain- 
ed by  any  considerations  of  doyna,  and  worked  ahppily  in  hia  inyontlq 
with  almost  the  freedom  though  certainly  not  the  funoy  of  a  late 
imedieval  expositor. 

if  for  very  fov/  proachars  the  allegorical  method  of  inter^  retaion. 


viiCl2) 
the  elucidation  of  dark  suyi:;gs,  bound  prophecy  and  homily  firaaly 
„ogether»  thero  was  a  much  more  important  reason  v/1xy  th©  majority 
of  the  preachtra  did  not  drive  the  ©rrtiti*  craft  of  the  haul's  Gross 
sermon  upon  the  rocks  of  ^alvinist  dogaa»  Jaoae   fauiiliar  v/ith  the 
ic^licationa  which  •'rofessor  Vjoodhouse  hao  drawn  from  the  fimdamental 
doctriiKil  pOBitions  of  the  i^ugliah  i\iritans,2if^ill  havo  anticipated 
me  in  tliis  conclusion,  that  the  declaration  of  the  -divine  decrees 
dirawn  from  the  bcripture  ( korytqna )  is  a  description  of  the  corjdition 
of  the  ©le*t  q»fi  applies  to  the  order  of  grace,  v/hereas  the  exhortations 
to  th©  Christian  life  and  the  good  ordering  of  the  Curiatian  society 
( didtiche )  belong  to  the  order  of  nature.  1  have  aliown  that  these  re- 
main in  danger  of  aeparation  in  th©  seraons  of  th©  confomiag  juiglican 
Galvinists  who  laado  up  the  oajority  of  the  Paul's  Cross  preachers. ^lo- 
But  they  do  not  separate;  the  sermon  addressed  to  all  estated  doeo  not 
disintegrate  into  a  potentially  revolutionary,  dichotonized  exhort- 
ation. Instead,  the  preachers  exercised  themselves  in  corresponaences, 
and,  since  the  preacher  is  in  the  world  and  addressing  himself  to  the 
capacities  of  his  hearers,  they  dilated  upon  uaan  ajs  microcosiaoo;  since 
there  can  bo  no  contradiction  in  God,  they  explored  th©  order  of  nature 
as  a  pattern  of  the  Ditine,  llie  "text"  for  their  procedure  is  beat 
given  in  the  wordu  of  Jiamanuel  Bourn©«22  Ihere  is*  ho  declared,  a  three- 
fold unity  of  Cnrist  with  usi  in  nature,  in  grace,  in  glory.  Hi©  first 
is  a  "preaoni5tration"  of  the  third,  and  the  second  zianifes-fcs  it.  i^arth- 
ly  siiailitudea  of  this  union  are  to  bo  found  in  the  union  between  hus- 
band and  wife,  between  the  head  and  th©  raeiabers  of  the  body,  between  the 
graft  and  the  stokk.  %  grace  man  is  a  new  creutura,  and  this  is  a 
great  mystery: 

*here  is  a  two- fold  being,  the  first  of  nature,  the  second  of  grace j 
the  first  was  in  the  first  Creation,  whenth©  Grou.tur©o  were  produced 


+  1^ 


vii(l3) 

by  Gafl  of  nothiiig,  in  ease  naturao.  into  the  being  of  natvire*  and 
then  the  cro.:.ture  uas  new,  but  aincs  it  boctioe  old  by  sinae.     -i^jad 
thereiore  it  was  nesdfull  that  there  should  be  a  new  Creation,  in 
eaoe  Krctia.   into  tho  being  of  grace,     iind  this  v/as  croatio  qx 
niJiilOt  a  creation  of  nothii:i{j  alao;  for  those  who  are  polluted  "/ith 
siiiiie,  are  as  notningj   oimie  dotn  so  obliterate  and  blot  out  the 
xsa^o  of  uod  in  theia« 

Tne  new  creation  belongs  to  those  Tsho  are  of  tho  election  of  grace; 

the  whole  laan  is  regenerated,   so  that  we  nuat  be  changed  outwardly 

as  well  as  inwardly,     ^uo  signs  of  regeneration  are  the  bev/ailints  of 

our  natural  corruption,  the  charixable  compassion  of  our  brother's 

misery,  ixal  tne  affectation  or  heavenly  virtues. 

H,  is  apiarent  that,  as  the  preacher  addressed  nimself  to  the 
whole  man,  upon  vhe  two  levels  of  being  oo-existent  in  the  world,  he 
must  of  necessity  by  his  vt>ry  function  iiave  assumed  that  his  discourse 
was  directed  to  tho  elect.     A  poweii'ul  natlonf.l  feeling,  as  I  shall 
show  in  the  following  pa^jes,  reiraorced,  howetver  illogxcally,  this 
necessity.     But  the  logical  neoeaaity  atust  have  taken  first  place. 
ilie  preacher  to  i-ondon  and  England  was  conscious,  by  his  imperfect 
knaaled^o  of  the  ^^ivine  decrees,  tliat  some  before  him  were  of  the 
elect  and  siost  (as  he  suspected)  reprobate,  but  he  was  in  the  position 
of  the  achoolroastsr  who  does  not  dare  to  exclude  the  difficult  lesson 
because  all  bu^i;  twO  or  three  of  his  class  are  stupid;  his  ejdiibition 
of  the  goodneas  in  nature  and  of  the  dual  nature  of  man  was  esaentially 
a  "prenonstntion"  of  clory  addressed  to  tho  elect.     Iho  actual  choice 
of  the  elatt  aaa  not  subject  to  explanation,  oiing  inscrutable;  but  tho 
exliibition  of  analogies  between  the  orders  of  nature  and  grace  was 
peculiarly  suited  to  the  i^reachor's  function,  which  was  to  shov/  the 
JiTii:ie  order  in  the  v/orld.     It  nust  be  roaambered  thtit  it  is  by  preaching 
(according  to  the  theory  and  practice  of  the  apostolic  church)  that  the 


fi«f 


viiCl4) 
Chiurcb  at  once  enters  the  v/orld,  oncl  sets  it  .self  apart  from  the  v/orld* 

Juot  aa  failiw©  to  accept  the  iiwio lability  of  the  Divine  Uill 

is  heresy,   so  iipprehension  of  the  hierarchy  in  the  Universe  is  the 

mark  of  the  enlishteued  roaaon  -.0  wnich  the  preacher  hopefully  directed 

his  hoEiilias.     rerhaps  the  perfuct  Calvinist  netaphor,  never  equalled 

in  the  most  el0;uent  perf  ojnoancGB  of  other  preachers,  designed  to  expreys 

the  relations  of  nature  and  grace  in  terns  accommodnted  to  the  capacities 

of  carnal  men  was  used  by  Hiooas  iuiams  v/hen  he  spoke  of  "the  sunlight 

of  the  ocripture,  moonlight  of  the  creature,...  the  sparks  and  cinders 

of  nature. "22     j^ne  unifying  force  of  the  image  is  Jiot  diminished  by 

whatever  astronomical  theory  one  interprets  it.     In  fact  it  is  fascinating 

to  speculate  whether  the  icage  is  Copernican  or  Ptolecaic.     Tiie  sparks 

and  cizsders  of  nature  yet  have  in  then  the  constitution  of  the  Divine 

order  aad  subordination  viiich  is  the  distinguishing  factor  that  man 

may  apprehend  in  the  citation. ^^     -^he  fallen  state  is  aiialogous  to  the 

body  wherein  the  elements  are  not  in  due  proportion; 25tho  process  by 

wnich  the  body  reaches  its  o\?n  perfec^^ion  is  a  type  of  the  resurrectioni 

In  til©  reasonable  and  royall  ere  tiure,  wnich  is  man,  this  matter  is 
manifested,  he  is  conceived  an  infant  in  his  mothers  womb©,  where  of 
liquid  feeds  tnings  of  sundry  natures  ai^  producted,  as  flosh,  tones, 
sinewes,  voines,  huires  iii  tlie  i'OLiDd  h©  is  qualified  with  vitall 
spirits,  where  he  liveth,  moveth,  feedeth,  at  the  last  out  of  the  wombe, 
as  out  of  a  v/inding  slieete,  hee  coufjehi,  in  to  the  world.     .<ho  is  so 
stockish,  as  caniwt  here  perceive,   ^peciiJ.  good  token,  «  type  of  the 
re  sur rect ion?26 

The  analogy  is  almost  as  suggestive  as  that  of  iidamsJ  the  "thirds  of 

sutdry  natures"  I'opresoni  naturo;  the  qualification  of  "vitall  spirits" 

the  infusion  of  grace;  and  birth  is  gloty,     i.ature  is  a  "premonstration" 

of  glo;^,  to  use  Joourne  s  phrase,  and  grace  makes  glory  manifest* 

iU.1  ijgf  be  comprehended  in  man,  for  man  is  the  "great  amphibium" 


Hi< 


vii(15) 
dwelling  in  divided  uorleka.     Lntil  the  light  of  grace  shineB  upon 
ilia  he  caniiot  see  tliis;  reprobates  aiai  "cr.stav/cyaV  said  one  x^rsajhor* 
are  like  o\ylB»  they  never  see  the  light  before  thoy  go  into  eternal 
darkneas.     ^vsn  the  children  of  light  are  mightily  distressed  in  this 
life,  by  "Eclipses  of  grace"  when  their  bodies  come  betxvoen  their  souls 
and  the  light  of  grace. 27  liote  the  daring  iiaagei  man  is  in  Uinself  part 
of  a  solar  system.     "'i3ie  verie  distirction  of  tines,"  said  Gardiner, 
"roadeth  [a]  Divii-.ity  lecture  unto  us."^^  ^glit  and  dark,  waking  and 
sleep,  imoKo  vitae  et  i^ai;o  oortisi  by  times  the  sudden  terror  of  ec- 
lipse.    Hiomas  rlayfere  expressed  the  perfection  of  can  ay  grace  and  his 
perfection  by  nature  in  a  great  archetypal  figure i 

i'or  as  a  circle,  can  never  fill  a  triangle,  but  alv/aies  there  will  be 
three  escpty  corners  in  the  triangle  uaofillod,  if  there  be  nothiag  els 
to  fill  it,  but  the  circlet  so  the  sound  world,  v/hich  is  a  circle,  can 
nt3ver  fill  the  heart  of  iiic.n,  thioh.  is  a  triur^le,  uaue  accordiiog  to  the 
iiaage  of  the  Trinity,  but  alwaies  there  will  be  acane  erjptio  corners, 
in  the  triangle  of  the  hoc-rt  unfilled,   if  there  by  nothing  els  to  fill 
it,  but  the  circle  of  the  world. ''^ 

i.lien  Biirdyaev  says  that  men  is  liieiself  a  micDOCoaia  of  history ,2^ 
he  is  very  close  to  the  ida:il  of  the  seventeenth  century  Puritans. 
4iey  directed  their  political  activities  by  the  liglit  received  fron  the 
couteaiplfi.tion  of  tlioir  o;/n  experience  in  wrestling  like  Jacob  vrith  tlie 
angel.     In  i'lcyfere's  metaphor  they  aotglit  to  ^reocii  tlie  circle  into  the 
shape  of  the  triangle,  to  eatauliah  the  holy  cor.2iaaiity.^       Bie  preachers 
at  the  Cross  aade  no     such  decisive  and  rovolutioaary  contribution  to  the 
problem  of  the  Christian  in  thcr  world.    How  could  they?     xliey  were  the 
oifioiiil  spokesmen  Sf  the  ^iaglican  wstablishiaent;  for  them  the  holy 
conciunity  was,  if  oiyuhore,  in  -^-ngland,    -nd  the  correspondences  v.'hieh 
unified  the  aertaons  ^ere  easily  applied  to  the  defence  of  tiie  order 
estrxblished.     i»o  l«ves  set  ovtt  the  analogy  between  the  good  govemrjent 
of  a  coix.on»ealth  and  the  hierarcl^  of  faculties  in  oan: 


HlU 


vii(lO) 

"Hie  govemEient  of  reaaon  is  a  *^-onarchia;  the  rule  of  the  ordered 

affections  rcprosonteth  jurist ocruoia;  tlie  adirdniatration  of  the  lowest 
part  is  ;^eiuocratia«'=''^ 

i'his  is  perfoct  conservatism,  aiil  conservatisn  in  political  theory 
coEibiBed  v/ith  a  virile  iiationalism  is  the  note  of  the  ^'aul's  Cross 
aenaons.  But  as  the  Loi-d'a  voice  the  preacher  was  also  concamea  to 
proclaim  the  salvation  of  the  elect  and  to  declare  the  day  of  tba  Lord, 
Did  the  day  of  the  Lord  and  ^^ngland's  day  fall  together? 

Speaking  in  an  age  v/hich  in  our  view  seeros  to  have  discovered  the 
possibility  of  moaning  ku  history, ^^  to  have  explored  the  possibility 
of  eschatalogical  fulfilment  in  life  itself,  hov/  did  the  preaciier  stani 
in  tiae?  Th&n  as  now  he  stood  near  tne  end  of  things,  but  also  at 
their  beginnings*  Xiiere  is  rio  contradiction  hei^  for  the  Christxan 
poet  — 

In  my  end  is  ny  beginning  — 
but  there  may  be  for  the  preacher  and  his  auditory.  In  the  time  of 
God  there  is  no  difficulty,  to  cnoice  to  nake;  our  tines  are  in  his 
hand*  His  Gospel  flourisnes  and  our  doom  is  at  hand;  these  facts  of 
the  world  are  simultaneous  in  the  mind  of  God*  But  in  nature  the 
apocalypse  aiid  the  growth  of  the  Gospel  aro  not  simultaneous  but  in 
tne  linear  frame  of  tlc»«  ilie  •'aul's  Cross  preachers,  secure  in  their 
office  as  catecnists  to  tne  realm,  dareu  io  combine  theue  two  views 
of  the  oiviiie  order  wi^hout  any  aense  of  dichotony  or  contradiction, 
azid  in  so  doing  preserved  for  a  time  the  fabric  of  the  Church  of  God 
established  in  the  .ealm  of  jingland.  ihe  Hefonncrs  had  attached  them- 
selves to  the  state  in  order  to  nake  a  new  ecclesia{  in  thio  relatior:- 
ship  only  Calvin  succeeded  in  absorbing  the  state,  the  English  iieformors 
had  to  sidjmit  to  it*  33iey  bowed  down  in  the  house  of  lUmmon  and  seamed 


•f'T 


vii(l7) 
to  surrender  tiieir  indeijendence  as  prophets ,  the  peculiar  freedom 
enjoyed  by  their  ixedece  ^sora  the  friars.     But,  as  they  never  tired 
of  ropeatin^^,    i^uu/  «ere  divinely  coaniiaaionod  to  proclaim  to  ;-ingland 
that  -"Qgland'a  day  of  power  was  sanctified  fay  the  is-lraighty  only  if 
j^agl.4id  wore  repentant*     Mtar  the  victory  over  opain  they  could  extol 
the  realm  v/iiich,  guided  by  ^od  s  providence  and  suotained  by  His  arm, 
had  traa5)led  down  the  Besist  ;aiuer  hor  feet*     But  only  the  olect  go 
"iioot-free"  in  the  day  of  wruth,  and  the  day  of  wnrth  is  soon  aot  only 
oecause  the  pirophecieo  niay  bo  shovm  to  be  reachinjj  fulfilment  but  also 
aiuply  because  the  day  being  unkuovTU  is  always  at  hand.     I  have  said 
that  the  preachers  of  the  i^stablislimeirfc  laade  -England  equivalent  to  the 
holy  comiuunity,  but  this  was  only  the  vague  sense  that  ■England  was  for 
them  a  fruitful  soil  for  tlxe  growth  of  the  truth  and  the  spreadiiig  of 
the  light  of  the  i^ospelj  a  sinful  and  various  society  bleased  by  God 
in  this  age  for  His  ovm  purposes,     ihey  never  resolved  the  contradiction 
of  apocalypse  and  progress  by  the  ''nabaptist  and  -i-ifth  i^narchiat 
ideal  of  the  earthly  dominion  of  the  elect,     "ihey  sBrftng  very  close 
soaetiiBes  to  a  position  not  unlike  that  of  "tlie  -i^ritisii  IsraBflites, 
but  they  knew  perfectly  well  that  God  does  not  elect  natiorxs,  though 
lie  destroys  them* 

For  all  that  the  natiunalistic  type  of  messiaxiism^^  combined  with 
the  proj^ressive  principle  at  the  heart  of  iJngliah     i-iefonaing  thought^S 
appears  pretty  prominently  in  these  sermons.     It  was  e.^roissed  first  of 
all  by  analogies  betwiien  Old  Testament  history  and  the  state  of  -:'ngland.36 
3ie  leaders  and  the  monaixhs  who  delivered  ioraerl  are  types  by  \idiom 
the  flourisiiing  state  of  -^ngland  2iay  be  exhioited  in  the  scheme  of 
God  s  providence*     /OLthougit,  as  Gliomas  Jiiite,  one  of  the  most  prolific 
of  these  analogists,  aosei-ted,  the  rulers  of  the  Jov/s  v/ere  but  types  of 


4i< 


Christ,  in  whom  God     rulee  his  Church  immediately »  yet  ^^0  rules 
it  mediately  by  the  -^rince,  who  is  as  a  God,  cmd  hence  Elisabeth 
13  a  "ryfiht  Branch"  uccording  to  the  line  of  David.     Otioer  pror^chera 
compared  her  to  Deborah,  to  .4jri!ii.i,  to  ilozekiah  in  oppoaition  to 
iiemiaoherib   (Philip  II),  to  ^oul  as  uhopherd  of  the  people  aeoinst 
l^aash  King  of  .aai^a  (i^hilip  II).     j-Vo  of  thoue  analog  ios  iiavo  beooae 
coti^nplocea*  the  ideiitification  of  ^Jdword  VI  with  Josioh  (though  none 
carriod  the  analogy  explicitly  to  tho  point  of  coiaivering  Henry  VIII  to 
tho  idolatrous  ^toon)^'?;  and  th©  natural  analogy  of  ♦'ames  I  and  tho 
wise  ^lonson.     James  was  aluo  for  i'r.  King  to  be  compared  with  Ilezekiali. 
%e  theiaof  deliverance  from  darkness,  bond:,£;e  and  supers. itlon  is  the 
differentiating  motive  in  those   -nalogies»  iilizabeth  the  handoaid  of  the 
Lord  has  like  Joshua  broken  the  spiritual  power  of  dturkness  which  is 
Jericho,  and  entered  v/ith  us  into  th©  Prouiisod  Land  of  the  Crospel;   like 
Dexius^^she  delivered  tlie  -English  Church,  isratchod  over  the  building  of 
th©  taaplej  God  hath  delivered  us  from  that  BBurping  Fnaraoh  the  Pope, 
given  us  a  .-oses  (James  I)  and  an  Aaron  (a  faitliful  ministry). 

33a©  people  of  jjigland  have  come  up  from  •^heol  into  i.  land  flowing 
with  milk  and  honey?  taey  hev©  coiao  out  of  darkness  into  li£;Iit.     'ihe 
blessing  of  Cod  is  light]  in  -England  we  have  been  mightily  blessed  '^ith 

39 

light  above  fifty  years,   ..ith  the  roign  of  »dward  "the  sun  bogr^n  to 

shine  out  in  his  bright  lustre."^  One  or  two  preachers  took  occasion  to 

apply  this  progresatwe  pi-inciple  to  their  estiiaate  of  tho  i  arning  of  th© 

age.  3o  Robert  -i-'eaqplet 

I  tliinke  there  was  never  age  afore  us  soo  excellent  for  laanye  florishing 
TBits  both  in  all  kinds  of  learning,  and  in  D©'/initie.41 

And  -'tockwoodt 

Forasmuch  as  the  norcy  of  our  GOD  hath  bin  so  great©  o.nd  bo  plerrtifull 


Hi'i 


vii(19) 

in  those  latter  times,  thai  he©  hath  in  great  plentie  and  aboiiodajace, 
blessed  thia  our  age  with  store  of  such  learned,  godly,  and  eloquent 
writers  both  in  verao  and  prose,  a^  arc  not  in  ecc^  respect  inferiour 
to  the  Dost  writers  of  elder  tiiaes,   neither  in  finenesse  nor  in  eloqueiit- 
aosau  of  i'iiraoe,  imd  ^tile  in  prose,  nor  yat  in  the  comely  grace,  nor 
stately  wajestie  of  verse. '^2 

But  most  applied  the  iiaage  of  light  out  of  darkness  '*in  accordojace 
with  the  scheme  of  doctrine."     iixoept  for  Howson  and  Spenser,   both 
close  students  of  iiooker,  those  preachers  followed  Galvin  in  Identify- 
ing the  prededing  darkness  wi-h  the  virtual  extiijction  of  the  visicle 

43 
chureh.       .iilliam  "orship  declared  flatly  tl^at  the  Church  had  in  the 

days  of  popery  ceased  to  be  visible.^  For  such  men  iiooker's  sense  of 
continuity^was  impossible  because,  repudiate  how  they  might  the  ■'Ana- 
baptist criterion  of  the  inner  light,  their  own  teat  of  the  existence 
of  the  visible  church  was  "xn:j;.:rd"  also.     'Hie  Church  was  visible  in 
iiuss  because  they  felt  with  Uuss  a  community  of  spirit.     Primarily,  of 
course,  the  emergence  of  liglit  out  of  darkness  was  equivalent  to  the 
emergence  of  Gospel  out  of  lew,     For  the  religion  of  the  papists  is 
corporeal  and  oercaaonailf   "an  apish  and  counterf eite  imitation  £S'  the 
ceremoniall  lawe,"^^hxch  is  abrogated  by  Christ;  we  dwell  in  the 
living  way  of  the  Gospel,  not  the  dead  isray  of  the  law.     Our  ontirance 
into  the  light  of  the  Gospel  is  our  oixodust  Ciirist  succeeds  .^ses,  and 
Israel  is  delivered  from  a  Siw-iritual  bondage  as  from  the  bondage  in 
Ji^gypt.     To  return  to  pupist  tradiliona  rould  be  to  rotuaa  to  -igypt,   into 
our  bondege.**^  How  aa  God  called  his  beloved  Israel  out  of  j-gypt,  ao  the 
woman  of  the  apocalypse,  who  ie  iJae  primitive  church,  travailed  to  briiig 
for-th  the  fruit  oi   ^ho  Gospel  wnich  is  to  trixaaph  over  the  dragon,  vmich 
is  i^vojas.^2     iiere  appears  the  familiar  pcsadox  of  all  progressive  iaeol- 
ogyt  the  Cixurch  of  the  i^fonaation  flourishes  and  grotfs  in  grace  because 
it  has  begun  at  the  beginning,  according  to  the  :>riHitive  pattern.     Tiie 
institution  o£  the  Church  of  Jngland  is  not  iniiovation  but  renovationi 


fvo 


▼ii(20) 
it  io  not  devised  uut  restored.*^  It  is  the  Church  of  ^Uame  v/hich  is 
new,   "not  aoove  four  hundred  years  oldf"  its  pretence  of  antiquity 
empty j^'^we  have  hy  viod's  grace  restored  the  light  ^lilo  their  in: .ovatiotis 
a.re  the  pcssing  clouds  of  darkness. 

Yet  however  the  sense  of  God's  ^reat  blessings  upon  ^^land^^ 
might  fill  the  preachers  with  the  sense  of  standing  at  the  fasgimiing 
of  things,  however  much  the  idea  of  restoration  of  the  primitive  church 
inspired  them  with  hope  ana  promise  (for  they  had  no  "cyclic"  theory 
of  history),  tiiey  brooded  izrbenaely  upon  the  tv/ilight  close  at  hand. 
Humane  learning,  however  dicscountenanced  in  conrparisoa  with  revelation, 
gave  then  sone  sense  of  the  lon^  reaches  of  tlee  past.     So  George  Ben- 
son apostrophized  learnings 

'3iou  are  the  soule  of  the  world,  knitting  togither  these  present  times 
with  ages  past  J  by  the©  wa  that  vxe  living  call  to  counsel  those  that 
are  dead  and  ^one.     l^any  huge  duiabe  heapes,  mary  goodly  pilos  and  monu- 
ments, had  boene  wronged  by  forge of ulnesse:  but  that  by  thee...  they 
survive*  'they  ore  veuied  out  unto  us  by  antiquitie,  which  for  reverence 
salce  we  ;3U3t  not  count  a  Iyer.     0  knowledge,  how  much  hast  thou  woon 
froa  the  waste  of  timo?o2 

i-aad  iionry  Iving,   on  the  othsr  aide,   spoke  eloquently  upon  brittle  memory 

and  how  little  it  preserves  of  the  glories  of  the  past* 

1^  I  not  asks  of  t.:em  as  of  things  worne  out,  or  as  ho  did  of  the  Kings 
of  the  A^ations.     »*uere  is  the  iCiog  of  Ji^ach,  and  the  King  of  Arphad? 
surely  they  ore  -jOiie,  all  lye  extinct  and  lost,     -'md  as  the  grave  of 
Fompey  liad  not  so  uuch  as  an  inscription,  to  distinguish  the  dust  that 
covered  his  vlctopious  body  from  Ignoxble  slaves  and  cowards,  or  to  shew, 
iiore  lyes  i'oiapeys  llo  more  have  those  once  glorious  doyes,  nov/  any  differ- 
ence in  our  meiaory  or  estoeiae.      -iiey  lie  promiscuously  ralced  up  in  tlie 
dust  of  tun©,  without  any  monuniait  set  over  thom  to  tell  they  once  T/v,re» 
no  -Hibrick,  or  capitall  letter  inserted,  to  distinguish  then  from  the 
GOCL.Ton  heape  of  dayes  piled  up  in  the  i^laanacke.^S 

It  was  huioane  lerning  that  contribirted  to  the  strongly  entrenched 

idea  of  the  ddoay  of  natiu-e.     ^Jven  tliat  stem  prophet  John  Iiovs 

paused  in  his  computation  of  the  last  days  to  "read  in  the  book  of 

nature"* 


^  VI 


vii(2l) 

Kature  beginrieth  generally  to  inienaitte  iier  -wontQCl  course,  the 
luother  elementes  of  tho  world  uherooi"  thii^i^o  in  this  louver  world 
are  laada,  do  loose  their  qualities  &  laaturall  vigor  which  thoy  had 
before,  the  ataxres  and  planets  of  Heaven  wax  diisne  and  oldo,   not   so 
we(  able  to  proserve  our  earthlye  bodies,  the  cdesiial  spheares  be 
alaoatQ  weary  of  thoyr  wontod  ckotiono  cjad  regular  volubility,  the 
prince  of  the  lights  of  huaven...  dooth  not  looke  upon  us  with  so 
cueeroful  .aid  aspect,  and  taat  Giant,  wh_ch  before  did  runne  liia  un- 
wecjried  race,  doth  as  it  were  by  a  languislilng  fayntnesae  begin  to 
stand  and  rest  hiaoelfe,   and  t>na08  and  aoasona  of  the  yoare  do  blend 
thooselves  with  disordered  audconfused  mixture,  the  v/indes  are  in 
a  Toadiueas  to  breathovct'  theyr  laste  gaspe,  our  nother  the  earth 
defeated  of  that  aboundance  of  heavenly  inf luonoe  which  at  the  first 
she  iiad,  ia  out  of  hart,  waxeth  barren  and  dead  like  the  woiub  of  -Jara, 
the  horbeo  and  symples  which  ore  appoiiited  for  uiedicinea  for  loans 
body,  have  almost  lost  their  operation  and  Vi  itue,  sjad  i^an  hiiiiaelfe 
whoEfe  all  these  things  doo  serve,  ia  of  lower  statune,   less©  strength, 
sliorter  life  then  at  tho  first  he  v/as,  ao  that  there  is  a  general 
decay  of  nature,  and  in  ev-ry leaf  of  that  book  it  is  written,  that 
ye  frame  of  that  heavenly  arche  erected  over  our  heads  raust  vory 
aiiorcly  loae  and  dissolve  it  selfe^a'i 

L^ty  others^*^ echoed  the  sasie  sentiment,  thoagh  in  le^s  elaborate  terms* 

Benson  aiight  extol  what  leainoing  had  won  from  devourin^j  tirae,  but  he  too 

believed  that  "the  world  is  old  and  no^*  in  her  dotage. "5*5  1^  sennon  after 

sexaou  one  finds  tho  th^to^  repeated i  "the  v/orld  is  declining"; 

"this  declining  age"j  "kingdoma  like  flowers  sliould  tell  us  that  we  are 

worsis  and  no  cien";     "the  son  of  the  world  is  ready  to  set,  and  the  night 

drawing  on...,  the  world  lies  bedrid...  and  fetching  a  thick,  sick,  und 

shoi-t  breath." 

In  nature,  then,  we  niay  discern  the  siggs  of  the  end.  But  since 
history  is  reversed  prophecy,  tho  cigna  are  even  aiore  certainly  dis- 
coverable in  the  narks  which  God  has  set  down  in  Scripture  for  the 
guidance  of  the  elect  in  detenaining  (if  only  in  general)  the  day  of 
their  salvation,  ouch  signs  as  those  in  Luke  21»25,  of  darkness  in  tlie 
sun,  moon  and  stars,  may  be  interpreted,  said  Sandys,  in  their  "jimple 
and  literal  sense,"  for  "in  thia  last  age,  in  this  last  hour  of  the 
world  [they]  have  oundry  tiaes  and  in  moat  strange  sort  been  seen." 


trt. 


vii(22) 
In  an"all0eorical  comp-.rlson"  the  signo  are  equaljy  clear;  the  sun, 
Ghriat,  ia  darkened  in  our  age  by  false  doctrine,  by  corrupt  life 
and  conversation;  the  moon,  the  church,  is  turned  to  blood  by  the 
cruelty  oi'  persecution;  the  stars,  the  ministers,  Imve  fallen  from 
the  heaven  of  pure  doctrine  and  are  diirkened  caad  obscured  by  coxi- 
toa^t.^'^     ihese  should  aako  "thu  very  elect"   quake  and  toeniblet     iiioro- 
OYor  "the  prophecies  of  iteiiiel  of  tho  four  aoaarchies,  of  the  little 
horn,  and  of  the  times,  weeks,  and  days,  are  manifestly  coae  to  pass. "5° 
Tne  titses,   saia  other  preachers,  ore  as  ripe  for  fire  as  were  the  fimes 
of  ikish  for  flood:  the  whole  world  dv/ells  in  universal  sin,  as  then; 
our  sins  as  great  as  then;  the  sonsof  God  fall  to  folly  and  iniquity 
as  then;  nen  are  possessed  of  careless  oecurity  as  then,  and  are  as 
contemptuous  of  religion.^^  "^hief  among  the     sigias  is  the  oanifestation 
in  this  last  time  of  tho  /xnticiiriat,  the  power  of  iiome.     ^'or  there  is 
no  doubt  of  this  identification.     itLchriTd  ""heldon  proved  it  at  larEe,'^^ 
John  i>yos  likewise,^!  oandys  ^as  sure  of  it,^^  Dov©  displayed  tho 
identification  by  a  multitude  of  siioilitudes ,  ending  with  a  triumphant 
Korv'-triq.  upon  the  nuciber  666»^iJeaison,  Joiin  "hite  axtd  Bounas  assorted 
it  with  f orvent  conviction.     ^Ven  Sanderson  had  "a  strong  suspicion" 
that  the  papal  rule  is  the  rule  of  xintichrist.^*  SiB  for  the  time,  it  is 
DUfiioient,  all  were  agreed,  tioat  it  is  the  last  tinej  but  some  closer 
calculations  were  hard  to  resist.     It  is  apparent,  for  instance,  that  of 
the  six  ages  of  the  world  five  are  past,  in  (in  1617)  1616  of  the  sixth. 
iaost  are  agreed  that  the  world  must  endure  6000  years,  of  v/hich  2000 
in  the  Jd-i^dom  of  '-'iirist,  but  tho  oalliiig  of  the  Jews  is  still  to  come. 
On  the  other  }iand,8«Bia  cotrbend  th  ^t  aa  Christ  was  33  years  in  his  natural 
body,  he  Shall  bo  33  tiroes  50  years  in  his  spiritual  body,  and  therefore 
there  c:ainot  be  "above  thirtie  yevjroa  to  tho  day  of  judgement. "65     Dove 


f-i-^ 


agreod  that  it  is  horrible  presunption  to  fix  the  day  aad  the  hour, 
but  h©  oouici  not  rejist  cooi'uting  the  ooaputatioaa  of  certain  writers 
on  the  aecund  cociirg»  and  that  amidat  ini;.:en3e  conl'usion  of  aritiicietic 
little  aided  by  loftiness  of  piurpose."° 

ISiis  temper  azsd  conviction,  co-exiatent  with  c.  suro  hope  in  the 
fortunoa  of  i:-agi.4M  and  the  Cliurch  of  --.n^laud,*^"^  were  ojii'yrcod  by  the 
preacher 'u  fiinction  us  the  voice  of  tlie  -lord  calling  to  tiie  fallen  city, 
A\Q  preacher  auat  lift  up  hie  voice  like  a  trurapitj  his  is  a  gret.t  wad 
public  task  to  cry  unto  a  cityj  he  is  the  aucoessor  of  ^epliajiioh,  of 
.-icoii,  of  Jeramiali,  or  Jonah,     ^'or  though  -^nglaiad  haa  been  delivered 
even  as  Israel,  though  London  is  like  Jei-usalem,  the  city  of  the  great 
king  and  the  site  of  the  teople  of  ^ion,  yet  London  is  as  oodcaa,"^ 
steinda  in  as  great  danger  eu»  iJiniveh,  may  be  like  Jerusaleia  a  desol- 
ation for  her  sins.     Uie  pos7orful  Icaiguage  of  the  pi-ophots,  which 
described  the  citv  both  literally  dt;stroyod  and  as  a  syiabol  of 
corruption,  sank  deeply  into  tiie  preachers'  hearts  arid  served  as  well 
to  blow  the  coals  of  thoir  eloquence  in  their  hour  in  that  iaportant 
pulpit,  informed  thoir  exegesis  from  ooginning  to  end,  and  inspired 
some  of  them  to  cocpose  whole  hoiuilies  on  the  subject,     x'hore  is  no 
©scape  from  the  oonviotion  of  God's  asrful  dooE  upon  sinful  cities  in 
the  theories  of  profane  authors! 

Couijorweciles...  have  a  period,  let  Athena,  and  Sparta,  and  ■'^obylon, 
and  I'roy,  and  ^.dnivie,  and  Carthage  be  witnesses,  who  have  at  this  day 
but  paper  v;allo  to  keope  their  lacanorie:  out  -what  li;'vo  been  the  cause 
of  these  subversions  the  mo^t  are  ignorant*     'fhe  xi.pioure  ascribes  it 
luato  fortune,  tr.e  otcicke  to  destinie,  ilato  and  i-yi^hagoras  and  Bodin 
in  tlie  sixt  of  his  ^^thods  unto  number,  Aristotle  in  the  fifth  of  his 
Politicks...  to  an  aayuuetry  and  dispropor'tion  in  the  meiabors.     Oopor^ 
nicus  to  the  motion  of  the  Center,  of  his  imaginarie  excentricke 
circle,   Ci^xdanuB  ■■■•  tho  uoat  part  of  ^xatrologians    i-o  ^tars  t;  rlta^ets} 
but  all  these  have  only  groped  in  the  darknes,  w  being  mis-led  by  an 
Ifju.3  fat'-ras.  hcve  sup^josed...  "i^liey  had  found...  tho  brigiitost  and  the 
clearest  truth,  when  it  proved  but  a  cloude  of  palpable  darkenesse. 


^t 


vii(24) 
Sm  is  the  only  cause  why  uod  ruing  states  t  wny  ■Babylon  is  a  waste 
and  iiodoo  a  slinking  fen.''*-'  "woeto  her  that  j-s  filthy  and  pollatedl" 
cried  ihomaa  White  in  the  phrase  of  ^iephaniah.     Point  by  point  through- 
out a  withering  indic'tmerrt  he  enumerated  the  sins  of  London  as  tiie 
sins  of  Jerusalem,  and  called  for  repentance. ^^     Francis  Jnite  like- 
vise  warned  london  by  Jerusalem,   "the  dead  and  secure  esity,"  asleep 
in  sin.     All  Jerusalem's  sins  ore  the  sins  of  iomon,  and  if  loadon 
is  careless  of  deotruotiou  she  should  remember  that  the  looSQ^  ''-J^Q 
stroke  delays  the  heavier  is  it  when  it  coiaes.'''^  iiobert  Waketmn 
preferred  ohe  exaz^lo  of  Hiniveh,   in  which  the  judgment  is  most  clear- 
ly qualxiied  by  the  completion  of  the  conaiition  of  repentance,     liiniveh 
was  like  London  a  mighty  city  —  .-akeaan  described  it  from  otrabo  and 
Diodorus  jiculus  ~  and  like  Lonlon  filled  with  infidelity,  gluttoiy 
and  pride.     Let  utndon  hear  the  witness  of  Jjnah  and  repent.     4us 
senaon,  preached  in  1602»  Mokoiaan  thought  fit  to  publiala  after  the 
Powder  Plot  "for  our  laeditations  in  these  tizaes."'** 

'ihe  outward  situation  and  tiie  inqard  vision  of  the  preacher  at  the 

Cross  api-ecj  at  least  once  in  perfect  hanaony.     In  Look  a/  of  the 

Do  Givitate  Dei     St.  Auguatine  records  the  contrary  coiiroes  of  the  City 

of  Clod  and  the  earthly  citys 

It  is  recorded  of  Gain  thiit  he  built  the  city,  but  *ibel  was  a  pilgrim 
and  built  none.     For  the  city  of  the  saints  is  above,  though  it  have 
citizens  here  upon  earth,  v/herein  it  lives  as  a  pilj-riia  until  the  time 
of  the  kiugdom. 

In  like  Banner  i'rancis  >mite,  in  Londons  -arninE,  exhibited  the  mark 

of  the  "'..dse  imn"  of  iulc&h  6.9,   in  contrast  to  the  foils  v-'ho  fill  the 

earthly  city,  the  "golden  fooles"  whose  god  is  their  belly,  the  fools 

of  "flives  kin."   xhe  man  of  \?isdom  may  be  seen  even  oy  the  short-sighted, 

for  ha  is  provident  in  heavenly  things i 


v." 


vtl  (25) 

For  hee  like  a  good  ?ilgrinie-Traveller»  because  ho©  vould  not  cuaber 
hio  soulo  too  ;.\uch  v/ith  the  trasli  of  this  -aorld,  ■.-'iiicii  ii^Lght  hinder 
his  expedition  in  his  journey  to  iieavon,  hee  v/isely  sends  his  treasures 
to  lieavan  bei'ore  him* 

lliis  is  Idae  vision  which  we  aaaociat©  nost  fimly  with  Puritanism,  and 

that  without  aiy  compromise  with  property,  with  the  "religion  of  trade." 

iihite,   like  the  other  preachers  wiiose  efforts  form  the  groundwork  of  this 

study,  repudiated  iOiritan  industry  as  sharply  as  he  ©schev/ed  the  ideal 

of  the  holy  ooar.iunity,  \j/hile  he  expressed  the  loftiest  ideaJ,  of  the 

iuritan  spririt. 

'Shose  men  whose  names  bedeck  these  pages,  J^omas  and  FrrJicis 
«4iit8,  tfakeman,  -Jutton,  Hill,  i)ove.  Bourne,  Denisdnfi  Llarbury,  Dyos, 
Bisse,  riudson,  Walsal,   Ley,  Mans,  Hoskins,  i-enson,  Ourteys,  Gravet, 
rtorsliip,   I'siaple,  Iiewes,  Gardiaaer,  Babixigton,  Price,  Fishor,  are  the 
forgotten  men  of  this  important  conrtury.     Yet  they  accomplished,  apart 
from  oheir  temporal  achievemoirts  at  Paul's  Croaa  aM  elsewhere,  an 
intellectual  task  of  some  magi^'iiud©,  \?iiich  has  suffered  oclipse  in  the 
rovolutioriiry  triiimphs  of  greater  spirits.     Biey  maintained,  Hnshaken  and 
unseducod,  and  for  a  longer  time  than  seems  possible  in  the  light  of 
events  as  v/o  understand  them,  a  taut  and  not  unseemly  compromise*     Ihey 
were  CfilvirJ-sta,  to  the  degree  that  they  understood  '-•i;.lvin,  predestin- 
ariaas  of  the  strictest  kind;  and  they  were  all  faitliful  serv:urtB  of  the 
Ghurch  of  i^ngland.     They  werelured  neither  into  the  excesses  of  the  left 
nor  into  the  fatal  reaction  of  the  right;  they  were  saved  from  tliese 
splendours  by  timidity  and  dullness  and  perhaps  by  the  simple  wisdom 
with  which  the  Almighty  sometiaos  endows  ordinary  men.     1b.@  pov/erful 
certitudes  of  the  ioiiritans  were  not  for  than;  they  hesitated  to  pursue 
^he  causes  of  their  dilemi\ia  to  conclusions  .vnich  could  only  be  justified 
in  battle*     They  supped  with  history  with  a  long  apoon,  and  history  set 
her  table  for  other  guests*     But  it  may  be  that  some  are  saved  from 
Laodicea  as  from  bodom  and  Gomorrah* 


Notes  (1) 


IJOTiilS 


Gi-iAirTER  I 


1.  ii,   liparrow  oinipson,  Chc.ptQra  in  the  Iiiatory  of  Old  .-it*   Paul's 
(London,   1381),  p.   156, 

2s..  lid.  F.J.  Furniva.ll,   series  6,   np.  9   (London,   1879-SO). 

2.  A  nineteentii-century  cut,  based  on  tnis  engraving,   and  roiaanr 
ticizod,   is  to  be  round  in  ^.i'-rles  ^alight,    oondon  (1841),   i,  55. 
Like  others  of  its  kind  it  is  useless  for  detail,   out  gives  v;hat 
is  a  preBunaoly  more  roaliatic   impression  of  tho  size  of  the 
audience. 

3.  W.P,  ijaildon,   "iJotes  on  tlio  ^arly  History...  of  f'r-ul's  vJross," 
iroceedin.^',3  of  the  -'Ociety  of  .'aitiquories  of  ujndon,   iLxid  series, 
x:-a(  1917-8),   214. 

4.  -dciiard  Nowcourt,   iuapertoriuia  ecclesiaatioma  pt.xochiaji.e  Lominense 
(London,   1708),  i,  5;     ijaildon,  2j9. 

5.  A  Part  of  a  .agister  of  i-axil's  Cross  iiermons,   1534-1541  (Appondis 
to  this  thesis),   17  i.ov.   1595. 

6.  il.H.  Liiliaan,   -naals  of  ot.   raul's  Utithodral  {.u?ndon»   1868),  p.   153. 

7.  Baildon,   k;14-5. 

8.  uoe  W.iiL,  Sinclair,  :^eaorials  of  -^t.  Paul's  uathedral  (i'hiladelphia, 
n.d.),   passim. 

9.  Baildon,   211. 

10.  loxd..  i;io-i. 

11.  ruaight,   i,   38;  Laildon,   iill.     The  calerid-.-rs  of  events  at  Paul's  Gross 
beforo  c.   1382   {mid  indeed  after  tiiat  aate  to  a  leaser  extent)  given 
in  suchworks  as  Sinclair,  Liliaan,   a  Clinch's  ut.  Paul's  Gr.tiiedrijJ.   (Lon- 
don,  190G)     JCQ  to  be  used  with  great  caution. 

12.  j.^'Oildon,   212}  Oliiich  mentions  this  under  1354. 

13.  Laildon,   212-3. 

14.  Ibid.    ...    -^pui'rov/  jJLni;son,   ed.,   documents  Illustrating:  the  History 
of  ^.   .  aul  a  ^athoaral  (wamuen  ^oc,  1080),   p.   7. 

15.  -^ildon,   299;      .-illion  iiexriuon,   .description  of  .-.n;;land»   in  liew 
.-h-^kauore   '•'Oqioty  ruulicutionp,    sories  G,   no.   1,   40. 

16.  Preacnin;^  in  LodievaJ,  -.ti^xland  (Cambridge:,   1926),  p.   198. 


V-x-l 


ifotes   (2) 
[Ch.  Ij 

17,  iron  Clinch,  pp.  97rf .     liie  ponance  of  Jano  Biiore,   in  1403, 
was  not  at  ^'aul  s  Groaa, 

18a.   In  thij  section  r.re  colleci.ecl  viu'iovs  oaterials  v/hxch  130  to 
osuG-Dlitdi  tiiu  aetuil  oi'  such  a  typical  acoxi©  as  iiiat  of  26 
iaai'.   1620.     They  illusxrato  the  nistory  01  the  Gross  in  the 
sixteontn  and  seventeenth  centuries. 

18.  iCnij^iit,   i,  52n. 

19,  Henry  i-iacnyn,   ^iary  (Oiiiaaen  ooc,   1048),  p.  46, 

20.  ;iolinahea,  Chronicles   (1803),   iv,   23^» 

21,  j^ie  Victoria,  iliston''  of  the  Gotaities  of  ^nKlond:  London,  i,   322, 

22,  jee  above,   n,  5. 

23,  iiegister,   2  >-pr.   Ib59. 

24,  iiQjiister,    17  i«jy  1629. 

25.  iiODert  «asea:an,   Jonahs  '-'oi'aon  and  ..inivahp  Aapentance   (1600)» 
sig.  iJ3v. 

26,  i^^^egistor,   6  July  1561, 

27.  Clinch,  p.  99 j   /inight,   i,  52. 

28,  A,F,  Horr,  -^ne  iJlizauethan  bejnaont  /.  ^urvgg  and  a  Biblioptraphv 
(i'liiladelphia,  1940 y,  p.  24}  see  ^urich  i-etters  (F;-rker  uoc, 
1845 j,  i,   71. 

29,  John  -o-XTg,  -'-  oeriaon  of  x-gplickQ  '-'haagSKivinr.  (1G19),   sig,  Glv. 

30.  iusgiator,   29  June  1548, 

31.  John  -'tockwood,  .-.  ^enaon  preached  at  x-"ci.u.Te  3  Grca;-.e«..  ,1L'78«  p.   24. 

32.  iforr  tivos  of  tJie  i-^foi'ng.tion  (G.jaden  ;>oc.,   1859),  p.   23, 

33.  ilcxrison,  i.Jeacription>   ii,  2. 

34.  >>ee  u&k&znrji,   sig.   L4. 

35.  Golden  xicnaina  (1673),  p.  24. 

36,  llegistei-,  ante  July  1622. 

37,  -register,   1  .^pr.   1540. 

38.  Francis  ^-arbury,   ^>.  oeruon  prezjhod  i;.t  Taulea  Grooae   (1602; ,   sig.  2^3, 


ii-i 


Motes   (3) 

[Ch.  1] 

39.  in  H.V,  Judges,   The  i:ilizauetnan  undenyorldi  p.   300. 

40.  ^ioe  Herr,  pp.  35-6. 

41.  />.  ^enaoa  preached  at  Pauleg  Crosae  (1578),   sig.  28v, 

42.  A  oei-Lion  preached  nt  ruules  urosoe  (1609),   sag.  /i2, 

43.  A  JeiTiiOu  prcvohed  at  i"--ul8  Orosae....  1594»   sig.  A4. 

44.  .illiam  Barlov/,  A  ueruon  preached  at  Pauloa  Crosae  (K'Ol),  sic«  B7, 

45.  otocka'ood,  A  v^en:ion« .»  1573»   sig.   i)6. 

46.  urev  rrjara  "iirx>nlcl9  (i^aaden  ijoc,   1352),  p.  76, 

47.  Joim  iianranghanj,   Diciy  (Gfgaden  ooc.,   1S6S),  p.  84 j     V/illiaia  Gravet, 
A  oeraon  preuch^'j.  at  ig-uioa  oi-ogse   (1587),   aig.  /i3« 

48.  Asiiiotsr,   17  --^r.   1560;   see  Aurioh  .Lt?iter3»   i>   71. 

48a,  Unaer  wiiat  laay  bo  called  spoeiiil  occt^^ioua,   in  this  section  are 
consiaez^d  the  reheursu.!  aormojis,   anioivsrsorios,  notices  of  pro- 
clcju-vtions,   t«, 

49.  .yurvey  of  ■K)adon  (-veryiaan  ed.),  p.  151, 

50.  jivjo  ^jmuona,   one  ut  ^t.  .^ari^es   (1615),  pp.  27-8, 

51.  YGIi  ixandon.   i,  322, 

52.  iiogiijter,   passin, 

53.  J?"or  all  theao  xtffiaa,   oee  iiogiater  under  dates  indicated. 

54.  ..Bchyxif  p.  147. 

55.  Heglster,   30  *i"an.    1547. 

56.  -lor  thoBe,   see  -agister  under  dr;tos  indicated. 

57.  Charles  ./riothsley,  A  Giironisle  of  -^iir.lond  (C.:adeu  boc,  1875-7), 
i,   77. 

58.  liPC,  xiv,  253, 

59.  ;a^C,  xix,   225. 

60.  iiiO,  xxxi,   270. 

61.  aegister,  8  Aug.  1653, 

61e,   1708,     ]J.B,     -ee  boloiiV,   aoctiou  7, 


i-i^i 


ilotes  (4) 

[Gh.   1] 

62.     .xejertoriuxa»   i,  4-5, 

63»     iJee»  for  exaople,  ilioxaas  i.sho,   "orkat   ed.  R.B.  iic^^rrow  (Lon- 
don, 1904-10),   ii,   iLZl, 

64.  John  ^trype,  Historical  ujllootion3  oi'  the  life*.,  of  -Jolin 
..'/laer  (Oxford,   1021),  pp.  57-3. 

65.  hegistor,   bept.   1581. 

66.  V/ilHam  Fishor,  A  Godly  uQi-aon  greachad  at  Paules  Grogge  (1592), 
sig,   G5. 

67.  ^  Fruitfull  and  Godly  '^er^oa. . .   1592,   sigs.  G2v,  G3. 

68.  iU-G,  xxiii,  383-4. 

69.  iL9pertoriua,  i,  4. 

70.  j-ondona  >.ctrninKt  by  Jeiruaalerii  (1619),   sig.  D3v. 

71.  G.J.   Jiason,  The  Judicioua  '-^rriaj^e  of  ^j:.  JiookQr  (Gasabridge,  194u). 

72.  llie  xAIii  of  "•r.  id-chcg-d  iiookeri   in  Goai^leat   ./alton,  p.  341. 

73.  ^©e,  LSiiong  other  instanceB,  iiegister,  Sviiov,-  18  Dec.  1534; 
Hutton  Gorret3£.oiid9iace  ( -'urteea  Joe.,  1043),  p.  54 j  Viilliam 
Barlow,   "he  .^orraon  ;.t  ^Uulas  ^roaae  (IGOG),   sig.  ^3* 

74.  i>ee  Register, 

75.  oeo  Puegister,   1536. 

76.  Uee  Iiegister,  1547. 

77.  wiopaon,   iJocument^.  p.  130. 

