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The Ontario Institute 
for Studies in Education 

Toronto, Canada 


DEC 61972 







International RecorA of JuiJbSdEkiAKS'ERATURE 
Institutions and Progress 

OEC 7 1972 

iDITED by 



President of Clark University and Professor of Psychology and Education 




Copyright, 1917, by G. Stanley Hall 

The Brandow Printing Company 
Albany, N. Y. 


W. G. Bateman 

Papers on language development 
L. Pearl Boggs 

The psychology of teaching 
Elizabeth Frayer Burnell 

Instruction in mathematics for gifted pupils 
William H. Burnham 

The optimum temperature for mental work 

The effect of tobacco on mental efficiency 

Mental hygiene and the conditioned reflex 
L. C. Day 

A small boy's newspapers and the evolution of a social 
conscience ...... 

William L. Dealey 

Educational control of the pre-school period 

Educational control of national service . 
Burchard W. DeBusk 

The vital index in development 
J. H. Doyle 

Purpose in teaching foreign language 
Joseph Kirk Folsom 

A statistical study of character 
Harlow Gale 

Musical education ..... 
Herbert H. Gowen 

The teacher and his ideals 
H. C. Grumbine 

Reflections of an immature introspectionist 
Cephas Guillet 

The growth of a child's concepts 
G. Stanley Hall 

University research ..... 
H. Redfern Loades and S. G. Rich 

Binet tests on South African natives — Zulus 
C. A. Lyford 

The lecture in college teaching 
M. W. Meyerhardt 

University reform in Germany 
Wade E. Miller 

The interpretation of school grades . 
Margaret Morse Nice 

The speech development of a child from eighteen months 
to six years ...... 

Herbert Patterson 

Pedagogy and the decalog 
Archibald G. Peaks 

A renaissance in the science of education 
Edgar D. Randolph 

Conventional aversions versus fundamental errors in 
spoken English 






1 14-140 








Martin Luther Reymert 

The psychology of the teacher : An introductory study 
S. G. Rich and H. Redfern Loades 

Binet tests on South African natives — Zulus . 
Laura G. Smith 

A brief survey of right and left-handedness . 
H. A. Sprague 

Score-card for rating student-teachers in training and 


Mabel Stevens 

Why class work is of limited value in the treatment of 


Amy E. Tanner 

Stealing fruit and deceiving the teacher . 
Louis N. Wilson 

Posters and pictures relating to the European war . 


Kaibara Ekken (1630-1714) 

Book reviews 141-142,290-292, 

Book notes 143-148,293-295,443-448, 








Pedagogical Seminary 

Founded and Edited by G. Stanley Hall 
Vol. XXIV MARCH, 1917 No. 1 


By Burchard W. De Busk, University of Oregon 

There is perhaps no more important problem for educa- 
tion than that of the physiological development of children 
during the school age. It would seem that the rate of growth 
sets a limit to learning beyond which the skill of the teacher 
can not go. For since the work of Porter (20) there has 
been good reason to believe that learning is not only condi- 
tioned by growth but that in these earlier years the rate of 
physiological maturing and that of mental development are 
closely related. Not only this early study but the later work 
of Smedley (24), Crampton (7), Goddard (13), Arnold (1) 
and others show that physical and mental retardation go to- 
gether. The work of Gilbert (12) on the other hand would 
indicate that the reverse is true. Whether or not these dif- 
ferences in conclusions are due to technique and methods of 
classification is still a problem. It would seem that there 
ought to be a close agreement between the grade position of 
a pupil and the teacher's estimate of his ability, yet the con- 
clusions of investigators using these two methods of classi- 
fication are not in agreement. 

A preliminary investigation of the writer (9) using the 
grade age method of classification agreed in the main with 
the conclusions of Porter (20) and Smedley (24). It was 
noticed in this study that the vital indices of those children 
below grade averaged much lower than that of those above 
grade. A study was accordingly begun using the menial age 
as the basis of classification. It was hoped if a satisfactory 
method were employed which would select out the mentally 


retarded and accelerated that a comparison of the anthropo- 
metric measurements of the two groups would reveal some 
fundamental difference. The two hundred children of the 
Colorado Teachers' College, one hundred and four boys and 
ninety-six girls were selected for the study. The number is 
small but the growth curve of the individual is very similar 
to that of the group. And the small number enabled one to 
keep sight of the individual in the group. 

The following data were secured, the name, age, physiolog- 
ical age from the teeth, the mental age, grade, height, weight, 
vital capacity, condition of the teeth and of the tonsils, and 
the presence or absence of nasal obstruction. To these were 
added from the records of the school the results of the eye 
and ear examinations made by Dr. J. D. Heilman of the 
department of psychology. The height and weight were meas- 
ured by scales and stadiometer in use in the clinical depart- 
ment. A wet spirometer was used to determine the vital 
capacity. For this measurement the children were taken in 
groups and the element of competition introduced into the 
test. Each child was permitted a number of trials and the 
best record taken. It may be stated here that the children 
had had frequent experience with the spirometer. From the 
above the relation of weight to height was determined, believ- 
ing that this index would express the general state of nutri- 
tion of the individual. The vital indices were also computed. 
It will be remembered that this index marked the greatest 
difference between the accelerated and the retarded groups in 
the preliminary investigation. The classification into the three 
groups, the accelerated, the normal and the retarded, was 
based upon the 191 1 revision of the Binet scale. The averages 
are given in the tables. 

Historical. In 1889 Gratsianoff (14) in Russia. measured 
the children of Arznus and brought out the fact that the suc- 
cessful children were larger than the unsuccessful and that 
their rate of growth was quicker. Sack (23) rejected this 
because of the small number but his own investigation con- 
firmed Gratsianoff's (14) results. These studies were un- 
known to Dr. W. T. Porter (20) when he began his work in 
St. Louis, which was undertaken to find the laws of growth, 
in order that the school work might be fitted to the ability of 
the pupil. The method of classification was that of the grade 
age. Porter raised three questions all of which he answered 
in the affirmative. Are dull children weaker if size is to be 
taken as the index of strength ? Is mediocrity associated with 
mediocrity of physique? Is there a physical basis of pre- 
cocity? Bright children were found to be taller and heavier 


than dull. Successful children were also found to have larger 
chests than the unsuccessful. These facts led Porter to con- 
clude that, 

" No child whose weight is below the average of its age 
should be permitted to enter a grade beyond the average of 
its age except after such a physical examination as shall make 
it probable that the child's strength shall be equal to the task." 

In November of the same year J. Allen Gilbert (12) of 
Yale published his Researches on the Mental and Physical 
Development of School Children for the purpose of deter- 
mining the correlation between the physical and mental de- 
velopment. He classified pupils on a basis of the teacher's 
estimate as bright, average and dull. He writes in regard 
to the results: 

" The statement is made by Porter that the brighter the 
child the taller he is. Brightness and dullness in his tests 
were decided by the examination grades, which it is needless 
to say are often very poor mental tests. In my results no 
such relation could be traced." 

The same negative conclusion was drawn in regard to 
weight. The correlation between vital capacity and mental 
ability was also indifferent and limited. In his Iowa studies 
of 1897 the same negative conclusions were reached. If any- 
thing positive can be stated, Gilbert thinks, it is that the 
heavier and taller children are the duller. 

G. M. West (26) from his study of school children of 
Canada found as a general rule that the poor, that is the dull 
children, were more fully developed than the good. In fact 
the poor were the better developed throughout except girls 
at fourteen and boys at thirteen. For this reason he consid- 
ered it safe to conclude that precocity bore an inverse ratio to 
bodily development. 

Smedley (24) reinvestigated the conclusions of Porter using 
the anthropometric measurements of the school children of 
Chicago. It is clear from his data that the children who have 
made the greater intellectual advancement are on the whole 
taller, heavier and have the greater vital capacity. He found 
that the pupils of the John Worthy school for truants and 
incorrigibles were inferior in all the principal measurements 
taken and that the inferiority increased with age. 

Kline ( 16) found in his study of truants that the mean height, 
weight and chest circumference was less than the correspond- 
ing measurements of public school boys in every instance 
except the age of ten, when they were equal in height and 

Believing that the correlations of Porter were essentially 


correct, Goddard (13) compared the growth in height and 
weight of feeble-minded children with the normal. He found 
that for boys the feeble-minded were shorter and weighed less, 
age for age, than the normal. For the girls the situation with 
regard to height was much the same. For weight the girls 
seemed to deviate less from the normal than the boys. Having 
established the above Goddard turned his attention to the 
difference in the different grades of defect. He concludes 
that it is evident that the mental condition is correlated with 
the physical. The idiot he finds to be inferior to the imbecile 
physically. Size and efficiency go together in the long run. 
The cause that has acted to impair mind and brain has affected 
the entire growth process. 

As the result of an extended study of physical growth and 
school progress, based on consecutive measurements at yearly 
and half yearly periods Baldwin comes to the conclusion that 
" If pedagogical age be accepted as a fair equivalent to mental 
development, the tall heavy boys and girls with good lung 
capacity are older physiologically and are further along in 
their stages of growth toward mental maturity as evidenced 
by school progress than are the short, light boys and girls." 

On the other hand Wiazemsky (27a) concluded from a 
study of factors that influence growth that the less endowed 
surpass the more intelligent in their physical development. 
This is true especially for the beginning and the end of the 
period studied by him, that is, from ten to twenty years. The 
recent study of Arnold on Weight and School Progress brings 
out again the fact that the heavier children of a given age 
are to be found in the more advanced grades. His results 
are confirmed by the results of Hogue, whose tables are 
reprinted by him. 

Historical Summary. Porter and Smedley in the United 
States conclude that the bright children are taller and heavier 
than the dull. These results are based on the age grade method 
of classification. Arnold and Hogue confirm the weight re- 
sults. Baldwin using school marks comes to the same con- 
clusion. On the other hand Gilbert found no constant relation 
and West a negative one. Both these investigators used the 
teachers' estimate of ability as the basis of classification. Mac- 
Donald, however, using the same method, confirmed the 
results of Porter and Smedley. Using spirometry Smedley 
found that successful children had larger vital capacity than 
unsuccessful. Gilbert found that correlation to be indifferent 
or negative, except that from ten to fifteen the dull children 
have the larger capacities. The investigation of Baldwin and 
the preliminary study of the writer confirmed Smedley's re- 


suits. Wiazemsky measured the chest circumference and 
found good pupils to be superior at all ages except from 
twelve to thirteen and from fourteen to fifteen. 

Height. Height is the most distinctly human of all the 
measurements, representing as it does a definite racial char- 
acteristic. Heredity preserves a definite norm which all its 
members tend to attain within rather narrow limits. So 
having the norm for the different ages established, height gives 
a fair index of the development of the individual. Bowditch 
pointed out that the taller individuals, that is, those in advance 
of the norm for their age reached the rapid growth period 
earlier. This fact has again been brought out recently by 
Baldwin. These taller boys and girls he says are the physio- 
logically accelerated boys and girls. They complete their ele- 
mentary school course earlier, he continues, and as a rule 
make higher grades than the shorter boys and girls whom he 
regards as physiologically retarded. If this finding holds as 
it certainly does for relatively large numbers then height in 
relation to the norm of a given age is a criterion of physio- 
logical age and these taller boys and girls have attained a 
greater proportion of their mature height. Growth in height 
is rapid in early childhood and falls to a minimum about 
ten or eleven. This period of retardation is followed by one 
of acceleration beginning with pubescence. Acceleration 
alternating with retardation is a general law of growth, true 
of the individual as well as of the group. Every study since 
Quetelet has shown the period of retardation from eight or 
nine to ten or eleven, followed by a period of acceleration 
lasting about four years. With girls this period of accelera- 
tion begins a year or two earlier than with boys and accounts 
for the fact that from eleven to fifteen in general, girls are 
taller than boys. Thus the data presented in this study are 
typical. But not only are the girls taller during pubescence 
but also at seven and nine, a fact which may be due to some 
accident of numbers or may show some variation of growth 
since the same fact is noted in the results of several investi- 
gators. As mentioned before, the pubescent crossing of the 
curve is due to the earlier rapid growth of the girl. Some 
investigators think that the comparison should not be one 
of attainment at a given chronological age but rather should 
be between the percentages of adult height attained at a given 

Let us turn now to the analysis of the data on the basis 
of mental age. The accelerated boys are taller than the 
normal till twelve. At this age and all succeeding ages studied 
they are not so tall. On the other hand the retarded are 


shorter than the normal at all ages studied except eight and 
thirteen, when they are also taller than the accelerated. Thus 
the accelerated are taller than the retarded at all ages except 
eight and thirteen. If we compare the accelerated and the 
retarded girls the former are taller until the rapid growth 
period begins at eleven. At this age they are surpassed by the 
retarded who remain taller until fourteen. The delayed growth 
of the retarded girl in the earlier years seems to be compen- 
sated for by the three years of rapid growth from eleven to 
thirteen inclusive. Thus we find retarded boys to be taller at 
thirteen and girls at eleven, twelve and thirteen. This conclu- 
sion is not in accord with 1 Wiazemsky who found good pupils 
to be superior in height only during the period of rapid growth. 
The periodicity of growth is much more marked in the re- 
tarded than in either the accelerated or the normal. With the 
latter, growth is much more steady and uniform. With the 
retarded the earlier years mark a period of very little growth. 
This is followed by a period of acceleration perhaps shortened 
in time but compensated for by intensity. Some investigators 
think that this rapid growth can have only a harmful effect 
on the individual from the standpoint of the physical and the 
mental life. As to the cause of the extreme periodicity of 
growth we can not say. Some investigations indicate that 
this picture is usually accompanied by effects which follow 
harmful conditions, namely the precipitate growth and the 
delay of puberty. (See Table I.) 

Weight. Unlike height, which when once gained cannot be 
lost, weight varies greatly, is easily lost and gained. It is an 
experimental datum as Montessori (19) calls it, a barometer, 
an index of the child's health deserving of the most careful 
study. Environmental factors as illustrated in McKenzie's 
studies, deprivation, fatigue, anxiety, worry, malnutrition, ill- 
ness, all affect adversely the weight of the child. A careful 
study of the weight may not only reveal the effect of factors 
in the environment but may serve to reveal the strength or 
weakness of the child's organs. 

As with height, growth in weight is not uniform but 
rhythmic. There is in general a slight acceleration in girls 
at seven and in boys at eight. The following period of re- 
tardation in growth reaches its lowest with girls at nine and 
with boys at eleven. At about eleven the period of rapid 
acceleration of weight begins and lasts about four years. In 
the present study the growth in weight follows the usual 
course. There is little difference between the sexes until 
twelve. Girls are slightly superior at seven and nine. The 
pubertal superiority begins at twelve. As with height this 


superiority is due to the fact that the rapid growth period 
begins earlier with girls than with boys. The accelerated 
boys weigh less than the normal boys except at the ages seven, 
twelve and thirteen. Retarded boys are heavier than the 
normal at eight, twelve and thirteen. When compared with 
the accelerated the retarded are heavier at the ages of eight 
and thirteen. 

With girls the accelerated are lighter than the normal at 
all ages except thirteen and fourteen. Retarded girls are 
lighter than the normal until eleven, then heavier except at 
thirteen and fourteen. Retarded girls are lighter than the 
accelerated at eight but heavier in all other groups presented. 
While retarded boys are lighter than the accelerated at almost 
all ages, retarded girls are heavier at ten and subsequent ages. 

The gain in weight is not so uniform as the gain in height 
probably for the reasons mentioned in a preceding section. 
Nevertheless accelerated and normal show a rather uniform 
rate of growth until the rapid gain at puberty. With the re- 
tarded we have the law of compensation at work as in height. 
The rapid growth of puberty tends to bring both retarded boys 
and girls above the accelerated at this period, boys at thirteen 
and girls from eleven on. (See Table II.) 

Vital Capacity. The development of the chest is of the 
greatest importance. No part of the body undergoes greater 
changes. Hastings speaks of the want of breadth in the 
infant chest. Woods Hutchinson writes of the widening of 
the chest in the animal series. The human chest is almost 
unique, he writes, in that its transverse diameter is the greater. 
This transformation from the narrow almost animal form to 
the more human adult form is destined to receive greater 
consideration in the future than it has in the past. The rate 
of transformation will give us another index of the rate of 
the maturing of the individual. 

The circumference of the chest has received considerable 
attention especially in its relation to height. The general rule 
is that the chest circumference should equal half the total 
stature. This has been one of the determining marks for mili- 
tary fitness. It is generally conceded that the more the chest 
circumference exceeds half the height the greater is the vitality 
and the greater the ease with which the individual adjusts to 
the varying effects of the environmnt. The measurement of 
the chest must of necessity give some idea of the develop- 
ment of the lungs. These are the organs that furnish the 
means for the inter-communication between the blood and 
the oxygen which is so essential not only for all growth but 
for all functioning as well. The lungs are responsible for 


oxygenating the tissues of the body and in this way aid in 
cellular metabolism. If the lungs are relatively small then 
the body is without that factor of safety, metabolism is prob- 
ably slowed down and the amount of exertion under stress 
is limited. A large supply of oxygen stimulates interchange. 
The want of it reduces activity. For the growing person the 
rate of approach to maturity, the physiological age, is re- 
tarded. Two methods of measuring have been used by stu- 
dents of the mental and physical growth of school children, 
the chest circumference and spirometry or the measurement 
of vital capacity. Porter studied the girth of the chest of 
the school children of St. Louis and found that the bright 
children have a larger chest circumference than the dull. The 
results of GratsianofT and Sach agree with Porter in this 
respect. Kline found the chest girth of truants to be less 
than that of public school children at all ages except at ten. 
Wiazemsky found good children, 'that is the bright, to be 
superior to the poor at all ages except twelve to thirteen and 
fourteen to fifteen. He also found that robust children were 
superior at all ages. Also those of good conduct were 
superior to those of bad at all ages except thirteen to fourteen 
and sixteen to seventeen. Not only did Wiazemsky point 
out the above but also the significant fact that the occupation 
reflects itself in the development of the chest. From the above 
it is safe to conclude that there is a correlation between school 
progress and chest circumference. 

While there must, it seems, be a high correlation between 
chest capacity as shown by chest circumference and vital 
capacity the two are not synonymous. Other investigators 
have used spirometry. Spirometry only measures directly the 
respiratory capacity and indirectly the pulmonary capacity. 
Gilbert found that there was no constant relationship be- 
tween mental ability and vital capacity until ten to fifteen when 
the duller children had the larger capacity. Smedley in his 
investigation found that the vital capacity was much greater 
in the children of higher school standing. Goddard has 
pointed out that the vital capacity of feeble-minded children 
is smaller than that of the normal. Montessori states that 
among children that are recognized as the brightest she has 
been able to recognize two categories, those who are excep- 
tionally intelligent and those who are exceptionally studious. 
The former have better chest development than the latter. 

In general vital capacity in its growth follows the same 
laws as weight, showing the same periods of retardation and 
acceleration. Practically all investigators have found that 
boys have larger vital capacities at all ages than girls. Bald- 


win's study shows girls with greater vital capacity between 
thirteen and fourteen. The present study would add also the 
ages of seven and nine. On the basis of mental age the accel- 
erated boys have better vital capacity than normal at all ages 
except eight and fourteen. The retarded are inferior to the 
normal except at eight, when they are equal, and at twelve. 
At no age do the retarded show a vital capacity equal to the 
accelerated except at eight. Accelerated girls are superior to 
normal at all ages except seven and twelve. The retarded 
are superior to the normal at thirteen and fourteen. At thir- 
teen the retarded are superior to the normal but at no other 

Thus accelerated boys have greater vital capacity than re- 
tarded at all ages except that of eight, when they are equal, 
and the same general rule is true of girls except for the age 
of thirteen. Again the same tendency toward a uniformity 
of growth is noticed for the accelerated and the normal. Also 
the same period of retardation in the earlier school years, 
followed by rapid growth, which is more marked with the 
retarded girls than with the boys. (See Table III.) 

Growth, which is an exceedingly complex process, manifests 
itself in three laws studied by many investigators but espe- 
cially discussed by Wiazemsky. First is the law of periodicity. 
According to this law, the growth of the organism is subject 
to accelerations and retardations. While this law is seen to 
an extent in all the groups studied it is much more noticeable 
in the retarded. It would seem that during the earlier school 
years some factor, or perhaps several is at work which tends 
to slow down the growth process. Baldwin, studying the 
taller and heavier children as a group found that the period 
of acceleration and arrest began and ended earlier with them 
than among those below the median height and weight. Then 
when development is arrested at any of its regular growth 
periods by unfavorable circumstances, there is a tendency for 
a later rapid growth to compensate for lost time. The brevity 
of the period of retardation is compensated for by the extent 
of growth and vice versa the slowness of the growth rate by 
the length of time. In the third place there is the law of 
correlation. The human body is wonderfully complex. If 
it is to grow and function properly there must be a proper 
correlation of its parts. The digestive system must be equal 
to the task of furnishing an adequate amount of nutritive 
material. The lungs must be large enough to supply not only 
the average need but also a factor of safety for the moments 
of intense effort. The heart and the arteries are responsible 
for conveying a sufficient amount of material to the growing 


and functioning parts. Unless such a correlation exists 
growth can not be equal and uniform. Some parts must 
grow at the expense of others. Protective measures for the 
preserving of energy must arise. On this point in the absence 
of further investigation we can not speak. As the matter now 
stands, the brighter children are those who seem to have this 
balance or even an excess on the side of vital capacity. The 
other systems mentioned have not been studied in this con- 

On the basis of mental age, accelerated boys are as a rule 
taller and heavier and have larger vital capacities than the 
retarded, while with the girls studied the retarded excel in 
height and weight during the rapid growth period and also 
in vital capacity at the age of thirteen. This of necessity 
means that there are many groups of accelerated that are 
below the average of their age in the measurements mentioned. 
This was recognized by Porter and the investigators follow- 
ing him. It was pointed out by these that the small acceler- 
ated were taller and heavier than the small retarded. 

If height and weight are to be considered as expressions 
of physiological age as many think, and the writer believes 
that this is true of the average, then it would seem that chil- 
dren must be differentiated into types. Then as a rule the 
taller and heavier for the type would be physiologically the 
more mature. But it is yet a question whether or not this 
would solve the problem. For one would have yet in 
classifying a child to determine whether it was a case of 
type or physiological retardation, in which case the height 
and weight would be the result of some unfavorable factor 
acting upon the growth process. Is there not some under- 
lying principle which will harmonize the conflicting data? 
Not only the energy of growth but the energy of work hangs 
on the metabolic balance. With the production of work there 
must be consumption of fuel either of food or of body 
material. In work of course this consumption is greatly in 
excess over rest. Probably in no organ is the demand for 
quick change so great as in the brain. There is growing 
evidence that the oxygen consumption of the brain is greater 
than previously thought and it has already been shown that 
there is a direct relation between the rate of recovery from 
fatigue and the rate of transmission of the nerve current. In 
view of these facts it seems reasonable that Whipple's state- 
ment of the vital index is correct, that the vital index, the ratio 
of vital capacity to weight " expresses the balance between 
body size and the rate and completeness with which oxida- 
tion of the blood is or may be affected." 


The vital index should it seems give a rough measure of 
the endurance of the subject and of his recuperative powers. 
The subject with the higher vital index would then do the 
greater amount of work. It was shown by illustration in 
the preliminary work that those children of a given age who 
were the farther advanced had the higher vital indices. 

Kotelman in 1878 was the first to study lung capacity in 
relation to weight and pointed out the fact that lung capacity 
increased slightly faster than weight. This conclusion was con- 
firmed by Vierordt. Bobbett in 1909 studied the vital index of 
Philippine children. Since then Pyle (22) has figured the vital 
index for Smedley's data showing that the vital index for boys 
is almost constant at 25 cc. per pound of weight and for girls 
23 cc. until eleven. There is then a gradual decrease until 
fourteen. At this age the index is 21 cc. Baldwin also gives 
the vital index in his studies of growth. 

Our method of classification permits the study of the vital 
indices of the different groups. At the ages of seven and 
nine the vital indices of boys and girls are practically the 
same. At all other ages boys have the higher vital indices. 
Compared with Smedley's data the vital index of the boy 
throughout is about the same. The girls do not show the 
progressive drop after the age of eleven. At the age of eight 
in our table the average vital index of the accelerated boy 
is slightly lower than that of the normal. But at no age is 
the vital index of the retarded as high as that of the acceler- 
ated. Consequently there is a marked difference between the 
vital indices of the accelerated and the retarded boys. With 
the accelerated girls the vital index is higher at all ages than 
that of the retarded. However at ten the retarded slightly 
surpass the normal. But as with boys there is a marked 
difference between accelerated girls and the retarded. Regard- 
less of age the accelerated show a relatively high vital index 
while the retarded are relatively low. ;(See Table IV.) 

There is undoubtedly a high correlation between the results 
of the Binet scale and the teacher's estimate, also between 
the teacher's estimate and the grade position. So classifica- 
tion on these bases should show the same differences in vital 
indices although not so great. For the purpose of deter- 
mining, the vital indices were figured for the work of Gilbert 
at Yale and the study of Smedley. With Gilbert's study the 
bright, on the basis of the teachers' estimate, show the higher 
vital indices at all ages except those of eleven and twelve. 
The Iowa study does not give as high a correlation. Of the 
total number of ages studied by Gilbert at Iowa the dull show 
the lower vital indices in eight and the higher in the remaining 


four. Smedley classified the Chicago children into two groups 
on the basis of the grade age position as follows, those at and 
above grade and those below grade. The at and above grade 
group shows the higher vital index at every age except eight 
and ten. It is to be expected that the difference will be 
greater in the upper grade, where there is a greater accumula- 
tion of retarded on this method of classification. The below 
grade girls have the higher indices at ten and eleven and are 
equal to the at and above grade group at thirteen. When 
compared with the at and above grade boys, the boys from 
the John Worthy school for truants show lower vital indices 
except at the ages of nine and twelve. (See Table IV.) 

From the above comparisons, in spite of differences of 
classification, technique, etc., one fact stands out and that is 
that accelerated children, regardless of the method of classi- 
fication, show at almost every age the higher vital indices. We 
believe that the vital index is much more closely correlated 
with acceleration and retardation than height, weight or vital 
capacity, and that it is a measure which will harmonize the 
otherwise conflicting data. 

Is there any relation between a high or a low vital index 
and the development of the child? If it is shown that a 
relation exists, then the problem becomes an important one 
for education and hygiene. The vital index can be increased 
by training which decreases surplus weight and increases the 
vital capacity. This increase means a better aeration of the 
blood and, it would seem, an increase in metabolism which 
would show in endurance and resistance to fatigue or, in 
other words, in a greater output of work. 

It will be objected that spirometry is not altogether a meas- 
ure of vital capacity. This objection is not without founda- 
tion but we believe that the evidence at present shows or at 
least indicates strongly that the retarded children have smaller 
chests and presumably smaller lungs due, we believe, to a 
physiological retardation. It was shown by Porter that those 
children who were below grade had the smaller chests. 

While the measurements of height, weight and vital capacity 
are of undoubted value they do not give a complete picture 
of child development. Growth is more than an addition of 
mass or stature. At birth the child is quite different from 
the adult in its body proportions. Its growth is an onto- 
genetic development passing from the form and proportion 
of the infant to that of puberty and then on to that of the 
adult. This ontogenetic development can best be traced by 
the indices of growth, that is, by the relation of weight to 
height, the height-weight index, by the ratio of sitting to 


standing height and by the ratio of chest circumference to 
height. Not having in mind at the time of collecting the 
above data the question raised above, the measurements for 
tracing all these changes were not made, nor is there any 
single study which enables one to trace all these changes in 
the same group. However, data of those investigations in 
which the vital index differences have been shown give some 
idea of the relationships which we are seeking to establish. 

The height-weight index " expresses the comparative solid- 
ity or robustness of the individual and other things being equal 
his general nutrition. There have been two methods of obtain- 
ing the height-weight index. The division of the weight by 
the height gives the proportion of mass for a given unit of 
height. The most important conclusion on the basis of this 
method is that the weight increases somewhat faster than the 
height. This method is held to be faulty by many because 
it is a comparison of a linear measure with a volume and 
the resulting indices do not show the transformations of the 
body as it approaches maturity. It is a matter of common 
observation that young children have a relatively large pro- 
portion of weight for their height, that is, are, as we say, 
plump. They become thinner before puberty and heavier 
afterwards. The above method does not bring out this fact. 
The method used in this connection is expressed by the fol- 
lowing formula. The height-weight index equals one hundred 
times the cube root of the weight divided by the stature. 
There is a gradual decrease in the indices until just before 
puberty. From this time until about the age of seventeen 
the index remains rather constant and then begins to rise as 
the individual takes on weight, following the pubertal transi- 
tion. An important study cited by Montessori brings out the 
fact that the height-weight index of the studious is lower 
than that for the non-studious. Also that the index is higher 
for the feeble-minded than for the normal. Consequently she 
thinks that the sole cause of the physical inferiority of studious 
children is cerebral fatigue. 

Calculating for our own groups and also for Smedley and 
for Gilbert, the height-weight indices bring out the fact that 
there is a tendency for the retarded to show the higher indices. 
(See Table V.) 

The second important index is that of the relation of sitting 
to standing height. This ratio may very well represent the 
physiological efficiency of the individual. In fact, Collignon 
spoke of it as the essential stature. This index also enables 
us to trace the rate of development of the growing child. In 
early childhood there is an exaggerated trunk length. The 


vegetative life is then the most important. With growth this 
excess gradually decreases until it is least at puberty, fol- 
lowing which there is a gradual increase in the excess of trunk 
length, a return as it were to the more childlike proportion. 
Thus growth in height until puberty is mainly due to growth 
of the long bones of the legs. As Godin pointed out, at puberty 
the lower limbs have a greater dimension in proportion to 
total height than at any other time. After puberty the pro- 
portion of the trunk for boys) increases until about seventeen, 
after which the individual may grow in height but the pro- 
portion remains rather constant. With girls the proportion 
of the trunk continues to increase after this age. 

The deviation from the norm of a given age represents in 
the growing child either a retarded or an accelerated develop- 
ment ; and in connection with the other indices gives us a 
measure of the rate of approach to maturity. 

A study of the Smedley groups not only bears out this 
generalization but shows a close relation between the rate of 
development and the vital index. Those with the higher, show 
the more rapid transformation, while the below grade are the 
retarded and show the lower vital indices. These differences 
are seen when we compare the retarded and the accelerated 
girls also with the two groups of the boys and again when 
we compared the at and above grade boys and the boys from 
the John Worthy School. (See Table VI.) 

We do not have the data to show the relation existing be- 
tween the ratio of chest circumference on the one hand and 
the vital index on the other. However retarded children have 
a smaller chest circumference than accelerated as was shown 
by Porter. There is a need of study of all of these relation- 
ships in the same group of children. 

While no thoroughgoing conclusion can be drawn, yet as 
a general rule accelerated boys are taller, weigh more and 
have the greater vital capacity. Accelerated girls have the 
greater vital capacity but the retarded are taller and heavier 
during the greater part of the rapid growth period. With 
both the boys and girls the vital index of the accelerated is 
greater at all ages than that of the retarded. With weight 
the reverse is true. The retarded show a greater proportion 
of weight per unit of height than do the accelerated. There 
are, however, exceptions to this rule, but the general tendency 
seems to be for the accelerated to show the lower proportion 
of mass with the higher vital index, as it were a relatively 
low mass highly oxygenated. The opposite holds for the re- 
tarded. The study of the ratio of sitting to standing height 
brings out the fact that those children with the higher vital 


indices are approaching maturity in advance of the low vital 
index groups, that is, are relatively more mature for the same 
chronological age. 

Those children of a given chronological age who have the 
higher vital indices are then the more mature and test men- 
tally higher than those with the lower vital indices. Conse- 
quently then compulsory school entrance at the age of six 
must mean that a large number of the entering children are 
not six physiologically or mentally and so are doomed to 
failure if the school maintains a fairly uniform standard of 
work. Many of them after marking time until they are suf- 
ficiently mature pass through the remaining grades without 
difficulty. Again the question is raised whether the two groups 
described as accelerated and retarded are not after all types 
in need of radically different treatment. With a classification 
on the basis of the mental age the physiological differences do 
not disappear. Although there is little evidence on which to 
base the opinion, the writer has been unable to escape the 
conviction that the low vital index group furnishes the major- 
ity of those who fail in the lower grades and also of those 
who are eliminated in the upper grades. This, however, is 
being made the subject of a separate investigation. 

In conclusion the writer wishes to express his appreciation 
to the members of the staff of the Colorado Teacher's College 
Training School who made possible the collection of the data 
of this paper and to express his sincere thanks to President 
Hall and Dr. Burnham of Clark University, who, for criticism 
and suggestion, gave so generously of their time. 


Height in Inches 

Age 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 

Boys 47.9 51.0 52.0 54.0 56.0 56.4 60.1 60.0 64.3 

Girls 48.9 50.0 52.8 53.6 55.3 57.5 61.2 61.0 62.8 


Ac* 49.0 50.3 52.0 54.5 56.5 56.3 60.0 60.5 .... 

Norm 46.0 49.8 50.7 53.5 56.1 57.5 60.0 63.4 67.0 

Ret 52.0 .... 51.5 52.0 55.5 60.5 58.0 64.0 


Ac 49.0 51.0 51.8 52.5 56.0 56.0 60.3 63.0 .... 

Norm 49.0 50.5 53.5 55.0 54.7 57.8 59.2 59.3 62.0 

Ret 50.3 .... 52.5 57.0 57.5 62.8 61.7 64.3 

♦Ac, Accelerated: Those testing one year and above chronological 
age. Norm., Normal: Those testing at age. Ret., Retarded: Those 
testing one year and not more than three below the chronological age. 



Weight in Pounds 

Age 7 

Boys 49.8 

Girls 54.7 


Ac 51.0 

Norm 46.5 



Ac 44.0 

Norm 60.5 














12 13 14 15 
81.1 90.6 87.0 116.5 
79.7 100.1 107.1 113.0 

82.2 91.3 84.5 .... 
77.0 89.0 93.0 137.0 
82.0 94.5 82.3 114.0 

70.0 96.6 101.0 .... 
83.2 85.4 100.0 116.0 
77.8 121.2 112.8 112.0 

Vital Capacity in Liters 










































Vital Index 









































Smedley Boys 
At and above grade 

Below grade 

John Worthy School 












TABLE IV— Continued 


At and above grade 

23.0 23.3 22.6 22.4 21.8 20.6 20.6 20.6 

Below grade 

22.7 22.9 23.4 22.5 21.1 20.6 20.3 19.1 

Gilbert— Yale Study 

Bright 22.1 21.9 21.8 21.4 21.7 20.8 22.6 19.4 21.8 

Dull 20.8 20.1 21.1 19.3 21.9 21.7 18.9 17.3 19.9 

Height-Weight Index 

Age 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 

Ac 22.9 23.9 22.7 22.6 22.3 23.5 22.7 21.8 .... 

Ret 23.3 .... 22.7 23.3 23.5 22.6 22.7 23.0 


Ac 21.9 22.8 23.0 22.4 22.1 22.1 23.2 22.4 .... 

Ret 22.7 .... 22.7 22.3 22.9 23.8 23.6 22.7 

Smedley Boys 

At and above grade 23.8 23.1 23.2 23.2 23.1 23.0 23.0 22.9 

Below grade 23.5 23.5 23.5 23.3 23.3 23.1 22.9 23.2 

John Worthy School .... 23.5 23.9 23.6 23.6 23.5 23.4 23.4 


At and above grade 23.4 23.1 23.1 22.8 22.8 22.9 23.1 23.3 

Belowgrade 23.5 23.2 23.4 22.9 22.9 23.0 23.1 23.1 


Bright 23.4 23.0 23.2 22.4 22.8 22.7 22.8 22.1 

Dull 23.6 23.3 22.9 21.6 22.8 22.8 22.4 22.8 

Smedley Boys 

Age 8 

At and above grade 54 . 8 

Below grade 55 . 1 

John Worthy School .... 


At and above grade 53 . 9 

Belowgrade 55.4 

Ratio of Sitting to Total Stature 















For a complete bibliography on the subject of growth the 
reader is referred to Physical Growth and School Progress, 
Bird T. Baldwin, U. S. Bureau of Education, Bulletin No. 
io, 1914. 

1. Arnold, Felix. Weights and school progress. Psychological 
Clinic, Vol. 10, No. 2, pp. 33-9. 

2. Burgerstein, L. Some remarks on the relations of body and 

mind. Clark University. Ped. Son., 1910. Vol. 17, pp. 29-39. 

3. Beyers, H. G. Relation between physical and mental work. Am. 

Phys. Ed. Rev., Vol. 5, pp. 149-160. 


4. Boas, F. Growth. Monroe's Ency. of Ed. New York, Macmillan, 

1912, Vol. 3, pp. 187-90. 

5. Bobbitt, J. F. Growth of Philippine children. Ped. Sem., Vol. 

16, pp. 137-168. 

6. Chamberlain, A. F. The Child. New .York, Scribners, 1900. 

7. Crampton, C. W. Anatomical or physiological age vs. chronolog- 

ical. Ped. Sem., Vol. 15, pp. 230-37. 

8. . Influence of physiological age on scholarship. Psycho- 
logical Clinic, Vol. 1, pp. 115-20. 

9. DeBusk, B. W. Height, weight, vital capacity and retardation. 
Ped. Sem., Vol. 20, pp. 89-92. 

10. Ernst, L. jH. and Meumann, E. Das Schulkind in seiner kor- 

perlichen und geistigen Entwicklung. Leipzig, Otto Nemnich, 
1906, pp. 143. 

11. Gilbert, J. A. Researches on school children. Uni. Iowa Studies 

in Psychology, 1897, Vol. I, pp. 1-39. 

12. . Researches on the mental and physical development 

of school children. Studies from Yale Psy. Lab., 1894, Vol. 2, 
pp. 40-100. 

13. Goddard, H. H. Height and weight of feeble-minded children in 

American institutions. Jour. Ment. and Nerv. Diseases, Vol. 
39, pp. 217-235- 

14. Gratsianoff, N. A. Data for the study of physical development 

in childhood. St. Petersburg, 1889. 

15. Hall, G. S. Growth in height and weight. Adolescence, New 

York, D. Appleton Co., 1904, Vol. 1, pp. 1-50. 

16. Kline, L. W. Truancy as related to the migratory instinct. Ped. 

Sem., 1898, Vol. 5, pp. 381-420. 

17. MacDonald, A. Experimental study of children. U. S. Bureau of 

Ed., 1897-98, Vol. 1, pp. 989-1204, Vol. 2, pp. 1281-1390. 

18. Meumann, E. Vorlesungen. Leipzig, Engelmann, 191 1, Vol. 1, 

pp. 41-71- 

19. Montessori, M. Pedagogical Anthropology. Stokes, New York, 

1913, PP- 5o8. 

20. Porter, W. T. Growth of St. Louis children. Academy of 

Science, St. Louis, 1894, Vol. 6, pp. 263-426. 

21. . Physical basis of precocity and dullness. Ibid, Vol. 

6, 1893-4, pp. 161-181. 

22. Pyle, W. H. The examination of school children. New York, 

Macmillan, 1913, pp. 70. 

23. Sack, N. t)ber die korperliche Entwicklung der Knaben in den 

Mittelschulen Moskaus. Zsch. fur \Schulgesundheitspflege, Vol. 
6, pp. 649-663. 

24. Smedley, F. W. Report of the department of child study and 

pedagogical investigation of the Chicago public schools. Chi- 
cago, 1900, Vol. 2. pp. 10-48. 

25. Tyler, J. M. Growth and Education. Boston, Houghton, Mifflin 

Co., 1907. 

26. West, G. Observation on the relation of physical development to 

intellectual ability made on school children of Toronto, Canada. 
Science, N. S., 1896, Vol. 4, pp. 156-9. 

27. Whipple, G. M. Manual of mental and physical tests. Baltimore, 

Warwick and York. 1910, Vol. 1, pp. 65-100. 
27a. Wiazemsky, N. W. Influence de differents facteurs sur la crois- 
sance du corps humain. Paris, Maloine, 1007, 394 p. 

28. Wissler, C. Correlation of mental and physical facts. Psy. Rev. 

Monographs, 1899-1901, Vol. 3, pp. 1-62. 


By Laura G. Smith, Clark University 

Every known language contains terms for right and left, 
by which it is clearly shown that in all times the idea of " Tight- 
ness " or dexterity, has greatly outweighed that of " leftness," 
or awkwardness in value. It is needless to dwell here upon the 
various superstitions of former times regarding left-handed- 
ness. A detailed account of such ideas is set forth by Hertz 
in his treatise on Religious Polarity, dealing with the traditions 
of the Maori tribe of New Zealand. Our custom of wearing 
the engagement and wedding rings on the left hand is traced 
back to their belief in dispelling all evil influence and tempta- 
tion connected with it, as the left side is profane, the right, 
sacred. Daniel Wilson in " The Right Hand : Left-Handed- 
ness " also presents many biblical examples of the usage of 
these two members, all of which are very interesting, though 
not of scientific value. 

As to the origin and practice of right- and left-handedness 
many conflicting views have been set forth. I shall group these 
opinions according to the seven following theories : 

I. The Hand and Foot Theory 

This theory is upheld by Charles Bell who declares right- 
and left-handedness to be of the same order as right- and left- 
footedness. Workman has upset this view by the fact that 
a " spade foot " is as likely to be left as right in a right-handed 
person, and vice versa; and that a boy always hops on his 
" spade foot." I confess I cannot follow either line of argu- 
ment. A boy is usually over his hopping period before he uses 
a spade to the extent of habitually guiding it with one foot 
more than the other. We find it convenient to use both feet 
whether we are right- or left-handed. 

1 My grateful acknowledgment is due Dr. Amy E. Tanner of Clark 
University ; the following Superintendents of State Institutions, and 
Schools: E. E. Allen, C. A. Hamilton, J. W. Jones, G. A. Lewis, 
Jos. Lamb, L. W. Millard, G. P. Campbell, G. L. MacDonald, E. V. H. 
Mansell, Dr. C. J. Hedin, and the Superintendent of the R. T. School 
for Feeble-Minded; also to H. P. Lewis, Supt. of Schools, and 
Principals J. Jackson and C. A, Baldwin, of Worcester, and N. S. 
Nutting of Leominster, Mass. High School. 


II. The Hand and Eye Theory 
Gould considers that right-handedness originates in right- 
eyedness. Whichever eye first develops more than the other in 
strength, governs the hand on that side of the body, thus caus- 
ing the preferred member. He considers ambidexterity non- 
sensical, and declares it to be the hobby of fanatics. It would 
mean playing on two pianos instead of one; fingering on the 
violin first with one hand, then the other; and would require 
separate road laws calling for passage to the left one day, 
and to the right, the next. He excuses the exception of the 
English road rules on the score of the once filthy streets and 
poor conditions generally ; for as is said of the English custom : 

" If you go to the left, you are sure to go right ; 
If you go to the right, you go wrong." 

He suggests that this extreme awkwardness of the English 
may account for the many accidents in the navy. 

Gould offers as a proof of right-eyedness the right-hand 
position of the railway engineer. To be sure, the engineer's 
position is at the right, but does this mean that he makes 
use merely of his right eye, or that he is concerned with what 
passes to the right, only? From his seat he has a clear view 
of the entire track in front of him, and takes his signals from 
the left as well as from the right. All right-handed engineers 
are not right-eyed ; and neither is the left-handed engineer at 
a disadvantage as regards his left eye, because he must sit at 
the right side of the cab. 

The driver of a carriage or wagon usually sits on the right 
half of the seat, perhaps from habit, or more naturally, for 
convenience if he steps onto the vehicle from the sidewalk, 
as he does in most cases. If, however, he steps onto his deliv- 
ery wagon from the left side, he is quite likely to take his 
position at that end of the seat, or in the centre. Few will 
take the trouble to pass over to the right, unless from strong 
force of habit. 

The earliest models of the automobile would tend to bear out 
Gould's theory of right-eyedness as applied to the engineer, 
since the first drives were all right ones. Supposing such an 
argument to hold, it would prove that all early models were 
made exclusively for right-handed people, and that the im- 
proved models of to-day are constructed for their left-handed 
friends. Perhaps- Gould would not include the right and left 
drives of the automobile in his arguments for right- and left- 
handedness, but it seems in consistency with the subject. 

The manufacturers argue not on the basis of eyedness or 
handedness, but convenience. Road rules call for a right 


facing of machines, hence, in order to enter the car from the 
sidewalk instead of walking around to the opposite side and 
entering from the oft-times muddy street, the drive must be 
a left one. 

A different phase of this subject is brought to light by 
Stevens in his papers on Peculiarities of Peripheral Vision. 
His disc tests prove that an object in the right half of the 
field of vision appears larger than an exactly similar object 
occupying a symmetrical position in the left half of the field 
of vision. This result is, with some exceptions, universal for 
right-handed observers. He proves the tendency to relation- 
ship between right-handedness and the enlargement of the 
right disc, and left-handedness and the enlargement of the left 

Later, Stevens and C. J. Ducasse, in their report on The 
Retina and Righthandedness, give a summary of the results 
of their tests as follows : 

I. In general it may be said that the right half of an extent 
in the field of vision is overestimated. 

II. This overestimation holds true for both right and left 

III. The extent which is overestimated forms its retinal 
image upon the left corresponding halves of the two retinas. 

IV. The left corresponding halves of the two retinas are 
connected exclusively with the left hemisphere of the cere- 

V. By reason of the fact of a marked difference in the space 
sense of the two halves of the retina, those objects in the right 
half of the field of vision, by appearing larger attract the 
visual attention which in turn leads to grasping movements 
of the right hand. The hand thus formed by earliest experi- 
ence acquires a special skill which causes it to be used in all 
manual acts requiring the greatest precision. 

Max Meyer's view is a contradiction of the previous one. 
He says that left-sidedness of the infant is in every respect 
of the same nature as right-sidedness of the adult. By " in- 
fancy n he means the period preceding speech. If the left 
cerebral hemisphere, which serves such complex functions as 
speech, reaches maturity only during the second year, it is 
safe to say that during the first few months of life hand 
movements are predominantly controlled by the right brain 
which serves simpler functions and probably matures at an 
earlier period. If this is true the attempt of H. C. Stevens 
to explain right-handedness, fails. Meyer claims that the 
superiority of the sense of sight on the right half of the field 
of vision, which Mr. Stevens has proved, is not the cause but 


rather the effect of right-handedness, unless both are to be 
regarded as the effects of a common cause. 

According to Meyer, children who in the first stage of life 
are left-handed, become right-handed when the speech centre 
becomes active, and vice versa. This implies that the great 
majority of children during the first year or so are distinctly 
left-handed, which we know is not the case. He fails to 
account for infants who are thoroughly left-handed and re- 
main so throughout life. 

With a view to discovering whether either right- or left- 
handedness is due to the predominance of one eye over the 
other, the following questionnaire was submitted to Perkins 
Institution and Massachusetts Institution for the Blind, and 
the New York State School for the Blind: 

i. Name and age. 

2. Do you write with your right or left hand? 

3. Were you taught to use this hand ? 

4. Do you read with your right or left hand? 

5. Were you taught to use this hand? 

6. With what hand do you use the following: (a) hammer? 

(b) scissors? (c) jackknife? (d) ball-throwing? 

7. Were you taught to use this hand ? ! 

8. What left-handed relatives do you know about? 

9. Were you born blind? 

10. If not, at what age did you become so? 

11. What was the cause? 

* * * * * jft 5JC * ' * 

Pupils with deformed or maimed hand or arm are excused 
from answering these questions. 

If the name is withheld, please state sex. 

The returns of two hundred pupils show that 10% of the 
boys and 11%. of the girls are natively left-handed ; while 
5% of the boys and 16% of the girls are of the mixed type, 
a few being practically ambidextrous. 50% of these pupils 
were born blind, about 30% became ,so within the first six 
months, while those remaining lost their sight, partially or 
entirely, between six months and eighteen years. 

Since many cases of right- and left-handedness are found 
among those born blind, it would seem that we cannot trace 
the preference of one hand over the other to any predominat- 
ing influence of one eye, as Gould believes. The mixed type 
is found for the most part among those born blind, which shows 
what non-interference may do. The blind child, if let alone, 
will use whichever hand is the more natural or convenient 
in any case: in other words, prejudice of custom plays no 
part in his hand motion. 


Many interesting cases are found in these schools. Two girls 
read braille with the right hand and line type with the left. 
One girl who is right-handed in everything else reads with 
her left hand and keeps place with her right. She was taught 
the opposite but finds this way more speedy. Another right- 
handed girl does likewise, not for speed, but because she has 
better touch in her left hand. A girl who became blind at two 
months uses her right hand for everything but hammering. 
She was not taught to use the hammer, which she holds in 
her left hand. As a hammer is usually held in the stronger 
hand, this example seems to show selection by nature as 
opposed to education or training. Two girls who were taught 
to use the easier hand, read with their left, though the right 
hand is employed in all other cases. A girl who became 
blind in early childhood is purely ambidextrous. She uses 
either hand well in any case. A similar case is found in a 
partially blind girl. Several of the right-handed boys read 
with their left hand, or either, immaterially. One throws a 
ball with his left hand. Five right-handed boys, who were 
born blind, throw a ball with the left hand. Two of these 
boys use the left hand in reading. A left-handed boy, who 
became blind at three years, is right-handed in ball throwing. 

Fully one-third of these pupils write back-hand or have a 
strong back-hand tendency. Among this number are found 
all cases — left- and right-handed born blind, left- and right- 
handed becoming so, and the mixed and ambidextrous types. 

III. Circulation Theory 

Wilson in summing up the various views of right- and left- 
handedness, states in brief the following: i. The general 
vigor, and immunity from disease appear to be transferred to 
the left side of left-handed people; and this has naturally 
suggested the theory of a transposition of the viscera, and the 
consequent increase of circulation thereby transferred from 
one side to the other. " This is an untenable theory as the 
relative position of the heart is easily determined in the living 

2. A greater flow of blood to the left side is traced to the 
reverse development of the greater arteries of the upper limbs. 
This idea is more generally favored. 

Barclay's contention as stated by Buchanan reads : M The 
veins of the left side of the trunk and of the left inferior 
extremity cross the aorta to arrive at the vena carva ; and some 
obstruction to the flow of blood must be produced by the 
pulsation of that artery. All motions produce obstruction of 
the circulation, and obstruction from this cause must be more 


frequently produced in the right side than the left, owing to 
its being more frequently used. But the venous circulation 
on the left side is retarded by the pulsation of the aorta, and 
therefore the more frequent motions of the right side were 
intended to render the circulation of the two sides uniform." 

Wilson considers this a curious idea as it traces right-hand- 
edness to the excess of a compensating force for an assumed 
inferior circulation pertaining naturally to the right side. 

Hyrtl thinks that ordinarily the blood is sent into the right 
subclavian under a greater pressure than into the left on 
account of the relative position of these vessels ; that in conse- 
quence of the greater supply of blood, the muscles are better 
nourished and are stronger ; hence the right extremity is more 
used. In cases of reversed condition, left-handedness is 
occasioned. i 

IV. The Weight and Equilibrium Theory 

Buchanan's early theory is based on the preponderance of 
the liver and lungs on the right side; that the right lung is 
the larger, having three lobes, whereas the left has only two; 
that the liver, the heaviest organ of the body, is on the same 
side; and that the common centre of gravity of the body shifts 
more or less toward the right. He fails to account for the 
normal deviation from the natural action of the body. 

His modified opinion is a Theory of Equilibrium by which 
he claims the following variations : ( i ) The centre of gravity 
above the transverse axis, with its accompanying right-hand- 

(2) The centre of gravity corresponding with the transverse 
axis, which he assigns to the ambidextrous. 

(3) The centre of gravity below the transverse axis, causing 
left-handedness. ; 

Struthers contends that the centre of gravity depends upon 
the weight of the viscera. The deviation from this centre is 
the cause of right- and left-handedness. 

iV. The Hand and Brain Theory 

In 1 861, Broca definitely assigned the posterior part of the 
third frontal convolution of the left hemisphere as the seat of 
articulate speech in right-handed people, the opposite holding 
for the left-handed. 

Gratiolet attributes right-handedness to the early stages of 
foetal development in which the anterior and middle lobes 
of the brain on the left are in a more advanced condition than 
those on the right side. Hence, the right side of the body is 


better supplied with nervous force than the left ; and therefore 
the movements of the right arm precede those of the left. 

Wilson's answer to this is given in the proof furnished 
by a patient of the Provincial Asylum at fToronto. This man 
was so inveterately left-handed that he was placed on the 
extreme left of his company in the army and allowed the 
exceptional usage of firing from the left shoulder. At death 
his brain was removed and weighed, showing the preponderant 
weight of the right cerebral hemisphere. Hence, left-handed- 
ness is an exceptional development of the right hemisphere 
of the brain. , 

That some people consider right- and left-handedness to be 
controlled by the position in which a child is carried, is ex- 
pounded by Baldwin and at once refuted. This would prove, 
he says, that a right-handed mother or nurse would cause 
the child to become left-handed ; and, of course, such is not 
the case. His child showed no discernible preference for either 
hand from the fifth to the ninth month, so long as the objects 
were within easy reaching distance ; but when violent muscular 
exertion was required it was always made by the right hand. 
When deviating to the left the right hand was used. Up to 
this time the child had not learned to stand or creep ; hence, 
the development of one hand over the other is not due to a 
difference in weight between the two longitudinal halves of the 
body. Neither had the child learned to speak or to utter articu- 
late sound with much distinctness; and so, right- and left- 
handedness may develop while the motor speech centre is not 
yet functioning. The use of the right hand carried over to 
the left side shows that habit in reaching does not determine 
its use. Baldwin believes that right-handedness is due to the 
difference in the two half brains, reached at an early stage 
in life ; that the promise of it is inherited ; and that the influ- 
ences of infancy have little effect upon it. However, disuse 
or the cultivation of the other hand may diminish or destroy 
the disparity between the two. This inherent brain-onesided- 
ness accounts for the association of right-handedness, speech 
and music faculty. 

Questions i, 2, 3, 6, 7 and 8 of the questionnaire already 
given were sent out to determine whether left-handedness is 
common among people of impaired speech, to the Lewis, Lamb 
and Northwestern Schools for Stammerers. 

The returns from these schools show that of 36 girls, 3 are 
natively left-handed ; of 80 boys, 5 are natively left-handed. 
Most of these subjects are now partly right-handed ; and it is 
highly probable that the others have also had their hand motion 
tampered with. This high per cent of left-handedness among 


stammerers seems to prove the hand and brain theory: if 
hand motion is interfered with before speech is established 
the result is quite likely to be stammering or impaired speech. 
In addition to the questions sent out to stammerers the 
following were submitted to the Ohio State School for the 

Do you talk with your right or left hand ? Were you taught 
to use this hand? 

Were you born deaf? 

If not, at what age did you become so? 

What was the cause? 

Out of 500 returns, 78% of the girls, and 68% of the boys 
are right-handed; 3%. and 4% respectively are left-handed; 
and the remaining 19% of the girls, and 28% of the boys are 
ambidextrous in talking and at least one other action. 

Of these pupils 70% were born deaf or became so before 
three years. 

We have no way of detecting in sign language whether 
interference with natural hand motion affects the speech centre 
while it is functioning, or not; but the great ambidextrous 
tendency seems to point to a freer hand motion in the absence 
of speech. More freedom of motion is granted in the sign 
language than in penmanship. Several left-handed pupils 
according to instruction write with the right hand, but talk 
with the left. 

VI. The Bilateral Asymmetry of Function 

The bilateral asymmetry of function, according to Hall and 
Hartwell, is shown in every organ, the most familiar asym- 
metry in both form and function being that of the hands and 
arms. Dual function is well represented by the right and 
left brains : one of which is nearly always superior to, and 
controls, the other. One brain may be insane and be counter- 
balanced by the other brain. 

The result of accurate measurement of the bilateral asym- 
metry of function, so far as applied to the arms and hands 
shows that the preferred hand makes the greatest excursion. 
The test of the hearing power shows the reaction by the 
stronger or preferred side to be greater than that made by 
the nonpreferred. Dynamometer tests show that the pre- 
eminence of the preferred hand is not in skill alone, but in 
exerted force as well. A maximal clenching movement by 
one hand is weak if at the same time a like maximal movement 
is made by the other hand. The failure of an attempt to 
repeat the standard submaximal clenching movement with both 


simultaneously, instead of with one, indicates summation in 
repeated submaximal movements. The attention, so far as con- 
trolled by fixing the eye on one hand, has power to intensify 
the maximal energy of the clenching effort of the hand to 
which it is then directed. Attention seems to have more power 
over the right hand than over the left; but, if fixed on the 
left, commonly causes its maximal power to develop slightly 
in excess of the right. 

Van Biervliet also favors the theory of asymmetry, even 
to the extent of expounding Hassen's proof of the asymmetry 
existing in the Venus of Milo. He asserts that in the right- 
handed person the right hand is the stronger, as are also the 
right eye and ear, and that the skin covering the right side 
of the body is more sensitive than that covering the left. 
The opposite holds in left-handed people. His experiments 
on two hundred subjects show that the optic, acoustic, tactile, 
olfactory, and gustatory motor nerves are all keener on the 
right side in right-handed people. He further states that in 
the right-handed the right nostril is the larger. 

Van Biervliet says that right- or left-handedness is due 
to a mechanical cause coming from the beginning of embry- 
onic life, and is not directly hereditary. He does not believe 
in ambidexterity, arguing that one member is always more 
developed in force than the other. 

In direct opposition to the above theory is the one furnished 
by Toulouse, stating that in the great majority of cases sub- 
jects have olfaction as well as feeling and perception more 
developed to the left. Olfactory asymmetry means proficiency 
of the left nostril since this organ is in relation with the left 
hemisphere which commands sensorial superiority. Right- 
asymmetry or right-brain is left-handedness or ambidexterity. 

