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BY
JANE ADDAMS
DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL ETHICS
NEWER IDEALS OF PEACE
THE SPIRIT OF YOUTH IN THE CITY STREETS
TWENTY YEARS AT HULL-HOUSE
A NEW CONSCIENCE AND AN ANCIENT EVIL
THE LONG ROAD OF WOMAN'S MEMORY
PEACE AND BREAD
IN TIME OF WAR
BY
JANE ADDAMS
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1922
All rights reserved
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
COPYRIGHT, 1922,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and printed. Published February, 1922.
Press of
J. J. Little & Ives Company
New York, U. S. A.
This book is dedicated in affectionate gratitude
To
HELEN CULVER
Whose understanding mind and magnanimous
spirit have never failed the writer either in
times of peace or war.
50499O
FOREWORD
The following pages are the outgrowth of an
attempt to write a brief history of the efforts for
peace made by a small group of women in the
United States during the European War, and of
their connection with the women of other coun-
tries, as together they became organized into
the Women's International League for Peace and
Freedom.
Such a history would of course be meaningless,
unless it portrayed the scruples and convictions
upon which these efforts were based. During the
writing of it, however, I found myself so in-
creasingly reluctant to interpret the motives of
other people that at length I confined all anal-
ysis of motives to my own. As my reactions were
in no wise unusual, I can only hope that the auto-
biographical portrayal of them may prove to be
fairly typical and interpretative of many like-
minded people who, as the great war progressed,
gradually found themselves the protagonists of
that most unpopular of all causes peace in time
of war.
I was occasionally reminded of a dictum found
vii
viii FOREWORD
on the cover of a long since extinct magazine en-
titled "The Arena," which read somewhat in this
wise: "We do not possess our ideas, they pos-
sess us, and force us into the arena to fight for
them." It would be more fitting for our group
to say "to be martyred for them," but candor
compels the confession that no such dignified fate
was permitted us. Our portion was the odium
accorded those who, because they are not allowed
to state their own cause, suffer constantly from
inimical misrepresentation and are often placed
in the position of seeming to defend what is a
mere travesty of their convictions.
We realize, therefore, that even the kindest
of readers must perforce still look at our group
through the distorting spectacles he was made to
wear during the long period of war propaganda.
As the writing progressed I entitled the book
"Peace and Bread in Time of War." Not because
the first two words were the touching slogan of
war-weary Russian peasants, but because peace
and bread had become inseparably connected in
my mind.
I shall consider myself fortunate if I am able
to convey to the reader the inevitability of the
relationship.
Hull-House,
Chicago.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
FOREWORD . vii
I AT THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT WAR . . i
II THE NEUTRAL CONFERENCE PLUS THE FORD
SHIP 26
III PRESIDENT WILSON'S POLICIES AND THE
WOMAN'S PEACE PARTY 49
IV A REVIEW OF BREAD RATIONS AND WOMAN'S
TRADITIONS 73
V A SPECULATION ON BREAD LABOR AND WAR
SLOGANS , , 91
VI AFTER THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE WAR 107
VII PERSONAL REACTIONS IN TIME OF WAR . . 132
VIII IN EUROPE DURING THE ARMISTICE . . . 152
IX THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 178
X THE FOOD CHALLENGE TO THE LEAGUE OF
NATIONS 199
XI IN EUROPE AFTER Two YEARS OF PEACE . . 223
AN AFTER WORD 247
APPENDIX . . . . -. 253
PEACE AND BREAD
IN TIME OF WAR
PEACE AND BREAD IN
TIME OF WAR
CHAPTER I.
AT THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT WAR.
WHEN the news came to America of the open-
ing hostilities which were the beginning of the
European Conflict, the reaction against war, as
such, was almost instantaneous throughout the
country. This was most strikingly registered in
the newspaper cartoons and comments which ex-
pressed astonishment that such an archaic institu-
tion should be revived in modern Europe. A pro-
cession of women led by the daughter of William
Lloyd Garrison walked the streets of New York
City in protest against war and the sentiment thus
expressed, if not the march itself, was universally
approved by the press.