78.  Lettera i   ed.   J. A.  Liullsr  (Gas±>ridgs,   1933),  p.   168. 

79.  -^trype,   Lji'e  of  C'riMal  (Oxford,  1821),  p.  91. 

80.  I«  John  opcjTOw,   "John  iJonaa  :jjid  contenporary  Proachors," 
^saays  &  bvadJQ^t   xv-i(l931j,   154, 

81.  use,  for  example,   iiegister,   28  iiov.   1602, 

82.  ^ee  L&P  iien.  VIII,  xx(2),  557. 

83.  In  Gtrype,   Life  of  ^/iiitKlft   (Oxford,   1822),   i,   33. 

83a,   iliis  and  tiie  follov/ing  are  but  a  few  of  many  extanples.     uee  iiegister. 


'fSO 


Notes  (5) 

[on.  1] 

84.  In  litrypet  -ecclesiastical  ^emorials   (Oxi'ord,   1822),   i,   151. 

85.  lie©  L&P  Hen.  ViII,   x,   120;  xi,   186;  xiii(l),   1500;  cf.  viii, 
600,   602  &  xi,   325. 

86.  jiJPC,    iii,   394. 

87.  j.arker  ^jrrespondence   (r'arker  i^joc,   1853),  p.  c61, 

88.  uie   oermon  preaciaed  at  mules  Uroaae  (1606),   sig.  A4. 

89.  :jee  L.B.   .aright,  i^idale  y^lass  y^ulture  in  ^lizape-CjhpJi  -'rix'^laad 
(^iiapel  Hill,   1935),  p.  274n. 

90.  rarker  '>^orre3.«  p.   239. 

91.  ^ee  Herr,  p.  25. 

92.  ^ae  above,  f  •'*•*'■ 

93.  Iliese  inatancea,  unless  otherwise  noted,  may  be  found  in  the 
'Agister. 

94.  CJPD  James  I,   1619-23,   187. 

95.  In  this  group  of  illustrations,    I  have  not  mentioned  attacks 
upon  the  City  officers  or  the  cioBiEions.     iliey  come  into  another 
categojry. 

96.  Herr,  p.  24. 

96a.  In  this  section  are  noted  the  form  of  public  penance;  various 
catejiories  01   sins  for  which  penance  was  proscrioed,  omitting 
for  tlie  Lioet  part  penunceii  and  recantations  which  properly  be- 
long to     the  historical  chapters. 

97.  iinight,   i,   45, 

98.  In  -"avid  Wilkins,   ^oncilxii  nax;nae  I^ritanaiae  et  liioorniae 
(1737),   iv,   298-9, 

99.  rujgister,    19  J«ay  1549. 

100.  ..egiaxer,  4  iiov.  1554.      Jie  preacher  luight  eJ-so  be  the  penitent i 
see  iiegiater,  1  Aug.   1546;   15  ^:y  1547,   iic. 

101.  ilegister,  8  July  1543. 

102.  ILi4» 

103.  iioliusiiea,   uhroxiicle^  (1808),   iv,  089-90, 


'/3/ 


Note  13  te; 

[Ch.   1] 

104.  John  Foxe,   -die  Acts  and  x^uunontst  c«.,   ed.  JieV.  Ge  rge 
Xownshend   (j_ondon,   1843-9),  v,   ay.',  xi. 

105.  litephen  Denioon,    Ihe  ..hite  u'olfg  (16H7),   siga.  F1-F2. 

106.  register,  23  nov.   1561, 

107.  iJarrativos  of  thu  .i.eiorr,iation,  p.  51, 

108.  iiegister,   1574. 

109.  Foi-  tuxis  group  or  ilxuatrationa,  see  iiegister  xmder  indicaxea  diites, 

liQyOa,  John  lihamber lain,   'uezzera,  ed,  iLE»  lic^lui'e  (Philadelphia,   1939), 

i,  -334, 

109b.    ihe  Gotaplei,e  Jjev/gate  Calendar »  ed.  J.L«  Hayeer  (London,   1925), 

110.  ;.n;j3.1si   p.   ^54.  i,   174-5. 

111.  Knight,   i,  56, 

ILi.     OoPD  Cnarles  1,   1635-6,  66 j     Simpson,  Document 3,  pp.   140-1. 

113,  ijiii5)30U,  Chapters ,  p,   231» 

114,  oee  Juavid  ^'^eal.  History  of  the  xuritans   (1822),   iii,  39-40j 
bimpson,  Uhaptero t  p,  228 j  VCIi  ixindon,  i,  331, 

115,  Juaildon,   209, 

116,  Gliiffih,  p.  227, 


CHAPTER  II 

1,     For  thia  paragraph  in  general,  see  0,H.  iiicllwain,   Ihe  Hi 

Court  of  larliaraent    (iiew  iiavon,   1910),  p.   114j  A,F,  i^ollard, 
idle  i:.Tolution  of  rarliaaen^    (London,   1926),  pp.  205,   Sir?,   213--?; 
J.w,  iLLien,   K  Histor-f  of  rolxtical  xho..rht   in  the  olxteeirrfch 
Century   (Low  York,   1926;,  p.   169. 

2*     See  iwiiaan  ,  ioiaals ,  pp.  177-8 j  J.B,  iiullinger,   Jae  "university  o;g 
9ftlYhni.dLe  fron  the  eurlieut  tiaes  to  the  .>oval  In.1unctiQq!?  qf 
1535   (<^aabridge,   18V'3j,  p.  571;     VCH  Loudon,   i,   25^. 

3.  VGli  Loadon,  i,  254;  J.  Cairdner,  ilie  i^nlish  Church...  from  the 
.^;cession  of  ixenrv  VIxI  to  the  death  of  ...ary  (London,  1912),  pp. 
89-90. 

4.  Charles  ::.turge,  Cuthoert  I'unstaljl,  (London,  1938),  p.   133;  VCII 
London*  i,  254, 

5.  VCH  London,   i,  257. 


9-3  ■ 


notes  (V) 

[oh.  2] 

6*     Gairdnery  p*  106, 

7,     VvJil  Londont   ±5   259;  John  ooov/,  Historical  ^'omoroJida*   in  j^rge 
i'ifboouth  ^ea^ur/  '^aroiiiolea.   od.  J.   O-oi.dnar   (Jamden  00c. , 
1880),  pp.  89-90. 

8*     Gairdner,  p.  125. 

Q,     G.  Constant,  Sb^B  .-ieforoation  iu  ^n^Iontil.     I,     -J-ne  -.jtirliah  schism. 
Henry  VIII  (150'J-16-17;    (Lonuon,   1934),  p.  68. 

10.  Gairdner,  pp.   144—5. 

11.  For  accounts  of  tiie  case  from  vtirioua  poiata  ov  view  see  2dward 
r:all,  ueiir",'  VIIX^   ed.  Glii^xiea  sjnioloy   ij,ijdadon,   i'j04j,   ii,  246- 
59;     iitrype,  ^^  1(1),  cli.  xzvj     '^onst-mt,   iianry  VIjII*  pp.  ^09- 
llj     ^—'^»  Jhciioy,   ''-^ao  Holy  '  >aid  oi'  ^ujiit,"  '^mh*  ^>..ll.^.i     new 
ser.  xviii(l904),   107-29;     Oairdiier,  pp.   143-4;     ior  Crsjuaeris 
aecouiro  of  her  see  ^^rigiiidl  Lettara.  ©d.  i3ir»  K«  ■C'liis,  3rd 
ser.   (iioadon,   184G),  ii,  no.  231  j  for  other  letters  concerning 
her,   soe  ihroe  Chs.ptera  of  i^-i.ters  rQli^L-,iiifi  to  the  -up.ursssion 
of  the  i.iOtiasterioai   ou,  'Jicaaa  .a  ight   (vJajuden  -jOc,   1843),   nog, 
vi,  vii,  viii,  ix,   xi;   .^rii^ixml  ijottertt.  3i'd  ber.,   ii,   ao.   163. 

12*  ^or  this  ooniiieMrt,  and  the   cenaou  as  a  whole,  see  "'^ho  Sermon 
agaiuot  the  lioly  L^ixld  of  ^^nt...,"  ed.  h.xl,  Whttmore,  dlUlt 
lviii(l'J43) ,  463-75,      ihis  is  a  ti'a'iscriiit,  •.vitli  ao.u-ontLjry, 
froQ  an  original  iiSS.  in  the  PIiO» 

13.  Gairdner,  pp.   146-7, 

14.  L^  Hen,  VIII,  vii,  ^66;   iiegister,  c.  r'ob,  1534. 

15.  L<iF  Hen.  VIII,  vii,  303}  Gheney,   "Holy  ^^aid,"  I23n. 

16.  Gilbert  Burnet,  Tae  itaatorY  qi    the  iiofonaation  of  the  Church  o^ 
-.n^^landtod.   lacholas  looock  (wev/  York,   1343),   iv,  447. 

17.  loid..   iv,   90. 

18.  uxita-ial  i^-oterg.   Jrd  3or,,  ii,  no.  257.     Groke  preached  this 
auriaon  in  aixty  parishes. 

19.  iiilaan,  .tiniialSi  p.   194, 

20.  liegiater,  6  i^eb.  1536. 

21.  riegioter,  27  Feb.   1536.     i-or  this  argunont  see  Allen,  Political 
ijiou.-ht  in  16th  JeatuTY.  p.   159. 

22.  rioth.  Gliron. .   i,    104, 
Z3.    Ibid. 


V33 


iioces  (3; 

L>Jh.  2] 

24.  iM-  Hen.  VIII,  vii,   1643. 

25.  Id id. 

^6m  XDid.,   viii,   1054. 

27,  .uagiater,   20  &  27  July,   1539. 

28,  VGii  ioiidon.   i,   264. 

29,  iiegiiiter,   1536. 

30,  Letters  relating:  to  the  ■Juppreaaion,  p.  38. 

31,  Goirdner,  p.  176. 

32,  iiegister,   1534. 

33,  i^giater,  iJec.  1535, 

34,  Itogiater,   27  I'eb,   1536. 

35,  Gairdner,  p.   156, 

36,  Original  Iietters.   3rd  ser.,   ii,   no.  208, 

37,  Register,   12  ^-uiy  1538, 

38,  i"or  these  Injunctions  see  Henry  Gee  &  vV,J,  iiardy,  -^ocuinQnta 
illustr  tive  of  ^r^^liah  Cnurch  H-Lstorv  (London,   1910),  no. 
Ixii. 

39,  uermons   (-siverynian  ed.),  pp.  22-9. 

40,  ^^egiater,   i-nte     15  July  1537. 

41,  Bumet-Pocock,   iv,   101-3.     Gf,  Gee  &  Hardy,  p.   275.     The  aection 
quoted  is  fron  Gee  «  Hardy,  pp.  277-8. 

42,  Geofirey  ^^akerville,  ■>:.nRli3h  iionks  and  the  '-'uppresaion  of  the 
iU^naateriea   (Now  Haven,   1937),  p.   24, 

43,  Galrdner,  p.  201;     iJdward  lord  Herbert  of  ^herbury,  Ihe  History 
of  laoK  Henry  Villi   in  ..hite  i-onnett,  A  Goiayjlete  :IistorY  of 
-^nf-.lan^,   cbc,( London.    1719),   ii,   215, 

44,  Herbert,  ii,   213, 

45,  iSaakenrille,  p.   22, 

46,  Original  Letters.   3rd  aer.,   iii,   no.  320, 

47,  i'oxe-Townshend,  v,   824, 


"f^i 


notes   (9) 

[Ch.   2] 

48.  L<iiP  tlen,  VIII,  xiii(l),   754. 

49.  y/rioth.   '^faron. »   i,   75-6, 

50.  Gairtiner  unaccountably  iaissed  tills  incident*  soe  pp.  199-200. 
51*     BaskervillO}  p.   22. 

52.  Hiatorv.   ii»   213. 

53.  Gaimner,  pp.  199-200. 

54«     OriKiiial  otters*  3rd  ser.,   iii,  no.  339^  .Vrioth.  Chron. .   i,  90; 
i'oxe- xownshend,  v,   397,  824, 

55.  Gairdner,  p.   203* 

56.  L>ee  sibove-  p'*"'^. 

57.  Letters »   ed.  kuller,  pp.  1G8-70. 

58.  Ibid.,  p.   170, 

59.  Foxo-Townaiiend,  v,  ^tl'ifi', 

60.  •'•t  was  apparently  custoaary  in  tnose  r'aul'a  ^roaa  serr-ions  to 
preach  i'rora  the  Gospel  of  the  duy. 

61.  •i'oxe-'Jownshend,  v,   '±29-30. 

62.  luid.i  V,   aPi-'.  viii, 

63.  Ucf  iien.  VIII,  xv,   345, 

64.  If  Barnes  touched  this  in  his   jermon,  Gardiner  would  surely 
have  Eientioiied  it. 

65.  Original  letters.   3rd  ser.,   xi,  no.  151. 

66.  Gairdner,  p.   92. 

67.  Durnet-i'ocock,   i,  474, 

68.  He£:ister,  ^  /»pr.   1540.     Jemine,   since  he  was  an  incumbent  in  the 
aioceue  of  loxadon,  reciaited  a^ain  in  his  church  at  "iiepney.     lie 
protested  xhat  ne  had  "overshot  himself"  in  his  intexpretation  of 
^->arah  as  the   typo  of   the   chui-ch,   ::nd  revoked  what  he  iitia  said 
concerning  the  power  of  the  raagistrv.te  to  bind  what  is  inaifferent. 
In  conclusion,    "he  entered  upon  the  praise  of  the  ijlng's  vii'tue 
and  learning."     oea  the  report  of  uemy  Dowes  to  Gronwell  from 
otepney,   in  hdi'  lien.  VIII,  xv,  414, 

69.  Burnet-i'ocock,   i,  480. 


•/?/ 


IJotes  (10) 
LGh.  2] 

70.  iiegiatei*,   11  ^>pr.   1540. 

71.  liichard  '^aiapsonf  not  to  be  confused  with  Ihomas  Sampson. 

72.  Constcirrt,  lionr/  VXII.  pp.  303,  332.     oee  liegioter,  I^y  1540. 

73.  Gr&irduer,  p.  216. 

74.  Qogiater,  10  iJec.  1541. 

75.  J?oxe-rownshend,  v»  4*19-50. 

76.  *jairdnor»  p.   174. 

77«     ii^gister,   1536.     /or  incidents  to  follov/,   gee  Register  under 
indicui^ed  dates. 

78»     i'or  the  significance  of  the  J^^nabaptists,  see  below,   section  8, 

79.  First  within  the  period  under  review,     oome  iiwostigution  of 
pre-iKii'onUi.tioa  "propiiets"  is  indicated. 

80.  Foxe-'fovmshond,  v,  448. 

81.  For  the  text  of  his  subcdssion,   se«  above,  oh.  1. 

82.  For  the  text  of  these  recantations  see  Foxe-J-^ov/nshend,  v,  app.  xii. 

83.  Iiliese  works  have  been  reprinted  as  "^hB   Sai'lv  V/orkB.of  Thomr.s  Bocon 
(iarker  ^oct  1843), 

84.  btrype,  3M,  iii(2),   app.  x. 

85.  Gairdner,  p.   130. 

86.  istrype,  ^,  iii(l),  164. 

87.  Holinshid,  Sironicles   (1800),   iii,   856. 

88.  i.egxster,   25  ^^pr.   1546. 

89.  Foxe-Aownshend,  viii,  517. 

90.  otrype,  j^,  lii(l),   161-4. 

91.  Laf  Hen.  ViU,  xxi(l),  783,  790,  810,  823,   1127. 

92.  Frwn  a  letter  of  2  July  1536,   in  Foxe-Xownshend,  v,  836. 

93.  Foxe-'-i'ovmshend,  v,   app.  xvi. 

94.  Z'oPf  in  ^Hinneth  iickthorn,  ^arly  Tudor  G-ovemment:  Henrv  VIII 
(Gaiabridge,  1934),  p.  509. 


V3^ 


Notes  (11) 
[Gh.   2] 

95.  Gairdner,  p.  234,     Gt-lrdnor  does  not  say  that  Crome  accused 
tlieae  persons,   uut  the  author  of  the  ■■riothalev  Chronicle  (i, 
166-7)  asaerts  tiaat  Jroue's  conxeosion  'putt  moay  persoiis  to 
greiit  treble,  and  soiae  suffered  death  after,"     tiee  alao  the 
documents  in  LcsP  lien.  VIII,  as  above,  n,  91« 

96*     liiis  account  of  Anise  ^skew  is  based  on  Gairdner,  pp.  2o4--6,  and 
Grey  Friars  chronicle  (Caiaden  ooc,   1352),  pp.  51-3. 

97.  iiegister,  1  xUig.  1546. 

98,  twister,   29   -Jept,   1546;  Gi-irdner,  p,  236, 

96,  MP  Hen,  VIII,  xzi(2),  710. 

100.  Hegister,   19  ioig,   J;  23  i^ept.   1537. 

101.  iiecister,  25  Feb.  1537, 

102.  ^enaona   (iJverymiiaed.),  p.  64. 

103.  Xoid.,  pp.  69-70. 

104.  See  above^  v ''^• 

105.  Gairdner,  pp.  242-3. 

106.  liegister,   -^ent  1535. 

107.  Gairdner,  p.  246, 

108.  iiegister,  27  iiov,  1547, 

109.  Gtiirdner,  p.  254, 

110.  Xpiq.t  p.   305, 

111.  istovr-iCingBfora,   i,    143-4. 

112.  Ifari^tives  of  the  Meforraation,  p.  29. 

113.  Dom  Gregory  Jix,    Ae  -'hupe  of  tlie  Liturffl-  ( .-estainstor,  1945), 
pp.  598-9. 

ll§a.ln  U.U,   uisyth,   Uruniaor  ljvI  the  liefonaation  under  .^d-wc-i'd  VI 
(Jan^ridge,   1926 j,  p.  171. 

114.  Helen  t..  White,  oocial  criticism  in  x-pular  liQliriou.g   iAtftrrf.ura 
of  the  'Jixteenth  ^entur.'^   (iiev/  York,   1944},  pp.  32-4. 

liS.  ^19  :\Jsaa.±ii2,&£IM^iiiMASiiiSMiil  ii,  113, 

116.  Gairdner,  p.  250. 


yjy 


I^otes  (12) 
[^.  2] 

117.   iBgister,   liov.   1547, 
IIG.  i'oxe-'i'ownQueiid,  vi,   12o-Gt  241-2. 
1-S.   Ibid,,  vi,  437;  vii,  520,  523. 

120,  lijid.i  vii,  523|  cf.  Oonstmrt,    Introduction  of  the  i^ormation 
into  -:.ni'.laiBi»  Edward  VI  ( l::47-'li353 )     JfiidMoii^l  (New  York,  1942), 
pi^.  5J-6;   urey  i'riars  '^iiron.,  p.  53}  I^loan,  -auials,  pp.  218-9. 

121.  In  ..iJans,  voncilia,  iv,   18. 
1<:2.   'Jixiyth,  p.   25. 

123.  -^oxe-xovzushend,  vii,  523. 

124.  In  ocyth,  p.  61, 

125.  bee  above,  y- 1  <»•»■• 

126.  cssytht  PP*  25,  61. 

127.  Foxe-'i^ownsiiead,  vii,  520, 
12&«   Hiid,,  vi,   125^. 

129.  -iojid..  vi,  241-2. 

130.  Jjid.t  vi,  437. 

131.  P.   25. 

132.  AQgister,   1550. 

133.  (l)   "a  brier  troatyso  settynge  forth  divers  truthea  neceascjry 
both  to  be  oeliovod  of  chiysten  poople,  «  kept  also,  whlche  are 
not  expressed  in  the  scripture  but  left  to  ye  church  by  the 
apostles  tradition,"   [1547J.   (2)     -"ithbr  "The  assertion  and 
aexence  of  the  sacramente  of  the  aultor,   1546"   [dedicated  to 
Henry  VIIIj  or  "A  defence  of  the  sacrifice  of  the  masse,"   j.  1546-7] 
also  dedicated  to  rienry  VIII,     Liee  IMs,   ajrticle  ".iichard  amith." 

134.  Foxe-iownshend,  vi,   764. 

135.  iiote  how  closely  tnis  serioon  follows  Glasier's  sermon  against 
divine  orxiinijctioa  of  Lent.     iJee  ^iegistor,  1547. 

136.  'Hie  effect  of  the  official  repudiation  of  the  reserved  aacrncient, 
before  any  prtjcleuaation,   should  be  considered  in  assessing  the 
disturbjiaces  over  the  mass. 

137.  otrype,  -'eiaoriuls  of...   ..T.nmr.^    '"^TttTiffr  (Oxford,   1S40),  ii,  795. 

138.  Ibid.,  ii,   796. 


•/35 


liotes  (13) 
L^h.   2j 

139.  JSiid.,  ii,   796-9. 

140.  ii^ii'dner,  pp.  244,   263. 

141.  ihia  accouirt  of  Gardinar's  biatory  in  1547-1548  is  btised  on 
^oiiJtaat*  -id'wcjd  VX,  pp.   226ff,,  aiil  Jairviner,  pp.   24S,   258- 
fO«  [constant  is  biased  in  Gardiner's  favour,  out  I  iaave  chock- 
ed his  rending  of  the  incident  aarth  the  sources  as  carefully  as 
possible.)     -^he  auijcinry  of  the  sonaon  on  20  June  1548  is  frcaa 
^ontitant,  pp.  232-4, 

142.  ra-iota,.  ohron..   ii,  4, 

143.  Grey  iriara  uhron. »  p.  56, 

144.  Register,  29  mr.  1549. 

145.  jee  iiaironer,  p.  268. 

146.  Xbid.i  p.   269. 

147.  i'^ranklin  Le  V.  Baumer,  'Ihe  -jgrly  Aider  xhoorv  of  I^lneship 
(New  Haven,   1940),  pp.  58-9, 

148.  ilogiater,  21  July  1547. 

149.  In  i'oxe-Tov.Tishond,  v,  745-6. 

150.  llusobers  16, 

151.  -oxe-Tov/nshend,  v,  746. 

152.  i'or  a  aumnary  of  thooo  pointa,   ooe  i^airdner,  pp.  271-2. 

153.  itogiater,   22  u>6pt.   1549. 

154.  In  til©  iihrouda.     iiepriated  by  iC,  Arber,  i:;K;lish  i^eprints.  v.  12 
(Binningham,  1070). 

155.  iJiS. 

156.  oee  below. 

157.  .agister,  31  Aug.   1550, 

158.  .'^ister,  2  «  9  July,  1553, 

159.  i''r<Ha  the  third  verse,  probably  tho  bpital  pulpit  in  -iaoter  week. 

160.  jtrype,  oraHraef .   ii,   874-5. 

161.  la  ./hite,   .  ooial  --ritisiaia.  p.  70. 

162.  In  u.yth,  pp.  2-8. 


^3*) 


l^tes  (14) 

LGh.  2] 

163.  ->©e  itesistor  under  tiiess  aates. 

164.  George  T.  Buckley,   Atheism  in  the  ■^^i'4::l:Lsh  .^'naisjgnca  (*Juictigo, 
1932),  pp.  45-7. 

1G5.  .iiiiie,    cypojal  ^ritJLcisa»   p.   122. 

166.  iietister,   29  jipr.   ib-ib}  28  Apt.,  b  «  12  &  IS  us^'  1549. 

167.  oenaons  (^Vorjpaan  ©d.),  p.   130. 

168 .  ijjid.t  pp.  i3u-l. 

169.  oee  .'Jiite,   oociaJ.  Uiiticiam.  p.   121. 

170.  loid. 

171.  ^m;li3h  .ieprlntSt  v.  12,  pp.   27-S. 

172.  roliticaj,  ■i.lio..t::ht  isi  the  >>ixtoenth  Centui-yt  pp.  38,  3i-,  47-8. 

173.  In  otrype,  iiramer,   i,  254-5. 

174.  .-wF,  Poliard,    xhe  iiic^torv  oi'  ■J-.aaglaiid  from  the  >^a6:ia±on  of 
:Jctvfard  VI  to  the  uociui  of  x;.lizabcth   C1C47-1G03)      ( London , 
1923),  p.  69. 

175.  iuary  properly  dated  hor  reign  from  the  de;.th  of  -idv/c_rd  VI, 
t)ut  it  aeeaa  coiwenlent  to  treat  of  the  "reigu"  of    .ixsea 
Jane  as  an  interregnusi. 

176.  iiEiothjJihron. ,  ii,  37-8. 

177.  oaiauel  Giark,  The  i-iarroY/  of  ^ccleaiacjtiqal  Mistorv   (London, 
lGc4;,  p,   512. 

178.  Foxe-Tov.anhend,  vi,   391-2j  vii,   144-5. 
r/9.     ..ael  .vediYivi^a   U651),  p.   183. 

180.  l>e  Church  History  of  B^d^ts,^!^.  ad.  J.S.  Brewer  (Oxford,  1845), 
iv,   160. 

181.  liurnet-f-ocock,   ii,  379. 

182.  ivegister,   16  July  1553. 

183.  r.  83. 

184.  jjary.  p-.  41.  Here  as  elaev/here  onemuat  accept  the  Gcuiiden 
•Society's  editor 'o  reaxiiug  of  the  lji»» 

185.  Edward  Courteuay,  s^oil  of  iievonahire,  afterw.xda  involved  in 
plots  against  ^^ary,  died  at  i'guiua  in  1556. 


WO 


Notes  (15) 


[Gh.  2] 

186.  Jrioth.   Ghron»t   ii,   98-9}  Ak-Q,   iv,   317-8,   duO,   321,     The 
Uouncil  os.juued  that  the  uprour  was  not  Si^ontaneous. 

187.  ./rioth.   Uhron.i   ii,   99-100 j  urey  Frirurs  >.ihron««  p.  83. 

188«     kachyn,  p.  'ilj     .irioth.  Gliron..   ii,  99-100 j  Grey  Friax'S  Ghron», 
p.  83. 

189.  If,   as  the  previous  sezrtenoo  suggests,  ho  used  now  text,  v;hE.t 
v/as  ills   "tlieame"V     i  enipps     this  siiould  not  be  classified  as  a 
sermon,   ijut  a  yroclanation.     The  "theaiae"  uiight  be  ^.^ary's  first 
proclamation  about  religion  of  18  August.     It  is  likely,  however, 
that  h©  read  a  text,  thoitgh  not  from  the  gospel  of  the  day. 

190.  Frobaoly  Bradford,  Veron,   iiogers  and  I>econ,  who  were  tiiis  month 
imprisoned.     See  Follard,  lli.itoirya  p.   lOOi 

lyl.     FoxQ-Tov;Tashend,  vi,   768, 

192.  FiSgistor,  15o3, 

193.  Foxe-iownsiiend,  vi,  541.     Foxe   says  that  Goverdale  wrote  a 
confutation  of  usiitonx's  seruiou, 

194.  iiegiater,   12  iiov.   1553. 

195.  jJliBt   lij-ticle  "Jaiaes  iirooks." 

196.  Foxe-Townshend,  vii,  531-2. 

197.  i-egister,  8  Apr.  Ib54. 

198.  John  i3ridt<,8S,  A  uormon  proached  at  Faules  Crosse...  Ij71. 
oig.  ^i3v. 

199.  For  another  exanple,  see  •''agister,  11  i«av,  1565, 

200.  i^gistor,  10  June  1554. 

201.  >/rioth.  Ghron. .   ii,   117. 

202.  Holinshed,  Chronicles  (1308),  iv,  56. 

203.  ^trype,  ^,  ili(l),  214, 

204.  ror  those  episodes  see  iiegister,   19  .-ay,   26  Nov.,   15  Dec.   1555. 

205.  xhQ  ohronicle  of   Queen  Jane  (Gf^ciden  iioc,  1850),  p,  S3n. 

206.  i'oxe-Tov/nahond,  vi,  559-60. 

207.  Gairdner,  p.  344. 

208.  V/rioth.    ^liron. .   ii,   124-5. 


f-f-l 


wotes  (16) 

[^.  2J 

209.  hi  Chronic lo  o§   ...ueen  Janet  pp.   161-3. 

i.lO«  TLJciiig  notes  of  sermons  was  even  thenthe  practice  of  the  godly. 

211.  ^triTpe,  iii,  iii(l),  259. 

212.  iiegiiiter,  9  Oi   16  Dec.  15U.4. 

213.  ior  these  episodes  see  Kogister  under  dates  indicated. 

214.  See  Register,  23  Sept.  15b4,  4  Nov.  1554,  8  Feb.  1556. 

215.  See  Baskerville,  pp.  261-6. 

216.  -oxe-'j-V.vnshend,  vii,  286. 

217.  iiegister,   14  June  1556. 
iil8.  i'oxe-Townshend,  viii,   155-6. 

CHAPIER  III 


1.  The  moat  provocative  sermons  uore  not  necessarily  printed, 
or  when  printed  were  pruned  of  their  indiscretions. 

2.  This  problem  did  not  arise  in  ch:.:pter  2,   aimply  because  most 
of  that  mtiterial  consisted  not  of  complete  senaons  but  of 
to^jiccil  "usos"  from  sersions,  of  tuo  sort  recorded  in  chronicles 
and  collections  of  roports. 

3.  Register,   27  liov,   1558. 

4.  Ct-tholic  .iecord  -society  ^  ^sc.   I  (Loi-jdon,  1S05),  p.  25}  Pollaixi, 
liistoryt  p.   193. 

5.  Ihe  History  of  .ueen  ^lizabatn,,  in  iiennett,  ii,  371;  of.  ^ir 
John  iiayv/urd,  ..nimls  of  oho  l'"ii:ijt  j^our  -^o^s  of  ths  iieiKn  of 
Quoen  Elizabeth  (^-iamden  ■-'oc.,   1850),  pp.  5-6. 

6.  Gee  a  iiardy,  p.  416, 

7.  But  see  i-iogioter,   10  Feb.   1559. 

8.  Pollard,  Kistor/ .  p.   r.l3. 

9.  -or  1-.  brillLant  discussion  of  this  knotty  problem  see  ibid., 
pp.  212-5. 

lU.  See  liegister. 


if- 


Notes   (17) 
l^h,  3] 

11.  14  way  1559. 

12.  iietister,   14  ^-ay  1559. 

13.  i\egist6r,  21  *>ay  -  13  -^mg.   1559. 

14.  iollard,  liis-torYi  p.  220.     For  the  sonaoiis  citod  below,   see 
iiegister  under  dates  iiidicuted. 

15.  See  M.ii»  Knappen,  Tudor  ruritanlsa  ('-ihicago,   1939),  p.  171. 

16.  ilegister,   3  iaar.  &  17  iiar.  1560. 

17.  Register,  23  Nov,   1561. 

18.  ibe  academic  controversy  between  '-'aorio  and  liaddon  (1563-77jf 
wag  not  handled  in  popular  pulpits  aiid  consequently  is  not 
dealt  with  nere.     oee  <i'.ii.  Frere,    xhe  Jnp;lish  Cinurch  in  the 
iieif:n3  of  Elizabeth  and  Jaiaes  I  (London,   1911),  pp.   olff. 

19.  Dated  26  iiov.   1557[l]  by  M.G.  V/alten,  in  his   Introduction  to 
Fuller's  ihe  iloiy  ,^a;te  and  the  -t'roiane  ■-'tute   (liew  York,  1930), 
i,  53. 

20.  iioicks  (Parker  ■-•oc.,  1845-),   i,  iO-1. 

21.  ibid.,  i,  4. 

22.  A  gentle  and  ambiguous  phrase,  needful  for  the  tisie. 

23.  uorksi  i,  7, 

24.  roid.«  i;  lj5. 

25.  i'or  the  uest  outline  of  th;  controversy  in  all  its  phases,   see 
Frei^,  pp.  olff. 

26.  1562.     -translated  into  ciniiliah  by  i«jdy  -"^on  in  1564. 

27.  liciiister,   20  i'eb.   1560. 

28.  Register,   30  ^'pr.   1564. 

29.  'Sae  irreverence  is  irere's,   and  therefore  the  more  pleasing. 

30.  iiagister,  19  Hov,   1564. 

31.  Register,   <i7  -ay  1565}   Strype,     -nnals.   iU)»   176. 

32.  i'or  mora  of  these,   see  'Register,   oept.   1563,  26  Jan.   1564, 
11  iiov,   1565. 

33.  i^egister,   ^'an.  1561, 


if  3 


Kotes  (IB) 

[oh.  3] 

34.  i^resinnafaly  stricoer  enforcement  of  tiie  panalties  provided  in  the 
Act  of  Unifonaity.  '^ee  G.V/.  ^rothero,  oelt^ct  -^tr.tutes  rmd  cthox- 
■^onstitutioiml  ^oumen-oa  illustrative  of  the  reigns  of  -Elizabeth 
mid  «^.jaeB  1  (^^xford,   1013),  p.  xxxii. 

35.  "ioiritans"?     ^eo  beLro,  the  vestiarlan  conti'oversy. 

36.  .Vorks  (Poxker  ^oc,   1842),  pp.  647-8. 

37.  ^ee  -^egietei-,   16  ^ipr.  1j57. 

38.  In  Pilkiiigton,    -orks.  p.  483. 

39.  ^onfutacion,  reprinted  in  ibid.,  pp.  487-G44. 

40.  iiegister,   1  I-tov.   1562, 

41.  i^egister,   18  Apr.   1563. 

42.  -'Ggister,  23  Apr.  1564,     ibxe  got  into  troi^le  in  1577  for  an 
indiscreet  iaul's  oross  sermon  on  ^rencli  affairs.     i>ee  Hogister, 
2  Feb.  1577. 

43.  The  date  is  conjectural,  but  laay  be  accupted  for  v/inrt  of  better 
eiidence.     oee  .'Orks,  ii,  985n. 

44.  "Orks ,   ii,   985. 

45.  Ibid.,   ii,  97o-9. 

46i  jx  sermon  of  ^.^riat  y^iotcified   (1570),    sig.  G4v. 

47.  Ipid.,   sig.  B2. 

^«  Ibid,,   siga.  L;3v-M. 

49.  'iegiiiter,  3  June  1571. 

50.  13  ^liz.  caps.  1  w  2.     oee  Frothero,  p.  xlviii. 

51.  ..i.  .;'erEion  ■.re^.ushed  at  x-cules  Crosse  (1571?),   sigs.    ,;2v,  i^. 

52.  i^riaj-os  exp;aiaea  the  sunaon  into  a  treatise,     ^ee  hxs  -;.pistle 
iJedicatory  to  oucil,   sig.  'i3. 

53.  oee  f'rothero,  pp.   liv,   191;  Frere,  pp.  98-9.     ^'or  ".  brief  his- 
tory of  cleric   1  costume,   see  iiiappen,  p.  83. 

54.  register,   i<ent  1565.     -or  the  whole  history  of  those  events  see 
ire re,  pp.   llOff. 

55.  i'rere,  p.   116. 


V¥V 


[-h.  3] 

56.  iiii©  of  Hooker,   in  Gonpleat   -Jaltoni  pp.  348-9. 

57.  -^lunmarized  in  Frere,  p.   113. 
53.     In  A'rothero,  p.  Iy2, 

59.  i^gisber,  J^astor  15G5. 

60.  £i0©  *rere,  pp.  113ff.     ilie  "Depoeitioiis  concerninge  i^r.  Broklesly, 
the  first  put  out  of  his  livings  for  the  surplice,^'  in  'ihe  ooconde 
tcrifQ  of  a  .xagister?  ed,   -illbar-t  reel  (Cambridge,   1915),  i,  52-3, 
are  most  interesting.     Broklecly  roferx*ed  to  the  vestments  aa 
"stinfcing©  arjd  aohoninablo  rags." 

61.  -H35ister,   27  i'eb.  -  17  --pr.   156G, 

62.  Zurich  ijettera  (i-arker  iioc,  1845),  i,  nos.  Ixviii,   Ixlx,  Ixxi. 

63.  i'rere,  pp.   124-5. 

64.  "^ee  ibid.,  pp.  i22ff» 

65.  jeconde  rorte,  i,  72. 

66.  ./orka,  ii,  980. 

67.  In  Knappen,  pp.  113-4, 

68.  'Je©  ^rothero,  pp.  119ff« 

69.  ^er Lions  (Parker  -JOc,  1841),  pp.  333,  335. 

70.  Ibid.,  p.  338. 

71.  ■''rom  "A  brief©  confession  of  Faytho,"  in  i^econd©  ^l^gi-tQ,  i,  86. 

72.  rpid. 

73.  i^sister,   13,  ;i2  a  29  iipr.   1571. 
74«  oeconde  rartei   1,   79-80« 

75.  Colours  and  shapes  of  the  disputed  habits. 

76.  ^ecoiide  rarte,   i,  82, 

77.  loid.,  i,  81-2.  Biese  "anuaers"  v/ere  prouably  passed  from  hand  to 
hand  aiMng  the  orethren. 

78.  Tlie  sermons  were  by  Cole,  Aylmer  and  Jewel,     The  tiwo  former  raay 
have  been  precxhed  at  the  ^ross. 

79.  A  oeriaon  preached  at  Paula  Crosse  (1576), 


f-¥-', 


[Ch.  3] 

80.  A.F,   Jcott  i©a.rson,  'ihomas  G^jtwright  and  xJlxz  ape  than  itiritaiiismi 
lSoJ-luQ3     (uamb ridge,   1925),  pp.   28-3, 

81.  in  ^rothero,  p.   138, 

82.  Ibid.t  p.   199. 

83.  Pearson,  JJijtwriKhtj  p.   18. 

84.  In  '^onde  ?arte»  i,  85-6,     -^or  other  objeciior^  to  the  teim  see 
i,  117,   119,  181,   231,  234;  ii,  224. 

85.  oooper  preached  oa  27  June,     lliQ  "/aiswerif  is  in  utrype,  iinnala, 
ii(l),   286ff, 

86.  oee  Pollard,  History,  pp,  336-7, 

87.  iiegister,   2  liov.   1572, 

88.  iJ-len,  Political  •^hoiy.ht  in  16th  Century,  p.   173, 

89.  loia.,  p.  174, 

90.  llote  this  hopeful  tif filiation  mtn  the  persecuted  on  the  continent, 
•^he  dreana  of  ecumenic  ^JL  i-uritanism  have  not  been  sufficiently 
examined, 

91.  uf,  wooper'3  aUnission,  above, 

92.  iiiis  is  true,     The  rebels  did  not  realize,   or  did  iiot  wish  to, 
tho  full  iapliciitions  vf  their  program,  though  perhaps  the  more 
astute  tho  light  to  laake  a  bi-each  bet./een  the  queen  and  her  ministers. 

S3.     In  oQcoxKie  Parcje^  i,  34. 

94,  ^Jtrype,  liie  Life  cjad  ^^cts  of  John  '•^hitr.ift  (Oxford,   1822),   iii, 
Ci2— o, 

95,  ^ie  was  consGci'atod  Bishop  of  Chichester  in  1505. 

96,  i:8Ei8ter,   26  ^ipr.   1573. 

97,  In  "econde  Pa^e.   i,  97,  98. 
58.     I-IIBi  article  "ilioiiiaa  liiclley." 

99.  i^robabiy  the  >^ooond  ■^kli.-.Qnition. 

100.  -andys  to  Lurghley,  in  ^trype,  Miialai  whitiaft,  iii,  32. 

101.  -jee  -"rere,  p.   183. 

102.  i-joe  iiet^iater,   1572. 


¥fo 


[Gh.  3 J 

103.  In  Jtrype,   ..hitg:ift«   iii,  33. 

104.  oee  Register,  axite  25  iJov.   1583. 

105.  In  "^rype,  "naols.  ii(l)f  294-5. 

106.  -ie;_;i3ier,   Liept.   1581, 

lu7,  A  ucnnon  preachod  at  rauls  Crosse  (1579), 

108.  ii  i^Qrcton  froached  at  Paulea  Jrosae  (1587), 

109.  luid.,   aig.  ■^. 

110.  Laanrangiiam»  ^iarvt  pp.  104-5. 

111.  ihe  legislation  is  reviev/ed  in  i'rotiiero,  pp.jclvii-l;  tho  bes-c 
study  ol:  the  ^.ligut  of  ijnglish  Catholics  during  xhe  period  is 
A.O.  iiioyer,  lint^land  am  xhe  Catholic  ^nurch  under  Queen  -.lizabeth 
(London,    li;15;. 

112.  TgQ  benncna  Jr'reacned...  the  first  at  raulea  Crosse  (n.d.). 
.0.3,     A  veiy  iruiteful  ^ennon  (1579),  si^i.  ^5» 

114,     A  oormon  x-re....chea  ut  J-'av/les  Ci-osGe   (lb73),  p.  33. 
13o.      -n  ^"rothero,  p.  40. 

116 .     ii  >^ermon  preochfed  at  ^'aules  '.Jrosae..,   lb 78, 

IIY,     ^»e  i^'rancis  laarburyj  A  .j*srm.on  rreuohed  at  ^aules  Crease  (1602), 
sig.  it8v, 

118,  a  L>crQon  preached  -it  ^aules  Crosse  (15Y9),   sig,  M. 

119,  ijig.   L6,     x'or  the  dangers  apparent  in  osotland  and  Ireland  in 
1579  aoe  Polliird,  lUgtor/ .  pp.  345-6, 

120,  A  Sonaon  preached  at  f'aules  Crosae  (1580), 

121,  iiegister,  1503,     iuithony  laiiiday  ■was  another  of  these  spies.     See 
his  '4ie  SnKlish  i\oaayne  lyfe   (1582),   ^odloy  '♦eu.d  c^artos,   ed, 
G.B.  iku-riaon  (Louuon,   19;o5).     -.vidonco  has  recently  been  un- 
covered to  aiiow  tiiat  the  notorious  ^^taphen  Croason  also  ser'/ed 

for  a  tjjn©  in  thia  dubious  capacity,      ^ee       letter  in  ILS,  20  ^ept, 
1347. 

122,  Register,  i>oc.   1587,   21  Jan,   1588,     For  iyrrel  see  ^oyor,  pp, 
154-5  ^  iilBi  for  the  oljosu  of  some  others  of  tiiio  type  see 
i^rere,  p,  263, 

123,  I  have  for  Q;caEple  failed  to  find  ai^  significant  reference  to 
the  Arohpriest  coatroverajt. 


•/VT 


liotea  (22) 

[Ch.   3] 

124.  A  aennop  totichinr  ciiscrotion  j-n  maitorB  of  i^ligion  (1592), 
aig.  B7, 

125.  i-aniiiri{ihajn,  p.  88. 

126.  JI£,  G-irticle  "jJiomas  ".Tiito." 

Ld7,  A  Senaon  fTeached  at  ■'■'awlea  Croaao  (1578). 

128.  A  Soxmon  ?reachod  at  raulea  Grosae  (1589). 

129.  Cf,  Gravet,  A  bemon  -reached  at  Fauloa   -rooGS  (lb87)»  pp.  69-70, 

130.  DI®,  ai'ticle  "'ihoiiiaa  Holland," 

131.  ^».v/f|VTip'»D.  ./llzabe-thi.e   (l60l). 

132.  iies  Pollard,  Uistojx,  p.  347, 

133.  x'^gister,   /xig.  -  ^ct.  1579. 

134.  A  asnaon  preached  at  Faults  Groase  (1580),   sig.  D7» 

135.  ^grnonst  pp.  403-17.     'JSiis  sermon  should  properly  be  jtincluded 
cinoiiti  the  aiiti- :jpajij.sia  seanaona,  "out  for  obvious  reasoiis  it  is 
introduced  here. 

136.  In  tteyer,  p.  276, 

137.  lyxd..  pp.  228-9. 

138.  ior  a  sum..iaiy  of  the  campaign  see  Pollard,  history,  p.  430. 

139.  .v/o  ^fci-aona  preached,  the  one  at  ^aulea  Crosse  (1581),  sigs. 

D4v-iJ5. 

2A0»  ~do   .agister  for  those  sermons. 

141.  -ua  i^yer,  p.  224, 

142.  iDid. ,  p,   314. 

143.  i^  ^errjon  •.  i-eached  at  i  c-ules  Crosse   (1582). 

144.  ■'cr  a  brief  account  of  these  enterprises  sue  Pollard,   -iistorY. 
pp.  410-1. 

145.  'Dim,  article  "iiogor  i^ket." 

146.  Jie  refereiTce  irj  probably  to  x'hilip's  league  with  the  Guises  in 
1584.     iiee  Poliard,  pp.  388-9. 

147.  ^'or  these  events  aee  Pollard,  p.  409. 


Vy^S 


110X63    \,iiiij 

[Cu.   3] 

143.     The  Trumpet  of  '"arro...   1598 « 

149.  o©e  i^ap^en,  p.  255,   tmd  '^riiidal'a  fcaaous  letter  to  lilizabetn. 
*here  i3  .-  ailcily  noiitil©  judgment  of  the  propheayiiigs  in 
ifrere,  pp.   193-4. 

150.  l'i?o  ■Jermonst  p.   16. 

151.  ^ee  til©  --piotlo  i^eciicatory  to  *^ady  AniJ©  -i^acon,  to  his  "o/xaon 
rro--!.chod  at  ruuls  ^rosse...  1573 1   si^;.  iiSv. 

152.  Aiie  aain  oDjoction  of  the  I'uritans,     oee  Howson,   1598,  below. 

153.  uor.-antsaK.  Cfl. 

154.  -<>.  veiy  fruitelul  ^enaon  (1579),   sig.  I37. 

155.  .valton,   Life  of  iiooker,   in  ^ompleat  Walton,  p.   341. 

156.  Uh.  xllx.     ^ee  'ie^ister,   1581, 

157.  Ooaple^.t  .Jalton»  p.  343. 

158.  A  ben^on  preached  at  ^aulea  Grosae   (1597). 

159.  Ija  imperfect  aua^^ary  of  the  aonaon,  based  on  "hicgift's  or  others' 
notes,  appears  in  "hitgift'u  .Jorkg,  iii,  586-96. 

160.  A  looi^holo  here,  of  course,  for  those  who  soi^ght  one.     i-lio  is  to 

detein-ino  what  is  the  word  of  God  in  any  contest  of  obedience 2 
"laitgift  'tfould  say  the  bishops  j  a  r'uritan  revolutionary  his  own 
juat^nsnt  upon  the  text. 

161.  ^i.  Jeraon  precicued  at  Paulas  <^ro33e  (1584). 

162.  Hegister,  1584;  Frero,  p.  ;.03. 

163.  ihis  sumroary  is  baaed  on  i'rere,  pp.  248-9. 

164.  -'agister,    1584. 

165.  A  .^enaon  -treached  at  i'aules  Jroose  (1587),  p.  55. 

166.  ^ee  -iliiajn  Pierce,  ^^  lIa.atorical  Introduction  to  the  -^^prelate 
•^'racts  (London,   1908), 

167.  --  K^emon  ireixched  at  rcules  Crosse  (1588). 

168.  ioatt.   18.17. 

169.  •^his  is  tht.  lira:,   of  -Bancroft 'a  quite  moderut©  observations 
upon  the  apostolic   :3uccession. 

170.  --©e  above^^vvi. 


¥•/«? 


Notes  (24) 
LvTn.  3] 

171.  ^or  his  laaterial  on  -"oottish  Presbyterians,  Bancroft  uood  a 
treatise  of  .^bei-t  Browne  and  a  -^eclLiration  by  James  VI.     Ho  was 
answered  by  John  Jc:,vidson,   D9ctor  Ikuicrofts  .':^lahenos3e  in  rail" 
inta.-.ainst  the  Wiurch  of   ^ootlanq  (1:390),     .Jee  ieiiraon,  iL;£t- 
wrif.Ut,  pp.  340-2. 

172.  irere,  p.  276;  Knappen,  p.  2S8j   otrype,    -nitnift.  i,  559ff. 

173.  ;a.len,  .olitical  'Aoucht  in  ^oth  Century,  p.   IBl. 

174.  DW»   ...rticlo  "..illiasi  Jafflcs." 

175.  it.  .jenaon  f  reached  at  x'aulos  ^^rosae  (1590). 

176.  --ee  iiecister,  9  i-ov.  1j89. 

177.  i^id  he  refer  to  Mii-tin  or  to  C artier ight?     ourely  the  former?   if  so, 
did  ne  know,  or  merely  suspect,  that  the  tracts  were  v/ritten  oy 
one  inan? 

178.  ior  the  history  of  relations  with  the  Puritans  in  tla©   '90's  see 
i'rere,  oh,  xvi. 

179.  A  ^enaoa  ^reached  at  Paules  Groose   (1589). 

160.     Tna  phrase  is  i«i.she'a  comiiient  upon  the  sermons  against  i-arprelate, 
in  Works.  i»  109. 

181.  including,  no  doubt,  llasho  and  Lyly  on  the  side  of  the  prelates. 

182.  A  w>eraon  Proochod  at  ^aules  Groaso...  1590.  p.  43. 
103.     A  ^eroon  Pro^-ched  at  Pauls  Grosee  (1594),   sig.  G7. 

184.  A  atinaon  IJeeafull  ■iL9r  these  tiuoa  (1591),   aig.  Al,     'I'lie  exhort- 
ation is  repealed  in  almost  identical  teras  by  A,.V,,  A  j'ruitofull 

und  uoul,7  '-'orinon...   1592.   sig,  i^l, 

185.  A  oermon  teaching,  diacretion  (1592),   sig.  B8t. 

186.  Prere,  pp.   i;81-2. 

137,     Per  a  auijuaary  of  these  proceedings  see  Folia. rd,  niatorv.  pp.  462-3, 

188.  -he  Grie  of  -^n.-li^nd   (1595),  p.  74. 

189 .  xho   xTumpot  of   ■•arre...   1598 . 

190.  ^ee  ilegister,  i-oy-June  1596  [a  conjecturtil  date],  and  Tyurapet  of 
..arrei   sig.  G4. 

191.  S((-    ^f-iovu.     j..  X3« 

192,  Ph©  whole  question  of  sacrilege  \7ill  be  dealt  with  belov/,  ch.  6. 


is-o 


[Ch.  3] 

193,  DIS,  article   "Hiomas  Hffvvaon." 

194,  A  oecona  ^ox-luqii  ^reiicned  at  laulea  Oroaao  (lt>98), 

195,  j-j:Ttfiff"'^'^tiQa  ox  the  .iuntert   in  i-omppeu,  p.  6G, 
lyo,  .L-ix,   Ai'jjoo  a£  the   ^Itux-gy*  p.  312. 

197.  oee  aoove,  ch,  2. 

198.  .register,   15  toay  1575. 
Iy9,  iiegister,   12  June  1575. 

200.  Buckley,  p.  48. 

201,  .oi  -uXCQlient  iixid  godly  ssriaoa. ♦»  1573t   aig.  05, 
;302,  ..  >vernon  aroached  at  Faules  Groase   (1579),   sig.   16. 

203.  'i'uis  aumaiary  foliows  ^rere,  pp.  257-65. 

204.  It  will  be  not  ad  that  ^aiTO-j^  and  Greenwood  wore  not  ia©ntionod| 
thio  siay  have  been  Dooauae  the  goveraiaont  had  not  decided  to 
indict  then  for  seditioui  libel. 