VII. The Ulna Theory 

W. Franklin Jones has just devised an instrument to ascer- 
tain whether a child should use his right or left hand. It is 
a form of brachiometer and may be used even with new-born 
infants. A child should be taught to use the arm having the 
longer ulna. He claims that in 96 cases out of 100 the ulna 
is longer in right arms. Out of 10,000 brachiometer tests he 
has discovered that 417 children were born left-handed, while 
9,853 were born right-handed. 4% of the race are left-handed, 
while 96% are right-handed. 1% of all left-handed are shifted 
by deliberate interference. The many cases of feeble-minded- 
ness and stuttering that he has met make him fear the transfer 
from one hand to the other. It is easy to return an individual 
to his birthright so far as the arms are concerned, he says. 


A little practice will be sufficient to develop skill in the arm 
which nature intended to be used ; and what nature intends in 
the case of left- or right-handedness should be followed to 
the letter. 

In making the test Jones relies to a great extent upon his 
measurement of the ' ulna plus/ that is, the length of the ulna 
plus the length of the hand to the middle of the knuckle. This 
measure is used because it is more easily determined than the 
length of the ulna alone. 

His returns seem to me to confirm the Hand and Brain 
Theory with the additional discovery of the ' ulna plus.' 

Is the brachiometer test of practical value ? Supposing the 
solution a true one, just how is it to ^benefit mankind ? Nature 
will surely assert herself if allowed to do so ; and, if interfered 
with, the brachiometer will be of no assistance unless laws 
are enforced forbidding interference in hand motion. It is 
not that people are ignorant as to whether a child prefers his 
right or left hand, but that they are bound he shall use his 
right one irrespective of his choice in the matter. 

Observations of Hand Motion 

Mrs. Woolley's observations of her baby's hand motions are 
rather significant. The first week of the seventh month the 
left hand was preferred, but after that the right predominated 
steadily, though at times either hand was used. In the eighth 
month the child learned to wave " Bye Bye " in connection 
with starting for a ride. The nurse in taking her out of the 
cab always carried her on the left arm, leaving the baby's left 
hand free ; and as a result the child learned to wave her left 
hand. Later, either hand was used for this purpose, and 
finally the right hand entirely. In other pursuits the child 
used the right hand almost as exclusively as the adult. During 
the ninth month right-handedness began to be apparent. Mrs. 
Woolley declares the theory of the speech centre and right- 
handedness proved in this case, as the use of the right hand 
predominated when the child began to babble syllables. 

Major's child at times preferred the right hand, then again 
had no preference for either, until in the twelfth month when 
a slight preference for the left hand began to appear, increas- 
ing rapidly until the child was clearly left-handed. The left 
movement was broken up at this time, so either as a result 
of training or natural tendency, the right hand was used more 
and more until in the second year the boy was decidedly right- 

Major questions what would have resulted if the child had 
been allowed to continue without interference or training. He 


wonders whether children are natively either right- or left- 
handed which no amount of training can change ; whether it is 
a matter of training; or if some children are ambidextrous 
but will develop right- or left-handedness under training. 

Dearborn's little girl furnishes an interesting and varied 
program of hand motions only a few of which I shall state 
here. The fifth day of her life she ,used the right hand as 
much as the left though before this she had shown signs of 

1 68th day she was very left-handed ; 303rd day she was right- 
handed ; 358th day ambidexterity played an important role ; 
595th day on, the right hand predominated. 

Dearborn concludes that " the left side of the body seems 
both more reflex and somewhat more precocious than the 
right side. It seems to be more distinctly the mechanical 
implement of the organism's will while the right side is still 
largely reflex." 


The late Sir Daniel Wilson was an artist of considerable 
ability. He was natively left-handed but through education 
cultivated the use of his right hand thus becoming ambi- 
dextrous. Much of his artistic work, however, was done by 
the preferred hand. As one enjoying both sides of the situa- 
tion, he makes in his book a hearty plea for ambidexterity. 

Henry Jones Macnaughton says : "As in the instance of 
polarized light, molecular arrangement in the brain may ac- 
count for the freedom of the right hand over the left." He 
maintains that there is nothing discernible of an organic nature 
in the cortex of either hemisphere of the brain to explain any 
functional difference or superiority of one over the other. 
Man was originally endowed with a dual psycho-motor co- 
operating capacity of brain and hand — simultaneous or alter- 
nating. The brain is a dual organ and each hemisphere is 
capable of independent action. That a great coordination 
exists between speech and writing is clearly shown in patho- 
logical cases such as aphasia, in which the understanding is 
clear, but the patient is unable to convey his ideas in speech ; 
amnesia, when there is confusion in recalling words and in 
applying the correct ones ; and in agraphia, when the person 
may be able to express himself in language and yet be unable 
to write the words he wishes to use. Such cases of pathology 
are found but seldom in left-handed or ambidextrous people, 
who, by education or custom, are strongly influenced to use 
the right hand largely, hence working the left as well as the 
right hemisphere. These diseases are often successfully treated 
by compelling the patient to use his non-preferred hand and 


thus bring the latent force of the accompanying brain into play 
Aphasia, according to one estimate, is, in fourteen out of 
fifteen cases, a disease of the left brain. This is decidedly 
an argument for the cultivation of both hands. 

Macnaughton heartily favors the acquisition of simultaneous, 
two-handed writing, drawing and technical work, arguing that 
ambidexterity requires will power and control, concentration 
of mental effort, and contributes to the formation of character 
and intellectual growth. Man's intelligence cannot be bisected. 

The nascent or developing period of the hand centre prob- 
ably extends from the end of the first year to the end of 
adolescence, but the most active period is from four to fifteen 
years, after which time the centre becomes comparatively fixed 
and stubborn. During this period of development any forceful 
change from left to right, or vice versa, may result disastrously, 
causing, for instance, neurotic disorder, impaired speech such 
as stammering or stuttering, or indeed, complete imbecility. 
Neurasthenia and neuro-mimesis he claims to be caused by 
work taxing to the utmost one side of the brain and body. 
Simultaneous writing and ambidextrous motion in general 
would guard against all such diseases. 

Schuyten also advocates the symmetric education of the dif- 
ferent parts of the body, thus doing away with atrophy. 

Lueddeckens affirms that at the beginning of embryonic life 
the symmetry of the organs is complete: even the vascular 
system is absolutely symmetrical from the heart to the veins 
and capillaries. The unequal development of the vascular 
system comes with the inequality of blood pressure which is 
stronger on one side of the head. Right-handedness is the 
result of the high blood pressure in the left head — where cere- 
bral hemorrhage is most often found. 

Another strong advocate of ambidexterity is Varia Kipi- 
ani. She says that the child at the beginning of life is ambi- 
dextrous ; but this natural tendency is destroyed by educators 
who insist upon unilateral growth. Many types of tic, St. 
Vitus Dance, professional cramp and neurosis are the result 
of occupations in which unilateral muscular motion is in play. 
She considers that excess of unilateral cerebral, asymmetric 
work frequently disequalizes the nervous system of the school 
child from ten years of age to puberty ; and is thus responsible 
for neurasthenia, chorea, St. Vitus Dance and the many cases 
of tic met with in school life. 

As an argument for ambidexterity many writers cite in- 
stances of left-handed or ambidextrous nations. According to 
Pliny, the Gauls in their religious rites, contrary to the Roman 
custom, turned to the left. The Scythians, noted for strength 


and valor of conduct, were ambidextrous. The Ancient 
Egyptians show in their works an inherited evidence of a pre- 
vailing ambidextrous faculty. A large proportion of the 
Persian workmen of to-day are ambidextrous; and among 
them the left hand is commonly used for signing letters or 
documents. By far the most striking example of ambidexterity 
among modern nations is that of Japan. There ambidexterity 
is taught in the schools and practiced in all the arts. The 
trait dates back to the remotest history of the race, and the 
gift is equally possessed by both sexes. Japan of all modern 
nations exhibits the most wonderful craftsmanship and manipu- 
lative skill, as is shown by originality in design; delicate 
carving in ivory ; marvelous lacquer and gold ornamentation ; 
beautiful inlaying of woodwork as also of gold and silver; 
unsurpassed embroidery and lace-work; tortoiseshell and sil- 
ver enamel ; and copper casting. 

The ambidextrous and left-handed are proud to claim in 
their ranks these well-known men of talent: Michael Angelo, 
Leonardo da Vinci, Holbein, Landseer, Mozzo of Antwerp, 
Amico Aspertino, Ludivico Cohgrago, Sir Daniel Wilson, and 
Sir Baden Powell. 

It is quite generally agreed that the percentage of left- 
handed people is two in one hundred. Jackson's investigation 
proved that 3% are incurably biased to left-handedness ; 17% 
to right-handedness ; while the remaining 80% are normally 

My own investigation of three public schools however showed 
that of the entire 2,055, 4^%' of tne girls, and S l A% of the 
boys are left-handed in practice. No doubt if the natively left- 
handed were to be added the percentage would greatly increase. 

Is left-handedness increasing or decreasing? 

This question is duly considered by Romaley who terms the 
left-handed person a Mendelian recessive. In a family con- 
taining a left-handed child perhaps neither parent is left- 
handed, nor has any ancestor for a number of generations 
been so affected. Such a condition probably exists in about 
one-sixth of the population. Left-handedness among parents 
is greatly underreported as the number of left-handed children 
is twice that of left-handed parents. He concludes thus : 
" Recessive mutants, unless of inherent weakness in some 
respect, must tend to increase in number at the expense of 
the originally dominant right types." 

To determine the relation of left-handedness to general 
intelligence and character questions were sent out which 
brought me most deplorable returns. 


500 reports from the Trenton State School for Girls, the 
Hallowell State School for Girls, the Shirley Industrial School 
for Boys, show that 11% of the boys and 6^% of the girls 
are left-handed. This seems to agree with the old idea of 
wickedness accompanying left-handedness. Notice, however, 
that it strongly disagrees with the former belief that this wick- 
edness prevailed in the feminine gender. It is almost 2:1 
against the boys. 

200 returns from the Rhode Island and Maine Institutions 
for the Feeble-Minded show that 1 1 % of the girls, and Sy 2 % 
of the boys are left-handed. 4%! of the girls, and 5% of the 
boys, are ambidextrous but prefer the right hand. 

Does this not prove that there are many more cases of 
feeble-mindedness than we usually credit? Here, education 
has probably had no part, hence the native motion has pre- 

The ambidextrous tendency seems to be a thoroughly native 

Yet we find left-handedness well represented in all walks 
of life ; the highest scholarship and honor lists include left- 
handed people. Then, too, many a brilliant so-called right- 
handed person must cast his die with the natively left-handed 
if real facts be known. He has been so well educated in the 
use of his right hand as to make it appear a natural one. 
Hence, data on the left-handedness of adults are quite likely 
to be faulty. 

Left-handedness is viewed by many as little short of an 
affliction; and many of the so-afflicted must be often humili- 
ated and at times seriously injured by the coercive methods 
used in breaking up this natural motion. We do find extreme 
awkwardness in connection with left-handedness, but is right- 
handedness entirely free from this condition? I think if we 
fairly examine the case we find that for every ungraceful 
left-hand motion may be found a proportional number of 
awkward right-hand acts. Sinistrality may be dextrality at 
the same time, and vice versa. Yet, any natively left-handed 
person I feel, greatly appreciates a right-hand training. He is 
thereby enabled to comply with the rigid rules of polite society, 
and still use his stronger or preferred hand for exceptional 

The destruction of native left-handedness must sometimes 
result in the loss to the world of a talent concealed in that 
paralyzed member. 

Fine penmanship is found among left-handed subjects who 
are properly trained and have adequate practice, which, in- 
deed, is necessary for good right-hand script. Are instructors 


of penmanship, especially in the grammar grades, wise in 
compelling the use of the right hand even in the most stubborn 
cases of left-handedness ? May they not be largely responsible 
for the many nervous disorders found in their little victims? 

Many every-day acts call properly for ambidexterity or left- 
handedness. The manipulation of most musical instruments 
is a two-handed one ; and the piano player calls for left- more 
than right-hand motion. According to the position of door 
knobs the hand used on entering is not that which should be 
used at the exit. Rowing often requires a two-hand motion 
as does sculling, also. Many accidents occur on the railroad 
and street railway which might be avoided if people would 
only learn to use their left hand instead of their right, when 
stepping off the car. The right hand grasps the handle of the 
seat or car, and hence the body is turned toward the right in 
such a way that the person steps off backwards. If the car 
is in motion he is thrown upon the back of his head. When 
the proper hand is employed the body swings out from the 
left hand, and the person faces the direction of the car. Then 
if he steps off while the car is in motion he may either run 
forward until his equilibrium is maintained, or simply be cast 
forward, in which case his head will not be in immediate 
contact with the pavement. Men's coats button to the right 
hence calling for a right motion ; while women's coats have an 
opposite buttoning system calling for left-handedness. It is 
interesting to notice the conflicting movements involved in this 
matter-of-fact performance. You will see an apparently right- 
handed man deliberately decline the convenience made for him, 
by using his left hand. Then, again, a left-handed woman will 
button her coat with the right hand. Many people use the 
two hands in buttoning; but the majority, whether right- or 
left-handed, follow the law set for them — the men, right ; the 
women, left. 

In conclusion, the following data which do not entirely 
agree with commonly accepted statements as to left-handedness, 
may be once more stated for emphasis : As against the usual 
statement that -2%. of the population are left-handed, my 
returns from 2,055 school children show that 4}4%. of the 
girls and 5J4%' of the boy s are left handed; out of 500 de- 
linquent children, 6% of the girls and 11% of the boys; out 
of 200 feeble-minded, 11% of the girls and S J / 2 % of the boys; 
out of 500 deaf, 3% ! of the girls and 4%. of the boys ; and out 
of 200 blind, 11%. of the girls and 10% of the boys. 

The high percentages of the blind, feeble-minded and de- 
linquent are especially striking and call for further study and 



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By Mabel Stevens 

Since stuttering usually appears in childhood and prevents 
a pupil's good work in the public schools, new departments are 
being opened and classes are being formed there to meet this 

To change the stutterer's speech to normal is a praiseworthy 
effort ; to transform the stutterer himself is to reach the root of 
the trouble. It is the opinion of eminent authorities that the 
latter duty cannot be thoroughly performed by means of class- 
instruction. The idea of such means as sufficient, springs from 
regarding the stutterer as a pupil rather than a patient, and his 
affliction as a bad habit to be broken, instead of a disease to be 
cured. This attitude is fundamentally wrong. Fortunately 
we are rapidly outgrowing it. 

Even after these patients are cured, they must be thought 
of as convalescents, and treated with tender consideration for 
some length of time. Under no circumstances should a former 
stutterer be subjected to a rigid examination or test for speech- 
defects, thus practically saying to him : " You [ could not speak 
properly. Can you do so now?" To insist on such a proof 
that he has " learned his lesson," as popular conception would 
express it, may have the effect of re-awakening the old 
difficulty. I 

Dr. Emil Froschel, of Vienna, declares that if the stutterer 
enters an institution, the treatment should nevertheless be 
strictly individual " streng individualisierend." This is next to 
impossible in any public school. When there are enough appli- 
cants to warrant engaging a special teacher, then first from 
point of numbers and second from lack of time, the assistance 
cannot be primarily personal. The Chinese custom of having 
a iteacher for each scholar would be the ideal arrangement. 
The matter of expense alone would prohibit that, however. 
Thus it will remain forever true that the State cannot make 
the best provision for these unfortunates, but only the second 

In many cases the permanent cure of stuttering is found to 
be conditioned upon " a readjustment of the subconscious" 
The patient's state of mind toward life in general, and his im- 


mediate environment in particular, is quite peculiar. There- 
fore in order to secure satisfactory results, correction of char- 
acter must be carried on simultaneously with the correction 
of speech-defects. This leads us to the true conclusion that 
speech-defect and character-deviation are closely connected. 

Dr. Wilhelm Stekel, of Vienna, predicts that psycho-an- 
alysis will be the method of the future for the treatment of 
stuttering; for the reason that only psycho-analysis probes 
to the seat of the trouble. 

We have referred to stuttering as a disease. Its symptoms 
have been described by many physicians, and methods of treat- 
ment have differed in various ways. In the last analysis it 
seems justifiable to speak of stuttering not only as a disease 
with symptoms, but as itself a symptom — a symptom of emo- 
tional conflicts and repressions, stuttering is the expression of 
a psycho-neurotic state whose basic element is embarrassment, 
or fear — with its counterpart, desire. The statement is often 
made, " Our child is nervous, painfully embarrassed, but he 
exhibits no fear, he simply stutters." True! Yet the stutter- 
ing is but a manifestation, a surface evidence of an under- 
current of fear. Heretofore fear has been called a symptom 
of stuttering. But with greater cogency, in the light of recent 
developments, we may declare stuttering to be a symptom of 
fear. Fear is behind the stuttering. But what is behind the 
fear? To reveal that, is the aim of psycho-analysis; and the 
cure consists in helping the patient to make the discovery for 
himself. That the cause of the specific fear must be some- 
where in his individual life-history is perfectly self-evident. 
That the release from fear can only be a strictly individual 
experience is as true as that stuttering is an individual afflic- 
tion. This is the position maintained by psycho-analysis. It 
goes further than any other method. It investigates deeper. 
It touches bed-rock. 

A Comparison of Methods 

As the arrival of a new theory creates discussion, so the 
appearance of a new method stimulates comparison. There- 
fore, since it has been the writer's good fortune to have some 
acquaintance with three chief methods for the treatment of 
stuttering, it seems worth while to note how they stand toward 
each other and toward the Freudian which promises to sup- 
ersede the others. Slightly in harmony with it is the Lieb- 
mann (method) ; distinctly antagonistic is the best known, 
the Gutzmann ; and boldly combined with it is the last of the 
three, the Scripture. 

Because this paper will be confined to stuttering, to avoid 


misunderstanding it may be well to state here, in the begin- 
ning, the difference between stuttering and stammering — for 
they are not interchangeable terms, as many publications in 
English would lead us to infer. Concisely given the distinc- 
tion is this : 

The continuity of the stutterer's speech is interrupted by 
spasms of the muscles involved in speech-production ; the con- 
tinuity of the stammerer's speech is not broken, but his pro- 
nunciation is at fault. The stutterer can make every sound 
and combination of sounds, the stammerer cannot. In other 
words : 

i) The stutterer has cramps of the speech muscles; the 
stammerer has not. 

2) The stutterer cannot speak fluently; the stammerer can. 

3) The stutterer can pronounce correctly; the stammerer 

(To these should be added:) 

4) The stutterer suffers from accessory muscle-movements 
(" Mitbewegungen ") ; the stammerer never. 

Gutzmann describes the difference in one sentence by say- 
ing : " Stottern ist ein Fehler der Rede ; Stammeln ein Fehler 
der Aussprache." (Sphhk., p. 490.) 

Before leaving this comparison, one other matter must be 
mentioned, as it gives ground for wide divergence in treat- 
ment. The greater conscious effort a stutterer makes to talk 
in a normal manner, the worse his speech is obstructed; but 
the closer concentration a stammerer gives to overcome his 
difficulty, the better the result. Therefore the stutterer's at- 
tention must be diverted; the stammerer's attention, stim- 
ulated. The stutterer must learn to speak with less concentra- 
tion, the ;stammerer with greater. (St. K., p. 73.) 

Logically then, we might conclude at once — that stuttering 
and stammering are not open to the same process of correc- 
tion — that a kind of treatment beneficial to the latter 
trouble may be harmful to the former. Liebmann is con- 
vinced that, on principle, the therapy of stammering must 
be different, in general, from that of stuttering. , (St. K., 
p. 73.) In regard to harm it appears to be true that any 
exercise whatsoever which turns the stutterer's attention self- 
ward in a morbid way is harmful; but if he can become so 
absorbed in what he is doing as to forget himself, then even 
an unnecessary exercise has relieved the patient for the time 
being and done that much good. 

This brings us to a second point raised. Are certain exer- 
cises superfluous? Take another of the above given com- 
parisons and 'see if it is not justifiable to question thus : The 


stutterer being able to produce all possible sounds, why should 
he be bored with exercises in vocalization and articulation ? 

Here we strike another subject of contention. Liebmann 
confidently asserts that all such exercises can be entirely dis- 
pensed with — " that one arrives at the goal quicker without 
them." (St. K., p. 8.) Much that is !done for the stutterer 
is sheer waste of time and strength. There is much mis- 
directed effort. Also, a method requiring the patient to speak 
in an unnatural manner long enough to form an annoying 
habit, may fix a peculiarity as difficult to remove as the stutter- 
ing itself. To avoid these pitfalls, exercises thought necessary 
by Gutzmann and his followers, Liebmann declines to use, 
and then proves quite superfluous, as his success testifies. 

Upon what further theory and practice this success depends, 
we can discover by a more extended search. For now, having 
disposed of preliminaries, we may divide our investigation 
into three parts, and take up here 

Part I. The Liebmann Method 1 

In this method there are important things to be noticed, 
such as the following: The stutterer does not need a course 
in phonation. He can speak as well as anybody,*/ his extreme 
self-consciousness and his painful anxiety are removed. His 
unnatural breathing is caused by anxiety — hence, do not 
bother with breathing-exercises; but exorcise the fear. So 
Liebmann believes that the physician's chief aim should be 
to free the patient from anxiety. This purpose is in harmony 
with that of psycho-analysis; but there the similarity ends, 
save that both methods necessitate individual treatment. He 
says it must be " primarily psychic," and though an observer 
soon becomes aware that its best results are from the effect 
of soul upon soul and perforce educational, yet they are not 
so in the deeply penetrating way distinctive of psycho-analysis. 
Liebmann's method is based largely upon the personal influ- 
ence of the physician and upon the power of suggestion. A 
gentle, persuasive sympathy soothes the patient's excitability 
and overcomes reluctance and hesitation. Praise is one of 
the most potent agents in casting out fear ; and a little flattery 
raises the patient's self-esteem while erasing the memory of 
the cruel sting of past ridicule. Timidity gives place to cour- 
age; because there will be no such thing as failure, it is ex- 
cluded. If perchance he stutters, it is overlooked. The 
doctor's imperturbable calm remains unmoved. Perhaps he 
did not hear. Maybe it was insignificant anyway. With a 

1 See " Stottcrnde Kinder" von Dr. (Med.) Albert Liebmann, Berlin. 
Verlag von Reuther u. Reichard, 1903. 


glad heart the patient begins to think so, and then progress 
is rapid. From the initial half-hour on the first day to the 
last treatment of the series stuttering is prevented. This is 
brought about i)by assigning him only what he will be able 
to do, either with or without help; 2) by speaking and read- 
ing together; 3) by gradual withdrawal of assistance; 4) by 
interrupting him when he seems on the verge of stuttering; 
5) by giving him " psychic preparation " when a strain upon 
his nerves is likely to ogcur — for instance, if he is to con- 
verse with strangers. 

Of course a stutterer out of childhood will wish to know 
and will ask why he stutters. But even a child can under- 
stand the so-called resistance-theory — " Der konsonantische 
Widerstand " — also known as the theory of the exaggeration 
of the consonants. A child can distinguish between vowels and 
consonants. With the aid of a plaster-cast, a child can be 
made to realize that when consonants are sounded, then at 
the larynx, the palate (hard and soft) the teeth, the lips — as 
the case may be — the outgoing breath is kept from having 
free passage into the open air — in other words, meets with 
greater or less resistance. Next he is told that in stuttering 
the resistance is too strong and lasts too long. The consonants 
are held longer than is natural ; they are exaggerated; and 
pauses take place, only ending when the vowel comes at last. 
(St. K., p. 11.) 

The child can feel how much easier it is to sound the vowels 
— that no special resistance is offered then. Finally he sees 
that singing must be easier yet because the vowels are length- 
ened. Nearly all of the patients are very young children from 
five to seven or eight years of age. It would be senseless to 
talk to them about voluntary and involuntary incoordinate 
breathing and speech-movements, so the doctor fits the ex- 
planation to the patient. 

This insight gained, he is ready to go through the various 
requirements in the approved succession ' from the least to 
the most difficult, as follows: 1) Singing. 2) Use of length- 
ened vowels in separate words and in short sentences spoken 
with instructor. 3) Short sentences repeated after the in- 
structor who ceases gradually to lengthen the vowels. 4) Ques- 
tion containing part of answer. 5) Reading with no omis- 
1 sions and no changes of text. 6) Short story given sentence 
by sentence, patient repeating word for word. 7) Same 
story given connectedly. Patient repeats it. 8) Long story 
given connectedly but once; patient tells what he remembers. 
9) Patient must read through a story of several pages and 
give it in his own words as a connected whole. 10) Ques- 


tions in Mathematics, Physics, Geography, History, etc. 
n) Topics of the day. Spontaneous speech. 12) Conversa- 
tion in foreign languages. 

During all this time the doctor's effort has been to estab- 
lish complete coordination of the speech-movements. This 
harmony cannot be gained while the patient's thoughts are 
constantly occupied with his feelings. To turn his mind else- 
where has been one aim of the speech-training. Little children 
are given picture-cards with one object shown on a card; 
then follow picture-books with one picture and perhaps a 
short story on a page. The text must be simple and 
offer material for question and answer. After a while 
larger books with more interesting pictures and longer 
stories increase the difficulties but also the fascination, until 
finally very large pictures mounted on card-board and hav- 
ing movable parts — representing birds, bridges, tools, men, 
women, children, etc. — accomplish the desired end. The child- 
stutterer is far, far away from his troubles, and he talks 
freely and fluently without shyness, embarrassment, or fear. 
Thus the coordination is conditioned upon the removal of 
fear — the general fear of speaking (Sprechangst) and the 
special fear of certain sounds i(Lautfurcht). 

Of what is the patient afraid? Seemingly of the act of 
speaking; or he may be afraid of some sound difficult for 
him to make. Liebmann does not specify that the stutterer 
shrinks from some other difficulty buried in the depths of 
his being, or that he may really be afraid of himself ; and that 
the fear is often transferred to these conscious acts — as 
Freud has taught us. Every thinking human-being will seek 
to give a reasonable explanation of his fear. The stutterer 
appears to be doing this ; but his anxiety is entirely out of 
proportion to the ostensible cause, and the adequate one is 
far " out of sight, out of mind " in the depths of the sub- 
conscious. This illustrates the light that was darkness be- 
fore the advent of psycho-analysis. 

So it is seen that the " psychic treatment " and speech-train- 
ing are inseparable. Liebmann concedes that many roads 
lead to the Rome of success ; but he condemns utterly some 
of the " helps along the way " — Ex. — The use of a book of 
exercises. He says : " The children are obliged to read the 
same stories, learn and repeat the same poems, answer the 
same lists of questions over and over again. A parrot-like 
facility is attained ; but this is poor preparation for daily 
life." It must be admitted that the little Ubungsbuch ar- 
ranged by Albert Gutzmann, and recommended by his son, 
Professor Hermann Gutzmann, falls in line with this criticism. 


In the Berlin public schools any visitor may have the pleas- 
ure of seeing how well adapted such exercises are to class 
work ; yet he can seldom manage to go home with a pupil to 
find out whether hesitating speech has ceased there. 

On a number of important matters Liebmann is at vari- 
ance with Gutzmann and has classed his method as among 
the less serviceable (" weniger brauchbar.") In this con- 
nection it will be of much advantage to consider the prin- 
ciples upon which the latter method is founded. 

Part II. The Gutzmann Method 

Perhaps we shall arrive sooner at the heart of the matter 
by making quotations now and then. 

First Gutzmann wishes us to understand that in spite of 
every effort, one will never be able to cure stuttering by 
psychic means alone — because the Kussmaul definition still 
holds good that stuttering is a spastic coordination-neurosis 
resting upon an inborn (congenital, " angeboren ") weakness 
of the articulation apparatus. 2 For this reason hypnotic 
treatment has been of no avail except when employed in con- 
nection with a drill-therapy (" mit einer physiologisch-gymnas- 
tischen Ubungstherapie.") So likewise suggestion apart from 
hypnosis, is absolutely of no use, if the stutterer is not shown 
correct speech-coordination ("die richtige Koordination der 
Sprache.") The mere removal of wrong ideas and anxious 
imaginings will accomplish nothing. (Sphhk., p. 394.) 

Nevertheless, as we have seen, Liebmann reports success 
through simple suggestion and without the aid of physiologi- 
cal-gymnastic exercises. In his opinion the sole value of the 
latter lies in their psychic effect. He writes, " If the doctor 
succeeds in impressing upon the patient the conviction that 
by means of these exercises in breathing, vocalization, and 
articulation, he will learn to speak better — then, gradually the 
desired result will be brought about." (St. K., p. 51.) 

Froschel is of like mind for he says, " It lies far from me 
to doubt the serviceablene$$ of the Gutzmann method, es- 
pecially since I myself have used it for years, only I explain 
its worth otherwise than does Gutzmann. Namely, aside from 
the training of muscles grown accustomed to wrong action in 
breathing, I attribute to it solely (lediglich) suggestive value, 
and it seems to me no less adapted to this purpose than the 
other methods which I also use as helps. 3 

^ 2 See " Sprachheilkunde " von Prof. Dr. Hermann Gutzmann. Ber- 
lin, Fischer's Medicin. Buchhandlung H. Kornfeld, 1912. 

3 See " tlber die Behandlung des Stotterns " von Emit Froschel 
(Wien Univ.), vol. Ill, 1913. " Zentralblatt fur Psychoanalyse u. 
Psychotherapie, p. 497. 


Gutzmann finds in his own drill-therapy an extraordin- 
arily strong suggestive factor that of itself works psycho- 
therapeutically. Further he adds : " It is questionable whether 
those speech-disturbances (Stuttering, Cluttering, Phonas- 
thenia, etc.) where the morbid activity of the emotions makes 
itself very plainly apparent, require a special psycho-therapy 
besides." (Sphhk., p. 191.) 

In another place we read : When the patient becomes 
aware of the fact — I must speak thus and so; that is the 
way all other people speak; if I speak as directed, I cannot 
stutter — then the problem (Ratsel) of psychic treatment is 
solved. There is need of no other (" Es bedarf eben keiner 
mehr.") (Sphhk., p. 437.) Also — " He who follows the 
physiological method aright needs no special psychic method 
of treatment — the psychic treatment lies within the conscious 
physiological practice, being its very essence." (Sphhk., p. 

437-) ... 

From similar sentences we feel certain that Gutzmann will 
not look upon psycho-analysis with favor. This expectation 
is realized when his criticism of Stekel is before us. To be 
sure more leniency is exhibited toward Frank and Laubi. 
(Sphhk., p. 397, 438, 444) yet the general remarks are some- 
what acrimonious — possibly not without cause as may pres- 
ently appear. 1 

Gutzmann declares that " in all cases " the psychic depres- 
sion is ("eine Folgeerscheinung ") a manifestation result- 
ing from and hence following the stuttering. Thus he be- 
lieves the speech-disturbance to be the primary evil and the 
depression, the secondary one. (Sphhk., p. 391.) But psycho- 
analysis considers the emotional disturbance primary — the 
stuttering secondary. The obvious impossibility of maintain- 
ing at the same time, two opinions so conflicting that one is a 
complete reversal of the other, tells us why Gutzmann must 
be hostile to the Freudian method, if he wishes to hold his 
own. Are not signs of irritation, on his part, a good indica- 
tion that the antagonist is formidable? 

Both Liebmann and Gutzmann interest the stutterer in 
something. Now one might think it of small consequence 
whether pictures or gymnastic exercises, for example, held 
the child's attention, but such would be a mistaken idea. Lieb- 
mann's patient is really able to forget, for a while, his own 
existence, but Gutzmann's patient is reminded every moment 
of his body and of his affliction. The relation between self 
and the important task is ever kept in the foreground of con- 
sciousness. Everything is for self, through self, and to a 
large extent by self. A lazy or an indifferent stutterer will 


never bring about the desired cure, because part of the treat- 
ment is conscious self help. He can hire no substitute; the 
ego must work out its own freedom. In this there is. resem- 
blance to psycho-analysis. The master-mind of the physician, 
furnishes the necessary knowledge, and directs the various 
efforts required of the patient who, however, is obliged to 
use his own brain powers. 

Liebmann would have the stutterer's transformation 
wrought naturally, by a process as unobtrusive as growth. 
Gutzmann calls " conscious physiological practice " the chief 
thing, " the soul" of his method. (Sphhk., p. 436.) 

Now when the emotions have been relegated to second 
place, then the treatment has to consider will-power before 
feelings. The supreme thing for the patient is to acquire 
good control of the body. In the particular matter of normal 
speech production, Gutzmann insists on correct breathing as 
the first essential If the stutterer is to perform a miracle, 
he must gain strength of the respiratory muscles, and skill 
in their use. To this end breathing is combined with gym- 
nastic exercises. Conscious control of the breath is imper- 
ative ; and the energy can be developed in the average patient. 
One fine exercise demands the conscious separation of assoc- 
iated muscular movements. Usually, however, the more or 
less difficult attempt is made to coordinate certain muscular 
actions which do not function together as they should. Even 
though, as a rule, one cannot locate anatomically a definite 
central lesion to account for the stuttering, yet we are as- 
sured that the seat of the trouble is central. Moreover, as 
Gutzmann says, cultivating vigor of will constitutes also an 
exercise of the center or centers which control coordination 
of the muscular activities. So in this way we make a direct 
attack upon "den Sitz des Stotteriibels." (Sphhk., p. 154.) 

The Gutzmann patient must know both what he is doing 
and the reason why. Hence with each exercise is given a 
question or a set of questions which he must answer as in- 
structed. When he has memorized the printed explanations, 
then he cannot be ignorant of the subject-matter, and the 
right replies will be forthcoming. These exercises and ac- 
companying questions are intended to form part of the daily 

In vocalization we are shown at once that in passing from 
(1) Breath to (2) Whisper, and from (2) Whisper to (3) 
Voice — during a single expiration — we have " the foundation 
exercise" for every systematic voice-practice (training.) 
(Sphhk., p. 17, and p. 158.) 

Moreover, it is important to observe the succession as in- 


dicated — " for by keeping to this normal order those muscles 
move (one after the other) which must work together in 
immediate voice-production A complicated, coordinated 
action (Bewegung) of the involved muscles is thus split up, 
or separated, into its several components — first separated and 
then reunited to produce voice. When this is effected the 
so-called " Stimmkoordination " is again restored. 

After the patient has learned to do this, then he is thorough- 
ly drilled in the three different modes of attack — i)the hard 
(or direct), 2) the aspirated, 3) the soft (or indirect) — der 
feste Stimmeinsatz, der gehauchte, der leise. All the words 
must be practised in this manner. As to pitch and intensity, 
the one should be as low and the other as slight as possible, 
depending on the individual concerned. — When single words 
are taken, the patient is trained to give the initial vowels 
gently, softly, and considerably lengthened. The same is true 
of the first vowel of the first word after any pause for breath 
— thus, of course, at the beginning of every sentence. 

To avoid unnatural pauses and to increase fluency, the 
words of a sentence are linked to each other and are spoken 
like one long word. In this way smooth, unbroken speech 
is secured in the progress of time. Frequently some pre- 
paratory work is of advantage before entering upon the dif- 
ficulties of perfect articulation. This is indispensable if the 
patient is backward in speech development: Lip-gymnastics, 
tongue-gymnastics, jaw-movements serve to gain flexibility 
and thus to strengthen weak muscles. So when the stutterer 
comes to the consonant exercises, he can take correct positions 
and give the various sounds with less exertion. He receives 
the necessary directions, and soon he thinks himself able to 
tackle any sound-combination in the language. The con- 
sonants, in turn, all have attention; and they are used in 
syllables, in words, in sentences — as the case may be. The 
same consonant may occur many times in the same sentence ; 
or a certain rule may be illustrated by a group of sentences. 

From single sentences unconnected in thought, the stutterer 
passes to short stories, then to longer stories, poems, and 
dialogues. These are made more valuable through free con- 
versation, narration, declamation, etc. Thirteen rules for 
speaking (Sprechregeln) are learned by heart, and if the 
patient can remember to carry them out, day after day, his 
self help has become practical. 

Liebmann has referred to this method as among the " less 
serviceable " because he thinks that very young children can- 
not hold to " conscious practice " all the time — and that for 
older children and adults the course is a very roundabout 


way of reaching their heart's desire. Also he sees that the 
patient runs a risk of being made ridiculous. The sharply- 
distinguished vowel-positions, the speaking in a soft, low- 
pitched voice, the lengthening of the first vowel in the 
Sprechsatz (whatever can be spoken in one breath) — these 
all encourage speech habits too conspicuous to escape notice. 
The quick, deep breath drawn through the mouth just before 
speaking, seemed to be the most objectionable requirement 
made in the speech defect classes in the Berlin public schools 
when the present writer visited them not long ago. 

Now from over-drill the numerous exercises can be given 
automatically, thus destroying their value. Gutzmann warns 
against mechanical work. Such a contingency need hardly 
be planned for under the Liebmann method where an infinite 
variety of material is offered and where repetition is 

Gutzmann says it is easy to prove stuttering a coordina- 
tion-neurosis. This can be done by examining the stutterer, 
and testing separately the different components of speech 
when the element of anxiety is excluded — " mit Ausschluss 
der Angstaffekte." Evidently he does not mean excluded 
from the patient, but excluded from the patient's speech. We 

Test I. " For example, when I test the patient's ability to 
make a long, even expiration — such as is necessary for fluent 
speech — then I do not allow him to speak at all. Hence in the 
stutterer, the anxiety-affect, too, cannot emerge for that 
reason — and as a matter of fact he imitates the slow expira- 
tion at once." The word "emerge'' (auftauchen) is signifi- 
cant. Its use implies not that the anxiety has been actually 
banished, but that it is in repression. The little word " too " 
(auch) indicates the same thing. Therefore we are not sur- 
prised over what comes next : " But if we see how he makes 
that expiration, then we find in every stutterer without excep- 
tion, gross faults in the mechanism — we find, for instance, 
that the expiration comes to an end within (schon nach) a 
very short space of time, that after from four to six seconds 
no more air stands at (the patient's) disposal; or else, that 
what may be there goes out irregularly, in jerks — ' sac- 
cadiert! The total volume of air is not, however, dimin- 
ished thereby — for the vital capacity of stutterers is entirely 
normal. Ergo, it has to do with faulty functioning — with 
the wrong use of the necessary, sufficient volume of air." 
(Sphhk., p. 392-3.) 

Since it is a well-known fact that fear and anxiety make 
the breathing shallow, quick and irregular, why may not this 


" faulty functioning " be due to the anxiety-affect which has 
been prevented from having outlet in speech ? 

Test II. As speech cannot be divorced from breath, so a 
voice-test must be made subject to that condition. Gutzmann 
continues : " But there are stutterers enough who can sustain 
a given vowel quietly, without difficulty and without stumbl- 
ing who also do not even stutter upon beginning the vowel." 
Here a voice-test will show departures from the normal. 
" One finds a slight tremolo, varying intensity, inability to 
keep the same pitch, etc." (Sphhk., p. 393.) 

Test III. Gutzmann then adds : " Likewise one can very 
easily convince one's self that the stutterer is making wrong 
movements even when he appears to be speaking fluently." 
'(Sphhk., p 393.) His trouble shows itself in the character- 
istic faulty respiration. Gutzmann mentions having often 
observed cases of this kind; and he draws the conclusion 
that stuttering may not be identified with stumbling (Anstoss- 
en.) He says: "Stuttering is jthe general disease taken 
at a whole; Anstossen on the other hand, only the especially 
clearly visible and audible manifestations. Consequently there 
are stutterers who do not stumble in speech and nevertheless 
stutter. That sounds paradoxical, but it is a fact. I have 
had under treatment stutterers whom I have never heard stut- 
ter ; and I would not have known where a drill-therapy should 
begin with them, if — with the help of the respiration-tests 
described — I had not laid bare the disturbances which had not 
become apparent upon superficial observation." (Sphhk., 
p. 408.) 

This broad conception of stuttering is thus made to include 
cases which do not have the usual outward manifestations, 
cases which would be quite mystifying were it not for the 
revelations of the respiratory-curve. In other words, they 
appear to be cases marked only by a disturbance of breathing. 
But since fear (anxiety) may produce the same " faulty func- 
tioning," how is anyone to tell which is the foundation-cause, 
stuttering or " angst-aflekt " ? Has not the respiratory-curve 
much interest for the psycho-analyst in connection with hys- 
terical conversion? 

Some of the most fruitful results have been obtained in 
experimental-phonetics by the study of " respiratory-curves." 
A graphic representation of the stutterer's peculiarities of 
breathing may indicate the true difficulty in obscure cases. 

The study of respiratory-curves is most satisfying, and 
Scripture has devoted much time to it. With this statement 
we have come to the place where an insight into his method 
will be the next step. 


The Scripture Method 

Scripture has utilized psycho-analytic principles to re-en- 
force a melody-cure of stuttering. 4 We are asked to think of 
stuttering as " a diseased state of mind," as a serious disturb- 
ance whose cause is "purely mental," below the threshold of 
consciousness, and hence unknown to the sufferer. Since it 
is quite possible that conflicting desires may delay, or prevent, 
a cure, therefore his self-concealed motives must be lured 
from their place of retreat, and the physician must make the 
patient acquainted with himself. Consciously he may wish 
to be cured; subconsciously, not. The reason may be sur- 
prisingly simple. Thus Scripture suggests that an extremely 
timid person instinctively may seize upon stuttering in order 
to secure much loved solitude. Certainly, — a human being in 
an infantile stage of development may take such means to an 
end; and it should not be forgotten that stuttering begins in 
most cases so early in life — it may even appear when a child 
is but two years of age — that the mind has not yet been 
trained in discernment. Then by the time the stuttering is 
firmly fixed, the original motive for it has probably passed out 
of consciousness and cannot be produced upon inquiry. To 
establish in the patient a conscious connection with the in- 
fantile period of his existence is the most certain way to 
make his obstinate symptoms vanish when their true causes 
become known to him. This duty can only be performed 
through psycho-analysis. 

Liebmann explains the stutterer's fear as chiefly the cumu- 
lative effect of many " psychic insults," while Scripture ac- 
counts for the anxiety as due "partly to past failures, and 
partly to underlying causes " well worth painstaking search. 
He mentions fear, anxiety, embarrassment, etc. — but he 
seems to prefer the milder term " timidity " to describe the 
stutterer's attitude toward his environment. Whether timidity 
comes from stuttering or stuttering from timidity is a ques- 
tion which Scripture answers in favor of the latter view. 
First he writes : " It may well be that timidity is the basis on 
which stuttering arises. If this be true, stuttering would then 
be a condition in which timidity shows itself by a peculiarity 
of speech." (S. & L., p. 39.) Further on he concludes, — 
"■ Stuttering is therefore a diseased state of mind which arises 
from excessive timidity," etc. (S. & L., p. 41.) But why do 
not all timid people stutter? Why do not neurasthenics and 
psychasthenics have speech-difficulty, when their mental con- 
dition is often found to be similar to that of the stutterer? 

4 See "Stuttering and Lisping" by E. W. Scripture, Ph. D. (Leipsic), 
M. D. (Munich). Macmillan Co., New York, 1912. 


Scripture says, — " When the normal speech-mechanism is 
strong, the psychasthenic impulse must find some other out- 
let." (S. & L., p. 41.) Here we recall the recognized fact 
that little girls learn to talk at an earlier age than little boys 
and speak more fluently. The normal speech-mechanism of 
the normal little girl is remarkably strong. May not this 
indicate why girls are more likely to become hysteria-subjects 
than stutterers? In a comparatively recent article Fletcher 5 
gives the following as one reason for rejecting psycho-analysis 
in the treatment of stuttering. He writes, — " The hysterical 
conditions supposed to be caused by the suppression of the 
sexual complexes seem to be more characteristic of females 
than of males, while stuttering is many times more common 
in males than in females." (p. 244.) But Stekel speaks of 
stuttering as " eine Form der Angsthysterie." 

Could not stuttering be considered the equivalent (the sub- 
stitute) among males for hysteria among females? 

Now even though Scripture has referred to timidity as 
" the basis upon which stuttering arises," yet he places anxiety 
(fear, embarrassment) second in the list of symptoms. There 
we find named first — " psychic hypertonicity and spasms of 
the muscles of speech." Moreover this overtension appears 
only when the stutterer intends to speak. Also, if he is un- 
heard — or thinks himself so — he has little or no difficulty in 
giving oral expression to what is passing through his mind. 
Scripture's observation confirms that of Liebmann, but is 
contrary to Gutzmann's. Scripture reports, — " When a stut- 
terer who has become so accustomed to me that he speaks 
perfectly in my presence, is placed at the telephone, he will 
continue to speak perfectly as long as he sees my finger on 
the switch that cuts it off ; the moment it is removed he knows 
that ' central ' will hear him and he begins to stutter." (S. & 
L., p. 36.) He must be virtually alone. Scripture calls atten- 
tion to the existence of these stutter-symptoms only in the 
presence of other people. So the stutterer's retiring disposi- 
tion is explained as either a natural inclination, or as a meas- 
ure of self-protection. 

More or less severe cramps or spasms of the speech-muscles 
are the most distressing symptoms of stuttering; and to re- 
move this over- tension is the object of the " melody-cure/' 
In this method as in others, the normal speaking-voice is 
approached by way of the singing-voice. The patient's high- 
strung, emotional condition must be relieved by practice in 
general relaxation, and there must be exercises to correct 

5 See "An Experimental Study of Stuttering," by John Madison 
Fletcher, Amer. lour, of Psychology, April, 1914, pp. 201-255. 


abnormal functioning. We find abdominal-cramps, dia- 
phragm-cramps, laryngeal-cramps ; indeed, cramps of all the 
muscles connected with speech. To overcome the first two 
hindrances to fluency, the patient is required to devote some 
time to calisthenics ; to practice control of the breath in sing- 
ing, reading, and speaking; and to make frequent use of the 
" octave-twist " which will be described presently. Scripture 
says, — " The abnormality in breathing usually disappears 
when the stutterer speaks with the octave-twist. (S. & L., 

p. 85.) 

The stutter-voice, being caused by laryngeal cramps, is char- 
acterized by the monotonous laryngeal tone which we are as- 
sured is present in every case of stuttering. " For when the 
muscles cannot have free action, the vocal-cords in vibrating 
must produce hard, unmusical tones." To correct this there 
are many fine melody-exercises where words and sentences 
are sung or spoken with every possible variation of pitch. 
The " octave-twist " is recommended, in particular, for flexi- 

In the octave-twist the laryngeal tone passes over an octave 
while the first important vowel of a word is being given. In 
doing this the voice changes from the c/^.rt-register to the 
head-register ; this exercise forces the patient to make a new 
adjustment of the vocal-cords, thus relaxing the muscles. 
Scripture cautions that it will not be easy and the patient will 
probably fall short, going only from C to G — but unless he 
reaches the full octave there will be no benefit. (See p. 79, 
S. & L.) This is doubtless an excellent exercise; the patient 
cannot help feeling very self-conscious, however, and imagin- 
ing himself an object of ridicule. 

There are numerous exercises for general indistinctness and 
for expression. The use of the breath-indicator is a help 
toward securing perfect enunciation. The lips, the tongue, 
the jaw, all must be relieved of muscular tension, so directions 
are given for that. In reading there is the familiar linking 
of words and lengthening of the first vowel, or else giving it 
with the octave-twist. 

After the patient is able to repeat anything said by the 
instructor, and to read well with him, then spontaneous speech 
and self-confidence are to be developed. Scenes-from-life 
form part of the play that is nevertheless work for the stut- 
terer. He takes the different roles in turn. There is no lack 
of variety, though he may have a hard time. Question and 
answer, descriptions and narrations, also reading alone — these 
things foster independence and a degree of self-assertion 
hitherto foreign to his shrinking self. Scripture thinks that 


the boldness or indifference exhibited by some stutterers is 
only a kind of bravado to cover up timidity. 

Soon the patient is obliged to show what he can do before 
other people. He plays store, sells tickets, introduces people 
to each other, plays games, recites poems, delivers speeches, 
etc. A strong, commanding voice is cultivated by shouting, 
by speaking through a megaphone, or by the use of a private 

Not a few stutterers are lively beyond bounds. Such chil- 
dren need to be suppressed, to be shown how to control them- 
selves. They speak with too great haste. They must be re- 
quired to speak slowly — in time to the metronome, or to the 
beating of sticks. Reading with prolonged vowels is good 
practice for these excited, over-impulsive patients. Above all 
things they must learn to keep silence — not to interrupt other 
people when they are talking, and not to take more than a 
fair share of the conversation. 

In contrast to these emotional jumping Jacks come the 
representatives of the other extreme of feeling. These pa- 
tients are shy, timid, ashamed or afraid to speak — and many 
of them are tearful and depressed. In cases of this kind the 
first essential to cure is a hopeful and cheerful frame of mind. 
Encouragement must be given even up to the breaking-point 
of truth — but not beyond, never beyond, lest confidence break 

Throughout the treatment one thing should go along paral- 
lel with all the other efforts. The stutterer's habits of thought 
must be changed. It is quite apparent that his mental action 
is abnormal most of the time. The least excitement throws 
him into a state of confusion. When asked a question, he 
simply cannot think. He cannot concentrate his mind upon 
anything. He does not know what he wants to say. His 
hesitating thought makes hesitating speech. By degrees, how- 
ever, it is possible, at the cost of infinite patience, to alter this. 
A stutterer can be trained to observe carefully, describe ac- 
curately, think quickly, decide promptly, keep to the subject 
chosen, and to be sure of what he knows. It is not necessary 
to enter into details as to how this is accomplished; but one 
exercise in association-of-ideas is of interest as leading up to 
the " Jung Association Test." The exercise is given " to 
quicken mental processes " and help the stutterer to go di- 
rectly to the point every time. The first call is for simple 
association. Ex. — Flower, rose. The next step is association 
in a series. Ex. — Garden, flowers, seeds, roots, earth, etc. 
The third request is for association of part to whole. Ex. — 
Lumber, house, — or from whole to part — Ex. — Room, floor. 


From words suggesting other words — under partial control, 
as one might say, it is a near matter to let the patient take 
" a starter " and move along as inclined. These running asso- 
ciations are eagerly followed in the hope of obtaining clews 
to the life-mysteries which influence conduct. The final but 
ever-present purpose is to modify or to remove peculiarities 
of character very obvious to the family and friends of the 
stutterer. This real education deals with his repressed nat- 
ural instincts, with his emotional history from babyhood, with 
his conscious and his unconscious aims, with his attitude to- 
ward other people and toward himself, with his fancies, and 
with his dreams. In their interpretation the subconscious re- 
gion of the mind is explored ; and a new map of the divided 
country is laid out for the edification of the ego. As psycho- 
analytic patients will testify — after such a view of the land, 
we not only " see ourselves as others see us," but we see 
everything within ourselves; and that what we accuse others 
of being, that is largely what we are. 

Revelations so wonderful as to be almost incredible must 
" make a new man " of the patient, if there is anything left 
when these labors are ended. At any rate whether there be 
much or little, he may make a new beginning with what he 
has. He may pluck up courage and go forward relieved of 
his burden. He always could sing; and now it will be the 
praises of psycho-analysis. 



By William H. Burnham 

A suitable temperature is absolutely essential for the life 
of the human organism. If our bodies are subjected to too 
low a temperature for a long period without protection, the 
nervous system shows symptoms of paralysis, and finally 
death ensues. If the body is exposed to a high temperature 
for a long time, especially with great humidity, which hinders 
the evaporation from the skin and the cooling off by this 
means, then the body temperature rises and serious nervous 
symptoms may appear, at first a feeling of discomfort and 
sleepiness, and finally heatstroke. 

The body is usually kept in a temperature of about 90 F. 
by the clothing that we wear. That is, the temperature of 
the surrounding air under our clothing is about 90 . This 
is a tropical temperature, and we regulate this as we go to- 
ward the tropics by wearing less clothing; as we go toward 
the arctic regions, by wearing more clothing. With the usual 
metabolism and this covering of clothing more heat is pro- 
duced than the body needs. Thus it is a matter of vital con- 
cern to the welfare of the organism to eliminate the super- 
fluous heat. An elaborate and wonderful mechanism exists 
for this purpose. Nature's method is in part as follows : 
First of all in an overheated atmosphere the tendency is for 
one to stretch out the limbs and take a bodily posture that 
will expose the maximum surface to the air. A special nerve 
center rushes the blood to the surface of the body so that it 
can be cooled off by contact with the external air, the blood 
being at a temperature usually less than that of the surround- 
ing atmosphere. Again, if the heat is extreme, perspiration 
occurs, and still further heat is thrown off by the elimination 
of moisture from the lungs. The success or failure of the 
body in accomplishing this purpose depends quite as much 
on the humidity of the external air as on its temperature. 
The relation of humidity to bodily comfort, however, although 
an essential part of the problem of temperature is another 
story which cannot be told in the present paper. 

The well-accepted view is that the body temperature re- 
mains constant at 98 6-10 F. or 37 ° Cent. This, however, 


is only an extremely rough statement of what is true of the 
interior of the body, perhaps on an average at certain times 
in the day; but the variations at different times of the day, 
and with different individuals, and with the same individual 
on different days, are great. These conditions should be con- 
sidered somewhat especially. 

i. The body temperature fluctuates through a considerable 
range during the day, the minimum temperature being at night 
and in the early morning hours, and the maximum tempera- 
ture early in the afternoon. This is well illustrated by ex- 
periments made by Benedict and Carpenter (3). They and 
other observers found a range of variation during the 24 
hours of several degrees Fahrenheit. They found the mini- 
mum from 3 to 5 in the morning, a marked rise at about 7 
o'clock, a slow steady rise during the daytime, reaching the 
highest point in the afternoon between 3 and 6, then an even- 
ing fall with marked falling temperature after going to bed, 
the minimum being reached again between 3 and 5 in the 
morning. Thus it becomes important to know the normal 
physiological facts for each individual. This is apparently 
independent in large degree of the activity of the subjects. 
Polimanti (28) studied the body temperature of individuals 
who worked at night and slept in the daytime, and he found 
that in spite of their night work there was a similar fall in 
the body temperature during the night. Apparently, if we 
may trust these investigations, this change of body tempera- 
ture represents an old biological rhythm which is determined 
by something deeper than the alternating activity of sleeping 
and waking hours. 

2. Again there is a considerable range of variation of the 
body temperature from one day to another. With one of 
Benedict's subjects the range varied from 1.27 C, 2.29 F. 
on the first day to .93° C, 1.67 F., on the second day. Similar 
variations in the fluctuations from day to day were observed 
with other subjects. 

3. Two individuals may differ considerably in regard to 
their average body temperature. The standard taken as the 
average, namely, 98.6, iBenedict and Carpenter estimate as 
too high. The body temperature throughout the day seldom 
averages as high as this. Most physicians take the sublingual 
temperature, and that is usually too high. 

4. The body temperature varies to an appreciable extent 
with variations in the surrounding temperature. The New 
York Commission (22) found that the temperature of the 
subjects studied at 8 in the morning, living in their own 
homes, was conditioned by the average atmospheric tempera- 


ture of the preceding night. If the night had been warm, the 
body temperature in the morning was high; if cool, the body 
temperature was low. The variation amounted to about i° F. 
for 20° of atmospheric temperature, although probably the 
variation was modified by clothing. 

" The commission further found (22, p. 185) that, whatever 
the bodily temperature of its subjects might be at the begin- 
ning of an experiment, it was lowered by confinement in an 
atmosphere of 20 C. (68° F.) and 50 per cent, relative 
humidity, and raised by confinement at 23.9 C. (75 F.) 
with the same humidity, or still more by 30 C. (86° F.) with 
80 per cent, humidity. The final average bodily temperatures 
in certain series of observations, where the subjects were con- 
fined in the observation chamber for from 4 to 7 hours, were 
as follows: 

" After 20 C. (68° F.), 50 per cent, humidity, the average 
bodily temperature was 36.7 s C. (98° F.). 

"After 23.9 C. (75° F.), 50 per cent, humidity, the aver- 
age bodily temperature was 36.9 C. (98.5 F.). 

"After 30 C. (86° F.), 80 per cent, humidity, the average 
bodily temperature was 374° C. (99.3 F.)." 

With an increase in the external temperature there is likely 
to be a rise in the body temperature, and this is accompanied 
by an increase in metabolism. Up to a certain optimum this 
increases the activity and efficiency of the organism. Beyond 
that, the increase in metabolism caused by increase in tem- 
perature brings about a condition where the oxidation and 
elimination processes are not sufficient to carry of! the waste 
products with the necessary rapidity, toxic products accumu- 
late, and thus fatigue comes quickly. 

Recent studies indicate that the cause of heat stroke and 
sunstroke is an abnormal change in metabolism. There is 
apparently not merely a more rapid breaking down of tissue, 
but the effect of the toxic products produced is greater. 
Many experimental investigations indicate this. Patrizi (21) 
found that human muscles subjected to hot baths are quickly 
fatigued. Gad and Heymans (21) found that the excised 
muscles of frogs are rapidly fatigued when kept warm. In 
fevers resulting from bacterial infection one of the metabolic 
changes is an increased excretion of nitrogen, due, it is 
thought, to an increased destruction of the proteins of the 
tissues, probably caused largely by the direct action of the 
higher temperature upon them. A similar destruction of 
proteins is thought to occur as a result of hot baths, and 
the like. It seems probable also that in the overheating that 
results from exposure to a hot and humid atmosphere there 


are likewise disturbances of metabolism. Different investi- 
gators have found that when the temperature of the body has 
been raised either experimentally, or otherwise, the alkalinity 
and coagulability of the blood may be diminished. 

Again it seems to be a recognized law that poisons are 
more intense in their action the higher the temperature. Dr. 
Lee (21) has applied this law to the action of fatigue toxins 
in the body. 

" There seems to be no reason," he says (21, p. 509), " why 
this law should not apply to the case under consideration. 
This suggestion has indeed been made for normal fatigue 
substances by Patrizi to explain the ready fatigueability of 
human muscles submitted to localized hot baths. With even 
greater weight it can be applied to the human being laboring 
under the disadvantageous conditions of excessive tempera- 
ture and excessive humidity. Normal and pathological fa- 
tigue substances are here present in solution in an overheated 
body. If they are toxic at normal degrees of temperature, 
their toxicity is more pronounced at higher degrees, and in 
proportion as mechanical work is performed and internal 
temperature rises, the more is working power lessened." 