Certain professors, with the full approval of
their universities, set forth with clarity and some-
times with poignancy the conviction that a war
would inevitably interrupt all orderly social ad-
2 PEACE AND BREAD IN TIME OF WAR
vance and at its end the long march of civilization
would have to be taken up again much nearer to
the crude beginnings of human progress.
The Carnegie Endowment sent several people
lecturing through the country upon the history of
the Peace movement and the various instru-
mentalities designed to be used in a war crisis such
as this. I lectured in twelve of the leading col-
leges, where I found the audiences of young
people both large and eager. The questions
which they put were often penetrating, sometimes
touching or wistful, but almost never bellicose or
antagonistic. Doubtless there were many stu-
dents of the more belligerent type who did not at-
tend the lectures and occasionally a professor, in-
variably one of the older men, rose in the audience
to uphold the traditional glories of warfare. I
also recall a tea under the shadow of Columbia
which was divided into two spirited camps, but I
think on the whole it is fair to say that in the fall
of 1914 the young people in a dozen of the lead-
ing colleges of the East were eager for knowledge
as to all the international devices which had been
established for substituting rational negotiation
for war. There seemed to have been a somewhat
general reading of Brailsford's "War of Steel and
Gold" and of Norman Angell's "Great Illusion."
It was in the early fall of 1914 that a small
group of social workers held the first of a series
BEGINNING OF THE GREAT WAR 3
of meetings at the Henry Street Settlement in
New York, trying to formulate the reaction to
war on the part of those who for many years had
devoted their energies to the reduction of de-
vastating poverty. We believed that the en-
deavor to nurture human life even in its most
humble and least promising forms had crossed
national boundaries; that those who had given
years to its service had become convinced that
nothing of social value can be obtained save
through wide-spread public opinion and the co-
operation of all civilized nations. Many mem-
bers of this group meeting in the Henry Street
Settlement had lived in the cosmopolitan districts
of American cities. All of us, through long ex-
perience among the immigrants from many na-
tions, were convinced that a friendly and cooper-
ative relationship was constantly becoming more
possible between all peoples. We believed that
war, seeking its end through coercion, not only in-
terrupted but fatally reversed this process of co-
operating good will which, if it had a chance,
would eventually include the human family itself.
The European War was already dividing our
immigrant neighbors from each other. We could
not imagine asking ourselves whether the parents
of a child who needed help were Italians, and
therefore on the side of the Allies, or Dalmatians,
and therefore on the side of the Central Powers.
4 PEACE AND BREAD IN TIME OF WAR
Such a question was as remote as if during the
Balkan war we had anxiously inquired whether
the parents were Macedonians or Montenegrins
although at one time that distinction had been of
paramount importance to many of our neighbors.
We revolted not only against the cruelty and
barbarity of war, but even more against the re-
versal of human relationships which war implied.
We protested against the "curbed intelligence"
and the "thwarted good will," when both a free
mind and unfettered kindliness are so sadly needed
in human affairs. In the light of the charge made
later that pacifists were indifferent to the claims of
justice it is interesting to recall that we thus early
emphasized the fact that a sense of justice had be-
come the keynote to the best political and social
activity in this generaton, but we also believed that
justice between men or between nations can be
achieved only through understanding and fellow-
ship, and that a finely tempered sense of justice,
which alone is of any service in modern civiliza-
tion, cannot possibly be secured in the storm and
stress of war. This is not only because war in-
evitably arouses the more primitive antagonisms,
but because the spirit of fighting burns away all
those impulses, certainly towards the enemy,
which foster the will to justice. We were there-
fore certain that if war prevailed, all social efforts
would be cast into an earlier and coarser mold.
BEGINNING OF THE GREAT WAR 5
The results of these various discussions were
finally put together by Mr. Paul Kellogg, editor
of The Survey, and the statement entitled
"Toward the Peace that Shall Last" was given a
wide circulation. Reading it now, it appears to
be somewhat exaggerated in tone