205.  A  >jenaon  toachit^K  discretion,   aig.  Civ. 

206.  A  Jj'ruitfull  and  oocilY  ^on;ton«   sig,  D7v, 
2©7,     i'^gister,  27  Oct,  1577. 

208.  See  above,  ^.vv«. 

209.  A  Jjenion  Jreached  >~t  faulos  wrosse  (lo02)t  sig.  iJ4« 

210.  In  Wmri.ugham,  p,  71:  I'tCiis  «-.;«-*• 

211.  iias  deisia-lor  its  equivclents  ~  Doforo  ^^rbert  of  ^-horbury  been 
explored? 

212.  In  ^cclooiastical  rolity.  v,  2. 

213.  Of,  wachiavelli,  xJisoauraea.   i,   11-14. 

214.  Ghriats  Tparea  over  ♦^erusalemi   in  uorka*  ii»   121. 

215.  ■cor  these  references  see  Buckley,  pp.  65-77. 

216.  A  beixion  proaohad  at  *aulos  v^rosse  (1584),   eig,  F4v. 

217.  ^uckley,  p.  49. 


f  n 


Kotos    ^iiD; 

210,     i''uller-I>ro-;/Qr,  v,   3G-9, 

iil9,     lie©  "A  note  containing  the  opinion  of  on  ohristdpher  u^rl^f 
concerning  his  damnable  jutiyuont  of  religion  and  scoi-n  of 
Gocta  word,"     In  'ilioraaa  l.yd,   ..orka*  ed.  x  .0,  Boas  (Oxford, 
1901),  pp.  oxiv-cxvi, 

220.  llae   u.ie  of  -in^la.nd  (1595),  p.  36. 

221.  .^  .i^ergon  preached  at  x-auls  Groase...  1594»   sig.  iv4, 

222.  i>©o  til©  depositions  of  .vitneasos  before  the  JOLsnission  at 
Ueme  ^icoaa,  21  '-ar.   1594,   in  .dllobi©  his  Avisa^^  ed.  ^.B, 
iiarrison  \. London,  i^ouley  '^oad  si'^^os*   r^'26>,  app.  Ili. 

223.  jig.  A4;  italic a  mine. 

2;i4,     'jaie   ^rvaapet  of  ./arre,   sig.  i:il.     ^-cuaidngham  (p.  142)  uses  the 
phrase  "the  daimed  creT/"  of  u  compajqr  of  vowed  aurderoosx  in 
itostcrdam.     ihcre  voti  such  a  cociijuay  of  profligates  in  London 
under  the  leadership  of  oir  Edmund  Eaynhan,  ■aho  was  iator  inr 
volved  in  the  <JTinpov/der   ^reason. 

225.  ^ee  above. 

226.  in  G.B,  Harrison,   ihe  Liio  and  Jei-:i;h  or  -x)bert  ^evareux  .^arl 
oi  -.jae:^  (iiew  York,   1937),  p.  347. 

227.  iie©  i^giater,  i^ov.  -  jJec.  1592. 

228.  oee  riegist&r,  6  Feb.   1601. 

229.  liLxrison,  ^ssex,  p.  2^4. 

230.  H.G,  b'aher,  ihe  .Misconstruction  of  the  ^rigli^h  ^hurch  (New  York  & 
Loudon,   1910),  i,  129n. 

231.  Luncroft  to  Cecil,  in  "--alisbury  iapers,  xi,  55-6. 

232.  ihese  would  be  niritan  preachers  who  had  preached  for  him  before 
tiie  rooeilion.  ^ee  iiarrison,  -^asex.  p.  277.  It  is  to  be  wished 
that  w©  possessed  detailed  notices  of  aomo  of  thes©  sorracna. 

233.  irom  a  lettor  oy  Vincent  Hussey  in  GSiPD  ^illiz.,  278,  no.  94, 
quoted  in  Herr,  p.  52. 

234.  lusher,  i,   123n. 

235.  ooe  iiarrison,    jisaex.  pp.  ..94-5. 

236.  In  Herr,  p,   52. 

237.  iiorrison,  -^.jsexi  p.  ;i91.     ih©  bag  cout:iiaed  a  letter  from  ^aaes 
of  vicotland.      *.ir.t  else? 


Vj-t. 


liotes  (27) 

[Cih.  3] 

2o8.  iiiirrison,  ^jnox*   p.  350. 

239.  Sue  was  by  no  means  in  a  fright,     ^^ee  Harrison,  p.  288. 

240.  J-n  iierr,  p.   53. 

ii-il,     x>  ^ur-oii  ^J-iriiuch(^d  at  -taulQa  Groaao  (1601). 

242.  i>ee  i^gister*  8  /iug.  Ib96. 

243.  /rom  whom?     »^©rtainly  not  the  queen. 

244.  H.«  Doleitian  [Paroons],  A  Conference  a'DQut  the  next  ^uccossioa  of  the 
Groyne  of  ^n^land  (1594).  iOr  uoEtctiporc-jry  reactions  to  this  work, 
see  '-'Oyer*  pp.  383-7. 

245.  Barloiy  doubtless  apok©  in  hia  church,   3t.  i>un3tcai*s-i»-the-v.'6st, 
to  which  h©  had  been  presented  by  "hitgift. 

246.  l^te  this  reference  to  ;^ch:.rd  II. 

CHAPTi^a  IV 

1.  in  J.R.  i'aniisr,  Gonatitutior-ttl  j^ocusients  of  the  itejgn  of  James  I. 
A,Um   1G03-I325i  v.dth  an  hi3..orical  aora  Qiraarv   (Gtoijbridge,   I'SoO), 
p.  4. 

2.  In  banner,  p.  23. 

3.  -ee  i'rere,  p.  288. 

4.  Tanner,  p.  83* 

5.  l;ie  ■-■erEion  i  rcjac'ued  at  raulea  Jros^^e   (160G), 

6.  iUjTelation  12.4. 

7.  Barlow  v/as  givon  to  "deaccntine  upon  the  word." 
o.     iliis  tfu^  the  chief  fear. 

d.     liote  the  aietupnor  of  ■Hrvia.tk.Ji. 

10.  The  ^ov;ry  conapir.'^y,  5  -Oi^.   1600.     Ihere  is  a  bir.ged  but  circuir- 
atanti-iJ.  accouixt  of  it  in  H.xi,  wiliiaaiaon,   .Cjar,  Jaiaes  I  (London, 
1935),  ch.  vli.      iiie  occcaion  was  colebratod  as  an  anriiversary  of 
thaaoksgiving  by  Jac;obean  precohers. 

11.  For  a  full  description  of  this  passage,  see  oelow. 

12.  3  &  4  Jao.   X,  0.  4  <i  5.     fexts  in  Ttmner,  pp.  86-104. 


f'f3 


Kotos  ^2Sj> 

L^h,  4] 

13,  Dig,  £.-.rticle   "rochard  otock." 

14,  A  oerKion  i-reached  ut  ru-uloa  Croo39   (1603), 

la.     In  -.it.  Jordan,   xiie  i>i3vulQi-.;aent  of  rie3^ii^ioua  Toleration  in 
^qi,lu;)d  (1S03-1640)      (Gainbridge,  i>iass*,   1936),  p.  82. 

16.  xpid.«  p.   33, 

17.  in  Tanner,  pp.  77-8, 

13.     416  uallg.nt'3  I^urden,   in  I'h.e  -orks  of  giosiu?  Ada^-a  (iiidinburfjh, 
18Gl-i),   i,   30S-5, 

19.  ^n<:landa  Jecond  .juaiaoag,  pp,  187-90, 

20.  Ty/o  3er;aons  (1617),  pp.  45-7, 

21.  'iho  i^atterne  of  an  Invincible  FcJLth,   aig.  Bl. 

£2,     A  uouatar-i^lea,  to  an  .i^postutaes  i^ardon  (1619),   sig.  G4v. 

23,  iLUstia  vj'arren,   vq,chL-^-rd  Graahaw,  a  otudv  in  Baroque  w.ej.?|Sib^3,ity 
(Louisiana  Univ.  tro^u,  1939),  p,  19, 

24,  Id id, 

25,  ihe  Kjortaon  aroached  at  the  Uroase   t>1608), 

26,  r.  345. 

27,  .-ee  Register,  undated  aeiiaons,  teinp.  Omry* 

28,  r'hur&.aLii.sm  and  Ghristianitv,  in  Aie   ..orks  of  Josoph  iia3,l«  ed. 
*'ailip    -yirwor  (:^xiord,   1853),  v,   soraon  1, 

29,  Of.  The  Tale  of  a.  x'ub. 

30,  In  iMQ  ^^un^ns   vl615). 

31»  A  oenaon  ^roc^hed  at  raules  Grooi^e   (1609),   sig,  ^2. 

32,  it.  -jerr-ion  ^'reached  at  ^'aules  Crosse  (lo05),   sig,  Ji.v, 

33,  ihis  ia  u  very  important  metaphor;  sue  below,  oh,  vii, 

34,  ..orks.  i,  309. 

35,  ior  thia  view,   or  pijrt  of  it,   aee  Jordan,  p,  18. 

36,  jjiQ  uer^.on  ^ro  -chod  at  *  aulas  Grosoe  (1606),   sig.  iiiSv. 

37,  A  -eriaon  ^reachod  at  laulea  Grosae   (1609),   sig,  04. 


vyv 


Notes   (20) 
[Ch.  4] 

38.  A  oomiter-Plea»   sig.  C3v, 

39,  -Wo  oeraons   (1619),   sig.  Dlv. 
40*     "^ee  'M-igister  under  these  dates* 

41.  'Agistor,  25  '"ay  1606. 

42.  i'rero,  p.  332. 

43.  Doiiglus  --ush,  ^BKlish  Lltorature  in  tho  ej.u:-i.ier  "eventeenth  Cen- 
tury*  1600- 1660   (Oxford,    1S45;,   p.   320. 

44.  For  thijso  viev/s  soe  Jordan,  pp.   36-8. 

45.  .-  ■juraon  rrsujhed  ct  laulas  Oroijse   (1609),   sigs.  Dl,  Dliv,  aJ4v,   ^5i 

46.  -in.  .lii-ada  Second  ->u...iaons   (1613). 

47.  iee  *Ver©,  pp.  384-5,  and  Bush,  p.  320.  Fuller  said  that  the 
Archuishop  'syas  the  first  to  uso  the  term  "Puritan"  as  opposed  to 

"Anainitm." 

43.     JJie  l'atx-;rae  of  on  -Urviiiciule  ^aithi   sig.  D3v. 

49.  See  :^ecoirt  in  ..orks  of  Thoaag  Ada2na»  iii. 

50.  Bg.lr.\  froa  Gileaci  to  .Lecover  uoUvioience.   in  ^.orks  of  Adams,   iii, 
105,   111. 

51.  Hie  :./eepter  of  -dghteo-sness  (13&),   sig.  ^. 

52.  J?or  a  review  of  "^alea*  theological  opinions  and  his  reltition 
to  Ohillingworth,   see  John  Hunt,   -jelii\,io"^3  '4iout:ht  in  ...nrJand 
fr;oCi  the  i^roi-mc-tion  to  the  -^nd  of  Last  Joirfcur^'-   (London,   18Y0), 
i,   36'J-75. 

53.  *n  Golden  iiauains   (1673),  pp.  24-55.     ihe  sonaon  is  undt'-tedj 
it  was  probably  prauched  afxor  the  ^ynod  of  -ojrt,   1519. 

54.  i:  Jenaon  inruached  at  raules  Crosse  (1609),   sig.  Olv. 

55.  .orkst  i,   302. 

56.  ilioiaas  -utton,  -.rtf-.landG  ■J'xrjx  and  'Jecoiid  •:>ur:ii-.ion8   (1616).  pp.  30, 
b>6. 

57.  Ihe  plague  in  1603-04. 

58.  'ihooas  i^iams,   "Orks.   i,  133. 

59.  ..illiaia  "orship,   Xlie  ratterne.   Ljig.  D4. 


¥rs" 


60,     iTuncia  white,  j^ndons  V/aniinj-:»   sig.  Gl, 

Gl,     John  Hoai.-lng,  A  -.ermou  pre  .iied  nt  raulea  ^^roasQ,   in  Oermona  (1515), 
p.  63* 

62.  'ihe  beraon  a.t  Faules  '•irosBO   (16U6),   sig.  ^2v. 

63.  An  Holy  .'tme;-;yrici   in  rtOrks,  v,   106-12. 

64.  G.B.  iiarrison,  A  Jacobean  Journal  (London,  1941),  pp.  218-9. 

65.  In  ..orks,   ed,  iJj:o--d,  vi,   139.     'Aie  \iholQ  passage  is  aDOiaiiJi.i.bly 
.,unctuc-ted. 

66.  oig.  iJlv.     '^/ompare  this  whole  passage  \.'ith  Taj'-ior's  sermon  at  the 
funeral  of  the  Oountesa  of  Garbury. 

67.  The  sernon  on  Z4  '-Kirch  1016,  in  "orks,  vi,   131. 

68.  TtJO  'Jermono  (1615),   sigs.  C4v,  Dl,   Jiv. 

69.  See  Tanner,  pp.  6,   13. 

70.  »Jee  ibid.,  p.  9. 

71.  Ibid.,  pp.   15,   16, 

73.     H  Jenaon  at  raulea  o^rosao  (1620),   sig.  I'li  "I  am  girt  and  tied  to  a 
scripture  by  hia," 

CHAPTiiR  V 

1.  oee  above,  ch.   2. 

2a.  £Ar:.<£ii&.-SSM  F.J.  J^'uiTaivall,   in  liew    .haksporo  ■society  Publications, 
ser.  0,  nos.  7-9,   "^oretalk  to  iiarrisiiui" 

2.  roi'  the  houss.^  see  ch.  1. 

3.  ii*K.  uar diner,  flistory  of  ^-rtf^land  froi^:  tiie  acccaaion  of  Ja/aes  I. 
to  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  ..gr.   1603-1642     (London,   1883-7), 
vii,   k,45ff. 

4.  rozd..  iii,   341. 

5.  ihio  auiamary  ia  based  on  Gardiner '3  account  of  the  whole  affair, 
in  Idatory.  vols,  iii-iv. 


Yi-t 


liotes  (30) 
[Gh.  5] 

5a.     I'll©  intoiisity  of  anti/opanisn  aou  anii-pripxat  feQlin£-,  in  iiiig- 
1  jad  c*   l(i''iO'Z~  IS  siiowTw  by  the  poiaphlet  I'oia  'i.'ell"Troatli«  a 
surreptitiously  pristted  docuiaent  of  considerable  historical 
vtilue.     ceo  .. .K,  jAiiiiiiau  ci  ^,  rargollia,  eds.,  Co:::plaiat  and 
r.eronn  in  ^iii'.lana   (New  York,   1938),  pp.  481i'f. 

6«  itegiotor,  Dec,  16«J0» 

7.  ^ee  J"^gi3t9r,   11  Jon.  ISIS. 

3»  -agister,  25  ^'eb.  1521. 

9.  '--eo  Dl-iPi   article  "Joian  -^verord." 

10.  i-anner,  p.  274. 

11.  ihis  is  ay  interpretation  of  thuse  events,     professor  Trevor- 
lioper  seems  to  overlook  tnis  evidence.     Hee  his  AyHshvigliop  Xjoud 
(london,   194-0),  eapccially  cnaps.  1-3. 

1^«  -DI^,  article  ".iiciiard  -^neldon." 

13.  A  :>erinon  Preached  at  J-'aulao  vrooae   (1625),   paasJUp. 

14.  itQgister,   ;i5  -^^i^*   1622, 

15.  In  iianuer,  pp.  81-2, 

16.  xn  Jordan,  p.  100.     ■^'or  further  evidence  of  popular  anger  sea 

Vox  Jooli.   quot&d  in  H.C,  Bald,  ed.,  A  Qqx^g  at  '^hui.eq-,  p.  149. 

17.  In  Jordcja,  p.  iUl. 

18.  >jee  -•ttijister,  15  ^opt.  1622.     ilie  text  of  the  senaon  is  in  "orksi 
vi,  19 Iff. 

19.  LaJvX  >>Qriaonsi   77. 

19a.  Jsaaea  was  not  acquainted  with  OTiorles*  project  of  a  roiaantio 
Journey  to  iipain  until  tho  end  of  1622,  if  tlien,     oee  Gardir^r, 
V,  1-2. 

20.  -te^ister,  U3  Feb.  1623, 

21.  ii;eEister,   30  ^-^eir.  1623. 

22.  Register,   24  %up.  1623, 

23.  -iv  Jaraon  rreucUed  at  ^'auJ^s  Grosse   (1621). 

24.  rlii3t9ryi  v,   143,     'iho  best  pious  account  is  in  * ullei^-Brower, 
V,   539ff, 


v-*'7 


i'40X9B     \OXJ 

|.Gh.  5 J 

25.  i^orka ,  ii,   165-85. 

;26.  By  coniiaeatal  dating  it  waa  5  Hovember. 

27,  ^arka,   ii,   185. 

Z8,  iDid.,  ii,   284-309. 

29.  jee  i^^ogistox',  16;i3« 

30.  oee  Grosciri's  Di£  article  "Bioiaas  Mssaa," 

31.  Hunt,   i,   152. 

32.  ioid..  i,   143. 

33.  Of.  inline* 8  aoalofiy,  below, 

34.  Sen-'ions  on  this  thSEje  are  v/iih  tv/o  exceptions  trsated  clirono logically. 
Jiiis  makes  unavoidable  a  certain  amount  of  repetition,  but  the  fact 
of  repetition  is  in  itjelf  mosrt  significant. 

35.  A  oerr-on  (1621),   sig.  ^1. 

36.  In  uork8»  v,   171. 

37.  IVianer,  p.  373. 

3S.  -Ot-ister,  23  June  1622, 

39.  iec  Delow^  CU-U>. 

40.  "lorks.  V,   219, 

41.  ii.  oeriaon  (Ib^il),  sig,  B2, 

42.  ,13io  aliitc  '^olfe   (1627),   sigs.  F3ff,     A  nore  exteiided  ajod  notorious 
ctit-J-ogue  of  this  kind  ia  i^phraim  ^agitt's  nsreaio;a-t-^ijhy  (1645). 
iu-tjitt  iiisntioiia  "iletxieringtonians,  -mio  hold  a  hodce-podtje  of  nvusiy 
heresies,  troubling  our  brains."     ^ee  oociplainl^  ih  ■•^fona,  pp.  622ff, 

43.  iliia  la  pure  ualvinj   see  Inatitutea  of  the  Ghriatian    JeliKion?  trans, 
iienry  Beveridge   (^dinburgh,    1845),   I,  vi-viii. 

44.  Institutes,   IV,  xx,  30,  31. 

45.  Ohaoberlain,  i^ettera,  ii,  434, 

46.  Trevor- -oper,   ■^mdi  p.   154, 

47.  .haiibiii-laiu,   Lqttjrai   ii,  439;  /iPC,  xxxviii,  234j   ''alter  Yongo, 
Dii'.ry  (Caiaden  -'Oc,   134G),  pp.  61- kl. 


'^fS 


J40t©3    (32) 

[Ch.  5] 

48.  ClieBsberlain)  ii»  439. 

49.  ./orkg.  ed.  WHiicua  Jaoobaon  (Oxford,   1854),  vl,  370-1. 
jO.  In  ibid.,   iii,  145-211. 

51.  ijee  Xnstitu\;ej«   Hi,  xix,   1-14. 

52.  IV,  xli,   1. 

52&«  P.   170 5   italics  mine, 

53.  Jjasaitutea,   HI,  xlx,  13. 

54.  works 1  iii,  272.     ianong  works  attacking  the  ecclesiastical  dis- 
cipline published  since  '^aaderson' a  first  -jortaon  may  b6  aeutioned 
trymid^ci  Lrioi  -'urvov  of  Cosjn'c  Dero%\9p;^  (162S)  and  'ijeme  '-•il^^ 
0x3  lkiltirj^:s  (1631);   Loigliton'u  .40^:*  3  riot;  a^-ainjt  Tipclacv  (1C28). 
'■'■iiero  VW.0    iich  tjvir  in  1631  ovor  -Wiud'fa  consoc ration  of  ^^t. 
Catherine  Croe-'^hurchj  see  liardiner,  vii,  242-5. 

55.  Ibid.,  vi,  370. 

56.  ill©  soriaon  is  in  ibid.,  iii,  270-325. 

57.  Cf.  Institutes ,   III,  xix,  2. 

57a.  j^iliaoat  all  of  the  tiioup  of  preachers  whoso  opinJ-ons  are  here  re- 
viewed died  before  the  ^.cbol-ion  in  ohe  obscurity  ox  their  rural 
cures,  ojid  hence  it  is  iispossible  to  determine  v/ht'.t  course  they 
would  have  taken  during  and  aiter  the  r-i^usbyterian  dominance. 
0£  those  who  survived,  Bouime  and  iJonison  seem  to  have  remained 
popular  preixchors  during  all  or  p^ri  of  the  interretinua,  hMsm 
33ay  hcve  been  se.iuoatoi'ed,  and  ^r.nderson  eaciped  persecution  by 
a  polito  fiction  in  the  use  of  the  ^'rayer  Book,     ^vll  those  prea.i;her3 
except  brjnuel  \iv.rd  end  John  v^Verord  agotped  Laud's  discipline, 
either  by  death  or  quiet  conforaity.     uy  poinrt  is  tljat  the 
clerariaen  of  opinions  similar  to  ^^anderijon's,  who  died  betwoen 
c.   1625-1635,   v/oro  succeeded  in  positions  of  iaportanco  in  the 
church  oy  -Miud's  ai^^^ointees,  men  like  iibthorpe  and  Boujjhen,  ■who 
were  sequestered  as  "malignant"  by  the  x'resbyterians. 

58.  ^eo  viiOYOm 

59.  -orks.  v,   175. 

60.  rpid.t  V,   177. 

61.  Ibid. .  V,   327. 

62.  In  T«ro_ii£rs2S3   (1635). 

63.  In  Gr_rdinv-r,  vii,   21-2. 


Yff 


liotoB  (33) 

[Ch.  5] 

64.  inference  to  In  ^pisi.  Joh.  4.1  Koi.)- .oiTbarii  I. 

55.  2  i'Qter  1.  20. 

66,  Inatitutas*  IV»  ix,  13. 

57.  A  reference  to  the  irregular  stipends  of  the  Puritan  Isoturora. 
''©©  irevor-Iiioper,  lead,  p.  106. 

68.  In  uorksCOaford.  1850),  i,  185-212. 

69.  In  •j'ardiuor,  vii,  142. 

70.  In  -'enaoa:)^  i, Oxford,  1848),  ii,  «13-44. 


^i>o 


Notes  CJ"-/) 
CIlAi-TSR  VI 

1.  4iis  ixTtrcductoiy  survey  is  based  on  the  follov;iiii^  sources  EJ^d 
i-uthorities:     U.i^,   oheoney,   "2tie  'iVtinsforenGO  of  -mnds  in  iiog- 
land,   1640-1660,"     liiiS  Trans..  4th  series,  xv,   ITSZ,   lBl-210; 
d,  F.  *-iheyn9y,    "Jocial  ^haii^es  in  -jingland  in  the  u>ixteenth 
Centuri''  o.s  rei'lected  in  "Jonteiaporary  L^toraturo,     ft,   I.   ^iural 
'^hu-Hges,"     U.  of  ren-.zi.  oeries  in  xliilolQr.y.   Idteraturo  and 
■:.rchaQolorcy»   iv,  no.  2,   1895;     >JOj.frey  Liavios,   '4ie  ^c^i'ly  utuax-ts 
(vyxi'ord,   1S37;;  Jjjuaes  iriarriagton,   Oceana,   od.   o.^-.   j-iiljogren 
(Heidelberg,   1924)  j  Cii;.  Hudson  &.  Li.B,   lieckitt,   llie  vhuroh  and 
'^he  .iOrldi  Vol.   II«    ■'■he  Fouiidations  of  the  ^.odorv.  "Orld  (liondon, 
1940/;     ij.O.   r^it,ht3,  Jrciiaa  and  society  ir,  the  ^^'.c  of  tJonaou 
(London,   1937) j     R.H,  Ta.v/ney,  asliraon  and  the  -^ise  of  Oapitglista 

(Lojidon,   1943)}  G.iu,  Travelyan,  r^nj-.lish  social  Uiatory   (London, 
1942^ J   --..G,   Uahor,    A-conatruction  oi   the  ■jri.;;lish  ^>i.urvh;     uclen 
0,   ishite,   >^ociRl  Jritici.aa;    i'noaaa  uilaon,   Iho  Ltato  of  Ln;;land 
Anno.   ^on.   1600,   Oamdeu  Liscellai^  xvi  (1936), 

2.  oiaiderson,   Works «  iii,  297. 

3.  Ecclesiastical  Folit'/i  v,   79. 

4.  By  i'rovor-^oper,   Laud,   especially  pp.   10-2,   156-7,  and  Laud' a 
letter  to  Lord  -'cudaznore  upon  alienation  of  eccle-jiastical 
property,  pp.  450-3  (a  iriost  illunixnnting  docunent). 

5.  jermon  oefore  tho  King,  19  June  1621,  in  Tawiajji,  -a3li?.:ion.  p.  140, 

6.  iaornops  (-verynan  ed,),  pp.  60-1. 

7.  A  oermon  rroachou  at  i'auls  ^roaaq   (1530 j,    aig.  F2v« 
S«     ^Vo  s^errgons  (161b),  p.  36. 

9.  A  Zor^on  rrousheJ  at  raulea  Orossa  (1509),   sig.  G4, 

10.  '.uhQiaa.8  Holland,  in  «annir;;5haE,  p.  141.     '-i-h©  some  doctrine  was 
preached  at  the  Gross  in  1338  by  Ihomas  Wii.ibledon;  see  O-^vat, 
Littaruturo  and  rulpit.  pp.  550^1. 

11.  ocjadye,   >>cr.^K>no«  p.   354. 

12.  .jouuol  .i-rdt  ^iiha  froia  C-jlQad.   in  Adaaa,  Work  a,   iii,   112. 
^»   ^oxxions*   od.  --rbor,  p.  27. 

14.  -i-cid. 

15.  Jimoa  Bisso,    l>ao  uenaona   (1531),   sig.  D6, 
15.  Holland,  in  LianranghEun,  p.  141. 

17.  i>orjie,    ..orka,  v,   241. 

18.  In  i^oiappen,  p.  413. 


Vc/ 


Notes  (^iO 

LCh.  6] 

19,  in  '^illioia  iiallei-,   'ilio  lUse  of  i:'urituaj.a£i  {llevr  York,   1938),  p.   125, 

fiO,  i-ue   xruiai3e"t  of  ^tcxrot  aig.  G3. 

21.  In  -sKiaias,    -lOrks*   iii»   100. 

22.  V<ork8,   ii(  250. 

23.  TVi-o  oenaonst   aig.  I>6  and  pussija.     Oi'.    -'aoiutis  ;<hite,   Stockv/ood, 
et.  al. 

24.  A  lisnaon  a;:as>ntt  oa jresaion  and  frauduloqt  Decliiip:  (1C15),  sig.  33. 

25.  -Jig.  i^v,   ciad  p^;.a^iro. 

26.  versions «  pp.  58-9. 

27.  'niOEiaa  ^idoas's  raethod  moat  nearly  ap^jrouchea  formal  satire;  see 
The  -.hito  J'iivili  in  -jprkQ *  ii. 

23,     A  favorite  point  of  attack  upon  theatres j  seo  doIcw. 

i 

29.  Paul  3  Vilalk. 

30.  iiaskg,  ii,   1C2, 

31.  Hie  Orie  of  .unF.l:--ndt  p.  62. 

32.  A  Godly  ^enaoai   sig.  Bav. 

33.  wQi-ka,  V,  43-4, 

34.  V.'orks .   ii,  232, 
Sc).  -u/id.  1  ii,  132  • 

36.  jja.e  Urie  of  ^ni'lajid.  pp.  65-67. 

37.  luid.,  p.  63.      ■^his  w  a  in  lb93i  the  utatuto  of  .^.rtificers  of 
1563  v.'-.3  indiflorontly  oxacuted. 

38.  For  ijrisoiiei-ij  outside  the  circle  of  ^lu-iaoondoa,   aoe  ch.  1. 

39.  orie  of  -.nf-;landi  pp.  72-3. 

40.  i^lif:ion,  pp.  251ff. 

41.  In  ibid.t  p.   2S2. 

42.  T'v/Q  ■jora.on^t   oig.   B5. 

43.  Ibid.,   aic.  B6. 

44.  5eraons,  pp.  336-7. 


y^t- 


Hot 63    (?6j 

[Gil.  6 J 

45.  ititij'aer,   .jgiiaonsi  ^j.   o-G. 

46.  In  White,   -^ocial  ^r-.,xcLaa.,  pp.  6-7. 

47.  >?£ir2iioa3»  p.  i36. 

48.  ..  ooruan  ^'rcachod  at  •^'tvales  Crosse  (1589),   D±i^,  Fl. 

49.  in  Thoiaaa  V/ilson,  A  I'lscourse  upon  ^cury»  ed.  iti,H»  Tmnaay 
(London,   1925),  p.   14. 

50.  ..Jidrewes,    -orksa  v,   7. 

51.  beo  flogiater,   1586  (^  15 IC. 

52.  A.W, ,  A  Fruiti'ull  and  Godly  ■--enaon.  si^is.  C3-C6, 

52.  Goor^e  Senoon,  il  ':'en::on  ^reached  at  ^'auloa  ^rosaa  (1609),   sig.  B4, 

54.  ilioaas  button,  -Qn^ilaDds  -ifinona  (1616),  p.  88. 

55.  Ibid.i  pp.   152,   187, 

55.  John  iioakiuBf   '■j.yjq   ^on-ions   (1515),  p.  40» 

57.  -^ee  l^e  ac  uxi.  bo  nott  v/rothe.  in  '^heyaey,  jjp.  44-5. 

58.  32  ^ien.  VIII,  c.   1. 

52.  la  Gaeynoy,  p.  53. 

6C.  In  ii.Ii.  "iiiwHoy,  ^,A»  ^%Md  &  ?,A.  firown,  ^nj^-.lish  -.conoaic  iliatox^/i 
^eloct  -^ociit-enia   (London,   1920),  pp.  251-4. 

61.  In  .'lllen,   Politiecl  -^aovjait  in  15th  Century,  p.   202. 

62.  ^66  I/uvios,  ^kj3,v  otuarist  p.  £76;   >-'iieyney,  p.  42. 

63.  Giieyney,  p.  G7. 

64.  'onraoxia*  p.  32, 
^^*  -'•oid,.,  p.  37. 

66.  Ibid.,  p.  94. 

67.  Ijjid..  p.   104. 
58.  Ibid..  J.   106. 

69.  Ii^id..  p.   130. 

70.  .wieraons.   p.   366. 


^3 


Notes  (>7) 

71.  '■'onaoaa   \^1615),  p.  52. 

72.  'oiioinaa  white,  A  ot;ri-.Ou  ^  retxhod  ii'n  i-uuleb  Jrostfe   (1589;,   sig.  Fl. 

73.  oerrnQnSi  p.   o9. 

f4t     i'^e  piienomenon  is  derxribed  in  detcJLl  by  a  contemporsiry,  Thomas 
i*il3oii,   .^tate  ol"  '^ly^laud,  p.   39. 

75.  Willima  *'iGher,   />  uoaly   -eriuon  (1592),    aig.  .•v7v« 

76,  Viilliam  iiarriaon,   JJoaoription  of  ^^mltxivX  (1587),   in  Tudor  -Joonorjic 
-ociumeEtai  ed»  it,rU  Tav/uey  &  "ileen  rower  (London,   1924),  ixi,   71« 

^«  -^  Seruion  ai-t'i.iist  opiJression,  sig.  w.;,. 

78.  Sermons,   ii,   245. 

79.  iiee  tha  justly  fcaous  description  in  ^enaonai  p.  85. 
SO.  Ipid.,  p.  86, 

81,  Ibid.,  p.  58, 

82,  oee  ^rero,  p.  302}  Vi/hite,  ^oc;i:'l  Oritlcisaa,  p.  100, 

83,  In  t^onsttint,  ^dtf'Xu  VI,  p,   159, 

84,  Ibid.,  p.   160, 

85,  -joe  ■'■'re-re,  pp,  302-3. 

86,  Usher,   i,  95ff, 

87,  Lincoln  •'»ecor^  ^ocioty,  xxiii(l926),   lj:-lxi, 

88,  -i-li©  Valor  ^cclojiasticus. 

89,  Jereny  i-!oliier,  r.n  IJcclesiagtic&l  iiiaoory  ox   ^rfej,-^  •^rl"'^fi^f  (London, 
1714),  li,   "tJolloction  of  iiecords,"  Ixxxix. 

90,  i^  doubt  these  were  shifted  neatly  from  the  religious  houses  to 
the  znonasteries'  benefices,  not  to  the  nev/  ovmero,     'i^or  these 

iieaaioiiii  jeo  i-aakerTfilio,  -^iXj:lioh  Llonks,    ..^aaaid, 

91,  In  liallar,  p,  12, 

92,  oee  his  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  -^ly,  in  ^-■ilkil^3,  ■■^oi:icxlia»  iv,  283. 

93,  In  -ftrype,  Grindal,  p,  565, 

94,  In  *^heyney,  p,  36, 


y^y 


Kotas  (5?) 
[Ch.  6] 

95.  iiobert  Grovvley,   ^lie  ueluct  '^ox-kst  £^»  extra  ser.  15   (LoMon, 
1872),  p.  7. 

96.  31  i^n.  VIII,  c.  9. 

97.  -)erKon3 >  p.   32j  ci*.  p.   120, 

98.  ..  wiacond  '^enaon  (1598),   siga,  :j'1v--^1. 

99.  In  i-ianiiinghoiu,  p,  69, 

100.  ^.  .  i-uitfull  axul  G-odlY  -»onaon.   sig.  DS, 

101.  :..0iYaQn3>  p,   350, 

102.  -dcharcL  '^ook,   a  ^^eraon  Pre  ched  at  raulea  ^rosse   (1609),   sis.  ■^7» 

103.  rdchard  "urtoya.  Two  beiraona.  p.  13, 

104.  Iiiuiianuel  -i^ourne,   ■'•he  :^aine^D0^tf  (1617),   sig.  l^lv, 

105.  4ie  Trumpet  of  .'orre,   sig.  Fl. 

106.  'i^oiaas  /uiaras,   ^/prks,  i,  307. 

107.  -lV/q  :^cnaoa3»   sig.  iJlv. 

108.  -eriiig,   in  iialler,  p.   13. 

109.  Harrison,  L>e3Gription«  iaa  I'iow  iJh.  iioc.  Pub.,   aer.  S,  bo.  1»  p.   ^6. 

110.  Baskerville,  pp.   39-41. 

111.  -Msid.*  paaaim. 

112.  oee  i3ffl.  xix  (1204),  98-9. 

113.  U;^,   xxiii,  456-7,   448. 

114.  -isgister,  13  Jan  1566. 

115.  i^-.  Le\7es,  ;;  ;jenaop  Freushod  at  Paulas  Croaae  (1594),   sig.  08. 

116.  A  oonaon  prsched  :it  ..-ulos  ^rojso...  1578,  p.   141. 

117.  Laurence  ^laaerton,  An  ^loccelleat  aud  Kodly  semon.   sig,  Osv, 

118.  .jilliom  ...orahip,   -^he  Pe^tterneof  an  IiiYiucible;  Fiiith.  sigs.  D2v,  ^3v. 

119.  Fraacia  Wiiito,   i-oxidom   ..arnin^,   oig,  G2. 

120.  Elizabeth,   in  --onnett,   ii,  377. 

121.  -^ee  ijougliia  3uah,   ''iudor  KttxaniBm  and  ^^anry  VIII,"  XfHq,  vii  (1037- 
38),   164-5,     •"'or  an  optijaiutic  viow  see  ■'■•oxo--i-'o'':/nsliand,  v,   378, 


f^'/ 


Notes  (i-?) 

[^b.  6J 

122 »  oennoa  of  the  Plough. 

123.  ocraoasi  pp.   1^^6-3. 

124.  A  bemon  ^^yroasiied  at  mules  Crosse  (lb97),  siga.  Mv-m.  Cf. 
ths  .;atiric  coux^lainta  of  the  GciuU^ridge  students  in  the  "Far- 
nassus"  trilogy  at  about  the  sano  tiisa. 

125.  Knglanas  -^irst  uixl  oec^jnd  '^unn":ong«  p.  87. 

126.  Joim    -'tockv/ood,  ;.  Ver^f  Fruitefull  ^erruon  (1579),   sig.  D.iv» 

127.  oee  iotias  ..il^ou,  '.'tato  of  ^Ui^lai^.  pp.  24-5:  "the  greatness  of 
scMnt;  of  then  it  is  iucreuiblu." 

128.  >^ee  above,  ch.   3. 

12&.  •'or  these  aiaaaing  docuiaenta  see  -'ecosade  rarte*  ii,  8Cff. 

130.  ooe   '^3!£,iste^,   ~7  uune  1572,   25  Fiot.   1573;   Jcv/ol,     orks^   ii,  1000. 

131.  John  "alsal,  ^:  ^arcion  i.- x-ei-iched  at  *uulea  CrQiino,   sig.  <il, 

132.  A  ijeraou  -t^-u.-ched  u.t  ruulsCl60l).   sig.  Civ. 

133.  jse  iiashe,   -orks,  i,   102, 

134.  -.orks,  ii,  244. 

135.  iliooas  ^'o-.rell,   xom  oi'  all  'I'radeat  in  ^*©v;/  Sh.   ^oc.  Pub.,   ser.  6, 
no9.   2-3,  pp.  149-51. 

136.  -'er.^ion3 »  p.   151, 

137.  ^c:iions.  p.   110. 

133.  -lie   .jijLi:^OQ'.Vi   sij;.  (rl. 

139.  -^or  thebs  ypisoues  soe  i-rore,  p.  303. 

14-0.  -io-iry  i^rice,  ilte  :Ji;f,les  i'"li,^l.it  (15S9),   aig.  I^Dv. 

141»  u.  iiSJes,  '■-  .^Qnaoii.  sig.  -j2v. 

142.  -ooei't  TBi..ple»  Ji  Jormon  toachinfi:  aiscretiorii   sig.  D2* 

143.  Jolon  Dove,  A  germon...  1594,   sig.  05. 

144.  A  uonaon  (1597),   -:i£.  I'^Sv. 

145.  ruid. 

146.  Ibid.,   sig,  C3v. 


y*<. 


14:7.  ^e©  vJonstant,  iidmrd_VI,  p.  116, 

148,  Iha  th00n  hedgoa  whxch  enclosed  the  cojunon  fields, 

14:3.  liaviag  stolen  the  lead,  presumably, 

ll>0,  -i-ao  .^duebo-t   alg.  G4v. 

151,  Joiuuell  Gardiner,  A  oarsion  Freached  at  rcules  Crosse  (1605), 
3ig.  -il. 

152,  Ceorge  Benson,  A  oiarmon  i.>rea.ch-3d  .t  Pauls  Crosse  (1609),   sig.  G4-T. 

153,  John  jJove,  a  sonaon...   1594%   sigs,  C5,   &c» 

154,  (jenrase  ^abiiigton,  i.  oemon  Preached  at  f'aules  Crosse...   1590, 
p.  54. 

155,  -■  Jermoa  taachicE;  discretion,   sig.  £11. 

156,  liQQ  above,  ch,  3, 

157,  A  uecond  ■^Oi.iaon  (1538),   aig.   ^^3, 

158,  A  uenaon  ay-,o.ir^t  opareasion.   sigs,  Dlvff. 

159,  A  jsnaon  ^ rcccheU  at  rawl^a  Crojae  (1578),  p.  50, 

160,  A,W,»  A  I- ruitfull  '^er.-ont   aig,  B7, 

161,  'Ihe  .^11^:16 3  ^'li^^ht»  aig.  ^5v, 

162,  Carl  F,   Paeusch,   "liistorj^  oi  the  concept  of  Usury,"  .£11,  iii  (1942), 
300-1;  fosmey,   i^filiKion.  p.   123, 

163,  J,W.  Jirtiper,   "Usury  in  fhe  i.^orchant  of  Veiiigo,"  Lj£,  xxxiii  (1935- 
30),  41. 

164,  In  'i'atmey,  p.  157. 

165,  Taeusch,  2J6-'8.     4i8  basic  texts  of  i^^ripture  were  ii^xod,  22,25; 
i^eut,  25,  19-20. 

166,  A  Jeruon  *"rcuched  at  ^awlos  Crosae.  p.  52, 

167,  ^L  .jox^on  rtragchod  at  raules  Cross^   (1580),   sig,  D2v, 

i68.     In  >Jhite,   ->ooial  vriticisn.  pp,  222-3,     It  was  suggested  by  the 
orthodox  AXtiidon  clergi'-  in  1580  that   "privatt  i^eadinge  in  liowsea" 
supported  usurers,  and  they  prayed  that  such  readings  :.iight  be 
forbidden,     ihis  oay  be  sinply  slander  of  the  Puritans,   or  it  may 
not.     ^ee  Collier,  ii,   "Collection  of  ^-Jecords,"  Ixxxix. 

169,     xi.  -/emon. .«   I594i    sig.   C2v. 

^7 


liotes  (VO 

l'^.  6] 

170.  John  -Uin&t  in  ijaniiijoeham,  p,  71.     'ioney  is  barren,  and  way  not 
be  imdo  to  bring  forth  fruit. 

171.  ^'i-iacmt   works,   ii,   U47. 

172.  John  iio skins,   "i\vQ  uuraons.  pp.  35-G. 

173.  4ioc!a.s  white,  jj.  uoruon  i^reached  at  Pgulea  Urease   (1589),   sig.   F2v. 

174.  ..illiam  Jamea,  .>.  uoi-mon  xre-.  had  at  i^culea  Orosse  (1590).   sig.  F;iv. 

175.  ikdams,   .'orkiJ.   i,  319. 

176.  ii.v/.,  A  Fruitfull  .^enr-ont   sig.   Civ. 

177.  ihe  acts  of  37  -.dw.   Ill,  3  -"dw.   IV,  renewed  in  24  ^en.  VIII,     See 
Gomg^int  ana  ^'efona.  pp.  43ff . 

178.  John  Dove,  A  >jemon»..  1594,   sig.  G3v« 

179.  .Jc-naons.  p.  39^. 

130,     G-enrase  -^bington,  A  ^enaon»  p.  35, 

181.  John  Hoskins,   "-^er-jana.  p.  52, 

182,  ^aoideraon,   .. jrka,   iii,   166, 

133,  wilii£*m  '"'isher,  j-  ->eraon  (1580),   sig,  i^lv,     Of,  ilioiaas  3utton, 
xjni,lt.Kd6  •-'Uf:i!-x>aa  1   jk,  48. 

134,  uegchant  of  Venice.   I,   iii,  79. 

185,  iioskins,  ^er-iiona i  p.  49, 

186,  ^cr.Mnst  p,   131, 

187,  oeraona.  pp,   394-5, 

188,  ^enaona  (1615),  p.  49, 

189,  Ibid.,  p.   51. 

190,  Letters,   ii,   ^36-7, 

191,  Ibid.,   ii,   289, 

192,  oenaono.  pp,  393-4, 

193,  liaeinald  -^enmrd.ed.,   -^n^lishmen  at  •'•oat  and  i^lav   (Oxford,   1931), 
pp,   lGO-9. 

l'i>4.     A  Count er-,rle^.   sig.  G2. 


ii>i 


Notes  C^ 
Gh.  6] 


195.     John  .*hit©,  iVojJemona  (1615),   sig.  iXv.     Adams  uses  the  amae 
Qxeiaplum,    -^orks.   ii,  443. 

195.  lb  id.*   sifi.  iiil* 

197.  .^orks.   ii,  301. 

198.  Ibid.,   li,   246. 

199.  w.eraona   (lG15)f  pp.  55ff. 

200.  i-'he  orie  oi'  ii.iii:!.lu.tiu»  pp.  lo-5. 
aOl.  JaF.lands  -Juiai-.onij .  pp.   105ff. 
;i02.  Tiie  raoteraet  sig.  ^^3, 

203.  A  oarmon*,.  1573 1  pp.  66fjf. 

204.  ii.  ^^enaon,   sig,  Mv. 

205.  HolinAod  (1808),   iv,  890. 

206.  -orks,   iii,   222. 

207.  A  Gouater-Flea.   sigs.  F2vff. 

208.  This  diBCuasion  follows  iiic'i.ppeii,  pp.  459-51. 

209.  Sig.  A3, 

210.  >Vork3,   ii,   310. 

211.  .1.110  oc-ir:non  prQacIiaci  fit  the  Gross  (1608),   sig,  Y2,     I  have  been 
unable  to  identi;^  the  play,  vriiich  laay  not  bo  extant. 

212.  In  iidaias,   -vorks ,   iii,   112. 

213.  '.i-he  Grie  of  -:.ni;land«  pp.  16ff, 

214.  ■:  ::>onnon  A-roached  at  -^^avTloa  Croaso   (15V8),  pp.  43-5.     Gf.  Grushaw, 
sig.   y^vj    -'utton,  ^r^ .lands   -^ouoiMi  -^umaons.  p.   104. 

215.  1574:  regulations  of  the  London  Coancion  council  to  forbid  periona- 
ojices  of  pl;^3   "in  any  usuall  tync  of  dyvyne  aor/ice  in  the  ;joiin- 
daie."  ISSlt  minute  of  the  ^ rivy  Gouncil,  com  iinding  the  actors 
to  forbear  playing  on  the  ^abLathj  1583:  extension  of  thia  ordin- 
ance to  the  co-.ntieo.     -'ee  Lencard,  pp.  84-6. 

216.  ->ee  i^gistor,   29  Apr.   1579. 

217.  William  iiingler,   '"liie  Fitst  i'haao  of  the  J^lizabothan  Attack  on 
tho  •^tago,1558-1579,"  HL^,  v,    (19-11-2),  406-9. 


Hi 


Kotos   (43) 

[Gh.  6] 

218,  A  Senaon  rra-chod  at  rawles  Urosae  (1578),  pp.  45ff. 

219,  A  oermon  rro.joti&<l  (Xt  ^aula  v^rosijo...   1578»   sig.  ilSv. 

220,  A  bemon,,.  15 7C,  p.  137. 

2iil.     i.  yexT  fruiteful  ^etTaon  (I579),3ig8.  Jivi'f, 

222.     iiiintiler,  416. 

2ii3»     oee  ;:\l>ovd>  ch.   1. 

224.     ^oe  ...li.  Tawaey,   "The  iiise  of  the  Gentry,"  ^con.  Hiot.   iiavigv?» 
xiiW41),   1-38;  J.V.  lief,   "IiiKiustry  and  U-overnment  in  j'rance 
and  -xigland,   1540-1640,"     /giaricaxi  ^'hiloaophical  "'Gciety  '"emoirgi 
XV  (1940),   1-162. 

CIlAPTli:a  VII 

1.  'Qx9  typical  study  of  pulpit  style  is  ^i,^rziaoT  I^tohell,  -•rgiisii 
fulpit  '^ratory  froa  ••xxlre-.ves  to  '^'illotson;   see  also  L.P.  ijiuxth'a 
Introduction  to  hla  OBloctions  from  x^oniie,  and  Ll.W.  Croll's  various 
articles  on  the  "oaroque"  style.     The  standard  histories  of  re- 
litiious  thought,   e.g.  Hunt  ana  Jordan,  and  of  ecclesiastical 
affairSf   e.g.  Frere,  Gwatkiu,  Hutton,  with  such  special  studios 

as  those  of  ^napjen  and  ^ear.;on,  ao  not  assume  the  senaon  to  be 
a  class  of  utterance  distinct  from  the  treatise,     iiallai',  ^vJse  of 
ruritaniam»  and  Bush,  -^nrqish  ijiterature  in  the  .4:.rliex'  -^eventoenth 
uentuTYtiJay  raore  resi/ect  to  the  sernion  ti'adiiion. 

la.  ^^uoted  in  x.H.I».P.u"ker,    i^^e   "racles  of  upd;  anit  Introduction  %o 
the  l-i-eachihtc  of  Jouo  '"aiviQ  (London,   IS-i-?),  p.  54. 

2.  O90  i^cclosic^tical  ^olixy.  V,  xxii. 

3.  i'or  llowson'a  attack  on  the  preeminence  of  i.reaching,   see  6h.  3. 
4«     Lieo  -^^oskiiis'   rehetirsal  sersion  in  ch.  4. 

5.  In  Huntf   i,  4. 

6.  Ibid.,   i,   18. 

7.  '^ee  oh.  2. 

8.  it.  oermon  ^  reach od  at  ^aules  Jroas^.  pp.  23,  28. 

9.  "A  iieraon  preached  at  ^'aules  Jrosae,  iho   oixt  of  Fobraaery,   1596,   in 
vrhxch  are  discussod  these  throe  conclusions | 

!•     It  is  not  the  will  of  (iod  that  all  nen  should  be  savisd. 

2.     Hie  aDGOlute  ./ill  of  God  and  his  secret  decree  from  all 
©"uernitie,  is  the  cause  vvhoreby  some  are  iredestinutod  to 
salvation,   others  to  destxniction,  and  not  aiqr  foresight 


¥7o 


Hotes  (44) 

[Ch.  7] 

9LC02it]  of  faith,  or  good  workes  in  the  one,  or  infidelitioi 
neglect,  or  coivo©ui^t  in  the  other* 
3.  oiiritit  died  not  effect ue.lly  for  till,,.." 
Cf«  worship,   Qig.  Flv}  x>ourne,   sig.  B2v{  ^oxe,   sig,  vj2f  &G, 

10»     .-a  -xceilent  and  i:;Qdlv  3eraoa»   sig,  C6v5  italics  nine. 

11.  i-ne  rattsrne  of  an  Ipvinciple  -aith«slg«  Flv. 

12.  ij©e  ioxe,  i%  oarmon  of  Christ  v^rucified.  sigs,   i,i2ff  j  John  Hudson, 
■ii.  ogi-con  preixhed  at  ^-'aules  orosse,  sigs.  D2vff ;   iaiaanuol  Boiirna, 

'<i.e  lu^nGbQ-ut   sigs,  i'2ff. 

13.  ...  ujenaon  i'reaxihed  at  .tajiilcs  Orosa?,.  pp.   19if, 

14.  A  u^naon  ureached  at  raules  orosse  (1596), 

15.  jf'or  the  ^eilviniat  view,   see  ins-t^itutest  III,  ii,  6,   u«.,  eiod  for 

ita  apjjlication  in  a  i' oil's  «ross  senaon  see  Bourne,  Xrue  Vjav  (1622^, 
sig.  Dlv. 

16.  bee  Aoenaon  of  vlirist  Orucifiedi   aigs.  H3,   I2v,   Q2v. 
^'*»     ^he  ^ui-:.^a  wr-ocUod  ay  the  orosse.   sig.  ^2. 