The external temperature has a definite effect also on the 
rate of the heart beat. " The New York Commission found 
the average rate of its subjects confined in an atmosphere of 
30 C. (86° F.) and 80 per cent, relative humidity to be 74, 
and in an atmosphere of 20 C. (68° F.) and 50 per cent, hu- 
midity to be 66. Eastman and I have seen the pulse rate in- 
crease by 39 — from 67 to 106 — as the temperature of the air 
surrounding the subject rose from 23. 3 to 43.3 C. (74 to 
no° F.) and the humidity from 50 to 90 per cent." (22, p. 


One fact is clearly established. For comfort, for efficient 
activity either physical or mental, for the preservation of life 
itself, it is necessary to eliminate the superfluous heat from 
the body. Whenever this is interfered with by improper cloth- 
ing or by confining an individual in a small space without 
ventilation, accumulation of heat in the body, or Warme- 
stauung, as the Germans call it, occurs. This fact gives us 
the prime reason for ventilation. It is necessary first of all 
to ventilate rooms, not because of the excess of CO2 that is 
found where individuals are confined in an enclosed space, not 
on account of the lack of oxygen, not primarily because of 
any organic posion, the socalled anthropotoxin of Du Bois- 
Reymond, but first of all to enable the occupants of a room 
to eliminate the superfluous heat from their bodies. This has 
been made emphatic by recent investigations. 


Especially noteworthy are the experiments of Paul (25 and 
27) in Fliigge's laboratory in Breslau. Paul shut himself up 
in a glass cabinet just large enough for his body and a few 
simple instruments, and he breathed the same air over and 
over until it contained more CO 2 than would be found in 
the worst schoolrooms or theatres; but he could remain in 
this glass case without discomfort for over four hours, pro- 
vided the temperature was not above 6o° and the humidity 
not more than 72% of saturation. On the other hand when 
the temperature was raised to between 68° and 86° and the 
humidity was between J2% and 92% serious symptoms ap- 
peared in 15 minutes. He measured the surface temperature 
of his body and found that with this increase in the temper- 
ature of the air the temperature of his body had increased; 
and when it was raised 3 degrees, he felt a pressure like a 
band across his forehead, he suffered headache, vertigo, and 
nausea, and was on the verge of fainting. 

That these symptoms were not due to lack of oxygen, or to 
" breath poison ", or the like, was shown also by the fact that 
when the temperature had increased to 70 he put his head 
out of the cabinet, but it did him no good; and a man out- 
side put his head into the cabinet, but it did him no harm. 
The danger comes largely from the storing of heat in the body. 
On the same principle it is said that if you sew a cat's head 
into a football, she will be none the worse for it ; put her body 
into the football and leave her head outside and she will have 
a fit. (25) 

The cases of fainting in public assemblies are instructive. 
Why, asks Dr. Northrup, (25) does a woman faint in the 
second or third act of a play and not in the first or fourth? 
His answer is that " when she goes into the theater the air 
is not surcharged with moisture. She is not overheated. She 
does not faint in the last act because people have complained 
and have secured a change of air. In the second or third 
act there is bad air." If in addition to the heated air of a 
crowded room one has the additional heat that comes from 
extra clothing, the condition is of course still worse. The 
following case reported recently in a Boston daily paper is a 
typical one. It was the case of a young man twenty years 
old attending a political rally. The report in the daily paper 
was as follows : " Quinlan, clad in a heavy overcoat, attended 
a rally at the Vine Street Church in the interest of John F. 
Fitzgerald. The crowd was wedged together closely, and the 
young man became faint. He was removed to the open. A 
doctor was summoned and pronounced Quinlan overcome by 
the heat/' 


If too high a temperature is combined with stagnant, impure 
air, the brain simply refuses to function. 

A number of writers since Paul's investigations, Benedict, 
Hough, and Gulick and others in this country, and Reichen- 
bach in Germany, have laid the chief emphasis on the temper- 
ature in relation to ventilation. According to their view the 
chief aim of ventilation is to keep the temperature within 
normal limits. At all events this is the primary aim. It is 
desirable, of course, to remove bad odors and excess of moist- 
ure, and the like ; but if we keep the temperature and humidity 
within the proper limits there is apt to be little trouble with 
anything else. 

In the words of the Ventilation Commission " the thermo- 
meter is the first essential in estimating the success of ventila- 
tion." (34, p. 631.) 

As pointed out by Professor Hough (16) lack of suitable 
conditions for regulating the temperature of the body affects 
unfavorably the occupants of closed rooms, and any efforts 
at ventilation which neglect this primary problem are sure 
to fail, and those that provide for it are sure to be measurably 

There appears to be an optimum temperature for the activi- 
ties of all organisms, for the human organism as well as for 
that of plants and animals. Dr. Huntington (17) has pre- 
sented curves showing this optimum for the activities of lower 
organisms as well as of man, and it is noteworthy that the 
higher the organism the lower the optimum temperature. 

Huntington's curves show approximate temperature optima 
for mental energy in human beings at about 40 F. ; for mental 
and physical energy combined at 50 F. ; for physical energy 
at 6o° F. ; for the absorption of oxygen by crayfish at 74 or 
75 F. ; for the rate of fission of infusoria at 83 F. ; for 
the growth of plants at 85 ° or 86° F. 

The question whether the temperature of the body itself 
has any appreciable influence on the ability to do mental work 
and whether or not the temperature is correlated with the 
degree of intelligence has been a problem; but recent studies 
in Karl Pearson's laboratory indicate that there is no correla- 
tion between the physiological temperature, the respiration, 
pulse, and other physiological variates, and the mental char- 
acter. Two studies have been made, one of the oral tem- 
peratures in school children, and one of criminals. Miss 
Whiting, who made the latter study, found that the general 
physical condition has little relation to the physiological 
variates. She sums up her conclusions in part as follows : 

" In a person, not ill enough for hospital treatment, tern- 


perature, pulse, and respiration would hardly be a differential 
measure of general health, much less of the goodness or bad- 
ness of the physique in general. It is true that the person 
in good health has a rather higher temperature and rather 
lower pulse-rate than one in poor or indifferent health. But 
there is no significant difference in respiration and the cor- 
relations are so low that not only no rough measures of tem- 
perature and pulse would aid diagnosis, but really fine numeri- 
cal determinations would not be of any discriminating value. In 
capacity for hard labour the pulse plays no part, but it is 
associated with a slightly higher temperature and a slightly 
slower respiration. Muscularity is associated with higher 
temperature, slower pulse and slower respiration. Fatness 
with higher respiration and pulse, but has no apparent rela- 
tion to temperature. Height and weight also have no sensible 
relation to temperature, the larger men have a slower respira- 
tion, but the effect of tallness is to slacken pulse, of greater 
weight to quicken it. Pulse and respiration quicken with age, 
but temperature falls. In every case, however, these associa- 
tions are so small that they would be incapable of apprecia- 
tion except as the mean results of large numbers of accurate 
records. For ordinary every day* experience we can only 
conclude that nothing can be judged from the physio- 
logical variates of physique or from physique of the physio- 
logical variates." (32, p. 16.) 

Miss Whiting sums up also as follows the investigation of 
school children by Williams, Bell and Pearson. (33) " It was 
shown that in a series of seven schools temperature was nega- 
tively correlated with weight for constant age, and further in 
six out of the seven school series negatively correlated with 
stature for constant age. The correlations were on the whole 
small, but definitely significant. In the great public schools 
the temperature appeared, allowing for age, to be lower than 
in the elementary schools. An association was thus suggested 
between intelligence and temperature, the more intelligent 
having the lower temperature. This result might well be 
considered as spurious, and due to differences of nature, 
particularly to differences of nutrition. On the other hand 
various writers have asserted that low temperatures are as- 
sociated with low intelligence, and it is usually stated that the 
temperature of idiots is lower than that of normals." 

Apparently, however, there is an optimum temperature for 
brain activity as well as for other physical activities. The 
writers in Richet's dictionary (2) think it certain that the 
activity of the brain and the medulla is affected when the 
temperature of the body rises or sinks. According to what 


has been observed in men and animals affected with severe 
heat or cold, the suppression of function of the different parts 
of the central nervous system follows in general the follow- 
ing order: first, the intellectual faculties; second, voluntary 
movements; third, sensibility; fourth, motility; fifth, the in- 
nervation of the vegetative life. Important variations in the 
irritability of the nerve cells follow the same sequence. 

As pointed out by Frohlich (8) a series of factors are 
responsible for the injury to the nervous system by overheat- 
ing the body; among these is a decrease of the amount of 
water in the blood, and an increase of the mineral salts. This 
condition increases the irritability of the nervous system, and 
with this the intensity of the metabolic processes. If we add 
to this, mental or physical work, then the oxygen supply is 
not adequate. The nervous system is so strongly affected that 
it loses its functional ability very rapidly. And Lee (22) 
points out that " the rise of external temperature by dilating 
the cutaneous blood vessels makes the brain anaemic, but it is 
not certain that variations in such temperature with or with- 
out variation in humidity markedly affect the action of the 
nerve tissues unless the variations are excessive." 

There are of course great individual differences as regards 
the effects of temperature; here as everywhere a psychic 
factor must be reckoned with ; and many conditions cooperate 
in determining what is called the " sensible temperature." 
This has been studied and discussed by a number of writers. 
According to Cleveland Abbe, ( 1 ) " the sensation of temper- 
ture depend- on the temperature of the air, its dryness, the 
velocity of the wind, and the suddenness of atmospheric 
changes, all combined with the physiological condition of the 
observer. A complete expression of sensible temperature has 
not yet been obtained." 

This socalled sensible temperature probably depends largely 
on the peripheral stimulation. And, as Dr. Gulick (10) has 
pointed out, there may be an advantage in changes of tempera- 
ture within certain limits. To quote his words: 

" It is an important fact, then, that man has never existed 
in an environment having a stable temperature. The changes 
of day and night, of sun and cloud, of wind and rain, of sum- 
mer and winter have been productive of constant change in 
the temperature. Although man has engaged h;imself in 
guarding himself against such changes as are too great for 
comfort or health, by seeking or avoiding sunlight, utilizing 
the coolness of water, the protection of clothing, creating 
defenses against hot or cold winds, still, till the invention of 
the thermostat, such efforts mitigated the extremes of tempera- 
ture rather than did away with change itself. Change in 


temperature within certain general limitations seems to be one 
of the fundamental general facts about man's environment." 

These limits, however, are pretty narrow, and outside of 
these limits it is not only true that danger to health soon 
comes; but there is probably an optimum for efficient brain 
activity. Recalling that excess of heat affects the brain centers 
first, it would seem probable that while extreme heat destroys 
one's ability to think, any increase in temperature above the 
optimum for the given individual would tend to decrease the 
amount of work done. We know relatively little about this, 
and individual variations are probably great, some persons 
being able to work at their best at a higher temperature than 
others. Unfortunately we have no studies which show the 
optimum doses of temperature for different kinds of work 
in case of different individuals. While the experimental evi- 
dence is somewhat conflicting, apparently there is such an 
optimum for each individual, and perhaps for different kinds 
of mental work. 

Schuyten, (29) who studied (by a crude method to be 
sure, i. e., the apparent ability to keep attention fixed on a 
school task in reading) the attention of school children in 
the schools of Antwerp for a whole academic year, found that 
the number of inattentive children stood in direct relation to 
the mean temperature, of Central Europe, the greatest num- 
ber being in the hot summer months. 

Huntington (17) also in his study of the work done by 
factory operatives in Connecticut found an annual course of 
production, low at the beginning of the year and falling still 
lower until the end of January, with a gradual increase 
throughout the spring until June, and a moderate decrease 
until the end of July. An increase in the autumn to a maxi- 
mum in November, and then a winter decrease to the mini- 
mum in January. That is, production was greatest in the 
spring and autumn and at a minimum in winter and summer. 
A similar result was found among the workers in making 
electrical apparatus in Pittsburgh, and also by industrial work- 
ers in the southern states. 

These results which seem to indicate an optimum tempera- 
ture for industrial workers, not in the summer or in the winter, 
was corroborated by a study of the marks of students at West 
Point and Annapolis in certain classes, especially in mathe- 
matics. Huntington concludes that the optimum temperature 
of the outside air for physical work is about 6o° F. ; for mental 
work, about 40 F. 

Some studies having a bearing on the effect of the tempera- 
ture in general upon school work have been made. 

Dexter (7) found that a high temperature diminished the 


number of bad marks given both in schools in New York City 
and Denver, but he did not make any special study of the 
amount of work done. " High temperatures, as recorded at 
the Weather Bureau, did not increase, but rather diminished 
the number of bad marks given, both in the schools of New 
York City and Denver. The largest excesses of demerits 
(twenty per cent) were for temperatures between 45 and 60 
degrees (mean), falling to fifty per cent less than normal for 
those between 80 and 90 degrees." (7, p. 547.) 

His studies indicate the advantage of a low temperature for 
the discipline of the school, although excessive temperature 
also had a quieting effect. He describes a control investiga- 
tion as follows: 

" As a supplementary study, the deportment was referred 
to the temperature of the school room itself, which is observed 
and recorded by the teacher in each of the New York City 
Schools at three stated intervals during each day's session. 
The recorded temperatures of the different rooms varied from 
60 to 80 degrees Fahr. Within these limits, those below 68 
degrees were accompanied by less misdemeanors than the 
normal, hence may be interpreted as quieting in effect; those 
from 69 to 73 degrees showed about the normal, while, the 
highest temperatures recorded were accompanied by deficiency 
of disorder, twenty per cent less than the normal being re- 
corded for a school room temperature of 79 degrees. This 
decrease of active disorder for conditions of most excessive 
heat was shown to a marked degree in a study of assault, 
suicide, and discipline in the penitentiary made in a manner 
similar to this, and without question is but a result of the 
physical lassitude which every one feels under such tempera- 
ture, and is chronic with the inhabitants of the Torrid Zone." 

A few investigations have been made to determine the effect 
of different degrees of temperature in the school-room on the 
working ability of the children. Observations were made a 
few years ago in three schoolrooms where sixth grade pupils 
studied in Crawfordsville, Indiana. Supt. Hines (13) reports 
the following notes in regard to the effects of different 

Temperature of 80 degrees, the class was restless, dull and 
incapable of continued mental effort; j6 degrees, the class 
was dull and sleepy, penmanship was poor; 75 degrees, class 
was dull and complained of the heat ; 74 degrees, not quite so 
dull as above ; J2 degrees, restless ; 70 degrees, excellent work, 
cheerfulness in class ; 68 degrees, best work, to-day seemed 
their best; 66 degrees, splendid work; 65 degrees, class 
happy and full of work, some complained about the 


room's being cold ; 60 degrees, too cold for good work, com- 
plained of the cold. 

Tests were also made which although crude indicate the 
general advantage of a lower temperature than what is usual 
in the schools. The first is reported as follows (13, p. no) : 

On the first day of the test,- one room was held for an hour 
at a temperature of 80 degrees, the second at 75 degrees, and 
the third at 70 degrees. At the end of the hour a list of words 
for written spelling was given to each set of pupils, the same 
list in all three rooms. The average of the class on this list 
in the room at 80 degrees was 58.8; 75 degrees, JJ) 70 de- 
grees, 78.2. The cooler the room, the better the average. The 
difference here between 70 and 80 degrees in temperature 
caused a difference in scholarship average of 20 per cent. 

Similar tests on succeeding days with the same temperature 
in each of the different rooms gave about the same averages, 
so that the varying results in the first day's test seem to be 
fairly attributed to the differences in temperature. 

Another interesting test is reported as follows (13, p. 112) : 
Another test of the effect of temperature was made in three 
third grade rooms. One of these rooms, because of a defective 
heating apparatus which failed to do the work required and 
was therefore being rebuilt, had for the period of about eight 
weeks a temperature averaging 66 degrees. One of the other 
two rooms had an average temperature of 70 degrees, and 
the third one about 71 degrees. Toward the close of this 
period, tests in arithmetic and English were given. The pupils 
in the coolest room received the best grades in both cases. 
There had been times when the one room was too cold for 
good work, but there never had been a time when the brains 
of the children were dulled because of the excessive heat. The 
children of the other rooms were listless at times because of 
the heat. During a good part of this time the pupils in the 
cool room attended only a half day while the others attended 
all day. In spite of (or on account of) the half day attend- 
ance, the pupils in the cool room excelled those in the hot 
rooms who attended all day. 

Lehmann and Pedersen (23) have come to closer quarters 
with the problem by experimental methods. They made tests 
of their subjects' ability to add each morning either directly 
before or after dynamometric tests, adding seven columns of 
fifty one-place numbers. The dependence of the rapidity of 
adding on the strength of the light or of the air pressure was 
not shown ; but of all the external factors temperature was 
the one that did have a demonstrable influence. All such 
factors, as the food taken, the work done the preceding day, 


the sleep, and so on, did have a greater influence on adding 
than on the muscular strength, but none of these seemed to 
have any such influence as the temperature. There appeared 
to be distinctly an optimum temperature for the best per- 
formance in adding; with a lower temperature or higher 
temperature less work could be done in a given time, or more 
strictly, the amount added in a given time was decreased. 

Their studies indicate that the different mental functions 
are differently affected by the different factors in the weather. 
Memory performance seems to be dependent upon light, 
temperature, and atmospheric pressure; but as regards the 
process of adding they found only a dependence on the tem- 
perature. The results show that the rapidity in adding is 
influenced neither by the intensity of light nor by the smaller 
or larger or shorter or longer continuing variations in air pres- 
sure. On the other hand, it is dependent on the temperature, 
in such a way that it increases if the temperature approaches 
a certain optimum varying for the individual and it sinks 
when the temperature varies from the optimum. 

Their investigations of the muscular strength in relation to 
the temperature are also significant. They found that there 
was an optimum temperature for the muscular strength, this 
optimum varying with the individual. This optimum tempera- 
ture for the muscular strength is higher than for the mental 
work of adding. Both higher as well as lower temperatures 
decrease one's strength. There is a yearly periodic variation. 
In January in spite of the low temperature the muscular 
strength begins to increase with the intensity of the light, and 
this increase continues until the high temperature of the sum- 
mer months in June to August brings about a standstill. With 
the sinking of the temperature in September the muscular 
strength begins to increase again; and at the beginning of 
November, finally, on account of the decrease of the intensity 
of the light and the decrease of the temperature, the increase 
is checked or a decrease occurs. 

It is especially interesting that the optimum temperature 
for adding is much lower than it is for muscular strength. 
Why a lower temperature should be more favorable for 
adding than for muscular strength is not known, but the 
fact seems to be established by Lehmann and Pedersen's 

The most serious attempt at investigating the effect of 
temperature conditions on intellectual workers in this country 
has been made by the New ,York State Commission on 
ventilation in their laboratories at the College of the City of 
New York during the past few years (22, 26, 30, 34). The 


observations were based on nearly one hundred individuals 
for continuous periods of one to six weeks, from four to eight 
hours daily. From the report of their results made about a 
year and a half ago the effects of changes of temperature 
seem to be as follows : 

Temperature they found exerts a marked influence on com- 
fort. Temperature affects markedly certain physiological 
reactions, but within the range of from 68-86° F., the Com- 
mission did not find that it effects the ability to do mental 
work. It did, however, influence the attractiveness of the 
mental tasks. 

The usual psychological tests were conducted by Thorn- 
dike (30) ; and in neither the young men or the young women 
who served as subjects could there be found any relation be- 
tween the atmospheric conditions and the amount of mental 
work done. Further experiments have been made, but no 
complete report is at hand. 

The results of Lehmann and Pedersen obtained in the 
laboratory, those found by Huntington in factories, and by 
the New York Commission, as well as the results of other 
investigations seem to indicate pretty clearly that the temper- 
ature is the most important of the different climatic factors 
in its influence upon human activity. 

If we attempt to analyze the effects of temperature on 
brain work, apparently temporary conditions of overheating 
do not greatly incapacitate the person for the normal amount 
of work, but cause such discomfort and distraction of atten- 
tion that the amount of work is decreased. For practical pur- 
poses this effect is as significant as if it were caused by the 
direct effect of the higher temperature on the brain. 

The contradiction between the results found by Leh- 
mann and Pedersen and those found by the New York 
Commission are apparently easily explained. The New York 
Commission found that when the subjects were allowed to 
work as they pleased their work fell off in the higher tempera- 
ture, and they showed a distinct disinclination to work. Their 
subjects were, as I understand, paid for their services and 
pledged to work as rapidly as possible. Consequently they 
usually worked hard in spite of the uncomfortable temper- 
ature, while the subjects of Lehmann and Pedersen and the 
children in the schools studied by Huntington were under no 
such stimulus to work as hard as possible, and consequently 
gave up to their feelings, as we may assume, and hence accom- 
plished less. The latter .condition is that likely to be found 
among ordinary workers, and especially among school 


It should be noted that investigations indicate that the 
younger the child the more susceptible the organism to changes 
in the temperature of the surrounding air. The child re- 
sponds more quickly to increase in temperature or decrease in 
temperature; and while within certain limits the child's body 
can equalize changes in temperature more readily than that of 
the adult, outside these limits the child is more affected than 
the adult. The reasons for this greater susceptibility of the 
child to changes in temperature are in part obvious. They 
depend on the smallness of the child's body. 

On account of the smallness of the child's body the reflex 
arcs are shorter and the vital processes go on more rapidly. 
The heart beat and respiration, for example, are much more 
rapid in the child than in the adult ; hence heat is more rapidly 
produced in the child's organism. The effect of this is seen 
in the high degree of fever likely to be caused by even a slight 
disturbance in case of the child. On the other hand, on 
account of the smallness of the child's body and the relatively 
greater surface of the child's body as compared with its 
weight, heat is given off from the body much more rapidly in 
the child. These two factors, the snorter reflex arcs, con- 
ditioning relatively greater production of heat in the child 
and the relatively large surface of the child's body making 
the elimination of heat more rapid, in large part account for 
the greater succeptibility of the child to changes of temper- 
ature. Children frequently suffer greatly from too large an 
amount of clothing, especially children on the cars and the 
like, where the heat is extreme, and parents do not take the 
trouble to remove the outside wraps that the children wear. 

The practical problem of the best temperature for a school- 
room should receive attention. Custom varies. In English 
schools probably the temperature is usually kept between 60 
and 65 ° Farenheit; in this country it varies usually between 
65 ° and 8o°. From observation it is probably safe to say that 
most American schoolrooms are over-heated. Recent observa- 
tions and tests in the schoolroom emphasize this. Hines (14) 
had reports from schools in different parts of this country, and 
he found : 

" The temperatures recorded ranged from 60 to j6 degrees 
Fahrenheit. The temperatures were taken down as shown 
by the thermometers in use in the schoolrooms. In all too 
many cases the schoolroom thermometer was cheap and inac- 
curate. One room was at 60 degrees, two at 64, ten at 66, 
thirteen at 67, three at 73, one at 75, and ten at j6 degrees. 
The great majority of rooms in which temperatures were 
taken, one hundred and forty-four, showed temperatures rang- 


ing from 68 to 72, with most of these at 70, which seems to be 
accepted standard temperatures for the American schoolroom 
where any attempt is made to regulate carefully the amount 
of heat in the room. A lower temperature would doubtless 
be better for all concerned." 

In New York schools Winslow (35, p. 226) reports : " We 
found schools in which the temperature in one school day 
ranged from 53 to 81 °; schools in which a third of all the 
records obtained were over 71 ° ; schools in which the temper- 
ature for several successive days was almost constantly be- 
tween 75 and 8o°." 

In some parts of the country many rural schools have no 
thermometers. In 1912 Dr. Dresslar (14, p. 12) reported that 
of 1,296 typical schools scattered over nineteen states two- 
thirds had no thermometers, and in the remaining one-third 
it was clear that many teachers knew next to nothing about 
keeping the schoolroom at a proper temperature, or else the 
conditions were such that they could not maintain an even 

We may perhaps conclude with Supt. Hines that with the 
right condition of humidity 68° is the proper temperature for 
a schoolroom. The practice in certain large cities is in accord 
with this standard. According to official regulations, the 
schoolroom temperature in Chicago and New York should 
be 68° instead of 70 as formerly. Tests in English 
schools (14) indicate that the best work can be done with a 
temperature in the sixties; and the outdoor schools bid fair 
to furnish evidence that the optimum temperature for school 
work is not above 6o°. At present, for indoor schools 68° 
may well be taken as the maximum limit. 

In many cases the overheating is a serious handicap upon 
school work. A case reported to me recently, by an intelligent 
school visitor was, as I recall it, in substance as follows: 
Both the teacher and the children had become nervous, school 
exercises went awry, the discipline and morale were failing, 
the school work both to the teacher and pupils was of little 
or no value from an academic point of view, but distinctly in- 
jurious from the point of view of hygiene. The teacher 
seemed to be a good one. The cause of the trouble 
was obviously the high temperature of the room, 75 or more. 
This is merely a typical case. What is needed in such school- 
rooms is not better discipline or more efficient methods, but 
chiefly a mere reduction of the schoolroom temperature. The 
condition of the ordinary schoolroom in this part of the 
country as regards temperature, not to mention minor matters 
such as school dust, bad odors, and the like, is often unpardon- 


able. The one reform which perhaps more than any other, 
except possibly greater cleanliness, is obviously needed in our 
schoolrooms, is a lower temperature. And when we reflect 
that decreasing the heat would not only increase the efficiency 
of the school work but decrease the money paid by the tax- 
payers, the question why this reform is not brought about 
remains one of the puzzles of school hygiene, and can be 
accounted for psychologically only on the basis of the force 
of custom and the power of the law of inertia. It is, how- 
ever, a difficult thing to obtain a suitable temperature in a 
schoolroom. In the first place, it is very difficult to arrange 
the system of heating and ventilating so that excess of temper- 
ature can be avoided. In the second place, lack of proper 
humidity makes children feel chilly even in a room with high 
temperature. Again, the carelessness and lack of hygienic 
apperception on the part of teachers is such that they often 
work in a room with excess of temperature without realizing 
it. And finally, and sometimes worst of all is the ignorance 
and inertia of janitors. 

The report has come to me of a janitor in a rural district 
who complained that he could keep the school room at the 
proper temperature all right if the teachers did not keep 
moving the thermometers about. In spite of all difficulties, 
however, the teacher should keep watch of the temperature, 
and if unable to regulate it herself report to the janitor or 
principal. If the overheating is not remedied, the teacher 
should report again, and keep reporting and protesting until 
that janitor, although he fear not God nor regard hygiene, 
may be wearied with her continual coming. 

The following significant results seem to be established by 
the investigations thus far. 

(i) The body temperature in a condition of health is ap- 
proximately 98 ° F., although with slight individual variations. 

(2) The body temperature varies rhythmically during the 
day, being lowest in the early morning, perhaps from 2 to 5, 
and increasing during the day and reaching its maximum in 
the afternoon, perhaps between 3 and 6, with a fall at night. 

(3) The body temperature varies also with the external 
temperature and with the clothing. The New York Com- 
mission for example, found that the morning temperature was 
in a considerable degree determined by the temperature of 
the preceding night, and that the temperature was lowered 
by confinement in an atmosphere of 68° F. and 50% relative 
humidity, and raised by confinement in an atmosphere of 75 ° 
F., and still more with an atmosphere of 86° F. with 80% 


(4) No considerable variation from the normal temperature 
can occur without serious results. It is vitally essential for 
the welfare of the organism to eliminate superfluous heat. 

(5) There is apparently an optimum temperature for all 
forms of activity, whether in lower organisms, animals, or 
man. For physical activity in man this is perhaps a temper- 
ature of outdoor air of 60 ° F. 

(6) There seems to be an optimum temperature for mental 
activity ; this perhaps for the outdoor air, 40 F. 

(7) The optimum temperature is different for different 
kinds of activity. The higher the organism the lower seems 
to be the optimum. The higher the form of activity, the lower 
apparently the optimum. The optimum for adding, for 
example, is distinctly lower than for muscular activity. 

(8) With a temperature below the optimum the metabolism 
is not sufficient for the most efficient activity. 

(9) With a temperature above the optimum the activity 
increases to such a degree that the organism is not capable 
of carrying on the necessary oxidation processes and of 
removing the waste products from the body with sufficient 
rapidity. These waste products act as poisons and diminish 
the activity, and fatigue quickly occurs. 

(10) The temperature seems to be the most important 
climatic factor in its influence upon comfort and activity both 
physical and mental. 

(11) Change from a high temperature to an atmosphere 
considerably colder, tends to render the organism susceptible 
to infection, as indicated by experiments upon rabbits. 

(12) The primary purpose of ventilation is to maintain 
an optimum temperature. 

(13) Considering the condition as regards temperature in 
most American homes, the optimum temperature for a school- 
room seems to be about 68° F., with a relative humidity of 
about 50 per cent. 

(14) The regulation of temperature is the most important 
condition for intellectual workers whether in the schoolroom 
or elsewhere. In many schools probably no condition is so 
injurious as the excess of temperature that usually occurs, 
and no schoolroom reform would do so much for comfort 
and efficiency and health as care to keep schoolrooms con- 
tinuously at an optimum temperature. 

(15) While, as indicated by the investigations of the New 
York Commission, under laboratory conditions, excess of 
temperature may not specially diminish the amount of mental 
work done, under schoolroom conditions the discomfort 
caused is likely to have a marked effect. 



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8. Frohlich, F. W. Leistungen des Nervensystems und seine 

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10. Gulick, L. H. Discussion of report of Committee on Variable 

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By H. A. Sprague, Supervisor of Practice, State Normal School, 

Newark, N. J. 

The purposes for making a score-card for rating student- 
teachers in training and practice are as follows : 

i. An analysis is presented of the qualities necessary for 
successful teaching and of the relation of these qualities to 
one another. 

2. In the hands of student-teachers this analysis will tend 
to promote self-criticism and self-improvement. 

3. In the hands of critic teachers this analysis will tend to 
promote their comprehensiveness of judgment in rating stu- 
dents' teaching efficiency. 

4. This outline may be used by critic teachers as a score- 
card for rating student-teachers in such a manner as to give 
a reasonable proportion of credit to each of the fundamental 

5. These ratings should designate points of strength and 
weakness in the student-teacher and should therefore prove 
valuable in guiding the principal, the supervisor, and the critic 
in their constructive work with the student-teacher. 

6. The records on the score-card may be used as a basis for 
recommending graduates for appointments. 

The qualities of merit enumerated on the score-card are 
organized about four main topics : 
I. Preparation. 
II. Teaching Skill. 

III. Classroom Management. 

IV. Personality. ! 

These topics were adopted after inspecting the studies of 
Boyce, 1 Miss Moses, 2 Ruediger and Strayer, 3 Boyce, 4 Littler, 5 

1 Qualities of Merit in Secondary School Teachers. Journal of 
Educational Psychology, March, 1912. 

2 Causes of Failures Among High School Teachers. School and 
Home Education, January, 1914. 

3 Qualities of Merit in Teachers- Journal of Educational Psychology, 
May, iqio. 

4 Methods for Measuring Teacher's Efficiency. Fourteenth Year- 
book of the National Society for the Study of Education, Pt. 2, pages 
11-20; 42-76. 

5 Causes of Failures Among Elementary School Teachers. School 
and Home Education, March, 1914. 


Buellesfield, 6 Elliott. 7 It is not possible to determine, with 
mathematical accuracy, the importance of the topics used in 
these different studies : first, because of the various meanings 
given to the different terms by different authorities ; and sec- 
ond, because of the length of the lists of topics in several of 
the studies. It is interesting, however, to note that the topics 
commonly used in each of the above studies were, with but 
one exception, the qualities enumerated above. I therefore 
decided upon the use of these four topics and have organized 
about them the other topics given in Table I. 

Though the studies just mentioned were helpful in deriving 
sub-topics for each of the main headings decided upon, the 
most valuable means of obtaining these same sub-topics was 
a study of the preliminary reports made upon student-teachers 
in practice by critic teachers or general supervisors. The 
records of three hundred twenty students were examined and 
the personal criticisms contained were classified under the 
topics of I, Preparation ; II, Teaching Skill ; III, Classroom 
Management, and IV, Personality. This classification was a 
rich source of suggestion for the sub-topics used in the finished 
score-card. It did not however strongly emphasize the use 
of certain topics, as, for instance, I, B ; I, C ; III, B ; III, C. 
The distribution of these personal criticisms and their bearing 
upon the score-card is shown in Table I. 

Table I 

I. Preparation 47 

A. Lesson plans 33 

B. Daily or weekly plans 9 

C. Use of course of study 5 

II. Teaching skill 277 

A. Stimulation of interest 81 

B. Thought and response 58 

C. Drill 42 

D. Economical use of time 51 

E. Results 45 

III. Classroom management 101 

A. Organization of class 39 

B. Care of room 10 

C. Discipline 12 

D. Clerical work 40 

IV. Personal fitness 127 

A. Physical 43 

B. Progressiveness 13 

C. Manners and morals 19 

D. Sociability 52 

6 Causes of Failures Among Teachers. School Administration and 
Supervision, September, 1915. 

7 Same as 4. 


The topics presented in Table I are resolved into questions 
(see score-card at end of the description), because questions 
may be more definite in their reference and also more stimu- 
lating to the critic teacher who may use this score-card. 

After the score-card was prepared for the first time, it was 
often submitted for expert criticism and consequently, it was 
under continual revision for a course of several months. After 
a set form was decided upon, judgments were obtained as to 
the relative importance of the main topics and major sub-topics. 

Method of Obtaining Judgments 

One hundred eighty-three score-cards were distributed per- 
sonally to as many different judges at different times and 
personal instructions were given as to the manner of distribut- 
ing one thousand (1,000) points: first, among the Roman 
numeral topics, and then as to the manner of redistributing 
them among the respective sub-topics. The oral instructions 
were in substance the same as found in the following 
circular letter. One hundred seventy letters were afterwards 
distributed among as many other judges. Each letter con- 
tained a copy of the score-card and the letter of instructions 
detailing as to the method to be followed in scoring it. 
The contents of the circular letter reads as follows: 

New Jersey State Normal School, Newark, N. J. 
Dear Sir: 

Kindly find enclosed a list of questions organized under four topics 
which, though simplified in form, cover the qualities of a teacher with 
a fair degree of thoroughness. Educators have expressed and often 
express their individual judgments as to the importance of certain 
factors listed here in question form. In order to promote uniformity 
of judgment and the professional welfare of our students in practice 
I am asking you to co-operate by giving me your personal judg- 
ment as to the relative value of each of these qualities of merit. 
Through an organization of the judgments of a few hundred experts 
in education it may be possible to arrive at a more definite standard 
and perhaps to devise a practical score-card for use in judging 
normal school students in training and practice. 

In making your judgment of the relative value of these qualities 
will you be good enough to use figures, that it may be possible for 
me to derive a scale of values. Working upon the basis of 1,000, 
first distribute 1,000 points among the four topics: I, Preparation; 
II, Teaching Skill; III, School Management; IV, General Personal 
Fitness. Secondly, take whatever value you have assigned to I 
(Preparation), and distribute it among the A, B, and C topics. 
Kindly use the same method in distributing the credits for the sub- 
topics under II, III, and IV. 

For instance, in judging the qualities of a building to be used for 
school purposes one may make a practical distribution of 1,000 credits 
as follows: 


I. Site (125) 

A. Location (55) 

1. Accessibility (25) 

2. Environment (30) 

B. Drainage. • (30) 

1. Elevation (20) 

2. Nature of soil (10) 

C. Size and form (40) 

II. Building (165) 

III. Service systems (280) 

IV. Classrooms (290) 

V. Special rooms ( 140) 

The importance of each of the topics suggested by the enclosed ques- 
tions has been scored in from fifteen to thirty minutes. After giving 
your expert judgment, kindly return in the accompanying envelope 
with or without signature. 

Thanking you very kindly for your co-operation, I remain 

Very truly yours, 

One hundred eighty-seven score-cards from the total of 
three hundred fifty-three were returned for examination. Only 
one hundred thirty of this total were used. Papers were re- 
jected largely on the basis of faulty calculation in the distribu- 
tion of scores or because of incompleteness. Among those 
who submitted their judgments on the relative value of the 
topics on the score-card were State, County, and City Super- 
intendents, School Principals, and Critic, and Practice 

Medians and Deviations 

Since the scores allotted to topics I, II, III, and IV were 
grouped about the points of 50, 100, 150, 200, 250, 300, 350, 
400, 450, 500, etc., a step of fifty was decided upon, beginning 
with twenty-six and ending with seventy-five. The series of 
subsequent steps is found in Table II. The distribution of 
judgments, medians, and average deviations may be found in 
the same table. It will be noted, according to Table II, that 
Teaching Skill is ranked first; Classroom Management, sec- 
ond ; Personality, third ; and Preparation, fourth. In the case 
of experienced teachers who may not be required to make defi- 
nite lesson plans for each lesson taught, the topic of Prepara- 
tion is commonly included under Teaching Skill. It is not the 
custom of many of the judges to give such emphasis to Prep- 
aration as may seem necessary in preparing a score-card for 
rating student teachers in practice. It may therefore be sur- 
prising to note that the topic of Preparation received as high 
a median as 204.42 by a group of judges engaged in such 
varied educational activities. 



The scores distributed to the sub-topics centered about 25, 
50, 75, 100, 125, etc. The step of twenty-five was therefore 
adopted, the first one beginning with 13^ and ending with 
37^4. The distribution of scores to each of the topics, together 
with their medians, average deviations, and their rank, may 
be found in Table III. 


26- 75 






















276-325 ! 


































A. D 










By using the steps of 50 and 25, I found it necessary to 
correct slightly the median values so as to make them total a 
thousand (1,000) points. Only the corrected medians are 
given in Tables II and III. These median values are given 
in such numbers as would be cumbersome to use; as, for in- 
stance, I, Preparation, median 204.42. For the sake of con- 
venience, this number has been approximated by the use of 
200. Each of the medians has been approximated in like 
manner and the scores thus derived are given on the first page 
of the completed three-page score-card. 









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Score-Card for Rating Student-Teachers in Training 
and Practice 







I. Preparation 


below 140 





A. Lesson plans 







B. Daily or weekly plans . 







C. Use of course of study. 







II. Teaching Skill 


" 252 





A. Stimulation of interest. 







B. Thought and response. 







C. Drill 







D. Economy of time 







E. Results 







III. Classroom Management.. 


" 161 





A. Organization of class. . 













C. Discipline 













IV. Personal Fitness 


" 147 





A. Physical 







B. Progressive 







C. Manners and morals. . 







D. Social fitness 









A. To what extent is the teacher efficient in planning indi- 

vidual lessons? 

1. Is the aim of each lesson definite? 

2. Is suitable and adequate teaching material 

selected ? 

3. Are the essential values emphasized? 

4. Does the teacher plan to present materials and 

facts in their natural sequence? 

5. Does the teacher plan suitable methods of pres- 

entation and drill? 

6. Does the teacher plan suitable class or individual 

assignments with periods and methods for 
studying same? 

B. To what extent does the teacher make satisfactory daily, 

weekly, or monthly plans? 

C. To what extent does the teacher show ability to make 

independent and intelligent use of prescribed course of 
study ? 


II. Teaching skill. 

A. To what extent does the teacher stimulate interest? 

1. Is the teacher active, forceful, and inspiring? 

2. Does the teacher illustrate the facts taught? 

3. Does the teacher use the pupil's responses? 

4. Does the teacher use worthy motives? 

5. Does the teacher vary her methods? 

B. To what extent does the teacher train the class to be 

thoughtful and responsive? 

1. Does the teacher promote earnest discussion, 

supplementing, verifying, and questioning, by 
individuals of the class? 

2. Are the questions asked, thought-provoking and 

thought-directing ? 

3. Does the teacher require logical responses and 

from each individual of the class? 

C. To what extent does the teacher show skill in drilling 

facts and knowledge? 

1. Are the methods and devices varied? 

2. Are the facts drilled by relating them to other 

thoughts or life situations? 

D. To what extent does the teacher economize time and 

energy ? 

1. Is the aim of each activity clear in the minds 

of the pupils? 

2. Is the whole class kept at work throughout 

work periods? 

3. Are students taught to use books and how to 


4. Is the work carried on with reasonable rapidity 

and absolute accuracy? 

E. To what extent does the teacher get results? 

1. Have the pupils learned the facts which the 

teacher intended to convey? 

2. Do the pupils know how to use information 

which they have gained? 

III. School management. 

A. To what extent has the teacher shown ability to organize 

a class? 

1. Has the teacher shown ability to classify the 


2. Has the teacher shown ability to prepare a class 

program ? 

3. Has the teacher shown ability to reduce routine 

to an automatic basis? 

B. To what extent has the teacher proven to be a good 

"caretaker" oj the classroom? 

1. Are the best possible conditions as to heat, light, 

and ventilation maintained? 

2. Is the classroom neat, orderly, and suitably 


C. To what extent is the teacher prompt, accurate, and neat 

in clerical work? 

D. To what extent does the teacher show ability to govern 

the class? 

1. Is the teacher sympathetic and appreciative in 
working with students? 


2. Is the teacher sincere and just in dealing with 

students ? 

3. Does the teacher show authority with self- 

control, self-reliance, firmness? 

4. Does the teacher respond to a condition of dis- 

order quickly and tactfully? 

IV. General personal fitness. 

A. To what extent is the teacher physically adapted to teach? 

1. Is the teacher physically strong and energetic? 

2. Has the teacher good physical poise? 

3. Has the teacher a good speaking voice? 

4. Is the teacher personally neat? 

B. To what extent does the teacher show native mental 

capacity and a disposition to progress? 

C. To what extent does the teacher exemplify good manners 

and good morals? 

D. To what extent is the teacher well fitted socially for her 


1. Is the teacher fundamentally interested in child- 

nature ? 

2. Does the teacher co-operate with pupils in their 

out-of-school interests and activities? 

3. Does the teacher co-operate easily with co- 

workers ? 

4. Is the teacher inclined to be a leader in social 

and educational movements for the benefit of 
the community? 


By Cephas Guillet 

Seven years ago Professor and Mrs. Chamberlain published 
in the Pedagogical Seminary* a list of nearly 1,200 words 
with the meanings given to them by their little daughter when 
nearly four years old. The same year that it appeared, I 
asked my own little boy, then not quite four years and two 
months old, the meanings of some 400 of the words. Three 
years later I asked him more than 200 of the same words 
again : and, after three more years, I questioned him regard- 
ing the first ninety of the same words. Thus his age for the 
three experiments was four, seven and ten. The question 
was always put in the form : " What does acorn mean ? " or 
" What is acorn? " At four the child had had no kindergarten 
or (Sunday School instruction ; at seven he had had kinder- 
garten and had just entered the second grade; at ten he had 
just entered the fifth grade. 

Of the ninety words the four-year-old child proved to have 
some conception for all but three. For nine of the words he 
had only a glimmer of meaning. Let us take one of these 
words and follow the growth of its meaning as indicated by 
our three cross-sections of the child's mind. As I have studied 
these naive meanings, I have felt as though I were looking 
right into the mind of the child. 

For ankle he said at four: "it's a head." I interpret this 
response as showing that the child had a dim idea that the 
ankle is a part of the body. He has not yet consciously con- 
ceived the ankle or any other of his bodily organs (as shown 
by other answers) as parts of the body, but they are in fact 
identified with the body in a vague subconscious way and hence 
have this in common. Such a class-idea or concept I call a 
generic idea to distinguish it from the clear consciousness of 
class or general meaning, which is expressed by the actual 
mention of some common element, and which I therefore call 
a general idea. 

At seven the child's notion of ankle was still vague; for, 
on hearing the word, he at once looked down at his foot, 
then at his hand, and pointing to the knuckles said : " Why ! 
that — that's an ankle." I said no. Then he pointed to his 

* Vol. 16 (1009) p. 64: "Studies of a Child. IV. 'Meanings' and 
1 Definitions ' in the 47th and 48th months." 


elbow. Again I said no. ,Then he pointed to his knee, but 
said : " That's a knee/' Finally he pointed to his thigh. Is 
it not evident, from his pointing to these prominent bones, 
that he had a vague generic idea that the ankle was some 
prominent bone or even joint of his body? But the idea is 
not so vague as it was three years before. It is a more com- 
plete idea, — not clear and yet less dim. And is it not inter- 
esting that the first movement of his mind was more correct 
than his later and more consciously attentive efforts? For, 
when I put the word to him, he at once glanced down at his 
foot! And is it not apparent that, if asked this question 
again when a little older, he would clearly indicate the ankle 
by pointing to it or feeling it, thus expressing a generic idea 
of the word no longer vague but perfectly clear? 

As, however, I did not ask him again for three years, there 
was time for the growth of a much clearer as well as richer 
concept ^han that. He said, in fact : " Well, it's right near 
your foot: it's right touching, you could say, your foot." 
Then, feeling his ankle, he continued: "A big hump like a 
bruise, only it's a bone and hard." Here we have a clearly- 
defined concept, containing the position, size, shape, hardness 
and class. Indeed, he puts it into two classes, not only calling 
it a bone, but using a simile and putting it with bruises into 
the class " humps." Note also that, in contrast to his state 
of mind at seven, the more he thinks about ankle now, the 
clearer the concept becomes. He thus gives evidence of a 
much greater power of thought than he possessed at seven. 
His powers of expression have also greatly increased, and 
here, as in all his other definitions, prove the close and neces- 
sary alliance between clear thinking and clear expression. 

I may add that I have found several quite normal boys of 
ten in the fifth grade who still have a very ill-defined notion 
of the ankle; for they have only a vague idea that it 
is part of their leg, and some say it is their knee or a 
part of their knee. And, if an examination were made, chil- 
dren would be found in this vague condition of ideation in 
regard to a great many things. Let any teacher towards the 
close of a lesson question his class upon the matters presented, 
and he will find that many of his pupils are in the stage of 
generic ideation regarding them. It is probable that about 
some things we are all in the vague state of mind this four- 
year-old was in when he said for ankle " It's a head," for bag 
"A towel " and for afternoon " It means to-morrow, does it? " 

The stage of clear generic ideation, which evidently occurred 
between the ages of seven and ten in the case of the difficult 
word ankle, I caught the child at in the case of the words 


bit, animal, apple, ant, beautiful and beauty, at the age of four. 
For animal he said : " It means a elephant and a lion and a 
pig and a Teddy Bear, — a bear, a awful bear ! " The various 
animals mentioned were evidently conceived as belonging to 
the class animals without the attention being focused upon any 
common element of the class-meaning, but only upon indi- 
vidual members of the class. The generic idea is evidently a 
transition stage between the percept and the general idea. The 
percept is conceived as a particular instance of a class in a 
concrete, intuitive, subconscious way, before conscious atten- 
tion is given to the common elements or abstract relations that 
characterize the perceptual members of the class and are its 
essential meaning. 

When asked the word animal again at seven, the little fellow 
said : " You mean bird ? Any old thing, eh ? Well, I think 
that it's a thing that grows and lives a life." Here we have not 
merely a general idea but a very well-defined one. It is indeed 
a classifying idea that he expresses, for he puts the animal 
into the class of living things. The only fault we could find 
with it is that it is too broad, including both plants and animals. 
But it will probably be a long time before the boy's concept 
becomes so complete as to distinguish these two forms of 
life. He does not yet do so at ten, for he now says : " It's 
a thing that God made to help man so he could live and have 
food and clothing. Isn't that right? That's one reason any- 
way." Though the concept is no better defined, it has cer- 
tainly become greatly enriched. 

At four, other instances of clear generic conception are 

Apple — " I saw a apple as red as an old barn." 

Ant — ■" Means a great big ant, a mother ant." 

Beautiful — " Flowers, pink flowers and ice-cream, and, you know, 
little lanterns (he meant candles), little tiny bits of ones for babies." 

Beauty — " Pink flowers and pink ice-cream." 

Bit — "O a little bit at a time." (Said after some hesitation and "I 
don't know what it means.") 

The simplest general ideas expressed by the child would 
seem to be those where the general idea is involved in the 
association of some common element, namely some quality, 
object, action or state. Such simple general ideas we shall 
call elementary general ideas. I Two-thirds of the four-year- 
old's responses were of this nature. For example, in his 
definition for cane, "A cane is long," a quality is formally 
associated with the thing denoted by the word. In his defini- 
tion for bee, "A sting — honey," two objects are associated 
with the thing. In thirteen cases the child defines what the 
object does, as 


Baby— " Wettin ;" calf— "To eat— to have cream ;" bear— 1 To eat 
you;" blackbird — "To fly: and air means to have the bird's wings 
fly — swiftly through the air;" bud — "To grow;" beef — "To cook;" 
acorn — "To pick up in the ground." 

On account of the absence of any subject to the verb, one 
cannot always tell whether the child had in mind action by 
or with the object, but forty-six of his definitions seem to come 
under the category of what is done to or with the object. 
The following are examples: 

Bureau — Looking in the glass. 

Bone — Bone's for dog. We have a dog we give some bones and 
gravy and meat. Got that right? 

Cage — For lions to get in — growl. , 

Barrel — To put in clothes and things and apples. Means to put in 
a barrel. 

Bouquet — To put in water; and water means for fishes to put in, 
and water means to swim in out in Stony Lake. 

Boardinghouse — To cook in. 

Bowl — To put in cookies to eat, and candies means to suck and 
chocolates means to eat. i 

Bead — To put on and wear; you know, those red beads and black 
beads and yellow beads, pink beads and blue beads and white beads. 

Bonnet — To put on for babies. 

Bow — To put on under your neck. 

Cap — to cover hair. 

Camel — To eat — to ride on. 

Board — To teeter-tawter. 

Brush — I don't know. O, a brush means to eat. I don't know. 
Means to — What does it mean? Brush means to brush, to brush, — 
what to brush your boots. 

Broom — To sweep dirt. Dirt's not good to eat. 

Bible — To read when you have the blessing. I own the schools 
and churches both. 

Birthday — To have toys. 

Beans — To eat, and your mouth is to put food in, to put beans and 
things in. 

Bitter — Not eat; means I don't like bitter. 

A very neat definition was that for camp : " To go in tents." 

We have seen that a very large proportion of this child's 
definitions at four years are couched in terms of action, a verb 
in the infinitive being nearly always used, but occasionally a 
present participle. At this age children's attention is attracted 
to what things do, or what we do to them or in connection with 
them, rather than to what they are. We are not surprised 
to learn that the child possesses this trait in common with 
primitive man, many of whose nouns are exactly similar 
expressions of action to or relating to the things they denote. 
How long does this disposition continue in the child? At 
seven I found that, instead of fifty-nine words standing simply 
for general ideas of action, there are now thirty-seven. The 
number is still great and it would be interesting to know the 
further history of the tendency. My present data give no 


further light except the fact that at ten this tendency to focus 
the attention primarily and chiefly upon action has disappeared. 
Of the thirty-seven definitions at seven denoting action, 
twenty-eight tell again what people do to or with the object 
denoted by the word. For example : 

Box — To put things in; something like that box (pointing to one). 
(Note that he does not merely say "that box," as a much younger 
child would.) 

Bow — Is to put on your hair, especially for little girls, if you're 
talking about 'em. 

Ball — A bill is to throw, to bounce. 

Beans — Are to eat, sometimes to boil, if you mean brown beans 
or whatever you call those. 

Candy — To eat — sweet. I 

There were three definitions telling what is done by the 
object, as: Arm — "That's what you feel with: that's what to 
hold the hand." Then there were five telling what is done 
both to and by the object, as: Bear — "Well, that's just to 
grow: or sometimes we eat it — red bear — sometimes hunters 
go out and get some. I haven't, but I know they do that." 
Finally there is one definition purporting to tell the origin of 
the object: Beef — "Comes out of a pig. You eat it. It's 
good, beef is." 

The child at seven sometimes, though not often, added to 
his description interesting details which gave evidence of a 
widening experience through observation, action or books. 

Board — Sometimes to make bread on, and sometimes to walk on, 
and sometimes make fences with boards, and sometimes make houses 
with boards, and all kinds of things with boards. 

Boat — To sail in and to row in and to paddle in. 

Camp — To live when you go out camping; pitch your tent up, 
that's camping. 

Camel — To ride on — to live — drinks lots of water; keeps in his 
brains or something. Now, don't ask me too hard questions. 

At four the child is already sometimes interested not merely 
in the action but in the purpose of or reason for the action. 
There are now eight instances of this intelligent interest. The 
purpose is generally very simply interpreted in acordance with 
the child's narrow range of experience. 

Call — To come here and look at this thing. 

Bell — To ring for people to get in and start. 

Box — To put in things; cause, if the Indians would get them, then 
the people wouldn't find them. 

Book — To read in; cause, if you didn't read, I wouldn't have any 

Black — Not to eat ; cause black isn't good to eat. No sir, black 
isn't good to eat; cause, if you eat black, you don't like it and you 
throw it away. If you eat ink, you don't like it, do you? 

Boy — Has to eat; cause, if the boy didn't eat, he would be hungry 
all day. ' 


As we should expect, this explanatory tendency is more 
strongly developed at seven and is liable to be expressed in 
more general terms. And the purpose may be applied directly 
to the thing or to the name itself. There are now nineteen 
cases of this interpretation of the meaning of words of which 
the following are examples: 

Call — Why, when anybody wants you for something, they call you. 

Bell — That's to ring, — dinner bell or whatever you mean. 

Boardinghouse — To board in; to live in while you have no house. 

Clothes — If you didn't have clothes, everybody would see your body. 

Cage — To put an animal what's kind of greedy in or he might eat 

Bib — Is to put around your neck, so no spots or anything'll get 
on you. 

Birthday — Is just to know when you were born. 

Buttercup — Some part of the butter. They call that name from 
the butter cause it looks so much like a butter, shines so much, and 
is so juicy. [ 

Bit — A little bit. O Gee! O Golly! Don't ask me; I don't know. 
When you want to eat a little bit, I think it isn't good for your 
stomach ! I 

As the child is naturally so much interested in action in his 
early years, it is evident that his environment should afford 
much opportunity not only for varied action on his part but for 
the observation of other objects in action. Pictures of animals 
for children should always show the animals doing things 
and not in the common position of stuffed museum specimens. 
Gradually also the child should be led to describe and interpret 
what he sees — both qualities and actions — in clear, simple and 
correct language. We should strive to keep the child upon the 
plane of accurate expression of his ideas all the way up. The 
child accustomed to a slovenly expression of his simple ideas 
will, when grown up, inevitably express his maturer ideas in 
a similarly illiterate manner; while the child in whom the 
habit of accurate and elegant expression is early formed, will 
retain it throughout his life. 

To the unthinking, to say " animal," when asked what bear 
is, amounts to the same thing as to say " bear/' when asked 
the meaning of animal. Such a person will be surprised that 
a child does not usually say " Buttercup is a flower " and be 
done with it, instead of indulging in so much talk about its 
appearance and its name as did this little boy. But the two 
reactions really involve very different processes : in the one 
an image of an example is called up by the mention of the 
class ; in the other the concrete image must call up a general 
idea. To the child the latter process is much more difficult, 
because his experience has been very largely concrete, and 
the habit of generalization is not yet formed. How slow such 


a habit is in ripening is evidenced by the fact that at four 
this little boy generalized in this way by putting the object 
denoted by the word into some class by the use of a class- 
name only three times, and in two of these he simply used 
the word thing, as : 

Ball — A yellow ball; a old round thing. 

Banana — Is a long thing. 

Bank — A long grass, a hill with grass, with flowers all along it. 

At seven the boy was never satisfied merely to mention con- 
crete individuals when asked to define some class-name ; and, 
on the other hand, he defined an individual by using a class- 
name far of tener than at four, indeed eighteen times ; and at 
ten nearly everything was put into a class. 

At seven the effort was still often crude; witness the following: 

Banana — A thing you ought to eat and it grows on a tree; it has 
a lot of yellow skin. 

Apple — Part of a tree, part of an apple-tree. 

Bushel — A lot of things. 

Bush — A brambly thing. You can't get out of it hardly. Prickly, 
if you mean rosebush. 

Bug — Is a little thing. Bug crawls around, does some little damage, 
especially a bee stings. 

Afternoon — (After much hesitation) Why, that's noon, — noontime. 

Black — Is black. I don't know. Is just the same as white, only 
it's darker. 

Bureau — To put your brushes and combs and things on. It's a 

The following words were better defined: 

Bone — Well, part of an animal, the hardest part it's got. 

Bread — Is to eat. Is about the best kind of food you can get 
in the world, — one of the best. 

Applesauce — Is an apple, — tiny bits of apple cut up. 

Broth — Soup. 

Bud — A young flower. 

Calf — A young cow. 

Block — You mean a toy? To play with, to build with. 

Bouquet — To smell and look pretty. That's a bunch of flowers. 

Beautiful — O beautiful; what do you mean? If anything's pretty, 
that makes it beautiful, — beautiful flowers or beautiful something, 
flowers especially. 

In the definition of beautiful, instead of a class-name a 
synonym is used. 

In these definitions by class-name and synonym we have at 
last reached a form of definition that is used by the much 
more mature ten-year-old. Some of his definitions are crude, 
but they are on a level with the best of the same child at four 
and seven, while far the greater number are better, and often 
very much better, witness the following: 

Bug — A beetle or some insect. 

Brother — A second boy that is born in the same family. 

Acorn — Why, it's a nut of an oak-tree. 


Clothes — Garments. 

Beef — It's the meat of a cow. 

Black — The darkest color in the world, i 

Breakfast — The first meal of the day. 

Afternoon — The latter part of the time when it's light. Or about 
after dinner, you could say. 

Book — A book is a lot of pieces of paper sewed together and 
an outer covering and a name on it; and it tells you something; 
and on each one of the pages has some writing on it, unless it is 
a picture. Ha ha! I ' ,' 

The little laugh with which this last definition closes sounds 
like a triumphant exclamation; and, indeed, not only that 
definition, but most of those I have cited from the ten-year-old 
could hardly be better either in idea or in form. Is it not 
evident, then, that at ten this child was quite capable of classi- 
fying objects accurately, and that for him the time has arrived 
for the serious scientific classification of natural objects, and 
not merely the " nature study " observations, too often very 
meager and superficial, which alone engage the attention of 
pupils at this age in our schools, and fail to rouse the active 
interest of an eager child? Is it not evident also that at this 
age a teacher may fairly expect from such a child, and encour- 
age in him, clear definitions of the things that come within 
the range of his interest and experience? 

The classifying definitions containing additional details of 
an interesting descriptive or explanatory nature are only ten 
at seven years, but very numerous at ten, seventy per cent of 
the words being thus fully defined at this age. Some of the 
explanations at seven are very crude ; but others, particularly 
those regarding acorn, ant, baby and bible, show considerable 
power of analysis and reflection. That for animal has already 
been given. The other nine are as follows : 

Bee — Well, that's a thing that makes honey, that lives and makes 
its honey out of clover and some other kinds of flowers; I don't 
know, — lilacs sometimes. 

Boy — He's God's young sheep, one of God's sheep, God's young 
sheep, a lamb. 

Bank — You mean a little hill or a bank to keep money in? (I said 
the hill.) How could you live? How could you walk? There'd be 
a great big hole if there wasn't a bank there. 

Apron — What a woman puts on around her waist to protect her 
from any old spots and things to get on her dress. 

Ant — It's a little thing that crawls all over the ground to find its way. 

Bible — That's only a thing to read out of, to know what God is 
and know about God. 

Back — Is a thing that you want to lie on. If you didn't have a back, 
you couldn't live. Everyone would look at you and see inside you. 
Back helps you to grow. Whole thing gets bigger when the back 
gets bigger. 

Acorn — The life of a tree. You can plant a acorn. 

Baby — A baby is just a thing that's starting to grow. It's a little 
seed at first, and then it comes up and sprouts and sprouts to big. 


At ten years thirteen of the meanings contain rich descrip- 
tive content only, while fifty-three of the ninety words are 
defined with explanatory comment added to the descriptive. 
I shall quote a few of these which fairly illustrate their char- 
acter : 

His definition for bread is almost Rabelaisian in its flow of lan- 
guage and free use of synonyms : " Is made of flour. The first 
process is wheat. You thresh her up and clean her out and get the 
chaff out, that is the hull sort of. And then they splash, bang and 
grind her up, make white stuff called flour. And they take the flour 
and put water with it and make something that is called bread. Guess 
they have to bake it, only I thought you'd know that." 

His interest in Indians is betrayed when he comes to define blanket. 
— " Is something made of wool or cotton woven, very thickly woven 
with machinery. It is to put around you when you go to sleep or 
when you're cold. Some Indian squaws wear the blanket all the day 
round. Usually modern people use it only in the nighttime to wrap 
themselves in and keep warm." 

In defining boy he indulges in a curious bit of sly criticism: — "A 
boy is a human being and can walk around, and he is the young of 
a man, and when he grows up he is a man — usually." 

His neat definition of camp now indicates a rich vacation experi- 
ence : — " Is a place where only tents are used. It is a place where 
you stay for a day or a week. People do not stay long in camps. 
A camp is one or more tents put in one group. It is on the bank 
of a river or woods. They do not usually have camps in cities but 
just in the wilds. Sometimes it is not a tent but just a few branches 
over a limb to keep from the rain. You might say a camp is a 

His fondness for boating and for boats, which he likes to draw, 
is quite apparent in his loquacious definition of the word boat, as 
well as his keen interest in the war. — " Is a lot of boards nailed closely 
together so the water can't get at them; and it is shaped like it is 
round at each end and comes up to a point at the top. And some 
boats have keels and some haven't. And there are all sizes of boats. 
And they are made of wood or steel or maybe iron. And there's a 
lot of different kinds of boats. Canoe goes by man's hand, — paddle. 
Steamboats go by steam. The motor-boats go by gasoline-engine. 
Row-boats, they go by the oars that you pull, — man's hand. And 
there are flip-flops that are used in swimming. There's the submarine 
that goes under water; there's the warship that goes on top of the 
water; and there's the little torpedo-boats. There are sail-boats of 
all descriptions; and there is one big boat that is called a torpedo- 
(destroyer was the word he was trying to recall). They all go in 
some part of the water." 

His full descriptions of animals show his interest in observing and 
reading about them. I shall quote two of these. "A bear is an 
animal something like a dog only it is larger and has thick fur and 
short claws and is a great fighter. I think it is one of the hardest 
fighting animals in the world." "A camel is an animal of the desert 
and it has one or two humps on the back. The hump looks like a 
little tiny mountain. The humps are from two to three feet high. 
The camel's eyes are very strong so that he can stand the sands of 
the desert. He has a very long neck and legs, but not so long as the 
giraffe. It is colored brown. The eyes are so strong that it can see 
a long ways; and, if it sees a storm of sand coming, it always 


crouches down so its master can get off and get behind it. Its 
eyelids are so thick that the sand can't penetrate through them, no 
matter how hard the sand beats upon them. It is a great protection 
to the Arab, for the Arab gets behind it always in the storm." 

He several times tried to be mathematically accurate, as in his 
definition of buttercup. — " O, flower the color of butter and shaped 
like a cup, and about a tenth as big, if the bowl is five inches across 
at the top." Other instances are his description of a barrel as being 
"three feet high," of a baby as "just like a man, only about one 
quarter as big," and of a ball as being " as round as anything can 
be; every edge is as far from the center as any other edge." 

His use of simile is interesting; it occurs some twenty-five times 
now. There were but two or three instances at four and at seven. 
A notable instance at ten was his likening the backbone to a tree 
" cause it's got a whole lot of branches." 

Growth in the Conception of Ninety Words 

Age 4 7 io 

No content expressed 3 o o 

A vague generic idea (value one mark) 9 2 o 

A clear generic idea |(one mark) 6 o o 

An elementary general idea (two marks) 6i 37 o 

An elementary general idea with rich descriptive 

content (three marks) o 4 o 

An elementary general idea with explanatory con- 
tent (three marks) 8 19 o 

An ill-defined classifying idea (value four marks) .280 

A well-defined classifying idea (five marks) 1 10 24 

A classifying idea with rich descriptive content 

(six marks) o 3 13 

A classifying idea with explanatory content (seven 

marks) o 7 53 

Relative score in percentage of age ten 30 52 100 

Relative number of words used in percentage of age 
ten 25 38 100 

Relative number of different words used in per- 
centage of age ten 29 37 100 

Average number of words for each definition 7 12 2> 2 

Average number of different words for each defini- 
tion 2.6 3.3 8.9 

In defining the ninety words the boy at four used 734 
words, at seven 1,105 words and at ten 2,904, so that his 
definitions contained at four on an average seven words, at 
seven twelve words and at ten about thirty-two. The number 
of different words used at each age was respectively 230, 298 
and 796. During the whole investigation the boy used 944 
different words. At four he used 85 and at seven 81 words 
that he did not use at ten. Only 15 of these were the same 
in both cases. At four he used 113 words not used at seven 
and at seven 178 words not used at four. At ten he used 651 
words not used at four and 579 not used at seven. Words 


beginning with the letters b and ^ were much the most numer- 
ous. Assigning marks to the different degrees of conception, 
as shown in the table, I reckoned that at four the child gained 
173 marks, at seven 294, and at ten 569 out of a possible 
630, if all the words had been very clearly and fully defined, 
that is, if the concepts had been expressed correctly and with 
a rich descriptive and explanatory content. Expressed in 
percentage of his ten-year-old achievement, the boy at four 
made a score of 30 in value and at seven of 52; in number 
of words at four 20 and at seven $j ; and in number of 
different words 29 at four and 37 at seven. To express his 
rich content of experience the ten-year-old naturally needed a 
rich vocabulary. Larger experience is accompanied by fuller 
vocabulary and greater powers of expression. 

In a few cases at four years, notably bear, beef and bread, 
after defining the word as best he could, the little fellow wan- 
dered on rather excitedly and, particularly in one case (beef), 
irrelevantly. The following instance was due chiefly to fatigue, 
which acted as an irritant: \ 

Bread — " To eat. Everything means to eat except blocks and 
except cuffs and or inks and cept papers and cept writings and 
cept street-cars and cept butterflies. Not pens are to eat or 
trees are not to eat. I'm kind of weeping now, but I'm not 
tired. No, I'm not tired a bit, but I'm just kind of weeping 
my eyes." 

That evening he gave thirty-seven meanings in fifteen min- 
utes (from 6.53 to 7.08 p. m.) and bread was the thirty-fifth. 
Even after the thirty-seventh he insisted that he was not tired 
and was anxious for me to proceed. In defining the interest- 
ing word bear, an aroused imagination partly accounts for his 
uncontrolled impulse to talk, but fatigue contributed here also, 
as it was the twelfth word asked him after supper one evening 
and he gave other signs of being tired. 

Bear — " Means to eat you, and lions will eat you. If you get 
by horses, they'll eat you and kick you and everything. If 
you get by tigers and lions and elephants and bears. You 
know those Indians used to be wild, but they don't now." 

But to return to our statistics, in whatever way we regard 
the matter, it is quite apparent that this boy was at seven 
much nearer his four-year-old mentality than his ten-year-old. 
That is, there was a much greater growth of conception and 
power of expression between seven and ten than between four 
and seven. Indeed the four-year-old definitions have only in 
three cases a resemblance to those at ten, while the four and 
seven year old definitions come under the same categories in 
all but a few cases. Comparing seven with ten also, we find 
only twenty words defined at seven according to ten-year-old 


standards. At ten the child defines his words clearly and in 
general terms, beginning by putting the object of thought in 
its proper class, and then entering upon a fairly orderly descrip- 
tion with explanatory comment. He mentioned the materials 
of which the object is composed in 28 cases, the structure or 
process of making in 14, the parts in 14, the shape in 14, 
the size in eight, the color in eight, and the flavor in six cases. 
In view of this wealth both of descriptive and of explana- 
tory content at ten in the concepts of this boy, he has evidently 
made great progress in the interpretation of experience. For 
explanation involves higher mental processes than description : 
the one involves the understanding, the other the reason. 
Training in wide and accurate observation and in well-reasoned 
explanation, therefore, should now proceed hand in hand, 
the latter based squarely upon the former. I have no doubt 
that this very investigation acted as a spur to the powers of 
accurate observation and expression of this little boy, although 
he was not once corrected or taught anything or even encour- 
aged to go on talking. That the work was oral was an 
advantage: for oral expression is more free and natural than 
written, especially to the child, for whom writing is so slow 
a process. And surely for a child to tell the meaning of 
words in his own words, or even to use them in their proper 
setting, is a better exercise than hunting up words in a dic- 
tionary. This child's answers were given with a promptness 
and a zest and an originality that could not have been present 
to the same extent had he been made to write them. 

It may be objected that this is a one-child psychology. But 
one need not be too much disconcerted by such a remark. 
Children are, each and every one of them, children, both 
physically and mentally, and, though they differ in precocity 
and rapidity of growth, it is not probable that the facts con- 
cerning the order of growth, whether physical or mental, dis- 
covered in one child, will be materially contradicted by those 
found in another. And I have good reason to believe that the 
study of a single child is the best kind of preparation — I had 
almost said essential as a preparation — for the mass studies 
that have been but too lightly entered upon in the past. Let 
me illustrate the point by referring to a mass-investigation 
on this very subject, — one conducted not by a tyro but by one 
of our leading investigators of childhood, one to whom, indeed, 
we all owe much inspiration. 

Some years ago this gentleman 1 issued a questionnaire ad- 
dressed to teachers in London, England, and in Boston, Mass., 

1 Earl Barnes : " How Words Get Content," in California Studies 
in Education, vol. 2 (1902), p. 43. 


requesting them to have their children write out meanings 
for the six words monk, peasant, emperor, armor, nation and 
school. Studying the 2,700 returns, the investigator discov- 
ered what he called " a general law of development," namely, 
that, in their growth towards complete conception in the child's 
mind, words pass through the three successive stages of no 
content, wrong content, and partial content, and we are shown 
tables and shaded charts which are supposed to demonstrate 
this law. 

Not long after this law was thus announced, another man 
undertook to investigate the same subject in the same way 
and with the same words. With the cooperation of teachers 
he secured the same number of returns from the schools of 
the Middle West. And this investigator rediscovered the very 
identical law of development that his predecessor in this field 
had hit upon. And he constructed from his tables even more 
beautiful charts to picture what he called " the sweep of the 
crest of the wave of development." " The curve of wrong 
answer for monk/' says this investigator, 2 " represents the 
number of children of each age who have seen or heard the 
symbol but have associated with it wrong ideas. It is signifi- 
cant that this curve rises almost as rapidly from six to ten as 
the curve for no answer falls. This wrong answer tendency is 
intermediate in the evolution of the concept between no con- 
tent and a correct content. Many children, who, at six or 
seven, have not heard the word monk used, at eight or nine 
recognize the symbol but associate wrong images with it, or 
confuse it with other words that have a similar sound. Thus 
1 Monk is a monkey ' or ' Monk is a chipmunk ' show such 
confusion through euphonious analogy. The ages eight to 
eleven are especially characterized by this sort of answer. 
This seems to be a ' hit or miss • period, a time when the child 
would rather guess than confess ignorance." Note this naive 
remark. The investigator builds a general law of development 
out of the wild guesses of children desperately anxious to 
answer his questions ! 

Now, I have to confess that I have found no evidence what- 
ever of this " general law of development." In giving the 
meaning of one of the words, my little subject said bushel 
meant "to grow." The word that preceded bushel was bush, 
and to that he had responded " to grow," so that his answer 
showed, not that he really had any wrong association with 
the word bushel but that he never had had any content what- 
ever regarding it, and did not then have any except the purely 
mechanical sound-association. How absurd it would be to say 

2 W. G. Chambers : " How Words Get Meaning," in Pedagogical 
Seminary, vol. 11 (1904), p. 39. 


that this meaningless guess was " a stage " on the way from 
no content to the true though partial content that he had 
when next he was asked this word and said for bushel " Lots 
of things "I Moreover, for all the nearly 1,200 words put to 
the little Chamberlain girl, I have been able to find but one 
totally wrong definition. 

All these gentlemen's tables prove is that there is an age 
when children, asked the meaning of a word which they do 
not know, are liable to make a guess at it. It is possible also 
that this is the age when children are most prone to use words 
wrongly, being naturally fond of using new words. But 
during my whole investigation the little subject used only two 
words wrongly. This was at ten, when he said " obstacle " 
for object and " electric " for etc. The word electric was 
well-known to him as he had often used it in such expressions 
as " electric cars " and " electric light," but he had never 
seen etc. written out and thought it an abbreviation for elec- 
tric, and so had come to use electric in this sense too. This 
leaves, out of all the many hundreds of words he used during 
the course of the experiment, but one word for which he had 
a totally wrong content. So that this phenomenon is really 
very exceptional. 

The point I am making is simply this : that no one who had 
carefully studied the growth of conception in a single child 
could ever have made so gross a blunder in the interpretation 
of statistical tables as did these two investigators. And does 
not this show the need of better observation, of more patient 
and careful observation, and of more training both in obser- 
vation and in interpretation in our schools both high and low ? 

At the time of my first experiment with the little boy, namely 
at four years, I asked his little cousin, then five and a half 
years old, to tell me some of the meanings. He proved unable 
to tell what brush meant ; but, after trying to think and giving 
it up, saying, " I don't know," he added reflectively : " When 
you don't know what it is, why you want to tell what to 
do with it." Is that not an interesting bit of psychological 
introspection? When a child cannot define a word accurately 
by putting it into its proper genus and species, then he tells 
about the action performed by or with the object. That is 
just what we found. And does it not follow that, if a child 
can give the word a more accurate definition by using a 
synonym or class-name, he does it? That too we found by 
examining the replies of the boy at ten. Therefore we are 
justified in judging of the degree of development by the 
expression the child gives to his ideas. 

Putting it more generally, the little philosopher really meant : 
" When you can't do something better, you do the best you 


can." And the inference is that, when you can do something 
better, you do it. I like that little boy's philosophy. The 
person, whether child or adult, who does not do the best he 
can, all the time, is not normal, is, in fact, a weakling, or on 
the sure road to becoming a weakling and a parasite. We 
have here really a statement of the great principle of mental 
and moral growth. If it were not a true statement, we should 
not be living in a lawful world ; we could not bank on any- 
thing; we could form no expectations; and it would not be 
worth while studying phenomena. But the statement is true ; 
and so we can go ahead with our study, assured that we may 
arrive at truths and principles universally applicable. 

And if this is granted, does it not follow that the only sound 
basis for efficient action is serious study; and in particular 
that the only sound preparation for the training of minds is 
the study of mind; that the only sound preparation for the 
work of assisting mental growth is to study the facts and 
laws of mental growth? 

What, then, I may be asked, have we for pedagogy here 
in this psychological analysis ? We have first of all the sug- 
gestion that, just as in our sleep we are on various levels of 
consciousness from the deepest dreamless slumber to our 
waking, so in life we grow from the dim consciousness of 
infancy to the full, clear consciousness of maturity. Hence 
education should be a process of waking up, of waking the 
mind up, of bringing it to ever clearer, deeper, fuller conscious- 
ness. By judicious observation and interpretation of objects 
and facts, alternated with reading and conversing about the 
observation and interpretation of others, the mind is made 
more suggestible to truth. More and more brain-cells come 
into functional activity, more and more dispositions and asso- 
ciations are implanted, ready to spring up, at the bidding of 
slight but appropriate stimuli, and bring with them the new 
things that lie more or less richly in the depths of every child's 

In the second place, we have here the beginnings of a new 
scale for measuring the mental maturity and growth of the 
child. But such a scale, whatever its value when perfected, 
would really be of value to any teacher only in proportion as 
it was used intelligently, only in proportion as the experience 
gained by those who have devised the scale had become the 
experience of the users of the scale. The best that psychology 
can do for the teacher-in-training is not, on the one hand, to 
provide him with the tests and scales which psychologists are 
now so busily devising, nor, on the other hand, with rule of 
thumb methods of handling this or that subject in the cur- 
riculum ; but it is to give him a state of mind, an atitude, — the 


attitude of the intelligent, suggestible learner. No method 
should be elicited from or imparted to or practised by the 
teacher-in-training without reflection upon its purpose in the 
development of the child's mind and its fitness to further 
that purpose. To ensure this being done there should be the 
strongest possible correlation between psychology and methods 
in our normal schools and colleges. The work in methods, in- 
cluding the oversight of the teachers-in-training, should be in 
the hands either of the teacher of psychology or of one who 
is also a thoroughly trained psychologist convinced of the im- 
portance of psychology to pedagogy. 

I have endeavored to suggest how close is the relation of 
psychology to pedagogy, how essential is the science of the 
mind as a basis for the art of the teacher. A word should be 
said about that branch of mental science which deals in a 
very specific way with the schoolroom problems of the teacher. 
Experimental pedagogy is a very recent graft upon the old 
psychological tree. I think one could give in an hour the facts 
already ascertained by its aid. But its significance, as well as 
that of child study, lies not in these facts, but in the method 
by which they have been ascertained. And the teacher who 
imbibed the facts without understanding the method of in- 
vestigation would be little better off. I have discovered, by 
handing my data to untrained normal students and asking 
them to study the data and write their conclusions out for 
me, that it all means very little to their untrained and un- 
suggestible minds. The longest way round is sometimes the 
shortest way home. The indirect method of approach is often 
the most effective. If we, in our normal schools and colleges, 
sought to turn out investigators, we should succeed better in 
turning out teachers. I look forward confidently to the time 
when, our teachers having attained the stimulating and vitaliz- 
ing point of view of the trained investigator, it will be possible 
to realize what I have formulated as the educational ideal: 
Every child its own curriculum; every teacher his own method. 

Shall it be said of the profession of teaching (to adapt a 
clever reply of Bernard Shaw to his critics) : Those who can, 
learn ; those who can't — teach ? All the great teachers of men 
have been also earnest students of man. We all have read 
how Socrates haunted the market-place to ply his questions. 
And the discourses of Jesus show how keen and sympathetic 
a student he was of human nature and especially of the child. 
So that the ideal teacher was well described long ago by 
Chaucer, when, depicting the clerk at Oxenford, he said: 

" Sownynge in moral vertu was his speche, 
And gladly wolde he lerne, and gladly teche." 


By G. Stanley Hall 

A year ago last June our American Universities conferred 
556 Doctorates, ten per cent more than the year before. The 
number has rather steadily increased since 1898, when records 
began. Since that date, we have created 6,320 men and women 
Doctors of Philosophy, and have about doubled the average 
annual output of a decade ago. 2 Each of these 6,320 Doctors, 
as an important part of his preparation, has produced a thesis 
which is generally thought by him, and often by the professor 
under whom it was prepared, to be a new contribution, how- 
ever, small, to the sum of human knowledge. Some univer- 
sities require this thesis to be printed, in full or in abstract, 
in order that the competent may judge somewhat concerning 
the basis of the degree, and also to give the young Doctor 
his first inspiring experience of publicity, and make him feel 
that he belongs to the body of investigators. One book- 
seller in Germany, where our stress on the thesis came from, 
sometime ago offered some thirty thousand dissertations for 
sale, of which I once bought about a hundred and found them 
helpful in my line, although since in Germany the preparer 
of a dissertation is in a sense an apprentice to the professor, 
his work is usually embodied later in the latter's production. 
Several lawsuits there have, however, given the student pro- 
prietary right to own and if he desires to print his own work, 
although the master under whom it was done has the second 
claim to it. 

Since Mommsen's attack on the Doctor's dissertation, there 
has been much discussion as to its value, but I can find no 
sign of its relinquishment by professors in that country. Here 
the data you have all kindly furnished show the utmost diver- 
sity of opinion. 

I. Opinions on this subject in the institutions here repre- 
sented are hard to reconcile. One president of a large state 
university says fifty per cent of the so-called research in our 
universities represents an absurdly mechanical process for the 
grinding out of theses. The president of a large eastern uni- 
versity says nine-tenths of what is called original research in 

1 Address delivered at the 18th conference of the Association of 
American Universities, Worcester, Mass., November 10, 1916. 

2 Science, Oct. 22, 1915 ; p. 555 ct scq. 


America to-day as represented in theses is not worth doing. 
Another says that we have laid far too much stress on re- 
search, and much of it is beneath contempt. Two think the 
production of theses is coming to be too much a matter of 
routine. One says much of this work claimed original has 
no interest or value in any field. One thinks the thesis element 
has been overdone, to the neglect of mastery of the subject 
matter. Another says that it has resulted in a forced stimula- 
tion of mediocre men. Four say in substance that we have 
laid too much stress on research here, one says especially in 
literary subjects, where philology unfits to teach literature. 

On the other hand, another president of one of our largest 
eastern universities says without the stimulating influence of 
research as represented in theses our universities would dry 
up within a generation. Five think we have not stressed the 
research idea enough in the thesis. One says the man who 
is not a productive scholar will soon cease to be an inspiring 
teacher. Another thinks the thesis should not be assumed to 
be a substantial contribution to knowledge, but should only 
show that the candidate has acquired the spirit and technique 
of research, and this cannot be over-emphasized. Another 
says that enthusiastic students should be allowed to work over 
old material, if they do it in a fresh way, instead of being 
expected to contribute to the advancement of knowledge. 
Another says that the thing to be chiefly considered is the 
development of the student's mind and that the production of 
new results should be a by-product. Another says the chief 
thing should be to throw the scholar upon his own resources 
and to get his mind into independent activity. Two institu- 
tions have a research committee that passes on all projects and 
makes appropriations for apparatus and publications, to avoid 
duplication and to weed out weak projects. One reports this 
has worked well for three years, and suggests an inter-uni- 
versity committee for this purpose. One insists that every 
graduate student with any capacity should be directed into 
research channels and those with large gifts should put a 
larger proportion of their time into it. 

As having been responsible for some ninety theses in the 
last thirty-three years, I doubt if any statement whatever can 
be made concerning the value of this work that holds for all, 
or even a majority, of these cases. Not only universities 
themselves, but departments in the same institution, and even 
individual instructors in the same department, and especially 
students themselves, differ immeasurably. As I list my theses, 
I should say roughly that one-third of them have little value 
but that the best third do represent something of real, and 


some of them permanent, value. Perhaps a quarter have been 
the basis of the subsequent life-work of the candidates, as has 
been so often the case, from the theses of men like Schopen- 
hauer and Nietzsche down to President Wilson's "Congres- 
sional Government," the outline of which he prepared in 
Washington in 1883 as a Hopkins thesis. May not the follow- 
ing be suggested as the questions here? 

1. Have we instructors given sufficient attention to the 
wise selection ot fruitful, central, stimulating topics, and 
taken sufficient pains to fit them to the individual interests 
and abilities of tne students ? The masterpiece of the medieval 
apprentice, we are told, was often a joint work of himself 
and his master; and so should not our theses represent good 
team-work between the candidate and one or several of his 
protessors? This selection and fitting of topics to the indi- 
viduality of the student has been compared in importance to 
the selection of a wife. 

2. Have we realized the radical difference between the 
powers involved in acquiring knowledge and fitting for exam- 
ination, which represents docility on the one hand, and the 
active, creative powers that produce, on the other? Some 
graduate institutions have reported that young men who came 
to them from colleges where drill and examinations prevailed, 
and whose marks were high, so lacked trust in their own 
powers that they had special difficulty in attempting re- 
search and in getting their minds into spontaneous activity. 
One professor says in substance that we must recognize 
that the graduate student who comes to this work is like a 
babe just born into a new world, and has at first to be nursed, 
spoonfed, and helped to walk alone. Royce compares re- 
search to play, with the implication that students too inured 
to a system that over-stresses receptivity are like city 
children who have to be taught to play, for the joy of 
investigation he identifies as the play instinct at its best 
and highest. ! 

3. Do we not go astray if we look solely to the advancement 
of science in thesis requirements, although this should never 
be neglected ; and does not the higher education essentially 
consist in finding some kind of ability in each where we can 
safely give the young man due confidence in himself, without 
implanting the conceit which is a danger only to shallow 
minds ? 

4. Cannon apparently regards this spirit of investigation as 
the chief criterion of the man who can be truly called educated 
in our day of specialties and compares at some length the 
spirit of research to the reawakening of the naive curiosity of 


children which is usually dulled as the " shades of the prison- 
house " close in upon them. Adler and Janet think that some- 
thing of this kind is necessary as a palladium of individuality, 
to relieve young men of the danger of an unconscious sense 
of inferiority, in the vast world of science to-day, and to give 
them a wise sense of ignorance, of humility, and their own 
limitations. One psychologist compares the first experience of 
research to the first taste of blood to a young tiger, and thinks 
that the more successful he has been in the special field of his 
research, the more docile he will be in every other field. 

5. If theses are poor, is it not the fault of both the in- 
structor responsible for them and perhaps of the attitude of 
the institution itself toward research? Have we a right to 
give fellowships unless we can give a great deal of personal 
weekly, if not daily, time to each student? It is a principle 
of the modern charity, which is to-day a science as well as a 
virtue, that we have no right to give doles to beggars without 
some agency to follow up each gift and see that the recipient 
makes the most and best of it. Can an academic teacher, 
assume a greater responsibility than for the initiation of a 
bright and more or less trained young man into the field of 
a scholarship that is productive? Are we heads of depart- 
ments not, therefore, personally responsible for the now many- 
voiced criticism that young Ph. D.'s are not good teachers, 
and could this not largely be remedied by a choice of thesis 
subjects which have at least one large frontier of high culture 
or at least of great practical value? 

II. Should universities discriminate merit on diplomas? 
Here the answers differ. One university would insist upon 
three degrees, pass, cum laude and magna cum laude. Three 
would have only pass and cum laude. Most would not dis- 
criminate either on the diploma, the commencement program, 
or in presentation. Two would develop the English system 
of passing as distinct from honor courses and grades. Four 
institutions are uncertain. Eleven make no such discrimina- 
tion, opinion being perhaps divided. One says that the pri- 
vate, personal commendation of the professor is enough. One 
thinks the public does not favor such discrimination. One 
thinks such discriminations good for undergraduates, but 
would have done with all this in the university. Three think 
superior men and merit should be signalized in every way. 
One thinks that superior men should be rewarded only by 
positions on the staff, another by having special privileges. 
Three think discrimination bad because it tends to lower the 
pass requirements for mediocre students. One says it is 
against the spirit of democracy. One thinks it is impossible 


justly to grade thesis work. On the whole the burden of 
opinion seems rather against it. 

The data suggest that one reason for the rather predomin- 
ant opinion against this discrimination is the desire to escape 
from the incessant and excessive marking and grading of 
everything in undergraduate as well as in all school grades, 
so that the sentiment is in this sense reactionary, illustrating 
the law of compensation, in which psychology is now so much 
interested. One argument against this discrimination is that 
it would cause undue rivalry between departments to have 
each seeking to show the largest number of Doctorates with 
honor. If such distinctions are made they might perhaps be 
referred to such a research committee as Minnesota has es- 
tablished, or possibly made later by some inter-institutional 
research committee, if such is ever formed. 

III. Are young instructors gifted for research sufficiently 
freed from routine work, examinations, etc.? Here too an- 
swers from the different institutions differ widely. No one 
reports that the conditions in this respect are entirely satis- 
factory. One says generally so; one not as a rule but often. 
One says sometimes yes, sometimes no; another that it is 
hard to answer. One says only a few are so freed ; another 
that they are not always free. One says no young instructor 
is so overburdened that he cannot investigate. All the rest 
agree that improvements are necessary here. One large east- 
ern university says this is one of the most unfortunate cir- 
cumstances connected with the academic career. Such young 
instructors, fresh from their Doctorates, are full of enthusi- 
asm, but are compelled to exhaust themselves in elementary 
teaching, examination work, marking, etc., and soon lose their 
capacity for investigation. Another says that usually we kill 
creative ability and investigational initiative by overloading 
instructors of promise. Another says such men are commonly 
loaded with details who could be more profitably employed in 
investigation and research, and adds, I have known good 
investigators spoiled in order to make poor teachers and vice 
versa." One president defends existing customs because the 
beginnings of an academic career should be made difficult to 
repel weaklings. Many report that such young instructors, 
as soon as they give sure indications of ability, are favored, 
either by reduced teaching schedule, by appropriations, ap- 
paratus, sometimes absences, and in one institution by 
increased pay, and in several by more rapid promotion. 
The overwhelming consensus is that there is here a grave 
evil which it is very difficult to overcome, owing to lack 
of funds and to the necessities of teaching. Several jour- 


nals have opened their columns to pathetic stories of young 
men who entered the academic career with high hopes and 
great enthusiasm, but have been disenchanted and lost all 
hope of realizing the ambitions that were so strong when they 
received the doctorate. In one case a young instructor in a 
large institution was given several hundred sophomores whom 
he had to teach the same lesson, in three divisions, and did not 
leave his chair from nine to twelve ; he also had to mark four 
theses, two semi-annual three-hour examinations, and four 
sprung examinations, for each member of the class. This, of 
course, is an extreme case. Several institutions insist upon 
the earliest possible discrimination between those gifted in 
teaching and those gifted in research, and insist on equal 
value of' these services, equal recognition for eminent success, 
while two would especially favor those able to investigate. 

This problem has some points of analogy with the docent 
problem in Germany which, since the organization of the 
docents at Strassburg in 1906, has produced such a flood of 
pamphlets. It was found that younger instructors on a tenta- 
tive tenure outnumbered the Ordinarii or full professors often 
three, and in Berlin four, to one, and that they were doing 
more than their share of the work of the university teaching 
and often of research, often receiving no pay save fees, with 
no seat or voice in the faculties, or even in the examining 
boards, all with academic hopes and expectations, but the 
majority of them doomed to disappointment. Some of them 
were the sole representatives of important departments. This 
academic Nachzvuchs, as Eulenberg was the first to designate 
it, was due in that country to the same courses that have 
brought such a multiplicity of young instructors on a limited 
tenure to our institutions, namely, to the great and sudden 
influx of students, the number of whom seems to have about 
doubled in the last quarter century. After a long and bitter 
discussion, four leading universities in 19 13, led by Gottingen 
and the projected University of Hamburg, reconstructed 
their constitutions more or less radically, giving these young 
men, some of whom had toiled a decade or two (one of them 
forty-one years) in hope of recognition which never came. 
Other universities have followed since, so that young men in 
important departments have equal rights with full professors 
and others nearly so, and many of these abuses have been 
remedied. These young men everywhere, as in this country 
are, of course, the hope of the future. Their ideals are the 
best material for prophecy. Their enthusiasm and power of 
sustained work ought to be at its highest and best, and I think 
no question is more worthy of serious consideration than the 


nurture and facilitization of the large and growing body of 
gifted young men of this class in our American universities. 
The docent system has been tried in this country, but our 
conditions make it difficult if not impossible. Perhaps, how- 
ever, it may be said that if young men of great ability and 
promise, who represent desirable topics, new or old, were 
allowed to enter the lists, even competing with senescent pro- 
fessors in their own departments, on anything like equal terms, 
great good in the way of helpful and needed stimulation and 
rejuvenation might result in some cases. Are we treating 
these young men fairly ? To fully answer this question would 
of course involve a discussion of the general methods of in- 
struction and might raise the question whether or not college 
methods did not follow too much those of high schools, and 
whether university methods were sufficiently differentiated 
from those of the requirements of the Bachelor's degree. 

IV. What, if anything, is or is to be the result of the war, 
and perhaps of the changed attitude toward Germany, upon 
research in American universities? Here I may mention that 
Mr. A. Hafner, from whom so many of us receive our for- 
eign publications, writes us that " about one thousand French 
and German periodicals have suspended publication on ac- 
count of the war, and about fifty per cent of those being 
issued are reduced in size." He adds that most scientific 
publications have suffered in quality because so many of their 
contributors doing research work have been sent to the front, 
so that the only new research now being done is in the field 
of medicine. He adds that since March practically all the 
continental publications have been kept out of this country, 
that his firm has been able to secure only sporadic copies. 
I may add that our own list of German publications numbers 
193, that we have paid for those of 1916, but not a copy has 
been received since May 8, 1916. They are lying in bales at 
Rotterdam and the British authorities refuse the permit for 
them to be forwarded. Appeal was taken to the British 
Embassy who referred us to Sir Richard Crawford, the Brit- 
ish trade adviser at Washington, who simply told us we could 
apply and he would forward our request. This we did, but 
were told that the British authorities would not entertain 
applications at present. Our situation is doubtless identical 
with that of all the other universities of this association, so 
that the question might be raised whether it should consider 
any action in the premises. 

One large university expresses the opinion that it would do 
Americans good to be separated for a while from the sources 
that flow from Germany. Eight other universities believe that 


this will or should stimulate us to greater activity in investiga- 
tion, to make good the shortage of intellectual wares made in 
Germany. One thinks the war has greatly affected our con- 
ceptions of the intellectual status of Germany, that American 
students are feeling that American universities are equal to 
or better for them. It has made us conscious of our intel- 
lectual status. Another says it will lead us to more originality 
of all kinds ; another, we shall stand more firmly on our feet. 
Another thinks it has stimulated to appreciably greater activ- 
ity in intellectual research, not only in its relations to industry 
but in pure science. Another insists that the war throws 
greatly increased educational responsibility upon American 
universities for stressing research. This president adds that 
nowhere has there been such intellectual waste as in German 
universities, that the war will force us to a new educational 
work, bring higher standards, and a sense of responsibility 
hitherto unrealized. Our universities will come into a larger 
being on account of the European War. Another thinks the 
opposite effect is possible, that the stoppage of scientific sup- 
plies from Europe deprives us of one of our greatest stimuli, 
and that everything may drop to a lower level in this country 
as a result. Four insist that American universities have an 
opportunity now opened by the war that is fully as great as 
that which it has afforded to manufactures. One doubts 
whether we shall have insight or ability enough to realize its 
fruitage and says that the spiritual and intellectual uplift 
which ought to come now will only be for nations that have 
the vision and are willing to pay the price of its realization. 
One insists that scientific research will be incalculably stimu- 
lated, that as it has aroused manufacturers to see the im- 
portance of scientific investigation in approved fields, and to 
improve and cheapen methods of production, the same result 
will follow a little later in academic fields. One believes that 
the war will make research here far more utilitarian, as war 
is said to have done in Japan. Another expresses the opinion 
that if Germany does not continue to lead in research after 
the animosity toward her, which is sure to be short-lived, is 
past, we may well fear for the intellectual future of the rest 
of the race. 

It is this stimulus to greater activity that has largely led to 
the organization of the National Research Council in Sep- 
tember, 191 5, in the work of which we are all so interested. 
It proposes " to render the United States independent of for- 
eign sources of supply liable to be affected by war." Some 
fear that science will be criticized for its part in the war, and 
it must also repair its damages. In a public address of the 


president of one of our institutions he emphasizes the fact 
that war has created a great opportunity for us. Who, he 
says, can make good the let-down of the tremendous develop- 
ment of science for which Germany has been responsible? 
What universities can assume the burden that the great French 
schools have lain down or that the English universities must 
forego? The loss of academic talent is incalculable, and to 
carry on our present standards of life requires a constant 
stream of vigorous men and a constant outflow of scientific 
activity from our universities. More and more depends upon 
this and its cessation means paralysis. We are affected more 
than any other country, so that there is a new call for our 
universities to become the center of the intellectual life of the 
next generation. We must stiffen our intellectual fibre. 
There must be a more serious moral purpose. Our primary 
ends should come more to the fore and our secondary interests 
be less stressed. If the war does irreparable damage to the 
intellectual life of the world, the primary sources of investiga- 
tion on which creative work must be done, should be trans- 
ferred to this country and be developed here. He adds that 
our universities need a revival of true religion and spiritual 
ideals, thinks that the war has shown Kultur to be a failure, 
and has shown religion to be ineffective. Hence if our civil- 
ization is to stand the awful shock we must go deeper down 
to the real sources and begin by realizing that our universities 
have not done their full duty in ministering to the next gen- 
eration. The intellectual burden of the world must now fall 
largely upon this country. 

Such views are greatly emphasized by present conditions in 
Europe. Last spring 30% of the teachers in all the German 
universities were in the war, and even 30% of the courses 
were suspended, and no less than 64.2% of all students, al- 
though registered in the calendar, are im Krieg. A Marburg 
pamphlet say that most of those at home are incapacitated from 
military service, and even indicates that they are so by their 
own fault. Still more significant in this respect are the deep 
and far-reaching changes in all curricula in the direction of 
immediate practice, not to say material efficiency. We are told 
that Germany is feeling her school system, excellent as it is, 
quite inadequate. It is establishing a clearing-house of educa- 
tional information and practice, suggested by but far more 
elaborate than our Bureau of Education. The old Suvern Bill 
is revived, which ensures free progress from the very lowest 
Volksschule to the university, removing the present gap which 
isolated the Volksschule. This proposal, if it prevails, remits 
all fees from the kindergarten to the Doctorate. Thus a new 


type of Einheitsschule with a unitary basis but with rich dif- 
ferentiation for different goals is proposed, based not on the 
pocketbook but on abilities. Some insist that in this way not 
only will efficiency secure educational rights for women but 
will even harmonize if not unify military and educational 
influences. This program, too, entirely severs the control of 
the church, even from the lower school. In 1890 the Kaiser 
wished schools to be German rather than classical and these 
programs realize this wish to an astonishing extent, and it is 
not uncommon now to read disparagements of ancient culture. 
Many new courses by professors that remain are introduced, 
also, in the university, suggested by the war, such as those on 
the origin and nature of modern Kultur, Islam and the Orient, 
relations of Germany to Christianity and the East, interna- 
tional and military law, economic and other problems of war, 
pressing needs for economic expansion, and social courses, 
even on eugenics and child-bearing, while of course medicine 
has found a vast new field. 

In England, too, education after. the war is likely to aban- 
don many ancient topics as luxuries, and to become more 
practical. Greek, it is claimed, should be given entirely to the 
specialists, and Latin to those who need it and are gifted. 
Precedents seem likely to be swept away. A plan now likely 
to prevail makes one modern language obligatory, preferably 
French, even in the popular schools. Geography is to be 
expanded but made mainly commercial. History is to be 
more modern and contemporary. German, we are told, will 
be neglected for a time, but should be diligently encouraged 
" in the interests of future harmony." History will be eco- 
nomic and biographic, with great attention to political institu- 
tions. Education will have to be practical because the national 
resources have been mortgaged for so long a future. The 
war will not end with peace and the schools must begin where 
the armies stop. In a recent Parliamentary discussion, Lord 
Haldane insisted that the schools should stress science if they 
wish to give England the skill which had made Germany so 
dangerous even before the war as a competitor, while Lord 
Cromer and Bryce objected that in Germany alongside its 
material efficiency had been a deterioration of character due 
to the turning away of the younger generation from human- 
istic studies. In this spirit the government has appointed a 
committee of the Privy Council for Scientific and Industrial 
Research, and also an Advisory Council to propose schemes. 
To encourage this kind of research the committee proposes 
350 scholarships each year for students of the secondary 
schools who intend to pursue scientific or industrial subjects 


in the university, these scholarships to last three years and 
the estimated cost of this entire movement is placed at 
339,ooo£ Special effort is to be made, too, to detect talent 
early. This Council is in the line of, if not suggested by, 
the Kaiser Wilhelm Society of 19 10, for the further advance 
of science in institutions of research, and this has lately re- 
sulted in the establishment of a Research Institute on a large 
scale in Berlin with Emile Fischer at the head. 

Must we not infer from all the great new developments of 
the last few years in this field that the attitude of American 
universities toward research is a question that overtops all 
others and requires a new and wider orientation than we have 
yet given it? The Association of American University Pro- 
fessors is demanding complete academic freedom, and it is 
very fair and proper to press upon them the question what 
they are going to do with this freedom when attained to their 
satisfaction. So to the university in this country, which has 
existed only since 1876, and is now progressively attaining 
proper differentiation from the college, the question is what 
we are going to do. This is too vast a question for any indi- 
vidual or perhaps any single institution to answer, but must 
be wrought out by the slow consensus of the competent. Can 
the university free itself sufficiently from the old traditions 
of the college and learn to give not merely opportunity, but 
what is far more important, incentive, to research, which is so 
important a function? I see no way but to give to each 
department a degree of autonomy and independence of ad- 
ministrative control unknown on the college level. The revolt 
against presidents and deans a few years ago was largely led 
by professors of high university grade who were right in defy- 
ing undue central control. So, too, rules of one department 
often do not apply to those of another, and there is not in- 
frequently a tyranny of the faculty majority. One university 
in this association requires only a minimum of two hours a 
week teaching, and this has worked well for a quarter of a 
century, and most if not all of the instructors, save those who 
are new to the business, do more. The great problem is, will 
men given all this liberty and opportunity keep up their initial 
ardor for productivity, or sag toward a Carnegie pension or 
Osier chloroform, crossing the dead-line, so broad that it is 
hard for their colleagues and even themselves to realize that 
they have done so? Research is indefinitely harder than al- 
most any amount of teaching. One writer says that the in- 
vestigator must constantly keep himself in a state of exaltation, 
illustrating James's " higher powers of man," and that having 
once tapped these great reservoirs of enthusiasm, age cannot 


quell them, but they go on till death. To say that ability 
cannot be repressed or that this problem will take care of 
itself is a counsel of ignorance and ease. England and Ger- 
many both have new institutions designed to pick out gifted 
children in the schools and facilitate their advancement, re- 
garding them as the most precious of all the national resources. 
For many years we have given vast attention to dullards, 
defectives and morons, and the question may well be asked 
whether universities also do not give too much consideration 
to the lower half of our academic groups. 

V. Despite the great and rapidly multiplying institutions 
devoted solely to research, of which there is now a long list, 
where the investigator has no other duties and everything — 
books, apparatus, assistants — can be had by pressing a button, 
I see no ground for fear that these will ever interfere with 
investigation by universities. Perhaps a national university 
at Washington as a culmination of state and agricultural in- 
stitutions, to prevent vast resources of the score of institu- 
tions from going to waste, to eliminate duplication of work 
between departments there, as President Dabney now 
urges doing for the national government something like that 
which the University of Wisconsin has done for that state, which 
would be a bureau of legislative reference and information, a 
clearing-house for students, federate societies, and, indeed, 
realize all the dreams about it, from Washington and Jefferson 
down to those of the late President Gilman when, in 1900, he 
undertook to preside over the Washington Academy and the 
memorial association, might be made to meet the needs of 
the situation. Despite all this there can be no real danger 
from any of these sources to university research. Colleges 
may compete for students and money, and there may be too 
many of them, but there is a sense in which there can be no 
competition but only rivalry in research. We have only just 
begun to know nature and man, and to draw upon their latent 
resources. Our descendants will look back upon our igno- 
rance with the same d'haut en bas pity with which we do upon 
the attainments of our forbears. We cannot possibly have 
too many institutions or individuals engaged in research. In 
his recent little sketch of the history of learned academies, 
George Hale tells us that the great installation of learning 
which began with the enormous endowment of eight hundred 
talents, made by Alexander the Great to his teacher Aristotle, 
and which was the basis of the school at Alexandria, which 
lasted on till the fall of Constantinople, where, we are told, 
one thousand investigators were studying animals alone, and 
with its library of eight hundred thousand volumes, this, he 


says, is still a model to be striven for to-day. So we are told 
in many respects were the great academies of the seventeenth 
century, many of them based on earlier secret organizations 
with their scores and sometimes hundreds of local branches, 
to which not a few of the early universities owed their origin. 
In his history of them Merz says in substance that not only 
able but often mediocre men, by the associations thus estab- 
lished, made important contributions to science. Surely there 
is no danger of too much research, and those who fear this 
now would have opposed the Renaissance in its day. 

VI. Many, however, and finally, do think they see a real 
danger that investigation will be led captive by industry and 
that the distinctions between pure and applied science may be 
obliterated, and that research will get into dangerous prox- 
imity to the patent office. They point us to the corporation 
schools, in some respects the most significant movement of 
our day, the fourth volume, containing the proceedings of the 
fourth annual meeting having just appeared. They point, of 
course, to the Potsdam Anstalt, at the head of which was 
Helmholtz when he died, who was said to have gone over to 
the " Tcchnik," which offers the best equipment and the ser- 
vice of the best men to every industry. They point, of course, 
to the Ludwigshafen dye-works, with their four hundred 
buildings, five thousand workmen, and three hundred and 
fifty university trained chemists, to the Bell telephone research 
department, with a staff of five hundred and fifty engineers 
and other scientific graduates from over seventy institutions, 
and to a few dozen other great industries that are placing 
themselves more and more under scientific guidance, although 
in general this movement is little developed in this country. 
Robert Duncan, whose name has become almost a classic, 
since his death, in the European literature on this subject, and 
who devised the method of the Mellon Institute (which, as all 
know, takes on the study of industrial processes of any kind 
that science can help), makes the transfer to manufactures of 
a method which was well developed before here in agriculture. 
Such movements cannot possibly go too far. They are neces- 
sary, as England is realizing in its parliamentary reports, for 
national safety and preparedness. A nation that neglects them 
can never survive a long or serious modern war. We must 
admit that the line between pure and applied science is not 
quite as clear as it was. The severe strictures which Edison 
passes on academic physics and chemistry, and which I.ur- 
bank is said to feel towards botanists, is factitious and can be 
only ephemeral. Marconi cherishes no such feeling towards 
Maxwell and Herz : who made his inventions possible. We 


university men are fond of reminding ourselves that but for 
Langley the development of aviation by the Wright brothers 
and their successors would have been improbable, if not im- 
possible. Jacobson tells us that the Teutons have succeeded 
for two years against the rest of Europe by utilizing the re- 
sults of the researches of one man, Haver, on the fixation of 
atmospheric nitrogen, which enables them to obtain nitric acid 
in enormous quantities, that had this process been known out- 
side Germany, the war would have ended by this time, and 
all countries would jiave been spared millions. Pasteur's re- 
searches which saved industries in silk, sheep-raising, the mak- 
ing of beer, wine, are another classic case. The history of 
indigo of which Germany two years ago exported twenty 
million dollars' worth to Asia alone, goes straight back to 
Liebig, Bayer, and to Kekule's work on the arrangement of 
atoms. Optical glass, we are told, resulted from the scien- 
tific study of Abbe. Mr. Hetherstone has recently given us 
a little sketch of many such cases, and shows how often great 
discoveries are made by young students and sometimes even 
by chance. Daguerre had no more vision of the great value 
of his discovery than Faraday did when he showed his wife 
his first dynamo. The history of research shows that some 
of the best of it has had a purely humanistic motive, especially 
in medicine, and here we have a marvelous list of achievements 
impossible without special facilities for research. 

But the highest and strongest motive that seems to have 
underlain much of the best research in all its brilliant chapters 
is the pure love of truth for its own sake. Many of the great- 
est discoveries have lain dormant for decades before they 
found any application, and to the latter their authors were 
often indifferent. There is something about the gratification 
of high intellectual curiosity which some people think knits 
the brain up into a closer unity than anything else. But to 
ask what happens, why and how, why does the top spin, roots 
grow down, animals breathe fast when they run, etc., to be 
able to order, harmonize, penetrate into the secrets of the 
world, to be ready if need be to " slay a beautiful hypothesis 
by an ugly fact," to feel oneself, in Fichte's language, the 
priest of truth and in her pay, ready to do and suffer all things 
for her, and especially to know by personal experience a little 
something of what the Eureka glow of discovery means, — 
this in itself constitutes the higher education of to-day. It is 
capable of generating the enthusiasm of young men to a degree 
which students of their nature ever since Plato have pointed 
out as their chief need. The great question of higher educa- 
tion is to satisfy this erethic need of young men. Calentures 


they must and will have. The dull routine of lesson-learning 
and reciting kills it, but the spirit of exploration and inquiry 
precisely meets this need. Kepler, Cannon reminds us, after 
twenty years of study on a topic, says that only eighteen 
months ago did he get his first glimpse and at last he made 
his discovery, and this is the way he writes of it : " Nothing 
holds me. I will indulge my sacred fury. If you forgive 
me I rejoice ; if you are angry I can bear it. The die is cast. 
The book is written, to be read either now or by posterity, 
I care not which. It may well wait a century for a reader, 
as God has waited six thousand years for an observer." 

VII. Is not a vast and new responsibility now laid upon 
American universities, along with a call for a new independ- 
ence of the past and of Europe, and must we not henceforth 
find or make our own way to a new leadership of Western 
civilization ? I cannot fear the danger of Garyizing our uni- 
versities, even though we have just learned that one institu- 
tion has founded a Bureau of Salesmanship Research, with a 
fund of $75,000 provided by business concerns of its city. 
Too much of the life of the community cannot flow through 
our institutions. Research should and will be their vital 
breath, their native air. The instinct of research is too strong 
in human nature to be overwhelmed. In the middle ages per- 
secution compelled it to elaborate secrecy, but hardly damped 
the ardor of its adepts, and so now neither commercialism 
nor academic drudgery can permanently check or divert it. 
In this pragmatic age utility has an inspiration of its own, 
and a long list of achievements to its credit. There is a large 
sense in which science is service and discovery a higher philan- 
thropy, but there must be leisure which we forget is the very 
meaning of the word " school," and the great investigator 
must always cultivate a little monastic aloofness. Fichte said 
that the spirit of tireless research was the most sacred thing 
in the modern world, the most authentic voice of the Holy 
Ghost, that no one could speak of it without enthusiasm, and 
to disparage was to blaspheme. But I must end in a collaps- 
ing way by confessing inability to answer the question as- 
signed upon the program. The problem can only be solved 
by the slowly evolving insights of the growing number of 
those who have a vision and so I conclude with the following 
rather paltry queries. 

1. Can we not make efficiency in research the chief criterion 
of the admission of new institutions to this association ? One 
applicant presents an impressive list of schools, departments, 
numbers, wealth and growth, but says nothing of this. An- 
other large state institution, that has not applied but I am 


told intends to do so, has just said through a committee that 
" an institution devoted to imparting knowledge without any 
effort to add thereto, no matter how varied and seemingly 
efficient its departments may be, does not deserve the name 
of a university," and proceeds to outline a definite policy of 
productive work, specifying that every university should have 
a group of notable creative scholars, that no man should be 
a full professor who has not given evidence of continued 
activity in scholarly researches since his original appointment, 
that teaching hours be reduced for all those qualified for or 
engaged in productive research, that if a man of high char- 
acter and attainments be made professor it should be left to 
his own discretion to determine how many hours it is ex- 
pedient for him to teach. 

2. Should not each institution with a department of educa- 
tion add to the work that now includes only grammar and 
high school grades, one or more courses on the history of 
science, of learned academies, universities and colleges, their 
policy and the higher pedagogy generally. I know of only 
two attempts in the country ever made in this line. In one 
it was proposed but the president thought it might not har- 
monize with its administrative policies. 

3. Can we not relieve young appointees fresh from the 
Doctorate from the monotonous and grinding drudgery of 
marking examination papers and excessive teaching? 

4. A number of eminent professors in different institutions 
believe that there is a vast and as yet largely unexplored field 
for raising money, instead of for buildings and enlarging 
methods already operative, for researches of a specific nature, 
and as we all know, some recent donations for such purposes 
give hopeful indications in this direction. 

5. Should not administrative officers have some special 
agency enabling them to keep in touch with the now many 
new schemes of developments in this field; for instance, the 
apparently simultaneous proposals this year from two sources 
for an institute of political and administrative research, on 
the plan of the Mellon Institute, for studying a long list of 
practical problems detailed in the two plans? 

6. The National Research Council of the National Academy 
of Sciences, and the Committee of One Hundred, who have 
wisely begun their labors by attempting an inventory of all 
the various funds in the country available for research, and 
which planned both to coordinate it, clearing-house fashion, 
and also to stimulate it, not only for institutions but for pri- 
vate investigators, seem perhaps now the most hopeful agency 
to this end, under which we shall all want to cooperate and 


in years this Council and Committee may be able to give some 
authoritative answer to the problem. 

7. Finally, should not professors and departments, just in 
proportion as they have demonstrated their research power, 
be freed from administrative control, and be given complete 
independence? Some deans and presidents are successful in- 
vestigators, but do not these functions tend to be mutually 
exclusive? Should not a man of this power be allowed to 
teach or not teach, examine or not examine, be present or 
absent, promote his advanced and promising students in what- 
ever time and way he sees fit, and thus be a law to himself, 
and his department and its conduct be emancipated? This 
would of course produce great diversity, but is not this needed? 
In other words, can we ever have successful academic research 
till it is allowed complete autonomy, unhampered not only by 
officials but by general rules or faculty majorities ? 



By William L. Dealey, Providence, R. I. 

The slow development of public school control over the 
child should include as a further radical advance, advisory- 
control of the pre-school period. An adequate conception of 
child growth implies this extension. Supervision of the pre- 
natal period by agencies for conserving postnatal infant life, 
presents a ready parallel. The welfare of the child is " de- 
pendent in its origins upon ante-school conditions." From 
the medical standpoint, these conditions are not controlled 
because an unfilled gap lies between the infant-welfare centers 
of the first year and school medical inspection in the fifth. 
According to Forsyth, inspection points to widespread physical 
deterioration during these first five years, leaving the majority 
of children with serious but preventable defects. These defec- 
tive entrants must be restored at high cost. As medical control 
is only a phase in the educational control of this period, this 
neglect represents inexcusable inefficiency on the part of school 

Physical Welfare 

The first essential in medical pre-school control is to pro- 
tect from contagion at any cost. The child's protection 
is so poor that Burnham 1 notes lymph alone is adequate ; 
the epidermis is frail and unprotected ; body cavities lack 
mucus with bacteriacidal properties and epithelial layers are 
less resistant; as a second defense the dermis and subcutane- 
ous and submucous cellular tissue afford inferior protection. 
The blood is less resistant because less alkaline and with less 
bacteriacidal power (Weill) : at birth but 28 per cent of the 
leucocytes apparently possess bacteriacidal power, at one year 
40 per cent, at the third year 54 per cent (in adult life, 70 
per cent). If its tissues are attacked, resistance is further 
lessened through the constant stress of growth. There result 

* This study is a digest of related literature, such as the Tabular 
Statement of the federal Children's Bureau (E. R. Goodwin, 1916), 
or the Annual Proceedings of the American Association for the Study 
and Prevention of Infant Mortality (Baltimore). Facts are quoted 
to illustrate tendencies, not to present detail. 

1 Cf. Burnham, W. H. : The Hygiene of the Kindergarten Child. 
Proceedings of the National Education Association, 1904, pp. 416-22. 


in the pre-school period from I to 5 years, roughly 88,400 
deaths in the United States (1914). As the degree of pro- 
tection increases with age, this mortality follows a rough 
curve of 52, 23, 14 and 11 per cent in its decline from 1 to 4 
years. Child disease is admirably illustrated in measles, as 
after-effects may be serious and probably 80 per cent of the 
fatal cases are under 5 years. 2 Examining 5,538 entrants to 
the Chemnitz schools, Thiele found 64 per cent had under- 
gone measles. 3 Burnham instances 1,077 fatal cases of 
measles in Munich among 28,988 cases, 21 per cent were fatal 
in the first year, 5 per cent from 2 to 5 years, and only .4 per 
cent from 6 to 10 years. Tuberculosis, as a further instance, 
in its inception is a disease of early life. Fisher has com- 
puted the preventability for diseases with the median age of 
death under 5 years; for example, diphtheria 70 per cent, 
diarrhea 60, broncho-pneumonia 50, whooping cough 40, or 
measles 40; for diseases with a median age at one year 47, 
and for other diseases of childhood 67 per cent. This ex- 
cessive mortality is a rough index of the far larger numbers 
who become defective 4 during this pre-school period. 