18.  A  beraon  Preached  at  i-gt^Les  Croas^  (1598),  sig.  A4v. 

19.  ii  oex'iion  rraached  at  .taulQB  (-£01),   sigs,  BiT-32v. 

20.  InjtiijUyedt   1,  xi,  3. 

21.  furitt^JiiaEi  aod  Lxberty.     '^axx3^:  the  Angy  Dobatos  (,164y*'J)  frcci  the 

Jl^u-k,9  ■■.aiiUjQ.j-i^jis  wilih  su]j,jle;.;6;.n'tar;/  iI;:)0ui..errI<3CliOud.on*   19 38 ) , 
pp.  [33-40]. 

21a«  iee  li.J.C.  Griorson,  Uroaa  ^ur.earos  in  -a^-.Jrish  -uite^aoure  of  tlie 
XYIIth  century   (london,   1923),  p.  205. 

22.  ri%ie  •■av.   sigs.  G3vff. 

23.  =.'o.k3.  i,  309. 

24.  --Qo,   o.g.,   -janderson,   .vorks.  iii,   148;  H»  King,  A  ^erMon.   sig.  £2. 

25.  AOxe,  A  be^mon.   sig,  C4v, 

26.  ojimiiall  ^ardiner,   A  Jenaon.   sig,  B4. 

27.  John  xloskina,   Seruona.  p.  38. 

28.  ulg.  B4v. 

29.  iiearts  lA>liglvt   (loOS),   aig.  -^1, 


y?/ 


Notes   (45) 
Lun.  7] 

30.  ilhe  ..^CLaiag  of  iListory   (loiKlon,   1936),  p.  22. 

31.  For  the  experiential  elemeni.  m  I'uritan  thougiit  see  ^ller, 
especially  ch.  3,   ""^he  Galling  of  the  •faints";  the  Puritan 
ideal  of  tiie  uoly  coKiEiunity  is  analyzed  in  "oodhouse,  ^  uritan- 
iam  and  LiDerty«  pp.   [36-7J, 

32.  A  ;jer^9n  Preached  fj^-   "r'""Tftfl  GroRafl   (1594)  ^    sig.   B5v.   Cf.   H. 
King,  _£i_^ermon,   sig.  ^» 

33.  iJee  ^ieinhold  Nieuuhr,  'She  liatniire  and  x^e-ytiny  of  L^an  (London  & 
Hew  York,    1941,  1943),  ii,   160. 

34.  ijid.,   xi,    18. 

35.  aee  Hunt,   i,   2,   lln. 

36.  For  these  see  in  general  chs.  3  M,  above. 

37.  2  langs  21. 

38.  xiagi^ai  1. 

39.  iidams,  jjorfcs,   i,   119. 

40.  luid.,  ii,   171.     Cf.  Jewel,   -orks,   ii,   1036^. 

41.  A  ^eiinon  xeaching  discretion,   sig.  07. 

42.  a.  Vt;rY  fruit eful  ^eroon.  sig.  A7t. 

43.  -see  inctitutea.   r\^,  i,  3}  T/,  i,  11. 

44.  ^he  Patterne  of  an  inyincxule  Jai"^.   sig.  Bl, 

45.  iJcclesl  gtical  Polity ^   III,  i,  3. 

46.  Joim  "alsal,  A  ijermon.   sig,  D2t. 

47.  William  <-iravet,  A  ^enaon.  pp.   llff  j  John  Hudson,  A  ^enaon.   sig.  i33v. 

48.  Richard  ^urteys,  Tgp  Sermons,  pp.  20ff. 

49.  Cf.  Jewel's  chcaxenge  sermon  (ch.  3),  and  V/orks.  ii,  989;  Hudson, 
2ig.   B6v,    tic. 

50.  uee  -urteys,  p.  50;  iJenison,  The  'vVhite  uolfe.   sig.  iJ4, 

51.  i'or  this  theme  see  especially  ch.  4. 

5<i.     '>■  ■Jeimoo  Pre^uihed  at  Paules  Orosse.   aig.  H4v. 
53.     A  Senaon  PrejJhed  at  rauls  Crosse,   sig.  C2v. 


fiz. 


Notes  (46) 
[Ch.  7] 

54.  A  Seni^on.,.   X594»   oig.  37. 

55.  i-«g«»  Hudson  (1584),   sag.  G3;  iiill  (l59:i),  p.  9j  ^osson  (1598), 
aig.  ii5;  Ho  skins  tlGlS),  p.  61;  Maas,  ;;orI:3«   i,  314. 

56.  iiig.  Oil. 

57.  iaenaoust  pp.   357ff . 

58.  ■'■bid.,  p.  338. 

59.  iioume,  ^a-J.nQbQvv«   aie,a«  i'Sff.     Cf.  James  Bisse,    iwo  ^enaona  (1581), 
aig.  Mvj  Francis  i«*arbury,  ik  oennon  (1602),   sig.  B5. 

60»  A  beriuon  j^re:  clied  at  i'ai^les  (irosae  (1625). 

61.  A  oercion  preached  fat  I'tiules  wro^ae  (1579),  sigs.  G2ff. 

62.  igiSOus,  p.   558, 

63.  A  ;:^eraon...  1594*  sigs.  DSvff. 

64.  -orksiiii^  146. 

65.  Bourxie,  iv-inebov/,   sigs*  ifilff. 

65,     A  oonaon. ..   1594*   siga.  iUjVi'f .     Xn  the  margin  of  sig.  B3v  of  the 
B.Ii.  copy  some  reader  has  attaiiipted  a  fantastic  oonputation  ofhis 
ova. 

67.     i'or  the  two  elemeafcs  side  by  side  in  a  soiiaon  aoc  alcioat  axsy  of  the 
prsachera  quoted,  but  oapuciaiiy  •^'.     iliito,   Ix)tidons  >/. -riiirjx:  (1619), 

63.  -iee  oa^ecially  John  ^^iag,  &^.oQiixQn  ut  ruulea  Ciroi>3e  (162G), 

69.  ildaia  iiill,   i'he  Urie  of  -^rsrilaiad.  p.  3. 

70.  'i'hoiaas  "utton,  j^ntAlfrnds  ^irst  axid  becoud  ■^uanons  (1616),  pp.  50-1, 

71.  Si.  w>eimon  Preached  at  r'awlea  (Jrosae  (1578), 

72.  .LOjadoas   .^-raioiT, 

73.  Johoha  ■^emora,  §nd  JiiniYeha  Repentant;;^  (1606). 


^T 


BioKrc-PJiical  List 

Sources:  DI53«  Vonn,  roatar.   [.ooe  iJibliography.] 

Only  relatively  uaknovm  preciciiors  are  izscludsd  in 
this  list,  i.e.,  those  not  usually  aeaoioaecl  in 
ataiidard  churcii  iiiitories. 

ihe  follovirisj  infonaation  ia  giront  univcroity; 
livinjiS  or  otuoi-  iJi-efersonts,  v-itli  dutoa  of 
ai^poiutuexxt. 


H^H 


iidtoas,  llioiaaa.       Gambridgs;  BAf   1601/2$  '^^t   1606.  ijecturor  in 

at.  tieegory's  under  St.  i-'aul's,  1518,      /Icar  of 
St.  Be..;«t'3,   iaul's   .-hLurf,   1G29. 

Aylesbury,   Ihomas.     Cambridge x  BA,   1615/6 j  BD,   1526.     Vicar  of 

Gardv/oi'th,    warvickshiro,   IGIS;  roct6r  of  Borv/ick 
5t.  Leon,    wilts.,    1625. 

Bafaington,  ilejrvase.     Uombridi^e:  ^l  (incoi'po rated  Oxford),  1578. 
rrebend  of  lieroford,   1530  j  Biahop  fo  Llandt^'f, 
1551}  Bishop  of  Exeter,  1595;  Bishop  of  .lOrcester, 
1597. 

Barker,  I-r.  [Laixrenco]     Gaiab ridge:  Fellow  of  Trinity,   1591,     Vicar 
of  ot.  Botolph's  v/ithout  .J-dersgate,   1501. 

Barlow,  [iialph].  Carabridge:  BA,  1590/1;  3D,  1604.  hector  of  xving's 
•  Ipton,  ikaits.,  1601.  Jean  of  '-'hrist  OhuBch,  Dub- 
lin, 1618. 

BicBiy,  Tiioaas.     Oxford;  Fellow  of  Liagdalon,   1541.     Chaplain  to 
iid^rard  VI.     Viorden  of  ^^rton,  1569;  Bishop  of 
Ohichester,   1585 . 

Bill»  V/illiam.  Ganb ridge:  BA,  1532-3,  DD,  1547,  Piaster  of  Gt. 
John's,  1547,  of  Trinity,  1551  <i  1558.  Dean  of 
ueatminster,   1559, 

Bisae,  JaE6S.         Oxford:  BA,   1573,  BD  &  DD,   1595/6.     Prebend  of 
wells,   1l>83. 

Bougijen,  ^ward.   Oxford;     BA,  1609;  i^,   1612.     Chaplain  to  Dr. 

Howijon.     Vicar  of  Bray,   reotor  of  woodchurch  in 
Kent,  1633. 

Bourne*   Sn'ionuel.  Oxford:  BA,  1612;  MA,  1616.     Treacher  at  5t. 

Uhristdpiier's,  London.     Hector  of  ^^^ishover,  Jerby- 
ahire,   1622.     ^  re;.cher  at  St.  Oepulclare ' s ,   1642. 
.jector  of  -.yiestone,   Leicestershire,   16G9. 

Calfield,   James,   Oxford:  BA,   154S/9;   Canon  of  Christ  Church,   Oxf., 
1561.     Caiion  of  Lit,  i^aul's,   1562,     /uTChdeacon  of 
uolciieater,   1565. 

Clous©,  George.     Caiabridge:  uA,  1579.     In  1581  in  trouble  over  the 
vicarage  of  Guckfield. 

Gottisford,   Thoiaas,     Cajaoridge:   (no  degrees),      iiector  of  Ct.  Llartin, 
Ludgate,   1553,     rrebend  of  York,   1553. 

[Dene]  Dcane,   iUidrew.     Giimbridge:  BA,   1530/ Ij  Fellow  of  Ganville,   1532. 
i\ector  of  Bixton,  iiorfolk,  1554,  «c. 


"ft/ 


App,    (2) 

Doniaon,   oiophen,     Gambridgoi  BA,   1602/3;  DD,   1627.     iiiiiistor 
of  tit.   liatherino  oreQchurch,   1622. 

uavQi  John.       Oxford:  BA,   1583;  LiA,   1586;  DD,   1596,  iioctor  of  i'id- 
wortJi,    "ilto.,   1596.     Later  roctor  of  St.  i^ary  Aldex^ 
mazy. 

Drope,  Jolm,  Oxfords  BA,  1608/9}  -iA,  1512;  BD,  1619.  Fello.v  of 
if^dalen,  1608,  proctor,  1618.  i  lee  tor  of  Grindon, 
Staff ordahirs,   1626, 

Syorard,  John.  Cambridge:  hi-.,  1600;  lA,  1607}  DD,  161D,     iieader  in 
St.  i:aartin's-in--;;i%e-fields,   1618,     In  tro-ble  c.   1621; 
ch:.rgt!d  bofoi-o  High  Cominisaion  in  1635  for  feioilism 
and  antinomianism. 

Fairfax,  lir*  [■^<^'^]»  Oucsbride©:  EA,   1550/1;  BD,   1574/5.     University 
preacher,   1569,     irebond  of  Oaiiisle,   1578, 

Feitoa,    voser,  Cambridgo:  Follow  of  Feobroke,     iisctor  of  ot,  Stephens, 
Walbrook,  1601,     rrocicher  in  St.  ieoicraB  in  St.  Paul'-u, 
1608,     iioader  of  Gray's  Inn,     /lutlior  of  A  Treatise  of 
Uaury, 

Fisher,   uiliiam.  Oxfords  BA,   1571/3}  I«A,   1575;  DD,   1606,     Vicar  of 
St,  iJartin'a-in-tiio-Fields,   1588, 

FKank,  i-iark,  Caobridges  Fellov;  of  Praabroke,  1634;  BD,  1641,  ^jrch- 
doaoon  of  o,  iilbcn's,  1661,  DD,  1662,  ^.iaater  of  i-ea- 
Droke,   1662. 

dlasier,  Hugh,  A  iiinorite,     Oanon  of  Shrist  ohurch,  Canterbury,   1534, 

Hector  of  ^i-'sjiBrorth,  i^ddlessx,   1538,  of  iuirlir^ton,   1546, 

Gravetttj,   Wiliiaa,     Cambridge;  BA,  1557/8}  MA,   1561;  2D,  1569,     Fellow 
of  reubroke,  1558,     Vicar  of  St,  Sepulchre's,   1556.     ireo- 
eiid  of  Jt.   raul'a,   1567. 

Racket,   i^ogor.     oon  of  a  Lord  -ixyor  of  London.     Oxfords  BA,   1579; 

LLi'i.,   1583;  BD,   1590;  DD,   1596.       Isctoo  of  liorth  Crov/ley, 
Bucks.,   1590, 

llarpsfield,   liicholaa.      Oxfords  Fellow  i*0w  College,   1535;  first  Kogius 
irofossor  of  Gruok,   1546,      '..<Gh,   1554.      ireboad  in  ot. 
i.aul'3,   1554.     ivrxjiidec^on  of  Canterbury,   1554* 

Bafward,  Joirn.  Canb ridges  B/i.,  1578/9;  rector  of  St.  iiary  V/oolchurch, 
1534,  of  Stepney,   1604. 

Hill,  iidaia.  Oxford:  BA,  1559}  LiA,  1572;  BD  &  DD,  1591.  Follow  of 
Baliiol,  1568-  Vicar  of  V/estbury,  ilts,,  preoend  of 
Salisbury,    1586. 


^76- 


App.  u; 

Hodgkin,   Joiui.     iJominican.     Ucmbridije:  Di),  l;>24/5.     Provincial 

of  ^n^^lish  x>oraiiiicans,   1527,      JulTrngan  Bp.  of  Z>ed- 
ford,   1537;  prebend  of  laul's,   1547. 

ilolJiiiid,   atioaas.     Oxford;  BA,   1570;  li/i,   1575;  BD,   1582;  DD,   1584. 
lellov.'  of  Bal  uiol,   1573,     Chaplain  to  LelcGier  in  the 
iiettiorlands,  1505.     i^giua  irofeasor  of  divinity  in 
Oxford,   1589.     Hector  of  -Exeter  College,   1592. 

Hoskina,   John.     Oxford:     BCL»   1606}  DGL,   1613.      -/hap lain  to  the 

Bp.  of  vioreiord  and  to  the  iCing.     rrebend  of  iloreford, 
1612.     -sector  of  ^^dbury,   1612. 

Hudaon,  John.   GxTorti;  BA,   1572;  ^Ji,   1575;  rector  of  Chichonter  ^t. 
lancraa,   1578.     Canon  of  Chiciioi;tor,   1580. 

Jaiaos,   william.     C^xfoixlJ  BA.,   1563;   '.Jx,   1565;  BB,   1571;  DB,   1574. 
i-iaster  of  University  '-'ollege,   1572.     ,.i'Ciidoacon  of 
Coverrtry,  1577,     B^n  of  Gnrist  Church,  1584.  Vice- 
C'lancellor  of  Oxford,   1590.     Chaplain  to  Leicester, 
\vi\oia  he  ut  t-eaded  on  aid  deuth-bod.  Bean  of  -niriiau, 
1596.     iip,  of  Airham,   1606. 

iiyrkhoia,   rhomcii.     Ldnorite.     uucrdiau  of  college  of  i-inoriteg  of 
.'oncaster;  rsctor  of  oolchester  -^t.  i^ary,  Bssex, 
1540. 

Lewoa,  iuchard.  Caaicrid£jes  nA,  (inoorporatea  froD  Oxford)  1573/4 j 
^'i,  1575/5}  h^t  1534.  .-^ctor  of  ■^'olupjrsh,  iiorthsaits., 
1579.     Vicar  of  Brackley,  1600. 

LBQr»  i>oger.     CmbriUiiOJ     BA,   1609/10;  liA.,   1613.     Curate  of  ot.   Leonard, 
'jjioreditch. 

Uarbiury,  Francis.     Caabridge*  ordaiiied  priest  1605.     Convonted  before 
iiigh  CoLiiiiiauion  in  1573  and  coia'ined  to  .^"rahalse.i.      iiec- 
toB  of  5t.  i-artin-in-tJie-VintiT-,   1605. 

Parker,    .iOger.     Cambridge:  BA,   1577/8;   Di),   1590.     iYecentor  of  Lincoln, 
1598.     Dean  of  Lincoln,   1613, 

Pendleton,  iienry.     uxford:  BA,  1542;  liA,   1544;  D0,   1552.     CJiaploin  to 
Bonner;  canon  of  ^,  ^cul's,   1554.     Caiion  of  Idchflold. 

iPlayfere,   Tnor^wi^,     Cambridge:  BA,   1579/80;  MA,   1583;  ii),   1590;  DB,   1596, 
Fellow  of  Bt.  John's,   1584.     Lady  i^argaret  irofossor  in 
•divinity,  1596.     ChaplrJLn  to  iving  Janes. 

Price,  Henry.     Oxford:     BA,   1587;  Hk,  1591;  BD,  1597.      /icar  of  .^jle^- 
bury,   1597;   rector  of  Fleet  iiarston,  Bucks.,  1597. 

i-;©nniijer,  Lichael,     Oxford:     liA,  1549;  lecturer  in  Creek  at  ^^agdalen, 
1548.      iiector  of  ^ro.^hton,   rkints.,    1552.      Chaplain  to 
^lizaboth;  ^chdeocon  of  \jincheater,   1575. 


^77 


App.   (4) 

iu-ohardson,  Giiarlea.     Ganbridge:  BA,   1591/2 J  '-^»   1595.     ;iector 
of  ^st  iiarl:Bforfch»  loOii. 

i-iichardaon,  Joiin,     Ocjabridge:     DD,   1597;  I'qIIow  of  iij;.iaiiuol  -Jolloge. 
iiegius  iro feasor  of  i>iviuity»  1607}  Liustor  of  iotoi'house, 
1609,   of  Triiiity,   1G15;    v/^ice-Uhancellor,   1617. 

uaiidwich,    L;iliiaci.     Benedictine.     BD  (Oxfoi'dJ,   1524.     tj'arden  of  Ganter- 
bury  college,   Oxford, 

ii[hJint;lQton,  Isemc,     Gxi'ord;  BA,  1600 j  Lii\,  1604.     i^ector  of  whitohurch, 
uxiordahire,   1610,     G,:,jnon  of  -jt.  raui's,   1614.     i-rch- 
deacon  of  Garliale,   1623. 

Gparke,   .iObert.     otiiuUridgo :  BA,   1551/2.     Grdaiued,   1564. 

ijtoek,   idchard.     Gcjabridge:  B.-^   1590f  MA,  1594.     iiector  of  otar.dlake 
Gxfordohii'a,    1596.     Lecturer  at  ot,   iiUguutlne's,   w-atlizig 
^jtroet.     ourute  of  Allhallows,  Bread  btraet*  1604,  rector 
1611. 

Gutton,  'i.iionas.     Gijobridgo;  BA,   1564/5,  LLA,   1568,     ^loctor  of  Gris- 
well,   Gtiffdlk,   1576. 

Tanner,  John,     wxford;     BA,  1591;  Jjii.,  1595,     :i6ctor  of  Offwell,     ,von, 
1597?  rector  of  IbrtJi  Fethorton,   Goxaerset,   1598. 

Tec^ile,   ^ooert.      Oxfords  BA,  1570$  wl,   1573;  hi),   1588,     Chaplain  to 
.lylaor,  Bp.  of  London,     Gcaon  of  Bristol,   1534,     irebond 
of  «^t.  ir-aul'a,   1592. 

Veron,  Jolm.     oettled  in  iingland  about  1534;  ordained  by  Ridley,  1551; 
rector  of  Gt,   -dphage,  Crip^leca-te,   1552.     Prebend  of  Gt. 
i'aul'a,   1559;  rector  of  Gt.  luxrtxn,   LudgauO,   1560;  vicnr 
of  ^,   G  pulchro'u,   1560. 

Wakeiaan,  iiobert.     Gxford:  B.\,  1593/4;  MA,   1597;  BD,   1604/5;  DD,   1608. 
yellow  of  Lalliol,   1596,     *^anon  of  ^xeter,   1616. 

»alsal,  John.     Oxford:     B.i,  1566;  Ui.,   1568;  BD  &  DD,   1584.     iiector  of 
Goi-ton  Uinliara,   oomorset,   1I>G7,     Gonon  of  Ghicheater,  1569. 
iiector  of  LuttervTorth,   -oicestorahire,   1569,     Viccr  o£ 
iippledor«,   ->oiit,   159G, 

ii/ard,   Ganuol.     GaiODridge:  B.-i.,   1596;  l^i,   1604;  BD,   1607;  ?cllov7  of  oydney 
•jussex,   1599.     xown  preacher  of  ipsvric}i,   16G3,     inliibited 
for  nonconformity,   1623  «;  1635. 

white,  Francia.     Gamcridge:  ordained,   1588.     rrominont  onti-ijapal  con- 
trovorciialiat.     Bp.   of  oarliale,   16ii6,     Bp.  of  Gly,   1631. 


'^If 


App.    (5) 


..hito,  John.  Gumbridgo^Goiwill©  «  Gaius  Coll.).  A  bi-other  of  the 
precodiiig.  Chaplain  to  Jcmes  I>  1614.  Vicar  of  ^ccloa, 
icincs.,   1606. 

(/hite»  'ihonitis.     uxx'ord  (i^^eifidalen).     liector  of  ijt.  Ger£ory*3  by  ot. 

f'aul's,  lt)7D.     i'rei-ched  oxr  *^oiiry  oidney'o  funeral  sennoiai 
in  1S86,     Founder  of  =->ion  College,  London,   and  of  a  pro- 
fe^jeorsiiip  in  moral  philosophy  in  QxI'ord. 

Worahip,    .illiaEi.     C;.i^ridget  Bo.,   1595/6  5  i'silow  of  ot.  Joiin&s,   iuUS. 
Vicar  of  Croft,   Liiics,,   IGCO. 


f-Ti 


A  PiJlT  (XP  A  il^GISTER  OF  PAUL'S  CROSS  Siil'SiOKS, 
I53'i-1G41 


MOTE 


1*     Years  are  dieted  from  1  January,  ajad  dates  botu';.en  1  Jtmuuiy 
and  24  i-arch  have  Deen  corrected  by  collateral  evidence  and 
by  the  use  of  a  perpetual  calendar,     iliero  is  inovitably  a 
certain  pei-centage  of  error  in  this  pi-ocedure,  und  these 
dates  should  not  be  used  in  pupliahed  v/ork  -B/ithout  verification. 


2«     I'^amss  of  holy  days  ore  not  given  except  for  reasons  apparent 
in  the  context. 

3.     Sermons  which  caxuioi  bo  dated  within  a  year  are  placed  at  the 
end  of  that  year. 

4«     ijonaons  xmpossiDle  to  assign  to  a  definite  year  are  placed  at 
the  end  of  tho  reign  in  which  they  were  preached. 

5.     Original  sources  are  cited  wherever  possible. 


*/fo 


i\Og.     (1) 


A  ?AHT  OF  A  HSGIbXiiii  OF  PAUL'S  CROSS  SJ^ifflOlS,   lb 34- 1641, 


1534 
HSURY  VIII 


c.  14  Jan.         The  top&  uo  longer  to  be  ^.jrayed  for  at  laul's 

Grosa.     [^eiaoriiJidua  iroia  OrocTwell  to  the  Bp.  of 
fiondon.j  L^  Hen.  VIXI,  Vii, 

48(2) 


c.  i'eb.  A  3onnon  on  Cjaneo  .-■ccca.vei-uat  et  enont  r.loria 

ijoi.,     on  the  divorce.  Ij^-'-P  Hen.  VIII,  vii, 

266. 

4ate  8  u>ar.       John  liudd.     A  derence  of  the  Holy  -^aid  of  -"ent. 
[Feitiapa  identical  with  the  preceding.] 

L^JP  Hen.  VIII,  vii, 
303. 

iSaster  Cromaer.     *^e  inhibited  preaching  on  "the  king's 

matters"  v/hich  tended  to  tne  dlandor  of  CL^tholic 
doctrine. 

L^^  lien.  Vin,  vii, 
463. 

26  Apr.  Stokosley,   iip.  of  London.     On  the  virtue  of 

aaaseti.  ]r'oxo-To.7nahend»  v, 

601. 

a4  Liay  A  preacii>-r  appointed  by  Cramaer.  h&P  Hen.  VIII,  vii, 

516. 

3  i«ov.  -  18  Dec.  (."i  arliument  tiiue"] 

"-.very  oundcy  preiohea...  a  biahop,  who  declared 
the  Fope  not  to  De  head  of  the  chuixh." 

Foxe-Townshend,  v, 
68. 

Dec.  "une  from  iion*'ich,"   oubatitute  for  Hilaey,  3p. 

of  .Rochester,     lie  was  appointed  "to  xhe  ontent 
tnat  ne  night  declare  hie  mind  in  the  icijsg's 
mctters."  LciP  Hen,  VIII,  vii, 

1643. 


HfH 


Heg.  (2) 


1534 


ain  abbot,     i^reachiae  the  king's  cause  against 
Katherine,  he  was  interrupted  by  Father  i-iobinaon, 
a  friar  of  tJreenwich,  v/ho  offei-ed  to  dispute  v;ith 
him.  otrype,  'M,  i(l) 

257-8;  iU)f   193. 


18  July 


Dec. 


1535 

J3r.   George  Browne,  a  provincial  of  tho  -^riaro. 

otokesley  foLurod  ho  might  set  forth  "some  pernic- 

ioua  doctrine,"  ciud  oxcite  sedition  ajjoinst  liim. 

L&P  Hen.  VIII,  viii, 
1043,   1054. 

The  monks  of  the  ^'harterhouse  were  coiiciandod  to 
attend  the  sermons  at  raul's  ^ross  weekly,  "that 
their  hearts  ioiiy  be  li^jhtened  by  knowledge,  their 
bodies  esca-pe  such  puins  as  they  are  worthy  to  suffer, 
cjaJ  thoir  souls  eufcape  the  judgment  of  Ood  for  such 
demerits  ua  tneir  ignoriurt  heerto  have  conceived." 
Llialsey  to  ^roiowell.]  ii&P  Hen.  VIII,  ix, 

989. 


30  Jon. 


6  ^eb. 


13  Feb. 
20  Feb. 

27  Feb. 


1336 

^,  iiallet,  chiiplain  to  oranaer. 

Cranoer.     a  defence  of  tne  supr^uacy,  v/ith  a 
proof  that  the  rope  is  ^'-ntichrist. 

liilijey.     jjefenoe  of  the  su.^reutacy. 


Longlazid,  Bp.  of  i^incoln.     Defence  of  tho 
supreia!.4}y. 


L&F  Hen.  VIII,  x, 
120. 


L«P  Hen.  VIII,  x, 
120}   v.rioth.   ^hron, 
i,  33. 

oturge,  jL^iastull, 
p.  203. 


".Vrioth.    -^hron.i   i, 
34. 


Tunatall,  Bp.  of  ^arxtain.  rreitchine,  before 
the  ^u)p.  of  '-'anterbury,  oany  lords,  and  four 
vhi*rterhouoe  xonks  ..ho  did  usnanoe  for  refusing 
to  ao knowledge  the  supreaacy,  he  declared  the 
Pope's  usurped  authority,  his  uiacharitablo  Dehaviour 
in  marryinc  the  kin^  to  his  brother* li  wife,  "and 
how  everie  kint^e  hath  the  highe  power  under  God, 
and  oughte  to  be  the  supreme  head  over  all  spirit- 
ual! prelates."  ».rioth.  ohron..  i, 

34-b. 


*Ht- 


HBg.   (3) 
1536 

5  _ar.  thaxton,  Bp.  of  .JeliaDury,  ..fioth.  ^nron» .  i, 

35. 

12  ^ir«  Latimer,  Bp.   of   "Orcester.     n©  declarea  that 

"oiahops,  aobots,  friars,  priests  and  all  v;ere 
strojag  thieves,  yea,  dukes,   lordJ,  and  all."Jie 
spoke  also  ugudnst  the  i'onnal  obseiV-ince  of  "ent. 

■fioth.  Chron. ,   i, 
35;  VGH  London,   i, 

19  I^lar.  baloot,  Bp.  of  BaB^or*  Wrioth.  Chron. ,  i, 

35* 

[•'he  Imperial  aabass&dor  thought  that  the  king's  object 
in  ordering  these  sermons  v/as  to  persuade  tho  people 
there  was  no  purj^atory,  that  he  might  seize  tho  property 
of  the  religious  foundrtions  which  kept  up  masses  for  tho 
dead,   o©©  VUil  londont  i,  264.] 

17  June     ^-timer,  i^e  "openly  purged  himself  of  the  false 

lies  surmised  by  the  enonies  of  tho  truth,"  notably 
one  %ta«  Blaggos,  pax-son  of  H£urvelini;hac,  -aho  said 
he  had  revoked  what  ho  had  said  against  confeooion 
and  worshipping  saints.  L«P  iien.  VIII,  x, 

1201. 

6  Aug.  iir.  iiymons.     ilie  serxoon  was  ap^^rently  seditious, 

at  least  in  the  opinion  of  Groias/ell's  informant, 
..aliiam  .jirshall,  ■'jho  implied  tiiat  the  Bp.  of  Lon- 
don permitted  "a  I'ao clement  of  seditious  jireachers." 

L&P  Hen.  VIII,  xi, 
325. 

29  Oct.  Latimer.     A  sermon  against  the  iilgrima,.e  of  Grace. 

oeraono  (^Sveiyman) , 

pp.  22-29, 

aflte  27  i-ioc.  Latimer.  ^  spoke,  "moving  to  unity  without 

any  special  note  of  any  man's  folly."     L«P  Hen.  VIII,  xi, 

1374. 


A  "tyler"  aid  pen  nee  for  maintaining  tho 
opinion  that  i^iirist's  death  v.s   of  benefit  only 
to  those  who  died  before  his  incarnation. 

A  ocock,  in  EllR, 
x(lG95). 


¥f3 


Reg.  (4) 


25  Feu.       A  Disnop.  "He  deceived  tne  people  witn  his  cral'ty 

cowling  wit,  more  fit  lor  the  chattering  ^i-rches  than 
tor  xhe   true  sincere  Cnristian  preaching  place." 
He  opiOsed  tne  doctrine  oi  laith  without  works,  and 
upheld  the  rule  of  celioacy  l"or  the  clergy. 


VCH  London,  i,  267. 


ante  15  July 

Lee,  Aop.  of  York.  "He  did  right  well  touching  the 
supremacy,  and  as  touching  the  condemnation  of  the 
reuels"[of  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace].  UUP  Hen.  VIII, 

xii(2),  2b8. 


19  Aug.   Dr.  t3£mdv/ich  of  Canteruury  College,  Oxiord. 

Appointed  uy  Cromwell,  "for  tne  honest  report  of 
your  lernyng  in  holly  letteres,  and  incorrupte 
jugement  m  the  same."  L&P  Hen.  VIII, 

xii(2),  'il2. 


23  Sept.  i'-atthew  Parker,  Dean  of  otoke  College.  Appointed 

oy  Cromv;ell,  "lor  tne  nonest  report  oi  your  learrj.ng 
and  uncorrtipt  judgment  in  the  same."  Parker  Gorres., 

pp»  b-6, 

12  Nov.   Sir  Thomas  Nev/man,  priest,  uore  a  faggot  for 

"singing  mass  with  good  ale."  Holinshed  (1808), 

iii,  803. 

ante  28  Nov. 

Mr.   Richardyne.  L&P  Hen.  VIII, 

xii(;j),   11cj8. 


HiH 


Heg.  (b) 
1538 


;i4  FeD.   Hilsey.  -cixposure  and  wreaking  up  of  the  Rood  ol 

Grace,  irom  Boxley  in  Kent,  with  its  device  of  "old 
wire  and  rotten  sticks"  uy  wnich  the  eyes  and  lips 
had  ueen  maae  to  move.  Ihe  sermon  was  intended  to 
prepare  tne  people  lor  a  general  aesxruction  oi  such 

images* 

L&P  Hen.  VIII, 

xiii(l),  id9', 
Wriotn,  Gnron.« 
i,  7b-6. 


12  i^y     La.timer.  Tne  iriar  John  ■'''orrest  oustinately  rel'usea 

to  ao  penance  lOr  denying  the  royal  supremacy,  stsmding 
"still  cmd  proua  in  nis  malicious  mind."  Tne  preacher 
Besougnt  the  conj^regation  to  pray  lor  him.  (On  22  l«iay, 
ne  was  nanged  over  a  i'ire,  this  doggerel  ueing  set  over 
tne  gallows: 

Forest  tne  iriar 

Tnat  oustinate  liar 
Tnat  will'ully  suall  oe  dead, 

In  nis  contimacy 
The  Gospel  dotn  aeny 

The  King  to  oe  the  supreme  head.) 

Wrioth.  Chron.« 
i,  78-9;  y.GH  Lon- 
don, i,  2V0. 


24  Nov.     Hilsey.  Exposure  or  the  "ulood  of  Hailes." 

Four  •n-naDapxists,  three  men  and  a  v/oman,  "all 
Dutcnmen,"  uors  faggots  auring  the  sermon, 

wriotn.  ^nron. ,  i, 
90;  VCH  London,  i, 
27u. 


on  II         T    T,  ,„  .       uEicklayer, 

22  ^ec.      John  Harryaaunce,  a  V/nitecuapeJ/  vmo  nau  oeen 

preticning  to  large  auaiences  from  a  tuv^  in  his 

garden,  uore  a  faggot  witn  owo  other  persons, 

one  Of  them  a  priest.  He  nad  nad  "great  auaience 

Oi  people  i.>otn  spirixuall  and  temporall"  at  nis 

exteraporai  aeciarations  of  scripture. 

'iVrioth.  ^nron. ,  i, 

93;  VCh  Lgpiton.  i, 

270. 


Y^i" 


Rati.  (6) 

1539 

30  iiar.       Tunjtall.     -  defence  or  tne  supremacy.         jiauinor,  ^arly  ruuor 

xlac'ory  of  xu.n;'0hipt 
p.  4k;  n, 

6  July         une  George,  a  priest,  bore  a  rt^got  lor  sayiag 
th^t   "Ghri.it  nor  any  creature  had  aiiy  merit  by 
nls  i'aaaioii,"  aad  that  "exoi-cisiiig  oi  holy  water 
or  noly  bre  d  was  execrable  and  aoxe stable." 

L&P  ;-ien,  VIII,  xxv(l), 
1219. 

20  July       iJr.  Byrae,  chaplain  to  tiie  Bp.  of   ..ochester. 

LJiP  Hen,  VIII,  xiv(l), 
1297. 

27  July       Hilsey.     Ho  proacnod  with  "more  fear  than  ever  he 
did  in  hio  life."     [liiia,  and  the  precodint;  sormon, 
wee  incidents  in  the  quarrol  betwoon  iiilsey  and 
atokealey.]  i>oiI^  Hen.  VIII,  xav(l), 

12S7. 


Ib40 

15  Feb.       Gixdiner,  Bp.  of  ^j-Mhester.     iiie  aennon  ugainfft 
Lutheraniam  which  provoked  tne  controversy  with 
Barnes.  I*"^  aen.  VIII,  xv, 

312. 

23  ^eb.       fi&bert  Darues.     lisiug  Gardiner  8  text  of  15  I''eb., 
he  railed  upon  the  oisliop  with  squq  violence. 

LciP  Hen.  Vm,  XV, 
312 J  Burnet- i'ocock, 
i,  475. 

7  i-ar.         ailliam  Jerome,  vicar  of  ijtopney.     tie  conf'irsied 
Barnes 'ii  doctrine  that  "/iien's  constitutions  bind 
not  the  consciGnco."  iiurJiet-Focock,  i,  47S. 

14  Mar*       ^r,  Gerrard  LGarretj.     Like  the  two  preceding,  a 

Lutheran  sermon.  Durnet-Pocock,  i,  475. 

4  Apr.         iJr.  .alson,  vicar  of  ot.  Martin's,  Bishopsgaio. 

liehearsul  of  L>pital  senuons  by  Barnes,  Gerz^ard  and 
Jei-ome,  in  which  they  had  recanted  their  various 
erroiTj,  ..'rioth.  Ghron. ,  i, 

114. 

11  Apr.       Gardiner.     Ihere  w.  s  a  "fraye"  ainon^;  sorving-men 

during  the  seruion.  .;rioth,  Ghron..  i, 

135. 

Uagr  Cranmer.     Bp.   ^lajapson  of  Ghiohester,  who  was  to 

preach,  wtis  arrested,   and  Granmer  prexhed  the  "con- 
trary" of  wiiat  uardiiier  had  preached  in  Lent.     Gonstont,  -"^ixrv  Villi 

pp.  313,   332. 


Fveg.  (7) 
1541 

13  Feb.       I*.  -^dTTard  Cromo.     iiia  rirst  public  recantation 

of  hia  opinions  contjrary  to  the  iict  of  ^ix  Ai-ticles. 

iOxo-iOwnEJhend,  v» 
835  &  app*  xvi. 

16  Oct.       Two  priests  did  penanoe  for  performing  the  marriage 
of  tho  son  of  Lx.  -ieringe,  a  proctor  in  tho  Jirchos, 
"to  a  yopg  gentlewoman  in  a  charaber  v;ithout  license 
or  asking! "  ahe  having  been  coirbractijd  before,     i'iiis 
was  a  breach  of  'uhe  statute  32  iien.  VIII)  c*  33t 
re^ulatint,  pre-coutract.  >.fioth.  ^hron.  i  i, 

130. 

13  Mov.       Dr.  ;dohard  Smith.     Apparently  3ji  orthodox  (i.e. 
Catholic)  semioni  since  he  v/as  attacked  by  the 
Lutheran  Alexuidor  iioton  in  the  chui'cii  of  Jt. 
Antholine's  in  the  saisie  afternoon,  for  hia  doctrine 
of  v,(Orks  aiid  his  interpretation  of    keconciiioiiaini  Deo* 

i  0x0-  i'o  i.  nsiiend ,  v  » 
4'i8,  450. 

18  i)©c.       lap.  i<udd,  chantry  priest  of  Barliicg,     "flie  occasion 
of  tho  recEUitation  of  ^^lexander  oeton,   "a  ijcottish 
man,  and  -wOiiiny  ,jroachor"L^-'03cej,  and  >...  Tolwino, 
parson  of  Jt.  iintholine'3,  for  various  Lutheran 
doctrines.  -.rioth.  Chron. «  i, 

132}  i'oxe-'l'ovmahond, 
V,  451. 


1543 

8  July         ^\ecantations  of  J^ozioas  '^econ,   1-LOoert  i^isdom,  and 
.lObei't  '-'ingleton.     Luoou  cut  in  pieco3  elevon  of 
his  "unlawful"  books;   "iddom  recanted  his  heresy 
in  denying,  frtie-will  and  preaching  against  veneration 
of  saints,     singleton  confessed  briefly  that  he  was 
"an  unlearned  fantasuycall  foole."  \>rioth.  '•'hron. «  i, 

14 .-  j  i' oxo-  xov/nahe  nd , 
V,   ap.-.  xilj  VCH 
London,  i,  283. 

1544 

6  July  One  John  iiayward  recanted  his  "blindly"  holding 

to  the  iiuproiaacy  of  .»orae,   and  "coao-alini;  and 
favoring"  others  of  that  opinion,     lie  decL-ored 
tho  kin{j's  cloiaoncy  in  not  putt  in::;  him  to  de-^th 

as  his  offonco  deserved.  U-P  Hen.  VIII,  xix(l), 

853}  i'oxe-Tovmshend, 
V,  528-9. 


fr7 


Reg.  (8) 


1544 


'Ihe  roca:itatioa  of  -lobort  .Varde,  who  had  "dyvorse 
tyinea  in  alehouaoa  and  unoonelie     and  uraaeoto 
placoa"  j^o.en  irreverently  ol"  the  inaas,  imd.  hod 
kept  unlawful  oooks.  Foxe-iovmshend ,  v, 

apt',  xi. 


1545 

8  Feb.         A  prieat  of  i*©irt  did  poiiance  for  counterfeiting  the 
Dlood  of  *-hrl3t  at  mass,  by  "cuttynt  of  hya  fyncer 
and  Lmaking]  it  to  blodo  on  the  hoat."  For  hia 
Ijencnce  he  wore  "a  uroad  stole  of  linen  cloathi 
coulourod  with  urops  like  bloud,"  .rioth.  Chron, i   i» 

152 J   Clinch,   .^t. 

rgul'st  p.   51, 

1546 


1:5  .^^T,  L_^3terj 

A  3«ruon  against  -^r.   ^^ronse.     "The  v.  aarciondea 
[at  the  '-'pital  uxiu  xuul's  Croasj  apak©  all  ai:>ayne 
tho...  opijynyons"[.ol'  t  le  sacre;  ont  of  the  altar.] 

urev  i.TJc-i'a  '^iiroa. « 
p*  50* 

9  Jtoy  Dr.  Crome.     *^  loiled  isatiafactorily  to  recant  his 

ooiuiona  concerning  the  Boci'aiisnt  of  the  altar. 

UiP  Hen.  VIII,  xxi(l), 
783,  790,  SIO,   1127; 
Foxe-xo-mshend,  v, 
635. 

27  June        i>r.  vJrone,     iiis  final  recanttition.  L^JP  ilen.  VIII,  sxi(l), 

113S;  i''oxe-iO-:yn3hond, 
V,  836  «  api^.  xvi; 
xrioth.  '•'hron. ,  i, 
lcJ-7, 

1  Aug.  Nicholas  fcihaxton.     Hq  recanted  his  horosy  of 

the  sacrai-ieirt  of  the  altar,   i.e.  denial  of  the 
coi'poral  rreoence.     iie  declared  his  error  the 
result  of  "hei-eticall  Dookaof  -ii-ngliah,"  ajid  "wepte 
oorti  and  ixide  c^ce  lamentacion  for  hye  ofiena." 

■■rioth.  Chron. ,   i» 
170  5   C-rey  vri  rs 


26  '^ept.       iioretical  books  burned  at  sermon  tiae. 


Jhron. .  p.  51. 

.rioth.  Chron.,  i, 
175. 


at 


"eg.  ^.y; 
1547 

16  «Jan.     Feckenham,   chaplain  to  tiie  Bp,   of  Lonaon.     He 
irtveighea  against  the  advance  of  German  heresy 
among  the  younger  generation.     "iJanctimony  ol    life 
is  put  away,  with  fasting,...  and  oeads." 

L&P  Hen.  VIII,   xxi(<;), 
710.  VGH  London,   i, 
285. 


EOTAKD  VI 

3U  Jan.     Heath,  Bp.   of  ik)chester,     ^e  "decliirea  the  Kingea 

giit  geaven  xo  tne  cittie  of  London  lor  the  releeving 

of  tne  poore  people"   ["the  Grey  Friars  endowmen  of  500 

marks  per  year],      "^he  audience  uid  not   knov/  that  the 

king  had  oeen  dead  two  days.  Wrioth.  Chron. ,   i, 

177;   btov/-Kingsford, 
i,   ^IB, 

Lent  tiarlow,  Bp.  of  St.  Davids. 

Both  preached  against 
Nicholas  Ridley.  veneration  of  images. 

Pollard,  History,  p.   l4, 

Hugn  Glasier,  Cranmer's  commissary  lor  Calais. 
He  preached  i±h.t  "lent  was  not  ordained  of  God  to 
oe  lasted...   out  that  the  saem  <.'as  a  politic   oram- 
ance  of  man,  and  might  therefore  ue  oroken  of  men 

at  tneir  pleasure."  Burnet-i'ocock,   ii,  37; 

Strype,  M'   ii(l)» 
40;  Constant,  Edward 
VI»   P«   222. 

15  May       iJr.   Richard  "^th,  reader  m  divinity  in  King's 
College,    Oxford.     He  recanted  his  two  papistical 
books,   one  written  in  defence  of  the  mass,   the  other 
in  deieuce  of  unwritten  verities.     The  oooks  were 
ourned  in  sermon  time.  wrioth.   Chron. ,   i, 

184;  Heylyn,  Ecc.  Res.. 
i,   39;   Strype,  'EM, 
ii(l),   52,   51;  i^'oxe- 
Townshend,  vi,   764; 
V.  STC  i;28k;2, 

Nov.  Ridley.     He  preached  against  aouse  of  the  sacrament 

of  the  altar  uy  "the  unreverend  uehaviour  of  cei^ain 
evil  disposed  persons."     He  was  misuncierstood  uy  some 
wno  thought  he  preached  transuustantiation, 

Foxe-Townsnend,  vi, 
437;  vii,   520,  523. 


^IH 


Heg,  (10) 
1547 

27  liov.         Barlow,  Bp,  of  '^.  iJavid's.     Ho  showed  and  crok© 

two  imy^jea,  one  of  tne   "ii-gin,   "which  tney  of  ^iiul's 
had  lapped  in  cerecloth"  and  hiadun  in  a  corner  of 
the  cathedral;  and  a  picture  of  the  ^^eaui'rection 
"laado  ..ith  vices »   w'nich  putt  out  his  legges  of  se- 
pulchre and  olesaed  v/ith  his  h^md,  and  tuj*ned  his 
head."     lifter  the  seiiaont  "the  "ooys  oroke  the  idols 
in  pieces."  tVrioth.  Ohron. » 


ii»  1. 


1548 


18  Jan,         Latimer.     The  fajaous  seitaon  of  the  rlough.     j-nore 
had  been  three  other  senaons  in  the  aeriea,  upon 
the  seed  to  bo  sown  in  uod's  field,     "iixdno-n  I  aliall 
tell  you  who  oe  the  ploughers."     'ihis  sermon  was 
j^^reached  in  the  ohrouds.  ;3erraoaa   (-i^oiyrjan). 

29  Apr.         John  Ohampneys,  of  otratford  on  the  Bow,  recanted 
"t:rievou3  heresy."     [-^^^  ueliofs  were,  by  large 
definition,  iUiaDaptist.]  3trype,  Crara-.-.eri 

i,   2j4-5. 

29  June         Gardiner,  before  an  inuiiense  audience.     lie  had 

ol'ferud.  to  preixh  to  cletir  himsolf  oi   chr.i-ges  of 
laisbehuviour  in  his  diocese,  durijig  his  reoidence 
there  in  Lent.     He  derended  the  royal  supremijcy 
and  the  dissolution  of  tne  chantries,  but  in  spixe 
of  •^oaeraet's  prohibition,  he  upheld  tne  Uatholic 
doctrine  of  the  mass.  Constant,  ^d'^ard  YX. 

pp.   232ff. 

8  July  Lir.  Oox,  king's  almoner.     He  spoke  of  tne  senaon 

of  Z9  June,   and  of  ijai^dinor  a  obstinacy,   exiiorting 
the  auaieiice  to  pxTiy  for  his  conversion  to  the 
truth,   "and  not  to  rejoice  of  this  hi,j  trobla,  v/hich 
was  godlie  dO:.8,"  .Vrioth.   Uhron..  ii, 

'i;  i  oxo-iownjhend, 
V,  763. 

["ivll  tlioys  prechara  tnat  prechyd  at  i-owlles  croase  at  that 
tic»  spa^e  aoche  agayno  the  bysshope  ol"    .ynchester."  Grey 


ujLuio    a^uco   .auuxie    u^uyu 

Friars  Cihron. t  p.  56.] 


4Z  July         itattnew  larker,  vice-chancellor  of  Cambridge. 

oomerset  oraerod  hua  to  preach,    "noi,  doubting  but 

that  you  will  purely  ajaa  sinc^^rely  aex  out  xhe  holy 

scriptures,   so  as  God's  glory  may  be  a.iVt\ncod,  and 

the  people  with  ..holeaome  docxrme  ecified."       x^urker.Ccpres. .  p.   39, 


Iflo 


nag.  \,xxj 

1d48 

11  Nov.   FerraPf  Bp,  of  ■^t.  David's.  Tliis  v/as  the  first 

sermon  preached  after  tne  inliiuition  of  preaching 
oy  proclamation  of  28  ^ept.  "He  dyd  not  preche 
in  nys  aubet  of  a  oysnoppe,  uut  lyko  a  prest,  and 
he  spake  agayne  all  maner  of  thynges  of  the  churche 
and  the  sacrament  ol  the  auter,  and  vestmentes, 

coppes,  alterres,  witn  all  otner  thynges,"     Grey  Friars  Gnron.« 

p.  57}  VCH  London, 
i,  292. 

1549 


29  Mar.         Latimer.     A  denunciation  of  the  Lord  Admiral  Seymoiir, 
vmo  had  oeen  executed  on  20  I.iarch.     Tlie  preacher 
asserted  tnat  nis  last  act  was  an  attempt  to  instigate 
fiary  and  Elizaoeth  to  sedition.     Ilie  sermon  v/as  re- 
ceived in  silence;  there  was  much  popular  disapproval 
of  the  Protector's  proceeding  against  his  urother. 

Foliar^,  HisoorVi 
p.   39, 

28  Apr.         hiiles   Goverdale.     liie  renearsal  sermon. 

[Recantation  of  Jonn  Cnampneys  tnis  date?     See 

Z9  Apr.   1548,   out  note  oelov/,]  Narratives  or  -^f., 

p.   295. 

5  May  One  Putto[e],   a  fanner  of  Colchester,  an  Ana- 

uaptistj>  did  penance.  V/rioth.    Chron. «   ii, 

12. 

12  iiay     Another  Anauaptist,  a  outoher  dwelling  by  Ould 

Fish  .street,  core  a  faggot,  wrioth.  ^nron.t   ii, 

12. 

19  May  Putto  did  penance  again,  naving  stood  the  first 

'  time  with  his  cap  on,  which  was  in  the  people's 
estimation  impenitent,  Wriotn.  Chron. ,    ii, 

13. 

9  June   ["jiit Sunday] 

No  sermon?     Uy  Lydall  should  have  preached,   out 

did  not  arrive.  Wriotn.   G/iron. .   ii, 

14. 

10  June         Ooverdale. 

both  preached  at  the  Lord 

11  June         Mr.  Bill  of  ^amoridge,       layer's  ap^-ointment.     V/rioth.   '^hron. .   ii, 

14. 


¥f( 


Heg,   (12) 
1549 


^1  July         »a**  JoBsphf  ohaplain  to  Crunmary  al'ter  ooi^uiiuuioia 
oolebrated  by  Oranaer  in  the  c  thedral  aooording 
to  the  "iCiiiij's  book."     Ha  rehearsed  Gnuainer'a 
sermon  in  the  cathedral»  on  the  evils  of  sedition 
showed  by  the  present  oomrootion  in  the  kingdom. 

..rioth.  yhroUfi   ii, 
18. 