Periodic medical inspection is therefore essential to any 
control of the child and its pre-school environment (the 
home). To this end, the child's family should be coordinated 
with a unit of protective power stronger than itself, either a 
medical school inspection service or municipal division of 
child hygiene. School physicians, as in Cincinnati, may exer- 
cise a limited supervision by allowing children to bring their 
little brothers and sisters for examination. The extension of 
such supervision implies health centers in the schools. Illus- 
trating control by child-hygiene divisions, Buffalo cooperates 
with the Babies Milk Dispensary Association, to follow the 
child till school age through infant-welfare consultations. The 
full development of such centers, as child-welfare stations, 
would supply an exceptional mechanism for monthly examina- 

2 For example, among 33,917 deaths at 1 year, 8% were of measles, 
6% tuberculosis, 5% diphtheria and croup, 4% whooping cough, 
(29% general diseases) ; among 15,364 at 2 years, 12% diphtheria, 
7% measles, nearly 7% tuberculosis (40% general) ; among 9,498 at 
3 years, 46% general, chiefly diphtheria. 16% ; among 6,915 at 4 years, 
diphtheria 19% (general, 49%). Deaths from diseases of the diges- 
tive system, startlingly high in infancy, at 1 year are still 29%, de- 
clining to 10% at 4 years. Of deaths at 1 year, 27% were through 
diseases of the respiratory system, decreasing to 15% at 4 years (1913). 

8 Cf. Burnham, W. H. : A Health Examination at School Entrance. 
Fed. Sem., Vol. 21, 1914, pp. 219-41. 

4 Cf. the typical physical defects found in school medical inspec- 
tions, for instance, adenoid growths resulting in arrest or defective 
teeth causing infections. 


tions until school age. Although the majority of 71 organized 
consultations for well babies limit to 2 years, 9 receive until 
school-age and 8 place no limit. The Babies' Milk Fund Asso- 
ciation of Louisville in its 6 infant-welfare stations provides 
weekly conferences with intensive home care till 3 years, and 
instructive supervision to 5 years, when children come under 
school nurses in the kindergartens. Conferences are provided 
from 2 to 6 years at 4 stations of the New York Diet Kitchen 
Association. The Chicago Woman's City Club (1914) a l so 
promotes fortnightly classes into which mothers with children 
2-6 years of age are graduated. The Grand Rapids Clinic for 
Infant Feeding, for instance, places its age limit at 5 years; 
so does the Baby Milk Supply Association of Lexington (Ky.). 

The remarkable present development of agencies for infant care 
and their inherent educational possibilities, are scarcely appreciated 
by schoolmen. The essential supervisory center during infancy is 
the welfare station which combines the milk depot with the infant 
consultation. At the consultation a trained physician or nurse sys- 
tematically examines the infant before the mother, followed by home 
instruction under a visiting nurse. The station may distribute to 
mothers certified as unable to nurse, pure milk, either free or at 
prevailing prices, with instruction in home modification. Artificial 
feeding is thus discouraged. Goodwin found some 46 per cent do 
not dispense milk. Milk dealers should cooperate to provide instructive 
medical service for patrons. 

As infant-welfare centers offer the mechanism for infant control, 
they are enjoying rapid development. Goodwin 5 reports 539 summer 
(397 winter) stations, supported by 205 agencies in 142 cities (1914)- 
These stations utilize 714 full-time and more than 152 part-time 
nurses in summer (488 full-time and more than 116 part-time nurses 
in winter). Approximately 43 per cent, however, are concentrated in 
the 8 largest cities. One infant-welfare station for each city of 
10,000, and for larger cities, 1 for each approximate 20,000, is sug- 
gested. I 

In an important group of cities efforts are still almost entirely 
private, city health authorities cooperating chiefly by control of the 
milk supply. The Baltimore Babies' Milk Fund Association illus- 
trates the effective private agency. Weekly consultations in 16 welfare 
stations reach 7,059 infants. Cooperation is encouraged from registra- 
tion of birth until 3 years. Fifteen trained nurses are employed (3 
additional in summer) in home instruction. The mortality of these 
babies was only 6 per cent (for the city, 12 per cent) ; 14 additional 
stations are required. The Council Milk and Ice Fund distributes whole 
milk daily to some 400 families. The Association enjoys partial aid 
(15%) from the summer hospital for babies, Thomas Wilson Sani- 
tarium ; and shares in the Alliance of Charitable and iSocial Agencies. 
In a second related group of cities, cooperation with departments of 
health is somewhat more extensive. Thus the Washington authorities 
provide extensive publicity, while the Diet Kitchen Association cares 
for 1,749 infants through 5 attractive c enters for mothers. 

5 Goodwin, E. R. : A Tabular Statement of Infant- Welfare Work. 
U. S. Children's Bureau, Publication No. 16, 1916. 114 p. This tabu- 
lation includes new and important data (1914). 


In the more important present groupings, municipal departments 
include a large part of the infant-welfare machinery. After experi- 
mental demonstration by the New York Milk Committee the New 
York bureau of child hygiene now has 66 stations, 5 dispensing whole 
milk, but becoming permanent educational centers promoting hygiene 
on a large scale. It is aimed to create parental attitudes making it 
as natural to visit milk stations as to send older children to school. 
The stations reach 38,427 infants under 2 years. This municipal bureau 
cooperates with every private agency whose work it in any way 
touches. The New York Diet Kitchen Association for example, reaches 
5,046 infants through 8 district health stations, and certified milk is 
distributed at the price of ordinary milk. The Nathan Straus Labora- 
tories maintain in summer 17 (in winter 8), pasteurized milk sta- 
tions. The 3 practical feeding stations of the Babies' Dairy prepare 
modified milk for sick infants, and each reaches 40-50 babies daily. 
In fine there are some 350 agencies in New York. The Babies' Wel- 
fare Association affiliates more than 90 members. This clearing-house 
offers perhaps the most complete cooperation effected in this line 
of work. Through its offices in the health department, it systemat- 
ically places discharged maternity cases under the care of stations. 
A map of milk station districts and uniform records eliminate waste. 
By bringing important relief societies and stations together, with the 
social service exchange, free milk is provided without the former 
delays of investigation. Since nearly all the hospitals and settlement 
nurses are included, a time loss is avoided in placing sick babies. The 
result is an " organized campaign, planned on scientific lines and car- 
ried out with business-like efficiency." 

The Boston system turns upon a remarkable private agency, the 
Milk and Baby Hygiene Association, in close cooperation with 
Boston's division of child hygiene, whose 13 nurses observe all births 
registered. In 4 Association health stations, conferences are held twice 
weekly, in 8, weekly. The staff includes 23 child specialists and 15 
nurses trained in infant care and social work. The number of babies 
supervised has increased to 4,679. Seventy-four per cent are now 
wholly or partly breast-fed; and, according to Murray, the death-rate 
has been reduced 27 per cent. The co-operative Baby Welfare Com- 
mittee, representing the chief agencies, studies the field to avoid 
duplication ; milk stations are districted and correlated with hospitals. 

Cleveland has developed an elaborate interlocking system. The 
municipal bureau of child hygiene is directly affiliated with the central 
Babies' Dispensary and Hospital, under the same medical director and 
superintendent of nurses. The bureau has divided Cleveland into 
15 districts, each with a prophylactic dispensary supervised by a 
trained physician. These stations reach 4,478 infants, but some 40 
would be needed completely to cover the city. Each dispensary is 
correlated with the central Babies' Hospital. The latter includes a 
milk laboratory, and finances the distribution of milk; sick infants 
are referred to its physicians. General, dispensary, tuberculosis and 
school nurses are represented in a Joint Committee of Public Health 
Nursing. The Cleveland Welfare Federation ensures support. 

In addition to these important systems of great cities, among 
random agencies, the flexible Babies' Milk Fund of Detroit va- 
ries its educational and nursing work according to the need in 
districts of high mortality; as rapidly as the municipal division of 
infant welfare is in a position to cover any district, the work is ad- 
vanced elsewhere. Each maintains 4 stations. The Children's Aid 

» Ibid. 


Association of Indianapolis has a successful solution of pure milk 
distribution. Milk is delivered directly into the homes by a large 
firm, after pasteurization from a selected tuberculin-tested herd. Its 
central clinic is within a few blocks of all car lines; 4 clinics operate 
the entire year, 4 additional in summer, and supervise 1,352 children 
under 5 years. 5 The municipal authorities meet half the expense. 
Among cities with less than 150,000, the Syracuse Infant Welfare 
Association through 8 school nurses from the Board of Education, 
conducts 3 stations in public schools of crowded districts, and hopes 
to turn an increasing share over to the bureau of health. Under the 
Dayton (O.) health department and Visiting Nurse Association, clinics 
for babies are open in school houses in four different sections of the 
city. Dallas (Tex.) has developed the first welfare stations in the 
Southwest, the Infants' Welfare and Milk Association supervising 
2,602 infants. A monthly subsidy is paid by the city, and the Asso- 
ciation federated under the admirable Dallas Department of Public 
Welfare. Illustrative of cities less than 50,000, health officers of the 
Oranges (N. J.) organized the Baby Welfare Association, and laid 
out 7 districts. This association is a centralizing agency, affiliating 
the 6 private associations which complete the system. 

There is a further group of cities which rely essentially upon their 
health departments. Pittsburgh approaches such a system through the 
20 summer and 7 winter stations under its bureau of child welfare. 5 
Rochester's well-known system controls 3,691 infants in summer 
through the health bureau. This follow-up system includes 17 welfare 
nurses and 13 child-welfare stations located in public or parochial 
schools. The sale of milk has been discontinued. Supplies are fur- 
nished, unsanitary homes supervised and where necessary cleaned or 

Welfare stations may expand to deal with the entire family. Such 
a public health unit can focus all available agencies upon the families 
of a limited area. Milwaukee's first health center (1912) exercised 
for its district of 33 blocks, fairly complete postnatal supervision over 
every baby. The Philadelphia Child Federation maintains an experi- 
mental health center for the intensive study of infant mortality in 
one congested square, infant consultations (with 551 infants), further 
examinations of children 2-6 years, little mothers' leagues and boys' 
sanitary clubs, supervision of food products, and an intermediary role 
between neighborhood and city departments. Buffalo has 3 centers 
and would cover the city with such miniature health departments, 
following the lines of C. O. S. districts. The National Social Unit 
Organization (New York) now plans the intensive survey of limited 
experimental areas, for instance, in Cincinnati. 

Classification of infant-welfare systems reveals the increasing share 
of municipal health departments. In 60 cities, 181 stations were ope- 
rated by municipalities alone; municipal nurses instructed parents in 
100 cities. 5 The expense of conducting milk depots on a large scale 
is beyond private philanthropy. Divisions of child hygiene in 20 depart- 
ments of health have given a remarkable impetus to systematic effort, 
and by cooperation with medical charities such Idivisions should control 
physical child welfare. 

To this end, expansion is urgently needed. The New York 
Milk Committee was unable to secure reports of the previous year's 
infant mortality from 43 per cent of the 252 larger cities. Only 4 
health officers could vouch for a rate below 50 per 1,000 births. 
Goodwin found 24 per cent among 555 city health officers did no 

5 Ibid. ' 


infant-welfare work, and 46 per cent felt limited to milk inspection. 
Similarly, Schneider's (1913) questionnaire from health departments 
in 201 cities, showed 22 per cent making no effort for infant welfare; 
33 per cent of the smaller cities had no such plans, but 69 per cent 
of cities 100,000-300,000, and 94 per cent of larger cities had the essen- 
tial features of a complete system. A most important cause for this 
neglect Schneider found in the low average of 33 cents per capita 
for health department appropriations. 

Where the population is scattered, elective boards of public welfare 
or local health associations in counties or groups of counties might 
administer the work of state health departments. Kansas, New Jersey, 
New York and Ohio have specific divisions of child hygiene. State- 
wide organization is also supplied by private agencies. A department 
of the Wisconsin Anti-Tuberculosis Association, for instance, has 
concentrated on the infant mortality of the state; or the Ohio Public 
Health Federation, or Illinois Public Health and Welfare Association, 
are organized for one working state unit. Of national institutions, 
the federal Children's Bureau and the American Association for the 
Prevention of Infant Mortality (with 135 affiliated organizations), 
are among the foremost unifying forces in the infant-welfare field. 
To avoid the confusing educational effect of diverse campaigns upon 
the public and other overlapping, present national systems should 
affiliate in a strong public health league. The general American 
Public Health Association, American Medical Association, or the 
American School Hygiene Association, now emphasize child hygiene. 
The Committee of One Hundred on National Health (New York) 
hopes to unite all government health agencies in a National Depart- 
ment of Health. 

The effectiveness of mechanisms such as infant-welfare or 
health centers largely depends upon personal instruction of 
mothers by visiting nurses. Simple, flexible systems of visit- 
ing nurses supplement the resident nurse among families of 
moderate means, 6 and extend free, skilled care to the poor in 
their homes. In Providence, for example, the Visiting* Nurse 
Association supervises children until replaced by school nurses 
at 4.5 years. Though reaching a limited number, such nurses 
are the most far-reaching preventive force in public health. 7 
The extension of their instructive supervision should be rapid, 
and if possible reenforced by state staffs of public health 

According to Waters (1915) some 5,152 public health nurses are 
employed by 2,066 different agencies in district nursing, representing 
a country-wide network. Goodwin reports 198 cities with home 
instruction in infant hygiene by 466 full-time and 460 part-time summer 
nurses. Of the full-time nurses, 80 per cent are municipal ; but 

6 Wrigley finds 108 " hourly " nurses, for such families. 

7 Neff (1911) reports in 4 congested Philadelphia wards, S trained 
nurses reduced the infant death-rate 27.3% (all wards only 11.8' 
Baker contrasts the continuous supervision of home visits by Dtti 
(60 cents per month) with the cost (2 dollars) and mortality (2.5%) 
for milk depot care alone (but 1.4% of 16,987 infants under nursing 
care died). 


returns for part-time nurses are admittedly small, since the incidental 
work of a majority of the visiting nurse associations is involved. 
Waters' statistics which include 98 nursing centers under departments 
of health and 22 under departments of education also indicate the 
trend toward municipal nurses. 

In the American Nurses' Association, three great nursing organiza- 
tions meet, broadly co-ordinating all nursing systems. The American 
Nurses' Association is composed of 238 alumnae associations, 51 city 
or county and 45 state organizations. Through the efforts of these 
state associations, laws and curricula are drawn, training schools 
accredited and educational standards maintained. This state mechan- 
ism includes an examining board. The National League of Nursing 
Education contains about 500 active members, though representing 
less than half the total number of training schools. The National 
Organization for Public Health Nursing met for the first time, 1913. 

Their first essential is a school problem, the training of nurses. 8 
This important group of vocational schools, as an integral part of 
hospitals, clearly suffers by its isolation from other educational systems. 
There are 1,250 training schools in the United States, with 36,120 
pupils, a total capacity of 124,139 beds and a daily average of 80,078 
patients (1914). The first striking fact is the persistence of low 
standards for admission. Nutting (1912) found 692 schools with all 
degrees from a vague "high-school" requirement (35%) to common- 
school preparation (28%). A longer probation in practical pro- 
cedures is therefore necessary, possibly of 6 months, before entering 
the wards. Unfortunately, shorter hours have not generally followed 
the tendency to require 3-year courses. Nutting still found 45 per cent 
with 10 or more hours duty. Employees should release students from 
uneducative repetition in routine domestic service. Where possible, 
hospitals should maintain a salaried body of staff nurses, to increase 
the ratio of graduate nurses. At present for a minimum of instruc- 
tion, student-nurses perform a maximum of service for the hospital. 
Not only classrooms or small libraries, but systematic instruction is 
often lacking. Nutting found 315 schools without paid instructors. 
Of 328 schools registered under the New York State Regents, 81 
per cent have no resident instructor in dietetics. In remedy, such 
schools should either be adequately endowed, receive state or municipal 
aid, or cooperate with medical schools. 

Increased teaching material is essential. The capacity of 692 hos- 
pitals, Nutting found to range from 5 to 500 beds. About 60 per 
cent average under 75 patients, about 25 per cent not more than 25 ; 
yet the minimum of the New York Regents is a daily average of 30 
patients. La Forge mentions 22 hospitals with 1-3 months practical 
work in children's wards, and 3 with 6 months, but the average 
general hospital cannot afford such experiences. Such hospitals should 
employ affiliation with other training schools to consolidate the train- 
ing system. Some 35 per cent of the hospitals, according to Nutting, 
also send their pupils into families for nursing experiences of 2-26 

The public health nurse should supplement such training by post- 
graduate specialization. Lacking scholarships (such as the Robb 
Memorial fund), the solution may lie in an adaptation of part-time 
or continuation schooling. Among post-graduate courses, 3-months' 
work in the New York 'Nursery and Child's Hospital includes the 

8 A minor school problem is the training of nursery maids, in 
babies' hospitals, or even in day nurseries. 


children's wards, observation ward, babies' clinics, the " boarding- 
out " system, or optional work in the diet kitchen. Home visiting 
which will lift families to a normal level also implies special train- 
ing. To instruct the mother in feeding her children, for instance, 
requires training in economical dietaries. 9 For such preventive social 
nursing, the post-graduate course at Teachers' College (Columbia) is 
an important development. This school employs active field work with 
district nurses and the health bureau. Similar cooperation between 
post-graduate schools and well-established visiting nurse groups exists 
in Philadelphia, Cleveland, or Boston; the Universities of Cincinnati 
and Ohio State also offer courses in public health nursing. A sup- 
plementary trend is affiliation with schools of philanthropy. 

As these trends show that the training of nurses is about as poorly 
provided for as that of teachers, state registration should be an 
essential for pre-school work. Training standards and registration 
after examination are established by statute in 35 states (1915). Four- 
fifths are permissive, but 6 states believe they register more by com- 
pulsion. The future of reciprocity between state boards hinges on the 
standards of training schools. A national examining board for nurses 
should aid such standardization. 

Generalized nursing is illustrated in Dayton (O.), where all nursing 
interests are pooled. Each nurse is a sanitary inspector, and cares 
for every case in her district. One nurse in a small district for all 
public health work is held to increase family confidence, prevent dupli- 
cation and approach health problems as a unit. Lacheur found 100 
nursing associations in smaller cities agreeing that the combination of 
infant-welfare work with general nursing was possible. Goodwin lists 
over 100 examples of part-time infant nursing in towns of less than 
10,000. It is difficult to secure specialized nursing in small towns, and 
in rural sections almost impossible. The rural nurse of necessity may 
combine the functions of infant-welfare, tuberculosis and obstetrical 
nurse, sanitary inspector, school nurse, even charity visitor, probation 
officer or playground worker. Rarely is there specially organized 
infant-welfare work in rural sections. The cooperation of the 
rural school teacher, however, affords a direct approach to the 
mother's interest. Health supervision of factors such as sewerage, 
water, milk or other food supplies, is left to individual control. 
Mechanisms such as hospitals, clinics or district nurses are unusual. 
The Red Cross Town and Country Nursing Service has some 70 
rural nurses in the field. The Visiting Nurse Association of Balti- 
more, for instance, has nurses in the counties of Maryland. The 
District Nursing Association of Northern Westchester County (N. Y.), 
with headquarters at Bedford, has divided its territory into 7 districts, 
each with a part-time infant nurse. 

Generalized nursing, however, lacks the efficiency which comes from 
modern specialization. The family may still be considered as a unit 
by bringing together, preferably within the public school, all agencies 
at work in a district. Gerstenberger (1915) found that at least in 
Cleveland, among the families of 818 babies coming to the stations, 
from 87-95 per cent had been visited by but 1 organization in a given 
month, and among 500 families coming to the Central Dispensary. 
79-89 per cent; while less than 1 per cent of the families received 
more than 10 visits. Similarly, in Chicago, according to Flu-Ian, with 

9 In a complete system the visiting nurse is aided by partly trained. 
inexpensive attendants; and her work supplemented by highly trained 
visiting dietitians, visiting housekeepers, visiting teachers, social work- 
ers and women rent collectors. 


specialized nursing groups in 597 families, only 25 were visited by 
2 nurses, and the question of duplication reduces to cooperation. 

School nurses frequently assume infant-welfare functions. Under 
the Pittsburgh bureau of child welfare, they work the year round 
following infants from birth up into the schools. In New York, 
200 municipal school nurses contribute largely to infant welfare, 
instructing little mothers' leagues, visiting in the homes and referring 
to milk stations. Chicago with 93, Detroit 15, Indianapolis 10, and 
among lesser cities New Haven with 7, further illustrate full-time 
summer use of school nurses. Among cities of less than 75,000, Jack- 
sonville (Fla.), Kingston (N. Y.), Oshkosh (Wis.), or Dubuque (la.), 
employ the school nurse for part-time infant work through the year. 

The intimate relation of visiting nurse service with dis- 
pensaries and hospitals, is most clearly revealed in modern 
hospital social service. Some social service departments 
maintain infant-welfare stations. In New York, for instance, 
centers of departments at Lebanon Hospital, Bellevue and 
Allied Hospitals, and the Mt. Sinai Hospital supervise more 
than a thousand infants. The social service department ex- 
tends preventive activity in the homes. Thus the Babies' 
Hospital of Philadelphia affords follow-up care until 6 years 
for every child discharged. Their plan includes a card record 
showing physical condition from the period under care to 
school entrance, and the first physical examination under the 
board of education. The hospital is now following 900 cases, 
building the foundation for a large educational work. 

In the brief period from 1905-13, according to Cannon, over 100 
social service departments developed. This department is an integral 
part of the hospital process, and so preferably under hospital control. 
An important aid is an advisory committee, as at the Massachusetts 
General or St. Louis and Chicago Children's Hospitals. A social 
diagnosis and attention to the social complications of the child's 
disease are intimately connected with medical diagnosis and treatment. 
The Milwaukee Infants' Hospital, for instance, investigates and cor- 
rects home conditions while the baby is at the hospital. Nurses of 
the unique Boston Floating Hospital investigate the home conditions 
of every child and instruct the mother in the home. 

Some of the most successful social service is connected with dis- 
pensaries. Under the follow-up system of the Philadelphia Babies' 
Hospital, the mortality of babies discharged decreased from 22 to 
only 3 per cent. At the Boston Dispensary, children discharged 
are referred to the outpatient service equipped with a visible-file 
index, follow-up postals and home visitors. Among 245 dis- 
charged infants (1914) 25 per cent were well, 50 per cent improved 
and 9 per cent not improved ; at the end of 3 months, 23 per cent 
were well and 42 improved ; in 12 months, though living mostly in 
poor homes, 49 per cent were well, and 18, improved. The average 
result was a steady improvement, though 76 per cent of the cases 
involved educational problems in the home, and 89 per cent, family 
problems, such as illness, acute poverty or illegitimacy. Without such 
supervision the hospital resources would have wasted in readmittances 
through failure to convalesce properly, reinfection or intercurrent 


The dispensary is also an important part of the unified hospital 
process. If should become a center to which sick infants are referred 
from surrounding prophylactic milk stations. As random examples of 
children's dispensaries are, the Babies' Hospital and Children's Hos- 
pital departments in Boston ; or in New York, of the Babies' Hospital, 
the Nursery and Child's Hospital and the Wilkes Dispensary of St. 
Mary's Free Hospital; in Philadelphia, dispensaries of the Children's 
Homeopathic Hospital, the Children's Hospital and St. Christopher's 
Hospital; or of the Washington Children's Hospital. Its general pos- 
sibilities are suggested in a growth from 200 (1904) to at least 2,300, 
according to Davis (Boston Dispensary). His estimate, however, 
includes every form of clinic as well as about 1,000 treating general 
disease among the sick poor. 

The infant ward or hospital, when correlated with the consultation 
for well babies, is an integral part of the pre-school system. For 
observation of the more serious diseases, accurate diagnosis, and the 
proper care of very sick infants, the hospital is essential. Many 
general hospitals handle children, but fail to appreciate their institu- 
tional requirements. The construction, equipment, organization and 
operation of a hospital for young children, as Holt points out, are 
quite different than in a hospital for adults. Infant feeding requires 
special equipment and specially trained service. The wards are 
smaller and with ampler provision for separation, young children are 
so susceptible to infections. Outdoor summer wards are used, such 
as the hospital camp of the Associated Charities, Washington, or the 
baby hospital, Memphis. The general possibilities of hospital control 
lie in 6,745 institutions caring for the sick (1914). Unfortunately there 
are no accepted standards of hospital efficiency. Gilbreth finds the 
usual conditions much worse from a managerial standpoint than in 
the average factory, and in some hospitals so bad as to warrant closing. 

Where medical supervision operating through school or in- 
fant centers, visiting nurse systems or the social service of 
hospitals and dispensaries, is insufficient for the full control 
of early physical development, special consultations under 
either school or health authorities, should specialize in chil- 
dren of pre-school age. 

A further device to control physical neglect among the 
infants of working women in cities, is the day nursery. The 
United States has enjoyed its rapid extension until 618 nur- 
series, according to Dodge, 10 now have an aggregate daily 
attendance of about 30,000 (1914). The total number, how- 
ever, is insignificant when compared with the need. Where 
the mother is necessarily absent at work, the nursery supplies 
immediate relief by supporting the child during the day. 
Such aid should be based upon investigation. As Dolbeare 
suggests, intimate daily contact with the child affords oppor- 
tunity for a social diagnosis of both child and family. On 
this diagnosis proper relief agencies may be utilized, the 
nursery becoming a clearing-house for preventive work. The 

10 Cf. (Biennial) Proceedings of the National Federation of Day 
Nurseries (New York). 


Helen Day Nursery (Chicago), for example, through its 
bureau of personal service investigates cases, and by house- 
keeping funds is enabled to clean up dirty homes. At the 
Fitch Creche ( Buffalo ) the kindergartner as a social worker 
visits all mothers; 2 New Bedford nurseries unite to employ 
a trained investigator for written statements regarding each 
applicant. Where loss of the father has broken the home, 
mother's pensions in some thirty states should enable the 
poorer mother to maintain her child. The spread of mod- 
ern social insurance may prove even more adequate. As a 
makeshift for family care, most nurseries now admit an in- 
creasing number of children with both parents working. Some 
form of cooperative public nursery should extend to middle- 
class mothers. Gallichan suggests community nurseries as 
part of a program of state aid for motherhood. 

The large cities are already forming systems of day nurs- 
eries, correlated by an association. In Greater New York 
alone, ninety-four nurseries with an aggregate daily attend- 
ance of 5,528, affiliate to form the Association of Day Nurs- 
eries ; the Association of Catholic Day Nurseries includes 
fifteen. The Chicago Day Nursery Association comprises 
thirty nurseries (with 4,432 children) and makes fortnightly 
inspections. The Boston Conference is composed of twenty- 
seven day nurseries (nine in Boston). The Newark Associa- 
tion is standardizing the work of six nurseries, with muni- 
cipal aid. The Sheltering Arms Association of Day Nurseries 
in Atlanta coordinates five nurseries. 

The day nursery receives comparatively few infants under 
six months. Since its care centers upon children under six 
years, it supplies an essential gap in the supervision of chil- 
dren over one year in age. The best nurseries provide medical 
examination on admission, owing to the danger of epidemics. 
Among the twenty-three associated Philadelphia nurseries, 
eighteen record physical examinations and thirteen, the family 
health history. 11 According to Kerr, of 178 New York chil- 
dren, 114 were found to have physical defects and 109 were 
treated. To insure continuous medical supervision, nurseries 
should submit to the rules of the health department, as in 
New York with monthly visits by the medical inspector. In 
France all public nurseries must be controlled by a physician, 
under government inspection. A trained nurse should be 
connected with the staff of public nurseries. In Cleveland, 

11 A related agency for children from tuberculous families is the 
preventorium. Thus the fresh-air camp at Farmingdale (N. J.) boards 
New York children (4 years old) several months, during which munici- 
pal nurses make home conditions safe. 


for instance, a regular daily inspection is made by the Day 
Nursery and Free Kindergarten Association. This problem 
is related to the control of kindergartens by school nurses. 

Educational Control i 

These mechanisms for the medical supervision of this 
period, such as extended infant consultations, visiting-nurse 
systems, hospital social service, or even the day nursery, de- 
rive their peculiar importance from the extent to which they 
become educative devices demonstrating to parents proper 
child care. Control of the pre-school period is an educational, 
not a medical, problem. Its development is tending toward 
an immense educational system, as yet unrelated, for parental 
training in infant care. Its educative devices in their lack of 
academic formulae and their realization of learning through 
participation in live and essential situations, exemplify future 
school activities. Such a movement not only embraces the 
public school, but is a virtual continuation of it. The 
important step is to extend its influence over the entire pre- 
school period. The need reveals itself in the commonplace 
wastes of child health and ability. Schwarz (1910) rating 
670 mothers as to their knowledge of infant hygiene, ranked 
seventy-three per cent as unsatisfactory. The New York A. 
I. C. P. (1906) found sixty-five in 108 mothers never heard 
of the curative value of fresh air, seventy-nine, how to feed 
babies, ninety-five, proper child-clothing. The Children's 
Bureau at Johnstown found a mortality of 148 per 1000 births 
among the infants of 445 literate mothers, but a suggestive 
increase to 214 deaths among the infants of 246 illiterates. 
These are random suggestions of the large amount of public 
teaching necessary before control of the pre-school period can 
be carried out in practice. 

Such teaching commences with organized publicity methods 
and culminates in the public school. Publicity implies as 
many different means in as many different channels as pos- 
sible, but concentrated on certain important points, at appro- 
priate times. Personal demonstration and visitation through 
trained nurses and physicians are simply the most valuable 
among many methods. A first essential is to educate editors 
and publishers. The potential services of the newspaper are 
commonly undervalued, but at least nine state health depart- 
ments have a weekly press service of non-technical articles. 
New York's news bureau adds health hints mailed ready to 
place in forms. The North Carolina service, for instance, 
has Save the Baby articles; the Kansas division of child 
hygiene, a weekly press letter, while general articles reach 


about 500 newspapers; the Illinois bi-weekly health stories 
find practically every paper in the state. Among university 
extension departments, Wisconsin prints in 330 papers, and 
Texas employs a trained newspaper writer. Various im- 
portant national journals now include as valuable from an 
advertising standpoint, baby-saving campaigns or columns of 
advice to mothers. Thus the Woman's Home Companion has 
developed a " Better Babies " service, or the Ladies Home 
Journal and Delineator publish expert columns. 

Literally tons of educational leaflets have been distributed 
and are readily controlled. Goodwin found at least 400 in- 
fant-welfare centers presenting literature to mothers. Even 
the organization reports may eliminate useless material, break 
up their headlines, and become educational. A related de- 
vice is the reporting of health surveys. Typical pamph- 
lets are the North Carolina bulletin, The Baby, the New 
York State division's How to Save the Babies, or the recent 
publication by the federal Children's Bureau, Infant Care. 
Goodwin lists twenty-six state departments of health dis- 
tributing such literature. Twenty have systematized this 
educational device in a monthly bulletin service on general 
health; fifteen issue quarterly bulletins. Michigan issues a 
special number on infant welfare, with cartoons ; and five 
states add special child hygiene numbers. Among University 
extensions, the Oregon Agricultural College utilizes the 
Grange to place articles with mothers; Wisconsin has bulle- 
tins on infant feeding or hygiene; and the University of 
Texas, thirty health bulletins. Among large-scale private 
agencies, the Metropolitan Life issues related pamphlets. In 
order to reach foreign mothers, both state and city departments 
have printed polyglot leaflets. An informational circular 
should reach all mothers officially registering births ; the 
Washington (D. C.) health department, for instance, co- 
operates with the public library in sending such literature. 
A more personal touch may be added by circular letters at 
registration, as by Indiana or Louisiana; North Carolina has 
sent letters signed by the governor. A business-like circular 
letter may be supplemented by the telephone. 

Distribution of literature is an effective adjunct of the 
public address and entertainment. Health departments of 
thirty-two states, according to Goodwin, report lecturers sup- 
plied for talks including infant hygiene ; Wisconsin, five deputy 
health officers ; Indiana, a lecture staff of four ; and New 
York's division of publicity and education, three lecturers. 
In Mississippi, county health officers lecture in the schools 
on infant welfare. Important lecture systems have ap- 
peared in extension divisions. Of sixty-three state univer- 


sities, Goodwin found twenty-four with educational lectures. 
Ohio State University (Columbus) develops infant welfare 
in connection with one-week movable schools ; Texas' division 
of home welfare gives infant-welfare talks at county fairs, 
or in connection with a one-week school, county rally, or 
home-improvement car; the University of Wisconsin, in com- 
munity institutes. This extension is frequently associated with 
the home economics departments of agricultural colleges. 

Visual presentation in motion pictures is rapidly becoming 
an important educational aid, since it popularizes the message 
in concrete form. At least fourteen state health departments 
use educational films on infant hygiene. Thus Illinois pre- 
sents Tommy's Birth Certificate; New York, the Care of 
Babies and Improvement of the Milk Supply ; Indiana has six 
films. The University extensions of Kansas, Texas and Wis- 
consin also show moving pictures. The Chicago board of 
health (1911) presented educational films at weekly mothers' 
conferences, one film illustrating in detail the work of the 
department nurse. The department has since developed a 
series of motion-picture dramas. 12 A typical film, The Fight 
for Babies' Lives, was shown in twenty Cleveland theaters, 
the expense being levied on its members by the Motion Picture 
Exhibitor's League. Slides may supplement the films. These 
have been developed by the United States Public Health 
Service, and by twenty-eight state health departments ; Indiana 
for instance, has 800, {Ohio 1500. Stereopticon slides are also 
furnished by the Universities of Kansas, Texas, or Wisconsin 
(with 1000). In Baltimore, cut-out health slides are shown 
in the picture theatres. 13 

Modern educational exhibits combine films, slides, photo- 
graphs, wall panels, mechanical and still models, or other 
devices. The health exhibit of the children's bureau at San 
Francisco utilized colored transparencies and electric con- 
trivances, colored relief maps, screens with new color-schemes, 
and living exhibits. Pennsylvania illustrates a remarkable 
series of baby-saving shows, the state department aiding local 
communities. Exhibits of the parent Philadelphia Baby-Sav- 
ing Show (1912) included panels and models, demonstration 
of baby care, and outlines of the work of children's agencies. 
To newspaper space and street banners, educational motion 
pictures and popular lectures, was added a two-day conference 
on infant mortality. One of their best baby-saving shows 
was held in Erie (1915). Twenty-five states, according to 
Goodwin, have these special educative devices. The traveling 
exhibits of some ten departments devote special sections ; 

12 Cf. dramatic plays, as the Theft of Thistledown (Pittsburgh). 
i9 Cf. posters (electric signs, billboards, window cards, streamers). 


Illinois' infant-welfare sections, for instance, are booked for 
months in advance; Iowa's child hygiene exhibit shows at 
state and county fairs. New York has three traveling units, 
with twenty panels and a model infant consultation, each 
under a manager, trained nurse and mechanician. At least 
six states have general health cars. Thus infant hygiene is 
a special feature of the Texas public health car, and Louis- 
iana's educational train devotes more than one-sixth its space. 
Traveling exhibits are also a product of six important Uni- 
versity extensions. Such exhibits are admirably adapted to 
village and rural communities. For cities, the publicity meth- 
ods of the New York Child Welfare Committee (1911), with 
its local surveys and organization of exhibits, are significant. 
Within three years this remarkable child-welfare exhibit has 
broadened into important exhibits in fifteen cities. The Na- 
tional Child Welfare Exhibition Committee plans to exhibit 
constructive state programs; and the Russell Sage Founda- 
tion includes a department of surveys and exhibits. 14 

Educational efforts in preventive infant welfare may well 
culminate in Baby Week or similar campaigns pooling differ- 
ent publicity devices. More than 2,083 Baby Week celebra- 
tions were definitely reported to the Children's Bureau (1916). 
This movement formally sets aside a period in which to 
popularize civic and family responsibility for better babies. 
It may involve local cooperation with the federal children's 
bureau and General Federation of Women's Clubs ; and tends 
to become state-wide. 

To these educational devices should be added the better 
babies' contest, a highly specialized development of the infant 
consultation along publicity lines. Promoted at the Louisiana 
State Fair (1908) and two years later in Iowa, contests were 
held at twenty-five state fairs (1913). According to Benton, 
seventy-one state and about 1,000 county and local better 
babies' contests have been given (since March, 1914). Im- 
portant contests include Colorado, Idaho, Mississippi or Okla- 
homa State Fairs, the Illinois Farmers' Institute (Decatur) 
or the McLean County Child Welfare Association (Bloom- 
ington). The University of Texas not only supervises at the 
Texas State Fair but organizes contests for county fairs ; and 
five other University extensions actively promote these contents. 

The better babies' contest involves a significant blending of 
the practical and theoretical. Its systematic observation of 
best specimens should demonstrate what normal infancy is. 
Its actual scoring of each infant discovers unnecessary defects 
early in life, when adequate remedies are possible. This ele- 
ment is increasingly realized by extending the entry limit to 

14 Also exhibit material by the Children's Bureau, Amer. Assn. for 
the Prev. of Inf. Mort. iand Red Cross Nursing Service. 


five years in order to supervise the entire pre-school period, and 
by ranking the infant not on actual condition but according to 
improvement within a fixed period. In Philadelphia, a Child 
Federation contest judged 6oo entries on physical improve- 
ment in the baby, plus the sanitary improvement of its home, 
during four weeks. Pittsburgh's baby week initiated a baby 
improvement contest with prizes awarded in six months. At 
the Texas State Fair, the staff of physicians and nurses made 
thorough examinations of infants ranging from six months 
to five years, and a prize award to the baby with the highest 
improvement over its score the previous year. 

From the eugenic standpoint, these contests represent an 
awakening of the parental conscience (Einstellung) . Through 
a continuous propaganda for thorough examinations at in- 
tervals, they teach parents to see the importance of registering 
defects with care. The emphasis is properly placed upon the 
parent in the " better mothers' contests reaching 540 moth- 
ers under Buffalo's health department (1914), or the prize 
mothers' contest of the Interstate Fair at Trenton (191 5). 
This educational effect should be heightened by additional 
publicity methods which develop the newly aroused parental 
interest. Publicity which the awarding of prizes invariably 
attracts from the press may be accentuated by social features. 

The technique requires a thorough examination by respon- 
sible physicians, assisted by trained nurses. A preliminary 
examination and other precautions should be taken against 
infection ; preliminary contests and a special appointment for 
each mother, should avoid over-crowding and strain. The 
Texas State Fair, for instance, permits only mothers in the 
examining rooms; the West Michigan State Fair handles 
entries in rooms protected by glass from the public. By 
reducing the " exhibition " of babies to the minimum, the 
abuse of unsystematic contests is avoided. 

The central factor in these contests is obviously the score- 
card, characterized by G. Stanley Hall as the " crux " of the 
movement. It should embody a " list of apperception centers 
from which the people should be encouraged to think, talk, 
read." Unfortunately in the usual score-card, the tests have 
been wide of essentials. The card of the Iowa Association, 
for instance, offered as mental tests six curious generalities, 
" facial and ocular expression, intelligence, tractability, atten- 
tion, imitation, disposition," counting for arbitrary points. A 
score-card of the Better Babies bureau 15 was a real advance, 
substituting definite psychological tests for different age levels, 
derived from the Binet-Simon scale. By similar tests of sev- 

11 The Woman's Home Companion (New York). Cf. the American 
Medical Association standard score-card. 


eral thousand infants, proper norms for respective mental ages 
might be developed. 

In place of the usual catalog of various anatomical parts, 
the Better Babies bureau added a physical examination for 
defects which heavily influences the awards ; while a series of 
definite measurements, though based upon an explanatory 
wall-chart, count for relatively little in the awards. With 
norms based on physiological age, the scorer is concerned 
with imperfections which significantly affect the child's effici- 
ency. Numerous measurements may warrant classification in 
percentile groups, such as have been worked out by the 
department of child study in the Chicago schools. To plot 
them graphically would allow the definite placing of the infant 
in all possible comparisons with his group. Where definite 
standards, rather than ratios, are presented, they probably fail 
to cover even normal racial variations. With advancing data, 
norms might be roughly classified as at Ellis Island, into per- 
haps seven racial groups, developing standards for each group 
and a provisional point scale. 

The score-card of the Better Babies bureau offered an 
interesting infantile history, including food and sleep. Brief 
data as to crying, fears, or diseases such as syphilis or tuber- 
culosis, might be added. An antecedent personal history for 
each child would be of eugenic value, if safeguarded to ensure 
accuracy. It should roughly cover the ancestry and salient 
family traits, whether of defects, diseases, talents, tastes or 
peculiarities, physical or mental, of both parents and grand- 
parents. A simplified form derived from the lengthy blanks 
of the Eugenics Record Office, reenforced by a brief family 
chart (genealogical), should develop a healthy understanding 
of the child's inherent possibilities. 

The present tendency, however, is probably toward the 
more moderate conference, rather than contests. As a special 
flexible outgrowth of infant-welfare centers, the children's 
health conference developed at the National Conservation 
Exposition, Knoxville. 16 The conference room was enclosed 
in glass so that the public, might observe, but not intrude. 
Treatment was not given, nor were the babies scored, but 
defects were pointed out and advice freely given. By elim- 
inating the contest, it was hoped to attract the " rank and file " 
of babies, including the mothers of potential " losers." Nearly 
1,000 babies were examined. In the exhibit by the children's 
bureau at the San Francisco Exposition, a model baby clinic 
was daily held behind glass walls. Circuit conferences with 
simple exhibits are effective units of public health instruction. 

16 Cf. conferences at Toledo, Atlanta, Peoria ; Jacksonville ; or the 
parents' educational bureau (Oregon Congress of Mothers). 


So essential is the educational guidance of mothers, it would 
be surprising had no agencies specialized in organized training. 
Schools for mothers, schools of domestic arts, and special 
continuation classes, are important mechanisms in meeting 
this need. The English Association of Infant Consultations 
and Schools for Mothers 17 includes 200 centers among the 
higher and upper-middle working classes. Many have classes 
for mothers with teachers supplied by local education author- 
ities. The grants of the Board of Education for England 
and Wales (1916) include $76,000 for day nurseries and 
schools for mothers. The St. Pancras (London) School 
(modeled after the Ghent School) for example, combines 
with the varied practical activities of an infant consultation, 
lectures and various classes for mothers, a club to awaken the 
interest of older girls, and a fathers' department meeting 
weekly. In the United States, milk-station instruction is 
effective because the aim is focussed definitely upon an indi- 
vidual baby. Modern methods of learning realized through 
doing replace mere information (which seldom leads to 
action). Goodwin lists some 250 infant-welfare stations 
having such practical classes or clubs for mothers. 18 Settle- 
ments may develop classes, as at South End House (Boston) 
which has a senior babies' club supervising from 1.5 years 
to the kindergarten age, or at Starr Center (Philadelphia). 
Day nurseries form such classes as they assume settlement 
activities. To the Mary Crane Day Nursery (Chicago) are 
referred ignorant mothers needing physical care or assistance. 
Such mothers are given certain work at the Nursery (for a dol- 
lar and care of their children) and are so rotated as to receive 
a thorough training in domestic work, even utilizing the sew- 
ing room to make clothing for themselves and children, and 
the kindergarten for recreation in games, music or dancing. 
The Newark Association in its six nurseries or the Delaine 
Street Nursery (Providence) also illustrate this wider use of 
the nursery building. As a reverse of this tendency, roughly 
twenty per cent of over 400 settlements have day nurseries 
and forty per cent kindergartens. 

Classes may become specialized schools for mothers. Caro- 
line Rest, a convalescent home and school at Hartsdale (N. 
Y.), entertains 1,901 guests (1915). Mothers with infants 
learn by sharing in the daily practical routine over a period of 
2-3 weeks. This school controlled by the New York A. I. C. P. 

17 As a department of the National League for Physical Education 
and Improvement (Ashhy, 1915). 

18 For instance, stations under divisions of child hygiene in New 
York, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Buffalo or Milwaukee. 


(whose bureau of relief includes some 3,000 infants in its 
families), has now received a bequest of approximately 3.5 
million dollars. In Detroit nearly a million dollars has been 
left to found a mothercraft school for older girls. A school 
of Mothercraft (New York) was initiated by (Miss) Read 
(191 1 ), later with a local and now a national, auxiliary. This 
type of school would receive in a private residence, resident 
students, day classes, and a small group of resident children 
of varying ages. The pupils learn by actual work as part-time 
assistants to these children. 

Pre-school care, however, is an inseparable phase of a much 
larger field, so that its most vigorous future, educationally, 
lies in modern vocational schools and departments of domestic 
arts. The vocational course affords a framework for includ- 
ing instruction in pre-school care. The Stout Institute 
(Menominee Wis.), the Garland School (Boston) or 
Teachers' College (New York) illustrate specialized schools. 
Home economics courses were offered in thirty-one state 
universities, 230 summer schools, 160 state normals, and 
recognized in all agricultural colleges admitting women 
(1915). As an integral part of the general educational sys- 
tem, public continuation classes for mothers should be incor- 
porated into the schools. A successful Rochester experiment 
provided a day course of twelve health lessons for women at 
the East High School; a trained nurse and woman physician 
taught the care of children and the sick. Parent-teacher as- 
sociations and clubs for the instruction of mothers should be 
applied even in consolidated rural schools. University exten- 
sion courses 19 reach thousands of married women ; other 
extensions distribute outlines on infant care for mothers' 
circles. 20 The University of Wisconsin provides instruction 
by correspondence in a home economics course including 
prenatal care, the lying-in period, infant care and growth. 
Correspondence teaching by the American School of Home 
Economics (Chicago) has reached perhaps 20,000 persons. By 
formal conferences, the American Home Economics Associa- 
tion seeks to stimulate progress. 

Systematic preparation for parenthood should also include 
in the public continuation school system, all girls leaving school 
at fourteen. This is the strategic period for building home 
interests. Intimate contact with small children in the study 
of their pre-school management should automatically and 

19 As in the Universities of Wisconsin, Kansas, Missouri or Minne- 

20 For instance, the Universities of Nebraska, North Carolina, West 
Virginia, or Texas. 


wisely direct adolescent tendencies. In proportion as correct 
attitudes are developed, the adolescent girl will exercise a 
proper influence for pre-school control. Cincinnati's system 
offers the most familiar standard for continuation classes. 
In Massachusetts, child nurture is recognized by state-aided 
schools, for girls fourteen to seventeen years in day school, 
working girls seventeen to twenty-five in evening classes. 
Snedden suggests specialized part-time schools, with perhaps 
three to four hours in systematic home projects. These schools 
should develop well-organized correlation with hospitals, day 
nurseries or infant-welfare centers. To the practice house 21 
now recognized as essential in school equipment, might be 
added day nursery activities. The Y. W. C. A. and settle- 
ment may contribute continuation classes. Hiram House 
(Cleveland), for instance, has a model cottage to teach young 
girls, at school or working, the elements of intelligent home- 

Continuation classes supplement or substitute for the high 
school and the two institutions together offer the special mech- 
anism for reaching the largest numbers. Thirty-three states 
authorize home economics in secondary schools; and 2,440 
high schools (21%) report such courses (1914). Pre-vocational 
experiences in the changing junior high-school period afford a 
particularly happy opportunity for pre-school guidance. Man- 
gold suggests domestic arts be made compulsory for all girls 
in the seventh and eighth grades. The New Haven board of 
education is experimenting with instruction in the care of 
young children to eighth grade girls by the school nurse. 
Philadelphia is equipping school house-keeping centers to in- 
struct the seventh and eighth grades in baby care. Los Angeles 
has four day nurseries in its public schools; and under the 
Gary system, at Froebel School, a day nursery affords the 
older girls practical supervised experiences in the care of chil- 
dren. Other important educative devices are the organization 
of Camp Fire Girls, and school credit for home projects. 
Returns from 232 representative high schools indicate in 23 
per cent some form of home cooperation. Camp Fire mem- 
bers number approximately 64,000 (1914). As emphasized 
by Gulick, Camp Fire groups study the infant problem, and 
to become " Fire-Makers " must explain and illustrate the 
prevention of infant summer mortality ; among the tests in 
elective honors for promotion are other elements of infant care. 

Household art or hygiene teaching in the elementary schools 

21 Such as the model flat, Technical High (Providence), or the 6 
model flats of the New York Association of Practical Housekeeping 


may culminate in the Little Mothers' League, an admirable 
educative device. The leagues are infant-welfare classes for 
girls of school age, either as integral parts of curricula or 
after-school activities directed by health departments and pri- 
vate agencies. Little " mothers " of twelve and fourteen 
years are still responsible for infant care, and are factors in 
pre-school morbidity. This strain may mould the growing 
elementary girl into bad physical form. Goldthwait (1914) 
has shown the effect of carrying burdens such as young in- 
fants, and that different types, such as the narrow-backed or 
broad-backed child, are adapted to different projects. The 
New York leagues, for instance, require no homework except 
a record of every aid to baby's welfare. The school child 
then becomes an important educational factor in the home, 
and is at the same time building up proper attitudes towards 
later parenthood. Among foreign populations in particular, 
it is easier to reach the child than the adult. 

The New York leagues developed through the bureau of 
child hygiene (1908), adding practical demonstrations the 
second year, including 239 leagues the fifth year and by 19 15, 
enrolling some 25,000 girls. In these leagues, physicians and 
nurses teach infant-hygiene to girls of grades five to eight. 
The bureau files the membership, a leader and secretary 
are elected, and the girls conduct the meetings. Each child 
is required to carry out all the work, with a final examination ; 
but motivation devices include league badges, prizes for the 
best attendance or profit, and small plays or pageants. Eleven 
other cities supply a distinctive badge to class members. 
Classes meet twice monthly after school, weekly in summer; 
and each demonstration is preceded by a short talk. 22 The 
instruction is typically by school nurses. 

According to Goodwin, such leagues are organized as a 
municipal activity in forty-four cities, instructing annually 
48,475 young girls. The New York leagues utilize settlements 
and playgrounds; Hartford (Conn.) or Passaic (N. J.) have 
playground classes. The New York experience has also dem- 
onstrated the usefulness of affiliation with infant-welfare sta- 

22 The New York State course (1916) includes (1) the growth of 
the baby; (2) teething; (3) observation of the well baby; (4) obser- 
vation of the sick baby; (5) fresh air in the home; (6) sleep and 
quiet; (7) baby's bath; (8) care of the eyes, ears, nose and throat; 
(9) baby's clothes; (10) the diaper and its care; (11) the baby's 
bed; (12) feeding a baby (nature's method); (13) milk (where it 
comes from and where to buy it); (14) care of milk in the home; 
(15) milk modification and weaning; (16) making barley water, whey, 
etc., and diet from 1 to 6 years; (17) prepared foods (uses, abuses) ; 
(18) prevention of common diseases; (19) training and education; 
(20) flies and other vermin. 


tions. In the milk stations of Pittsburgh school nurses con- 
duct twenty little mothers' clubs, with examination, badge or 
present; the Syracuse Infant Welfare Association has such 
leagues in each of its stations; also Poughkeepsie (N. Y.) and 
Orange (N. J.)- 23 Washington has model flats for instruct- 
ing little mothers. In at least fourteen cities 24 classes are held 
in the schools during school hours. Rochester, for instance, 
conducts little mothers' leagues at thirteen child-welfare 
stations in public or parochial schools, with a total of 114 
classes. At least twelve cities now conduct classes in the 
schools but in after-school hours. Within three years the 
Philadelphia Child Federation developed two model leagues, 
twenty leagues were held at public schools, and child hygiene 
became compulsory for seventh and eighth grade girls in 
schools with housekeeping centers. In the Oranges (N. J.) 
classes are held at the Central School, the South Orange 
grammar school and an East Orange grammar school. Even 
municipalities of less than 10,000, as Hibbing (Minn.) or 
Wappingers Falls (N. Y.), have organized classes. Scattered 
through twenty-three states, a total of seventy-five private 
organizations report similar health leagues for school girls. 

Mental Health 

This educational control of pre-school health cannot restrict 
itself to physical welfare but must stress the mental health of 
the pre-school child. The initial development of the child's 
tendencies and the habits formed upon them, is the most im- 
portant reason for extending this educational influence. Rous- 
seau recognized the role of " primitive dispositions " in early 
home education. Pestalozzi and Froebel sought their control 
in practice. 25 Montessori would also allow freedom for a 
vigorous expansion of early natural tendencies. Adler directs 
attention to the surprising multiplicity of these personal 
Anlagen, and regards the child as the sum of dispositions in- 
fluenced by the environment. The Freudian school attach 
almost startling significance to such instinctive trends in early 
childhood ; along their Active conductance lines the Freudian 
wish functions. Without hestitation Watson identifies the 
Freudian wish with reaction tendencies. 

23 Cf. the supplementary Junior Mothers' Corps at the Cleveland 
dispensaries, for girls not reached by the public school classes. 

24 Chicago, Cleveland, Buffalo, Cincinnati, Los Angeles, Providence, 
Rochester, Reading (Pa.), Springfield (Mass.), Schenectady (N. Y.), 
Passaic (N. J.), Northampton (Mass.), Dunkirk (N. Y.), La Salle 

25 Cf. Monroe, P.: Cyclopedia of Education. Article on Infant 
Education, Vol. Ill, pp. 446-52, 1912, Macmillan. 


These instinctive tendencies are familiarly illustrated in 
sexual and aggressive impulses. The young child's sexual im- 
pulses, to the Freudians, are very complex and mutable, 
entirely disconnected from the function of reproduction which 
they later serve. Freud prefers to regard the Aggressiomstrieh 
as a necessary element of all instincts. Freudians have urged 
that the activists were at bottom sadistic and passivists 
masochistic, but President Hall believes these two distincts 
never quite coincide with those of sex. He suggests that all 
infants range upon an aggressive-passive scale. Aggres- 
sive tendencies appear in the child's efforts to modify his 

Postnatal environments may in turn control defects existent 
at birth through processes of compensation. 26 By stimulating 
heightened growth in structure or increased functioning, and 
involving other structures or activities, the defect is more or 
less covered. The " errors " of childhood, such as a difficulty 
in learning to speak, illustrate these functional readjustments. 
Such compensation restores the balance of the organism. The 
child's development should be corrected soon after birth; in 
spite of early compensation, residues of inherited defects may 
remain through life. 

The pre-school period affords the minimum of inhibition and 
maximum facilitation for the essential physiological habits. 
Schools, day nurseries, infant-welfare centers and parents, 
should insist upon fixing habits of healthful activity in eating, 
drinking, evacuation, bathing or sleeping. Desirable habits 
involve cleanliness, responsiveness to proper incentives, alter- 
nate rest and work. The home environment should progress- 
ively cause the success of useful random reactions ; Fiske, 
Preyer or Shinn have called attention to the remarkable num- 
ber of these adjustments. As G. Stanley Hall suggests, the 
Freudians have paid little attention to many of these normal 
traits of childhood, such as sitting, grasping, creeping, walk- 
ing, crying, correct use of language, sensory development 
and motor control in general. The nervous system is poorly 
protected in the earlier years, and intense, rapidly shifting 
stimulation or premature development should be regarded 
with suspicion. In these first three years, mind and body 
are more vulnerable and growth more rapid than in any other 
period of similar length. 27 

Since play activities supply the most hygienic means for 

26 Cf. Tanner, A. E. : Adler's Theory of Minderwertigkeit. Ped. 
Sent., Vol. 22, 1915, PP. 204-17. 

27 Cf. Hall, G. S. : Recent Progress in Child Study. Child Welfare 
Magazine, Vol. 8, 1914, pp. 212-16. 1 


laying these foundations of the child's mental life, the school 
should no more ignore the playground of the young child than 
of the school child. Parents should be instructed in methods of 
play by the various educational agencies. The child should 
enjoy a room for suitable play in winter or wet weather, and 
an open space for playing, eating or sleeping. The most suit- 
able playground for the small child is the backyard, perhaps 
with a sand-pile or garden; 28 cities should therefore organize 
the space back of homes as part of a comprehensive system 
of playgrounds. According to Comey (1916) in suburban sec- 
tions it may prove practical to save fifteen to twenty-five per 
cent the total block area, in congested districts, three to four 
per cent. Comey has shown with ninety-six blocks to the 
square mile (streets running one-sixteenth of a mile apart in 
one direction, one-sixth in the other), a playground of 1.6 
acres could be left in each block and the lots still have eighty 
feet depth; even in small blocks, 120 to the square mile, an 
interior playground of one acre would leave seventy feet in 
depth. Block-playgrounds should be supplemented by summer 
outings at farms or sea-side resorts. Children of the New 
York associated nurseries, for instance, may enjoy two weeks 
outings, and day excursions or park picnics are frequent. The 
fresh-air outing extends beyond day nursery and settlement 
influence, to include an important new series of agencies. Thus 
the Bay Court Recreation Home (Detroit) entertains for two 
weeks 500 mothers and children. 

As a child-caring agency for the pre-school period the day 
nursery is not yet fully developed. The nursery equipment 
should furnish a natural educative environment, to develop the 
activity side of child life, and indirectly reflect at home the 
healthy surroundings and active care of the nursery. With 
child care the means to educational ends, the smaller nurseries 
might become houses of childhood, much as those developed 
by Montessori in Italy. The spontaneous participation of the 
child in nursery life implies trained interpreters. Nurses may 
comprehend physical needs but not the formation of personal 
habits. Read (1910) in a suggestive study of fifty day nurs- 
eries, found less than half the caretakers, infants' nurses or 
matrons trained in the mental or physical care of children. 
At the Mary Crane Day Nursery (Chicago), children develop 
skill and attitudes of helpfulness by aiding in the life of the 
nursery, as bathing, combing, dressing, sewing, or cooking and 

28 For example, under the Octavia Hill Association (Philadelphia), 
modern dwellings in Kensington for 48 workingmen's families, pro- 
vide not only individual yards but playground space in the center of 
the block. 


serving at proper intervals or at small parties. Nearly all the 
associated Chicago nurseries now have some playground, yard 
or roofgarden ; the New York nurseries are branching out with 
open-air meals, roof or yard exercises, and small gardens. 29 The 
outdoor activities for children of four to five years at the Uni- 
versity of California Play School, are here suggestive. The 
morning kindergarten circle may involve games, songs, occupa- 
tions and daily doings in imitation of processes in the home. 30 
The kindergarten where home and school so intimately meet, 
exerts an important influence upon the nursery. The strength 
of the kindergarten influence is roughly suggested by its ex- 
tent; more than a thousand cities report to the commissioner 
of education (1914-15), 9,650 kindergartens (eighty-five per 
cent public) enrolling 486,842 children ; with a membership of 
19,000 in the International Kindergarten Union. The model 
nursery includes kindergarten instruction for its older children. 
Five Atlanta nurseries each have an excellent kindergarten. 
The Cleveland Day Nursery and Free Kindergarten Associa- 
tion (191 5) includes nine kindergartens and five nurseries 
under common control. Children may be sent to the public 
schools for kindergarten and other lessons, as in New Bedford 
nurseries ; or the kindergarten, as at the Fitch Creche (Buffalo), 
be transferred to the public school system. The experi- 
mental Montessori schools admit children at two, the ecoles 
matemelles of France at two, and the infant schools of Eng- 
land at three years. Gorst suggests that these three-year Eng- 
lish infant schools be abolished and nurseries substituted. No 
school system therefore should ignore the day nursery. 

In the nursery or home, as expressed by Thorndike, we 
redirect and add to original tendencies by arranging the situa- 
tions so that new and better associations are formed. This 
associative shifting is identical with the formation of condi- 
tioned reflexes as described in the experiments of Krasnog- 
orski, Mateer, or Watson. To control these tendencies 
adequately during the formation of habits or associations upon 
them, involves such mental mechanisms as transfer and sub- 
limation, together with repression, operations readily under- 
stood by an intelligent parent. The tendency may be reversed 
into its opposite (Verkehrung) ; or transferred and linked up 
with other complexes, in a different modality for example, 
(Verschiebung) . Certain experiences in the pre-school period 
may act as over-determinants, reinforcing the tendency and 

29 The growing importance of baby day camps as well as open air 
schools suggests a similar fresh-air development for day nurseries. 

30 The kitchen garden, for instance, is a program of songs, games 
and other activities to instruct in household processes. 


causing over-compensation. This transfer of activities devel- 
oping from the child's Anlagen along proper conductive lines 
(Leitlinien) should involve their refinement and specialization, 
or sublimation. Upon the capacity of the nearest lying factor 
(such as a sexual impulse) to exchange places with social 
values, Freud bases the possibility of a higher culture. When 
the child strives for something, the end finally attained is thus 
considerably modified. By these mechanisms, inherited ten- 
dencies reach educational ends otherwise impossible. 

The environment, specially in urban civilization, thwarts 
many instinctive tendencies. One group of habits may inhibit 
other groups. Thus the inherited tendency (Trieb) may be 
inhibited by either the milieu or by other activities. This mech- 
anism of repression (Verdrdngung) thus tends to inhibit the 
development of the psychic structure, especially useless 
developments. " The spontaneous and uncensored wishes of 
children gradually disappear as the children take on the speech 
conventions of the adult." Since repression acts as a check, 
Jung stresses its tendency to inhibit adaptation. Pfister dif- 
ferentiates a " retention " type which sees the future in the 
mould of the past, and a " repulsion " type which would press 
the present into the past. Repressed childish wishes may never 
completely lose their impulsive power. Even slight abnor- 
mality may trace directly back to the infantile experiences of 
these first years. According to G. Stanley Hall, every form of 
Janet's 'flight from reality' or of Breuer's autism, even a wak- 
ing day dream, is a retreat toward the state of infancy. " Every 
lapse from severe apperceptive logical thinking to the spon- 
taneous lapse of association, every modulation of thought 
from che abstract toward the anschaulich, is a movement 

These manifold compensations through their inter-foldings 
(Verschrdnkungen) and reciprocal inhibitions develop the 
psychic superstructure of the mind or connection-system. By 
progressive stages, activities reduce to higher levels of mechan- 
ization, or as Messer points out, run their course in abbreviated 
and telescoped forms. There is an attitude (associative com- 
plex) for every situation in every-day life. Combinations of 
feelings and motor adjustments, constituting the adjustment 
(Miiller-Freienfels) of the child toward the situation, de- 
termine what parts of the situation shall be selected. Par- 
ental instructions or other influences functioning as Aufgaben, 
influence the child's adjustment by setting up a dynamic factor 
as the determining tendency controlling the child's response. 
Important elements in the child's environment thus become 
standards (Aufgaben) towards which his growth may pro- 


ceed. As the infant milieu is largely the family, so-called 
family complexes follow the family modes. A familiar illus- 
tration of these early attitudes is the father-ideal or the 
mother-ideal developed by the young girl or boy. As early 
as the third year, suggests G. Stanley Hall, the parent is 
beginning to shape the pattern or ideal of the child towards 
the other sex. Too prolonged intimacy may thus tend to 
limit the child's powers of adjustment to different personali- 
ties. In young children more complexes are common to the 
mother. Vanishing traces of the typical CEdipus complex, for 
example, are evident in the boy who wishes his father away 
or resents his control. Freud cites a 5-year-old boy, Angst 
resulting from repression of an active impulse of hostility to 
the father and sadistic tenderness to the mother. Adler would 
explain this complex as a desire for tenderness, and as manly 
protest by which the child seeks to take his father's place. 
He instances the wish of Jung's 4-year-old girl to be an adult. 
Such learning proceeds rapidly before children go to school, 
because the attitudes or interests formed are the reactions 
of intrinsic tendencies upon the home environment, and are 
charged with sufficient feeling to motivate all behavior. These 
" forgotten years of infancy " thus mould disposition and 
predispose to later success in family or vocation. The public 
school simply carries to higher organization the adjustments 
of the pre-school period. 


Vocational training for children. By V. N. and S. T. Shatsky. 
Bodraya Zhesen. Active Life. Vol. I. Published by The Gram- 
otey Co., Moscow, Russia, 1915. 183 p. 

This book is a detailed report of the management and organization 
of a children's colony founded by Madame M. K. Morosova in the 
province of Kaluya in 191 1. The purpose of the founder and her 
associates was to bring the city children in closer contact with nature 
and put them under conditions which would enable them to develop 
their physical and mental powers equally and gradually, without be- 
coming prematurely old as they do in the city. 

The book is divided into three parts : the first deals with the activi- 
ties of the colony during the first summer of its establishment. The 
authors describe in great detail the daily life of the children in the 
colony, their work and social activities ; preparation of food ; house 
cleaning; garden work; road building; self government; and their 
discussions of problems, both practical and social. The authors also 
treat of the influence such work and discussions had upon the children ; 
they point out that, living under such conditions, the children developed 
better, both physically and mentally, than they do under city conditions. 

In the second part the authors speak of the children's return to 
Moscow for the winter and the keen interest they show in looking 
forward to their return to the colony in the spring. During their stay 
in Moscow, they keep in touch with each other and discuss plans for 
the next summer. On returning to the colony, the children continued 
their previous work and made some additions, such as beginning to do 
their own washing, baking, etc. 

One of the most important events in the colony was starting a 
weekly journal, " Our Life." It was edited and managed by the chil- 
dren themselves. The authors give some extracts from articles pub- 
lished in that journal. They all reflect the life of the colony with its 
happy and gloomy sides and discuss its vital problems. The following 
articles and stories published will show how the journal mirrored the 
colony life : " Our Housekeeping," " Our Meetings," " A Sudden At- 
tack on a Hare " " Rights and Liberty," " Sports and Games," " The- 
atre and Music," etc. Summing up the results obtained in the second 
summer, the writers point out that during the second season in the 
colony the children began to realize the fact that work can only be 
most productive when personal relations among the members became 
friendly and natural. 

In the third part the authors tell how the children lived in the city 
during the second winter. They organized a dramatic club, and gave 
a play; studied music; and met to discuss problems concerning the 
colony. In selecting new members for the colony, the instructors pre- 
fer to take young children, as they are likely to remain longer under 
its influence, while the older ones are in most cases obliged to leave 
as soon as they are old enough to help in the support of their parents. 
The third summer the children were divided into two groups ; one 
consisting of the smaller children does light work, and another of boys 
from twelve to fifteen years of age, does the most important and 
responsible tasks, giving life and animation to the whole colony. 
The authors also call attention to the fact that during the third suni- 


mer the children took a great interest in music. They point out that 
musical taste is very near to the child's feelings, and that through 
music one may easily find a path to its soul. 

Summing up the results of the work in the colony, the authors state 
that the work cannot yet be considered finished, for like any system of 
education it looks not for forms but for content of work. The only 
guide the instructors had were the instincts, experiences, sympathies 
and feelings of the children. The work was hard, but in the three 
years they have built up an organization and decided upon a policy for 
the colony. They rely upon music, dancing, play, and free discussion 
of common problems as they arise. There is plenty of work, intelli- 
gently directed and of a character to develop and stimulate the capaci- 
ties and talents of the future citizen. 

The book is well illustrated with pictures of the children at work 
and play. 

Clark University. S. Zeldin. 


The high school; a study of origins and tendencies. By Frank Web- 
ster Smith. New York, Sturgis and Walton, 1916. 458 p. 
This is a contribution of unusual merit to a topic already very hard- 
worked, and the author has rather wisely based a good deal of his 
data upon the general psychology of adolescence. He begins by study- 
ing secondary education in primitive times, going back to Homer and 
Hesiod and coming down to Plato, Quintilian, Jesus, the early Christian 
centuries, the university period, then the new secondary school, the 
renaissance, the development in the eighteenth and nineteenth century 
in the United States, a review of evolution from different standpoints, 
the twentieth century, programs of study and curricula, principles and 
methods, organization, equipment and administration. The author 
gives us a graphic survey. It is a work of originality and independ- 
ence, and gives us for the first time a genetic approach and point of 
view. It is impossible in the limits at our disposal to do justice to a 
work which should mark an epoch in the discussion of the subject. 

The science and art of salesmanship. By Simon Robert Hoover. New 
York, Macmillan Co., 1916. 193 p. 

Everyone has something to sell, and ability to market his commodity 
or services often determines the measure of his success. In preparing 
his book, the author tells us his objects have been as follows: to 
discuss the topic for those who are beginning as well as for those who 
have had some experience ; to help young people test themselves as to 
what kind of selling they are most likely to succeed in; to give illus- 
trations from various fields and to present material in good English ; 
to diminish the time the department stores have to give to training 
graduates of secondary schools for their work; and to suggest to 
people of all classes, whether their contribution to science be in the 
form of a commodity or service, the principles which will enable them 
to secure the most favorable hearing. The chief chapter headings are 
as follows: What is salesmanship? the salesman; the salesman's prep- 
aration; the customer; the process of the sale; the demonstration; 
closing the sale; finding and correcting mistakes; relations between 
department managers and salesmen ; suggestions from a selling letter ; 
department store instructions ; the salesman's rewards. 

The general value of visual sense training in children. By Chang 
Ping Wang. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 1916. 85 p. 

There are two types of disciplinists, the old who think that mental 
powers developed by the training of one function will benefit equally 
all others, so that any kind of study will prepare for life if it is well 
done ; and the type that thinks specific training should be for a specific 
function, although other qualities applicable in other fields are also 
developed. The latter hold that there should be different lines of study 
for the development of different faculties, such as arithmetic, accuracy; 
Latin, analysis; sense studies, observation, etc. Although the former 
type of educator is declining and the latter holds the field. Mr. Wang 
believes that a new survey in view of new light and especially new 
experimental methods will lead us to certain sure results. 


The study of the behavior of an individual child. By John T. Mc- 
Manis. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 1916. 54 p. 
This is a syllabus for a child-study class on the theory that it is 
better to study individual cases than the child as a type or children in 
general. Hence after treating method, etc., the physical condition of 
the child is considered under ten different headings, with a bibliog- 
raphy. In subsequent sections, home conditions, plays and games, 
instinctive activities, outside interests and acts, school life, men of 
character and disposition, learning process, language, drawing, move- 
ments and motor activity, moral traits, the exceptional child, are 
treated in the same way. 

The belief in God and immortality ; a psychological, anthropological 
and statistical study. By James H. Leuba. Boston, Sherman, 
French & Co., 1916. 340 p. 
The author has taken a comprehensive census of people of all grades 
of intelligence, from college on to the double-starred men in Cattell's 
" Men of Science," as to their belief in God and in immortality, and 
he finds a steady decline as he comes up the grades in both beliefs. 
This was a bold undertaking, and the author faces it in a courageous 
way. So carefully guarded was the author's method that the results 
which he used must give us pause. The author, although an ardent 
religionist, is not appalled or dismayed, but believes that the psycho- 
kinetic equivalents of these beliefs will forever stand. The current 
orthodox interpretation of the instincts that have through the ages 
made these two great affirmations may be deciduous, but it is now a 
duty to give these instincts a more adequate interpretation. 

Nichiren, the Buddhist prophet. By Masaharu Anesaki. Cambridge, 
Harvard University Press, 1916. 160 p. 
Attention has lately been drawn to original religious experiences 
emphasizing the psychological point of view and disregarding dogma, 
and here the study of strong personalities has a place. Nichiren, we 
are told, was the chief prophet of Japan, a unique figure in the history 
of Buddhism, born in 1222. This work gives his own history, his 
studies, conversion, public appearance, persecution, narrow escape, 
sentence of death, his rescue, and finally an exposition of his doctrines 
and his death. 

The mentality of the criminal woman. By Jean Weidensall. Balti- 
more, Warwick and York, 1916. 332 p. 
This interesting monograph represents the results of an extensive 
investigation in which the responses of a group of women at the Bed- 
ford Hills Reformatory in New York are compared, step by step, with 
responses to the same mental tests gathered by Dr. Woolley and Mrs. 
Fischer of the Bureau of Vocational Guidance at Cincinnati. It cer- 
tainly does bring out in rather a striking way the differences, though 
not without some similarities, between criminal and normal women. 

The ultimate belief. By A. Clutton-Brock. New York, E. P. Dutton 
(c. 1916). 132 p. ! 

This little book was meant for teachers and states certain beliefs 
about the nature of man and the universe which children should be 
taught so that their minds may be protected against sophistries, old 
and new, although as the work proceeded the author found he was 


largely clearing up his own mind. The chapters set forth the need of 
a philosophy for all, the theory of the spirit, mental, intellectual and 
aesthetic activity. 

The rhythm of prose; an experimental investigation of individual dif- 
ference in the sense of rhythm. By William Morrison Patter- 
son. New York, Columbia University Press, 1916. 193 p. 

This work attempts to define what is prose and what is verse. The 
chapters, after the introduction, are 1. The new standard; 2. Historical 
survey; 3. The sense of swing; 4. Rhythmic tunes; 5. Vers libre; 
and finally, general conclusions, with appendices on description of 
apparatus, experimental procedure and data. It is in some sense a 
defense against the charge that compared with the music sense of 
savages we have lost the sense of rhythm. 

A history of English literature for students. By Robert Huntington 
Fletcher. Boston, Richard G. Badger (c. 1916). 387 p. 

This is a general manual designed for students in universities and 
colleges and others beyond the high school age. The history of litera- 
ture is outlined with regard to national life, and also to give an appre- 
ciative interpretation of the work of the most notable authors. The 
writer is a teacher of long experience and his book was evolved 
because he did not find what he wanted in the current literature upon 
the subject. 

Additional publications of the Survey Committee of the Cleveland 
Foundation, Cleveland, Ohio: 

Wage earning and education. By R. R. Lutz. 1916. 208 p. 
School organization and administration. By Leonard P. Ayres. 1916. 

135 P- 
The garment trades. By Edna Bryner. 1916. 153 p. 
Household arts and school lunches. By Alice C. Boughton. 1916. 

170 p. 
Dressmaking and millinery. By Edna Bryner. 1916. 133 p. 
The public library and the public schools. By Leonard P. Ayres and 

Adele McKinnie. 1916. 93 p. 
The Cleveland survey {summary volume). By Leonard P. Ayres. 
1917. 363 P- 

These volumes of the Survey, like those that have preceded, dis- 
tinctly enhance the impression of both the elaborateness and the ad- 
vanced status of educational work in Cleveland, which from some 
points of view is the banner city of education in this country. The 
only remark to be made is that some of these departmental publications 
come so long after the survey was made that in some of the newest 
fields work elsewhere has gone ahead of what is reported here, as 
indeed very likely it may have done to-day in Cleveland itself. 

The psychology of drawing; with special reference to laboratory teach- 
ing. By Fred Carleton Ayer. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 
1916. 186 p. 

This work is a study of drawing as a device in laboratory teaching, 
and includes a survey of existing literature upon the subject, a char- 
acterization of the chief contributions to it, etc. After defining the 
scope of the problem, the author proceeds to the literatim-, and third, 
to experiments and conclusions. 


The experimental determination of mental discipline in school studies. 
By Harold Ordway Rugg. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 1916. 
'132 p. 

The point of this book is that it presents in compact, tabular form 
a summary of all the experimental work done upon formal discipline 
to date, and gives the results of the author's own investigation, con- 
spicuous because it deals with so many subjects (Illinois students), 
and because it measures the effect upon mental efficiency produced by 
a course of instruction under ordinary conditions. 

The doctrine of formal discipline in the 1 light of experimental investi- 
gation. By Nellie P. Hewins. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 
1916. 120 p. 

One chief problem of educational psychology is the mental endow- 
ment and original nature of man, the nature of the learning process 
and the nature of training. This work is largely devoted to the latter. 
The work in this book is not unlike that presented in the volume by 
Dr. Rugg above. 

Community center activities. By Clarence Arthur Perry. New 
York, Russell Sage Foundation (c. 1916). 127 p. 

This little work treats the following topics : Civic occasions ; edu- 
cational occasions ; entertainments ; handicrafts ; mental contests ; 
neighborhood service ; physical activities ; social occasions ; club and 
society meetings; voluntary classes; sample programs; publishers' 
names and addresses. 

An introduction to experimental psychology in relation to education. 
By C. W. Valentine. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 1916. 194 p. 

This book gives an account of a number of psychological experi- 
ments that bear directly upon education and the teacher's work. They 
are experiments that can be carried out without much apparatus, and 
as of all text-books it is said to meet a long-felt and strong need. 
It is divided into two parts, first the experiments themselves, and 
second, the results and applications to school children. 

Mary Astell. By Florence M. Smith. New York, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 1916. 193 p. 

This study formulates the seventeenth and eighteenth century ideas 
on the education of women as presented to that period. The work 
opens with a biography, and then treats the subject's educational writ- 
ings, pamphlets on marriage, her religious tracts, political pamphlets, 
and finally her character and influence, with a bibliography. 

Vocational secondary education. Prepared by the Committee on Vo- 
cational Education of the National Education Association. Wash- 
ington Govt. Printing Office, 1916. 163 p. (Bureau of Education, 
Bulletin, 1916, No. 21.) 

This gives first a general historic sketch, then describes types of 
secondary schools, descriptive analysis and illustrative examples, some 
ways in which it may introduce its organization, method of gathering 
data, difference between vocational education and guidance, proper 
methods of financing, general problems of vocational education. 


A point scale for measuring mental ability. By Robert M. Yerkes, 
James W. Bridges, and Rose S. Hardwick. Baltimore, Warwick 
and York, 1915. 218 p. 

This book is divided into five parts, with the following captions: 
The constitution and relations of the point scale; results of the appli- 
cation of the scale to normal individuals; results of the application of 
the scale to defective or deranged individuals; revision of the scale; 
the outlook. 

Principles and methods of teaching. By James Welton. 2d edition. 
Baltimore, Warwick and York, n. d. 677 p. 

This is a second edition, not much changed from the first, of a 
ponderous, solid, sound but not strikingly original treatment of edu- 
cation in general, and of each of the chief school topics in particular. 

Educational survey of Wyoming. By A. C. Monahan and Katherine 
M. Cook. Washington, Govt. Printing Office, 1917. 120 p. (Bu- 
reau of Education, Bulletin, 1916, No. 29.) 

This excellent survey, made under the direction of the Bureau of 
Education, begins naturally with a sketch of the history and then the 
present condition of education in the state, with various illustrations, 
especially of good and bad schoolhouses. The third section is devoted 
to school revenues; the fourth, to movements in other states as out- 
lined in the recommendations for Wyoming. Finally come the recom- 
mendations. On the whole it is a succinct and excellent study. 

Report of an inquiry into the administration and support of the Colo- 
rado school system. Made under the direction of the United States 
Commissioner of Education. Washington, Govt. Printing Office, 
I9I7- 93 P- (Bureau of Education, Bulletin, 1917, No. 5.) 

The Colorado report begins with a general sketch of Colorado and 
its educational system, and then in successive chapters details recom- 
mendations. 1 

Education by life; a discussion of the problem of the school education 
of younger children. By various writers. Edited by Henrietta 
Brown Smith. 2d edition. Baltimore, Warwick and York, 1914. 
211 p. ' 

This work is the combined product of a number of minds not en- 
tirely coinciding but in general harmony with each other, in regard to 
what education by life is, means and can do. 

Mount Vernon; Washington's home and the nation's shrine. By Paul 
Wilstach. Garden City, Doubleday, Page & Co., 1916. 301 p. 

This is an elegant book of twenty-one chapters with some scores of 
illustrations, is of historic interest and admirably adapted for a Christ- 
mas gift. 

Iwaya's fairy tales of Old Japan: — Momotaro, the story of peach-boy, 
tr. by Hannah Riddell; Tamanoi, the jewel spring, tr. by Fanny 
B. Greene, and other tales. Tokoyo, Bun Yo Do To Mi Ta, 1914. 

This is a collection of fairy tales from Japan, printed in large type, 
copiously illustrated, and elegantly bound. 


Educational directory, 1916-17. Washington, Govt. Printing Office, 
1917. 197 p. (Bureau of Education, Bulletin, 1916, No. 43.) 

The dance and life. By S. Mildred Strauss. New York, 1916. 22 p. 

The Granta Shakespeare. Edited by ij. H. Lobban. Much Ado About 
Nothing, and The Tempest. Cambridge, University Press, 1916. 
2 v. 

Proceedings of the tenth annual meeting of the Association of Life 
Insurance Presidents. New York, December 14 and 15, 1916. 
194 P. 

Mortality Statistics, 1914. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the 
Census. Fifteenth annual report. Washington, Govt. Printing 
Office, 1916. 714 p. 


Pedagogical Seminary 

Founded and Edited by G. Stanley Hall 
Vol. XXIV JUNE, 1917 No. 2 


By M. W. Meyerhardt 

The teaching force of the German universities may be 
roughly divided into ordinary, and non-ordinary teachers. 
The Ordinary Professors (O.P.), either with regular pro- 
fessorship, which is fixed and continuous, or with personal 
professorship, which expires with the occupant, constitute the 
nucleus of the teaching staff. They are appointed by the 
reigning Sovereign upon the motion of the ministry who, as 
a rule, take into consideration the proposals by the faculty of 
the names of three men thought suitable for the position; but 
the government is not bound to confine its choice to these 
names. In addition to a salary paid by the State, graded 
according to length of service until a maximum is reached, 
they draw honoraria for their private lectures and fees for 
graduation, and other examinations. In the administration of 
the inner affairs of the universities only O.P., generally speak- 
ing, have a right to vote as occasion presents itself. From 
their midst the rector of the university is elected, and from 
their number also proceeds the delegate of the university 
chosen as its representative to the Diet of the State. 

The non-ordinary staff (N.O.) consists chiefly of Honorary 
Professors, (H.P.), Extra-Ordinary Professors, (E.O.), and 
Private Docents (P.D.). 

H.P. have the rank of E.O., but have neither teaching com- 

* This paper presents in substance the first chapter of a study on- 
titled " University Organization and Reform." The other chapters dis- 
cuss the universities of Austria, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Great Britain 
and the Overseas Dominions, France, Russia, Italy, Spain, Greece. 
Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Japan, and the United States. 



mission and salary, nor a definite duty as instructors. In 
most cases they are older men who have made a name for 
themselves and in this way are publicly brought into inde- 
pendent connection with a university. 

E.O. are either " etatsmassig " or " non-etatsmassig," that 
is to say, with or without a fixed salary. The former are 
appointed permanently at a fixed salary which is periodically 
increased until a maximum is reached. They have a teaching 
commission for a certain subject or a group of subjects, 
usually to complete the instruction in the chief branches of 
study or to represent subjects for which as yet no ordinary 
professorship has been created. Although sometimes in charge 
of important sub-departments, their position is that of an 
associate or assistant professor and as such, with few excep- 
tions, they have neither voice nor vote in the administrative 
affairs of the university or of the faculty. If non-etatsmassig, 
they draw no salary but sometimes have a teaching commis- 
sion and, in that case, receive a small remuneration. 

P.D. are scholars who, on the fulfilment of the requirements 
of habilitation, have been extended the privilege of teaching 
in a university. But the bestowal of" the venia legendi signi- 
fies merely admission into the teaching body of scholars and 
not into the State's official corps of instructors. Hence his 
lecture fees are the sole remuneration which a P.D. may 
expect. Teaching commissions, given only rarely and in ex- 
ceptional cases, are limited and involve no claim to perma- 
nence. As a teacher the P.D. is, nominally at least, on equal 
terms with the professors. He has the use of lecture rooms 
and laboratories and his lectures and exercises are officially 
announced. Formal enrolment of students in his courses is 
accepted as regular work, but they are confined to the subject 
for which the P.D. has qualified. 

The historical predecessor of the P.D. was the magister 
legendus of the early universitas. In the times of the studium 
generate, and also later when that title had been absorbed and 
universitas designated the institution of learning as such, every 
student, by virtue of his degree, became a member of the 
faculty by whom it was conferred. The bestowal of the mas- 
ter's degree included the venia legendi and in some instances 
involved the obligation to teach at the mother university for 
a period of two years. Though self-preservation soon made 
certain distinctions imperative, in principle this right of the 
Graduate to lecture everywhere without special permission 
remained with him for several centuries. The university of 
Halle, for example, founded in 1694, reiterated in its statutes 
his right to all the functions of the professor as established 
by law or by custom. His position, however, never an enviable 


one, in time became so precarious that in the first half of the 
eighteenth century not many followed the calling. An aca- 
demic career at its best offered then but few attractions. The 
middle classes were poor, and bright and promising students 
from these strata of the German people aspired to positions 
more lucrative than the breadless art of teaching in the uni- 
versities whose reputation had sunk low and who were com- 
pletely overshadowed by the newly founded academies. 

Probably for similar reasons the number of extra-ordinary 
professorships was not large at that time. This position had 
come into vogue during the seventeenth century when various 
Sovereigns, in addition to regular professors, called to their 
universities professors " extra ordinem." They received no 
fixed salary but usually a small emolument from the private 
exchequer. They were excluded from participating in faculty 
affairs and had no voice in the autonomous administration of 
the university. Their position was desirable chiefly because 
it was apt to be a stepping-stone to an ordinary professorship 
whenever a vacancy occurred. 

Gradual Increase of the N.O. 

Available statistics show that in the second half of the 
eighteenth century the E.O. and P.D. formed a negligible part 
of the university teaching staff. In 1758 the N.O. constituted 
24.8% of the teachers in all German and Austrian universities. 
For forty years this percentage remained nearly stationary 
so that in 1796, 26.8%, or a trifle more than one fourth of the 
force were N.O. But the next century saw a great change 
in these proportions. The N.O. increased so rapidly as in 
time to equal and finally greatly to surpass the O.P. in num- 
ber. The relatively greatest increase occurred after 1880. 
The ratio in the German universities was in 

1880 94 N.O. to 100 O.P. 

1890 121 N.O. to 100 O.P. 

1900 140 N.O. to 100 O.P. 

1906 144 N.O. to 100 O.P. 

1914 167 N.O. to 100 O.P. 

Whereas, accordingly, at the beginning of the eighteenth 
century the ordinary teaching force represented the university 
in number as well as in fact, at the beginning of the twentieth 
century the situation is almost reversed, so that in some of the 
larger universities the E.O. or the P.D. are more numerous 
than the O.P. 

Factors of both an objective and a subjective nature are 
held to be responsible for these conditions. In the first place, 


the number of O.P. was not increased sufficiently to keep step 
with the increase in the number of students. Then again, an 
inner need for a larger teaching force made itself felt, in 
satisfying which the increase in ordinary professorships proved 
entirely inadequate. It grew out of the enlargement of the 
subject matter, specialization, and the consequent formation of 
new and independent sub-departments of various sciences. 
To create ordinary professorships for all these divisions was 
obviously inexpedient. But since the teaching of each required 
the knowledge of a specialist, the number of N.O. grew. In 
the meantime, subjective factors contributed to the same result. 
While in the eighteenth century literary- pursuits or the diplo- 
matic service were generally given the preference to an academic 
career, sentiment changed in the nineteenth century and 
thereby caused the supply of academic teachers to exceed the 
demand. The lure of academic freedom and independence, 
the long vacations, the privilege to arrange working hours to 
suit one's convenience, and the opportunities for research 
prove enticing to many, not to mention the preferred social 
status of the academic teacher and the nimbus that surrounds 
the title of " Professor," which acts on the ambition and 
vanity of certain classes as a power of irresistible attraction. 
On the other hand, the overcrowding of all professions, the 
inevitable long waits for positions, and the immediate need 
of some sort of an income, drive many to chancing an academic 
career. Thus, inducements, often diametrically opposed, com- 
bine sometimes in creating motives for embarking upon the 
academic career and thereby produce an oversupply of younger 

An analysis of the social origin of the N.O. sheds further 
light on the phenomenon. Professor Eulenberg (5), dividing 
the parental vocations into five larger categories, ascertained in 
1908 by means of a questionnaire that the higher commercial 
pursuits and the learned vocations furnished over two thirds 
of the academic after-growth, so called. The fathers of over 
37% of the N.O. were found to be land-holders, manufac- 
turers, or merchants. They comprise the well to do classes. 
They have grown rich and their sons can afford a breadless 
scientific career, a fact, of course, which does not preclude 
the possibility of their being turned in that direction by a 
psychological factor, founded in the general spirit of mental 
activity and agility that is apt to prevail in their homes. In 
the group comprising professional and related vocations which 
demand a higher education, the university teachers, as is to 
be expected, were most numerous. Social heredity, expecta- 
tion of aid in habilitation and promotion, and of a general 
smoothing out of affairs, probably account for it. Next came 


the physicians where the parental milieu most likely played 
an equally important role. A relatively large number was fur- 
nished by the higher State-officials, with whom the oppor- 
tunity for the son to make a name for himself, and also the 
social advantages of an academic career might have been the 
determining factors. The showing made by the small capi- 
talists confirms the conclusion that the learned and the well 
to do furnish the bulk of the academic aftergrowth, and that 
the contribution is small when the parental vocation tended 
to create a mental atmosphere which diverted attention from 
an academic career. 

Distribution of the N.O. 

The non-ordinary force does not form an inner homo- 
geneous unity but is characterized by typical similarities and 
differences which correspond to general conditions. The 
Prussian, the non-Prussian and the Austrian institutions form 
distinct groups ; the large, the medium, and the small univer- 
sities show noteworthy differences ; and again, the distribution 
among the single faculties is not uniform. The relatively 
large proportion of N.O. in Prussia and in Austria has its 
cause chiefly in the abnormal conditions which obtain in Ber- 
lin and Vienna. The bulk, namely, of the N.O. is found in 
the larger institutions, whereas the smaller ones are avoided. 
This is largely due to the fact that larger cities, such as Berlin, 
Vienna, Munich and Leipsic, present better opportunities for 
supplementing the income from academic teaching with that 
from private occupations. Or the opposite sometimes is the 
cause. A well to do P.D. prefers the comforts and attractions 
of life in the metropolis. Indeed, it is not an unheard of 
occurrence that a P.D. in one of the larger universities, with 
a lucrative field of activity, is loath to be transferred to a 
smaller institution, even with promotion in sight. 

As to the faculties, the academic after-growth in theology 
and in law is not numerous, and that for obvious reasons. 
The lack of differentiation within the sciences, the exclusive- 
ness of the single branches, and the dogmatic treatment of 
the subject matter are not very conducive to stimulating scien- 
tific research. Entirely different, however, are conditions in 
the medical faculty where the ideal of individual instruction 
is approached. The ratio" of N.O. to O.P. in this faculty is 
more than 3 to 1. Although this large number of N.O. is 
desirable, it is nevertheless to be pointed out that many of 
them have but loose connection with the university. In some 
cases habitation is obtained by physicians chiefly in the hope 
of improving thereby their medical practice. Leniency in the 


requirements of habilitation is also held to be responsible for 
the overcrowding. Similar, and for much the same reasons, 
are conditions in the natural sciences where, particularly in 
chemistry, the growth in numbers of the N.O. seems to be 
out of proportion to the requirements. In history and philol- 
ogy, owing to many sub-divisions of the sciences and to 
specialization in many directions, the number of O.P. is large 
and the after-growth also is, and may be, large without the 
supply exceeding the demand, more particularly since for 
many of the smaller sub-divisions no ordinary chairs have 
been established. 

Looked upon as indicators of the chances for promotion the 
figures show that for each 3 O.P. in theology and in law 
there are two prospective successors, whose chances, accord- 
ingly, are fairly good. In history, where the numbers are 
nearly equal, advancement depends on the length of life of 
the O.P. Least favorable appear the chances for promotion 
in the medical faculty where there are 3, and in the natural 
sciences where there are 2 candidates for each prospective 
vacancy. But fortunately all this is but figuratively speaking 
true. As a matter of fact, the circle within which the actual 
selection for advancement occurs is much smaller than the 
absolute numbers indicate. This is made evident by even a 
casual analysis of 

The Inner Composition of the N.O. Staff. 

Looked at from within, the N.O., from the view-point of 
personal position and ambition, may be divided into three 
general groups. (1) N.O. with whom teaching, either from 
necessity or from choice, is but a secondary occupation. As 
a rule they occupy another position from which a fixed income 
is derived. Such are directors of museums or of statistical 
bureaux, superintending physicians of state or city hospitals, 
librarians, clergymen, etc. Their presence in the university 
is held to be wholly desirable. A permanent contact with 
non-academic conditions of life is apt to result in the intro- 
duction of a new and probably wholesome point of view, since 
only the better qualified know how to combine in this manner 
their scientific interests with an improvement of their financial 
condition. To be sure, there is the disadvantage of their sub- 
ordination to the external influences of politics, church, and 
other higher authorities, which robs them in part of that free- 
dom and independence so inseparable from the position of the 
academic teacher. This fact, however, requires no serious 
consideration. Advancement to an ordinary professorship is 
in their case improbable, if not impossible, chiefly because 


their necessarily limited academic activity precludes achieve- 
ment of that distinction of scientific performance which is a 
condition of promotion. Hence they are hardly to be counted 
in as academic after-growth. (2) The free lances, or those 
who for certain reasons, voluntarily or involuntarily, have to 
renounce all aspirations to an ordinary professorship. Among 
them are men who for one reason or the other were prevented 
from obtaining the venia legendi until late in life. Perhaps 
they were teachers or officials elsewhere, thirsting for the 
greater freedom and more extended sphere of activity at a 
larger university. Possibly they have only lately been ren- 
dered financially independent and thereby enabled to give their 
whole time to scientific research. Others there are, full of 
scientific enthusiasm, who are satisfied to make a living some- 
how, supplementing their lecture fees by an income derived 
from tutoring or from authorship. All these do not care to 
be identified with the official organization of the university, 
including' the drudgery of administrative work. Here also 
belong the so-called " outs " of each science : In theology, 
the free thinkers of an orthodox faculty; in medicine, the 
representatives of some special school ; in the natural sciences, 
the neo-vitalists ; in philosophy, the followers of Hegel, 
Schopenhauer, von Hartmann, or Avenarius ; in national eco- 
nomics, the disciples of Manchester or of scientific socialism ; 
in a word, all those outside of that realm of science which 
is officially recognized by way of a teaching commission. All 
in all, a mixed gathering of scholars this, who indeed con- 
tribute much to the life of the German university, giving it 
color and shading, but who are hardly in line for an ordinary 
professorship, that official position meant to be entrusted only 
to those -who cultivate the commonly accepted branches of 
learning to be transmitted to the future officials, physicians, 
judges, teachers, etc. (3) The last and numerically strongest 
group, the regular docents ; namely, those who mean to ascend 
the academic hierarchy; first, to be promoted to an extra- 
ordinary professorship without or with teaching commission 
and, eventually, to reach the final goal in the form of a full 
professorship. They constitute the real academic after- 
growth and, as will be made more evident, by force of the 
extensiveness and importance of their activities are an integral 
part of the teaching staff. Yet, their participation in the 
inner administrative affairs of the university is insignificant, 
and again, not an inconsiderable part, it is claimed, is retained 
in this unofficial position without being less useful or neces- 
sary for university instruction as a whole than the ordinary 
professors are. 


The Movement for Reform 

Rumblings of dissatisfaction and whispers of the need of 
reform have for sometime been going the rounds of the non- 
ordinary teaching staffs of many of the universities. But, 
while convinced that prevailing conditions were the sluggish 
resultant of tradition, prejudice, and inertia, rather than the 
live product of clear and far-sighted vision, the majority 
preferred to remain silent. They adapted themselves to the 
administrative machinery as they found it, satisfied with the 
wisdom of the adage that discretion often is the better part 
of valor. In 1907, however, a few of the more venturesome 
decided that the time for action was rife. A call to all uni- 
versities where the German tongue is spoken was issued by a 
preparatory committee, and the Fall of that year saw at 
Salzburg the first German university teachers convention. 

Discussion turned to a variety of topics. Since reform, 
like charity should begin at home, the shortcomings of 
academic teachers were given an airing. On the other hand, 
speakers deplored the fact that the well founded system 
of autonomous administration under State supervision had 
been permitted to deteriorate into that of a bureaucratic hier- 
archy. Attempts of government interference in matters which 
always had been functions of the university were criticised as 
demoralizing, tending to lower the status of university teach- 
ers, and even threatening to render freedom of teaching but 
a hollow name. Under these conditions, it was pointed out, 
the problem which confronted them involved not the mere 
question of a readjustment of a few personal grievances but 
the attainment of an ideal ; hence, further apathy might easily 
be construed as emanating from the lack of an adequate sense 
of professional honor. Concerted action was urged and, or- 
ganization being effected, it was voted to co-operate in the 
establishment of an annually recurring convention and in the 
formation of local organizations in all cities where universities 
are located. Through the efforts of an executive committee 
a number of local organizations soon came into existence and, 
in 1909, the E.O. in nearly all Prussian universities had locally 
combined and under the name of "Association of Prussian 
E.O." formed an inter-institutional organization. The P.D., 
being left to shift for themselves, established local organiza- 
tions of their own, but at a conference in Halle in 1912, to 
which all other non-ordinary organizations then in existence 
had been invited, effected a second inter-institutional combine 
under the name of "Association of German P.D." Finally, 
in 1912, all local organizations in the non-Prussian universities, 
where the E.O. and P.D. had made common cause, united 


with the German P.D. in a larger body known as " Union of 
German N.O. Organizations' which, accordingly embraces all 
German N.O. with the exception of the Prussian E.O. Head- 
quarters are maintained at Halle from where annual reports 
are issued of which, however, but two have thus far appeared. 

The Argument of the Advocates of Reform 

Notwithstanding changed conditions, State authorities and 
faculties, the directive forces of the university, still persist in 
regarding the position of the E.O. as, what historically to be 
sure it is, an intermediate or transitionary one. This is held to 
be the comprehensive cause of the unsatisfactory conditions. 
The rest is but a bill of particulars. 

Proof that the position of the E.O. is in reality no longer 
a waiting station is adduced from various directions. There 
are many reasons for falling by the wayside en route to the 
circle of the select. A teacher may represent a discipline for 
which from financial reasons no full professorship has been 
created ; his branch may be too specialized and remote to admit 
of the establishment of a chair ; or it may be so unique as to 
render inexpedient its perpetuation owing to the difficulties to 
be encountered in the attempt to secure a suitable successor. 
All these are apt to be permanently retained in the position 
of an E.O. Again, in several branches the after-growth is 
so numerous that a number of candidates are available for 
every vacancy and, since outsiders are occasionally extended 
a call, individual chances for promotion are correspondingly 
small. External influences, such as matters of creed or ad- 
herence to some definite school of thought, sometimes modify, 
favorably or unfavorably, the degree of eligibility. Lastly. 
the fact is to be mentioned that advancement to an ordinary 
professorship comes to the average teacher only relatively 
late in life. 

On the other hand, the work of the E.O., it is asserted, 
qualitatively us well as quantitatively is equivalent to that of 
the O.P. ; his responsibility, when occupying the position of 
manager of an institute, seminary, or clinic, often equals that 
of an O.P.; his importance also is recognized by the State, 
since E.O. are pressed into service in the State examinations. 
Yet, in all which concerns rank, salary, corporate rights, and 
official influence in matters of instruction and administration, 
the E.O. is dealt with as occupying a minor position, so much 
SO that in some instances Ik- ha- retained even the official 
robe of the P.D. 


The Government's Point of View of the Position of 

the E.O. 

Officially, the N.O. claim, an extra-ordinary professorship 
is regarded as a subsidiary or provisional position. Its func- 
tion is to supplement or to complete instruction. It has been 
thus denned on various occasions in the discussions of the 
diet and by ministers of education : " Whenever a new dis- 
cipline springs up, to start with, an extra-ordinary professor- 
ship is created, and later, when this discipline has become 
fixed, when its general importance can no longer be questioned, 
and particularly when a suitable man for the position has been 
found, an ordinary professorship is established. Naturally, 
this step also depends largely on considerations of a financial 
nature." Hence, when the number of students in a department 
increases very rapidly and the scientific work grows to such 
an extent that one teacher can no longer master it, it is the 
custom of the authorities to place an E.O. with teaching 
commission alongside the O.P. And similarly, in order to 
estimate the range and importance of a new branch of science, 
an E.O. with special teaching commission is at first put in 

Consonant, furthermore, it is pointed out, with this official 
conception of the position of the E.O. are his emoluments. 
A few data substantiate this. Of 155 Prussian E.O. who in 
1909 answered an inquiry, 

(a) 30 were outside the official salary provisions, but of 
these 19 received a remuneration of from $150 to $750 

(b) 105 came within the official salary provisions which 
since 1909 are in Prussia as follows : Initial salary, $650 ; 
after 4 years, $775 ; after 8 years, $900; after 12 years, $1,000; 
after 16 years, $1,100; after 20 years, $1,200. Professors 
who derive an income from extra-academic activities remain 
at the initial salary. Those who draw less than $300 in col- 
legium fees are paid the difference to make up that amount; 
on the other hand, there is a deduction of 25% from all fees 
over $750, and 50% from all fees amounting to more than 
$1,000. An allowance for rent goes to all who are " etats- 

(c) 20, who were division superintendents, received the 
salary of an E.O. purely in their capacity as State officials. 
Academically their position was entirely titular, could be 
terminated at six months' notice, and entitled them to a pension 
only under the general code. 

Significant, finally, in stamping the position of the E.O. 


as a subordinate one, are the definitions of his status in the 
statutes of various universities. Those of the university 
Bonn, for instance, expressly state that to an extra-ordinary 
professorship shall be promoted " the more eminent and rising 
young academic docents, partly in order to encourage them in 
their chosen profession, partly to have them assist the O.P. 
and supplement his work." And this conception dominates 
the constitutions of all universities. The administrative rights 
of the E.O. are conspicuous by their absence ; his participa- 
tion in matters concerning instruction is limited and, being 
regulated chiefly by custom, is permissive rather than man- 

The Facts in the Case 

The contention that the N.O. occupy chiefly positions in 
the newer, more remote, the relatively unimportant branches 
of science, and that in most cases these are but temporary 
positions, is disproved by an analysis of (1) the teaching 
commissions of E.O., (2) the activities of the N.O., (3) 
the time required for preparation, the waiting periods and the 
age of the N.O., and (4) the average age of the O.P., which 
suggests the need of a rejuvenescence of the official teaching 

Teaching Commissions of the E.O. 

Of 150 Prussian E.O. outside of Berlin, in 1909, 23 E.O., 
or less than 1/6 had no teaching commission, due to the fact 
that mere titular promotions are rare. 

27 E.O. had a teaching commission designated as " for the 
purpose of supplementing the activities of the department 

14 E.O., or less than 10%, had a teaching commission for 
a special discipline, subordinate to the department O.P. 

43 E.O. had a teaching commission for a substantial dis- 
cipline and in many cases were independent of the O.P., the 
commission being worded " to represent in lectures and exer- 
cises " theoretical physics, children's diseases, etc. 

43 E.O. had a teaching commission which in no way dif- 
fered from that of an O.P. 

In other words, of the E.O. with teaching commissions more 
than two thirds had full charge of their department or sub- 
department. That a goodly number of these teaching com- 
missions were equivalent to those of O.P. is indicated by the 
fact that certain disciplines of E.O. in smaller universities 
are in the larger institutions in charge of an O.P., and again 
that the duties and responsibilities of many of these E.O. do 
not differ from those of an O.I*. 


In 1907, for which year full data are available, about the 
same ratio otbained, approximately two thirds of the E.O. 
in all German and Austrian universities having larger or 
smaller teaching commissions. Their general importance for 

instruction is revealed by a brief review of 


The Activities of the N.O. 

The lecturing activities of the E.O. and P.D. combined 
amounted during the summer semester of 1907 to over two 
fifths of the total number of lectures delivered in all the uni- 
versities. In the natural sciences the N.O. assumed nearly 
one half of the total lecturing activities, and in medicine the 
number of weekly hours of the N.O. actually surpassed those 
of the O.P. Some of the causes of this state of affairs have 
already been referred to. Foremost responsible is the growth 
of the subject matter of science, the introduction of new dis- 
ciplines, and the development of new branches by specializa- 
tion, to cover which the number of ordinary professorships 
proved inadequate. A second reason is that the increase in 
the number of O.P. has not kept step with the growth of 
the student body. There were in round numbers for each 
O.P. in 1860, 20 students; 1880, 22 students; 1900, 29 stu- 
dents; 1910, 43 students. 

And thirdly, promotions to an ordinary professorship in 
recent years occurred largely in the philosophical faculties, 
whereas in the so-called upper three faculties the number of 
O.P. was in some instances actually reduced. Parallel chairs 
in the latter are rare and, as a consequence, O.P. often lecture 
to audiences of 200 students or more. 

However, in addition to the lecturing activity, an important 
development in another direction must be considered, namely, 
individual and personal instruction. Mass instruction by the 
lecture method is not everywhere feasible. Particularly in 
medicine and in the natural sciences great weight is neces- 
sarily placed on institute and laboratory work, and this indi- 
vidualized form of instruction is beyond the power of one 
man. From 10 to 15 may be said to be the maximum number 
of students whose work one instructor is able to profitably 
supervise. Assistants are required and lately have been em- 
ployed in increasing numbers, in part for reasons other than 
the one just mentioned. The celebrated and much sought 
after O.P. has more important work than that of instructing 
beginners and, again, a younger man sometimes is really 
better qualified to teach those to whom he stands personally 
closer, and to teach that which requires more recent practice 
than the older men usually can boast of. Here then a great 


field is open to X.O. and we find, as a consequence, in medi- 
cine, a small army of E.O. and P.D. occupying positions as 
assistants, chief-physicians, prosectors, institute-managers, etc., 
and in the natural sciences, over 30% in positions of similar 

From a qualitative point of view likewise it is necessary that 
the O.P. have assistance. The student body has not only in- 
creased in size but of late has become more heterogeneous, 
being composed of graduates of three kinds of institutions 
with wholly distinct methods of preparation. Not a few are 
attending the universities without being immatriculated. Male 
and female teachers, agricultural students, authors, journal- 
ists, and others, many of which would derive little benefit if 
condemned at once to an attendance of the advanced courses 
by O.P. and who are better served by first subscribing to 
introductory lectures and courses ofTered by assistants. Then 
again, the generally recognized schools of thought and the 
officially approved views do not appeal to all, yet the true 
meaning of the term " universitas literarum " implies the 
obligation of presenting all sorts of views, while the principle 
of freedom of teaching involves the right of all needs being 
satisfied. Here also the N.O. steps into the breach and, by 
introducing a younger force and a new point of view, becomes 
a wholesome competitor. Lastly, some entirely new tasks 
have of late come within the scope of academic activity. Mer- 
chants, factory managers, workers of all kinds, and even 
women, are now admitted to the most advanced courses of 
vocational education, and courses are ofTered which aim at a 
refreshing and bringing up to date of the knowledge of those 
who are permanently occupied with their life's work. Review 
courses for physicians, continuation courses in political econ- 
omy, vacation courses for teachers and theologians, technical 
courses in the natural sciences, and advanced theoretical 
courses for superintendents and other officials of the great 
mercantile and industrial establishments, have in recent years 
become fixed innovations at some of the universities. All 
these facts, it is held, combine in permanently raising the 
utility threshold of the non-ordinary teaching force and. by 
the extensiveness and variety of their nature, tend to show 
that the academic after-growth has not only acquired a new 
and inner import, but has assumed specific and independent 
tasks which are mentally or physically beyond the range of 
activity of the ordinary professor-. 


Time of Preparation, Waiting Periods, and Age, of 

the N.O. 

An analysis of the average age of the present N.O. and a 
comparison of their age at the different preliminary and 
intermediate stations with the corresponding age of the 
present O.P. impels the question, it is pointed out, whether 
the time is not rapidly approaching when an extra-ordinary 
professorship can really no longer be regarded as a stepping- 
stone to promotion. 

Statistics, applying to 1907, show that the O.P. obtained 
the Ph.D. degree at an average age of 23.7 years, the N.O. 
at about 24.5 years ; in other words, that the average age of 
promovation gradually has been pushed forward. Habilita- 
tion, the next step in an academic career, was obtained on an 
average by the O.P. at 28, after 4.2 years of preparation; 
by the E.O. at the age of 30.7 years, after 5.4 years of prepara- 
tion; by the P.D. at 30.7 years, after 6.1 years of preparation. 
These figures indicate that the time of preparation for an 
academic career is steadily increasing. 

The O.P. had attained the grade of E.O. at an average age 
of 32.4 years, after averaging 4.3 years as P.D. ; the E.O. had 
been promoted to that position at an average age of 36.5 years 
after averaging as P.D. 6.6 years, or 2 years longer than the 
O.P. If one considers that the average age of the P.D. in 
1907 was over 38 years and that they had occupied this posi- 
tion already for an average period of upward of 6 years, it 
does not seem unreasonable to assume that in their case the 
intervening period to promotion will again be considerably 

The O.P. had reached the full professorship after a waiting 
period of approximately 4.5 years at an average age of about 
37, which means that they had reached the goal at an age 
when those who were then E.O. had been appointed to the 
lower office. Since the average age of the E.O. was some- 
what over 46, and about 10% of the E.O. were over 60 years 
of age, and since by a prolongation of the waiting periods 
at the intermediate stations the prospects of ultimate advance- 
ment to a full professorship become more and more remote, 
it seems indeed necessary to pause and reflect if it is still 
permissible to speak here of an after-growth. 

It is, of course, true that occasionally a young man is ap- 
pointed to a full professorship, but on the whole, it would 
appear, the figures above can be trusted to describe the actual 
conditions. They are confirmed by the following calculation: 
In 140 promotions to an ordinary professorship during the 
three years from 1905 to 1908 the average age of the new 


appointees in all Prussian universities was 41.7 years, and that 
of 55 Austrian appointees in the same period was 42.3 years. 
These figures show that these promotions occurred on the 
average 5.4 years later than the corresponding promotions 
of all O.P. holding office in 1907. 

The Need of a Rejuvenescence of the O.P. 

The average age of all O.P. increased in the space of half 
a generation just two years. In 1890 it was 51.5 years; in 
1907, 53.5 years. 

In 1890, 32% were below 45, 

48% between 46 and 60, 
20% were over 60. 
In 1907, 23% were below 45, 

52% between 46 and 60, 
25% were over 60. 

This table serves to show how the increase of the average 
age was brought about. The percentage of O.P. above the 
age of 45 has increased from 68% to 77% \ that of the O.P. 
below the age of 45 has decreased from 32% to 23%. In 
other words, the reason for the increase of the general average 
is the decrease or total disappearance of the younger O.P. 

That this state of affairs is pointed to by the advocates of 
reform as being unfortunate for instruction as well as for 
science itself, it is needless to tell. They go so far as to 
assert that, in view of the possible ascendency in international 
competition of younger nations with fresher forces and with 
new ideas, it is apt to prove fatal. A teaching staff or a 
faculty composed mainly of old professors incurs the danger 
of becoming stagnant by its disdain of innovations. Con- 
fronted J)y the authority vested in a celebrated name, a de- 
parture from accepted doctrines is rarely attempted and is 
apt to be repudiated as an unwarrantable intrusion upon a 
privileged domain. Students, in view of the O.P.'s position 
of absolute power, are prone to preferably choosing those 
courses which conform to his personal opinions and methods, 
and in the particular disciplines which he favors. Under such 
circumstances, new methods and new directions of thought 
are strangled at the start, and many a promising idea finds 
an untimely end. 

It is also not beyond the range of possibility that even an 
eminent scientist, rendered less active by old age or infirmity, 
may thereby fall behind the times. In such a case the whole 
branch of studies in his charge may, and has been known to, 
lie prostrate for years in that particular university and the 
number of students steadily to decline. This could easily 


have been avoided if a second professor with equal authority 
had stood by his side. 

Some Statistics up to Date 

Statistics, compiled by the writer, show that during the 
seven year period extending from 1907 to 1914, which may 
be said to embrace the time of active agitation for reform, the 
increase in the number of O.P. amounted to 5% against an 
increase of 20.1% in the number of N.O. ; 5.1% for the E.O. 
and 31% for the P.D. These figures indicate that no appre- 
ciable changes, other than those stamped by custom as normal 
growth, seem to have occurred in the make-up of the teaching 
staff of the universities, unless one cares to point out that 
the P.D. appear to have increased more rapidly than ever 

That the authorities, in the appointment of teachers, have 
maintained the even tenor of their ways is also suggested 
by other facts: 

(1) The average age of both, O.P. and E.O., has increased 
since 1907. But, while that of the former did so but slightly, 
namely from 53.5 to 53.8 years, the E.O. of 1914 with an 
average age of 47.25 were more than a year older than the 
E.O. of 1907. 

(2) The ratio of the average number of students to O.P., 
which in 1910 was 43 to 1, has increased so that in 1914 it 
was 50 to 1. 

(3) Figuring by faculties, there was in the period from 
1907 to 1914 an increase of the number of 

Ordinary Professors Students 

In Theol 15% 10% 

In Law 15% 19% 

In Medic 19% 28% 

In Phil 51% l 43% 

In the theological faculties the percentage of increase in 
the number of O.P. was relatively large. This is to be ex- 
plained only by the fact that the division of this faculty in 
several institutions into a protestant and catholic section makes 
virtually parallel teaching staffs necessary. 

The large increase in the number of O.P. in the faculties of 
law most likely was unavoidable since, even as now consti- 
tuted, their allotment of O.P. is small, if their large percentage 
of students is considered. This displacement, of course, is 
justified; for instruction in law is carried on chiefly by the 
lecture method and in seminaries where one O.P. may super- 
vise a relatively large number of students. High, nevertheless, 


as the percentage of increase was, it did not fully meet the 
requirements. While in the theological faculties the number 
of E.O. had remained stationary, in law it was found neces- 
sary to add over 25%. This fact, if one considers that the 
P.D. in law also increased by nearly 30%, not only suggests 
that the work of the N.O. is figured on by the authorities as 
a substantial factor in instruction but gives room to the 
suspicion that E.O. sometimes fills places for which ordinary 
professorships should be created. 

. The same is true in the medical faculties. Here the O.P., 
after an increase of 5%, constituted in 1914 but 19% of the 
total ordinary force, and that in spite of the fact that 28% 
of the student body are medical students, and that in medicine, 
with its institute, clinical, and laboratory work, the need of 
instructing and supervising small groups of students renders 
imperative the presence of more teachers than in theology or 
law. These teachers to be sure are forthcoming, but in the 
capacity of E.O. who, having been increased by 10%, now 
outnumber the O.P., and of 124 P.D. who were added to the 
426 P.D. active in 1907. 

That in philosophy and the natural sciences the exigencies 
of instruction demanded more ordinary teachers than were 
installed is shown by the increase of nearly 30% in the number 
of P.D., a fact which leaves no other conclusion than that 
the government side-stepped paying for something which it 
knew it could get for nothing. 

That this apparently is the policy which is being pursued 
is further demonstrated by the fact that in the large institu- 
tions, but also in some of the smaller ones, such as Freiburg, 
Heidelberg, and Jena, the attempt to compensate for the in- 
adequate number of O.P. by a disproportionately large number 
of E.O. is quite obvious. And the argument is clinched by 
figuring the average number of students for each teacher by 
faculties. In doing so, we find in 1914 for each O.P. in 

Theol 34 students 

Law 62 

Medic 72 

Phil., Nat. Sci 43 

The numbers become more equal when the number of stu- 
dents for each one of the O.P. and E.O. combined is com- 
puted, namely, 

Theol 26 students 

Law AS 

Medic M 

Phil., Nat. Sci 25 


They become reasonable only by also including the P.D., 

Theol 21 students 

Law 37 

Medic 16 

Phil., Nat. Sci 16 

There can be no doubt that in the faculties of medicine the 
absence of any considerable part of the N.O. would seriously 
impair efficiency of instruction. Nor could they be spared in 
the natural sciences. 

The inadequacy of the number of O.P. in the larger uni- 
versities, even for the lecture form of instruction is so marked 
that, of late, members of the student body have taken a hand 
in the discussion of the problem, their chief point of com- 
plaint being the resulting lack of inner contact between pro- 
fessor and student. The idea of the lecture form of instruc- 
tion as the chief implement of university education, one writer 
suggests, is a mistaken one anyway. The lecture is over- 
emphasized. " It should be superseded by the general dis- 
cussion of topics, consultations and conferences, in brief, by 
the substitution of the personal equation for the dead letter." 