8  i'ept.         i^L-iiund  Bonrser.     iio  had  been  ordered  to  preach  in 
f  TOUT  of  the  now  religion,   £ind  to  set  forth  the 
king's  prerogative  in  hie  minority,  but  failed  to 
perform  the  c.rticles  autieftictorily.  Wrioth.  Chron. .  ii» 

24  J  VCH  j-ondon.   i, 
293-4;  yoxe- 
Tovmshend,  v,  745-6. 


22  'jept.       "Or  Hopper,"  formerly  a  white  monk  [John  Hooper], 
ik.  sermon  ug&inot  ijoniier*  preached  on  Graniaer'a 

or^eruc  Grey  Fri:-x-3  Chron. « 

p.   63. 


•^ir  'Stephen,  cui^ate  of  iJt.  ivathorine  Cree.     Im 
inveotive  against  the  maypole  of  •^l*  /indrev/  Undei'- 
shaft,  which  v/as  taken  down  the  same  aitemoon  eind 
sai'/ed  in  piuoea.     i^e  also  declared  nimeelf  in  favour 
of    J-tering  the   (preaumiibly  superstitious)  naiaes 
of  churches,   anu  daye  of  the  v/eek,  and  said  that  i4U3t;i 
might  bo  kept  any  time  except  between  ohrove-tid© 
and  iiaster.     -jtow  was  prosent  himself.  otcv-Kingsford,   i, 

143-4. 


fti^ 


1550 


2  Feb,       -Qioians  •'■©Ter.     A  v;oll- known  aeraon  against  wilful 
reDollion  and  jodial  ii\jUBtice*     'xhxa  a@xniX>n  uas 
pre.-ched  in  tlio  Slirouda,  ■^erEions(Arber)« 


pp.  21-51. 


30  -«r«     ^i  sermon  of  thtjaksgiving  for  peace  with  France, 
attondea  by  the  Lord  --ayor  and  the  -ddemen  in 

their  scarlet.  ..rioth.  Gliron.«  ii, 

35. 


25  ''way  [*<iiit3uadayj 

^duley,  I^p.  of  London.  Grey  iriars  ^hron.. 


p.  66, 


26  i'lay      Hooper. 


27  liay       i^.  CottesfurthLGottisford]  fi'rioth.  Gnron..  ii» 

40. 


1  Jiuie       ^r.  i^rkhuQ.     He  asserted  that  in  the  sacrament 
"v^as  noj  suoutunce  but  urede  aiid  synne."  [xuia 
we^  iiov/  the  official  vie^.     liais  sen^on  doubtleijs 
waa  part  of  a  pro^ruu  to  suppress  the  old  ritual 

and  belief.     3©©  Pollai'd,  History,  p.  j3.]  ^rey  Ffigj^s  Qhron», 

p.  C7. 


31  iiig.     ^tsphen  Ga,ston»  clerk,     iie  "spake  ogayne  the  Lady 
waxy  us  !i30ch  cls  he  qygte^  but  he  nai^d  not  haroy 
but  sayd  thor  was  a  grot  woman,  within  tho  realm© 
that  was  a  gret  supporter...  of  popei^lSy  and  3upei>« 
stycione,  and  prayed  that  she  liiyght  forsake  hare 
oppyiv^ons....  /ind  also  he  sayd  that  iienry  ths  vii^ 
was  a  papist,  with  oixn^  opprobryous  wordes  of  hym  aa 
yt  was  hai'de."  urov  x'riurs  G]iron.. 

p.  67. 

14  "ec.     IhoEELS  Lever.     ->■  brilliant  aeirrjon  against  "wicked 
"tujLyjxit"  with  an  account  of  tho  sad  case  of  the 
u^vcrsitioo.  ot^raono  (Arber), 

pp.  91-143. 


f?3 


iiog.  U4; 

1551 


16  i*Qr«       Parkar,  appointea  hy  Jranmer  on  order  oi"  the  Gouncil. 
vJraiKaer  exiiortod  iiim  "purely  aiid  alncevoly  to  set 
i'orth  uod's  word  \,horo  and  to  exiioii;  youi-  audience 
to  thoir  duties*   oceaienoe  to  iiia  -ajBsty'a  highneas* 
laws  and  statutes  and  to  unity  and  ciitofity  amoug 
tiiej:iaelves  as  appen  ineth."  Farker  ^owes.* 

p.   ix  n.    j-rouuldM 
GOiiisctod  v-'itli  the 
i raver  Bookt  p.   130. 


July 

Farker*     ^idley  conniandod  him  to  proach>  warning 
him  of  the  danger  of  refueal.  [Parker  had  a^^iXireut- 
ly,  witii  oharuut eristic  ailiideacej  .; leaded  off 
an  ©arUer  request,]  x'arker  Gorres.t 

p.  45. 


1552 


1  Hov.  lidley.     An  aftomoon  sonnon,  after  a  moiiiing 

t^orvice  in  the  catliedr^al  in  which  the  second 
itook  of  (Jomijon  ixayer  wu^s  introduced,     Tue  aenaon 
lasted  till  five  o'clock,   bo  wearying  the  Lord 
ii-vOr  aJid  ulder..ian  thtit  they  -i^ent   Jtrai^jht  hoiae» 
and  "ctjiae  not  with-in  rawlles...    .a  they  were  v/ont© 
to  d-jo."  Urey  Friars  '-'Uroa. , 

P  •   "^^  i   "''t'io"'j'^t«   '^hrtu 
ii,  78 J   ^trype, 
Gramor,   i,   416. 


11  I/ec.         JLctioer.     He  drew  attorrtiun  to  the  unsanitary 

coiidition  of  I'aul's  cliurchyard.  VCH  Londoni   i,   322, 


V^-/ 


i>©g,    (15) 
1553 


21  Jaay         -adley.  w>riotia>  Gliron. «  ii, 

84. 


Z  July         ^r.  iiodgesiqriin©|_iio<l£kiu j ,  suffragan  ^«  of 

iedrord.     He  did  not  pray  for  i^ary  or  -liaabeth. 

Grey  j'riars  Oaron. , 
p.  78. 


•QUielffli  J/UE" 


9  JuJy  r.-rl^tii  ^uroa.«  ii,  88  & 

Holinshed  (,18^-6),   iii»   1070  ^iv© 

16  July. J 

Kidley.     rreaching  in  jupport  of  lady  '^ane, 
he  called  "ary  aai  J^lizaoeth  illegitiaate,   "aiad 
30  found  bouii  oy  tiao  clargi©  aad  aatea  of  "^ arliauerrfc 
Liudo...  in  iiingt)  *-ienry  tiie  Vlllts  dayoa."     "/ill  the 
pepull  v/as  soro  anoyd  v^itn  nys  worddes,  ooo  imchoi'yt- 
auullc  spokyne  m  aoo  oiiyno  ane  av/tiiens."     iia  fui'ther 
"pressed  mo  xnccwa  oditios  aai  J^iconveniences"  oi 
i^ixy's  accession,  and  daolurod  thu.t  "isiie  v/o^ld  suurert 
tne  *ru©  ♦•eligion"  nsn;  astablisaed,  V7iun©3ain^  lier 
otuoLomness  wli©n  n©  had  sougnt  to  turn  her  from 
Hoiij©*   liieylynj  Urgy  i'Viars  ohron. » 

p.  73;     iicylyn,    ..(pc. 
iioa..   i,   162 J  iToxe- 
Toivnchend,  vi,   38y-90. 

16  July      Joim  sogers.     A  sercaon  "j^odly  and  vehemQnt," 

avoxding  politic©.  i- oxa-Tov/nshend ,  vi, 

ov2;  i'ollu.rd,  Iliatory* 
p.  1^5. 


MAiijr 


13  Aug,       Dr.  iioiirno,  tho  qu©on*s  chciplain.     ^i©  praised 
i>oraior,  was  attacked  by  the  crov/d,  and  saved 
by  Bradford  and  otaers.     A  notorious  incident. 

..riotli.  Wirop..  ii, 

97-G}     -achyn,  p.  41; 

gray  .riui-a  ^hron.. 

p.   Q6i   cjo.,   uc. 


'^'js" 


iieg.  (16) 


1:j53 


iiO  -i^ig*       IT,  Watoon,  cii:ipiain  to  the  Bp.  of  -iuclieBtar. 
lie  was  3urrouiided  by  200  o£  the  queon'a  guard. 
He  declarad  "the  obeaienoe  of  subjoccw"  and  denounced 
tilse  preadiers  i-^ad  tscushera*  iiachyn,  p.  41; 

■■rioth»  ^Jiron.t  ii, 
y9-100;  ^rev  '  rlixrs 
ohron. %  p.   83* 


al  Mi^9      iJr»  ^edsey.  i-'oxe-'iownahend,  vi, 

t.38. 


24  *JQpt.  JeokemaiB,  "A  godly  sermon  as  was  hard  in  that 

piuce."  iia6io|Qrn»  p«  44. 

Z2  wot.       lesion,  dean  of  "e^jtminstor.     He  an)V>unced  a 
disputation  betwetsn  the  men  of  the  old  faith 
and  the  Arotoatanta  at  Coiwocaiion,     At  the  be- 
ginviiiig  of  hi3  sermon  he  viilled  the  people  to 
prwy  for  souls  departed.     "He  named  the  xjord*:}  table 
an  oyater-boisrd.     ^Hi  said,  that  tlxe  catechiam  in 
Latin,   1  ^telyaet  out,  v/as  acooinablo  iiei'eay,  and 
likened  the  setters-out  of  the  acme  catechisia  to 
Julian  the  apostate,  and  the  book  to  a  dialogue  set 
but  t>j'  the  atone  «Juliaa«..,  v.ixejrQin  wurist  and  i  ilat© 
were  the  spe^ers."  [ioxej  t^c^Ut  p.  46j 

Clarke,  I^iarrow  ;16- 
54),  p.  530 J  i'oxe- 
'•'Ovmshend,  vi,  541; 
vii,   778, 


IZ  i*ov»         i>rook8,  after  i^.  of  ^^loucester.     "A  ijenaou  very 
notable,  fruictefull,  and  viodlie...,"  on  watt, 
i*.  18,     irotoatanta  censured  the  aemon,   sayihg 
thc>t  he  iiad  uade  hiuiself  to  be  Jairus,  iiingland 
hia  daughter,  arti  the  ^een  Christ,  [DIB]  ^IC  3838  [not  seen]. 


Yfb 


iieg.  (17) 


lb  1^4 


8  iipr.     A  ctvo  ..^axie  3ako  a  prioat  ready  to  agy  laass, 

vrith  a  slmvon  croiTn,  v/liich  M/aa  huRj?  on  the  ciross 

in  ohoapside,  v/o.^  oxiiibited  at  the  Cross.     A 

rev/ard  of  20  aoblea  isras  offerei  for  the  apprehension 

of  the  guilty  ^.eriion,  but  "none  could  or  would  em 

it."  '-rioth. 


ihron. » 


ii,  114;  Groy 
Jri.ars  Chron.» 
p.  88;  Foxe- 
Tow.. ahead,  vi,   548. 


10  June.   --r.  x'endlotoai.     •'•^  v/aa  shot  at  during  the  sermon j 
tho  i:.ollet  hit  the  church  wall  near  vfaerQ  tiie  •U)rd 
ii«yor  sat.     '^ei..rcli  rsaa  laad©  vainly  in  every  house 


in  the  precinct  of  *aul'3. 


Lachyn,  p.  65; 
Wrioth.  ^Iiron.  t 
ii,  117;  Erev 
Fri'-rs  Ghron»» 
i>,   50. 


15  July     ^^r.  'ii^maeelsvt  Archdeacon  of  London,     ucoaaion 

of  the  public  penaaco  of  Elizabeth  ^roft,  who 

had  practised  a  fraud  of  a  "voice  in  a  wall"  which 

spoke  various  seditious  ruraours  coiyjerning  the 

Ejass  aad  the  i-ing  of  uii)ain.  "rioth.  Ohron. .  ii, 

117-8;  ^rev  ^x'i..~rs 
Ghro.a. ,  p.  90; 
ilolinohed  U808), 
iv,  56. 


HIILIP  &  MM 


29  July     iiicholaa  ilarpsfield.     He  prayed  "in  ys  bodea"  for 

tho  kinji  and  queen.  i^achyn,  pp.  u6-7. 


23  i^dpt«  I>r.  -vdd  roc  Tinted  his  oarria^je* 


ilachyn,  p.  69. 


30  'Jept.  Oardiaer.     '■^any  of  tho  council  were  pi^yent, 
io  hoar  him  condeiioi  the  preachers  of  -xlv/ai'd's 
reign,  and  praiae  rhilip  II, 


\i\chyn,  p.  69; 
tJhronicle  of    ..ueen 
Jane,  pp.  02-3; 
x'oxe-Townoliend , 
vi,  559-60. 


^f7 


1554 


iieg*  (IS) 


14  Oct.         jitmstall,    'the  old  bishop  of     urhtua. 


J-'  ox©-xOw-ashoiid» 
vi,   561, 


4  iiov.  iiarpsfield.     ^'ive  priests  v/ho  were  content  to 

pat  away  their  wives  L*'oxe],  or  i'our  priests 
and  "a  teuporall  saan"  ^:/iio  had  two  v/ives  L^cchya], 
did  pentince  in  sheets,  with  tapers,  and  rods  v/ith 
v/hicli  the  prea-har  struck  thoia  as  he  "shovvyd 


their  oppynyons." 


Maohyn,  pp.  73-4 j 
urev  Frit-rs  ^hron. « 
p.  92;  Jjaskei^/ille, 
p.  261;  ■'oxe- 
■••ownsheiKl ,  vi,   561. 


11  i<OT« 
18  i»OT. 
35    iiOT. 

z  -"ec. 


i>r.  i'endloton. 


^hite,  I^.  of  Idjacoln. 

ji'ecke£&iaizi«  ueaa  of  '^*  ^''aul's. 

Gardiner,     ^hilip  II  and  Ourdinal  role  were 
present  on  this  nocaole  occasion.     *^ardiner 
prea.chod  on  behalf  ox  the  old  faith,  and  pub- 
lished role*3  papal  conEiisoion  to  receive 
-England  back  into  tlie  ^atiiolic  folA. 


faachyn,  p.  74. 
iaochyn,  p.  76. 
iiachyn,  p.  76. 


Wrioth.  ^hron.« 
ii,   124-5}  v^hron- 
icle  of     if^en  '^ane« 
pp.   151— Li. 


9  ^ec.  iSoume,  Jip.  of  i^ath  and  w©li3,     iie  prayed  for  the 

ir'ope  and  for  souls  in  purgatory.  Liachyn,  p.  78. 


16  ^ec.  Cotes,  Bp.  of  .lestcheater.     On  the  mads. 

L-the  entry  in  i-iichyn  is  iiaperfoct,  out  there  is 
onoHgh  to  iijfer  that  he  reviewed  the  heresies 


of  past  yoairs.] 


...il^iyn,  p.   79. 


Yfg 


r«g.    (19) 
1555 

14  Jan.       ^r.  ^heassyt  pajjeon  of  ^J.lhallov/3  in  ^eal  street. 

Llacbyiif  p*  80. 

19  iisy         Horpsfield.     ^eoazice  ol'  tvo  woineu  who  cozifessod 
to  prok'.oting  a  fraud  in  couiieotion  wltli  a  new 
bom  child  who  was  supposed  to  have  spoken  and 
"sayd  that  tiie  kyzigdom  of  (^d  ys  at  hand,"  »rioth.  ^hron. « 

ii,  128-9;  ..aohyn, 
p.  88. 

26  i-ity.       Dr»  Ghedsey,     proclamation  of  procession  raid  pirayar 
for  peace  v/ith  ■'ranee*  aiKl  publication  oi  i^ouiier's 
ordex's  from  tlie  council  for  tho  suppreosion  of  heresy 
in  hi  J  diocese  of  -ondon.     L-^-his  doouaent  has  been 
used  ooth  for  and  Otjaiiist  -"onijei-  in  tae  controvert 
over  A'oxe's  stateiaeixts.J  i'oxe-'iownshond,  viii, 

451;  i^itli^nd,  i^aaavs 
on...  i.^^fonaa.tiQn« 
pp.  490-2. 


t>03t.26  -^ 

A  senaon,  preceding  the  procession  through  the 
•Jlty*  and  prayer  for  tlio  aucceasful  conclusion  of 

peace  between  the  ^peror  Jind  the  iranch  king.     r'oxe-Tov.-nshend,  vii, 

286. 


15   '^ept.     'J-ae  rope's  bull  of  plen:jry  remission  declared: 
to  "tuj  iiiony  as  wyll  reseyffe  ys  p>.rdon  as  to  be 
shryff »  and  fast  iii  days  in  one  Tsyke,  and  to  re- 
seyffe the  blessed  saci^aiuent  the  next   jonday  tiff- 
ter,   clon  reL^tssyon  of  all  tlier  synes  tossy  ens 

quossvens  of  all  that  ever  they  dyd."  [ijochyn]     ..rioth.  ^iiron. ,  ii, 

130;  i.^chyn,  p.  y4, 

z6  liov.       "-.i  stripling"  was  v/hipped  about  London,  and 

about  Aaul's  oross,  lor  speaking  there  against 
the  bishop  who  had  preocned  there  chs  previous 
iiunday.  ;Jtr7pe,  ^y  iii(l), 


15  -Wee.       '-JX  old  sheplierd  created  a  disturbance  before 
the  sermon,  by  speolcing  "serten  thynges  and 
rayelyng."     He  was  taken  to  the  '-'ourrcer.  i^chyn,  p,  98. 


'^ff 


liag,  (20; 
1556 

6  Feb.     i^r.  reryn,  a  oiaok  irxar.     --  priest,  one  Uiomas 

oam[pJ3on»  did  peaanee  lor  oigaay  Lol^^rical  marriage, 

or  pt;rionaijit>  a  bii^oiaous  cereraory?].  ..uichyn,  p.  100, 

8  Lar,     *>■  aaji  did  pejaaiice  \jxth  two  pigs  iie  nad  brought  to 

sell.  i^ohyu,  p.  101. 

[A  ciyptic  entry.] 

14  June  Fockenbaia,  Dean  of  ot.  i'aul'e.     tie  declared  that 

tnirteen  hurotics  condemned  to  be  burnt  "had  as  raciny 
aun-.ry  opinions  aa  they  v/ere   aundry  persons."     The 

group  answered  v/ith  a  "iistter  or  itpology,"  lOxe-Townshend,  viii, 

154-6. 

18  *^ct.  "hits,  Bp.  of  .tinchester.  Strypa,  EMi  iii(l), 

503. 


1557 

ante  liar. 

Oardiaal  Pole's  instruction  ror  conreasion  and 

fasting  proclaimed.  VGH  London »  i,  303. 

16  i'^r*  ^J*.  «urryn[i^ior.veaJ.     "ilxer  was  grett  audyena."     Jiaehya,  p.  131. 

2  isay      fr.  Oaoaaey.     iie  "aaclarad  that  serton  trayturs  that 
was  tciken  at  Jkarborow  castyll,  the  v/ycho  tiioy  fled 
over  the  see  a-for."  £^e  i'ollara,  iiistor/<  p.  1G4,] 
I'resuraably  tniii  was  a  senson  poiOoing  tho  r.oral  of  the 
iailure  of  Shocias   -ftafioi-d's  ianrtastic  attenpt,   in 
April,  to  unseat  ^-'exy,  lia-hyn,  p.  135. 

zQ  June  Feckonham,  -ibbot  of  Vvestioinster.     a  sermon  of  Dives 

and  Laaax'us.  U;j«hyn,  p.  132, 

lb  /Oig.  iiiirpsfield,      xiie   sermon  of  thanks, :ivii^  for  it, 

^uentin,  i.e.,   for  the  rout  of  a  iTrench  roii-ving 

anqy  on  lu  '^ugust.     ^■^  "declared  hoiv  inai^-  v.tier  ^aken, 

and  uhat  nobuli  laen  tliey  wore,"  -^cchyn,  p.  147. 

21  ikrr,  FeckoidMssi,  Machyn,  p,  153, 

1558 

30  Jan.   ..hlte.  Dp,  of  "inchester,  i^iochyn,  p. 164, 

6  Feb.     ooott,  bp,  or  w'estcheater,      iiierw  were  sixteen 

bishops,  besides  the  ijord  ^-ayor  and  tJaionnen,   at  the 

seraon.  ^.^iohyn,  p.  165. 

20  Feb.     atson,  Bp,  of  Liincoin,  ^-achyn,  p.   166. 

6  i*ar.     Feckeidiaa,  i..achyn,  p,   168. 


foo 


Keg.  (21) 
ADDITIOK/\L 
Undated  sermons:  temp.  ii^fSf* 

A  pire&oher  named  P— — , 

"1:j45,     Jiie    itewes  &  publilte  bordell  houses  jxbout 
-t-oudon  it  in  other  places  of  iJoglond)  aieaboliolied) 
a  ao  continue  untill  the  time  of  '^liene  ^'tuy}  in 
udios©  dcJ.03,   ooiae  of  tiie  Olergy  auide  laoour  to  have 
thea  reatoied  Uijaine,  u;  were  very  likely  to  have 
obteined  tlieir  ;jute  if  3h©  liad  lived  a  while  longer; 
soche  trees,   sochc  fi^utet   *for  the  steues,*   aaith 
oiie  of  theia  in  a  soxTion  nside  at  i'aules  cr^sss  i_3icj, 
•ai-e  30  noceosiiry  in  a  comon  v/elth,  as  a  iaxe  in  a 
mannes  houtie'a  his  ncae  I  spare,  sitii  it  shall  suifice 
tbat  it  beginneth  with  the  suiae  letter  that  papa  [.the 
PopeSj  do the," 


liarriaon's  JhrQiK>lo;.ie« 
in  li&3  ■Avjkm  -jOC.  rub,, 
ser.  6,  no.  1,  li* 


foi 


Heg.    (21) 
1550 


SLXoAiimi 


20  iiov,       iJr.  Bill,  the  queen' a  chaplain  and  alaoner.     Tnxe 

3Qn:,on  was  preaciaou  by  I'oyal  ordei-,   on  (Jccil's 
su^jgeotion  in  a  ijoxaoriul  to  tlie  quoea,  kaohyn,  p.  178} 

ijtrypo,  Ama,l9i 
i(l),   50. 

27  iov.       ijhristoijherson*  -^^p.  of  wiicheatsr.     '^  wido  a 

vehement  axi'jxier  to  ■t'ill,   Tor  which  ho  waa  in- 
prisoned;  he  died  in  prison  a  Bioath  later.     **e 
asserted  that  the  doctx-ino   set  forth  by  Bill 
was  not  the  ^oapel,  but  the  invention  of  heretical 
liien.  Zv,rxol}  listters»  i, 

4}  L'ixon,  ilistorv « 
V,  3-4. 

1559 

10  •e'eb.L?}  rark«r.     Be  vaa  ciJ-ied  to  Paul's  Gross  duriiag 
the  txae  he  wao  attempting  to  escape  the  arch- 
b:-aiiOpric.   (_i*coordaj3g  uO  iiolinshed  (1308),   iv, 
180,  there  Mere  no  oanaons  at  i^aal  s  uroos  between 
Ghriotios  and  2  "pril.J  Frere,  HiatorVt  p.  7. 

2  .-ipr.         'ihocuio  vJtuupson.     -^ue  rohaaroal  seruon.     ilio  pul- 
pit iiud  oeun  locked  durin^j  the  inhibition  of 
preaching,  ana  witen  it  v;a3  opened  it  v/L.g  found  in 
a  filthy  condition.  i^cliyn,  p«  192; 

-rioth.  ^hron..  ii, 

■s«r. 

9  i^pr.         i-**.  Bill,     -iifc)  explained  the  laprisoiHiiGut  of  Disliopa 
"atson  uiii  ..iixte  in  the   j-'o^-er,  wh&re  they  wore  ii:i- 
prisoned  for  seditious  behaviour  in  the  ''eGtadnster 
di3pu->-ation  concoming  the  aupranacy.     bee  ^'oliard, 
history*  pp.  205-6.  lu  chyn,  p.  194. 

14  i-ay         Grindal,     before  r-n  audionco  which  included  riany 

mejaberi  of  tue  coiuicil,  he  arucli-imed  the  restoration 
of  "King  iidward's  iiook."     No  dignitary  of  -"t.  raul's 
was  present;  tho  CLithedral  atill  adhered  to  the  Latin 
asrvice.  ^^achyn,  p.   197; 

Jjixon,  xlistorVf 
V,   106. 

21  L£}y*       ilorne. 

28  i'lay.       Bar  low. 

[■^ho  new  bishops  appear  in  the  first 
11  June   -^andys.     pulpit  of  tao  kingdom.]  ii^^chyn,  pp.  197ff. 

18  June   Jewel. 

S'tXr 


liog.    (23) 
1559 

25  Juno         ^Girthrja, 

Continued  apoeiuraiio©  of  tiiQ  new  faislaopa, 
13  xiug.  ->cory.  '.lachyn,  pp.   li)7ff. 

20  .i.ug,         .eaance  of  a  ministoi^  for  perl'oiTains  an  illegal 

Liurriage.  i-acbyn,  p.  207, 

3  oept,         -iakebrt^,   "a  :3kott."  liachyn,  p.   208. 

17  oept,       Veron,  a  f  rsncbiaaii.     '■'^  presiched  against  th« 

.jurian  bishops.  i^mhyn,  p.   211. 

24  -idpt.       iiX.  liuntj-iigton.  i^chyn,  p.   212. 

15  ^ct.         .(ODert  i!rov/loy.     Li.:a.ciiyn  calls  him  a  printerj  he 
was  the  panphlexQsr  ol  tho  ^pji^rqistaoa  u.  Ae  ■■/a.y 
to  >.9ulth.  i  i..achyn,  p.   215. 

12  iiov.         J-iil&s  ^ovex-dole,  i.^chyn^  p.   218. 

19  iiov.         Benthaiii,  faishop-olect  of  Lichfield,  s^jichyn,  p,  218, 

26  2vov.         ♦'owel.     Jixe  first  statanjent  of  the  fasious  challQng© 

vu  iho  papiota  io  pi"ovo  theii-  d.octx'ii?.9s  by  authority. 

:ie  repeaiod  it  at  court  17  ^^ae*  1560,  ai:d  again  at 

i'aul'u  OroaB  31  -iar.   1560,  l»achyn»  p.   218, 

1560 
7  Jan,  iirindal,  Bp,  of  Ixjndon.  LJachyn,  p,   222, 

20  Fob.         .J.exander  iiov/ell,     A  laan  did  penaJic©  for  bi^eray. 

■JUiia  was  the  aonaon  in  the  course  of  v/hich  lio^/ell, 
speaking  of  the  defence  leiiitiijiately  to  be  used  by 
a  Protestant,   said  soaethir^;;  about  hia  buckler  and 
a  papist *i3  race,  which  cauaed  aoao  stir.      J««nan 
aftorT/ai-da  charged  him  with  it  in  v;rint,  i.«chyn,  p.   226; 

■^Ixon,  IIiatury« 
V,  314, 

3  toar.  Grindal.     *'e  preached  in  hjao  bishop's  rochet  and 

chimore.     /4.'ter  the  3oni»n  tiae  audienoo  «««iE«g  sang 

u  i'aalia.  .-aohyu,  p.  225 1 

:itrype,    grindal. 

p.   55. 

10  %Lr.         -00 ly,  Bp,  of  I^jreiord.  i'tusnyn,  p.  227, 

17  iiar.         Veron,  naa  vicar  oi   >^t,  ^.^irtin'e  at  ^^dgate. 

A  Psalra  waa  aung  "Gonovay  ways"  aiter  the  aormon, 

i^iachyn,  p.  .■:28. 


5'0  3 


.ieg.   (24) 
1560 

'^0  i-nr.       Benthaja,   Bp.  of  ^.iciif ield,  .^trype,  Annala,   i(l), 

298. 

24  ^-HiT,       .:^andys,  Bp»  ol"   -oi-cester  Kichols,  ^lizabotn» 

31  i-iir.       Jowol,  Bp.  of  ''alisbury.     '^Iie  ro,.etition  of 

the  ciiallejage  sonaon  of  26  iiov.  lb!39.  ulX)  145S9. 

7  Apr.  ItobeiT;  '"iEsdom,  Machyn,  p.  230. 

21  ^*pr«  Ihomas  -^aiapson.     Tiio  rehetirsal  sen-On.           ilocliyu,  p.  231. 

28  Apr.  kllss  Uoverdale,  iiachyn,  p.  233» 

5  .-ay  ijillins,  •'"■rchdeacon  of  ^jondoa.  iiachyn,  p.  234, 

19  *»ay         Clox,  3p.  of  .lily.     jomeono  found  a.  v.aliet 
during  tho   3er:..oii.     ['^liis  is  all  .^xchyn 
lOLOid  woi-thy  of  nention  on  ^hls  occasion.]  i_o.chyn,  p.   235. 

26  iiay         Scaabler,  cliaplain  to  -^  :~rker.  Iiachyn,  p.  235. 


1561 

Jan.      Junes  GalfhillLUulfieldJ  of  Oxfoni.  iie  lamented 

-yhd   con_ition  of  oxford,  still  under  the  papistical 
yoke.  "He  puolished  the  dissimulations  of  the  papists, 
and  their  praxstioo  1.0  dissuade  youn^  nen  froa  the 
truth,  in  such  sort  that  he  moved  a  nunajor  to  tears." 
us  had  "an  oxcelldnt  uoague."  Mxoa,  iiistor:,-,  v, 

314. 

9  ii'eb,         filkii^on,   isp.   of  ''urham.     Loicester,    >.ecil  and 

others  of  the  council  wore  present.  kaohyn,  p.  248. 

4  '4>r.         i^iullins,  ^irchaeacon  of  i^ondon.  I,iachyu,  p.  254. 

13  Apr.       »'ewel.  i^chyn,  p.   255. 

8  June         i'ilkinijtoa.     rointingthe  lesson  of  the  fire 

which  ourned  tiie  stoaple  of  i-i^ul's,  he  pre^xhod 
obedience  and  ^ood  order,     ^ince  tiie  vjatholics 
nfiturally  laid  the  burden  of  uod'a  wrath  on  the 
iUiformers,  tho  sem-ion  was  answer-d  oy  on  .cuidiciona 
to  which  vilkin^ton  replied  r/itii  a  confutation. 

■;0rk3   (.ai'ker  t;OC.), 
pp.  647-8. 

15  June       Jlov/ell,   Deem  of  ut.  •faul's.      -^  senaon  exhorting 

repair  of  the  cathedral.  isiachyn,  pp.  259-60. 


fOf 


i'^g,  (25; 


1501 


22  June       okiniier,  iJean  of  ^urhim,     ho  warned  against 

un"hQrexicall"  book  which  he  had  printed.  L^achyni  p.  261, 

[The  entry  i;:  ov- 
aoure.] 

6  July         ■^^&  aermon  was  preached  at  Grey  *riara  because 

of  had  weather.     L'-'^  theae  occasions  the  seraoiB 

tjerc  usually  preached  in  the  shrouds.]  i>iachyn,  p.  262, 

10  -Hig,  Veron,  iiachyn,  p.  265. 

21  Aug.  "Ullina.  aao^iyn,  p.  265. 

21  viept.  watthev?  riutton,  .-aster  of  Trinity,  '^ea.ibridge.     ^.^ichyn,  p,  267. 

12  Oct.  Growloy.  iaachyn,  p.  269. 

2  -ov.         A  youag  laan  did  penance  for  speaking  ill  of  Vei*oia» 

iiiachyn,  p.  271. 

23  ik>v.       iuT.   -isnatir.     on  tiiia  occasion  ^-achyn,   undertaker, 

assiduous  seriionrgoer  a^id  diarist,  did  penance 
hiiaueii  for  sli^nderin^  Veron,  the  ireuch  preacher. 
lio  Cc-lis  the  peniooat  "laoiiaer  iionry  de  -4ichyn," 
and  deceived  '^trype.  [uae  .jaiala,  i(l),  407|  i^ichols. 
Introduction  to  uX'-ahyn' s  i^iajrv ,  p.  x.j     .i.chyn  [lad 
hulped  to  circulate  the  story  th.t  Veron  was  "taken 
«ith  a  uencho."     ^^e  "knollyd  down  fore  ^.r.ster  Vyron 
and  the  ayahopo,aiid  yott  [theyj  would  not  forCoive] 
hym,  I  or  alle  ys  fiyndes  that  lie  had  worshiphulle." 

Machyn,  pp.  272-3. 


4  Jan.         liov/ell.     A  "aui.ib"  man  aid  i>«i>najice.     [iie  aeeiaa  to 

have  counterfeited  duuibnesa,   ijod  was  dxacovered 

by  the  niastera  of  -ii'idewall,     xheoa  entry  is 

obscure.]  wichyn,  p,  274. 

27  "ar.       Joverdale,   ncru  vicar  of  ot.  i^at^nus.  ij^hyn,  p.  279. 

5  «pr.  ..Ajapoon.      -he  rehearsaJ.  aermon.     L*^anipson  was 

called  on  for  theoo  difficult  perforTa^uices   (oee 

aoove,   2  jv  r.   1555  u  21  Apr,   1560)   "in  regard  of 

hia  excellent  elocution  said  memory."]  iiachyn,  p.  230. 

19  "pr.        ;.o.,ell.  i^iachyn,  p.  280. 

21  Jxrno       ^r,   ^one  of  JLon.  -.achyn,  p,   285. 

18  Oct.       luolication  of  tlie   queen' a  rocovory  from  "sooo 
QxtBemity  of   oickuess,"   >-ith  thanks  to  God  for 
the  aaiae.      -^'he  liorLion  v/ria  ordered  by  the  council, 
"becauae  it  niay  hnp^jsu  th;;.t  sone  vain  bruits  ci-iy 
be  spread  abroad  of  the  raatter,   especially  in  iondon." 

otrype,   --.rindalj  p. 96, 


Reg.   (25) 
lb52 

1  iicjv.       Srindalf  on  inaoructions  rrom  Cecil.     On  26  Oct.» 
he  wroto  to  Cecil:     "i  pr:y  you  lot  ne  imderstuxid, 
■tfhetnor  it  r.iay  be  corXLdnly  uvouchod  that  tiio  kiiig 
Ql'  *»avarre>  the  aeojua  Julian  I'tiQ  liad  joined  and 
tiien  abandoned  tiio  .ii^ueaotsj  is  killed.     I  intend... 
to  preiujh  at  ^ne  cross  ttie  next  Junday,  taid  upon  occiision 
offered  \/oula  peradventure  ratUce  some  laention  of  God*s 
jud^iaoata  over  iiio,   if  the  aasie  ae  truo  anJ  certain} 
else  not.     if  there  bo  ixay^  otnor  r.ntter  wnich  ya  i/iuh 
to  oe  uttered  there  for  the  pi'Oiient  atate,   1  would  be 
pleu.3ed  to  knou  it  in  tiuo,   if  your  leisure  i/ill  servo," 

Griadal,  x-i6i:.sJ.ns 
(Parker  ooc. ),  p. 
253. 

1563 

7  Feb.       I'ilkington,  I^.  or  •'^urham.  liachyn,  p.  2S9. 

21  luar.     iiome»  lip.  oi   "inchoster.  iiachyn,  p.  302. 

18  Apr.  iiradley[.Bradbuni,  Bradbridge],  Doan  of  ;jali3biiry. 
'i5ie  rshearaal  senaon.  i_uno  of  tne  -pital  seruoaa, 
by  •tiorno»  had  been  s.  plea  for  the  i'Vench  rTotest^-xits. j 

iJachyn,  p.  305} 
utrype,  Amg^la, 
i(2;,    2. 

8  Aug.       'furiier  "of  Bo.J.O£ne."     A  soi-mon  on  the  plague, 

ia  .;aich  no  soloianly  jKjtitionod  the  Lord  Jaayor 
tixat  the  deaa  should  be  uuried  without  the  city 
in  thu  fi^Ads,  and  zaat  no  bells  should  be  tolled 
tor  thorn  "when  ^ney  luy  at  ye  tiercie  of  God,"   since 
it  did   uhea  no  good  boiore  aeath  or  aftor.  itow,  "'erjorandu. 

p .   125 . 

tiept.    Liillian.^j  i^ald^;/!!!.  ^ie  c-.llod  for  tne  gallows 

for  the  old  bishops  and  other  papists  j  "nyocjolfe  died 
of  yo  picgue  tho  no^rt  jeoke  aftor."  l."^he  .^riroi 
bishops  and  others  xn  the  Tower  '.vero  t;:i3  aonth 
removed  to  the  custody  of  the  oishopa.j        otov.-,  i-ienor--.nda« 

p.  126. 

24  <Kt.     Turaar  of  lioulogne,  otow,  "otgor  nda. 

p.   127. 

1564: 

26  ^aii.      Jolo,  ^i^rchaeacon  of  '-•ssex.     ^^e  rojuiced  at  the 

end  of  the  piUf^ue,  vs/hich  he  attributed  to  .\oiaiah 
superstition  eanong  the  citizens,      iiie  -iocian  faith, 
he  3-JLd,    stood  upon  four  "rotyu  postis,"   iaa^es, 
purtiUtory,  the  riiass,  tronsubstantiation.     The  crafts     _ 
in  their  livories  v/ere  pru;;ent  at  this  somen,     otow,  Uemortg^da* 

p.  128'. 


^0(, 


1564 

23  J^pr.     "A  notable  good  aeraon"of  thanksgiving  for  peace 
with  Franco.     [_ Treaty  of  i'royea,   11  Apr.   1564»J 

otov/,  ^8raoz'a.a&» 
p.   ISO, 

30  ."ipr.     liowcll.     iie  naowerod  liaixiing's  book  eigainat  Jev;ol, 
reaa:Ln£  aoao  padsa^es  froa  it  and.  confuting;  theia 
froQ  tiio  puli^it,   'V/hercin  he  had  £Ood  ro  eion,  as  lie 
said,   booiii^  tiie  I'apista  who  had  not  road  the  book, 
in  corners  matnii'iod  it  above  iho  stars."  atrypo,  .uaixils »  i(2), 

113. 

19  i«ov.  iiowell.  ^ie  attuokod  iJonnsr's  book,  proteoting  that 
"thsr  was  not  one  tinsv  -./orde  in  i-^astor  Uonuers  bok© 
latly  Drought  over  froia  bey  orde  thu  3oas»"         -^tow,  ^"euortuoda* 

p.   130» 

1565 

iKjnt  Tnoaas  iioiiipaon.     Laurence  latjphrey.     SioL;gii  non- 

oonioruist  in  the  v^^iitiarian  controversy,  tiiey 
preached  at  the  Gross,  appointed  out  of  i'arker's 
authority,  poasxbly  l/y  ■Bicester,     .^to-ker  wrote  to 
«OGil  suggeirtiriij  the  need  of  regular  licoiising  of 
tlie  -^aul's  *^-oss  i-reaahsra.  lai^ker  v/orroa.. 

p,   ::39|  iJixon,  iiis- 
'JQi-/ 1  vi,   59;   -trypa, 
/uiiiulu *  i(*i),   132. 

c»  Jbaster  Geate,  3p.   or  .lOchoster,   up  pointed  by  Parker. 

[It  is  not  inproper  to  asauiao  that  he  "answered" 

Saapson  and  liuiaphrey.]  Parker  Corres.. 

p.  Ii40, 

27  -«y         Jewel.     A  aei'^on  in  the  controversy  with  ^iarding. 

'io  cant  ridiculo  upon  tiorao  of  llurding'u  authorities, 
notably  upon  "iiiphilochiuo."  iuirding  e/rote  to  «^sv.'el 
fiflr  a  copy  of  the   jormon.  otrj-pe,  ^-nials*  i(:i), 

176  U  app.  xxx.» 

11  iiOT.       Gole,  iirchdeacon  of  ^ssex.     iie  likened  priosta  to 
apes,   "for,  sayth  he,  tliey  oe  both  balld  alyke, 
but  yt  tiio  proctc-3  be  balld  befoio,  tlie  upea  hehyud." 

L>tow,  nonoranda. 
p.   133. 


^"7 


1566 

13  Jan*     Mr.  Oxenbridco»     On  tiie  vican  state  of  Oxfoixi. 

iihe  was  in  piteous  case,  ior  tiiero  uora  not  pest 

"five  01'  six.  preacixors"  there,  oxcopt  "strawberry 

preachers"  Li^^tiiaor's  tena  for  noxi-rcjaiderrt 

churchmen^*  Latiner,  iieraoxis,  ed, 

John  -Viitkins  (ijoiidon, 
1858),   i,  58n, 

27  Feb»     lJir»  Gary,  Dean  of  ^©ter.  barker  Gorres..  p.  260. 

poat  ^7  Fob. 

v/ox,  iip.  of  wly  ^  jcaoblor,  £p«  of  x eieri)oi*ouoh. 

L*^©cil  hud  aubndtted  a  "bill"  or  list  of  3uitui»le 

^ereon3  to  preach;  i  L-rkor  re^aovod  the  naiae  of  ^-r. 

Ferne*  then  Wtster  of  •'^eterhouse.]  r  rker  Corros.,  pp.  2bO- 

^ 

7  i'lpr.  ihoiaaa  -^ooon.  P..rker  Joi-rca.,  p.  275. 

12  iipr*  ^»  vJary.  rpid. 

15  Apr.  iJr»  ^oaumont.  Ibid» 

16  ^pr»  iar.  Jfoung,  chaplain  to  the  Bp«  of  icndon.  3^id« 

17  .tipr.  ""ecou*  i_.ie  meQr  not  have  been  ai)le  to  px^each.]         Ibid. 

['j^eso  u^poiirustaizts  for  sen^ions  through  -i^stor   /ook  reflect 
Parker  a  cexo  to  keep  the  ^rojs  an  official  roouthpiece 
durizig  tliii  dirficul'uias  wiiicli  follov/ed  the  isoue  of  bis 
"jidvertiaoiaoiita"  in  ...areh.     ^e©  iUiuppen,   xudor  fltrixonija, 
pp.  208-9. j 

6  U:t.     ir*  Huttun,  >^;iter  of  'i-etaoroke.     v,rindal  wislied"one 

loamod"  to  preach  the  first  Sunday  in  the  I'arliajaont. 

^iu.:tou  ^orro3.« 
p.  54, 

1568 

31  Uar»     liowell.  Dean  of  »it.  ^'aul's.  fcg-ker  Uorrea.t 

p.   318. 

16  /-pr*     Dr.  liullin^^haEi.  rurkor  oorraa.t 

D.  318. 


i'oi 


1569 

17  Hov.     Jov/el.     oeiaon  ou  the  amuvorsar/  of  tlio  .jueen'a 
accession,     -i-iio  i'all  of  Jericho  troatea  as  an 
aiiotory  of  tlie   "spiritual  pov/er  of  daric-aoso,"  i.e., 
t-'io  riomaa  f  aitli.     Li4;  the  tinie  of  tho  negotiations 
for  the  EiaxTiutie  of  ^liauueth  to  the  -^rchduko,  ^-<;icojter 
aad  hia  ^-arty  atirred  up  popular  rslicio-s  pusjjsiou  ogtiinst 
the  uatch.     i^ee  i'0ale»  -.lx2;u;ethi  p.   153.  J  -orks  (i  arker  ooc^^ 

ii,   968-86. 

1570 

24  i^r.   L-ood  i'Viday] 

Joan  i'oxe.     *>.  aei-nion  of  Oiirist  crucifiod.     Foxe 
wrote  to  Uriiadal  urjjing  his  iiwapacity:   "consider 
alao,   in  fi-irneas...,  hov;  unequally  this  v/ill  presa 
upon  me,   -hen,  aa  I  believe,  there  never  yet  vvas  ass 
or  naile  who  was  so  waiglied  do\?ii  and  overdone  with 
coriying  uurtnen3,aa  i  have  long  been  by  literary 
iuibO'uTS  L^nd  cd.   of  ■t>Coij  j.n  prOi^aimion j » . . .  By  theae 
l-bours  1  ac  altaost  woim  out,  not  to  spoak  of  ill  herJ.th 
and  viant  of  oooks.     I'ut,  aiaidijt  all  these  laboura  raid 
defects...,   I  am  auiJLioued  i'iiere,   like  fm  c.pe  anor^g 
cardiiaala  [iio  atill  declined  conforaity  to  iiae  habits] 
I  ahall  De  received  v/ith  derision,  and  driven  awaj/'  oy  the 
hiasfcis  of  the  auditory."  iO.io-Xov/nsIisnd,  i,   100. 

■the  aenaon  ia  a  vigoi-ous  exposition  of  the  rrotestaiit 
docrtiine  of  redeaption,  and  oontiiino  a  cixaructeristically 
loii^i  iUid  thorougii  attack  upon  the  tuass.  A  c^praon  of  Gnrist 

Oruciried. 
iM)   11242. 


Jsandys,  on  nij  cooing,  to  the  biahopric  of  Loridou, 
rrotesting  his  unfitnoaa  for  aja  "ofiice  full  of  peril 

and  da3i£;er,"  wishiuji  rt.ther  rest  for  hia  "weariaia 
body,  fall  of  aiseaaeo  -viid...  ailiiost  ^.vornaway  like  a 
clout,"  he  went  on  to  jpoak  of  the  necessary  diligence 
c-iid  love  iii  a  puacor,  aiul  yndea  with  an  api^eal  to  the 
citi^exia  to  help  the  poor  of   Jae  diocese.  oeriaona  (Parker 

^oc.;,  pp  331-45, 


L?j  John  Lolton,   elder  in  jachai'd  *"itz'a  separatist 

corifcrogatiou,   recanted  his  hereaies.     tie  idterwarda 

handed  hiiaseii',  for  romoriie  it  was  sciid.  Burrajje,  i:,;:xlv 

::^nf;liGh  ^iaaent- 
srot   ii,    -'-IS, 
140. 


5'ot 


iiGg»   (30) 
1571 


i^r.  15?     ^ox. 

I\pr»  22?     Jev.el.       -^heoe  bishops  derended  the  i^stnblislaaai& 

in  'uheso  aeraons.     j-iie  I-arliaiaerrt  v/as 
iipr.  29       iiori)©.        .ittiag  in  vrtiicii  Strickland  ^ras  innibitod, 

and  ^convocation  was  franiin^  'tlie  uo-cailod 
"C^  nona"  oi"  1571.  i»trype,  P&r}:or«  ii, 

58;    ■'ina.-:Qn,    Tudor 
iuritajnani  p.  :-;2uj 
S06  ^roiJioro,  pp. 
il9,   200. 

LJewelJ  iiia  sei-Kioa  iiay  be  roconstructed  irom 

"Jert -iue  grxeias  justly  concoivod  of  B, 
Jawells  SGrj.iOn  witii  a  unsl'  av/soser  to 
soiao   .  ai-te  tiisrooi'j  writen  by  i/,\7«  [Wililiam 
Vmxxej  arid  dnjcraa  into  lorne  by  T,?/.   ['ihOIi:^s 
.alcoxjj"  in  l^!3.oq^m.;o  ^a^-to  ox'  o.  ^.er.istera   od. 
reel*  i»  vS-yO.     «3ev/6l  Jaad  .letexiaed  the  bauits, 
wHu-cli  the  tYidtex's  aousider     ntiohristian  c,ijd 
popish* 

[HomejA  siijilar  reconaxruction  '.zay  bo  nffi.de  in  tliis 
c;;.je  from  "i\n  asm->or  to  aucn  i^rgumsnts  as  ii. 
li»me  ujea  in  ma  senaon  at  i  aulea  '-x'osse  upon 
tiii-  2d  oouduy  at'Lor  -^aator  -^  1571,  to  Ejairr- 
tayne  xau  reinn.;j3t3  ^ad  roliques  of  /aiticrilrat©," 
in  oeujnde  .urtg»   i,  81-2.     liome  iiad  vvxaned 
tiioao  cut  off  tiiat  tsroiiDle  the  «liurch.»  and  to 
this  tiio  v/i-iters  say  ii..en  ~  but  thay  uean  tiioae 
who  vfouid  cling  to  thu  ru^js  of  iopary. 

3  June  John  Lridtos.     '-  vi^^oroua,  colloquial  and  bitter 

a-."i/uck  upon  lOiao,  in  i-tiicii  he  dofojaied  at  gi-eat 
length  tho  doctrljie  of  jueiificcition  by  faith, 
and  attacked  the  catholic  faith  at  almost  every 
po int .  A  Sension.*.  at 

t'^les  ox-o  ;ue«   --c. 

SiXJ  3736. 

3X)  June.  itadarard  I^ush.  -ja  o:xIiortation  to  the  follish  and 
wicked  to  f o  ir  Uod's  jud(;aento,  in  the  oo  urse  of 
which  he  showed  hia  acrupulous  temper  in  hintiut; 
tiiat  tiie  '^'ofoiTiiti.tion  in  iinijiand  hud  not  gone  far 
eaou^,  ainc©  aom©  "supurotitioue  Vunitiea"  wore 
still  kept,  iie  rtide  suit  that  uion's  conscioncea 
aao-ld  not  be  forced  in  tlie  laattor  of  vostixsnta* 
ijnd  feared  the  iriflueJioo  of  popiali  prioata  otill 
miniutorij  in  tho  v^hurch  of    ...iijland.  A  ;.;en:ion. . .  at 

.  u^  lou   -^roaau.   -x; . 
.i'iC  'il83. 


$'/o 


1D71 

6  Aug.         One  bluckalju  clergyman  of  -jceter,  did  penance 
for  aosXidalous  liiet  or  rather  cried  out  upon 
I*orthbroke  [Jolin  Uorlitbrooke?]  v/Iio  h;Ld  detected 
"his  iiorriolo  vices."     iilackal  had  four  v-ivoo  alive* 
and  had  "intinided  hiusolf  into  the  niniatry  for  the 
space  of  twelve  years,   f'nd  yet  ^isna  nover  iax/fully 
oulledj   nor  mcide    .dnieter  by  any  oishop."     "^jq  was 
a  chopper  and  oimnger  of  beneiices,...  He  would  run 
from...  tv/on  to  t;.'on,   letidiiig  about  with  hin  nivughty 
woBon,   iis  in  Glouceaterahire  he  lad  a  naughty  stintq^et 
abotit  the  country,  named  Groen  i-.pron.     -'•le  altered  his 
natpjs  .vheresoever  he  wentj  fioj-ng  by  thooe  several  naiaoa, 
Blackol,   bfirthal,  xJor.el,  iipj'kly,  iiaker."     L^n  lo  -"-ug. 
he  was  set  in  tlJe  pillory  in  v^ixeapside  for  forging  a 
cosuaisaiou  Lto    .roach]  fpora  tlie  ..rchuishop.]         -trype,  wui.-p.ls» 

iiCl),   144-5. 