Unfortunately, however, just those forms of instruction in 
which personal contact is supposed to be most essential, the 
seminaries for instance, seem to furnish the most glaring 
examples of the evils which present conditions give rise to. 
A good illustration of these is found in the description of a 
concrete case by Professor Bernheim of the University of 
Greifswald, at one time its Rector, and now O.P. of history. (2) 

After stating how Leopold von Ranke was the first to 
establish these seminaries for a limited number of his best 
and most advanced students, — that his successors perpetuated 
the practice so that finally they became fixed institutions in 
all German universities, — that usually one member of the 
seminary reported on certain scientific investigations which 
afterward were criticised and discussed, or investigations were 
undertaken in common, whereby the literature passed from 
hand to hand, — he suggests, regretfully, it would seem, that 
now obviously it is no longer possible to proceed in this way 
when, instead of the former ten or twenty members, from 
fifty to a hundred participate. "And that," he writes, " is 
now everywhere the case. Even in such a small university 
as Greifswald, I and some of my colleagues have had for a 
number of years in the neighborhood of, or over one hundred 
members in the seminary." " Confronted by this entirely 
different situation," he asks, " what is one to do ? " 

" But few teachers have the courage to simply shut the door 


when the original normal number of twenty of the select has 
been admitted. That would be at least consistent, though, to 
be sure, justified only if those excluded are certain of being 
taken in charge by other colleagues. . . . For the 
greater part one meets the situation by simply acting as if 
not a hundred but the modest circle of old were present and 
lets it go at that. Here and there perhaps one distinguishes 
between ordinary and extra-ordinary, or active and inactive 

" Inactive members ! " he exclaims, " the inner absurdity of 
the whole thing can scarcely be more plainly expressed: Ein 
inactiver Arbeitsitnterricht ! " 

" There they sit, in the front ranks the few chosen actives 
with whose work the teacher is occupied, and the remainder, 
the great mass, sit behind and may listen. Whether or not 
they are able to follow is not of the slightest consequence. 
Even if inclined that way, preparation for the topic 
under discussion even in a general way would be impossible 
since, as a rule, but one or two copies of the necessary books 
are to be found in the library. . . . Thus they sit there 
inactive in the true sense of the term ; what they learn is more 
harmful than nothing : to squander their time in dull lethargy, 
— unless they prefer gradually to disappear. . . . But 
what of it? They have subscribed for their place in regular 
form and in their leaving certificates find gloriously certified 
that they have been members of the "seminary." 

Similarly, in medicine and in the natural sciences, the afflux 
to the laboratories is so great that larger lecture and work 
rooms have become a permanent need. In the largest uni- 
versities the institutes for general anatomy, physiology, path- 
ology, physics, chemistry, and other disciplines, have assumed 
extra-ordinary dimensions. Hundreds of students are accom- 
modated and the rooms, as a rule, are filled to overflowing. 
Demonstrations in connection with lectures, because of the 
enormous size of the rooms, are practically impossible. Hence 
special demonstration rooms are provided, or opera glasses 
furnished to the students, or again, the desks are removed 
and the seats arranged in amphitheatrical fashion in order to 
shorten the air line between demonstration object and student. 

In the laboratories, where make-shift methods would avail 
nothing since instruction of such masses of students by a 
single teacher is impossible, the attempt has been made to 
improve matters by dividing the attendance into groups, 
whereby instruction of the more advanced students is carried 
on by the director of the institute in person while the re- 
mainder, under his supervision, is left in charge of an assistant. 
But even this general supervision sometimes develops into a 


task beyond the power of one man and in that case the only 
alternative has been resorted to, namely, the establishment 
of a relatively independent division, whose head, however, with 
few exceptions is but an E.O. [Compare: (14).] 

To multiply descriptions of this sort would serve no pur- 
pose. Enough has been said to show that there appears to 
exist some basis of truth for the claim of the N.O. that elim- 
ination of some of the difficulties under which instruction is 
carried on depends ultimately on a sufficient increase in the 
number of ordinary professorships. 

Why the Number of Ordinary Professorships Remains 


The question arises : Why is there no adequate increase in 
the number of O.P., or, as the N.O. would put it, why are 
extra-ordinary professorships maintained in places where O.P. 
are necessary? As amplified by them, it is to be answered by 
saying that the blame rests foremost with the government. 
Economy, they suggest, surely is one reason. Expenses in 
behalf of the universities have in the last few decades grown 
enormously, amounting in 1908 in Prussia alone to about 
$4,250,000, of which over $1,500,000 went for salaries of 
teachers. Reason enough for economy, they say, and since 
the supply of teachers exceeded the demand, the State simply 
took advantage of the situation. 

As a second reason for the retention of many E.O. in the 
subordinate position they advance a partly presumed, and 
partly demonstrated, policy of the State authorities to main- 
tain as far as possible but one ordinary professorship in each 
one of the various departments of a faculty. This is done, 
they declare, to avoid friction which may result from a clash- 
ing of authority. But the principle of subordination is trans- 
ferred automatically from the sphere of administration to the 
realm of the university where the lack of the spirit of col- 
leagueship adds neither to the results of academic instruction 
nor to the dignity of the teaching profession. 

Thirdly, it is asserted, in the filling of academic positions 
and in their gradation, a collateral factor has entered in the 
aim of the government to secure as strong a hold as possible 
upon the good will of the teaching force. There are nine dis- 
tinct grades below that of the O.P. and, while it is not neces- 
sary to ascend the scale step by step, yet they present to the 
State a wealth of opportunities, by promotion now and then, 
to keep the teachers in good humor and earn their gratitude 
without much expense. 

Last, but not least, the faculties are held to be responsible 


for the system of assistant teachers, " now in its fullest 
bloom/' It is not difficult to appreciate the fact, they intimate, 
that the O.P. of a department, its only representative in the 
faculty, its recognized expert whose voice is decisive in all 
matters which concern it, after enjoying this perfect monopoly 
does not relish the idea of dividing his authority with another. 
In the capacity of director of an institute he likewise reigns 
alone, and as absolutely. What then is more natural, they 
ask, than that he, " a little czar in his dominion," hesitates 
to endanger his sovereignty by encouraging or expediting the 
advancement of a possible rival? 

To attempt, from this distance, to sift the proverbial grain 
of truth from these contentions would be unprofitable. That 
the State, in so far as it is responsible for the system, has 
followed, as one writer puts it, " the principle of reasonable- 
ness in the economic rather than in the moral sense of the 
term," seems indeed reasonable. That occasionally personal 
considerations enter in determining a vote in the faculty is 
nothing strange to human nature. It is to be kept in mind, 
however, that the testimony emanates from not entirely dis- 
interested sources. 

The Demands of the N.O. Analyzed 

As outlined by the Association of Prussian E.O., the fol- 
lowing changes are called for : The " assistant-teachers " 
system should be abandoned and the principle established of 
filling only with O.P. all positions which represent a real 
teaching need. Accordingly, a majority of the E.O. should be 
promoted. The remainder should be granted a part in the 
corporate life of the universities commensurate with their 
importance for instruction and with their position as State 
officials. At greater detail, some of the following changes are 
held to be desirable: 

(1) E.O. should have a vote in the election of the rector and 
of members of the senate. They should have representation 
in the administrative bodies of the university. 

(2) E.O. should be kept informed of all faculty discussions 
which concern matters of instruction. 

(3) An E.O. should have voice and vote in the faculty in 
all affairs which concern his department, whether in charge 
of an O.P. or not. 

(4) E.O. should have equal rights with faculty members to 
act as referees of dissertations suggested by them, and as rep- 
resentatives of their department in the oral examinations. 

(5) E.O. should have equal rights with the O.P. to the use 
of rooms and paraphernalia in the institutes and seminaries. 


(6) E.O. should receive a salary equal to that of other 
State officials of similar standing. 

The petitions of the P.D., more moderate in nature as well 
as in language, call for an urgently needed increase in the 
number of positions for N.O. ; a place in the discussions of 
university affairs; a hearing concerning their own affairs in 
future revisions of university and faculty statutes ; and an 
opportunity to appear before the faculty and express an 
opinion in their own affairs, except where questions concern- 
ing promotion are involved. 

Commenting first on the requests of the P.D., it is to be 
recalled that many help to swell the great body of N.O. though 
but loosely connected with the university. This is especially 
true of medical men, who, actuated sometimes by ulterior 
motives, have maintained their connection with the university 
though not exercising their right of docentship to a greater 
extent than was absolutely necessary. The opportunity for 
abuses rested in the fact that, except by disciplinary process, 
the venia legendi was inextinguishable. It was to be foreseen 
that efforts for reform would be directed first toward a possible 
weeding out of all undesirable elements. And that was pre- 
cisely the course which the authorities pursued. The initiative 
for securing a legal basis for this process of house cleaning 
was taken by the philosophical faculty of the University of 
Berlin which, in 1911, by ministerial decree was empowered 
to amend the faculty statutes by inserting that " the venia 
legendi expires by waiver." Equal to a waiver is regarded 

(1) failure to announce lectures for two successive semesters, 

(2) unjustified failure to lecture during four consecutive 
semesters, (3) removal without special permit from the uni- 
versity city or its nearest suburbs, (4) acceptance of a major 
extra-academic position, except with the consent of the faculty. 
The lead of Berlin has been followed by other universities 
and amendments of the statutes are apt to be forthcoming 
where circumstances warrant a change. An objection to the 
regulations in their present form grows out of the fact that 
the venia legendi is presumed to expire automatically, so that 
a P.D. may be deprived of his right without being aware of 
it. An intentional indefiniteness of language, however, appears 
to allow the faculties great latitude in their decisions. 

Concerning the request of the P.D. for an increase in the 
number of non-ordinary positions, there is no doubt that an 
official recognition of their work, though by nothing more than 
a teaching commission, would prove advantageous. By render- 
ing possible a better organization of instruction, the establish- 
ment of introductory courses, the grading of seminaries and 
exercises, etc., a change in this direction might be beneficial. 


The arguments of the objectors can, for the most part, be 
reduced to an ignorance of conditions. 

The plea of the P.D. for consideration in the event of 
future changes in the collegial organization of the universities 
is more apt to find favor. As integral parts of the teaching 
force they claim to be entitled to however a limited represen- 
tation in the affairs of the university, and more particularly do 
they desire a share of the rights which the faculties exercise 
in their capacity as teaching bodies, for example, in the exam- 
inations, the procuring of teaching material, construction of 
the lecture plan, etc. The Austrian P.D. for a long time have 
enjoyed some of the rights which are here petitioned for. In 
part they were also incorporated in some recently revised 
statutes of non-Prussian universities. With these precedents 
before them, the authorities may be expected in time to look 
more favorably upon such innovations. 

Coming next to the demands of the E.O., it is to be admitted 
that their objective data constitute a not well disputable argu- 
ment for the need of more ordinary professorships. But 
changes, as radical as the E.O. insist upon, are not easily 
brought about. The prevailing method of filling vacant chairs 
and creating new ordinary professorships takes into consid- 
eration the dual position of the universities so that the central 
and the academic authorities co-operate in the exercise of these 
functions. On part of the universities, the general statutes 
of the institutions as a rule impose upon the faculties the 
obligation '' to provide for the completeness of instruction " 
and this includes the function, whenever the faculty feels that 
it is not strong enough to fulfil this obligation, to notify the 
ministry that it disclaims future responsibility in that respect, 
and to bring forward its detailed proposals. The faculty 
statutes usually provide, or when they do not, it is customary, 
for the faculties to propose three names for every vacant 
ordinary professorship. Of these the State authorities may 
recommend to the Sovereign the one best qualified for ap- 
pointment or they may, if none seem suitable for the position, 
ignore them all. It will thus be seen that, when the E.O. 
assail the State's apparent trend to economy, they do not suf- 
ficiently appreciate that the establishment of new chairs does 
not involve merely the question of means for the larger sal- 
aries, and when, at the same time, they question the motives 
of the faculties, they attack in reality the whole system of 
appointment, — a system which, by means of the right of nom- 
ination by the faculties, furnishes a certain guarantee for the 
scientific ability of the candidate, tends to prevent the develop- 
ment of a ministerial absolutism, and serves as a protection 
against political pressure, while, by the fact that the final 


selection rests with the State, it acts as a check upon pernicious 
influences in the faculties ; nepotism, sects and coteries, who 
might hold sway if they alone had the say in the appointments. 

The lack of moderation of the E.O. is perhaps to be excused 
in view of the trying conditions developed by the fact that, 
judging by the past, it is unlikely that the authorities will 
consent to such a wholesale scheme of promotions as they 

In law, where the exigencies of the times call for a close 
alliance of the study of law proper with the newer science of 
the State and its foundations, the demand for the establish- 
ment of a faculty of political economy sometimes has been 
opposed by the faculty of law for no other reason than an 
assumed " numerous clausus " of the ordinary professorships. 

In medicine where, in consequence of specialization, new 
departments grew up, the faculties refuse to acknowledge the 
importance of some of these and oppose the establishment 
of full professorships on the ground that they are subsidiary 
rather than independent departments, or on the ground that 
a change would involve the danger of a splitting of instruc- 
tion and the certainty of adding to the difficulties of study and 
of examinations, — reasons which, in the opinion of men quali- 
fied to speak, will not bear the test of closer scrutiny. 

In the philosophical faculties, more particularly in the mental 
sciences, the ordinary chairs are not as well defined as in the 
upper three faculties. Here it happens that chairs hitherto 
filled by O.P., through the lack of a suitable successor, are 
temporarily given to an E.O., or extra-ordinary are changed 
into full professorships because only on that condition could 
a desirable successor be secured, or again, one chair for two 
equally important divisions of a science is occupied here by 
a representative of one branch, there, of the other. By this 
instability, since an increase in the total number of ordinary 
professorships is, as a rule, contrary to the wishes of the 
faculty, the causes for dissatisfaction naturally are multiplied 
and the filling of vacancies is apt to be accompanied by pointed 

A recent incident of this sort brought to a point a crisis 
which has existed in a latent state for a number of years and 
which, since the whole episode is highly illustrative of the 
intricacies which surround the full professorship problem, de- 
serves some space. 

The philosophical chairs in most of the universities are 
occupied by professors of pure philosophy, so called, but in a 
few by psychologists. In the early part of 1913, a short time 
after the appointment of a psychologist to a chair of phil- 
osophy, a declaration, signed by 106 academic teachers, was 


sent to the faculties and administrative bodies of all German 
universities, protesting against the filling of chairs of phil- 
osophy with representatives of experimental psychology or 
men whose chief interests lie in that direction. During the 
infancy of this science, it was explained, the combining of 
the two disciplines in question under the charge of one O.P. 
was inevitable. But with the most gratifying rise of experi- 
mental psychology in late years its sphere of activity has 
grown so much that now for some time it is recognized as an 
independent science which demands the whole efforts of one 
teacher. Since the interest of academic youth in philosophy is 
likewise in the ascendant, the withdrawal from that science 
of chairs formerly dedicated to it exclusively is felt as a keen 
injury. In view of all this it would be to mutual advantage, 
and it is to be recommended, that experimental psychology 
have its own chairs in the future and that, wherever originally 
philosophical chairs are now held by psychologists, new pro- 
fessorships be established for the latter. 

At first glance, the impartial care with which both branches 
are here provided for leaves the impression that motives only 
of a strictly objective nature guided the action of the signers 
of this declaration. The initiated, however, recognizes in- 
stantly the deeper significance of the procedure. Stated more 
succinctly, their purpose was to reclaim for philosophy all 
now existing ordinary professorships while suggesting that for 
psychology new chairs be established. Under the circum- 
stances, pictured above, surely a strange way of balancing 
justice this which, as one writer puts it, " gives a hundred 
dollars to one, and promises them to the other." Excellency 
Wundt, with his intimate knowledge of conditions and his cus- 
tomary astuteness of analysis, did not take long in exposing 
the real issues of the case and pointed out that the ultimate 
result of a course as that proposed in the declaration would 
be the shifting off of experimental psychology into the natural 
sciences, more especially into the sphere of the medical 
sciences. " It's real meaning," said the historian Lamprecht, 
" when one penetrates through hides and tissues to the skeleton 
of this clever declaration, is nothing less than that so-called 
pure philosophy is set in array against the independent devel- 
opment of psychology within the frame of the philosophical 
sciences." Out with the psychologists! " is the battle-cry. 

And these charges some of the signers of the declaration do 
not at all deny. Psychology, Rickert and Natorp declare, by 
the introduction of experimental methods, has become a 
" Specialwissenchaft " which, adds Simmel. so far as he 
knows, "has produced nothing either positively or negatively 
of importance to specifically philosophical pursuits." 


To elaborate on the pros and cons of the argument is beyond 
the scope of this work. Enough has been said to show the 
precariousness, not to say hopelessness, of the cause of the 
E.O., when men of science, in order to gain their personal 
ends, do not hesitate to resort to intrigue for the purpose of 
influencing members of other faculties who are not familiar 
with inside conditions. 

The attitude of the State toward the establishment of new 
chairs, on the other hand, is more likely determined by larger 
considerations than those attributed to it by the E.O. For 
it is hardly conceivable that the State, by condoning petty 
policies and devices, will incur the risk of - impairing the 
efficiency of the universities, — those institutions who, by the 
power and extent of their influence, constitute one of its 
strongest pillars. The central authorities alone, owing to their 
advantageous position, are able to survey the university system 
of the Empire, and judge of its needs. The State, therefore, 
may be presumed often to be guided in its actions and policies 
by motives which to individuals or even to faculties remain 
obscure, yet make for the welfare of the system as a whole. 

In the matter of an enhancement of their rights in affairs 
of administration and instruction the efforts of the E.O. are 
apt to be crowned by better success. With the general decree 
of 1910 for all Prussian universities as an entering wedge, 
with a precedent established in recently revised statutes of 
several universities, and with the organization of the pro- 
fessor-collegium in the Austrian institutions as a model, they 
enjoy in addition the advantage of having the best of the 

Some Recent Reforms 

Aside from the new salary regulations for Prussia of April 
1, 1909, the organized efforts of the E.O. thus far have pro- 
duced but one more general result in the Prussian royal 
decree of May 30, 1910, already referred to, which provides 
that etatsmassige E.O., active in a special discipline not repre- 
sented in their faculty, have a seat and decisive vote in that 
faculty in all matters related to that special discipline. The 
decision of the question as to which disciplines are to be 
regarded as special ones is made to rest with the minister of 
education. It provides further that the right to elect the 
rector from the midst of the O.P. henceforth be extended to 
the E.O. with the restriction, however, that the total number 
of the E.O. qualified to vote must not exceed one half of 
the total number of the O.P. The right of the E.O., when a 
limitation of their number becomes necessary, is to be deter- 
mined by seniority. 


In the non-Prussian universities, more notable concessions 
have been made. 

(1) The general statutes of the University of Jena, pub- 
lished in 1907, provide that H.P., E.O., and P.D., if necessary, 
may be called upon to give opinions, judge dissertations, and 
take part in examinations, in which case they are entitled to 
a vote and to a share of the fees. 

(2) In the new statutes of the University of Tubingen, 
" revised in accordance to the spirit of the times," and pub- 
lished in 1912, the N.O. receive consideration to the follow- 
ing extent : 

(a) Three N.O., elected for a term of three years, are 
entitled to a seat in the larger Senate, and one N.O. in the 
smaller Senate. 

(b) All H.P. and E.O. in charge of a special discipline 
or of an institute, are entitled to a seat in the Professor- 
collegium in all matters concerning their departments, inclusive 
of promovations. Other H.P. and E.O., with the permission 
of the ministry, may also be given seat and vote in the faculty. 

(c) N.O. are excluded from deliberations concerning the 
filling of vacant ordinary chairs, but may be consulted by 
the faculty. 

(d) H.P. and E.O. take part in the election of the rector, 
but their number is restricted to one half the number of the 

(e) All teachers outside the collegium have the right to 
be heard in their own affairs when they concern their person 
or their activity as teachers. 

(f) N.O. are eligible to membership of committees of the 
smaller Senate, if appointed for the transaction of special 

(g) For purposes of consultation, N.O. may be requested 
to attend meetings of the faculty and of the larger Senate. 

(h) Records of the proceedings of the smaller Senate are 
open for inspection to N.O. members of the larger Senate. 

(3) By ministerial decree of April 24, 1913, H.P. and E.O. 
of the University of Jena are accorded the right to participate 
in the election of the prorector, but with the restriction as 
to number in vogue in the Prussian universities. The X.( >., 
furthermore are entitled to representation in the Senate by a 
committee of three, which takes pari in the deliberations con- 
cerning their interests but has no decisive vote. 

(4) In the University of Freiburg, in 1913, H.P. were 
granted the right to co-operate in the election of the prorector, 


with restrictions as to number. The resolve further provided 
that every teacher should be made acquainted with all decrees 
of the administrative bodies which affect the common interests 
of the teaching force. 

(5) In the three Bavarian universities, Munich, Wurzburg, 
and Erlangen, where for sometime N.O. have co-operated in 
the election of the rector, a royal decree of July 22, 1913, 
granted them additional rights as follows : 

(a) E.O. in a special discipline, or when directors of an 
institute, have a seat and vote in the faculty in all matters 
concerning their discipline or institute, promovations included ; 
excepted are matters concerning the filling of chairs other 
than those of extra-ordinary professorships. 

(b) The faculty may invite for consultation teachers or offi- 
cials who are not members of the faculty in the narrow sense 
of the term. With the consent of the faculty, the dean may 
empower teachers outside of the faculty to report on faculty 
affairs, and they shall then have a decisive vote in the matter. 
Such matters are, more especially, promovations. 

(c) Every teacher has the right to be heard in his own 
affairs concerning his person, his teaching activity, or the 
institute directed by him, except concerning vacancies, promo- 
tions, and teaching commissions. 

(d) At least once during the academic year, and further 
upon the request in writing of ten teachers, the dean shall 
call a meeting of the faculty in the wider sense of the term. 
At this meeting, wishes and suggestions in faculty affairs 
shall be in order, all except those concerning vacancies, pro- 
motions, and teaching commissions. 

The New Universities 

The new University of Frankfort, the Gothe University, 
as some propose to call it, has introduced in its general 
statutes, so far as the rights of the N.O. are concerned, but 
one innovation. As in all other Prussian universities, the 
E.O. co-operate, with numerical restrictions, in the election 
of the rector and have voice and vote in the faculties in all 
matters concerning a special discipline not otherwise repre- 
sented. But in addition they are given some representation 
in the administrative affairs of the university in the form of 
an E.O. who is elected annually to membership of the academic 

In the matter of faculties and the make-up of its governing 
bodies the university presents some unique features. The 
theological faculty is conspicuous by its absence. On the other 


hand, the new university stands alone in having a " Wirt- 
schafts- und Socialwissenschaftliche Facultat," a faculty of 
sociology or " Kulturwissenschaft." 

The regulations governing the composition of the chief ad- 
ministrative body of the university are unusual in two respects. 
They expressly state that all professors and P.D. are ineligible 
to membership of the Great Council, with the exception of the 
rector and the prorector, who are members ex-officio. The 
deans may be called in when faculty business is to be con- 
sidered and in that case have voice and vote. The State, like- 
wise, has no representative in this body. The Council is dis- 
tinctly municipal in its membership. Then again, in a second, 
smaller body, " the Curatorium," the teaching force of the uni- 
versity as such has absolutely no share in the administration 
of the university. Frankfort, accordingly, closely approaches 
the system which prevails in American universities where the 
president, as a rule, is the only representative of the university 
in its governing board. 

Two other German cities are contemplating the establish- 
ment of a municipal university, namely, Hamburg and Dres- 
den. Of these, the plan of Dresden is in its primary stages 
and, in view of strong opposition by the University of Leipsic, 
is likely to remain there for some time to come. In Hamburg 
better progress has been made and the plan for the new uni- 
versity has taken more definite shape. It is proposed for the 
present to omit faculties of theology and medicine but to 
introduce an innovation in the form of a faculty for Colonial 

Concerning the teaching staff, the Prospectus states that 
E.O. for remote and special disciplines are considered still 
necessary, but only salaried E.O., with an annual salary rang- 
ing from $1,250 to $2,250 and all lecture fees in full, will be 
appointed. They are to have a seat and vote in the faculty 
even though their discipline is represented by an O.P. With 
a restriction as to number they will be entitled to take part 
in the election of the rector, and they are to have additional 
representation in the administrative affairs of the university 
in a new body to be known as Professorial Council. 

But all these plans, like many others, it is sad to recollect, 
may be upset by the work of that grim reaper who just now 
stalks about Europe's blood-stained battle-fields, and who 
knows no distinctions between E.O and O 

* The following statistics, compiled by the writer from authentic 
sources, will serve to give an indication of the effect of the war on 
the universities : 


Total number of students enrolled in all German universities : 

Summer Semester 1914 61254 

Winter Semester i9i4-!5 5 2 547 

Of these in military service, 30104. 
Summer Semester 1915 53556 

Of these in military service, 34386. 

Total number of active academic teachers : (exclusive of 

March 1914 1197 O.P., 740 E.O., 1250 P.D. 

August 1915 1250 O.P., 801 E.O. 1201 P.D. 

Of the latter, in military or auxiliary service in 1915/16: 
205 O.P., 269 E.O., 551 P.D., distributed among the faculties 
as follows : 

Theology 9 O.P. of 181, 7 E.O. of 50, 11 P.D. of 52 

Law 35 O.P. of 188, 16 E.O. of 55, 26 P.D. of 68 

Medicine 81 O.P. of 247, 146 E.O. of 291, 301 P.D. of 520 

Philos., Nat. Sci... 80 O.P. of 634, 100 E.O. of 405, 213 P.D. of 561 

Number of deaths on the battle-field : 

Winter of 1914-15 6 O.P., 3 E.O., 6 P.D. 

Summer of 1915 : 4 Q.P., 3 E.O., 15 P.D. 

A notable fact is the steady increase in the number of 
women-students. There were enrolled in all German uni- 
versities : 

Summer Semester 1913 3400 women 

Winter Semester 1914-15 3920 women 

Summer Semester 1915 4569 women 

the latter distributed among the faculties as follows : Theol- 
ogy, 7; Law, 116; Medicine, 1,189; Philosophy and the Natural 
Sciences, 3,225. (Not known, 32.) 


Beer, Ludwig. Der deutsche Hochschullehrertag. Akadem. 

Rundschau, December 1913, vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 122-134. 
Bernheim, Ernst. Zwei Vortrage. Ernst Wiegandt. Leipzig, 

1912. 74 p. 
Bornhak, Conrad. Die Rechtsverhaltnisse der Hochschullehrer in 

Preussen. Georg Reimer. Berlin, 1901. 104 p. 
Dam man, Walter E. Die Lehrtatigkeit der Privatdozenten. 

Akadem. Rundschau, December 1912, vol. 1, No. 3, p. 170-174. 
Eulenburg, Franz. Der akademische Nachwuchs. B. G. Teub- 

ner. Leipzig und Berlin, 1908. 155 p. 
Htllebrand, Franz. Die Aussperrung der Psychologen. Zeits. f. 

Psy. 1913, vol. 67, pp. 1-21. 
Hoeber, Karl. Das deutsche Universitats- und Hochschulwesen. 

Kosel. Kempten und Miinchen, 1912. 297 p. 
Lamprecht, Karl. Zwei Reden zur Hochschulreform. Weide- 

mann. Berlin, 1910. 45 p. 


9. . Eine Gefahr fur die Geisteswissenschaften> Die 

Zukunft. April 5, 1913, vol. 83, pp. 16-24. 

10. Naumann, Victor. Die deutschen Universitaten in ihrem Ver- 

haltnis zum Staat, ihre Verfassung und Verwaltung, ihre Statuten 
und Disziplinar-Ordnungen. Styria. Graz und Wien, 1909. 

P- 73- 

11. Printz, Wilhelm. Der Hamburger Universitatsplan. Akadem. 

Rundschau, Febr. 1913, vol. 1, No. 5, pp. 268-277. 

12 Verhandlungen des ersten deutschen Hochschullehrer- 

tages. Karl J. Truebner. Strassburg, 1908. 66 p. 

13. Vorstand der Vereinigung ausserordentlicher Professoren Preus- 

sens. Die Lage der ausserordentlichen Professoren an den 
preussischen Universitaten. Creutz. Magdeburg, 191 1. 112 p. 

14. Waintig, Heinrich. Zur Reform der deutschen Universitaten. 

Verlag der. Grenzboten. Berlin, 191 1. 49 p. 

15. Wundt, Wilhelm. Die Psychologie im Kampf urns Dasein. Al- 

fred Kroner. Leipzig, 1913. 38 p. 


By L. C. Day, Waynesburg College 

While yet five years old, I began to issue from my small 
boy's desk, with only paper and pencil for equipment, an 
imitative monthly " Delineator " and a weekly " Boston Sun- 
day Journal." Both these pretentious publications, despite 
their very different names, were much alike in content, with 
each comprising several small smudgy pages covered by scrawl- 
ing printed word-lists and numberless sketchy drawings of 
railway locomotives, family portraits, kitchen stoves, and such 
other drawable articles as had entered into my varied though 
limited small-boy experience. From time to time the " De- 
lineator " undertook to reproduce " fashion plates " from its 
original, while the " Sunday Journal," though patterned chiefly 
after the pictorial section of its real-world prototype, came 
to include a few personal items on domestic and neighbor- 
hood affairs. 

A more systematic effort was the " Boston Evening Record," 
which began to appear daily about a year later. This pre- 
sented quite regularly three pages of coarsely printed news 
with small illustrative sketches and a last page of special 
" feature " pictures, very frequently showing fearful railroad 
collisions and shipwrecks, and as is sometimes the case with 
the metropolitan papers, the Friday issue was always double- 
size and largely filled with the " bargain advertisements " of 
the local stores. During its brief history of less than a year 
the " Record " was my only regular publication, but occasion- 
ally I made up a " Boston Sunday Globe," or a " New York 
Journal," or perhaps a " Youth's Companion," and before I 
was seven years old no less than twenty New York and Boston 
newspapers and periodicals had been paid the high tribute of 
boyish imitation. Many of these papers I kept to myself, 
quietly stuffing them away in an unused desk drawer at home, 
but after the first year I gathered sufficient courage and pride 
to deliver each fresh number to my elderly Aunt Nancy, living 
next door, who paid for them at the liberal rate of one cent 
a week. Some weeks, particularly in midwinter, my aunt 



might receive a paper nearly every day, but in summer, as 
my fancy turned out of doors, she was fortunate to get even 
the highly colored Sunday issue which I liked so well to print. 
Under all circumstances, however, the subscription rate re- 
mained at one cent a week, until, in early adolescence, pub- 
lishing what I considered " an Ideal Twentieth Century News- 
paper," free from sensationalism, with news and features 
of both local and international interest, the price was boldly 
advanced to "two cents the week; published weekly at $1.04 
the year." 

The natural growth of my inventive power, very perceptibly 
hastened by my older brother's teasing threats of arrest for 
copyright infringement, at length led me to adopt the original 
name of " United States Journal " and to consolidate all papers 
under that head. The Journal, succeeding as it did the 
" Evening Record," began as a daily, but it shortly became a 
triweekly, which, in turn, evolved into an enlarged weekly, 
with from six to twenty pages, appearing on Sunday morning. 
This concentration of effort into one Sunday paper resulted 
in a gradually widening variety of contents, and besides local 
and general news there came to be numerous jokes, puzzles, 
original stories and colored comic pictures. The lighter inter- 
ests of " children," such as rebuses, " experience " letters, 
plays and games, and so on were set off on a separate page. 
Woman was specially treated in a column often labeled For 
Lady's Eye," containing, in early times, the inevitable locomo- 
tives and cars, but later, as my appreciation of sex grew, such 
vital things as hats, patterns and recipes. In these various 
supplemental features are reflected the passing fancies of the 
metropolitan newspapers, and the height of each craze is 
easily traceable in the Journal's spasmodic prize offers, doll 
cut-outs, free " paintings," magic colors, invisible pictures and 
what not. It finally became necessary to segregate these many 
novelties in a Regular Feature Section, fully illustrated and 
decorated in color. 

Little by little the Journal evolved a characteristic make-up 
and its later history is one chiefly of gradual improvement. 
Coarse scrawling letters and scribbled, half-meaningless pic- 
tures develop slowly into a compact " twelve-point " Gothic 
print (with head- and title-line variations) and carefully cop- 
ied pictures made to imitate half-tones. A standard issue con- 
sisted of six large (live by eight-inch) and six small halt' 

es, sewed together in two sections labeled respectively 

\vs " and "Regular Feature." lake the earlier paj 

the Journal was printed in lead pencil and crayon, and never 

more than one copy of one issue was made. Save during 

warm weather, publication was very regular, and each number 


was systematically arranged and printed as neatly as possible 
with soft lead; while the contents, especially in later times, 
were well balanced between news, feature and advertisement. 
In the News Section appeared the week's leading current 
events under modest headlines, a column or two of local hap- 
penings, a few personal and local advertisements, and an 
editorial page, besides miscellany in the way of jokes, quota- 
tions and perhaps an instalment of a serial story. The Regular 
Features included copied special articles, " funny " pages, re- 
buses, original " letters " from " Jimmy " and "Aunt Nancy," 
and occasional back-kitchen talks by " Uncle Hiram," a 
Yankee variation of Mr. Dooley. 

At eleven, though still quite proud of my printing skill and 
editorial propensities, I began to look upon my small news- 
paper as something very far from practical reality and ex- 
tremely " childish." One penciled copy of the Journal a week, 
read by only one subscriber, appeared to me for the first 
time as a futile, if not even ludicrous, effort. Then, too, 
though resorting to carbon tracings for accuracy, I became 
increasingly sensitive about my inability to draw faces and well- 
balanced decorations, while I was much bothered by the lack 
of proper shading and variety in my lettering. The only 
remedy for the situation seemed to be a printing-press. Urged 
on by an interested chum, I persecuted my parents until they 
gave me a small press on Christmas. Soon after getting this 
I set out boldly to print my paper in " real fashion," but 
typesetting quickly became tedious, and the first press-printed 
Journal never went beyond a half-column of mis-set compo- 
sition. The press was such a disappointment that even the 
old hand-printed journalism fell into neglect for several 

But youth is an age of memories and sentiment as well as 
of reticence and childhood scorn, and frequently as the months 
advanced I thought yearningly of the " old " days when I had 
been " Editor." In the new light of painful typesetting experi- 
ence hand-printing began to appeal to me again as something 
very enjoyable and perhaps really worth while after all. 
After sending a very formal Letter to Old Subscribers, I 
issued the Journal anew, beginning shortly before my thirteenth 
birthday. For three months the Journal appeared regularly, 
showing a very high level of development, though the. close 
sentimental conformity to the earlier make-up seems to have 
retarded progress. An ambitious Christmas number of nearly 
forty pages marks the passing of the Journal as a regular 
publication. The printing spirit, however, persisted for sev- 
eral years, though I was quite able to confine its outbreaks 
merely to the holiday season; when on the Sunday before 


Christmas I published a serious-minded Christmas Annual 
having from thirty to sixty pages, in three or four sections, 
all bound in a white-cloth board cover. The last of these 
Annuals was quite elaborate, containing sixty pages besides 
a twenty-page almanac, and presented stories, poems, edi- 
torials, and various special features selected from a year's 
gleaning of the magazines and newspapers as well as the 
Editor's school papers. Still later, in deference to my aunt, 
who moved from town, I revived the Journal for a few 
months, thinking that my printing would be less trying to her 
dimming eyes than my script. The last issue, No. 510, ap- 
peared as a Grand Review Number on May 28, 19 — . I was 
then eighteen years old. 

The United States Journal was undoubtedly the central 
predominating interest of my boyhood. Printing was my 
one great mode of expression. I was not, however, so pre- 
cocious or abnormal as to refrain from the common boyhood 
plays and sports, nor was I without passing vocational inter- 
ests. In course of the weeK, besides being mere boy, l was, 
at sundry times, Captain, Center, First Base, President, Gen- 
eral, Admiral, Postmaster, Boss, Banker, Engineer and what 
not. Yet beneath all these guises was the Editor. While 
actually engaged in pastime I was, naturally, quite oblivious 
in my enthusiasm of all the sterner duties of life, but after 
the play was over the Editor stepped forward to sift out any 
incidents of news value or to unearth some abuse worthy of 
an editorial. I also encouraged my chums to advertise, if 
they should have any toys or mechanical inventions of their 
own to sell, or if they specially desired to earn " pin money " 
by carrying washings or throwing in wood. Nor were tne 
grown-ups exempt, for I frequently quizzed my mother or 
sister for news, and as I called upon the neighbors I always 
kept an ear open for the latest scandal. 

Like every boyhood " business in life " my editing and 
printing were taken very seriously. The earliest legible papers 
bear the imprint of a definite corporation known as L. C. 
Day & Co.," and from the first the Management was exceed- 
ingly sensitive as to Office Hours, and formulated explicit 
Rules regarding time limits for the acceptance of contribu- 
tions and advertisements. Office Hour Schedules were usually 
printed on small slips to be distributed to interested parties : 


Of L C Day & Co!, on, Jan. iS, iq— ; MONDAYS, TUESDAYS. 
7.30 i)in. Sundays, 11 a. m. to 11.30 a m. and 6.30 p. m. SATUR- 
DAYS, 0.00 to 9.30 a. 111. 11.30 to 13.00 111. 1 to 1.15 p. m. and 7.00 
p. m. to 8 p. 111. 

Next change not know. 


These hours indicate times when the Editor was likely to 
be found at his desk printing. The Office Rules appeared 
with marked regularity on the Journal's Editorial Page, imme- 
diately below the Subscription Rates : 

We will receive no ads anyway after Wednesday's at 3.00 p. m. 
for the next Sunday's edition. We do not like to receive much news 
after Saturday's at 5.00 p. m. for the next day edition. Send for one 
of our office Hour bills. Free to Journal readers only. Address 
U. S. Journal Co., Dept. 128. Section 17. 

The " & Co." was generally a pure fiction, although now 
and then my older brother or some chum entered into partner- 
ship, perhaps acting as a " reporter," " contributor," " news- 
boy," or the like. At one time, when a boy living nearby 

moved to R , seventy miles away, we entered into an 

agreement whereby he was to issue a kind of second edition 
of the Journal from his new home. The R — paper ap- 
peared spasmodically for a little while and then failed, but for 
some months my Journal continued to publish the Make- 
Believe circulation figures of the R Edition, and fre- 
quently mentioned the R Office. Again, choosing a part- 
ner from among my chums simply as Reporter, I boasted, 
besides the Local Office at 3 Memorial Street, a Branch on 
South Main Street. At best, however, these early partnerships 
were ephemeral onesided affairs, for I appeared to be the only 
true journalist in the neighborhood, and each alliance auto- 
matically dissolved after a few weeks of rather irritating 
team-work, or as both chum and myself tired of his silent 
partnership. My editorial career on the whole was lonely, 
and developed according to my own personal interests and 

My methods of printing of course varied at different times, 
but for the most part I followed a very rigorous system. At 
ten, for instance, I did things in this wise : 

(Written and Cocopied by L. C. Day) 
In this room [referring to a sketch of the Office] is where this 
great paper is printed every week. It is where it is put into press 
also. The editor's room too. The M. B. [Make-Believe] Circulation 
is very high. A big business is done too. Now we must tell about 
the paper. The magazine is started the Sunday before issued and filled 
up thorough the week. The Queer Pictures [magic "invisible" pic- 
tures] are made Sunday evenings before issued. The paper is started 
Sunday p. m.'s before issued. But when the great rush comes is 
Saturday evening. Work is done quickly. The editor has to work 
with all his might and main, . . . THE END. . . 

Saturday evening was always a very busy time, but at 


Christmas, with an immense holiday number on his hands 
the Editor was rushed to the point of exhaustion. Though 
he might begin the Christmas paper three weeks ahead (often 
the Journal was omitted the first two Sundays in December), 
the task of collecting Special Features and filling thirty or 
forty pages with text and illustration was no mean one, and 
on the last Saturday the Office was a, scene of great excite- 
ment. The hurried completion of Our Great Christmas Num- 
ber of 32 Pages for 19 — is characteristic: 


Dec. 2i. — 8:45 p. m. — We have just lefted off printing for the day. 
We begun to print this afternoon at 1 145 and printed until six o'clock 
p. m. Then about 6:50 we begun again and have printed till now, 
at 8:45, then the editor went to bed and has now got [up] at 8:00. 

Dec. 22. — And is printing this piece of news. The editor says that 
Dec. 21 was the busiest day that was ever in the Journal office ever 
known, printing our largest Xmas number and largest edition of 32 
pages and counting our music it makes 36 pages. It kept us busy all 
right I can tell you. . . 

After working entirely alone for about two years as the 
" U. S. Journal Co.," or simply as " L. C. Day, Publisher," I 
dallied for a time with numerous make-believe contributors, 
such as Mr. James B. Ow, editorial writer, W. R. Ross, car- 
toonist, and a certain spicy Miss T. O. Jinks, who wrote one 
or two skeptfcal letters on Marriage. But as I neared adoles- 
cence I turned again to my flesh-and-blood contemporaries, ap- 
parently in search of journalistic aid and sympathy, and during 
one fall I induced no less than nine of my schoolmates — six 
boys and three girls — to serve as a regular contributing staff 
to the Journal. Among them was an artistic musical lad who 
sent in a few " pianoforte compositions," cartoons and bits of 
verse; others supplied news, sketches and short stories, while 
one merely supplied a few magazine clippings to help fill out 
the Christmas Number. A young Miss Newman, most charm- 
ing of the feminine contributors, favored me with two or three 
brilliant short poems which I published with great pride as 
" original " over a carbon fac-simile of the poetess' own sig- 
nature : later impartial investigation, however, reveals her 
works as admirably exact transcripts of certain classical nurs- 
ery rinn 

Though mine on the whole was a solitary industry, printing 
was not entirely without interest for the other boys of the 
neighborhood. When my own enterprise was yet new, my 
older brother, inspired by my crude efforts, published for a 
few months a very superior paper of his own which he called 
"The Union Press." This paper was a tlirice-a-week, and 
purported to come from the office of " Day & Co., Job Print- 


ing," a concern which condescended sometimes to admit me 
to its personnel as " Official Newsboy." The Press was deliv- 
ered, like the Journal, to the next-door aunt at some small 
nominal price, though its published subscription rates in the 
Editorial Column read: 

Price 5 c a paper . 
Terms $18.25 a year 
Pay in advance or pay 

Published a day 
before hand. 

The Press was always far more provincial than the Journal, 
for at no time did it print general world news or editorials, 
even though it was revived at two later times when my brother 
was quite old enough to have developed broad social interests. 
His model appears to have been the local village weekly, at 
the office of which he was occasionally allowed to set type 
and to pick up paper-trimmings. Still, even in its own field 
of local affairs, the Press to my jealous mind always seemed 
very immature and a disgrace to serious journalism, for there 
often appeared in its columns crude entries of this sort : 

Clarence got up at 6:45 o'clock Tuesday morning. 

We had breakfast at 7:57 Tuesday morning. 

Mr. Day and Mr. Hunter got home from town meeting at 5 125 

Ralph came down to our house to stay all night with Clarence. 

Clarence did not get home from the drammer Tue eve till 10 145 and 
not into bed till 10:53. 

Familiar personalities like these were forbidden the Jour- 
nal's columns, save in the very earliest issues ; I never referred 
to my chums without their surnames, and my own name, even 
in connection with relatively trivial events, was rarely set down 
as less than " Mr. L. C. Day." 

I had no serious or respectful imitators until the later near- 
adolescent age, when my artistic musical contributor, inspired 
by a new set of rubber stamps, issued for a short time the " Ful- 
ton Weekly." Another young fellow, somewhat my junior, with 
no particular innate editorial or artistic ability, for a few 

weeks issued half under my direction the " B Recorder," 

a bi-weekly professing to devote itself to local interests, but 
which actually was a random compilation of light humor 
copied from the daily newspapers. Later, under more inde- 
pendent management, this became the " United States World," 
but this, too, was short-lived. 

When twelve I became acquainted with Bernard Adams, a 
serious-minded grammar-school boy who had been brought 


up on the " Outlook " and the classics, and who was at that 
degree of maturity which made him appear quite fluent on the 
ills of society and politics. He seemed to realize fully the 
menace of the saloon, the evils of stock-gambling, the coming 
rupture between Capital and Labor, and everything else which 
threatened the peace of humanity. On the other hand, he 
abhorred sensationalism and yellow journalism generally. We 
presently formed a partnership, in which he was to supply a 
few editorials and to advise on various matters of policy. 
Very shortly, under this management, the Journal, which had 
been rapidly acquiring a yellowish tinge, with a growing pro- 
pensity for murders and robberies, became a thoroughly 
" clean " newspaper, with quiet headlines, little or no sensa- 
tional news, and conservative editorials, directed for the most 
part against social and economic evils. 

The partnership was known as the " Day and Adams Pub- 
lishing Company," and shortly a new paper, the ° United 
States Weekly," was issued from the Adams side of the office. 
Later, somehow becoming much taken with the new " Broad- 
way Weekly," we changed the name to " United States 
Memorial," Memorial being the name of our particular village 
street. Many of the Memorial's features were taken directly 
from the Journal, but on the whole it was obviously a product 
of the serious Adams mind, using the " Outlook " as a model. 
Each week there was an impartial review of leading events, 
and sundry sharp editorial notes of economic or political 
import. It was so well written, indeed, that an amiable and 
highly educated woman at a nearby sanitarium became much 
interested and rewarded us generous praise as well as the 
cash subscription price of two cents per copy. But the Memor- 
ial, like so many of its predecessors, was doomed to a short 
life, and with its passing the Day & Adams Publishing Com- 
pany was automatically dissolved. 

My most interested journalistic contemporary was Robert 
Brooker, who began, wholly under my guidance, to print a 

small weekly known as the " B Star." Brooker proved 

a willing imitator, and I easily led him to occupy my Office 
jointly with mc. The Star soon changed its name to the less 
prosaic " Comical Sayings," but even this did not pie 
Brooker, and though his paper lived less than three months 
it came out also under the titles of "United States Record, " 
"Brooker's Weekly" and " Brooker's Semi-Monthly." The 
contents of all these, however, were fairly uniform, including 
a few brief news items, colored pictures, and an abundance 
of jokes; there was little or no original material, for the 
jokes all came from the daily newspapers and my Journal 
supplied practically everything else. In fact, the aw; 


Brooker's Semi-Monthly, under whatever name, was scarcely 
more than a revised United States Journal, and in one or 
two numbers there actually appeared some of my own print- 
ing and drawing. So very comprehensive was Brooker's imi- 
tation that he even delivered his paper to a next-door aunt, 
exactly as I did. But there was no ill-feeling on my part, 
for I was highly pleased to have a protege and I was willing 
to go to any reasonable extreme to maintain his interest in 
printing. At no time did Brooker become a through-and- 
through journalist, yet I found immense comfort in his " pro- 
fessional " sympathy, and his respectful, unquestioning imita- 
tion was not a little flattering. Brooker and I, though work- 
ing so much together in the same room, never formed a regular 
partnership. We looked upon one another as friendly com- 
petitors, though of course our papers did not really compete. 
Yet his parallel labors furnished me a valuable stimulus, and 
it is certain that during this last printing friendship the United 
States Journal (except possibly for the Christmas Annuals) 
reached its highest development. 


The files of the United States Journal and the earlier papers, 
comprising in all about eight hundred separate issues, sup- 
plemented by a considerable number of school exercises, 
diaries and boyish " memo " books, altogether furnish an un- 
usually complete record of childhood development. Every 
drawing, every news item, every story, every " feature " 
reveals in some way the fine inter-workings of the psycholog- 
ical trinity of heredity, past experience and present influence. 
There is scarcely a change from within or without which is 
not directly or indirectly recorded in the columns of the Journal 
or the supplementary papers and writings. Besides the more 
specialized developments of play, nature love, sex love, religion, 
and the like (which may be treated in detail in later articles) 
four very clearly marked stages of boyhood development may 
be distinguished. First, we have the early stage in which 
the papers report news concerning only the Editor himself 
or his most immediate interests; second, there is the stage 
in which he becomes much interested in family and domestic 
affairs; third, there is the stage of neighborly community in- 
terest ; and, finally, there is a stage of broad social and political 
interests, accompanied by moral and altruistic tendencies which 
are reflected in " preaching " editorials or school themes and 
stories. After this, coming well into the adolescent period, 
we find a prolonged stage of criticism in which the youthful 
Editor is simultaneously and impartially critical of self, 


family, neighbors and world. Here we find the Journal pub- 
lishing, on one hand, introspective essays on adolescent 
thoughts and feelings, and, on the other, satirical editorials, 
special articles and cartoons. 

The editorial career seems to have begun a little prematurely, 
in a way, for the entire lack of news, even about the Editor 
himself, in the first papers indicates that he had yet to develop 
a personal conscience sufficiently strong to give itself ex- 
pression in written or printed language. But this dumb 
impersonal stage was of brief duration and long before the 
Editor could successfully compose a sentence alone he began 
to print news about himself, having prevailed upon his older 
sister to print out short items for him to copy. Some of her 
contributions, such as those about weddings and funerals, 
were rather too broadly social for him to appreciate, though 
as a rule she followed his instructions to the letter: 

C Day walked up to the greenhouse of Mr. Holmes, with his 

papa, Brownie [dog], and Mr. Hunter Feb. 27, 18 — . 

Mr. Olney Killed a Large Rat in th Pantry Yesterday Morning? 
Sept. 26, 18—. 

C Day weighs 50 pounds he weighed himself Dec. 2, 18 — in the 


We went to call on Minnie and the new Babt [baby]. C thought 

the baby was quite a sight. 
C is a good boy. 

Names other than mine are at times common, but they 
serve only as means to an end. The important point about 
the greenhouse walk is that C went; that the others fol- 
lowed is purely incidental; the killing of the Large Rat is 
momentous chiefly because it disturbed C — 's usual home 
routine; and the interest in the new Babt is not so much 
the baby itself as it was what C — thought about it. 

It was not long after I gained a certain amount of inde- 
pendent spelling and grammatical ability that I turned rather 
strongly toward family and home affairs. Day after day 
the Journal filled its columns with news of this sort: 


Jan. 17 — We got a new Gril to-do the Work? Mama was Sick 
When We got Her. 


January 18 — My Mama As the Grippe My mama to mv mama 
[grandmother] as the Grip Uut 1 have had it a times One 1 
and one Time 18 — . 

Nov. 26 — Ma pa me Clarence and Uncle Gilbert All went to ride. 

We do not know whether Grace will have the Measles or not. 

Household management opened up a new field of boyish 
activity. Mv tastes were already becoming strongly domestic, 


but Mrs. Kiley, a stout jolly Irishwoman and one of a series 
of new Grils, put the kitchen in such a favorable light that 
for a time I found it a real pleasure to get up early and help 
build the fire, and I came to fill the woodbox frequently even 
without asking. I became adept in preparing breakfast food 
and cocoa. Homely jingles about Monday being washday and 
Tuesday ironing-day could not fail to entertain me. The 
Journal ran a series of colored cartoons, half-serious, illustrat- 
ing daily home life in Rubbernecktown. I was particularly 
well posted as to the items making for a thoroughly equipped 
pantry, being able off-hand to recommend the best brands of 
canned goods, spices, and so on, while I had various passing 
favorites in the way of flour, cereals and extracts. Though 
occasionally I published copied recipes, my domesticity burst 
forth from the Journal's columns chiefly in the form of ad- 
vertisements : 

Royal Baking Powder is the very best and PUREST Powder ever 
made. No other is so good. We give full measures. Sold by all 
grocirie men that know anything. Give a friend a box for Xmas for 
their cooking. There [are] half lb. boxes & Lb. boxes. 

" PRESTO ! " 
Ten Cents a package. It will make the Best " Flap-Jacks " and 
" Griddle Cakes " you ever thought of tasting. 


The new and BEST breakfast Food. It is a nice flaky food. It 
will help make your Xmas Breakfast GOOD. What the Editor of 
this paper says: 

Sir : I think " FORCE " is the very Best breakfast food I ever 
tasted and eat for nearly every breakfast time. 

[Signature] C Day. Editor and prop. U. S. Journal Co. 

FORCE CO. Buffalo, N. Y., 

Force is for sale by : F. L. Nolton, Grocier. B Mass. 

The rare visits of painter, paper-hanger and plumber became 
seasons of special enjoyment, and to see the smiling, friendly 
doctor, with his mysterious black case, was well worth a cold 
or unhappy stomach. The " hired man," by very simple magic, 
in which circus yarns played an important part, easily aroused 
my interest in horses, lawnmowers and garden tools. A boy 
in the full flush of the family stage is a true country gentle- 
man, with a keen eye to both kitchen and stable. 

I had of course always followed my parents about more or 
less as they called upon their friends, but presently, at ten, I 
began to make calls all by myself. In perfect neighborly 
style I would step in at the door without knocking, reluctantly 
sit down, comment seriously upon the weather, and even 
venture a timid word or two upon the political situation — 


always as a Republican. Then I would uneasily seek out the 
Sunday comic supplement or the latest illustrated magazine 
and relapse into silence, until perhaps some candy or pop-corn 
appeared, whereupon I referred again to the weather, praised 
the wit of the comic artist and perhaps mentioned a few latest 
happenings about village. I had learned my lesson well and 
was in a fair way to become a model neighbor myself. The 
Editor came to delight in visits, colds and innocent scandals : 

Eva Smith is the only one who wore her Easter hat Sunday. 

F. L. Nolton and Lewis Freeland each had their grocery wagons 

Apr. 5. — Willie Locke is building a hen house and will start with 12 

Oct. 13. — Mr. Ladd was in town and went home on the 2 o'clock train. 

Little Harry Seton is on the sick list. 

Mr. Locke had a load of wood on the afternoon of Oct. 12. 

Boy-hating neighbors of course took no more notice of me 
than ever, but those like Mr. Hunter, who was always inter- 
ested in my garden, and Mr. Rollins, who gave me a stamp 
album, fully realized my growing importance and they re- 
turned many of my kindly attentions. If Mr. Hunter called 
at my house of an evening he often inquired for me, and 
remarked pleasantly on my rapid growth, my reported success 
at school, and paid me very marked attention withal. He 
began to take special notice of me on the street. I was no 
longer merely " one of the boys." I was now called out by 
my first name, and either Mr. Hunter or Mr. Rollins might 
stop to speak with me as I played on the sidewalk, much 
to the awe of younger fellows who could not as yet appreciate 
the meaning of true neighborliness. 

In the narrow sense of next-door neighborliness the period 
of neighborhood interests was short, but in its broader com- 
munity sense it persisted for several years, and the family fell 
into the background unless some member chanced to do some- 
thing of community significance. The gossiping small boy 
was at his best at the age of nine, but the growth of a wide 
community interest was so gradual that it did not mature 
until three years later when the world interest had already 
become strong. The first dim visions of a world of men and 
action came through sundry social myths and traditions that 
were handed down to me by parents, teachers and older 
associates. I somehow missed Santa Claus, but I became 
well versed on Lincoln, Washington, Thanksgiving, and the 
national traditions in general. Each year, through drawings, 
decorations and detailed textual explanations, Journal readers 
were reminded of Kentucky log cabins, Crossing the Delaware, 


the Declaration of Independence and the Coming of the Pil- 
grims. From a special Washington Birthday Number I quote : 

. . . The only Joke on him was he cut down his father's cherry- 
tree. People say that he never told a lie. He died of a cold. 

When his father see the cherry tree cut he went to his children and 
asked them who cut the tree down and when he came to George he 
asked him and George said, Father, [I] did it with my little hatchet 
and his father did not whip him because he did not tell a lie. 

1 had always followed the daily paper, yet it was not until 
I was ten that I really became at all interested in the world's 
news. At the time of the Cuban war the startling headlines 
and pictures attracted me considerably, but the attraction 
was due to the headlines themselves rather than to any genuine 
appreciation of the war or what it meant. I had heard that 
several townsmen had " enlisted " and " gone to the front," 
a place which seemed to be a long way from home, but I did 
not associate my townsmen particularly with the events so 
vividly spread over the first pages of the Extras. When the 
Boer and Boxer conflicts were at their height, however, my 
mind was more alert, and I began to realize the meaning of 
war. I watched the news closely and reported many of the 
greater battles to Journal readers. 

This first contact with the outer world is marked in the 
Journal chiefly by the appearance of much so-called Make- 
Believe News. Arrived at the warrior age, with my active 
boyish imagination, I endeavored to create a world of my 
own. Instead of common-place real battles, the front page 
often announced sanguinary imaginary struggles in which I, 
always as General, led my troops to glorious victory. A Sat- 
urday afternoon skirmish with wooden guns and cracker-filled 
" knapsacks " gave rise to Sunday morning scareheads about 
dead soldiers and wrecked battleships, and a quiet hour at 
my desk resulted in royal diplomatic parleys between the kings 
and emperors of my imaginary world. (See author's "Child 
God," Ped. Sem. 1914, vol. 21, p. 309-320). 

At length, confining my Make-Believe activities to mere 
day-dreaming, I began to take the world more as it was ; and 
as I did so I passed from War to Tragedy. I was fascinated 
by murders and robberies, train wrecks, fires and tornadoes. 
About town even I was continually on the watch for the latest 
sensation. Our postmaster was likewise newsdealer, and each 
day I peered through the glass-faced postofnce boxes for a 
glimpse of the evening scare-heads ; with a burning penny in 
hand it was only a toss-up between a lollypop and a red- 
lettered Extra. I became an Authority on the current murder 
trial, and my opinions of guilt or innocence were respectfully 


tolerated by grown-ups. A local sensation was a wonderful 
event. If a store on Main Street were robbed of a few cigars 
and a dollar or two in cash, I carefully investigated the scene 
of the crime next morning, the while looking upon the un- 
fortunate storekeeper with great awe and veneration. A fire 
was a mixture of shivers and thrills. As I listened, counting 
the whistle-blasts, my teeth chattered for fear the blaze might 
be near home, yet I was much elated at the prospect of rare 
excitement and destruction. The town was too small for 
murders and suicides, but cut fingers and sunstrokes served 
the purpose just as well, and for weeks after the victim's re- 
covery I stared at him whenever we met on the street as a 
kind of hero, a man who had gone through an enviable experi- 
ence through which few men were privileged to go. 

During this tragic period the Journal inevitably became 
yellowish in tone. My presentation of news was decidedly 
sensational, and whether I treated of a cat's death or a man's 
my headlines were equally large. Even the commonplaces of 
household and neighborhood gossip became infected with 
hysterical journalism: 


But is D e a d. — L o s t Last 


April 15. — Last November we lost a kitten and found it in the 

water-pipe that goes out into the henyard dead. ... It was a 

kitten. ... its name was Snipce. 

All in the Town 
of Templeford 
Today. . 


But has started again. 