[i&  yeai-s  oof  ore  1586  J 

iidward  Bulkiey.     A  "sipjple  and  short  soniion,"  which 

vas  so  badly  printed  that  he  oschowed  furthei-  publication. 


uerr,  -"ixzaboxhan 
u^naon,  p.  86,   [Koi, 
in  oi?G.j 


1572 


27  Jime       (hooper,  lip.  of  Lincoln*     A  soraon  in  .\nstfer  to 

"j.\n  Mnoiiition  to  th.e  Purlicaont."     ihere  was  en 
"Answer,"  i'roa  -.viiich  an  outline  of  tlie  semon  raay 
be  constructed.     Cooper,  a  "liberal  churchaion"  [i^rerej, 
adnittoci  the  faults  in  t}ie  rainistry,  but  opposed 
the   .  uritrai  "disciplino,"  doi'onded  the  i3ook  of  '^OEUrion 
rr^yor,  and  the  dignity  of  bishops.  iitrype,  -j:i..ala« 

ii(l),   286ff. 

2  iiov.         whitgift,  api^ointed  uy  the  i>p.  of  ^^ojidon.   i_He 
preauixibly  ,  reached  against  the  opinions  of 

oartwiiait.j  Strype,  uMttiift* 

i,  96. 


liir.     ^e  of  ohrist  or:urch,   uxford.     -Mi   "laade  a 

good  aerraon,"  h;-ving  a,. parent ly  not  yet  fallen 

under  Oartv/right ' 3  epell.     i^ee  below,   2    ■■ug,   11373. 

.  uritan  ^cjiifeutoo3« 
p.  xviii. 


^'1 


ivQg.   (32) 
1573 


26  -ipr.       A  defence  of  the  -establishment.     The  pre-chor 
is  addreasad  by  his  iiiritan  op:'onejrb   (probably 
Vialter    .hite)  as  "Ix,  Dr.,"  find  nay  be  a  certain 
Dr.  Bida.eyi_?J.     ■^^  preached  had  ad;aitted  in 
his  senaon  tiiat  t.-e  Chrasch  of  i.nj^land  iiad  not 
"dissipline,"  and  his  opiOnerrt  loapa  upon  this 
pretext  ror  argument.  jjeamdQ  r-.:rto  of  a 

lienistort   ed.  ioel, 
i,   97,   yS. 


ante  5  MJg. 

J  rick,  chaplain  to  the  Bp,  of  I^nsfich.     lie 
"L^ost  spitefully  inv^iglied  against  the  eccloaiastical 
pol-ii-cio  now  by  lav/e  eoiauiished,  conl'lrsain^o  i-x. 
Cartv/rights  booke  on  tlie  true  piatforno  of  the 
ayncere  aiiJ.     .po:>tolio:ill  "iiiircho."     'Jn  5  -iucust 
oondya  iiaa  not  succeeded  in  a^jpreheadint,,  hiia. 

iiandys  to  Bur£;hley, 
5  -Uiij.  1573,  in 
fXiritan  ■'-^•anifootoes* 
p.  xviii. 


2  i-MQ,         iir.  Wake  of  ^-'hrist  ^-liurch  in  uxl'ord*     lie 

ai'finaed  "to  be  ijoocl  vyhataoovor  i^r.  Gari...rii_;ht 

in  v/ritir<3e  hath  se^t  doi/ne,"     '^uake  had  been 

warned  oy  ^ondyg  not  to  si)©4fc  sedition,  part- 

idulurly  since  tho    ^uoen  \rx3  then  in  pro^rosg, 

far  from  iondon,     de  ansv/ored,   "..ell,  \7<j11," 

wrfcrj'-p©  mistakenly  dates  this  seraon  in  1572, 

'^hitKlft..   iii,   3:;.]  Xbid. 


aQte  25  J-Hw. 

;->andy8,  Bp»  of  London.     ■"'  serinon  in  vrhich  he 
fudiiitted  that  there  wer-^  "certain  liSiculata" 
in  the  ministry,  yot  they  ought  to  bo  roraoved 
by  public  authority,  not  by  ar^  private  neano. 
['''ilia  aD.y  be  the  oonnon  in  ^jormonp   \,i  -rker  >->oc.), 
pp.  370-95,  out  the  evidence  is  too  tnin  -to  ii'-ke 
the  idexitification.J  uoconde  ^  i.Hq*  i, 

113. 


^/ 


iieg,    (33) 


1574 


15  i'oig.       Aenance  of  /ujnes  -^^ricigQa  and  -iachekl  Under, 

who  preteiided  to  poasoasion  Dy  spiriiis.     xhey 
liud  decyivud  uaay  uinisters  in  U)ndon,  and 
iiieir  deceita  hud  oeen  publiahed  in  paiapiilota, 
to  iarker  l>  disjjuat.      *nere  was  "no  sEiall 
doriiiion  oi  profLjao  pui-aoiio  v/hon  thoii-  i'orgory 


V7as  dxtjcovdrod. 


pp.  ■-G5-6J  i'\illoi>- 
Brower,  iv,  386. 


1575 


15  -..^ay         i'our  "/liiabaotiata  -utciincn"  bearinG  tanQota 
jreoajritQd  x!iair  iierciios  at  the  GroGO.      Their 
coiwcaticlo  licd  been  discovcrod  on  3  .^rilj 
two  were  uui^ned  at  •Jroithrield  on  22  July. 


Pearson,  •■^artv/rxzhti 
pp.  134-5, 


12  June       *xvo  -inj^liali  r:i6JXioerii  oi  the  i^'aiaily  of  lovo 
recuiJuod  the  "daianablc  orrora  jaid  horoaies" 
o£  ii[eiiarickj  i'ij[icla0BJ,  the  "author  of  that 


aocii. 


iiolinshod  (1806),  iv, 
32o« 


2   >Jct. 


T.  -^'airfiix. 


^•aiiabury  "■apars, 
ii,  117. 


1G76 


9  iJec.  jliomaa  uiiite.     ^sa  oxhortatioii  to  ouodxenco, 

v;it}i  praioe  of  tiio  queen,   "a  ryght  bruunch" 
to  roi^jU  over  ■tho  id-r^^doa  and  the  criurch 
loilitant.     iie  w  .med  agaiaat  the  di^aigor  of 
conapiracies :  wo  noed,  he  aaid,  "Ulysses  as 
well  aa  '.•chilleo. 


A  ijgnaon. . .  a,t 
?o\7le3  G.  ogse«   «c. 
oTC  25405. 


1577 

S  i'ob,         John  i'oxe.     ixie  i'rench  anibassaiior  cou^jiiiued 

to  the  queen,  alleging  tiiat  i'oxe  sedd'that  tho 

-irotestonts  or  -  r  aico  had  great  cause,  to  take 

anas  agaiust  their  king,  for  that  ne  adi;a.ttod 

thar  public  eaeLy  tne  pope."     i-vxe,  siaiEjoned 

beroro  the  Dp.  of  i-ondon,   said  he  had  ueen  replying 

to  ^ixjaius'  cnai'go  tiiat  the  i'reiich  iJrotujtauta 

rejectea  li-iwlul  t;overoi£^nty  J  let  tne  kluQ  of 

Frajace  but  nile  in  ills  ov/n  right,  and  the  ^^ro- 

t«3t; Jits  would  loif  down  xiieir  anas.  i,.oulay,  ^''oxe  and  hia 

rpok.  pp.  03-4 J  ;j^, 
iJt,  294. 


y«3 


lieg.    (34) 
1577 

4  -ax.         "icJiard  Curteysj  Bp.  oi  Uiiicheator,     A  doacription 

01    ohe  true  Onmrcn,  anu  her  triiimpli  over  xno  i)ra£;on, 
.;j.th  in©  dari£;ors  to  ner  aoveraignty  uiid  oacurity 
from  pracioiana  aiid  alaiider^us  papisxa.  Xvfo  .jenflonst   ^. 

^TC  614U, 

30  Apr.       ijandys,  .^p.  or  York.       a  roreaell  sorr::on  on  leaving 
tlio  aiocese  of  iondon.     de  llkenod  ninselr  tu  ot. 
raul  loavinjj  «orintli,   -.aid  loft  then  "c/ith  an  ox- 
horiation  to  goiliueas,  brotiierly  lovo,  uad  unity. 

uoxv-ionu  (-liTkor 
ooc.y»  pp.  418-30. 

27  ^ct.       A  sermon  againsfcovetoua  ..thoists,"  xhoaas  vihito, 

A  Senaon. « «  at 
i' av/le 8  ^rosso... 

l^LTjL  p.  34. 

3  iiOV.         'iSioiaas  ulilte,     1.  rocitcJ.  of  -:^laiid'o,  aai 

QSp'-cially  ioMon's,   siii&i  profcnation  of  the 

uac'tath,  ijlayijoin^;^,  covotousneBSf  corrupt  nci^ia- 

trataa.     xhe  oiotjuo  ha.3  baen  sect  as  a  judgment. 

^  exlxoi'te.tion  to  repeat,  ^  ,.^oKiion. . »  at 

f  eru  lc3  ^ro  3  36 « . . 

liy/7. 

olXJ   25406. 

1578 

24  ioig.         John  ^tookwood.     ^i  uerroon  often  quoted  for  its 

vehesaezrfc  attusk  upon  plays  and  playairs  as  iEiasoral, 

vyajtJiul  aiki  Juctatli-fcrutJciiic,     ^la  qtern  moralist 

also  dealt  vitiis  the  piiiin  atyle  in  aer-.-onj,  the 

erroi-a  of  the  papists,  faith  V8«  works,  the  trade 

of  tho  aolaior,   av/earinsi,   cuiuo  roj-JOt  oiui3  ruli;do« 

i^aciiiaveiii&iia ,   i^iiorant  laiiiiators,    iichooJbaaotors, 

profane  \irritor3,  baivdy  oooko,  and  other  occtisions  of 

3121.  .1..  .^eriaon. . »  at 

jrcaxlijz  v-ros^o  on 

uiU  .j3i;84. 

5  ^t.  Joiin   Vclsal,     -i  senaon  upon  the  nuturo  and  functions 

of  tho  ninititry,  includiiig  a  notable  defence  of  the 
"riULX  doi>o"  i.it,aiiiat  v/hom  the  i  uritans  l;.unchod  their 
att.^ks.     under  the  necessity  of  obedience  to  tho  juord's 
proiiliets,  ho  inveii;hed  a^^^iat  idolatrous  papists,  car- 
nal ijrotoutaiito,  di-jiciu^;,  players  cxax  ninatrels,  Udurers 
and  oppreiisors.  ;>  oea.;on«..  at 

;  r.uls  vro33e.   iA«, 
blX;  24995. 


^'i 


Rog.   (35) 
1578 

i.6  Oct.       Laiirence  uluidorton.     "A  ciroadful  declaration  of 

tho  iiioiil  doairuction  of  counrtei-i'ijit  tmd  hypocrite 
profesaoi's  of  uyds  uord."     In  tho  ^-rocG^a  oi  discover- 
ing tii0aQivpoci)ites»   uiiu^aeirLon  ontored  upon  tn©  '^alvin- 
ist  doctrine  oii!  uorka  aa  c  oni  irixiii5(;  tJio  corttiinty  of 
eloctiouj   iuad  touk  occ^-sion  to  roprelaond  prccAihoro 
v.iio  depoM  upon  "as-eli©ncie  of  words."  -jg  ^-otcelJ-ent  and 

KOdlv    aCITKSX"^,    ic. 

1579 

Jd9  -pr.       yr»  opijrk,     **©  attackod  thQ.-tres  lus  "tho  neat  of 

the  Dtiel,  lui-.  ainice  of  al  siniie."  IILji,  v(10'rl-2), 

408, 

10  Licgr         Jolin  "^uockwood.     Upon  the  ^^hristian  mi/iistiy, 

^^o  doplored  ihv   soai-cioy  ox    "faitiifull  vjnd  paiii- 

full  labourers,"  uxliolled  "the  virtu©  and  absoluto 

necu-uity  oi'  iireuohiiit,,  oxJiorted  iiia  u-udicnoo  to 

attena  church  iii3\.euu  of  filthy  pli-^^'S  which  usurp 

the  tiiae  of  seruons,  axid  declared  for  the  plain 

atyl©  in  preaching,  without  rhetaricnJ.  tricko  aaiu 

exioiisivo  quotation  fro;i  the  i'^ntiiora.     --^  long, 

repetitive  and  violent  effusion.  A  vorv  fruiteful 

tjorcjjn. . .  at  i'aulga 

lixG  2328?. 

19  July       John  i>yos.     Using  the  ship  of  Luke  5,  1-11  as 
a  type  of  the  *^hurch,  ha  couaetsnod  tho  fiaicl^ 
axi'd  worldly  prof o^aora  of  tlie  day,  and  undoitDok 
aji  exteiisive  "proof"  that  -oae  is  tiie  falae 
church»  not  of  tiie  body  of  "hriatj  tiie  rope  ia 
^mticinrist  a::d  ^oiac  io  i<ibylon.     ^ie  attacked  the 
'■■iQis^i  uoctrxiie^  of  tlie  i3t>.3u  aj'ai  pun;,atory. 

4, '-'i^raoia. .»  at 

x^fiules  Orc>33c>»  <ic. 

^xC  7432. 
/ujig.-0ct.i,L'J3Out  the  zxtaa  of  otubLs'  arreat  for  "^lo  Gaping::  C-u^p^] 
ii.  preacher  uas  ^  ut  up  to  extol  the  c^ueea'a  governuent 
and  to  assure  the  iioarera  "tii:::t  aiie  hajd  been  bred  liOd 
oroutilit  up  in  ^^liria-S;,     'iSie  peox^lo  ap^^lauded  thij  atate- 
i.ient,  but  disliked  the  attack  upon  utubls  and  his  book. 

■'•eole,  i^lijaboth. 

p.  242. 


i< 


i«E.    (3G) 
1530 

3  Jan.       ..iiiaau  -liaiior.     liia  discussion  of  the  properties 
of  Ohi^iot's  advoraai'ies  in  his  o.r"iliiy  :.iJiiotr>' 
led  iiOEi  to  condonaoation  of  tho  »^atliolic  rhariscoa; 
ui-'on  tho  \;ords  "I  \7ill  xuwo  norcy,   iJid  not  sacrifico," 
he  roprovod  "olokni^iita,"  exceas  in  a.pparel,  usury, 
liiifl  false  t-Oapellers.      .vith  niore  reulisa  tiiaiin  vtg.3 
custoriaiy  la  tliat  coirtoxt,  he  assured  his  hoorors 
tliat  til©  quoon  V70uld  never  turn  to  t!io  faith  of  "One» 
"I<o,   it  hath  oausod  too  :.arii'  conspir:.cie3  and  reboliioas 
agu:-n3t  her  nout  noble  por.jon,  for  hor  rnjestie  aver  to 
brooke  it*  even  in  pollicje.   Lltalics  nind] 

A  3oraon.».  at 
Pr-.ul03  Grgqg.o.   wc. 

s'rc  10920, 

1581 

8  Jan.       Janes  Bisse.      /©  should  iaoour,  ho  said,  for  tho  neat 
waich  8iidui-:iwli,  yot  \io  hunt  ci'ter  beli;^'  chuer,  and  our 
zeal  is  cold.     ^^  pointed  to  jigao  of  God's  juugnonts: 
a  pL-jiue  at  uitford,  a  torx'ible  eai'thq-ui-o.     ilo  sot  fortli 
"od'j  Dleouii3£;,G  upon  -'U^^landJ  a  Deboi-ah  upon  tlac  throno, 
a  late  victory  in  Ireland.     "Slio  foes  of  -^agland  :;;i:iall 
he  like  a  tottoi^in^  -.tcJ.."     But  -^n^riisiiroen  Iicvo  turned 
the  4;ruoe  of  God  into  -jantonnsss,  orA  he  exiojrbod  ihtaa 
by  tiie  nmiorj  of  <^od*3  feiirful  veugccince  to  repont  of 
their  vforldly  v/uys.  Ty/o  -lamonst   toe. 

S'rc  3099. 

23  ^'ipr.       -jTtliony  /eiderson.  5TC  570  [not  soenj, 

c>  ^pt»     Joiin  ijyoa..     •»*8  aroused  tho  ire  of  the  City  fatliors 
by  allC{..sdly  a- casing  tjioia  of  'UBuri''  aud  puritanaaEi. 
i^,  i;.yli;ier  h:.d  v;rittaa  to  the  Lord  i^^yor  i'or  oon- 
iributioaij  to  tho  support  of  preachers  in  tho  city. 
^le  "^yor  r^jplisd,  in  pai-t:     "Tho  Court  of  /Ideiiaon 
furtiior  dGsii-jd  to  infonn  Ms  lordsiiip  of  tlioir  dis- 
plor.3uro  a.t  tho  uoluiviour  of...  -ir.  iyos,  who...  had 
publicly  dofcjiod  thee  to  their  facoa,  and  stated,   'that 
if  'iho  appoiutint^  of  preachors  wero  ooauittcd  to  ticaa, 
tiicy  v/ould  appoint  sush  as  would     defend  usury,  the 
faffiil/  of  love,  and  pui-itanism. '      *hoy  desired  his 
lorusliip  to  tuiij  ordoi-  tlio.w  ho  aliould  .ocuco  rCiJ.a'u. Lion 
of  their  ijood  faao."     ^lyliuer  replied  th;it  Iio  hod  ex:uain- 
ed  i>yos  and  othoro  .Tho  h;id  beon  prusont,   .vho  protested 
that  no  such  uoani:a£^  aoula  uo  takon  froa  his  Mords. 

ilou^:.i&rancia»  p.  366, 


//fc 


Reg.   (37) 
1581 

|_"Iii  or  about  the  year  1581"--  ..altonj 

iiichard  iiooker.     'iSu-s  wlu3  the  sermon  which,   acoordirig 
to   >.alton,   led  to  iiis  injudicious  mtariace.   uisaon 
(Juaicioua  i.^.  ri£;;-;e  1  p.  25)  accepts  the  date  1581, 
but  ox,  lodes  the  ancient  sc-Jidal  of  tho  daughter 
or  tho  "^iiunaiaito,      ihe  whole  pasac^o  in  -alton 
tiirows  auch  iit^ht  on  the  arraniienents  laade  £or 
i'aul's  i-Jroaa  preachers. 

Hooker' a  aeraon  "seomed  to  cross  a  late  Opinion 
of  ^r.  -alvius,"   amce  ho  aeveloped  tno  doctrine  of 
on  antecedent  eind  a  consequent  will  in  God. 

li'alton,   Life  of 
Hooker  (..orla'a 
vlassics  ©d.   of  Loved), 
p.   177. 

1583 

Jaa»-Apr.         -ylmer,  i^.  of  London,     a  ger<,.ion  denouncing  "icnard 
Harvey's  "iua  iiStrologicall  i^xscourse  upon  tlie  great 
and  notaDle  Conjunction  of  the  t»yo  uuperiour  planets, 
iiaturne  u  Jupitor,   which  shall  aap^jen  the  28.  day  of 
•"pril,   1583."     -'utored  ti.R.  22  Jan.  1582/3,  and  de- 
dicated to  Aylmer.      "ITo  more  could  Dxck  (with  his 
predictions)  coiapaiise  anie  tairjg  but  derision,  beiiag 
puDiiquely  proacht  ai^ainst  for  it  at  Pawles  Uz'osse  by 
the  ijishop  of  iondon,..,   ^rho...  disproov'd  the 
revolutions  to  boe  cloane  contrarie."   [iiurvey's 
discoui'se  sooias  to  have  awakened  iciniense  interest,  and, 
aaont;   "^'^e  vulgar  at  least,  a  good  deal  of  perturbation.... 
..ien'ii  iiiinds  had  been  a^ritatod  not   lout,  before  by  the 
publication  of  a  work  on  the  end  of  the  world. 

(ii^i^rrow'a  note)]  iiashe,  liave  -ith  You...« 

works   (od.  -iCi^crrow), 
iii,  82-3. 

17  xiOTT.  Shitgift.     ■<»■  ser^ion  of  obedience,  preached  upon 

the  anxiiversary  of  tlie  queen's  accession.     He 
outlined  the  claosic  protestant  theory  of  rjub- 
Eiission,   indicated  hoKi  it  was  uenaced  by  papists, 
'"■nabaptiats,  ana  "our  wayward  and  conceited  persons," 
defined  the  royal  supremacy  as  not  includir]^  the 
potostas  ordinist   and  rebuked  popular  preachers 
vrho  attacked  oisho^  s  and  uiigistrates. 

.  orko  (Parker  iioc), 
iii,   506-96. 


1583?  J-ia&rezice  Caddy,  a  spy  expelled  frora  the  -^n^^lish  College 

in  ..oue,  ht-ving  renounced  the  Catliolic  faith  facfoi-e  the 
Bp,  of  London,  was  ordered  to  accompany  the  preacher  into 
"tho  most  celebrated  pulpit  in  London...,   at  ^t.   raul's 
Cross,"  and  "docl.  re  publicly  \-he  thin^^s  they  should 
suggest  against  the  Fopo  and  the  iioiaan  religion,  ueing 
a  very  coarse-looking  fe-loa',  ho  did  tliis  v/ith  such  bad 
grace  that  thoy  uore  ail  aahiaaaod  of  him,"  Catholic   .vecord  ■^oc. 

...isc.  iv,   11. 

f'7 


ilog,    (38) 
1584 

9  i'eb.       John  iiudson,     •^-^ving  deaonatruted  the  tiain 

tiioological  position  of  the  -epistle  to  tlio  'icbrous, 

tJiLtt  the  Law  is  acroijatod  oy  the  ne./  priosthodd  of 

^hrist,  hs  proceodod  to  exanine  the  oouae  of  this 

doctriiie  by  popisli  v/ritora,  notably  -iiapleton,   cuid 

tho  flav,'s3  in  ^hrioti-ns'   ^-orfonrionce  of  thoao  duties 

ersjoined  upon  tiiem  as  inheritors  of  ^^xrist's  rede;-iption» 

i/isooubliiii;,  muTLiurine,  desire  of  novelty  ("our  bra.yno3 

are  Dusied  about  -itiuigoras  nutibers,  and  Ili;.tos  idea» 

and  --ristotlou  couiaon  wealth")  aiid  conceit  of  the 

private  judgaeut  trouble  our  pilt;riiaase«  A  ^oraon. . .  ax  rauies 

orossQj.  i«. 

•JHO   13S04. 


1584?         I^r.  Uopcot  of  ^;iffibrids9.     ^m  answer  to  Dudley  Fenuer's 
^i  9ougtex'-x-oy3on«  derending  the  ilit-iblisliriioixt  ojiainst 
the  diociplinarians.     it  was  in  turn  oaaworod  by  "A 
uefence  of  tho  reasons  of  the  Coiisfcer-poyaon. . ,  against 
sin  iiunswere  r:ii.de  to  thai-i  oy  doctor  vopequot  in  a  pub  like 
"-•enaon  at  raules  Crosse  upon  i'salan  84  |_1594]". 

otrype»  An/^-la »  iii(l), 
343-4}   .3^0  0 fide  -arte* 
i,   33;   ieiirson,   Jiait- 
v/ri].'.ht »  p.   272. 

1584?         John  Bridges,     -jia^^er  to   ilie  -Mar-rned  Liiscoi^rse  of  1584, 
l.itor  coiaprohonaed  in  his  IioronGO  of  the  '^overnaent 
>^3tca)il3:ied  of  1537.  x-earson,   Gartwrit:ht. 

p.  273;  Pierce,  -list. 
Introduction  to  I-^ar- 
yrelate   x'racts,  p.   139. 

1536 

6  i-ar.  Geors©  ^losse.  -^o  charged  the  lord  i«ayor  witli 
injustice,  tho  loixl  ->ayor  oeirjj^  prejent  at  the 
aersion.  iu?C,  xiv,   GO,   150, 

188;  Holinshed  (1800), 
iv,  888-9. 

13  '•'sr.  A  sermon  upon  tho  dignity  of  marriage,  with  con- 

do.Toiation  of  the  sin  of  adultery.  A  nian  did  penance 
for  ohultery,  his  quean  having  been  executed  for 

child-murder.  iioiinshed  (1808),  iv, 

889-uO. 

27  Liar,     -iaving  been  enjoined  to  penance  for  his  aemon  of 
6  .-arch,   -lx>ase  lowdly  defaced  uxtd  diacrodited  the 
Lord  i-ayor  once  aore.     v^losse  a  version,  which  ho 
wrote  out  for  -Druixa)^  i'leoini;  to  put  into  tho  next 
edition  of  iiolinshed  a  '^hrotticloi   i^ivos  a  different 
ii^sression.   L^ioHiisliod  (1303),  iv,  090.]  /iPG,  xiv,   60,   150, 

188. 


<tS 


Kg.   (39) 
1586 

17  July       &.  "gnive  or  lecrned  poroon."     He  was  to  doclar© 

to  the  people  ulosso  s  .jLsdeiaeanourSj   "ao  ae  therby 

otiiors  lutiie  be  Wcirued  to  ceiiuve  thoaaolvea  raore 

duotii'uiiie  aiiJ  cii%;ui.n3p6ctlie  towards  magistrates 

.-tmi  not  raalilie  to  deiocie  tnem  beroro  the  multitude*" 

olo33e  Y/a3  to  be  on  the  platfora,  but  not  perEitted 

to  open  his  iaoutU  lost  ho  bogin  his  invectivos  n^ain, 

Hia  account  (see  above,  27  iaarch)  does  not  laoation 

this  episode.  /^^,  xiv,  188-Q. 

Aug.-'jept. 

-andys,  xvbp.  of  York.     On  the  -i^aHard-i^abington 
plot,     *ie  reviewed  the  reoellion  of  -*oolon  and 
its  coutoiiporary  application,  and  set  forth  the 
proper  duties  of  each   idling  in  tiio  sq:  /ice  of 
*^od,  ail  coEiprehonded  into  obedience,     iie  prayed 
in  closing  ior  the  deliverance  of  the  queen  frcaa 
all  coniipiraoies  and  treuaona,      '"ilioua  knov/eat,   0 
iiord,  that  she  iiath  not  deasrved  this  treacnoiy 
at  their  hands,  ceing  aost  laild  suad  merciful,  doing 
good  unto  all,  hurting  none.**  ,ijeiT3ons  (marker 

Soc),  pp.  403- 
17. 

1587 

25  Juno       "illian  Gravet.     "Jiiese  tnlngs  I  have  spoken  unto 

you"s     here  the  preacher  declared  tho  true  ioundo-tion 

of  the  faith  aiid  peace  of  the  ^huroh  in  '-^hrist,  against 

tlie  ^.apis.3,  proving  it  out  of  the  Fathors   _for  which 

he  was  attacked,   see  bolow]  and  adducing;  the  vain 

jan£ii3a£  of  itOEiDji  priests  wUo  had  recently  been  examin?- 

ed  by  £1  comaission  of  which  he  was  a  acraber.     "Iriat 

he  -dght  liave  poace"»     here  no  niado  a  ploa  to  tiie  Oom- 

panioSjfoz'  the  continuance  of  their  liberality  to 

Christ  3  Hospital,  praisea  tfte  civil  pe.j;©  under    the 

queen's  c>ood  rule,   said  distirj^^uisIiOd  betwoaa  Christian 

peace  and  canacfl  security,  A  ueiTion. . .  at 

l^aules  v3ro3Lie«  lic . 

IsjX^  12200. 

".jiiortly  after"  25  June 

rne  preacher  "bitterly  reproved"  Gravot  lor  alleging 
tne  Fathers,  especially  -Jt,  iiugustine,    in  tiie  con- 
troversial part  of  nis  sonaon  of  25  June.     Gravet 
addea  a  socxion  to  rJ.3  piidiahed  semion  [pp.   29-31, 
40-2J  aei'euding  his  prcustice.  Gi-avet,  A  uoniion. 

sig.  A2. 

^ec.  i-ieciuitation  of  ^mxnony  '-i^yrrol,  with  one  Tedder, 

another  seninary  priest.  otry.>e,  i^nmls, 

iii(i),  699. 


3/<? 


lleg.   (40) 
15G0 

21  Jan.       iaitiiony  ^yrrel,  coavorteU  seminary  priest,     iiia 
seniton  duuli  iix^a  ohe  ln;|ri^ues  surroiuiding  tixe 

^iu-l  of  ..rundel.  Gatnolic   .iocora  ^o«t 

^■rumeli  15'i»  ll>6, 

20  Jiug.       liov/ell,  JJezin  of  -)"fc.  raul's,     --  sormon  of  thauks- 

iii(2),   27. 

8  .>ept.       iit  tue  senaon  elsvezi  ensigns  taken  froQ  tiio  *»r- 

Esada  were  shown;  on©  iiioroon  was  a  picture  of  Our 
Lady  with  lier  '^on  in  ner  arms,  v/as  hold  over  the 
pulpit.     Liuosc  ui~y  nave  uoen  ^hoso  aont  oy  iioward 
to  xalalughaia  uy  i^ioe.  uely.     6ee  Gk>i1}  iCliz.>  15S1- 
90(2),   536.]  btrype,   .ruaaaas, 

iii(2},  27. 

17  iiov.       wooper,  ijp.  of  ..iucnostor.     jjiotaor  tiianksgiving 

ijcr-oon,  on  tho  dcito  of  the  queen's  acceoaioii.   ^ti^ype*  jui^:a.l3 « 

iii(2),  27, 

19  Itov.   Another  sermon  of  thanksgivicg,  attended  by  the 

craftB  in  their  livorius.  i^rype,  ^ 


iii(2),  27-G. 

24  Hov.       Fiera,  Bp.  of  -Jalisfcurj'.     oenaon  of  thanksgiving 

beioi'e  '^een  Jlisuoeth,  ti.3  Oouncil,  ciad  the  i-^ench 
aiibosaador.     xuis  nas  tiie  only  tiae  --liaatieth  cana 
to  tlie  Grosa.     a  notable  occusionj  and  a  huge  cro'^d. 

iiicliols,  -.jizabeth* 
iiii  S39* 

1589 

9  Feb.         .dchard  ■Bancroft.     A  soin;ion  auch  eited  as  the 

first  fuii-ecalo  attack  upon  tii©  non-confoi-Liiats, 
aid.  ao  the  first  state-ieuo  iii  tao  /Oigli-can  apol- 
oi^etics  of  tue  period  of  the  ,1us  divinum  of  epis- 
copacy.    ■Bancroft  launched  a  briliiunt,   if  not 
profound  attack  upon  the   "aiocipline,"  an-i  explored 
with  aiirev/d  realija  the  motives  of  ^-artin  ^u'jjrelute 
and  the  uox-e  reapectacrle  -i'reabyterians,  alle^iiig 
their  uehaviour  in  •^cotlund  as  a  horz^iole  exeuaple. 

A  wicrnon.  ♦ .  at  rggle^ 
Grosijo.   uc. 
^IXi  1346, 


i^o 


iiOg.     (4:1) 

1589 

9  iiov,       i/illicEi  James,  Dosja  of  Uiiriot's  Church,   Oxford, 
iiis  v;h,iei  purpose  was  "to  assur-ge  contontiono," 
_Bd  ho  i"oiiov/ad  Bcxicroft  vei^'  cloGoly,  attackir^g  both 
the  SKiCiiiiiatioiTS  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  propr^^andc. 
of  tlie  iToubytox-iaiia,  a\.tributir<£  to  thojn  tho  sntio 
EiotiVQS  as  '^liucroft  bad  dono.     [Lcjicroft  was  .jir 
Gfarietopher'natton's  chspli.'J.ii  at  this  tino,  aiid  Jtsnoa's 
aomion  i3  dedicated  to  liatton.     One  auspocts  that 
iiatton  U03  the  fxgurehead  of  tho  conaorvativea  in  the 
Uouncil.'J  A  ooraon...  at  i^auxes 

Pros  35 1    ^» 
CTC   14404. 

17  i,ov.     Jaomas  whito.     ..  sorroon  upon  tho  annivoracjry  of  the 
queen's  accession,     -ie  preached  reproof,  ins  tead 
of  rejiicirig,  that  "we  siiould  have  a  better  sight 
of  our;;elveo,"     lifter  tiie  convezifciorial  condoorcition 
of  unclossrs  and  usurers,  he  took  "  a  .-jolfe  by  tho 
eeres,"   -jod  d©;J.t  -^dth  discoid  in  the  ^hurch,  coiv* 
decmine  the  inportuaate  libels  of  the  ruritans. 

■!>.  aennon.».at  u:'auiea 
Grou3o»   uc. 
iiTC  i:5407. 

1590 

11  uct.     C-enruse  Uabinijton.     -:.  seraou  upon  the  doctrine  of 
eloction.     hb  took  occasion  to  disprove  tno  ob- 
jection "i;hat  ac3urc\iice  of  olectioa  eliaiiii-tes 
tho  necessity  of  good  -orka,  aiid  w'eirt  on  to  reprove 
such  sine  as  endanger  a  lively  faith,  especially 
bitterness  in  churcli  controversy  cirai  lack  of 
reverence  toward  superiors.  A  ^enr.^n. ..  at  rguiua 

:;ix;  I0i32. 

1591 

14  Fob.       "Oger  iiacket,  of  Kew  '^olleiie,   Oxford.     lie  com- 
pared fhilip  II  to  iiar^  king  of  /mijon  [1  bam. 
11  j,   and  made  ^Jauls'o  calling  \xo  of  the  sien  of 
Israel  a  p.triotic  suciaons  to  ^ini^lisiir.ieart  to  de- 
fo33d  country  and  relii;ion.  A  uormon  noedfull  for 

t^.dSe   tiffiOSa    lie. 

31  Oct.       t.iliica  i'ishor,  i^oter  of  ilford  Hospital  in 
^osex.     A  sonrion  of  ^od's  JudgciGirts  --  w©  aro 
"all  in  a  praemunire"  —  and  his  meroieo.     In  God's 
book  of  remcH^^rancc,  ho  said,  are  written  oiir  good 
deodo;  ho  ozdiortod  tiio  citizono  io  add  to  theirs  by 
coirtributint;  to  tlio  subsidy  for  Paul's  Cross  preachars. 

i\  Godly  Uenuon. . .   at 
i gules  Groaaet   v«. 
JxC  10919. 


^1-1 


iieg.   (42) 
1591 

Ij&l?  Jhoaas  vaylor,  i'eliow  of  ohrxst's,  Oarajridge. 
L'i'aylor  shxj  a  iuritiia,  aau  wcts  sileriCoa  for  a 
ii&rcion  of  1G06  attuckiug  i^aiicroft,]  LAillinger,   ii,  508-9, 

15d2 

15  Jct»   4iO  iiroaciiQr  at  Vae  ^ross  issucjd  a  plague  proc Inactions 
tho  i'oaots  at  tiie  (iuildoall  and  iialia  of  Companies 
to  ijo  ccuicoilod,  by  ordei*  of  tiio  ^'cuncil  0,B,  iiiirrison,  1  ^liz. 

JjlWj'uxI.*  p •   lu 5  • 

21  i.ov.   -lOuurt  Tocrplo.     A  soHuOn  of  "discretion  in  juattors 
of  i'Giition,"     i-s3  poiatod  out  thisl  In  apite  of  .•>ue- 
IciOd'iS  jQuX'bh  in  iipirituui  gifto,  tiiore  aro  oiuy 
prideful  poroozia  wlio  aouae  her  peaxse:  the  "laurren 
soct"  of  «Jaouita»  tuo  —alpinists,  tiie  jura~n»ista. 
xet  lie  acimittad  cousea  in  the  ""^iiui'cfi,   injufficioiicy 
of  ruiiiiutors,   aiaoi^ ,   sticriloge,  decuy  of  the 

uaiiursities.  --  w>Gi';,ijn  teacliiiv:  dis- 

crotioa  xxi. ..  reliniotii 

ii'xX;  i:3869. 


^i..j.     ilie  curoo  oi  the  flyijig  roll  [i^ech.  5.  l-5]» 

v/aiiila  is  the  book  of  uod's  secrete.     Itolt  v.  '1-,  he 

took  occ;::.Gioii  to  recuke  tlio  alas  of  theft,  uador  its 

vai'iouij  xOiTis  of  docoit  of  uorchi-nto,  uaury,  no^lect 

of  2,jre achors,  opoliL.-iioii  of  the  ^hurchj  also  false 

svrei<rii3£,  a.nd  disoaabliag  profession  us  tiiat  of 

i-uritajis,  A  Iruiifull  and  '^oc|ly 

i>i.\i  24899, 

1593 

j-.aster  foxia 

'ilioaas  i^layfoi'^,  *^art3  deiight.  oa  the  delifilit 
of  the  believei-  m  God.  A  typically  stylish  dis- 
tfoi-xae.  ueartc  delitdit*  (^. 

L.TC;  iiOOlO. 

oept«  iidoa  llill*     i^  ciy  to  ropenti/jice.     'jSie  destruction  of 

oodom  applied  to  londou.     He  turned  his  batterxos 
upon  the  idolatrous  papists,  the  sin  of  blasphoi-iy, 
profaiiatioa  of  the  '^tiuuath,  oppi'easiou  of  tho  poor, 
and  eapccially  atiieiaia  waich  "iiath  crept  into  the  blood 
aud  geiieroaitie  of  thio  land,"     ♦■'c  iiwei^iied  ai^aiiist 
i-aiiiiu,  fopi/ory  ui  apparel,  sedition,  aiia  tiio  uuruuring 
of  younfc,  divines  uti'ii^'>t  "the  fathers  of  the  Wiurch 

llio  crie  of  i:^a^:land,  uc. 
Lixo   lU'i65  • 
25  Oct.?     ij.',  Gi-ay,  tlie  Iiady  wuniieiiand'a  preacher. 

i^ee  aotea  uia  yr^JJiilinji  and  deiylnt^  ajid  desijisiiig 
alciiouicai  philojpheru*  iJiaiy  of  -j^r,   John  liee 

(vj-jadea  ^ocioty^. 


i-^g.    (43) 
1594 

3  l«ov»       Joim  iJove.     A  aonaon  on  tho  second  coiaii;g  of 

Christ,     iic  confutod  atheista  cUid  "inxloaopiiore" 

who  deny  the  dnd  of  tixe  \.orld,  witii  tiio  interest iiag 

aside  tii. t  iitlioiats  ssre  to  bo  romul  "in  tno  co^vrtt 

of  priricos,"     lie  iJ-so  reiuted,  point  by  point,  a 

irote.-st(mt  book  on  the  oecoiul  corainG*  and  doLoni-iiaed 

tiuit  i-ltiiough  -we  nj.\y  not  Lnov;  tiio  tirae  of  tJio  end, 

wo  ahould  over  watch  Euad  repent  of  our  eine,  for  tix© 

world  gro\.s  old.  A  Scr.'.on.  ♦ .  at  i-aules 

5'IU  7086. 

1595 

17  liov.         ichard  -"'lotchor ,  --p.  of  ijoiidon.     -^he  c;jnaon 
on  the  Qj.i.-J.y^rrj.xy  of  tlio  queen' ts  acceoaion. 
jjjouu  tais  time  the  Cross  was  eacloyea  v;ith  a 
new  wail  of  brick,  rspairea  aiid  paiirted.  'Jlirjsh,  St.  raul'a. 


p.     J.OU« 


1596 


iiay-Jane?  --tepiien  i^ooson.     A  sornon  for  wnich  ho  wao  told  he 
xaxiJxt  be  "called  in  question,"  jince  he  cQ(H3od  to 
have  "svricken  at  some  ■-.roat  ^-erson."   [Tnw  whole 
paasage  in  which  Goaaon  reloro  to  this  episode  is 
voiy  £;uard6d,  rjad  one  heaitatoti  to  iaiec;s  at  the 
circumstances,]  Cosson,  Triuapot  of 

worro,   sig.  u4. 

1  Juiie  J.  Taiiiier.  ^■-  3onaon  ol'  peniteiice,  v?ith  tho  elaborate 
division  and  xiio  rebuke  of  all  estates,  even  the  tone 
of  a  penitorrtial  rianual.  A  aerrion. .  .at  i  aulfc'.j 

^TC  23G70. 

8  iiUfc.         .iilliam  iiarlow,   ohaplaiu  to  Viliitsift.     A  aenjion  in 
praioe  of  Joiiex*  victor/  at  Cadiz.     -416  preaahor 
coiiiijeiKled  -«ojex  for  iiis  noble  boiiaviour,  COTipurod 
ni...  to  tlie  j^roateijt  ol'  jjeiierala,and  30veiely  oen- 
aured  tlioae  t-iio  ninimiaed  tne  victory.     41©  queen 
continued  "oo  siiou  3j.ttle  erithuaiaaa  lor  an  expensive 
and  jiiowy  enter prioe.   L-<hon  -^arlov  pLUjliahod  ^'Hoox.* 
treaoons  on  1  .mt,  1601,   30ue  persona  objected  triat 
ho  :>poke  for  jpleon,   aiace  he  iiad  recoivod  n^tJuiig 
fron  the  -^  rl  for  celebrating  his  triu^iph  in  159G, 
Barlow  aut,riiy  repudiated  this  suggestion,     ijoe  hia 
Oon.ion...  at  -    itlea  Crosse..  .1601.   sii^e.  A5-;i5v,] 

C,H,  iiarjison,  L34'e 
of  ^jaex,  p.  127, 


^^3 


iieg.   (44) 
1597 


6  let.       John  mjvb.     iio  ;;ot  out  to  ijrove,  agoiiost  iiuthortuia, 
papists*  anu.  atheists,  that   (l)   it  is  not  the  v/ill 
of  i-fod  that  all  aen  aiiould  be  saved,  that  (^)  Grod's 
30ci*Qt  decree  predestines  soiae  to  salvation  tuai  others 
to  rsprobLitioa,  mu  that  (3;  wiriet  died  not  efie^tualoy 
fur  all»     •"•  solid  wfilvinist  argiaaent ,  thoi>gix  under- 
stiJadEibly  substitutiiJg  rhetoric  for  ar(;uneni  in  oho 
part  thi^t  ciouls  v;ith  aa^urauiie  oi  election. 


ii.  ^orraon. , .  at 
Paules  oro3ae»  &c, 

ijio   70o7» 


Lent?  HicKsas  x^ilson,  x^p.  of  >-ii^hostur*     ^ooe  Gi-^ 

preachers,   "conceited  iwa  too  mucii  addicted  to 
aoveltioa,   "  hod  beoii  ui-^jijag  that  Ghriat  suffered 
"the  verie  puiuea  of  hoil"on  ciie  croea,  and 
iiilsoa,  probably  encouraged  by  •'hiogift,   "for  taie 
better  quietirig  ana  aottliio^  of  the  minds  of  the 
nepple,  '«'ho  voi'o  now  run  iiiuO  difforenceu  aixl 
diijcoras  about  it,"  set  forth  the  true  doctrine  of 
the  oreed  on  this  laat  ^er.  xiie  effect  of  car- 

t.-xue  ~j^ruori3i   ^.c • 
tjee  sig*  'W^* 

[i»tri^p©  v"hitKift«  ii»  363)   sug^eats  thtdi  "a  -jachtjlor  of 
Art"  preaciii^-d  on  thia  point  contrari""  to  iilson  at  about 
the  same  tiije.     -Ji  untiafe  assuapoion  to  rjako  on  the 
streiaj_^tii  of  i.ilson*a  refutation  of  this  opponent   (  Uiq 
effects  sigs.  Blv-iJid).     'ilio  opijonent  was  Henry  Jacob, 
a  iirow3:iiat,  v/ho  in  1598  pablijhed  at  ..JLddelburg  at  xYaatise 
against  Bilsoa.     iieo  Di®,  art,   "iJiooaa  Bilson,"] 

4  iJec.         John  ilouson,  of  whriat  church,  Oxford.     A  full- 
aoale  attuck,  froa  — :-tt,  21w  Li-3>  ontlio  sin  of 
aiiiioiy  oU'-v  tho  spoliation  of  the  ohurch.     lu  re- 
viouiug  'iihe  plight  of  divinity  atudenta  at  Univoiaity, 
he  dejci-ioea  tixo  "ioiaoi-ies  of  acholiAra"  in  a  bitter 
pasaage  vviiich  caugiit  the  itteution  of  a  later 
student  of  uliriat  "hurwh,     ^ee  Lurton,  -'Pcctotv/  of 
;^elancuoly»   I,   ii,  3,   15,  ..  L>or:ion. ,»  at  Paulee 

uyo:jae.    'ja  • 
uiC  13831. 


r»v 


Reg.    (45) 
1598 

7  iaay         otejdien  vioaaon.     a  sermon  justifying  v;ar  in  defejice 
of  true  reliijion.     He  regiatei'od  disap^^roval  of  the 
ijpanish  conqueots  of  -iraericvJi  natives,  but  found  the 
wars  of  England  "chaiitable  ax)d  just."  jJi  exhortation 
totrust  in  v^od's  htind  led  hha  to  consider  the  enonaity 
of  atheisBi,   and  the  doctrine  "oeleeve  ue  ccnuot  but  by 
preaching"  inapirod  an  invective  against  the  i-reoby- 
terians,  who  thinks  have  been  trezxted  too  gently:   "one 
dram  of  ^lloborus  would  have  purgod  their  humour." 

llie  Ti-umpct  of 
.Vp^ret   -jc. 
■olXi  12099 

21  iiay       John  iloTsrson.     %©  "conclusion"  of  the  semon  of 
4  Dec,   1597.      In  his  discussion  of  the  authority 
of  ijod  3  v;ord  he  shows  the  inl'luenco  of  the  -cc- 
lesiastical  polity,     lie  returned  to  the  attack 
upon  the  spoilers  of  the  v^hurch,  and  took  to  task 
the  i^uritans  fox*  thoir  undue  euphasis  preaching  and 
Bonte;.:pt  of  coianon  prayer.  A  ^qC0i^d  oormQn. .. 

at  rc.ulos  urooje.   cjc. 

jrG  13883 

1599 

19  Aug,       "j3ie  Lord  Generxill  [Uharles  iioward,  ilarl  of 

IJottiiii^anJ  with  all  the  great  officers  of  the 
field  caiae  in  i^roat  braveiy  to  rowles  Cirosse... 
and  dined  with  the  Lorxl  *^yorJ  and  then  was  the 
olarme  atlaottest  thi^t  the  Spaniards  wore  at 
Brest,  v/hich  v;as  as  likely  and  fell  out  as  true 

as  all  the  rest."  ^haxiberlain,   Looxero » 

i,  83. 

17  ikw,       'iitOKias  Holland,  iiegius  frofessor  of  liivinlty  at 

Oxford*     iho  an-j-veraary  soi-'unon.     M\  application  to 

■Elizabeth  of  "the  ..ercgriiation  of  the  ^^ueon  of  the 

iiouth"  to  oo lemon,  iie  shov/ed  at  large  the  ^^uoen's 

grace  to  the  Uhurch.     [iio  cnnesed  to  the  published 

serioon  "An  ^^^^ologieticall  diucourse"  designed  to 

conrute  those  v/ho  traduced  the  observing  of  17  liov- 

eriuer  as  a  "holy-day":  a  scholastic  disputation 

against  the  papists.]  U* >''^t '^ P  ""^  •> 

D.IJlizabotiiag «   i-<5  • 
uKJ  13097. 

iiov.-Dec.  Dr.   .dchardson.     j>.  sermon  for  which  he  was  arrested 

Qjid  interrogated.      i':iis  uay  have  heon  one  of  the  ser- 
liions  preached  in  favour  of  -"ssex  iifter  his  i-eturn  from 
Ireland  in  -eptemoer,  of  -uhxch  there  v/ere  several  about 
this  time,   by  Uaiaoridgo  men.    "oome   Lainistersj  have,   in 
their  sonaons  at  raul's  Gross,  uttered  matters  iuportinent 
to  her  [^lizaoeth'sj  governtnerrt,   raid  unfitting  that  plixce, 
and  therein  pre  ched  undutifuloy;   othors     not  respecting 
the  iiiarl  of  -^aoex's  resti-co-nt  as  tlioy  ou^iit  to  have  done. 


tTr^' 


Reg.   (46) 

1599 

IJoT-Liec.   [coirt.] 

have  in  thoir  aenaons,  also  at  ^aul's  Gro3s, 

jj»rayed  roi*  hiia  vy  xluq,,,,  'iliose  preaciiurs..  • 

vrfio  pruyed  I'or  the  xiarl,  wore  all  Gaiabridgo 

men,   of  which  university  i^o  is  chancollor,  or 

his  chaplaijis,      -^he  first   :ire  bQund  by  aaciant 

oustoia  of  the  uiiivoi'sity,  to  pr^y  for  theii-  ohan- 

eellor  \mon  they  come  to  the  '-•ross.  O'otl)  llliz.j   IS'yS- 


16G1,  365. 


1601 


8  i'eb.   L^^y  ^^  "t^^  --^asex  rebellion] 

One  John  L; jrgor,  a^.,.arently  suspected  to  be  an 
adherent  of  ^ajex,  uaed  the  sGr>iion  at  xaul's  ^ross 
oo  an  alibi.     xjQlii^  exaiiiued  uy  Lord  Oobhan,  he  said 
in  part  a   "iiaiiaig  ooen  at  the  ijei-mon  at  i'aul's  Oro3S» 
and  Gominii  into  the  oody  of  the  Ciiurch,   I  heard  a 
confused  noise,  dvyi-i^  -oirder,  ciui'der,   God  save  the 
^een,     ""en  were  ciying  ■tiiat  ^ssex  siiould  have  been 
murdered  i:i  his  bed  oy  lu'JLogli  .aid  hio  corifederates 
and  tnat  they  were  aefsiiling  thenselvea  till  the 
iueen  should  hear  of  it."  oalisbury  i-..pers, 

xi,  30. 

15  ieb.  fc«*.  iiayward.     Hia  sen.ion  dealt  with  the  iiOsax  rising, 

oy  instructions  irom  >^ecil  and  .^ancroft.     Bancroft 
was  ploi-sea:   '"Jie  ti'ditor  is  now  laid  out  v/ell  in  col- 
ours to  ev-jry  r^an'^  satisfaction  that  hoard  the  oeraou." 

Salisbury  ■^apersj 
xi,  5:^-6. 

ii2  ii'eb.  iho  preacht(r  spoke  i'ron  written  instructions  supiiliod 

by  iaancroft,  v;hich  tlie  cxshop  nad  first  submitted  to 
*^ecil  for  upj,-roval.     M,  is  not  difficuli  to  guess 
the  subject,     .^ssex  was  executed  on  the  2b th. 

ijalisbury  •'apers, 
xi,   75. 

1  liar.  iiiliiam  Jiarlow.     ^i-  none  too  successful  perfoiiaance 

of  a  vory  ticklish  task:  the  explar-ation  to  the  pub- 
lic or  tho  sii^nific:ince  of  the  rebellion,  and  the  pub- 
lication or  -ssex'   cojifossion,  makine  the  jiarl  oondean 
himself  out  of  his  rnvn  mouth,      ^ho  sornon  was  aj,^,arent- 
ly  ill-received  in  sone  quarters.   [_Jssex'   behaviour 
after  his  trial  is  susceptible  of  a  nucibor  of  inter- 
pretations,    ior  the  best  account  see  iiarrison.   Life 
of  Jssox,  ch.  xvii.]  A  L^omon. . .  at 

ruuloa  pro 3 so.  ice, 
oi'U  1454. 


f^(' 


i^g.    (47) 
1601 

10  May       Joiin  ^^ove,     ui  divorcement.     -Mrie  sarmon  ■liua  not 
'.veil  received  by  acHaej  'who  ODjectod  to  tiie  atand 
taken  a^aiuat  iieza,  wHoso  position  on  the  higlily 
coutroveraial  text  ^oatt,  19.9  Dove  rei'uted  _  oirrt 
by  poirrfc,  ^f  divorceaenl^i   «c. 


SliC  Y083. 


1602 


16  isay       iir.  •-'linders.     He  reproved  the  pride  of  riciiea, 
but  was  CLiTOiUl  to  eschew  the  coraauriiBia  of  the 
ijaabaptiets.     "uod  Hade  soae  riche,  aiid  some  poore, 
that   ov/oe  excellent  virtues  miiiht  flourishe  in 
ohe  world*  churitie  in  the  riche »  and  patlexice  in 
the  poore,"  i>.an  inghaia,  pp.  28- 

30. 

13  June     i'l-uncis  i=arbury.     Ingenious  in  his  intei-pretation 

ox'  the  >jcriptures»  he  ap-jlied  the  clesisinii  of  Japeth 
to  the  cal-ing  of  the  Christian,  the  fruitfulness  of 
the  true  church,  and  tiie  conf  ending  of  its  euoirdes, 
e.g.  papists  and  faailists.  ..  ^cnaon. «.  at 

raules  Grooeo»  t«. 
oiX]  17307. 

16  June     '^r.  marker,     'jlie  sonaon  soeias  to  loavo  dealt  with 

Christian  piiraeveraiice  in  general,  using  the  mii;:lity 
fit;ui'3  of  the  plough,  then  v/ith  the  li'irfcues  of  ^or- 
severaioce  in  the  ainisory.     "lie  selectud  aud  spake  of 
the  ivTciibisiiop  of  Canteroury  as  the  sunns  a-oojigst  the 
oinisters,  and  the  old  De-ne  of  niules  [Hoii/ell]  coo- 
pared  to  the  moone.     ioid  i>r.  Overall,  the  neve  deane, 
to  the  nt3we  moune,  gravity  and  learnin^^  and  life;  the 
aiaistero  to  Starrs."  i-iani-Lagham,  pp.  34-5. 

20  June     :u>bert  Wakeioan  [i-Jan^J-nghaa  calls  him  "one  of  Baliol 

Golledge  in  ux^rd"].     un  Jonah's  sonaon  aiid  Idniveh's 
repentance,  with  obvious  applications*  the  function  of 
tiie  uiuistor,   Goii's  patience  wxth  sinful  -ui^lojad,  r.nda 
denunciation  of  God's  judgiaeuts.     iiis  later  reuurka  were 
cut  sriort  My  "sodainly  unseaaonable  "  v/eathar. 

Jonahs  ^ovaon  and 
I»"j,nivehs  rojentai^ce ,  Jx; , 
Six;  24348J  ^-oaming- 
ham,  pp.  37-8. 


^^7 


lleg.   (48) 
1602 


10  Oct.       John  buenser.     A  soraon  upon  tUo  Lord's  vineyard, 

in  v/liioh.,  a3  was  naturul  in  Hooker  g  literury  exec- 
utor, he  drew  largely  u_.on  tlis  ijgclesiasiical  Polity 
in  ilia  acfinition  oi   the  visible  ciiurch.      in  iiis 
discussion  of   Lho  fruits  of  the  vineyard,  i.e., 
good  uorks,  ue  30i;(jht  to  root  up  tho  nostilont  woods 
of  covetouanesa  :ind  aoll-lovo,   c.s  ©xoreased  in  the 
princip^  isipiety  or  roubizig  the  chuixih. 

A  kj&c.rtysd  aiqid  Grftciouo 
SLTiJona   u-c.j  ...an.  iii^;- 
heja,  pp»  54-8. 

24  Oct.       Dr.  John  x^ing,  then  r«ct4r  of  '-'t.  Ancirew's,  Hoibom. 
ii6  attacked  icipropriations,   siniony,  usury,  high 
liviJTg,  and  diminution  of  zoal.  iianningham,  pp.  64-72. 

31  i>.>ct.       ijr.  I>onaL?J.     ^  "^"^^  vanity  of  v/onsn.     •'%  re- 
prehended 4<j0^o^»  ^-^  otlier  populaj:  preciChero 
whoao  auditoiy  wti.3  raostly  of  troiaen,  LoiniJJJghain,  pp.   74-5. 

7?  xknr.       J-^r.  ihoiaas  iioliand.     ae  pro-iched  against  covotous- 
neaa,   "an  hydra  with  aevon  hoads,"  onch  of  v;.hich 
he  preaua  J3ly  cut  ofx   in  tha  courae  of  tho  se.Kon. 
iie  introduced  a  faLiiliar  firgaiiont:   "God  irould  have 
soae  rich,   soeo  poore,   for  distiiiction  3ake»   and  the 
mutuiill  exerciae  of  liberality  end  p:.tienco,   v/horeby 
the  opinion  ofi.the  •'^toaoaptists  is  easily  confuted, 
whoe  \7ould  have  all  things  alike  in  conr.ion," 

•  anriingham,  pp.   138-42. 

14  liov»       Dr.  Dawson  of  'frinity  in  ^aabridge.     'i^e  notes  are 
fragmentary,  rjut  it  ia  clear  th-at  he  spoke  agiimst 
contem]|)t  of  siiniGtors  and  iapoverishing  the  clergy, 
nentioned  the  martyrs  of  .-aiy'd  days,   "pray sod  our 
^'^■'Pi.y  govermient  for  peace  and  religion?  and  ooo 
ended."  lianninghain,  pp.  84-5. 

17  Nov.       Dr.  'Ihornborough,  B,.,  of  iiiiaerick.     Ho  "made  a 

dull  seiTson"  on  tiie  oniiiverojxy  occasion.  Ohaiabei'lain,  Lettof ? ■ 

i,   172. 


Si-tf 


Hec.    (49) 
1602 

21  Itov.     iir.  Fonton>  reader  at  Giuy'o  Iiai.     A  aaraon  of 
oalvation  oy  the  ext-iople  of  ^acciiaeua.      •'■o  the 
good,  ho   ot.j.d,   riches  I'-re  3:.ci*a:nents  of  (^od's 
favour,  but  to  get   salvation  you  must   stretch  your 
pur3e-3"criJiG3.     Sie  e  is  not  sny  re.entajice  without 
restitution.  iaajiiiiaghaia,  pp.  87-91. 

28  i'OV.     «*.   '•••Olson,   of    ^oieens',   oanbridge.     U  on  cilroction 
iron  "uiio  ju^orvisor  ol  this  sea"  he  "opako  aouie 
tiiinjies  a^^cU-nst  th.<i  coni..»n  ^aiEiye,"  i.e.   "one 

iiannir^ham,  pp.  915-5. 


19  Ijoc.     "One  v/ith  a  long  bromie  beard,  r  n^jiging  looke,  a 
t;lotin^  eye,   ana  a  tossing  learing  jo:;-3ture." 
he  preached  upon  tiio  favorite  then^  of  false 
proijheta,   cxkI  "iiio  wiiole  i:>t.rmoa  wy^  a  otroiige 
continued  invectivo  Coainst  the  papiotos  ^.nd 
jesui^es.     iiot  a  notable  viilanouR  r>ractise  comnit&ed 
but  a  pope,  a  cardinail,  a  bishop,  or  a  priest 
hajd  a  htaid  in  it;  tjiey  were  still  at  the  wor  rfc  end." 

wanninghtua,  pp.   104-5. 

1603 

30  3axu     JBarlOv.,   a  "beraxllass  Eun  of  iOmuroke  ^lall  in  C  luDridge." 
iiitei*  £iJi  e^;ordiuEi  in  wiiibli  ho  confessed  tn  t  he  spoke 
with  fear  and  trensjling,  he  XKMMii&hag  launched  into  a 
di3GOii.roe  upon  the  subjection  of  the  creature  to  vanity 
ai»d  uiio  eventual  deliveia-nce  of  the  3ona  of  God.     We 
live,  he  warnad,   in  prosperity  and  peace,  out  tiiuea  of 
trouble  and  persecution  jaay  come.  iianningliaia,  pp.   111-3. 

13  Fee.      "-^  yong  aan,"  -aiio  at:/acked  the  vanity  of  wonen,  and 

duelling.  i-aniiir^ihaa,  pp.  1^-3. 

13  uar.     iiiciuird  utockL  lainistor  of  the  church  Lilton  pre- 
su^jably  attended  in  boyhood.     3e«  iiallor,  ^ui-jo  of 
■  uritcr>ista»  pp.  290-2.J     liiis  3eii:.on  a'as  offenaive 
to  xho  v^ity,  fur  :jtock  taade  ouch  of  certt.in  abusea 
in  the  t;-x  Sates,   "tehereby  the  meaner  sort  v/ere 

overburdoned."  oalisbury  rapers,  xii, 

672;  liailer,  p.  2yi. 


f.1 


Reg.  (bu) 
ADDITIONAL 

Undated  sor.  .on»»t0...p*  ELlAM^Tii 

15^9-71?       Jev/el.     -"^  aeraon  u..on  itorians  13»  12  j  upon  "knowing 
t.-e  tirae,     i'o  leiid  viai:)le  3U;j;jort  to  iiis  arsujiierrts 
Ligainat  ta©  "ti;.je  viiich  vaa  before,"  iieexniUiied  an 
/^au3  i^it  c,  consecrated  charm  (intereatiiig  survival 
of  tiio  ^ieiirician  d  ^d\/i~rdlixxi  caispoign  against  images), 

>.orkpi  ii,   1035-46, 

Je  ol.     ■i'-  aoraon  upon  Ihif^al  i.  2-4}   u.  on  the  re- 
ediiyiii<j  of  tne  Xcdnple.     lie  roviev/od  tiie  church's  eiTors 
mid  aouaoij  in  xhe  paot,  the  coiruption  oi*  those  who 
would  Oi.  .y  ztie  re-edil'yini,  oi"  the  Louplo,   l.vj1  the 
ffiiiiiiier  01   it3  building,,  .orkst   ii,  986- 

10.4. 


IBlO-lTi       'Jcjad/s.     A  ssxaon  of  apocalypse,  upon  the  signs  of 
the  Ltist  title  in  coiTUpt  life  taid  conversation  and 
the  proi3perity  of  tlie  -kicked,  and  upon  xhe  joy  oi  the 
Gleet,  ..-einoaa .  pp.  346-69, 

^EUHlys.     A  aeniion  of  apocalypse,  contaiiiing  a  strong 
invective  vgainijt  the  ijitichriat,   "that  roso-coiourod 
harlot  with  vhoEj  the  kings  of  tiie  e;irth  luivo  coni..lttod 
f oraication, "  and  injunctiona  to  sobriety  mid  charity. 

■->8--iaQns«  pp.  386- 
402. 

ucjodya*     Upon  the  churoh,  doaci'ibed  in  the  figure  of 
a  aiiip.     iaio  serraon  includes  a  defence  of  the  -^atablisii- 
ment  against  "diviaionj;.nd  contention."     "4ioi'o  is  no 
idolatry,   iio  ii^ipioty,  tuiintaiiied  hy  tlie  laws  and  orders 
of  this  chui'ch."  Senr.onq .  pp.  370- 

85. 


3^61-80?       i-eriunce  of  John  ^ooke,  regijtrcr  of  the  diocece  of 

"iixsho^tor,  who  h^  instruct ud  the  boyu  of  the  srauaHEr 
school  at  "iiichoater  to  aaj'  that  boint;  in  a  tree  they 
sliould  see  tli©  Lialiop  L^ioi'i''o]  coiivdt  adulteiy  under 
tho  troe.     Cooke  v/aa  adjuoged  "to  stande  at  i  oles 
croase,  and  to  declare  and  preche  thor«  hyo  owne  ahriae} 
but  with  owt  blushing,  for  hys  syde  panche  [?]  and 
Oroydon  couplexyone  wolde  not  suffer  hya  to  blushe, 
sior©  then  the  bMck  doggs  of  Buneny." 

?*arr  tives  of  the 
-^iQii.^.tiont  p.  31. 


5io 


1^.    (51) 

Undated  soruons:  toisp,  iiLI/iABiJTli  Lcoat»] 

c.  1590  liiohard  ^^m/ea,  rector  of  i^liaarsh,  iiortloninptonshire. 

A  seruoa  upon  the  olesciag  of  loauc,  exhioiting  the 
surety  of  uod'o  proraioea  and  in  -^auxx  "an  exprease 
isiago  of  worldlings,  and  atiisiots."     'j-h.0  soncon 
oontL-dns  ojx  a.^xoal  for  nodoration  on  ootli  aides  in 
tlie  quarrel  bot\7eon  the  bishops  and  the  iuritans. 

oiQ  15556. 

c,  1399  iienry  rrioe  of  bt,  John's,   u;:i'ord.     -^he  -.u:lea 

ilii^,     A  "witty"  exiaortutioa  upon  Luk©  17,  37, 
coirfji-iriii^g  "oix  principall  notou,   or  suro  L.^aics 
for  (ivciy  true  okristiiua,  to  goc.re  up  to  the  ever- 
Icstiing  rest,"  STG  20307, 


>'^. 


.teg.   (52) 
1603 


JA^S  I 

27  ^nr.       John  Haytfard,     Upon  the  doivth  of  tho  queon.     He 
slio-i'ed  "hov?  when  her  ^Uaaoner  rohec.raiiig  to  her 
tho  [irouada  of  the  'Christian  faith,  and  roquirii^ 
her  aaijeat  unto  then  by  aooe  ditjn,   uhe  readily 
gave  it  with  hv.ruX  and  oye,"  G.B.  Harrison, 

Jacobean  Journal, 
p.  5;   .-tiypo, 
iiVxiitKif t »   ii,   460, 

14  iipr.       Lir.  iiecEnin^3,  soEietiise  of  Trinity  Collego,  Cambridge, 
/jiotiior  senaon  upon  the  vanity  of  v/ocioa.     ile  said; 
"If  a  Clan  v/ould  ijtirrio,  if  wore  1000   lo  one  but  no 
sliould  light  upon  a  bad  onHf  thero  v/aro  30  u  cxs^f  naugiiti 
n,r\d  yf  he  ohould  chi-inco  to  find  a  ^ootl  one,  yet  he  were 
not  suor  to  hold  her  aoe:  for  v/oijen  are  like  a  coule[?] 
full  of  jnakes  c-uontjat  uhich  thare  is  one  eelo,  a 
thousand  to  one  yf  a  ehjci  happen  upon  tiie  eelo,  and  yet 
if  ijo  gott  it  in  iiis  harji,  all  tiiat  he  hatla  gotten  is 
but  a  v/et  eele  by  the  tnylo."  i»-an.J.Hghaia,  pp.   171-2, 

1604 

Oct.-KoT*  The  chaplain  to  "ir  oharlea  '^oriwallis,   ambassador 
to  jpain.     [Ho  xfs...  later  convei-ted  to  Catholiciao 
in  "^pain,]  Wioriberleiin,  l^tterat 

i,  211. 

1G05 

28?  •i'pr.      'Jr»  John  i-dlward,   chaplain  to  tiie  ki>:!g.     In  tho 
iaid'jt  of  tho  aomon  "a  cuckowe  cai-io  flienc© 
over  the  pulpit,   (a  thing  i  novor  saxi  nor  heard  of 
before)  and  very  le'^rdly  called  and  cried  out  witJi 
open  ntouth."  GlirjnbQrlr.in,   Letters. 

i,   206. 

9  June.       oLuauel  Gai*dxiior.     Of  the  resurrection  <£f  the  flesh, 
proved  at  large j  of  tho  jud£j:iGixtj  of  tae  book  of 
life  (the  ari^umont  froia  .jx^.*  S,  29);  and  of  the  uses 
of  those  doctrines  in  our  conduct,     -the  pi'oof  of  tlie 
resurrection  frou  the  course  of  niitui'o  is  an  eloquent 
bit  of  prooe.  A  .^enaon...  at  i^aules 

Croo-ie.   cbc. 
o-X  11501. 

5   ''4ig.  -dcriard  Vauchan,  i.p.  of  ixindon.     On  Jy„iea'o  care 

for  reiij^ion.  ilarriaon,  Jacobean 

o'ournal.  pp.  218-9. 


^?i 


iisg.   (53) 
1605 

10  Kov.       i-illiani  Barlow,  Bp,   of  .iochestor.     On  fcho 

Powder  I'lot,   "tiiia  late  iVagi-coiiicall  treason, " 
He  exiiorcod  aio  hoarorij  to  candider  tho  "cruoll 
ijixecution,   an  Xiiiujaane  cruoltie,  a  orutisli  irar.;anitlo, 
a  devolislio  brutiahnosae*  «  an  Hyperbolicall,  yea  an 
hyiiordiaboiicall  divolishnoss."     In  onlcxgijig  upon 
tiia  deliver: iico  of  the  king,  ho  a^joiit  uuch  tiaa  ia 
pruiso  of  James's  oausy  virtues,  end  roviev/ed  tiio 
various  dfinoorj  through  wiioh  the  covorsijjn  liad  passed, 
being  preaorved  "in  utero*  ab  utero.   ox  utero."     "iliQ 
ireachera  friend,"  in  his  preface  to  tho  publisiied  ser- 
mon,  excuses  its  ahortcoiaii^s  on  tho  gro'^-jrid  of  the  frosh 
iiiiprejoioa  of  hori-or  on  tho  proachor's  iaizid,   "vfho  siiould 
have  been  one  of  the  hoisted  lUSTsbor."  'fhe  ogrrion. ».   at 

Pc;ulos  ^rooeo«  uc. 

'SxO  1455  • 

1506 

24  iaar.       Siomas  Kavis,  Bp,  of  Glouceator,     'xlio  amiivorsary 

sorrion.  Ohcu^orlain,  liOtterg » 

i,   223. 

25  tiay         Porkor,  procontor  at  Lincoln.     A  soriaon  offensive 

to  tho  "'OQi-iOns.     he  took  issxie  with  certain  proceedings 
in  the  ijower  House.     On  the  1.6  tli  the  '-'om.  one  complained 
to  tho  king,     _:^>ninod,   marker  s.iid  ho  h^.u  referred  only 
to  ionritons  who  defended  deprived  tiinisters  [deprived  for 
not  EUoaci'iDing  to  th©  nov/  GraaonsJ,     lie  wao  conoitted 
priisoner  to  tho  iieiai  of  Paul%.  Lialisbury  capers, 

xvii,  324. 

2  itov.         iiichard  otock,  preacher  of  illl-halloY/a,  Brood  iitroot. 

iio  exJaoriod  n;.giat rates  to  put  into  execution  with  niore 
seventy  tiie  lave  ivgoir^t  recusanto.     ^^  spoke  boldly 
£4jainst  thoje  who  poiTUt  p^ipiats  to  buy  freodoa  froa  the 
regulations,  and  c^ainst  the  suspoaeion  of  tho  laws, 
Ti-hicii  hod  icicdo  foi-  auch  dtJigors  as  thitt  of  tlae  i'lot. 


>oiiaon 


•  •  • 


u2C   23276. 


1607 


24  ioig.       iJcuuel  ^'rice«     'xl'.o  ..Kjchrurb.     A  senaon  upon 

uatt.   13.  4b-6.  S-JC  20206  [not 


seen]. 


5"%*. 


Heg.   (54) 
1508 

14  Feb,     i.illiaa  "i-aahaw,  preacher  at  the  Iiiiisr  Teople. 

iin  immonoe  controversial  work  oy  a  pronainent  s.d- 

versciry  of  tho  wiurch  of  ii.ouc»  proviiit;  "xx  v/oiuids 

found,  to  ao  in  tue  body  or  tiit  ^.reseat  i-U)niah 

religion,  in  aocorine  and  in  aani.ara,  "  not  cured 

by  tne  council  or  -^'reat.     Ihe  twoiiuietli  ^;oint 

(v;nxca  rov.lly  apoliod  to  -.nel^-nd),  yvji  of  "a 

geuorcli  corruption  oi   -lanners  in  all  oatateo," 

and  here  lie  j-,luncod  at  robbers  of  tiie  cnurch, 

"nomule  acuae  of  tiae  '^aboath,"  am  ploys.     He 

neiTtionea  a  play,  in  print*   in  -i^nich  two  nypoclrites 

were  represented  "by  tliese  nojues,  IJictiolas  o« 

iOitlin^B,   ^xjin  a,  iuaryovories."  'i'he  oennon,*.   at  the 

jTC  6027, 

1  i-iay         Joaepii  iiall.     On  iharisoisia  and  ^nriatinnity. 

ij©  pointed  out  hov;  xzx  -in^iiahmen  aro  bohind  the 
i'haiz-suos  afl  iwomo  in  sorie  reupectLt,   in  diligent 
teaching,  in  plentiful  alais-giving  while  -ae  griijid 
tiie  faces  of  tho  poor,     ^hen  ho  sot  forth  their 
hypocrisy  anJ.  v/orldlinesu,  the  sovetousnoss  and 
ambition  of  tho  beauitsj  but  these  too  are  sins  of 
Londoners,     "/our  c.L'ns  aro  vifritien  in  church  win- 
dov;3,  your  defraudinge  in  the  aand."  ;jork3 .   ed.  ..ynter, 

V,   senaon  1, 

5  iiov.       JJr*  Tiiiley.     A  rowder  Plot  aoriiioa.  OlKsiborlain,  J^ttero  t 

i,  269. 

1609 

24  iJar.     pilchard  Crakanthorpe.     A  serraon  in  the  course  of 
which  ho  coLi.iondod  the  Virginia  ontorpriso  i  the 
roox-ganiaation  of  tho   "Virginia  -'caripojay,  Jixn,  1609, 
under  a  new  charter,  oy  laore  than  fifty  of  the  ion- 
don  trading  companies  J.  ivittrcdge,   Introd. 

to  'Jhe  Toapeatt 
p.  xi. 

14  .apr.       Joseph  iiull.     Tiio  pausion  seriaon.     One  of  rkill'o 
more  brillitmt  effoi'ts,  frou  the  point  of  view  of 
jtyle.     iio  LiitilQ  the  thone  of  Chiiat'c  atosoenent 
a  basis  for  the  usuelI  attack  upon  lomej  vriiich  digs 
up  the  rotton  rolico  of  the  Lirogated  lan,  and 
dimiaiahes  tlie  finality  of  tho  ixisoion  by  tho  oufforings 
of  saiata.  ,.orJ:a«  cd.  iiyt^sr, 

V,   aorrjon  2. 

7  j,*sy  Ge^rca  ^enson,     ji  discourse  upon  the  sins  of 

iiphrain,   iii  ..r.ich  ho  taxed  the  "wandring  -ijovits" 

[ruritan  lecturei-sj,  who  are  novur  vrell  "but  v/hen 

they  have  tlioir  scickles  in  anotlier  laans  ii:-rvoot, 

as  tiiougli  thoy  would  ix>t)  all  the  .J,ni3ters  about  them 

of  their  orowne  of  rojoicing."  A  uox-uon...  at 

i-C;Ul08   vrojsp.    «c. 
STC  1586. 


Reg.  (55) 
1609 

28  iiay       Dauial  ^^rice,  chaplain  to  Princo  '■Mnirym     -^afUlc-a 

rrohibition  utaido>  a  corui-iaaded  sermon,  upon 
-«;t3  9.4.     iie  ap.lied  the  v/ords  to   "the  Inditonent 
Ox   all  tiaat  persecute  Uhriot  v/itla  a  reproof©  of 
those  that  traduce  the  honourable  Plantation  of 
'/irjiinia."  Kiitradire,   Introd. 

to  llxe  Tempest « 
p.  xli. 

1612 

Jan.     "A  younge  oignon  of  L.ir  Pexall  Brockaa  did  penance..., 
whom  he  had  aiatei'tained  and  abused  since  she  v/as 

twelve  yearee  old."  Chamberlain,  Letters i 

i,  334. 

9  ^eb.       One  laitcliffe,  of  iJrasenose,   '-'xford.     i'lie  occasion 
of  the  peiiarjco  of  .-oil  Outpurse,  the  iU>arir^  "^irl, 
for  v/euring  uan's  apparel,      ^ih©  uas  drunk,  the 
preacher  did  "extreea  badly,"  t;nd  tn©  whole  affair 
v/as  anything  but  edifying,  uiiaaborlain,  i.ettoru» 

i,  324. 

29  Liar.     'JJiomas  Adaas.     Tim  Gallant 'a  liurden.     .m  eloquent 

indictment  of  atheists,  epicures,  lioertines,  and 

coiai.ion  profazffl  persona.     The  uinister  is  the  v/atch- 

nan,  but  the  uatchraen  of  iiome  v/ere  usurpers,  v/olves, 

tyrants;  at  horao  the  watciimen  are  scorned:   "uo  jest 

ends  in  such  lau^jhter  ua  that  which  is  broken  on  a 

priest.     Tiie  proof  is  plain  in  overy  tavern  and 

theatre."  works,  i,  294-328, 

1613 

3  Jan.       Aiioinas  -aiitton.     jr^^laiKis  oucauona.     ijo.  exiioi^tation 

to  ministers  not  to  cease  their  reproof  of  sin,   and 
to  the  people  to  yield  obedience  to  tiiem.     l(o  nation 
is  so  blessed  by  God  but  sin  oan  cause  vciriance  between 
it  and  God;  our  sins  are  more  hnnaful  to  our  peace 
than  all  the  Euachii:iation3  of  the  Jesuits,     iie  re- 
proved ignorance,   s^eciring  and  lyii)g,  befoie  the  hour- 
glass caught  up  with  him.  ^JiT;.:l£ind3  ^irst  ixvjj 

^>econd  ^^uio.  .ona ,  wc . 

bTG  23502. 

7  Liar.       Thoaaa  Mans.      Jae  ..liite  uevil.     Upon  Judas,  thief 
and  hypocrite,     'i'he  thorouglmess  and  violence  of 
-iilaias'    survey  of  contemporary  thieves,   as  ho  called 
them,  is  almost  unequalled  in  tho  rich  literature  of 
this  kind.  He  was  especially  bitter  upon  the  usurer: 
"for  louk  how  far  aiiy  or  the  former  thieves  have  ven- 
tured to  hell,  the  usurer  goes  a  foot  fui-thor  oy  the 
standard."  -Oi'ks.   ii,  221-53. 


j-a/ 


1613 


Fieg.    (56) 


s  10  liov,      .jilliera  iQoberton,     liie  Godly  L^orchanrt: 

a  aci-.ion  agaiaat  uaury  aad  frond.  oTG  19569[i3oi  soenj, 

urrte  25  k'ov.     Looks  of  -Juarez  the  Jeauit  burnt,   as 

derogatory  to  i^i-incea.  CSPD  James  I,   IGll- 


18,   212. 


1614 


24  ii^ar.  Joseph  i^l.  A  "Holy  i'aneGyric"  upon  tho 

aniiiverstiry  of  the  accossion.     ^^e  euloi;izod 
the  king's  learning,  uontioning  the  "..pology" 
for  the  oath  of  allegiance,  has  piety  and  r.ercy. 
-he  deiiversaice  froa  the  Plot  was  by  a  divin- 
ation froia  tho  lipa  of  the  king.     All  these 
favours  ere  forfeited  by  oin,  and  tlie  death  of 
i  riaco  -ienrj'  waa  a  piuiishujent  for  tn©  people's 
sxns.  Works,  ed.   .;yntor, 

V,    serTiion  6. 

1  .uiay  Jotm  Hoskins.     ^he  rohoorsal  sennon.     App- 

ropriately a  oriof  discourse,  after  tho  siaatairies 
of  "thoao  deligiitful  treatises"  the  '-'pital 
senaons,  upon  lainictei-s,  the  "lords  remembrancers," 
and  tiie  attention  due  them.  oerr.ons,..  at  Tauls 

Crosae  and  elae- 
wiiorg,   1.^. 
iyiC  lj841. 


11  iJec*  Juries  i'dchardsou.     A  oonaon  zigainat  oppression 

and  fraudulent  dealing,     "i  know  as  Luther  said 
wittily,    it  is  not  safe  foi'  a  poo  re  hare  to  preach 
sucn  doctrine  to  those  iiiona,  hee  shall  lu^ve  auch 
adoo  to  escape  their  pawes.     Lut  whatsoever  the 
Loi-d  comiiiiidath  tie,  tiiat  must  i  apeak."     'ihe  Lord 
cou^iiiided  hici  to  coiideuin  alienation  of  livings, 
cruel  landlords,   delay  in  lawsuits,   deceitful  aer- 
chauus,   ic.  A  oormon  ctfiaiast 

OP.  I'ossion.   cjc, 
b'xC   21017. 


^ii. 


lieg.   (57) 
1615 


5  i'eb,       iiiomaa  mutton.     ^i:(gltmds  second  oiumaons,     A 
aiacourse  upon  nev,  3.  15,  16»  tne  lukewarm, 
ihi  oxliortod  ma^istratoa  to   ,.ut  a  stop  to  tiao 
breaking  of  zhe  »^abba,tii,  io  cut  off  papista 
and  **esuit3,  ainiaters  to  be  zealous  ti^oinst 
the   "obscene  and  v/horiah  stages,"  and  judges 
to  be  severe  in  prosecuting  recustuita.     He 
v/arned  against  "Ciiurch  rupists,"  who  v/ould 
mediate  bet.;een  us  tuad  the  "^iomsh  synagogaeo." 

Jn):landa  Ftfcst  and 

iiTC  :a35Q2. 


24  i««r«       Joiin  "hite,  cfaapJAia  in  ordinary  to  the  king. 
wa  tlie  accession  amd-verstiry,     "liot  onely  the 
icing  hiiasolfe  io  of  Cktd,  but  all  the  eininency 
and  ai3:.inction  of  authority  that  is  under  hijn,  .«m» 
ar©  all  of  uod...j  and  it  is  but  a  aavage  and 
popular  huiiiour  to  bacltcite  or  des^iise  tins  eiainoncy 
in  whoaisoever,...    -^he  piv-ctiso  of  iibcliing  c^ainst 
i>iagistrates  and  great  persons,  at  this  day.,., 
cani30t  be  justified,,,.  It  is  true  indeed  that 
laaong  zjoq  Greokes,   in  veteri  Goiaoedia  the  persons 
of  Bjen  were  t^jcedi  but  taey  vera  i^arbarians  [t] 
Taiioa  uhriatiuns  aiuat  not  ijaitat©,"  'iVo  oomions;   *he  former . 

at,  Paula  Gx'osae*   ^«. 

iilU  25392, 


3  i>ec,       Tiionaa  Aclotas,     -he  sacrifice  8f  thankfulness. 

"i-jmy  und  uignty  aelivoruncos  h;.tii  tiio  lord  (iivon 

us*  from  furious  "iualekites,  that  cajae  with  a 

navy,  aa  thoy  bragged,  able  to  fetch  imcq/  our 

land  in  turf  a  j  rroia  mi  angry  and  raging  pestilence, 

that  turned  the  populai-  streetjof  xhis  city  into 

solitude  I  iron  a  treason  v/nerein  sen  aonspired 

with  devila,  for  nail  v/as  brougiit  up  to  their 

conjurations."  But  atill,  ha  said,  wo  tr^at 

>-ariot  liko  ."^anoianon,  Wpyks,  i,   114-36, 


/3T 


Reg.   (58) 
1616 


24  ttor,         Uoniie.     "Ix  ueiiii^  tiis  aaidversary  of  the  idng'a 
coming  to  the  Lirown,  uod  his  iiiajeoty  being;  then 
gone  into  -•cotland."     iia  laentioned  the  death  of 
iilizoboth,  v/ith  ii!aay  praises  of  hsr  excelienco. 
He  gave  especial  note  to  Jaaes'   core  of  religion* 
"he  uaa  beholden  to  no  by-religion,     ilie  papists 
could  n/c  a;;.ke  him  place  arty  hc.:e3  upon  tliem,  nor 
the  puritans  make  him  etxtertain  any  feara  from 

theci."  .orks   (od.  Alfoz'd), 

vi,  99-142. 


2  June  uilliam  uorahip.     iJ.1  Eieii  are  dogs  v.dthout 

^hriatf  uut  there  are  dogs  within  tho  circuit 

of  the  ClAirch  v/hich  aaiioy  her;   "i)ricke-ear*d 

uuri'Co  of  .-xiUQf"  ruJLlors  on  laon  .ai  authority, 

licentious  livers,   "dumb  I>ogg93,"  and  outrageoua 

sweai-erst  "-J'i,  i.oble  i-rince  lEIiitlf  wee  KP.y  thunke 

our  v^ourt-oathes,  aa  ono  chief e  cause  of  tliine 

uzxtiiaely  douth."  The  iat^erne  of  an 

Inviiicible  ^aith,   cc, 
GTC  25995. 


20  uct.  Saoual  waixl  of  Ipawich.     Balm  from  C-ilead  to 

iiecover  t^^oiiacience.     -ie  believod  the  sonaon 
noodful,  for  "the  tine  is  nov;  oorao  upon  us 
whoi'oiia  ..leu  aiiV^ct  o^ai  deaii'e  ^ood  liinea,  estctea, 
v/ivea,  houses,  good  dlothes,  good  everything,  but 
contonfc  theuseives  v/ith  cean  and  vile  consciences." 
He  v/aa  a  good  ^uritan,  and  he  pioadod  for  -'cil.ath 
obsorvL-iice,  azid  contounod  "popery  and  ntiture,   a.d 
the  old  leaven  of  relugiiis,  newly  '.rorae  scoured 
oy  Ji.i-LU.niuu."  -grk^  of  ihos. 

..doias,   iii,  92-112. 


fi-i 


i^S.   (59) 
1G17 


Jan.       inaaunuol  iiourne,      -i-iio  True  ^ruy  of  a  ^^hristian. 

^iiQ  opening  of  the  v/ay,  he  decltired,  is  the  know- 
ledge of  GlirJ-ot.     "Get  ye  the  I-ible,  that  uoot 
^holsoome  ronedie  for  the  soule.     ^uid  egaine, 
iiearken  not  heieiuito  only  in  the  Clhurch,  but 
also  at  houie,  let  tho  husband  -edth  the  v/ii'e,  lot 
tho  iiitiioi"  with  tiiG  cliiide  talks  togetho:-  of  thess 
laattars,  aiid  Doth  to  and  fro  lot  the©  enquire,  :ind 
give  their  jud^^i.iants.     uJiia  sonnon»  a  aignificant 
Puritan  docuaent,  cantaina  a  lucid  and  admrncls 
©xpoaition  of  tho  orders  of  nature  and  grace. 

The  Tnae  V-ay  of  a 
Ghricrfciani   --c . 
o'X  3419. 


5  ^pr.         John  I>rope,  of  iiagdolen  college  in  Oxford. 

iio  ccHai}li.iaod  iiguiai^t  the  king's  unjuat  lapoaitions. 
"Out  of  the  *roverbu  aaonti  other  thxjags  he  T;old 
prove  that  rii^aa  id^/ht  atoalo  as  wail  as  meaner 
men  ooth  by  borrowing  and  not  paying »  ai'^  by  laying 
unreason; lb le  arid  undue  iD^ooitiona  upon  theyre  sub- 
ject a»"     A  or  thio  sercion  he  was,  understandably, 

"called  in  question,"  C^PD  Jaiaes  I,   IGll- 

18,  464. 


10  June       Xniciamiel  lourne.     Ahe  iainebov/.     /^oid  tliia 
utylish  tisouo  of  "alleoories"  -joutnio  fourrii 
pliice  for  an  indictnont  of  the  siioa  of  unthanliful 
iingland:  pride  in  aiJi-orel,  drunkonneso,  simony j 
sacrilege,  ochiiaa.     'Aiq  hi£:h  point  of  'Llie  ssnaon, 
haL/ervor,   is  a  "iiarJ-fold  diialo^ie  bot-./yono    -hrlst 
and  the  Lo?/e."  L-iie  .tainobo./ 1  Cjc, 

IjTG  3418. 


29  Jiuie       Joiin  I-urgess.     x-iis  notcibl©  luritan  preached 
bofoi-e  the  secretary  and  his  lady,  and   "ixa 
£i-eat  ixjx  auditorie  as  iiatli  been  stono  there." 
Uhauberl-in  could  "discover  notiiing  ao  extra- 
oirdinfU'io  in  hii.i  but  opinion."  Oiitoaborlain, 

Letters «  ii,  06. 


Si'i 


l^g.    (60) 
1617 

D  liov.       ^^nry  iCing*     -^^s  first  seraon,  at  the  age  of  23. 
"Yt  uas  thoci^lit  a  Dold  ixirt  of  them  both  [he  aiid 
ilia  lather,  Bp.  of  lonuonj  tb.t  so  yoiioge  a  aaJi 
uiioulu  plc'.y  hi3  lirat  prises  in  such  a  pitico  azid 
tiuch  a  tiiio  i.tho  annual  sermon  on  the  Plot  J,  booing 
as  ho  professed  a  prindtiq.9  of  his  vocation,... 
but  this  vorld,   (as  thoy  say)  is  saade  for  the 
pi-esuiv-ptuous :  ho  did  roasonablie  well  but  nothirig 
extruordisaarie,  nor  noere  his  father,  becinfi  rathar 
slow  of  uttoranco  pcc.tor  warwa  veheuons." 

Wiar-iberlain, 
Letters  *  ii,  114. 

1618 

11  Jan.  John  -i.verr.rtL.  -he  oermon  contained  aroprocches 
against  the  Uoiirt  of  Orphims,  \"hich,  "if  true," 
wore  "unfitting  to  repo.xt  befoi-©  a  popular  assembly." 
iia  was  censured  by  the  3p.  of  ioixLon  cud  required 
to  apologize  to  i-he  lord  -«-'^'or  and  alderaon. 

CJPD  James  I,  1611- 
18,  519. 

15  Feb.     Robert  v>ibthorpe.     Ha  took  occasion  to  speaJk 
agaiiist  the  iuritanss   "-uioir  pretended  pure 
te-xier  oonscieiKse  is  irapurely  polluted,  aiid  their 
faith  'i-or^e  than  iri!idoiity."  But  he  also  had  a 
\/oru  for  the   .loaaaists  who  croep  into  grer-t  housas 
to  load  captive  "sin^ple  ^^ouen  laden  with  simiec." 
To  "neeto  vith  the  impiety  of  tho  Papists,  tiio 
prophanenesso  of  the  Athoiat,  and  thox  crixiur  of 
the  .jiaDaptist,"  he  developed  at  large,  out  of 
i-erkins,  the  nature  of  an  oath.  A  Counter— Plea  to  an 

..postr.taes  iardon.   cic . 

STC   22527. 

26  Jipr.       "iQ.ter  Balconquhall,  u  Scottish  divine,  after 
iiaster  of  the  ^avoy  cjnd  boon  of  -ochester. 

He  preached  "liand;joncly."  iJhaiaberlain,  Lattora « 

ii,   161. 

Nov.  liie  penance  in  a  white  sheet  of  Lady  -iirknaia, 

wife  of  oir  Griliin  i.iarJdian,  for  narryiiig  one  of 
her  servants,  nor  husband  being  still  alive.   L^he 
\i;a3  vJ.30  fined  .^1000.]  OoPD  James  I,   ISll- 

18,   516. 

20  -i^oc.        .joger  Ley.      <-'f  the  last  estate  of  tho  world,  and 

the  estaiilishiiig  of  a  new  world.     In  his  discujaion 
of  tho  divine  order  and  hierarchy,  he  condemned 
"our  novelists...,  tmit  have  corrto;idod  to  ci'cake 
the  bond  of  -cclosiastical  jurisdiction."        -iiao  --leopter  or  .dgat- 

ousness.  «c. 


ryo 


iieg.   (61) 
1619 


7  Liar.       xTancia  <<iiite,     -oudons  .Vaniing,  by  Jorusalen. 

^j.uce  he  had  to  apeak  of  tiae  voxce  of  Cfod  cxyiiiig 
at,iiiiist  iniquity,  he  oxputiirtod  upon  ^iio  dignity 
and  duties  of  lainisters,   reproved  "dui.ib  doge,"  and 
tue  iieai-ors  wiiu   listen  to  tne  aiiiaLitor  but  do  not 
oboy.     xio  reitoi'uted  the  fEuailiai'  cry  against  world- 
linotia,  uud  oet  oeiore  them  the  mmi  of  true  wisuon* 
"iieo,  like  a  good  iil^riiae- traveller,  because  hoo 
v/ould  ijot  cucttjer  hia  aoule  too  tiuch  wixh  the  trash  of 
tiii;3  world,  v/iiich  laii^it  hinder  hi3  expedition  in  iiu.a 
joui'iiey  to  iioavou,  hee  wisely  aends  Uia  tr©  sui'ss  to 
iieaven  before  hiia."     A  "witty"  ojad  powerful  disccurse. 

l^oadons  i/arniiyj;«   cac. 

o±G  25386. 

24  i^ar.      "A  poore  sermon"  upon  the  anr^ivorsary  occasion. 

'Jhaffiberlain,   Lext.oro« 
ii,  229-30. 

♦ 
11  Apr.     John  iiing,  tp.  of  i-ondon.     -^  seriaon  of  tnanlcsgiving 
for  the  recovery  of  the  kin^^  irom  nis  illness.     lie 
paid  the  usuul  tributes  to  Jaiaes,  nia  cai-e  for  religion, 
the  peace*  uinoos  oi  niu  relQi,  hj^s  uoble  boriaviour  at 
doi.tii's  door*     i»ut  the  body  of  tiie  sonoon  is  a  great 
aeditatiou  upon  dea-ih,  in  the  beist  tiamior  of  tue  a^s. 
":ill  'uho  ^JciOple  of  \.ae  e;.a"th  iaay  stand  upon  "liJie  uiior© 
of  rsy  text  Lisai.  38.  IV j  and  see  the  face  of  tjicir 
fraxlo  u  inconstant  condition."  ..  LioiT.ion  of  ^ubl...cke 

'■;.'hcui^:j-j;iviiJ^. »   w«, 

etnte  1  iiay 

iar.  c>[hJir-gl9ton  of  Oxford.     IIo  attacked  •^acon,  the 
Lord  t^hancollor,  sjid  his  court,   "finding  himself 
aggroved  with  some  decree  of  his  vherin  he  thougiit 
he  luid  hard  meusui^e. . . ,  anu  glaunced  (thoy  say)  soiauiiat 
sfxaudalously  at  hiu  and  his  Uatawitos  as  he  called  i^em." 

Ohtiabcrlain, 
hot'oors.   ii,   243, 

1620 

26  liar.       Jolui  rCing,  Lp.  of  ixjndozi.     Upon  a  text  "apt  by 

J;.ajes,    "a  voyce  from  e:.ji;h  tiiat  is  nsx-i  to  heaven," 
he  preached  on  boiialf  of  the  long-overdue  repair  of 
the  cathedixil.     iie  reviewod  the  history  of  tlie  church, 
and  spent  uuch  tiue  in  extolling  the  king,  t/ho  was 
piresent  on  tiais,  the  only  occasion  on  whxch  he  honour- 
ed the  place  vith  his  presence.      "^Stov  the  sennon  the 
iiing  had  a  banket  in  the  uiahopo  house."  .-.  ^erraon. ..  on  behalf e 

of  .  gules  Jixurcii ,   -  j3  . 

Jrc  14932;  diiam- 

berlain,   Letters. 

ii,  299. 


ii6G.    (62) 
1620 

17  Dec.       "A  young©  fellow"  opoke  "very  freely  in  general" 
on  the  ijpaniah  natch,  though  the  Ep.   of  London 
hud  charged  all  his  clergy,   on  tne  king'j  orders, 
not  to  meddle  with  that,   "nor  uith  any  other  laatter 
of  state."  ohanierlain.  Letters, 

ii,   331. 

1621 

25  Feb.       Jo}m  --verard.     He  preached  against  the  Ljpanish 

match,    "discifring  the  craft  and  crueltie  of  the 
opuiiards  in  all  placos  where  they  coae  ijpeoially 
the  aest  indies,  all  or  :aost  part  of  what  he  said, 
cited  and  taken  out  of  their  osne  autiiors." 

^haciberlain,  iiettera » 
ii,   356. 


24  i-»ar.        Lewis 
sermon 


Baylj',  Bp.  of  Beingor.     ilie  aariversary 

1,  GhaEiberlain,  Letters* 

ii,   356. 


25  iiov,       Henry  King.     A  book  called  the  -t^rP'oestunts  rlea  « 

apparently  a  piece  of  Catholic  propagaiiaa,  circulated 
the  ruuour  that  Lisliop  John  K.ng  had  become  a  convert 
to  ivoiae  on  his  death  ued,  througii  tiie  agency  of  one 
'iliooao  rreston.     "ihc  bishop's  son  hero  exploded  the 
scandal,   rehearsed  laitli  soue  enotion  the  tftle  of  his 
fatiier's  dying  hours,  and  took  occasion  to  reprove 
other  occasions  of  evil,  as  lay  preachers,  and  iJOsuits, 
"those  only  the  groat  rar^aelsiaas  of  the  world,  v/nose 
practice  is  ihlebotosQr,  to  let  ->tates  blood  in  the 
"eart- V e ine . "  A  benaon...  at  i'uules 

Crosse...  Upon 
occ  sJQu  of  tlxat 
false  and   acc\ndalous 
xteport,   i^x:, 
5'iX3   149C9. 

1622 

23  June       George  Lontaigne[i^ouKtain],  Bp.  of  London. 
'"E'iiiire  'naa  a  great  ajsemblio  but  a  sraall 
auditorie,  for  his  voyce  was  so  low  that  I 
thincke  scant  the  ihir^  part  v/as  within  hearing, 
ihe  ciief  points  of  iiis  aercion  wore  touching  the 
oenevolencea,  wiiereiu  he  v/old  ivrove  that  what  we 
have  is  not  our  owne,   and  what  we  gave  was  but 
reiideriag  and  restoring.     iOioth^r  part  was  about 
the  repoyring  of  raules,   and  the   largest  in  con^ 
futing  Paraeua  opinions  [^avid  Jaenglor,  probably 
his  flora-  entaiTy  on  tiie  -oaana  i  touching  the  peoples 
authoritie  in  301.2c  cases  ovor  unruly  and  tiraiiiiical 
^rinces}  for  which ioresie  01   state  his  books 
v/ere  publikely  burnt  tiiere  toward  the  end  of  the 

seiiaon."  Chamberlain,   Letters. 

ii,  4^13. 


Keg.    (63) 
1622 

25  ioig*       i>r«  Claydon,  mxiiistor  of  llackney.     iie  "cited 

a  utory  out  of  our  Ghronicles,   of  a  jpraiish  ahospj 
broui^ht  into  ^ni^lcj:^!  in  iJdwtird  tho  x'^irat's  time, 
which  infected  sioat  of  the  sheep  of  England  ..•i.th 
c  liiurrain,  and  prayod  God  no  niore  ouch  sheep  iiight 
be  brought  over  froni  thQj:!co  hither;  at  which  uany 
of  his  hearers  cried  oirt   'Eaiiou.*     So  nuch  generally 
did  all  men  fear  that  i'rince  Gharles  should  oarry 
the  il2.-a^  of  'Jpain'a  sister,  as  thoy  ever  hated 
that  lUition.     lie  lay  awhile  in  prison  for  his 
sertjon,   uut  vis  soon  luter  set  at  liberty  by  the 
mediation  of,.,   [the]  •t'arl  of  Holderneso,  whose 

chaplain  he  vras."  DSiiv/es,  Autobiography, 

(1845),   i,   ::13-20. 

15  '>ept.     Donne.     A  defence  of  the  king's  orders  concerning 
proaohic^;  isee  culler-Brewer,  v,  552],  and  of 
"his  coustancie  in  the  true  reforwed  religion, 
vrfiich  the  people...  oegan  to  suspect;  his  text 
was  the  20th  veise  of  the  5th  chp-pter  of  the  book 
of  Judges,   sora.jhat  a  straugge  toxt  for  such  a  busi- 
ness,  and  how  lie  niLide  i-i;  hold  together  I  kno./  not, 
out  he  gave  no  (^recit  satisfaction,   or  as  aone  say 
spolte  as  yf  himself  were  not  so  v/ell  satisfied." 
[ohaauerlainj  jor^a   (ed.  jilford), 

vi,   1S9-222;  Chcja- 
borlain,  Letter^, 
ii,  451. 

5  i<)V.         Donrie,     On  tiie  an.dveraary  of  the  Powder  Troason. 

"■^huroin  I  was  left  niore  to  iry  own  libei-ty  Lthan  on 
15  -jept.j*     liie  seraon  v/as  proachod  in  the  churcti 
bocauso  of  bad  weathor.     ihere  is  one  significant 
passage.      "If  this  breath,  that  is,  this  pov/er,  be  at 
any  tine  sourod  in  the  pv-osago,  and  contr.ict  an  ill 
savour  by  the  pipes  that  convey  it,   so  as  th^t  his 
;_tae  king's]  ^^ood  intentions  are  ill  executed  by 
inferior  ministers,    ^his  must  not  be  inputed  to  hiia." 

Works Ced.  iJSord), 
v,   203-32}  Letter  to 
iiir  T.  i-ioe,  in  i^ootrx 
&  Prose  1   ed.  Haywai-d, 
p.  477. 


&.  --Uii.i_?J   iiichard  ;3hcldon,   "a  v/onvert  frora  out  of  Babylon." 
Upon  --lev.   14.   y-11,  of  the  Beast  and  his  uiark. 
He  proved  the  Boast  xo  bo  the  Church  of  Roae.     It 
is  uorally  iaposaible,  he  said,  for  -^ngland  to   return 
to  the  iioi:ian  fold,  this  for  instuinction  of  such  as 
"treiiibling  and  fearing  were  there  ia  no  just  cause  oi' 
foare,  do  fearefuliy  pres-^ge...   some  gcnerall  fall, 
and  change  froa  .leligion  to  ropery,   in  tiiis...   langdomo." 
[Jheldon  recoivod  a  ocvoro  repriozind  for  this  sorrnon, 
vyiiich  was  erijarras sing  to  3anies  during  tiie  no^^otiations 
for  the  uponisli  match,]  a  LJermon. ..at  i aulas 

Ores  up,  Sx . 

^rc  22398. 


ueg.   (64) 
1623 


23  Fee.       iha  preacher  f/as  expected  to  reveal  sonetliinr 
of  oi'iicicii  i-'Olicy  oa  the  upaniah  m.-tch,   aiiioe 
it  was  be^iniiiiTc  to  be  .:noxm  tliat  Gluirles  and 
BucJcin^hcm  Had  aet  out  for  ^jpain  tlie  i-onday 
beiore  tlixs,  but  he  "iiud  nis  lesson  in  h^^c  verba i 
only  to  liva^  for  the  Princes  prosperous  journoy 

ana  safe  return."  Gnronberlain,  j-ietterst 

ii,  482. 


24  iiar.       Sohn  ^iichaidson,  or  i^dalen  Golloge,   Oxiocfl. 

unih©  an-J-ver-ary  of  Jaiaos*  accession.     "He  por- 
fonaed  yt  reasonable  well,  and  tiie  better  because 
he  was  not  long  nor  iiaiioderate  in  coa;.iendation  of 
the  times  but  gave    ^ueen  i.li2abeth  her  due." 

Ghaaberlain,  Lutters* 
ii>  487. 

30  iior.       iiir.   .iilson.     Txie  semon  "contained  general  words 
full  of  evil  interpretation."     iie  seotis  to  Jaave 
spoken  aiiainat  ropery »  which  "leads  to  porjury, 
breoo'h  of  laith,  Cxi,"     L'lhe  Bsnaon  aay  have  treated 
of  Lvatterc;  ox   otate.]  G^PJ  Jaties  I,   1j19- 

23»  551. 


6  Jipr.         -dcliard  iIoldswOitii»  a  "v>5ry  proper  ::ian."         Chamberlain,  Lot  tors. 

ii,  489. 


26  i-^ct.         Thoaao  adatas.     j5i©  Bari-en  Ti*e©.     A  review  of 

the  sins  of  "gi-aceless  Gjiristians,"     xhe  throe 
yer.rs  of  the  text  lUxko  13.7]  he  api-lied  to 
tile  reign  of  Jdward,   "i3iio  purgod  tiie  go-^-d  froia 
vae  rust  and  dross  of  suporstition,"  tlio  reign 
of  -lizauotii,  v/no  "did  again  vindicate  tiiis  vine- 
yard" -Tind  "taught  it  anew  to  spoak  tiie  dialect  of 
tiie  Holy  Gnoiit,"  an^i  zno  roign  of  Ja;aes,   "under 
whoiii  we  knou  not  Miether  truth  or  petLCo  be  more." 
On  the  same  day  of  thij  oeraon,   "it  pleased  God 
Aliiighty  to  uake  a  fenrful  cont;ent  ux^on. ..  his 
oyn  t©;d;,"  in  the  fall  of  tJie  hoosa  in  the  Blackfriars 
wiior©  about  300  poriions  were  gatli^irod  to  hear  I'ather 
ijrury  piroach.     Ue©  i'uiler-Brswsr,  v,  539ff. 

'>.'ork3 »   il,   16G-G5. 


^^4^ 


iieg.  (65) 
1623 


John  oquire,  paraoa  of  ot,  Leonard*  St   -"horeditch. 

..  oeniioii  o:i  tlio  aecoiid  coi-rxindtiojit,  otrype,   i^ylciei- 1 

pp.   116,   125. 
tJ'IC  Z3115  i.iio'ii 
seen j . 

1624 

18  i^r.         Laud.  •  Dianri  in  iIis^ory 

of  the  Troiibles  and 
IryaXt  p.   I'll 


■J 


5  Aug.  Ihoijas  iidecs.     'ISie  Tonple.     "lliis  ace  is  sick 

of  such  a  v/tioton  lovity,  that  we  niake  choice  of 

tho  temple  accoixliKj^  to  our  fancy  of  tho  pBcachor." 

lie  at-acked  popioh  idolatry,  and  tlie  idolo  of  vain 

pleasure,  vcdn  honour,  uiid  riches*     Praioo  of  J?jues 

am  a  dafoiidor  of  the  faith.  ..orks .   ii,  2S4-309, 


24  »-ct.         iXicort  I:>edii:itif isld .     A  sermon  upon  ikm,  6.23» 

STC  1792  [not  seen]. 

21  liov.         ^aobert  oanderoon.     Upon  the  Jiiot  extent  of  OhriGtian 
liberty  in  the  lawful  use  of  the  croatures  of  God» 
in  which  ho  tiodo  this  iupoiiiant  obGervatijn  for  the 
tiaaax   "lleithor  let  any  ijon  cherish  his  ignorance  here- 
in, ty  conceiting  as  ir  thor©  v.'ers  ooae  dilfei'sr.oe 
to  be  liide  oetw^en  GiTil  and  ^clesin^ticol  things,   and 
Laws,  in  this  behalf.     Jie  tmith  is,  our  Liborty  is 
equal  in  Dotli,  the  pavrer  of  ^^uperiora  for  restraint 
equal  in  botli,   ;  Tid  nocc3«;ity  of  obedience  In  Inferiors 
eqiial  in  both."  Works,   iii,  145-211. 


1625 


ante  23  -ar. 

uir  Pujbert  Hoc/ard  was  exconijunicated  publicly 

at  the  'Jrojj  for  conteiapt  of  the  Jourt  of  high 
^oacission,  •^hi.ah  in  1624  had  begiai  proceedings 
Qtiainst  hady  -urbock,  with  v^cxa  How; jixl  vyj-s  living 
in  adultery.     -JeQ  C^rdinor,  -J-stOiV .  viii,  144-5. 

CSFD  Jaoea  I,   1G23- 
25,   507. 


r¥< 


R©g.    (66) 


MiDISlOllAU 

Undated  seruoiaat  tesap.  JiUliilS  X 


ante  1615         John  iioalcina,  rectix-  of  Ledbury  ejad  chaplain 
to  Jaffiss  I»     i>a  "arguijent  of  terror"  fron 
XsBJLch  2G,   1,   cuiGfly  directed  against  excess 
in  apparel  tuid  irunkenne^ss.  Liarmona  (1G15)» 

32C  13841. 

ante  1615         John  lioskins.     '410  publication  of  a  curse  against 
tiieft  (usury )  and  false  swei.iring  (equivocation). 

D^rmons   (1015). 


[?]  John  Hales,  of  iiton.     A  senaou  piseiding  for 

tolerance  in  dealing  with  erring  Christians, 
aduancing  a  vaidety  of  huaane  and  rational 
orguiaeiits  against  i^roLniscuoua  and  irrtoiaperato 

controversy,  Goldotji  :jeaaiii3   (l67o), 

pp.   24-55. 


S-'/b 


IlsG.    (67) 
1626 


CiL^JOsBS  I 

7  iipr.         Ihomaa  Ayleabur-y.     'Jie  iusdon  sanaon.     The 
story  of  the  ia^;sioii  re-told,  pi-ofaced  v/iih 
a  diacoixse  upon  tho  i^^norroice  of  tlie  Jsv;a  — 
"Had  they  known,  Jx:.,"  1  Cor.  2.8  —  and  a 
proof  out  of  Aqiiinas  of  the  neceu;3ity  of  the 

sufforinjj  of  Ohriot.  2ho  Passion  ^onuon 

dt  I'aula-Jrosjei  t«. 
3TC  999. 

1627 

11  i'eb.       otepliea  Deniaon,  ijijiister  of  ut.  iiatlierine  '^ree. 
'&a  uolte  VJolfe,  g  diocourse  upon  false  propheta, 
with  ppiticulor  rolcreiice  to  tii©  Ft-aniliata,  accom- 
ptiiied  by  tho  public  peirtrJce  of  John  iiethorington, 
a  bojffiiaker,  wiio  hrui  recently  been  ijimished  by  tho 
liigh  Goauiajion  for  keeping  a  cojiventiole  iiod  preach- 
ii^  i''ax-!iiisij.     Jonlson  concluded  with  a  lliit  of 
"the  aeveroll  kinds  of  i-iysticall  V/olvou  breedii^ii  in 
luliiii^'iia"  s  po^jish  v;olv63,   .jminian  v/olves,  •'■nabaptist 
wolves,   ".iosey-cro8:ie  v/olveo,"   "iaiailiuticall    .oivea," 
ijacludins  "Grii^ltonian  Jaxailia-oa  in  the  liortli"  and 
Faedliijts  "in  tho  ^o-artuiaao."  4io  .aiito  ..olfo«&c. 

.j'lG  5G08. 

15  ^r«       .Jbort  ocjiderson.     .ajubtlo  dicjco-.r3e,  coming  well 

frou  a  distiiituiahod  casuist,  upon  tho  ain  of  -ibint- 
eiech,  treating  of  iioa  far  ignorance  oxcuues  of  sin, 
aatl  of  -he  iuivxii-^  of  God's  mercy  in  rectraint  of  ain. 

V.oyks*   iii,   212-69. 

6  iAsty  i>onne.     lie  proved  tiie  doyeiidoi-ce  of  the  occleaiaatical 

st:.te  upon  tho  civil,   op^^osiiitj  both  papiata  and  preabyteriuua. 
lis  deioiided  occlesit-stical  vostrients,  and  the  uae  of 
church  oniuTionts,  not  aaidols,  out  as  aida  to  instruction. 

..orks  (od.  iilforai, 
v,   159-79. 

28  liar.       wiliiaa  Jailer,   aoae  rector  of  Giiiec/ick.     A  soraon 
ugaiiiat  si^crilege.     lie  s^  oks  bitterly  of  tiioso  v/ho, 
in  the  reign  of  uoiur/  YIII,  f  oared  popiah  iaol:.tiy 
30  uQch  ti.at  they  took  tiic  ornasienrts  of  tho  church 
into  their  oon  ho^aes.     .ie  proceeded  to  ehou  how  the 
beiit  faiailios  had  coiae  to  a  bad  oiid  for  auch  iiccrilege. 

upolman,  liistory  of 
u/ucr^log:oClC53). 
p.  81. 


JTr 


Rog.    (68) 
1529 

17  i««y         TsfO  liDuls  against  the  king,  blaming  hini  for  the 

lo3J  of   .i)chell8>  were  i'ound  during  the  sermon. 

iia  old  man,   "tijat  ueloi\,s  to  the  Urosa"  took  the 

oi'iensiv©  aocuiaents  from  a  "young  youth."       C5PD  Charles  I, 

1628-9,   550-1,   552. 

22  ijov.       Dom^Bm     An  exhortationto  good  works,   opposing  the 

irotastont  to  tlie  Catholic  doctrine  of  works.     Tliis, 
he  aaid,   is  the  reclatiation  froia  offencw  in  Oiiriat 
Liia~-t.   11.6],  and  offoiico  aay  arioe  froa  a  pro- 
i^enaity  to  uiisinterpret  the  words  £ind  actiono  of 
others.     "God  dIoljs  ae  from  n^'seli",  that  I  lead  not 
layself  into  temptation,  by  a  wilTul  saisinteriU'eting 
of  othsr  men,   eapecialiy  my  superiors;  that   I  cact 
not  ajperdioiis  or  imputations  upon  the  church,   or  the 
state,  by  lay  liiistakiiJgs."  works   (ed.   Alford), 

V,  232-55. 

29  Nov.       i'or  this  senaon  a  copy  exists  of  Laud's  letter  of 
ap^- ointment,  decianding  a  copy  of  the  scraon  in  ad- 
vaisce,  and  aaking  arrua^eiaents  for  the  ainiatar's 
lodging.  .^ssaYs  &■  studies* 

xvi(l93l),   154. 

1630 

18  iipr.       Jdward  Boughen.     An  exhortation  against  false 

prophets,     iie  spoke  in  de£ei:ce  and  publication  of 
the  kinjAj  declaration  that  ao  one  siiould  laake 
chai\^es  in  the  iiiLerp rotation  of  th©  ii-rticles,   and 
declareds  "what  hath  beene  once  defined  by  the  Churcn, 
ougtit  not  to  be   subject  to  the  censure  of  piu'ticular 
^ersona."      4ie  disciplinarians  are  wolvcs  in  the  laidst 
of  leuabs;  tiiey  kuow  not  now  to  suoniit,  uut  they 
"kiiou  nov;  to  controule,  to  coLUiiand  out  of  a  iulpit." 
It  is  not  ror  ovury  laan  to  oxaoine  doctrine,  nor  tire 
all  doctrines  to  ^^e  exetaued.  'i\vo  BeiTions,    .« . 

bTC   j409. 

30[?]  May  Ch  rles  "went  into  a  rooiae  and  noard  the  sermon 

at  raules  Qrosje."  Dugdale,  ilistorv  of 

Jaint  J-  aul  *  s   (lulu), 
p.  90  n. 
1631 

27  Liar.       Ltma.     Cto  the  anniversary  of  the  king's    ccession. 

He  faegans     "Tlie  iige  is  so  bad,  tney  will  not  endure  a 
good  :u.i5g  to  oe  coaaeuded,  ior  aanger  of  f lattery :   I 
ho^e  I  snail  offend  none  by  praying  for  the  King." 
A  kinjj  should  urrjy,  and  our  king  is  aaily  at  nis  prayers; 
but  the  people  should  .ray  too,  caid  not  sin  in  Liurniuriiig 
against  tiie  kirjg.     If  ihis  I'ault  be  nut  anenaod  xho  king's 
"Judgment"  v/jiich  God  has  given  nim,  ra£iy  pull  out  the 
stings  of  those  waspish  persons  "tnat  can  eaploy  thoir 
tonguus  in  nothigg  but  to  wo.Ad  hia  and  his  governiaent," 

works,   i,   185-212, 


ffa 


Reg.  (69) 
1631 

tiay     i^uulxc  penance  ot   Jir  Giles  ij-iogton  for  marriage 

with  his  cousin,  by  sentonco  of  the  High  Cooiaission. 

CSPD  Charles  I, 


1631-33,  42. 


1632 


6  aiay       Robert  Sanderson.     "Concernir^  tho  rij^ht  use  of 
Christi::!!  liDejn;y."     iTe;xhed  by  appointnent  of 
LiMd,   "to  tho  suppresijine  of  riovelties  and  to  the 
prosorgation  of  urdor  and  Peace."  Works »   5J.i,  270-325. 


1635 

23  ioig.  Jones  Uoi^ers,  minister  of  Gtratford-Bov?. 

Upon  the  powor  of  Ghricjt's  sacrifice,  aixl  the 

magnitude  of  trod 'a  love  to  us,  while  our  love 

to  him  is  cold,   in  its  expression  through  oiir 

pruii'ors  oiid  our  purses,     ae  ventured ,   none  too 

3ucc<;ssfuliy,  upon  cortcu-n  oialogies  from  natural 

history,  to  shov;  the  "inimtivo  viitue"  of  redoLiption 

uy  blood.  Christ's  Love,  and 

faints  ■-'acrificBt  ^:c< 
GTG  5G57. 

1641 


iiiark  i'l-ank,  i'ellou  of  renoroks.     ilia  text  L#®^»  35. 
18,   19]  a  text  of  ooedience,  nover  laoro  needed.     "A 
little  of  that,  well  practised,  would  nixke  us  understand 
one  another,    sot  us  all  together  again."     i'urSiliior, 
"^oi  give  aiQ  leave  a  little  to  reason  with  you, 
"/oitliority  used  to  be  alogical  argvirient  to  guide  our 
reason:  mid  iiavo  we  lost  oui'  logic  ^oo,   as  v/ell  as 
our  oDedience?     '/ae  consent  of  wise,  grave,    learned 
fatheiS,...  with  any  man  r^t  too  high  in  his  own  con- 
ceit,  is  certainly  of  a  value  soaowhat  above  ha.s  private 
iiua^ination.     i''or,  vAio  toils  you  they  are  deceived?  Your 
private  roiniater?     And  are  you  sure  he  is  not?"     You 
hav9  hecurken^d,  ho  warned  his  auditory,  to  "ignoarant  and 
mMlicious  te.^jhers,   "who  have  ejcorcised  r.ore  tyranny  over 
your  consciences,  then  the  aost  claaonous  can  prove  ever 
bisliop  did."  Jeraons .   ii,  413-44-. 


S'fy 


Dibl.   (1) 


BIBLIOGirUlHIY 


1,  jbibliograpliiea. 


Tha  Cambridge  bioliograpliy  of  iingliah  literature*     iilditod  by  F,®, 
Bateaon,     Gambridgo,   1940.     4  vols. 

DavioS}  CtOLlfrey.     Bibliography  of  British  history.     Stucii-t  period, 
1603-1714,     Oxford,   191:8. 

Dictionary  of  iiational  Biography,     ilditad  oy  -^aslie  '>tephen  &  ':jidney 
Lee.     iondon,   1885-1901. 

Herr»  A.F,     ihe  illizribetlian  aonaon:  a  survey  and  bibliography. 
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Madan»  i'alcoiier.     The  eurly  Oxford  press:  a  bibliography  of  printing 
arjl  publiching  at  Oxford,   1468-1640.     <^xford,    1895. 

Pollai-d,  A.W.  &  iiedgrave,  G.ii,     A  short-title  catalogue  of  English 
books.,.,   1475-1640.     Bondon,   1946. 

need,   C;ony©ro.     Bibliography  of  -^itish  history s   iudor  period,   1485- 
1603.     Oxford,   1933, 

iiollins,  H.B,     An  analytical  index  to  the  balldd-entriea  (1557-1709) 
in  the  re^jisters  of  the  Compaiy  of  the  ■^ationers  of  Boadon.     otudies 
in  i'hilology,  xxi  (I9:i4),   1-324. 

A  transcript  of  the  register  of  t.ts  Company  of  otat loners  of  London, 
1554-1540  A.B.     edited  by  -^dvai-d  -irber.     BirciinghaBi ,   1875-94.     5  vols. 

uhitney,   J.F.     Bibliography  of  church  history,     iiiotorical  i^jsooiation 
Leaflet  Iv,   1923. 


2.   ooinons. 

^ana,   Ihojaas.     'ihe  works  of  "Thonsas  /uifiaasJ  being  the  sum  of  his  sermous, 
meditations,  and  other  divine  and  Eoral  discourses.     With  memoir  by 
Joseph  '-ngus,  B.B.     rxiinburgh,   1861-2,     3  vols. 

Andresrea,   Bcincelot.      ihe  v;ork3  of  i<m.elot  "ndrov/es,   Bishop  of    .incheater. 
Oxford  u;  London,   1874-8.     5  vols. 


55-0 


Bibl.   (2) 


Aylesbury,  "ihoeKis.     Tae  passion  aenBon  at  •'^auls-Groaso,  upon  Good- 
jsriday  last,   .^jriil  7.16..6.     iiy   ilioinas  -alaauuiy....   ^-ondon, .,  ij,;^. 
for  .d-ciiurd  i-ocire....   1626 • 

BabiUoton,  Gsnrase.     A  sensaon  proached  at  ■'^aules  Groase  the  secoxid 
Simday  in  -ychaelmas  toorae  last.     1590.     By  GervaJe  i>abingtoa  D.  of 
Ltiviioitie.     iiot  printed  oefore  tiiis  23.  of  .ugust.   Ib91....   London,., 
'ihomaa  i-iste.... 

Bancr^rty  niohard.     A  ^jenson  preached  at  Faules  Grosse  the  9.  of  i'6D~ 
ruarie,  beixig  the  first  ounday  in  the  Farleamsnt,  AniJO.  1588,  by 
idchaxd  -^aiicroft  D,  of  iJivinitie,   and  Ghaplaine  to  the  rii;;ht  Honourable 
->ir  wliristOiJuer  iiatton  K-iight  L*  Ghancelor  of  England,     ^lierein  sonie 
thin^jS  are  nov/  addod,  vhich  then  wore  oaitted,  either  thix)ugh  warrt  of 
time,   or  default  in  meoorie....   Imprinted  at  Loi^on,  by  I.I.  for  Gregorie 
Seton,  and  ai-e   .o  be  sold  at  his  shop  under  -f^-ldoragate,     1588, 

iSai'low,   .iiliiaia.     A  sermon  preached  at  -faules  Grosse,  on  the  first 
i>unday  in  Lentj  liartij   1.1600.     V/itxi  a  short  discourae  of  the  late  j^arle 
of  iiSaox  his  confesioa,  and  penitence,  before  and  at  the  tiao  of  his 
death.     3y  ..iliiam  i^arlow  A^ootor  of  Jivinitie.     whereunto  is  auiiexed 
a  ti*ue  copie,   in  subatance,   of  the  oehaviour,   speache,  and  prayer  of 
tiie  said  -^^ixl©  at  the  time  of  his  execution.,..  London,.,,  kc.thew  Law... 
liiOl. 

[Bai'lowJ,  William,     iiie  sei-rion  preached  at  Faules  Crosae,  the  tenth  day 
of  i-ovQiaber  being  the  next   juaday  alter  the  discoverie  of  this  late 
horrible  treason.     i>y  the   rdght  iiev  rend  iather  in  God  ^«illiata,  by  Goda 
panaiaaion,  M)rd  i^ishop  of  -"ochostor....  London...  I.vs,  for  ^^^ithew  i«af. 
1606 . 

Benson,  George.     A  senaon  preached  at  ^aules  Grosse  the  seaventh  df  i-«y, 
M.  iXJ.   IX.     iiy  George  i3enson,  Doctor  of  ^^ivinitie,   soiaetiaoa  fellowe  of 
^<ueenes  Golledge  in  Oxford....  London..,  H.L,  for  -iichard  Uoore,,,,  1G09. 

Bilson,  Ihocias.     Tae  effect  of  cercaine  sonaona  touching  the  full  re- 
daaption  of  aankind  by  the  deatlx  and  bloud  of  ^hrist  «Ie3U3....  ^reached 
at  ■''aules  Grosae  and  elsevihere  in  London,  by  the  right  reverend  i'ather 
ihtmBiS  iJilson,  i>ishop  of  u'itKsheater....  London...  i'eter  "^horfc  for  Walter 
Burre....  1599. 

Bisae,  Jajues.     Two  senaona  preached,  the  one  at  raulea  crosae  the  eight 
of  *'.Jiuarie  1580.      ihe  otlier,  at  Ghristes  Ghurche  in  -^ndon  the  sume 
day  in  the  afternoone*  By  Juiaas  liisae  oaister  of  Art,  and  fellowe  of 
i^a^dalen  Golledge  in  Oxenford,.,.  London...  'ihomas  woodcocke.  1581. 

liou£hen,  ii^dward.     Turo  sennonaJ  Ihe  first...  at  Ganierbury,...   1635. 
ihe  second,  preached  at   ^aint  i'aul's  Grease,  the  eighteenth  of  .^pril, 
163<l.     Ly  ""diaard  -^oughen  ^  araon  of   ..ood-Ghurch  in  i^^nt.     London...   ii.B. 
for  'ODert  /illat....   1635. 

Bourne,   -karaanuel.     ih©  rainebow,  or,  A  senvjon  preached  at  J^auls  Grosse 
the  tenth  day  of  "^une.   1G17.     By  ijn-ianuel  -i^urne  -master  of  '•■rtoa  and 
Treacher  of  Goda    .ord....   'K>ndon...    -Lhoisas  i^cuns.   1617. 


rr/ 


Bibl.   (3) 


Bourne,   Imnianuel.     'iiie  true  way  of  a  Christian*  to  the  i'ew  Jerusalem, 
or,   A  throo-foldo  deiaoust ration:  rirst,  of  the  excollozicio  of  tho  true 
nn\   aavini;  knowledge  of  CJhriat...,   liecondly,  of  our  Union  and  Gomriunion 
with  Olirist,  and  hia  ohurch,      xnirdly,   of  our  nev/  croixtion  in  i-lhriat, 
by  the  Dleaaad  spirit....  -delivered  first  in  brief e,   in  a  sermon  preach- 
ed at  •i^iiulea-CrosoO,  the  first  ti(unday  in  the  now  yeero,   1617.     -^^nd  new- 
ly revised  ::-2id  enlarged  by  -irajaamiel  iksiirne  luustor  of  .fk^rts  arii  i'arsoa  of 
jiiiiovor  in...  .>erby.,..   ^-ondon...   George  i'ayorbeard. ...   1622. 

Bridges*  John.     A  aermon  preached  at  x^aules  Groase  on  the  ^-onday  in 
¥nit3un  w„oke  /mno  Domini.  1571....  i reached  aiid  augmented  by  John 
BridgQu....  London...  ^'•enry  Lin-aiaan  for  iluLd'rey  Toy. 

i_iiuah,  Jdward]     A  oorsion  preached  at  i^auls  crosse  on  Triiiity  ounday, 
1571.     By  ^.3,...   iondoa...  John  .Ji^dley.   1576. 

Certain  aenaons  or  homilies  appointed  to  be  re  d  in  churcheo  in  the 
time  of  "oho  late  ,/uoen  ^lizacetli  ox  famous  iaecajry,  aM  how  thought  fit 
to  be  reprinted  by  authority  from  the  iviag's  raoet  excelleiut  -lajesty, 
aniiO  .jJX;:aiII.     Oxford,   1844. 

Oiiaderton,  Lauronce.     i^n  exculloirt  and  £0d3y  sornion,  aost  needefull  for 
this  tirje,  v/herein  -ae  live  in  all  securitie  and  sinne,  to  the  gjreat 
dishonour  of  ^od,    -ad  conteapt  of  his  holy  word.     Areaohod  at  •'aulas 
CarooRe  the  xxvi.   daye  of  '-'ctober,  /Ui.   1578.     By  iewrence  Ghade-'ton 
^atchelor  of  -^iioinitie... .   ijondon...  <-hrlstopher  Barker.... 

Goryera,  James.     Christs  love,  arid  si'd.Hts  saorifico.     i-'reached  in  aaer- 
aon  at  ^t.  '•i^ileo rosso,   on  tho  23.  of  -i^igust,   1035.     By  Jsjaes  Conyers, 
•^r.  of  iirto  of  -ydaey-'^ujijox  in  Caabridge,  and  minister  of  L>tra.tford- 
sj(K/f  in  Middlesex.*..   'K>ndon...  iii.F.  for  H.  oeilo....  1635. 

Ciiishav,  w'illism*     ibe  senaon  preached  at  tho  Crosso,  Feb.  xiiij,  IGC?. 
By  ".  Craaha^e*  ""atcholour  of  ^ivinitie,  and  preacher  at  tho  Temple. 
Justified  by  the  -'oithour,   Doth  acainct  ^pist,  and  liroTmiat,  to  oe  the 
ti'uth:  vJierein,  this  point  is  principally  followed;   nuiaely,  that  the 
religion  of   "tome,  as  nov/  it  atundo  ojtablialied,  is  worse  than  over  it 
v/as....   -i-ondon...  H.L.  lor  ^-dnond  Weaver....   1608, 

["urtoys,   iichardj     IVo  soroona  preached  by  tho  reverend  father  in  God 
the  Bishop  of  "hicheater,  tiie  first  at  rauls  oroase  on  ounduy  being  Mie 
fourth  day  of  -^arch.     iaid  the  oecond  at  uestninstor. ...  [Title  j^ge  of 
iolger  copy  defaced.] 

Donison,   .^te^isim.     '3ie  white  wolfe  or,  A  sermon  preached  at  ^auls  Crosse, 
Feb  11...,   and  printed  soj-iowhut  more  largely  than  the  tiae  vrtsuld  permit 
at  that  present  to  deliver,     .^herein  facuion  is  unnasked,  and  Justly 
taxeu  without  aaJ.ice....  -spaciaiiy,  tho  ■^etheriiig^tonian  faction  ^rowne 
very  iai^udant  in  this  Citi©  of  late  yoorea  is  hero  confuted.     By  Stephen 
i.'orj.3on,   -diUoter  of  i^-.theriiie  orQe-Ghurcn.. ..  London...  Geoi^e  killer.... 
1627. 

Donne,   John.     'i3ie  •v7orks  of  Jolin  Bonr^....  Ldited  oy  ^ionry  -Iford.-   London, 
1839.     6  vols. 


iV-^ 


Bibl.    (4) 


Dove,  John.     -^  sonaon  pret-chttd  at  i'aula  Croes©  xa©  3»  of  HovoiiVDor 

li>94,  iiitraatiiij^  ol'  •Jjie  aec-jtid  coianiijig  oi"  ^iirist,  and  tlxa  diaclooing 
of  "iraiciirist.      "ith  a  couiutaoioa  of  divers  coryecturas  coiicerniag 
hhe  eiide  of  the  world,  contoyiid  in  a  booke  called  the  sac  and  ccMsuning 
of  ^liu-ist.,..   LLondonj     xoter  "^lOi-t,  foi"  •Jilliaai  Jugi^ord..,. 

_»«     jj.  aeroou  preached  at  '•auioa  urosse,  the  aixt  of  Febioiary, 

1596.     J-u  which  ore  discussed...  three  c one lua ions....  By  John  ^ove, 
-octor  of  -'ivi;iixio...«  T,«.   for  ^m  Dextar.   1537. 

—     —  -jf  divorcoaent.     A  sorjTion  iJi'eachad  at  ^'aula   v^rosse  the  10. 

of  "iiiy.  1601.     iiy  Joiia  iioTe,  iKKsuor  of  •"iviaitie . . , ♦  iondon.     printed 
by  i'.Ci.     1601. 

i>yo3,  Jolia.     A  sermon  preached  at  i'aulea  Crosae  the  19  of  July  1579* 
setting  xoi-t]i  the  excolloacye  of  Gk>d3  hoavenlye  wordet   i3ae  exceeding 
aercyo  of  Ohriot  our  •^avlourJ   ihe  state  of  tliis  \.'orld:  A  prof©  of  the 
true  ^hurch:  ^i  detection  of  the  false  ^Jiuichs  or  rather  maliijiiant 
raijle*  '>•  confutation  of  sundry  haereaioss  and  other  thinges  necessajy 
to  the  uiiskilful  to  be  knowsn.     ^'  John  •K/'Os....  London...  John  ^'aye... 
1579. 

Fisher,  V/iliiam.  A  t^odly  sezTion  preached  at  rauias  Gi^osse  the  31.  day 
of  >-ictoDer  1591,  ■i-'y  ..iliiai2  iiaiier,  iotister  oM  keeper  of  the  -k)3pital 
of  -i^lford  in  ~'3se:t....  London...  ^.dward  iillde  for  L^ward  i\gga3.  1592. 

- —  A  senaon  preochod  at  Paulas  Orosoe  the  first  Sunday 

after  newyoeres  day,  Doein^i  the  thircle  day  of  ''ojauai'y  IjSO.     %•  ••illiani 
•i^iaher  student  of  divinitio....   ^jondon. .,  Ihomas  ''harde  aiid  h'dward  ■'^ggas. 
1580. 

j_x'oxe,   o'oha]       A  aanaon  of   '-'hrist  cruciTied,  prea";iieu  at  iaulos  Crosae 
the  ^'i-id-..y  Dofore  -.jaatei-,  eoicijonly  ca.lled  uoodxryday.     urittiin  and 
dedicated  to  all  such  as  labour  aad  be  jieavy  laden  in  conooience,  to  ue 
road  for  th.^ir  spirituall  coiofort....  iondon...   John  i'aye....   1570. 

ij"rank,  toirk.     "Jenoons.     Oxi'ordj  1840,     2  vols. 

u<-rdiiier»  i->a'ai©l.     A  aeraon  preached  at  '"'aules  Croase  the  9.  of  Juiie. 
1605.     Upon  the  20.  of  the  ^"evolation  the  12  vers...*  i3y  •^acaiell  uard- 
nior,  ^oct.   of  ^'ivinitia....   London...  "dward  ••hite....   1G05. 

Gosson,   '-tephen.     'xhe  tjni&ipet  of  warro*     A  sormon  preached  at  laules 
Crosse  tile   aevunih  of  ^ni.e  1598.     Ly  w.   '^toiili.   Goaoon  parson  of  Great 
wigbopovr  in  ^osex....  ""ondou. ..  V.o.  for  I.  0.... 

Gravet,   willisra.     A  aojmion  pre^^hod  at  ^aul^-a  crouoo  on  the  ;cxv.   day  of 
June  iixxii»  •'-'OBI,  1587.   intro-ting  of  tho  holy  ''criptiiu'es,  and  the  uae  of 
the  BLjoes  i3y  •'illiaia  ^ravet.  Bachelor  of  '-'ivinitie,  and  Vicar  of  '*» 
bepulcliras  in  -^ndon. ...  -i-Kindon...  "Arnold  liatfield. .. .   1587. 


i?3 


Bibl.   (5) 


£Hacket>   '<ogerj     A  senoon  needl'ull  for  those  times*  whoreiu  is  3hei?ed> 
the  ir^olencies  of  i»aaala  kir^  of  isx.ont  against  tlie  laen  of  JatKioh 
uiload,  axil  ilio  succoi-a  o§  vcluIb,  and  hia  people  uont  for  their  re- 
liefs,    •'i-eached  at  iaulos  Grosso  the  14  of  Fev.   1590.  by  u.U,  f>jllow 
of  the  ^Njw  ^olledije  in  Uxi'orcl....  Oxi*oi*d...  Joseph  •^ariios.,..  1596* 

Halee*  John*     uoldau  i^eotaiust  of  the  evev  meswrable  'i^r,  John  lla.lds» 
of  o-^itou-Collodi^ey  tic*     '4io  becond  I^-proosiou....  ~ondon....  1673* 

iiall,  Joseph*     4ie  ■aorks  of  the  ri^t  reverend  "^oapeh  liall,  D.D,  Bishop 
of  -Jtetor  and  aftei'Sfards  of  iiorffich....  Oxford,  1863.     10  vols. 

BiXl»  Man,     -the  eire  of  -^nel^ii^*     ^  sermon  pi*»achad  at  i^aul«»  croaoa 
in  jeptecDor  1533.  oy  -dam  ^dll  i>octor  of  -^ivinitie,  &  published  at  tne 
requejt  of  the  thtin  -uord  "'aiirof  t-ho  Citie  of  iiondon,  aiid  othex-a  the 
Aldenaoa  his  brsthron. . . .  i-oiiion...  2d.  Allde,  for  B.   iiorton.  15S5. 

iioliand,  Tho!3a3."1>  o^yrtw  J^\*  D.  i^liaehethae,  Dei  ^rc;fcia  .a3^:lia3, 
Jrcaiciae,  c-;  .liDomiaa  -•eginae.     ■"■  sojrajon  praaohod  at  *aulo  in  i^ojidou 
the  17.  of  iioveG^I>d^   i>axu  ^■'om,  I59d...}  and  au^eirted  in  those  ^.liu;us 
wherein,  for  the  .ihcrtnesa  of  the  iisa  it  could  aot  bo  then  doiivorod. 
"hei'ouato  is  adjoyned  tin  Ui;.ologaticall  diocourse,  whereoy  all  such 
8clanderou9  accu:^t.tions  (O'e...  confuted...,  for  obsex'ving  the  17.  of 
iiovoETber  yeei-oly  in  tho  lorae  of  on  Moly-duy.,..  By  Ihoiat^s  Holland, 
-octor  01   iji villi ty,  £:  her  iii^inosa  Profesoor  thereof  in  her  '-'nlvoraity 
of  Oxford....  Oxford. ••  Joseph  •'^amQs,..,  1601. 

Hoskiua,  John.     '^Oi-mons  preached  at  Paula  Crosse  end  elae-whero.  By 
John  lioakiiis,   sassetiaes  J'ellow  of  iisw-oolleuiio  in  Oxford,  "dnister  and 
joctor  of  haw....  ioiidon...   >iilliaia  '^tansby  for  isathaniel  iJutter. ...   1615, 

l^iowson,   John.     ■**  seruon  preachod  at  *aules  Oroaa©  the  4.  of  December^ 
1597.      "hsroin  ie  discusoed,  that  ail  buylrg  and  aollir^  of  Sijirituall 
^jromotion  ij  unlaviuU.     By  John  rio'^aon,   student  of  0hrii;te3-^hurch  in 
^'xford....   ixindon. ..  ^^-m,  iia;.field  for  'Ijiooas  Maias.  1597. 

A  aocond  sornon  proaoh^jd  at  •'aules  Crosse  the  21.  of  i.^y. 

1d98.  upon  the  21  of  '-ath.  the  12.  and  13.  verses*  concludiiiti  c:.  fonaer 
senitoa  preached  the  4.  of  •^ecoaber  15UY.  upon  the  saue  text,     iiy  John 
ilo'w'oon,   student  of  ohriatos-churcii  in  -'jJTord. ...   -j-;ndon, ..  •■-rn.  ^^at- 
field  for  ihoaaB  'Kiama..,,  1593. 

hudson,   John,     •»  oernon  preached  i~t  raules  ^Jrosse  the  ix,  oi   ^ebruarie. 
.^fo,  "om,  lb83.     By  J,  nudson,  Liaijter  of  ro-ts,  of  Oxon«...  i^oxidon. .. 
IhosKis  i'urfoote..  ..   i58v, 

Jamea,    k^iiliaa.     ii-  uenaon  preached  at  'aules  Crosse  the  ix.   of  Kovetabor, 
1589.     1/y  ..illiaa  Jav^s  u.   of  -'ivinitie,  aaid  L'uan©  of  Ciii'istes-church 
in  ^xtoixl....   ^ndon. ..  Oooixo  i>ijiaop  and  ialph  i'O'^.'borie.   1590. 

Jewel,   Joiin.     ihe  irorks  of  Johsi  Jewel,  Bp.  of  '^alisbuiy.     Caiid>ridge, 
''arker  ■>ociety,  18'i5. 


^STf 


Bibl.   (6) 

King;   iienry.     A  sercion  ..reuched  at  rauls  Cro -iie»  the  25.  of  Kovemoer. 
16;^1.     Upon  occasion  of  L-iat  fulse  and  acaijdalous  report  (>lutely  i^riiVvecl) 
touching;  tii^  aup^jOaed  opoatasie  of  John  :Iing>   lalo  uix-d  Mol'iOp  of  Lon- 
don»     '^'  -ioary  -intj*  -iic  oideiit  coniie....  iuulisliod  by  authority..., 
•^ndon...  i'elix  iiyoG^toa,  2 or  i/illiaia  Barret.  16<il. 

j_i,ing»  John]     A  s6r.ion  oi  puL'licke  taaiiita-giviiTj^  for  tli©  huspuie  rocovt;!— 
is  oi  ins  ^'ajastie  froia  ixxa  isAe  oangorous  aiokneisse.     i.  roacned  at 
?aulca- -rosso  tlio  il.  of  .-prill,   1619.     I«y  the  L.  of  >^ndoii.     iublisiiod 
by  coui-^oxiduiout. ...   i^ndon. ...   Vhonas  /xdanas.   10  IS. 

—         — <■-       ii  joi^ion  at  ii-iu-cs  -^roise,  on  Deualj^e  of  i'auleB  Jiiurcti, 
:»...roh  .i6.   loiiO.     By  the  b.  of  ijOiidon.     ^otxi  preached  aiid  published 
by  fti-s  i*.gsatics  comuiOndetient . . . .  i^ndon....  -siv/ard  urifi'in  for  ^xizaiiuth 
Adams.  15^0. 

Latiner,  -kigh.     ^jonaons.     laadon,  ^Veryiaan,   WiiG. 

Laud,     ilJ^aia.     ill©  works  of  the  laost  revsread  lather  ia  God,  Williara 
■kiud,  Li.ij,     Uaaotiiae  lord  ..rciibishop  ot  uantorbury*     Qsiordj  ItJoO.  V'ol.l, 

i>uTer»  'ilioQas.     >JOi'i.^ous.  l;;)t>0.     Xu  i^ixsgli^'i  roprints*     i^ited  by  ^w&ju 
Arber.     Jinaii^ijh^iaa}  1370. 

Lewes,  i4»     A  senaon  i^ra^-ched  at  ^'aulea  ■-'rosuu,  uy  .;..  Lewoa,  liacch&lor  of 
Diviiiitie,  concomiat.  Isaac  his  testament,  disjjoaed  by  the  Loi-^  to 
'Jacobs  coini'ort...:   ohvivj-ing,  that  tho  couiisel  of  i^od  soul  otand, albeit 
"Uie  v/holo  uorld  vviths'tando  it....   ^^'ord...  •.'O.sojjh  Ijusxlcs...  .^mj,  XJIIU. 

•ijoy»   ->Ot,oi".     Tho  scepter  Oi  righteousness.     ..  3er:jon  preached  at  '  auloo- 
Gi'oasQ.     Joo6i^er  liO^lOlS.     By  -■Oj^or  -^jfy,  ^ias^or  of  ^-i^uS,  and  i^o-iiistwr  of 
Goda  liford  in  ^oi^itch....  1G19. 

iaarbui'y,  iraucis.     -^^  ser^wn  pre,i.hed  at  -aulas  Gross©  the  13.  oi  June, 
1G02.     i^y  M«  i>'rancis  .-iaruurie....  xondou...  '^eter  ^^i-ii....  IGOl:;. 

Pilkington,  Janes,     '^e  works  of  Jeunos  iilkingtou,  L.D.     Lotidon,  ^ai^ker 
i>ocioty,  1342* 

i-'layfore,   ihunias.     iiearts  delight.     A  sei-uion  preached  at  ^auls  ci*03ae  in 
London  in  ^astur  tenae.  1593*     Ly  '4ioniao  i  layfere  ^'rofeeaoor  of  Biviioitie 
for  tho  k-die  i-L;j:o!iret  in  ^i^nbridgo....  Johxi  Legat...  uonibridgo.  1603. 

i-rice,  Liionrj-j,     4i3  oagloo  flight  or  six  prineipail  notaoJ  or  aure 
oarkea  for  ovary  true  Ciiristioa,  to  soai^e  up  to  the  eveilastir^  roat  of 
Uodii  eturaail  kiiigdoao*     ^^  it  uau  dolivorod  in  aaoat  j^odly  and  fi'uitfull 
sei^kUU  at  mules  wrosoe*     ix/  4^a:J.ster  "rice  of  B.  Joiuisin  oxford*...  Loudon. .( 
iiichard  Lrudocke  for  John  ^usbit*..*  1599* 

iiichardaon,   'Jhixlea.     ;i.  aeru>n  agaiu-.t  op^^rooolon  aad  fraudulent  doaiing: 
preuchod  at  <  aules  ^Jrosoe,  tho  eleventh  of  '>ece;i>er,  by  Charles  iiichrxd- 
son,   ir-o;xchcr  at  ^aint  iii'Uierinea  uoaro  the   Xowor  of  Lojidon....   jjondon. .. 
Goori^e  -urslowo/  for  Joap^i  -jrovmo....   1615. 


6« 


Bibl,   (7) 


[oaloot»   JoimJ       ^e  seruion  utja-L^ist  tho  Holy  iaaid  of  I'^xit  an.1  Ixer 
adhuxonts,  deliverod  at  -uul's  Gross,  I<ov,   iiio  ;i3rd,  1533,  and  ut 
citjxlieroury ,   iJoc.   7.     Transcript  I'roa  orii^l.xd.  in  P.M.O.^dited  by 
L»i^«  altetiaore.     -ja,.iiah  iilatorical  Review,   Iviii  (1943),  4G3-75. 

Saaderso;:^,  ijOi>ert.     xlie  woi-ks  of  ^ocert  ^lUklerson,  i^.D.,   sotiotime  Bp. 
of  Mincolix.     ijdibed  uy  uilliom  Jusooaou,  D*i)«     s/zford,   1854.     G  vols* 

^aodySf  ^win.     lHho  3erix>as  of  Jduin  J&uidys,  u^J,,,,  to  -«hich  ijro  cxlded 
B0J3d  liiiscolxaiieous  j^iocas.*.  ^ited  by  John  ^./ro,     G&isbridge,  barker, 
;:>ooiuty,   1341. 

iiiieldon,   idchard.     A  sovjion  pro-ched  ut  raules  Orosse  laying  open  tiie 
Be-st,  aid  ala  ai^xka,     u^von  tiie  14  of  the  iievelrrtion,  Ters.  3.10.11. 
iiy  .J.oiiii-d  -JiiOlioii,  c  coiivart  Trou  out  of  i.-clylon.     -^jctor  in  ^i^iaitie, 
iiis  '^jestiea  ouaplaitie . . . .  -ondon...  Milxiam  Jones....  1625. 

Sibthorpe,  -ooorw.     A  count er-tjlea  to  an  apostataos  .aid^^n.     A  sarnion 
^reuoliad  at  *  uuleo  '-to 3 so  a^^on  Sihrovo-ouiiday,  i^brucry  15.  1517.     ~.y 
i«i3c^  iiioi'ps,  i-roauhQr  of  Vae  -ord  of  God  ut  ■■'C.tarstr'atfordQ  ia 

I>uc _      .aiiire....  i^undon....  baar,  jJ.3op,  for  iU.oi;iai*d  -^'loming....  1618. 

bpeajur,  John.     A  learnod  aiul  grLicious  sorcon  ;;ro  chod  a-  -  auloa  Groa^e, 
by  tii;-t  r.iiiOUB  -nd  judicious  divino,  Jo:m  Speuior,  D.  oi   Jiv^nity,  nj^i 
lute  ^rosideat  of  vjorp'-is  OiirJ  (Joll»  ia  -xford.     iublisiued  for  tiie  benefit© 
of  Wifiijta  ViiiSytird,  by  H.&.   [iiamlett  :-araiiall j . . . .   u>udon, .,   Cajrij© 
i'Ui-alcwe  foi-  -<ariutdl  rondo....  IClo. 

Stock,   jichani.     A  aoraon  ^^reujued     t  rauio -   ji-OjQo,    .;iu   aocond  of 
liovGLiae.t  1606.     iiy  aiaa^jni  otook,  ir©ach-r  of  Al-haliowes,  Lroau-etrebie, 
i-oudou. ...  iXdJdon...  T.G.  for  ikiuond  >-ciavor  and  ulliiaa  Weli>y»  1609. 

vitockao^,  John.     A  sanaon  pre:^aod  at  iP^uilos  Oroaue  on  liurthel&a&ci  day, 
DSiiio  ^<*  24.  of  iiUt,uat.  li>78.     ''hoi-uiu,  oojides  m^a^jr  other  profittible 
Hifci.tue;8  Lioete  xor  all  ^iiriotians  to  follow,  is  at  1;  r^e  pr-enred,  tiiat  it 
is  tho  pi.rv  of  all  tiio^o  \,hi.t  iU-©  i'c;th-rs,  uou.>eii-^ldQr3,   ai.d  scoleiaaijtore, 
to  iiisti-iiot  all  those  under  wh^ir  t^ovomiaeat,  intho  vordo    did  knowleoge 
of  the  Lorde.     By  John  otockuood  ^-cholenkJLoior  of  l\tnbridL,e...  hondon... 
Lonry  -^ynneHaau. . .  • 

-..     ...^  A.  vary  tniitoful  uenaon  preched  at  ^uulea  wrosse  the 

tenth  of  -^  laat,  uein(j  thu  firot  "^uiiduy  in  :-  ater  Tonue*  in  v/hich  are 
contaioed  ve.y  nece.-aary  and  proii'uaolo  leasAna  and  instructions  for  thia 
tiiie.     ^y  ^  jhn  -tockewood  ochooletaaiater  of  -unbrydge.. ..  -ondou. ..  uooi'fc;e 
Bxsiiop.   1579  • 

-uLtoa,    -ho;^3.     ^n^landa  fiiTjt  e-^  sacoaa  oiaa-ons,     itro  sermons  preached 
tit  .  oiiua  ->*-o-ae,  the  one  uhe  ihird  of  Jaauari©  ICLij  the  other  tiio  fifth 
of  i«jruurio,  1615.     Uy  "jixoLma  button  i^iitcholour  of  -^iviuitie,  then  fellow 
of  ^iueenea  Golledge  in  >^xford,  and  now  preacher-  at  -"aint  -^ary  0/eries  in 
"outhsrarke.     jiie  uocond  iiapression. ...  -^^ndon...  l-icholaa  Ukes  for  --athov/ 
Uv. ...  ItilG* 


frc 


£iiil«  (8) 


L'raaiier,  J.}  A  soraon  i/ruacned  at  ^'aules  Oiroaso  the  rirat  day  of 
Juno.  15So.  cy  I.!l.  iiiniijtur  of  ^oda  uord.. -.  Ujndon....  the  ..idcw 
oriiiin  i'or  •u.chcurd  uckolci....  1596. 

'ittaple,   .acert.     ^^  aer.-on  ^oacxlXJl^^  discretiou  m  matters  of  rolxgioa, 
aixi  touching  co^'tayne  abusea  now  iu  tlie  ^liux'Ciies  rreuclied  at  iLOilea 
uroaj.o  tiiu  ^1.  Oi   ».jvuauer  uy  "ouei'u  iOupio  j-'Uciielor  iu  i^iviiiitie  aoiie*- 
tlin&3  of  'ua^aalous  GolIaUge  iu  Ojcforde....  Luiidou...  ii*lj.  zor  i:4vard 

W.A.     J',  rruitfull  and  godly  aeraotxt  preached  at  raules  cros^e  before 
the  hoiiuuL~ixble  auuietice  miu  ajaci^iblie  thei*e»  'bliis  proooui,  yeuro  15^2.... 
By  /1..U....  M}mon...   i^.~.  i'or  jLUOuias  :-«xi.... 

uLikeiJUja,   .-oboii;.     Jonahs  sor-on,   aiid  idniveim  repentaace.     A  aoruon 
preached  at  *auls  ^rosue  Jun.  .-0.  1G02.  uivl  aow  tho.ght  fit  to  oe  pub- 
lished for  ovu*  ueditatious  iu  iiietie  tiues*     ily  iio*  wokemau  ^^^ster  of 
-.u.'T.a,   ana     fellov?  of  *<;j.ioil  ^ollod^o  in  uxTord.      ^no  oedond  iiapreaoion, . . , 
u^:f  ord. . .  Joseph  ■uarnuu . ...  luGK3  • 

i^alsaly  JoliB.     A  semon  preached  at  rauls  orosse  by  John  Wulsal»  one  of 
the  preuchors  of  whrxat  his  ciiuruh  in  oooiierDUjL^io.  5  ^Aitober  1578.     ^aid 
^tjtt>lis-^ed  at  the  eai*aest  requojt  of  cei-teino  godlie  Lonaoners  aiid  Ouhei's. 
iioudou ....  u .  By  shop . 

..ordy   6ij:!uel.     ^eroons  and  tiOi^tiees  by  ^^aauuel  \ic.rd,  B.D*>  oydn^  Sussex 
Ool.»  Uauorid^ej  ^  r^achor  of  i^^soich.     uith  ciotaoir  by  the  Ilev.  J.O.  i'^le^ 
13.. -•     Iu  worke  of   ■luouus  '<^iai.uj«     i^iuuurgh*   lou^y   I-ul. 

^hite,  i.  i-aiwis.     ioiidouo  wtiriUiJg,  by  "erujaloiji.     -^  seruou  preached  at  *  aula 
Gros->o  Oil  ^d-ixjnt  ouiiday  last,     liy  ii  _iici3  "liii^e,  lir.  of  ^'-r'os,  and  ;jOiije- 
ticie  of  iaafcdalone  Coil«Klc,e  iii  uxl'ord....  icndon...  (.ieorge  i  urslov/e  for 
liishard  if  loinmiug. . . .   1619  • 

uliite*  John.  Two  acnaonci  "<,he  fonder  delivered  at  ^aulo  t^rosse  tho  foure 
aiid  tweuiiieth  of  ""archf  1615.  beiafe  the  auidvorsarie  coLaaeiaorution  of  the 
iiiitja  i.coat  htip.io  aucceaaioii  to  the  v^ruwiio  of  -'iii^lr.nd,  -^he  l;ivter  :.t  tho 
u.^'ittla  on  "Oijduy  iu  i:>ai3ter  w«;eka*  lul3«  iiy  Joiin  "hite  i>. _;....  -oiidon... 
iu.ch&ru  -i^ield  for  ^'illius  i>ux-rot«  1615. 

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— —         —  A  seruon  preuclied  at  *'asi/Xes  Groase  on  uunday  the  tJiirdo 

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