April 3. — Clarence Day has got 8 chickekins hatch out of 52 eggs, 

David Fisher one of the Journal's head men has chicken pox. 

The leading headlines were at times two inches or more 
high, making them decidedly conspicuous on the Journal's 
modest five by eight sheets, and the news itself was often 
written in a dashing breathless style, much to the discom- 
posure of polite spelling and grammar. Though the Journal 
Office was quite isolated from telegraph or telephone, the 
Editor showed no hesitancy in publishing many Latest Bul- 
letins and Special Despatches. 

I had been an editor nearly six years before I wrote an 
editorial. The Journal Editorial Page, which was a regular 
fixture almost from the beginning, was profuse with sub- 
scription rates and office regulations, but it was lacking in 


editorials until I was ten, at the same time I became appre- 
ciative of the larger world. The first editorial comment, ap- 
pearing under the head of " Chatterbox," was a curious mix- 
ture of personal, neighborly and worldly observations : one 
Chatterbox speaks of the January thaw, Queen Victoria's 
death, and my own recent purchase of a bottle of mucilage. 
But politics was soon to brush aside self, family and neigh- 
bors, and following a certain critical State iall campaign, 
editorial comment became thoroughly and permanently 
worldly in tone. Directly after the election I was stirred to 
write : 


Gaston [defeated candidate] to Bates; After you my dear Alphonse. 

Gaston was too polite. 

Poor democrats ! 

Politics, though of course on a higher plane than pure sen- 
sational tragedy, is scarcely less exciting. For the small boy 
there are thrills a-plenty in local elections and town-meetings ; 
and if he keeps himself posted at all (as he must as a budding 
man-of-the-world) he can find no mean stimulation in the. wild 
pre-election prophecies and straw-votes, the partisan bitterness, 
the Wall Street odds, the occasional " landslides " and all such 
phenomena. And, as he grows older and takes the interests 
of his Party at heart, as I did, he will come to feel an interest 
even in calm discussions of presidential timber and tariff 

It was at this time I became acquainted with the serious- 
minded Bernard Adams, later editor of the United States 
Memorial and junior partner of the Day and Adams Publish- 
ing Company, who was such an influence in making the 
Journal a " clean," conservative newspaper. My social con- 
science, like my paper, was ripe for a change, and Adams' 
preachments on social and economic evils I took over bodily, 
so that I worried a great deal about the Saloon, stock-gambling, 
and the sundry problems of capital and labor. In common 
with many wiser heads I believed the world was going to the 
bad, and that there was no hope for it, and what was there 
to be done about it? My editorials, now deservedly so-called, 
became downright pessimistic: 

Where are the people of New England coming to? . . . There 
are so many murders and fires set to destroy property. . . . 

. . . His cruel mess ... of bull speculators, are still rising 
up the price of cotton so that the poor people will be unable to buy 
it for clothing. As long as they make money raising the prices of 
cotton and getting more money out of the poor people's pockets they 
don't care the least bit. 


In this city . . . many divorces are being wanted by society 
people. They also gamble on the large scale and drink strong liquors 
and wine. 

Many great people are dishonest, especially a great many office 

Closely allied with this pessimistic trend, we find a char- 
acteristic adolescent tendency to preach and moralize : 

Whiskey drunkeness will often lead to death or serious injuries, 
and leave a family in a bad ways. A person that drinks liquor is as 
bad as a wild animal. A person should know enough to leave it alone. 
"Down with HORRIBLE liquor." 

Be economical. Don't spend to much money on clothes, candy or 
other unnecessary articles. Save your pennies, for the[y] make dimes, 
save them, for they will turn to dollars. And doolars, when young, 
make you happy and comfortable in old age. ... If you spend 
money lavishly when old you'll be unhappy and in debt. Then you 
can't live in you're own home, and will be sent to the poor house in 

Much of the Journal's fiction reflects a similar moral atti- 
tude. In one story, for instance, after years of hard work 
and careful saving, accompanied all the while by brotherly 
and sisterly derision, James Bolton, the hero, 

. retired, a man of $500,000 in his money room. He then 
[was] elected governor and kept office until his death, and left his two 
children a fortune. His brother and sister were also surprised. THE 
END. MORAL. " Be economical when young ; live happy when old." 

Yet not infrequently sheer selfishness came to the fore, 
and in some adventurous tale of the Alger or Oliver Optic 
type I easily doled out riches and happiness as rewards for 
mere physical hardship or hairbreadth escape. A serial, "Ad- 
ventures Among the Andes Highlands," is characteristic ; after 
the customary suffering at the hands of bloodthirsty Natives 
and a treacherous nature, 

. . . They came upon some glittering bricks of gold and silver. 

This they gladly grabbed, put it into every pocket. They ate a 
mouthful of food and put the bricks in their napsacks. They then 
walked nearly half a mile when they came to the cave's end, and 
there below them appeared the city of Quito! They ran down to the 
wharves, boarded a steamer for San Francisco. They got here in a 
short time, sold their gold (except two bricks) for a million dollars. 
($500,000 for each). They soon married in New Orleans and now 
own a home, stock office, and also have a fortune and children. 


My concern about bull speculators, divorces, drink, and the 
like persisted only a few months. Pessimism is not a natural 
youthful state Eor long, and due both to changes within and 


the entrance of more Optimistic schoolmates into my environ- 
ment I came to see that there were a few good things in the 
world after all. The holiday dinners of the Salvation Army, 
the adoption of a gold money standard in Mexico, and the 
Panama Canal were all topics of interested news or editorial 
treatment. My comment, aside from the inevitable political 
bias, denotes a broad and hopeful outlook: 

We hope that the forming of the new Republic of Panama will result 
into having the isthmus be a land belonging to the United States. 
, . . This will give us a chance of building the canal at once. 
. . . Commerce can be done much cheaper and quicker. . 
In time it will save millions of dollars ... so that the canal will 
be practically cheap. 

The election of the past week shows the spirit of the American 
people. They want the best man for president. ... By this they 
elected Theodore Roosevelt. . . . They knew he was the best man. 

United States should have a larger and stronger navy at once. 
Nearly every important nation has a navy stronger than ours. Should 
there be a war . . . the cost of new battleships would be much 
less than the loss of a poor navy would come to. 

At about fourteen the boy enters upon a new era in the 
development of his social conscience — an era of, as it were, 
Critical Synthesis. Before this age he has been passing 
down the gauntlet from Self to World, receiving as he goes 
occasional ideas and opinions which he absorbs in a wholly 
imitative, echoing sort of way; but now he must set about 
to reconstruct, to criticise, to synthesise. His earlier experi- 
ence, up to this time more or less confused, slowly merges 
to form a consistent whole, and the new youth begins to talk 
vaguely about his " philosophy of life," or " creed," or " re- 
ligion," or whatever he may please to call it. He evinces 
certain definite interests. He adopts an attitude. And, sooner 
or later, forced by the urgent, boastful inner man, he comes to 
feel that he must impress his views upon the world. Some- 
times his views are not well received, it is true, but that matters 
little (save to jar a few tender feelings), for to him the all- 
important thing is self-expression. Nothing so enhances the 
synthetic process as to give the new, half-formed opinions 
an airing in speech or script. 

Like all adolescents, I had a considerable variety of scien- 
tific interests, but affecting my social conscience most directly 
was perhaps the peculiar trinity of weather, hygiene and 
forestry. After keeping careful local weather records for sev- 
eral years and studying two or three convenient physical 
geography texts, and then becoming suddenly struck with the 
current false notions, especially among grown-ups, I attempted 
in a modest way to set things aright. My sister I completely 
converted; my father was open-minded, but apparently not 
convinced ; other people, such as my aunt Nancy, who had been 


brought up to believe in almanacs and sky-signs, were quite 
untouched by my vague discourses on " lows " and " highs," 
isobars and isotherms, unchanging seasons, and the like. The 
Journal occasionally presented short articles on weather topics, 
always emphasizing the scientific view, and reminding the 
reader of his probable stock of fallacies. Typical of this 
weather hobby is a school essay on " The Innocent Month of 
March," in which I prove, to my own satisfaction at least, 
upon a basis of three years' observations, that March is really 
much maligned, for " statistics prove the month to be gen- 
erally calm, quite sunny, and a month of comparatively light 
rain and snowfall." 

Having read one or two simple books on physiology and 
numerous popular " health " articles, I considered myself 
well-fitted to advise on matters of diet, ventilation and disease. 
I cherished many heretical doctrines, supposedly more or less 
unique, some of which I ventured to impress upon my elders. 
Never eat between meals, never be sick. Sit deliberately in 
draughts, be free from colds. Dry, steam-heated rooms are 
a direct invitation to death. Rain and dampness are abso- 
lutely harmless. Rheumatism is simply uric acid. In a school 
essay " Concerning the Air in the Classrooms " I fearlessly 
" muck-rake " the school officials for their sanction of ill- 
ventilated classrooms, and then proceed to enlighten them, with 
doubtful accuracy, on the function of oxygen and the blood in 
their relation to heart, lungs, and mental work. 

Both in school papers and Journal editorials I became a 
staunch friend of the tree and forest conservation. Brush- 
fires and the annual Christmas-tree slaughter were my favorite 
themes. The great American Public was urged to watch out 
for its own welfare and the needs of posterity; for the sake 
of the Nation's future I pleaded with my readers to dispense 
with Christmas-trees, calling attention to the fact that now- 
adays we have good imitation trees which will please most 
children, and that perhaps the old fashion of " hanging the 
stocking " was the best way of celebrating, anyway. 

These articles of scientific import were for the most part 
about things in general, and so far as they were critical, they 
were directed toward people in general. We find, however, 
that most criticisms of this adolescent period have a more 
personal reference. I was, perhaps, first of all self-critical, 
weighing carefully my own strengths and weaknesses, my 
abilities and shortcomings, contenting myself generally that 
my strengths and abilities were well in the ascendancy, despite 
occasional unhappy circumstances which led me at times to 
write very gloomy diary entries. The only marked failing 
that I saw fit to confess to the world was forget fulness. Just 


why I was so frank about this is uncertain, unless it was 
because I sometimes referred to my inborn forgetfulness as 
a reason for my aversion to certain dull, memory-drilling high 
school subjects. My most complete confession is embodied 
in a long essay on the " Trials of a Forgetful Boy." Very 
thinly disguised as " You," the Editor shows himself work- 
ing in the garden-patch of a fine May morning, much handi- 
capped by absent-mindedness and spring daydreaming. The 
short distance from garden to toolhouse is quite long enough 
to allow him to forget the hoe that he wants ; it is utterly 
impossible to remember more than two items of a list of five 
on an errand that may be accomplished within three minutes ; 
the call of he dinner whistle is the only force that can keep 
his mind on a straight track for any considerable period. 

I was likewise family-critical, seeing in adolescence for the 
first time the serious human fallibilities as well as the heroic 
attributes of my relatives. It was at home, especially, that I 
became deeply susceptible to the jars and jolts of social contact. 
No where else did I seem to be so hindered by cross-purposes 
and conventions. My Editorial desk seemed always to be in 
the way of the merciless Household Machine. One paper, on 
" Exasperating Neatness," deals at length upon the evil of 
the morning dusting, an institution which appears to have 
been established particularly to keep the Editor's desk and 
bookcase in a perpetual state of confused arrangement. Pro- 
tests of every kind were finding their way into script or print, 
as I met with some new reproof or was advised of some new 
convention. " Why Some Boys Enjoy Being Alone Occa- 
sionally " treats chiefly of " Bobby's " troubles with soiled 
neckties, table manners, unblacked shoes and bespotted clothes. 
"A Day With Jimmy " concerns one day's troubles of the 
average schoolboy, with oversleep, unhappy lessons, broken 
windows, and so on; while the sad lot of the boy during visits 
and week-end gatherings is duly bemoaned in " There's Going 
to be Company at Our House." Once or twice, even, the 
Journal was forced to cut down its size because Of household 
turmoil. A very thin four-page April Journal contains this 
notice : 

THE REASON this week's Journal is so small ... is that the 
editorial rooms are so disturbed and upset by the advent of spring 
housecleaning that it's nearly impossible to find a place to do the 
printing of the paper, to say nothing of trying to get together thots 
in the turmoil to think of any news. Spring is a fine season, but the 
poet who wrote of " beautiful spring " never had to undergo the tor- 
tures of the annual feminine spring housecleaning. 

Bridge whist chanced to strike my community while I was 
in the middle of the high school course. Evening was my 


favorite as well as most convenient time of study, and any- 
thing that interrupted me seriously immediately fell into ill 
grace. My home room was near enough the parlor so that 
when bridge whist nights came there was no getting French 
or German, if the need were never so desperate. An article 
appearing in one of the later Christmas Numbers explains the 
situation. The Craze is alleged to have instituted a " perfect 
reign of terror " for the innocent bystanding student, while 
the suffering sleeper is led to wish all sorts of dire calamities, 
like death and long journeys, upon the heads of his erstwhile 
friends. Mealtimes, too, are under the curse, for last evening's 
game, or the Rules, or plans for another party so occupy the 
general attention that a mere youth must go quite neglected 
when it comes to having things passed him, or getting his due 
proportion and balance of food and drink. It is the writer's 
parting wish " that since bridge whist seems to be a winter 
game, the present winter will be unusually short." 

Then, again, at adolescence, I became neighbor-critical, tak- 
ing more and more to heart the faults of my townsmen and 
the evils of the town. I had of course long been a gossip, 
but I had gossiped only as would a phonograph, for I had no 
very deep malice toward anyone personally, and there were 
few or no delicious little scandals that I had ever witnessed 
firsthand. Even the larger notorious town evils, as bad roads 
and rickety bridges, I had taken mostly second or third hand, 
rarely going out for myself to the case in point. Now, how- 
ever, as I came socially more and more into competition with 
other young people, and called upon my neighbor as a sympa- 
thetic social being (rather than as a naive young fortune- 
hunter in search of comics and candy), and strolled about 
town for a morning walk, I found marks for criticism upon 
every side. 

I had a special antipathy for the Noisy Boy, having in mind 
probably a certain younger schoolmate who often proved a 
jarring element in my experience. His fullest treatment is in 
a school paper which takes for its text Poor Richard's "The 
worst wheel in the wagon makes the most noise." Pious 
young people, who attended social functions at the church next 
door, were also objects of criticism. An essay on "Incidents 
of a Church Supper " gives in detail a few of their noisy 
and neighbor-vexing pranks, such as leap-frogging over chairs 

in the vestry, tattoos played on the metal ventilator shafts, 

and general ill-treatment of the neighbor's lawn and garden. 
The writer is much comforted as he reflects, at the conclusion, 
that " these SUppers come hut once a month." 

My neighbors, like all sober grown-ups who have settled 
down in life, were of course much given to social conventions 


and the use of stereotyped rhetoric, so I, now a fresh new- 
youth, with little respect for age and quite thoughtless of my 
own stereotyped future, took it upon myself to call attention 
to this human frailty. In such articles as "A Social Call on 
Your Neighbors " and " Mr. and Mrs. Jones Now Have a 
Furnace," my neighbor and his wife were both satirized for 
their excessively habitual conduct whenever I called and their 
unoriginal way of saying and doing things generally. A paper 
on " Stereotype Phrases — Do You Use Them ? " considered 
particularly the matter of commonplace greetings and ex- 
clamations. But my neighbor's stupidity affected me most 
vitally when it chanced to intrude itself upon my work, espe- 
cially my outdoor work upon the front lawn, where I was 
freely exposed to the view of passers-by. The " One Dis- 
advantage of Working," as expressed in a long theme appear- 
ing under that title, is the answering of " an endless string 
of nonsensical questions " that your friends and neighbors 
inevitably put to you if they by chance catch you hard at 
work. Each assails you with sundry happy and ancient re- 
marks on the state of weather or season, or diligently inquires 
" if you are working hard," or sarcastically exhorts you " not 
to hurt yourself." 

Such little personal concerns bothered me considerably, as 
they do all adolescents, yet in the field of news interests — as 
embodied in the later Journals — petty gossip gave way largely 
to affairs of general community importance. I became en- 
thusiastic about village improvement, town politics, and the 
larger small-town social events, as amateur theatricals, school 
receptions, baseball games, and band concerts. That Miss 
Smith was the only one to wear an Easter hat, or that Mr. 
Locke had a new load of wood no doubt continued to interest 
me (as a true villager), but these larger things interested me 
more. In editorial and special news " write-up " I mildly 
implicated the selectmen for their part in certain mysterious 
road-money expenditures and bridge-painting contracts, while 
the citizens generally were criticised for our sidewalkless 
streets, our inferior public buildings and the several ancient 
community eyesores. Nor did this broadened local apprecia- 
tion mean that I cared for the world less than heretofore; 
instead, the world had become my standard and I would raise 
the town to its level. I began to realize, as I had never realized 
before, the many discrepancies and incongruities which our 
little village must display to the stranger, and I was in the 
midst of that particular period of youth in which familiarity 
breeds contempt rather than sentiment. Editorial comment 
of this type is characteristic of the time: 


THIS WEEK'S "Alton Chronicle" states that the local hotel has 
been abandoned and the yard has been used for a horse pasture. This 
is true, but not only that, but the common, too, is used for that purpose. 
It may be healthy for young colts to run over the expanse of the 
common, but it is not especially beautiful or beneficial to the village's 

. . . Puzzle: — If it takes the P. & N. 14 hours to clear 2 tracks 
from a slightly smashed snowplow and derailed engine, with two 
wrecking crews, how long would it take the same road to clear up a 
truly serious collision or freight wreck? 

As people all expected, the cars on the Tiltham Street Railway did 
not run yesterday on account of the stupendous snowfall of three or 
four inches. One unexpected thing did happen, however — the town had 
the sidewalks cleared shortly after noon. 

Finally, I was world-critical. For some years, to be sure, 
I had been more or less critical of world morals and politics, 
but my attitude had been almost wholly imitative and imper- 
sonal. In this later stage, however, I began to see the world 
more in its relation to myself, as something very real which 
would sooner or later, as I entered upon active life, concern 
me very intimately. But this higher stage of criticism was 
only beginning when I was eighteen and so does not properly 
come within the present study. 

There is no convenient escape from infancy, childhood or 
youth. They are planned from the beginning. But just what 
course they shall take is very largely determined by the social 
group. Nature is responsible for getting the youth to man- 
hood, but nurture is responsible for the way in which he 
meets it, and what he does after getting there. 

My father argued Republicanism and I at once became 
Republican. A friend decried yellow journalism and I at 
once became conservative in my newspaper management. My 
grandmother pondered much over the spiritualistic significance 
of dreams. 1 became interested in dreams. So it was with 
every early-life influence. Yet I became something more than 
a mere echo of my environment. My Republicanism was not 
exactly like my father's. I was not half so conservative as 
my friend, and my dream ponderings soon became scientific 
instead of spiritualistic. My small germ of " original nature " 
and my gradual accumulation of experience combined to 
modify each imitation into a half-original creation. Thus at 
eighteen I had a peculiar Republican bias, a preference for 
moderately conservative newspapers and a strong interest in 

Parents appear sometimes to depend entirely upon heredity 
to bring out in the child certain social qualities which may have 
existed in the family. In some mysterious way the boy 


will evolve from within a taste for manufacturing furniture, 
or the Methodist creed, or the family snobbishness ; but it 
often happens that the youth, even upon the edge of manhood, 
has developed no marked furniture propensities, that his creed 
simply is not, and that he is absurdly democratic in his habits. 
A parent does not mold a child's character merely because 
he is parent; only as he sets actively about character-building 
does he achieve anything. The youth's mental background 
analyzed reveals few acquisitions from the passive people of 
the fireside, and his viewpoint is frequently that of an uncle, 
or someone entirely without the family circle. The strenuous 
crusader leaves a much greater impress than the shining 

Even my most positive social companions made no special 
effort to direct my course, and thus I was left easy prey to 
impersonal influences in the form chiefly of newspapers and 
magazines. A majority of my tastes and interests seem to 
have been molded by reading. Printing of course was the 
most obvious outgrowth of this impersonal influence, while 
less directly evolved would be certain later interests in history, 
literature and science. So far as positive influence goes, school 
seems to have been one of the lesser incidents of my boyhood. 
Perhaps on one hand there were too many shining examples, 
on the other, perhaps there was too limited an opportunity for 
self-expression. Certainly school failed to make a very deep 
impression upon my editorial self ; only in a few rare instances 
do " number work " and vertical script intrude upon the news 
columns of the early Journals, whereas the irrepressible Editor 
printed school exercises whenever he dared, and spent many 
school hours printing and drawing on waste sheets of paper. 
My editorial diction swayed between school models and home 
models, but the latter invariably won out. I may have had 
a particular school stent in mind when I chose to write an 
inanimate autobiography of a thermometer for the Journal, 
though with the first sentence I was talking Alger and Optic. 
Nor are my Brisbane editorials of the sensational era, my 
Dooley philosophies (Uncle Hiram), or my Shute's Real 
Diary mis-spellings (Jimmy's Letter) strongly suggestive of 
the school curriculum. School and teachers furnished me 
somewhat in ornament and technic, but editors and news- 
papers furnished me with ideas. The newspapers had the 
advantage of first impression, yet it seems that the elaborate 
mechanism of school should have been more influential than 
it actually was. 

The boy himself is an important part of .his environment. 
He is not entirely helpless, and his own creations have much 
to do with his social development. The Journal was certainly 


a fact of first importance in my environment. In one respect 
its influence was strongly conservative, for the old files kept 
me in close contact with my own past, and the glamor of sen- 
timental association kept me looking backward. Otherwise the 
paper was an agent of progress. Several hundred words' 
composition each issue was no mean rhetorical training, draw- 
ing and printing developed artistic interests, systematic ar- 
rangement and regular publication made for discipline, while 
past achievement ever stirred to emulation. Rivalry with 
one's own past is a fine stimulus to personal progressivism ; 
and my own past self, with all its perfections and imperfec- 
tions was continually mirrored back to me in the old copies 
of the United States Journal. 


I. Children's Drawings. 

i. Barnes, E. A study on children's drawings. Ped. Sem., 1893, Vol. 
2, p. 451-463- 

2. Kerschensteiner, G. Die Entwicklung der Zeichnenbegabung 

Miinchen. Gerber, 1905. 508 p. 

3. Levinstein, S. Kinderzeichnungen bis zum 14. Lebensjahr. Leip- 

zig. Voigtlander, 1905. 508 p. 

4. Lukens, H. T. Study of children's drawings in early years. Ped. 

Sent., 1896. Vol. 4, p. 79-110. 

5. Luquet, G. Les dessins d'un enfant: etude psychologique. Paris, 

Alcan, 1913. 262 p. 

6. Rouma, G. Le langage graphique d'enfant. Bruxelles. Misch & 

Thron, 1913. 283 p. (Bib.) 

II. General Child Development. 

1. Baldwin, J. M. Mental development in the child and the race 

Methods and processes. New York, Macmillan, 1906. 477 p. 

2. Colvin, S. S. and I. F. Meyer. Imaginative elements in the written 

work of school children. Ped. Sem., 1906, Vol. 13, p. 84-93. 

3. Compayre, G. Development of the child in later infancy. Trans. 

by Mary E. Wilson. New York, Appleton, 1902. 200 p. 

4. Hall, G. S. Adolescence. New York, Appleton, 1904. 2 vols. 

5. Kirkpatrick, E. A. Fundamentals of child study. New York, 

Macmillan, 1903. 384 p. 

6. . Individual in the making. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 

1911- 339 P. 

7. Swift, E. J. Mind in the making: a study of mental development. 

New York. Scribners, [908. 329 p. 

8. Tanner, A. E. The child: his thinking, feeling, and doing. Chi- 

cago, Rand-McNally, 191 5. 534 p. Revised ed. 


By Margaret Morse Nice, Norman, Oklahoma 

In 1915 I published a paper on the speech development of 
my eldest child from eighteen months to four years. Since 
then I have collected her five and six year vocabularies. In 
the present paper her vocabularies are given at nine ages — 
14, 15, 16, 17 and 18 months, and three, four, five and six 
years. The eighteen month and three and four year vocabu- 
laries are repeated for several reasons. First, the five and 
six year vocabularies are simply added to the earlier ones, 
with the forgotten words indicated; so there is no repetition. 
Second, in my other paper I included proper nouns; in this 
they are omitted in all the vocabularies to bring them into line 
with what appears to be the best method of recording vocabu- 
laries. Finally, the child's development from year to year 
is shown. 

E. is the eldest of three children. Her ancestry is Scotch- 
Irish, German and English on her father's side and Scotch- 
Irish and English on her mother's ; she is in the fifth to the 
eighth generation in this country. Her father is a teacher 
of physiology in a" medical school ; her mother is a biologist. 
Her health has always been excellent; her height is slightly 
above the average, her weight slightly below. She is an active 
child, loving to walk in the woods and being an expert tree 
climber. From babyhood her greatest interest has been in 
nature, in flowers and especially all kinds of animals. She 
has a logical mind and inquires to the bottom of things; yet 
at times she has been decidedly imaginative. In the Binet 
test at three and a half years she tested four and two fifths; 
at six years she tested eight and one fifth. She is an original 
child and very little imitative. This last characteristic has 
its disadvantage in making it a slow process to correct her 
mistakes in English, but on the other hand she does not pick 
up slang, incorrect grammar or objectionable phrases from 
playmates or chance associates. She seldom uses a word 
unless she is sure of its meaning. She is not a talkative child 
and this of course makes it impossible to get her full 

The Learning of Language. We have not tried to teach 



our children to talk by telling them over and over again the 
simple words they are supposed to master first. E. went 
through no " parrot stage," never repeating words after her 
parents. She never merely imitated words but used them 
when she needed them. Apparently she did not begin to talk 
until she knew what her words meant; she never called men 
in general " Papa," nor animals any but their proper names, as . 
some babies do. 

She walked at thirteen months so that was all accomplished 
before she began to talk. 

Her vocabularies for the first four months follow. 

(T.W. means Total Words, N.W. means New Words.) 

14 months. T.W.=3. Mamma, Papa. Bow-wow. 

15 months. N.W.=i, T.W.=4. Bah. 

16 months. N.W.=9, T.W.=i3. Book, bird, Bobby (a doll), bread. 

Moo, r'r, umph. See. No. 

17 months. N.W.=33, T.W.=46. Baby, boy, butterfly, car, card, choo- 

choo, Danny (a dog), ear, eye, Harold, hat, man, milk, monkey, 
moon, mouth, nose, Pye (original name for a doll), tail. Caw, 
cock-a doodle-doo, gobble, myow, quack. Cold, cunning, funny, 
poor, pretty. Please. Good-by, good-morning, goodnight. 
Common nouns, 31. Proper nouns, 4. Verb, 1. Adverbs, 2. Adjec- 
tives, 5. Interjections, 3. 

The appearance of the different parts of speech were as fol- 
lows : nouns at 14 months, verbs and adverbs at 16 months, 
interjections and adjectives at 17 months, pronouns at 22 
months ; prepositions and conjunctions shortly after she was 
two. She said " No " at 16 months and " Yes " at 20. 

We always spoke to her as " you," and of her by her name, 
yet she used her own name very little, probably because it 
was hard to pronounce. She called herself " Baby " exclu- 
sively from 17 months to 22 months when she learned the 
personal pronouns, " my," " I," and " you." She used both 
" Baby " and " I " until she was past two years. The time 
from the first use of " Baby " to that of using " I " was five 
months. Sentences of two words were first used at 19 months ; 
the time therefore between the appearance of the first word 
and first sentence was five months. 

Her Environ incuts. E. has had a number of changes of 
residence. At 18 months she lived on the outskirts of Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts ; at three she lived near the center of 
Cambridge ; since then her home has been in Norman, Okla- 
homa, while her summers are spent in the country near Am- 
herst, Massachusetts. She has always had a fair amount of 
child companionship. From the age of three and a half to 
four and again from four and a half to live, she had the 
benefit of a "little Montessori Nature Study Class meeting at 
her home in the morning. She has not been to a kindergarten, 


nor had she received any formal education except that for 
about two months before she was six I started to teach her 
to read. She has heard a good deal of poetry, the best of the 
fairy stories, Kipling's " Jungle Books," the " Younger Edda," 
and much more literature adapted to her age. The most vital 
influence in her life has been nature — animals and flowers in 
Oklahoma and Massachusetts. She has had as pets, frogs, 
gold fish, pollywogs, rabbits, hens, chickens, turtles, horned 
toads, lizards, salamanders, snails, caterpillars, crawfish, toads, 
snakes, a puppy and a young robin. 

The Vocabularies. The 18 month vocabulary was obtained 
by keeping a record of all the words used up to that time. 
The three year vocabulary was taken for one month before the 
child's birthday. The four year vocabulary was collected for 
three months before her fourth birthday, the first two in 
order to get words used in Oklahoma and traveling which she 
doubtless would not have forgotten, but not have had oppor- 
tunity to use in Massachusetts. The five and six year vocabu- 
laries were taken entirely in Massachusetts for one month 
before and one month after her birthday. It seems to me 
impossible to get a full vocabulary of children over three 
unless they happen to be very talkative, for they know so 
many words that they do not have occasion to use during 
the time under observation. E. talks less in the summer, when 
I collect her vocabulary, than at any other time, for being with 
many people she spends most of her time listening, especially 
as her almost constant companion is a decidedly loquacious 
boy cousin a year older than she. She was asked directly what 
certain things were, but this method was used only in trying 
to get former words repeated. Some of these former words 
were elicited by conversation, but not very many, for she 
resents apparent attempts to probe her intelligence. The words 
were recorded from her conversations ; at no time when I 
have taken her vocabulary has she engaged in much of any 
imaginative play. If she had done so, her vocabularies would 
doubtless have been larger but probably less exact. Now, at 
six and a half, she plays a great deal with toy animals, 
having them experience most exciting adventures ; she, mean- 
time, using a large vocabulary, much of it new, but some of 
it apparently used imitatively without the meaning being known 
as clearly as when she employs words in conversation. 

At no time has she had any idea that her words were being 
recorded. She is used to seeing me write at all times and 
when we were outdoors and she asked me what I was writing, 
I told her what was perfectly true, that I was putting down 
the names of the flowers and birds we were seeing. I would 
rather not have my children know they were under observa- 


tion; there would be danger of making them conscious. E. 
would probably have talked less if she had known it; D. our 
second daughter might have talked more. 

Pelsma ('10), Boyd ('14), and Bateman ('14, '15, '16), 
seem to have adapted the method of elimination that is fairest 
all around and that is most adaptable to different ages. I will 
quote Bateman's ('16) rules here. 

" 1, no proper nouns ; 2, no plurals unless the singulars were 
not used; 3, all forms of pronouns are included; 4, no variants 
of verbs or adjectives unless sometimes from different roots; 
5, the same word may be listed more than once according to 
its grammatical use by the child." 

Boyd ('14) in his study of his daughter's speech develop- 
ment made a suggestive classification of his child's nouns into 
fourteen divisions according to interests. Using Boyd's work 
as a basis, I combined several of his classes and grouped them 
all into four main divisions, adding one — words from pictures 
and stories — so as to show the sources of her words. It is 
sometimes a little difficult to decide where words should go; 
the method I used was this. A word is put into that division 
where the child first used it or is most vividly impressed 
with it; for instance, to E. as a baby, clothes-pins and spools 
were much more playthings* than objects of household use, 
therefore they go under " Play;" thimbles, thread and needles, 
she had no personal use for and they go under " House." 
" Words from pictures and stories " comprise all those nouns 
that are not learned from real life, yet they are words that 
she adopted into her play or conversation ; a large number of 
animal and bird names find their place here. As she later 
learned some of these from real life they are transferred into 
their appropriate classes, the change being indicated by a star 
followed by the year when this took place. Many words drop 
out of a child's vocabulary; they may be lost permanently or 
they may reappear in later years. Parentheses ( ) around a 
word show that it dropped out; if followed by one or two 
numerals it reappeared in the years indicated, as in the four 
year vocabulary (anxious), 5 "anxious" being used at four 
and five but not at six; or in the three year vocabulary 
(soil) 4and0 , "soil" being used at three, four and six, but not 
at five. All words without parentheses were used every year 
after they first appeared. N.W. means New Words ;' T.W. 
means Total Words. 


i K>, 102 ; 3, 625 ; 4, 975 ; 5, 1371 ; 6, 1751. 
I. Personal Experiences. 

V/2, 40; 3, 226; 4, 290; 5, 400; 6, 502. 


1. Body. 

iy 2 : T.W.=n. 

Ear, eye, finger, foot, hair, hand, head, knee, mouth, nose, 

3: N.W.=2o; T.W.=3i. 

Arm, bones, cheek, chin, curls, face, forehead, heart, heel, 
lap, leg, lip, nail, neck, shoulders, teeth, throat, thumb, 
tongue, tummy. 

4: N.W.=8; T.W.=39. 

Back, blood, brain, lungs, mucous, skin, (skull), voice. 

5: N.W.=i9; T.W.=57- 

Bladder, bloodvessel, body, buttocks, chest, dimples, elbow, 
eyebrows, fist, muscles, pores, ribs, saliva, soles, stomach, 
tears, toe-nail, urine, wrist. 

6: N.W.=i2; T.W.= 69. 

Backbone, gums, hip, jaws, knuckles, marrow, nostrils, 
perspiration, spinal cord, sweat, taste-bud, voice-box. 
ia. Health. 

3: T.W.=8. 

Alcohol, bite, castor oil, cold, enema, olive oil, sliver, witch 

4: N.W.=8; T.W.=i6. 

Bacteria, disease (measles) 6 , (mumps), poison, scab, 
tummy ache, (vaccination). 

5: N.W.=i2; T.W.=25. 

(Ammonia), hiccough, (malaria), medicine, scar, scarlet 
fever, scratch, sickness, sores, sting, (sunburn), (ventila- 

6: N.W.=i4;XW.=36. 

Appendicitis, camphor ice, camphorated oil, chicken pox, 
chill, cut, dose, iodine, indigestion, pills, tonic, upset, 
vaseline, whooping cough. 

2. Clothes. 

iy 2 : T.W.=9. 

Button, coat, didy, hat, mitten, pin, pocket, shoe, spot. 

3: N.W.=32; T.W.=4i. 

Apron, band, belt, bloomers, buckle, button hook, chain, 
clothes, collar, drawers, dress, garter, handkerchief, hooks, 
leggins, night gown, overalls, ribbon, romper, rubbers, 
safety-pin, sandals, shirt, skirt, sleeping bag, slippers, 
stocking, sweater, wrapper. Hole, (stain), tear. 

4: N.W.=3J T.W.=44- 

(Material), socks, sunbonnet. 

5: N.W.=i5; T.W.=57- 

(Ankle tie), boots, cap, dicky, (embroidery), lace, (mack- 
intosh), moccasin, (sash), (streamers), stripes, tennis 
shoes, underclothes, waist, (wraps). 

6: N.W.=i7; T.W.=66. 

Bonnet, button holes, cape, clothing^ elastic, fastener, gar- 
ment, jacket, necklace, petticoat, raincoat, sleeves, straw, 
style, under shirt, straw, union suit. 
2a. Toilet. 

i^:T.W.=3. ' 

Bath, comb, soap. 

3: N.W'.=7; T.W.=io. ; 

Brush, cotton, powder, tangle, tooth brush, tooth powder, 


4: N.W.=i; T.W.= n. 

5: N.W.=3; T.W.= i4. 

Soap-dish, sponge, wash-cloth. 
6: N.W.=2; T.W.=i6. 

Soap-suds, sponge-bath. 

3. Food. 

iY 2 : T.W.=6. 

Bread, milk, orange juice, potato, salt, water. 

3: N.W.=5o; T.W.=56. 

Apple, apple-sauce, bacon, banana, beets, berries, biscuit, 
broth, bun, butter, cake, carrots, cheese, cherries, choco- 
late, coffee, corn, corn bread, corn flakes, cracker, cream, 
cream of wheat, crumb, crust, doughnuts, drink, egg, gra- 
ham crackers, grapes, ice cream, junket, macaroni, meat, 
nut, oatmeal, orange, peach, peanut, pear, peas, pudding, 
pumpkin, raspberry, rice, soup, strawberry, sugar, tapioca, 
tea, toast. 

4: N.W.=9; T.W.=6s. 

Beans, cereal, cookies, food, jelly, lettuce, onions, prunes, 

5: N.W.=IS; T.W.=8o.. 

Beef, candy, chocolate rolls, cocoa, frosting, fudge, loaf, 
muffin, (mush), pepper, peppermint, pickles, pie, sand- 
wiches, sugar lumps. 

6: N.W-ii^ T.W.=qi. 

Asparagus, baking powder, cream cheese, educator, dough, 
gingerbread, gruel, pop-corn, short-cake, tomatoes, wal- 
3a. Eating. 

1%: T.W.= 3 . 

Bib, dish, spoon. 

3: N.W.=i7; T.W.=2o. 

Bell, breakfast, # crack, cup. dinner, dining table, dining 
room, fork, knife, lunch, napkin, pitcher, plate, supper, 
table cloth, tea-kettle, tray. 

4: N.W.=4J T.W.—24. 

Bowl, dessert, meal, nibble. 

5 : N.W=3 ; T.W.=27. 
Feast, saucers, slice. 

6: N.W.r=3; T.W— 30. 
Ladle, nick, tablespoon. 

4. Plav and Occupations. 

V/ 2 : T.W.=8. 

Block, boat, box, jar, stick. Book, card, paper. 

3: N.W.=43; T.W.=5'- 

Ball, balloon, bank, beads, bubbles, cans, cart, clothespins, 
doll, drum, game, pail, peg, penny, present, race, rattle, 
sandpile, shovel, sled, spool, string, tower, toys, treasure, 
valentine, wagon, wheel, wheelbarrow. Catalog, crayons, 

dance, magazine, music, page, paints, pencil, picture, poem, 
post card, song, story, WOI 
4: N.W-28; T.W-7'J 

(captain), creature, croquet, leader, plasticine, pole, 

proc< ap-bubbles, swii [eddy- 

bear, tricks. Blackboard, buttoning frames, circle, cylin- 


ders, exercise, insets, letters, line, map, mark, school, 
square, (triangle). 

5: N.W— I7;T.W.=94- 

Canoe, cattle car, (cock-horse), cord, cradle, den, earth- 
quake, jewel, marble, rag, somersault, swimming pool, 
(tea-cup), tea-party, trowel, wigwam. Apparatus. 

6: N.W.=49; T.W.=i4i. 

Ark, basket ball, blots, chalk, collection, compass, con- 
traption, cowboys, fire crackers, flexible flier, foot ball, 
hiding place, hunt, jack o' lantern, mallet, net, nickle, pad- 
dles, parquetry, paste, pedals, plane, possessions, puzzle, 
raft, rocking-horses, snowball, sparklers, strainer, torpe- 
does, trench, tricycle, velocipede, yarn. Address, calen- 
dar, cardboard, diamond, dictionary, encyclopedia, globe, 
history, kindergarten, lesson, pad, pattern, poetry, rhyme, 
4a. Experiences. 

3 :T.W.=Q. 

Dream, hug. kiss, nap, rest, shadow, sleep. Bang, noise. 

4: N.W.=3; T'.W.=i2. 
Journey, picnic, trip. 

5: N.W.=34; T.W.=46. 

Drive, job, party, play, quarrel, reflection, ride. (Crackle), 
crash, (rap), (slam), sound, (splash), squeak, squeal, 
(tap), (whisper), whistle. (Bound), bump; fall, fight, 
hold, jump, leap, (pat), (peek), pull, (push), (rising), 
(run), (rush), (slip), (whack). 

6: N.W.=2 3 ; T.W.=54- 

Airing, collision, expeditions, feats, frolic, lick, sale, sniff, 
squabble, task, treat, visit. Call, knock, patter, rustle, 
screeching, shout. Flash, jerk, load, tug, tumble. 

II. Indoor Environment, 

iy 2 , 14; 3, 122; 4, 150; 5, 187; 6, 209. 

1. House and Furnishings. 

1%: T.W.=i2. 

Bathtub, bed, cellar, chair, clock, coal, door, floor, house, 
key, light, table. 

3: N.W.=94;.T.W.=:io6. 

Ashes, basin, basket, bathroom, bedroom, blanket, book 
case, bottle, broom, bureau, candle, candlestick, ceiling, 
chamber, chest, chimney, closet, cloth, cork, couch, crib, 
curtain, cushion, desk, drawer, dust, duster, envelope, fire, 
fireplace, furnace, gas, glass, glue, hall, hammer, hammock, 
(hamper) 4 , handle, hanger, heater, high chair, home, ink, 
lamp, looking glass, mantel piece, match, mirror, nail, 
needle, newspaper, oven, pan, parlor, pen, piano, pillow, 
pipe, post, roof, room, rope, rug, scissors, screen, screw, 
sewing machine, shades, sheet, shelf, sideboard, sofa, 
stairs, stamp, strap, stove, telephone, thimble, thread, 
trunk, tub, typewriter, umbrella, veranda, wall, wall paper, 
wash stand, waste basket, weighing machine, window, 
wire, wood. » 

4: N.W.=22; T.W.r=I28. 

Axe, bench, board, bundle, cupboard, electricity, flames, 
mop, package, (pantry) 5 , porch, refrigerator, register, 
rocking chair, saw, sleeping porch, stopper, study, suit 
case, tank, tools, (varnish). 


5: N.W.=34; T.W.=i6o. 

(Banister), castor, china, blotter, faucet, fireless cooker, 
furniture, gasolene, hallway, (hat-rack), kitchen, knob, 
(junk), leather, (microscope), pillow-case, plaster, play- 
room, (railing), ruler, screen-door, set, soot, spark, steps, 
store-room, sun-porch, tag, thermometer, vase, violin, 
(wardrobe), wax, window-sill. 

6: N.W.=2 4 ; T.W-177. 

Aluminum, attic, case, chute, cot, counterpane, decora- 
tion, dish pan, flashlight, fringes, icebox, mattress, pewter, 
pin cushion, puff, quilt, rack, screw-driver, shoe bag, 
shutter, spout, tack, tape, window pane. 
2. Other's Belongings. 

iy 2 : T.W=2. 
Bag, muff. 

3: N.W.=i 4 ; T.W.=i6. 

Camera, fan, glasses, gloves, hairpins, hatpin, lather, 
monev, necktie, purse, sack, suspenders, trousers, watch. 

4: N.W.=6; T.W.=22/ 

Bracelet, film, overcoat, revolver, suit, trimming. 

5: N.W.=5; T.W.=27. 

Beard, gold, ring, tie, whiskers. 

6: N.W.=s; T.W.=32. 

Dollar, nipple, shawl, sword, veil. 

III. Outdoor Environment. 

1^, 25; 3. 184; 4, 356; 5, 505; 6, 658. 
1. Civilization. 

*H,5; 3, 45; 4, 81; s, 128; 6, 148. 

IV 2 : T.W.=5. 

Barrel, car, go-cart, sleigh, (choo-choo). 

3 : N.W.=4i ; T.W.=45. 

(Arch) 5 & 6 , automobile, barn, bicycle, bonfire, building, 
carriage, church, circus, city, engine, factory, fair, farm, 
fence, field, flag, gate, (hurdy-gurdy), laboratory, mail- 
box, path, road, roller skates, sail boat, seat, smoke, sta- 
tion, steamboat, steam engine, store, street, subway, ticket, 
town, track, train, trolley-car, tunnel, (watering cart) 4 , 

4: N.W— 38; T.W.=8i. 

jage-car, (bran) 5 , bridge, (bridle), bungalow, coun- 
tries, dining car, fire-engine, fireworks, fly trap, fountain, 
garage, garden house, grain, grindstone, gun, hay, head- 
light, henhouse, kite, mail, (observation car), parade, 
reins, roadside, (runabout), saddle, scare-crow, sidewalk, 
smoker, state, (steeple), (teams), trap, university, village, 
whip, woodshed. 

5: N.W.=52; T.W.=i28. 

(Ball-game), (belfry), bricks, brooder, caboose, cannon, 
(cartridge), celebration, cinders, coop, ( couplings), crank, 
i, ditch, (ferryboat), freight ear. (highway), hinges, 
hoe, horn, hose, incubator, jitney, (junction), ker 
ladder, lawn, lawnmower, (local), museum, pavement, rail, 

railroad, rake, rust, shed, shingles, ship (shorts), Staff, 
stake, stonewall, summer-house, switch, tent, be, tire, 
turnaround, water meter, well, woodpile. 


6: N.W.=3i; T.W-148. 

Alley, baggage, brake, buggy, campus, delivery wagon, 
dining-hall, elevator, fire-lane, fire department, grave, 
grave-yard, keg, machinery, mill, mill wheel, pillars, pitch- 
forks, rubbish, sawmill, separator, signboard, smash-up, 
spikes, stable, steel, strips, trap-door, trash, water-trough, 

2. Sky and Landscape. 

i]/ 2 : T.W.= 3 . 

Moon, sky, snow. 

3: N.W.=27; T.W.=30. 

Air, bank, clouds, country, dirt, ground, hill, ice, lake, 
mountain, mud, ocean, pond, puddle, rain, river, rock, 
sand, shade, spring, stars, sun, sunshine, thunder, valley, 
(weather) 4 , wind. 

4: N.W.=i5J T.W.=45. 

Brook, island, lightning, pool, rainbow, sea, shower, stones, 
storm, stream, sunset, (Venus) 6 , waves, (whirl) 5 , world. 

5 : N.W.=2i ; T.W.=64. 

Breeze, daylight, (downpour), flood, .foam, frost, icicles, 
land, ledge., meadow, mica, mist, moonlight, pasture, 
prairie, sunlight, stepping-stones, sunbeams, temperature, 
view, waterfall. 

6: N.W.=20; T.W.=8i. 

Backwater, boulder, burrow, canal, dam, darkness, earth, 
fertilizer, hollow, moisture, mound, pebbles, quartz, quick- 
sand, rainfall, shore, source, swamp, trap rock, water 

3. Plants. 

iy 2 : T.W.=2. 
Flower, grass. 

3 : N.W.=2i ; T.W.=23. 

Buttercup, (daffodil) 4 & 6 , daisy, dandelion, (lilac) 4 , oaks, 
ragweed, rose, violet. Bark, fern, flowerpot, (grove) 4 , 
leaf, log, oakball, plant, pollen, seed, thorns, tree. 

4: N.W.=r 5 7; T.W.=8o. j 

(Anemone) 6 , blueberry, blue-eyed grass, bluets, chick- 
weed, clover, column flower, (coreopsis) 6 , evening prim- 
rose, (flea-bane) 6 , forget-me-not, (four o'clock), horse- 
nettle, lily, (mustard) 6 , (neck-weed), Nothoscordum, 
(pepper-grass) 6 , pine, poison ivy, poppy, poppy mallow, 
shepherd's purse, spring beauty, sumach, sweet peas, 
thistle, (toadflax), (Venus' looking glass), (wood sorrel), 
(yellow puccoon). Acorn, acorn cups, blossom, branch, 
briar, bud, bush, moss, pine cone, pine-needle, root, stem, 
vine, weeds, woods. Apple-tree, cabbages, corn, currants, 
garden, gooseberries, gourds, grape vine, peach tree, pear 
tree, wheat. 

5:N.W.=36; T.W.=i03. 

(California poppy), cedar, elm, (fox-glove), golden rod, 
huckleberries, (iron plant), juniper, (Madeira vine), 
maple, milkweed, mountain laurel, pansy, (pink yarrow), 
St. John's wort, (sheep laurel), (snap dragon), steeple- 
bush, white birch, (white yarrow), wild roses, yellow 
clover. (Bur), fungus, lichen, limb, mushroom, petals, 
pitch, (pods), toadstool, twig. Corn stalk, orchard, (vege- 
tables), vineyard. 


6: N.W.=5o; T.\V.=i42. 

Amanita, arbutus, balsam apple, bellwort, blueflag, buffalo 
bur, checkerberry, columbine, coral mushroom, cowslips, 
fringed polygala, grey birch, hawkweed, hellebore, Jack- 
in-the-pulpit, lady slipper, maiden hair fern, mulberry 
tree, nasturtium, peony, pitch pine, poet's narcissus, poison 
sumach., puff ball, saxifrage, shad bush, skunk cabbage, 
smartweed, sweet fern, trillium, water lily, wild geranium, 
wild oats, wood betany. Bouquet, bulbs, crops, ever- 
greens, forest, mould, nectar, pistil, sap, seed vessel, spines, 
sprout, stalks, stamens, stumps, water plants. 
4. Animals.* 

W*> 15; 3, 86; 4, 150; 5, 210; 6, 286. 

a. Insects. 1 
3: T.W.=io. 

Ant, bee, beetle, bug, bumblebee, butterfly, caterpillar, fly, 
mosquito, wasp. 

4: N.W.=I9J T.W.rrr 2 g. 

Cockroach, cricket, cutworm, drone, flea, grasshopper, 
grub, honeybee, insect, ladybug, moth, plant lice, (queen 
bee) 5 , walking stick, (worker bee). Bee-hive, buzz-buzz, 
honey, swarm. 

5: N.W.=6; T.W.=34- 

Blue-bottle fly, dragon-fly, fire-fly, horse fly, water-striders. 
Hornet nest. 

6: N.W.^17; T.W.=49. 

Caddis, gnat, katydid, lice, maggots, rose-bugs, silver fish, 
tent caterpillar, whirligig beetle. Abdomen, cells, chrysalis, 
feelers, honey-comb, larva, secretion, tentacles. 

b. Other Invertebrates. 
3: T.W.=3. 

Snail, spider, shell. 
4: N.W.=6; T.W.=9. 

Angleworm, crawfish, daddy-long-legs, worm, cobwebs, 

spider webs. 
5: N.W.=i; T.W.=io. 

6: N.W.=6; T.W.=i5. 

Leech, lobster, mussel shell, slug, sow-bug, mites. 

c. Fish, Amphibians, Reptiles. 

V/ 2 : T.W.=i. 

3: N.W.=7; T.W.=8. 

Fish, goldfish, pollywog, snake, toad, turtle. (Fish food) 4 . 

4: N.W.=6; T.W.=i4. 

Horned toad, lizard, salamander, tadpole, terrapin. Aqua- 

5: N.W.=n; T.W.=2 4 . 

Black snake, bull frog, Dinosaur, leopard frog, snapping 
turtle, (swamp tree frog), tortoise, wood frog. Fish-line, 
prickles, scales. 

6: N.W.=I7; T.W.=4o. 

Box turtle, butterfish, common toad of the western plains. 
garter snake, grass snake, green frog, milk snake, min- 
nows, northern frog, painted turtle, pickerel frog, spotted 
turtle, sprin g peeper, trout. Coils, fins, membr ane 

♦For other animal names look under "Words from Pictures and 


d. Birds. 

i/ 2 : T.W.=5- 

Bird, hen, rooster. Caw-caw, cock-a-doodle. 

3: N.W.=22; T.W.=27. 

Bluejay, chickens, duck, eagle, English sparrow, goose, 
(grackle) 4& 6 , hawk, (junco) 4 , pigeons, sea-gull, swan, 
turkey, woodpecker. Bill, cages, dust baths, feather, 
gobble-gobble, nest, quack, wing. 

4: N.W.=ip; T.W.=46. 

Bobwhite, chewink, chicadee, (cock) 5 , dickcissel, dove, 
duckling, king bird, meadow lark, mocking bird, night 
hawk, parrot, peacock, phoebe, robin, whippoorwill, wren. 
Chicadee-dee, droppings. , 

5: N.W.=2o; T.W.=65. 

Chipping sparrow, cardinal, cowbird, crow, (drake), fowls, 
(great crested fly catcher), (hairy wood pecker), oven- 
bird, partridge, pelican, (poultry;, red-headed woodpecker, 
swallow. Comb, crest, down, ;(nest box), note, perches. 

6: N.W.=29; T.W.=:89. 

Bantam, bobolink, brown thrasher, canary, cat-bird, 
cedar waxwing, chimney swift, flicker, gander, hum- 
mingbird, indigo-bird, oriole, penquin, scarlet tanager, 
scissors-tailed fly catcher, song sparrow, thrush, vireo. 
Breast, crop, earlobe, flock, fluff, mate, nestlings, peep- 
peep, roup, tuft, wattles. 

e. Mammals. , 

iy 2 : T.W.=9- 

Cow, dog, horse, kitty, puppy. Bow-wow, moo, meow, 

3: N.W.=29; T.W.r=38. 

Bear, bunny, calf, camel, cat, deer, donkey, elephant, fox, 
goat, kittens, lamb, lion, monkey, mouse, oxen, pig, pussy, 
rabbit, rat, sheep, skunk, squirrel, tiger. Bah-bah, umph, 
umph. Fur, horns, pet. 

4: N.W.=i 4 ; T.W.=S2. 

Baboon, bat, Belgian hare, buffalo, bull, chipmunk, guinea 
pig, jack rabbit, mules, pony, 'possum, raccoon, sea lion. 

5 : N.W.^25 ; T.W -77- 

Animals, cattle, colt, grey squirrel, nanny-goat, polar bear, 
ram, red squirrel, wood chuck. Bark, claw, grunt, paw, 
snort. [Epithets used in talking to or of animals] (Chat- 
ter box), climber, (dawdler), dear, dearie, fellow, 
(jumper), lazybones, (sleepy-head). 

6: N.W.=2i; T.W.=Q4- 

Beasts, billy goat, cotton-tail, elk, fawn, heifer, pups, seal, 
sow. Bristles, cud, female, flesh, hoof, horse-hair, male, 
pest, prey, skeleton, walker, young. 

IV. People. 

1V2, 7; 3, 23; 4, 38; 5, 58; 6, 74. 
ji/ ? : T.W. =7. 

Baby, boy, girl, lady, Mamma, man, Papa. 
3: N.W-16; T.W.=:23. 

Aunt, brother, child, cousin, father, grandma, grandpa, 

mother, sister, uncle. Friend, people, visitors. Carpenter, 

clown, teacher. 


4: N.W.=I5; T.\V.=38. 

Family, grandchildren, son, person. Baker, cook, con- 
ductor, doctor, (driver), fisherman, iceman, policeman, 
porter, (student), (sugar-plum). 

5: N.W.=->3: T.W.=5& 

(Babe), daughter, grandmother, husband, parents, wife, 
woman. Crowd, (master), neighbors. Barber, fireman, 
(hunter), sailor, (storekeeper), (twins), washerwoman, 
workmen. Darling, (runner), slow-poke, (sweetheart), 

6: N.W.=24; T.W.=74- 

Adult, ancestor, bride, bridegroom, infant, relatives, tot, 
youngsters. Company, guests, group, maiden, playmates, 
tribe. Agent, artist, cavalry, dentist, farmer, naturalist, 
partner, servant, sleeper, thrower. 

V. Words from Pictures and Stories. 

i]/ 2 , 14; 3. 18; 4, 43 5 5, 64; 6, 89. 

iy 2 : T.W.=i4- 

Bear* 3 , butterfly* 3 , duck* 3 , fox* 3 , monkey* 3 , mouse* 3 , owl, 
rat* 8 , snail* 3 . Buttercup* 3 . Bah-bah* 3 , gobble-gobble* 3 , 
r'r [for lion], umph, umph* 3 . 

3: N.W.=i6; T.W.= i8. 

Alligator* , (lambikin) 4 . Mallard duck, oriole* 6 , rein- 
deer, thrush* 6 , wolf. (Bower) 4 , (bugle) 4 , crown, (mar- 
ket) 4 . Angel, fairy, king, queen, (robbers) 4 . 

4: N.W-25; T.W.=43. 

Armadillo, :( badger), crab, crocodile, (ferret), giraffe, 
hedgehog, jackal, kangaroo, porcupine, spider monkey, 
whale, wild-cat, zebra. (Pot). Dragon, dwarf, (enemy) 6 , 
giants, (heaven) 5 , (shepherd), (spirit) 6 , tailor, unicorn, 

5 : N.W.=32 ; T.W.=r64. 

Angel fish, cobra, coral snake, coyote, (cub), lioness, lob- 
ster* 6 , mongoose, otter, rattlesnake, scorpion, starfish, 
walrus, weasel, wild boar. Castle, (cudgel), (jail), jungle, 
palace, (stile), submarine, throne, (trumpet). Devils, 
(ghost), (magician), (mayor), ogre, princess, volcano, 
war. / 

6: N.W-35.: T.W.=8o\ 

Beaver, bighorn, chuck-will's widow, copperhead, dolphin, 
elephant bird, Gila monster, heron, leopard, moose, myas, 
ostrich, panther, peccary, puma, rhea, rhinoceros, shark, 
sloth, tern, toucan. Airship, enchantment, lodge, magic. 
shield, tepee. Army, attendants, battle, champion, hero, 
imps, knight, mermaid, settlers. 

VI. Abstract, Time, Position, etc. 

1 l A, 2; 3, 52; 4, 98; 5, 157; 6, 219. 
I. Time. 

3 : T.W.= 9 . 

Birthday, day, minute, morning, night time, o'clock, spring, 

time, today. 
4: N.W.= i5; T.W-21. 

Afternoon, age, bedtime, evening, halt' past, month, night, 
summer, tomorrow, tonight, week, winter, while. 

♦These words weir learned !"n>ni real life in the years indicated. 


5: N.W.=6; T.W.=30. 

Daytime, moment, (nightfall), second, suppertime, wed- 
ding. J 

6: N.W.=6; T.W.=35- 

Half-hour, holiday, hour, instant, noon, rate. 

2. Position. 

3: T.W.=n. 

Back, bottom, corner, cover, edge, end, front, middle, 

place, side, top. 
4: N.W.=3; T.W.=i4. 

Beginning, row, (tippity-top). 
5: N.W.=9 5 T.W.=22. 

Center, curve, inside, midst, opening, outside, space, tip, 

6: N.W.=io; T.W.=30. 

Arrangement, cubby-hole, direction, file, gap, outline, 

patch, point, twists. 

3. Quantity. 

iy a : T.W.=I. 

3: N.W.=6; T.W.=7. 

Bit, drops, half, inches, part, pile. 
4: N.W.=7; T.W.=i4- 

Amount, lot, miles, numbers, (pairs), rest, speck. 
5: N.W.=io; T.W.=23. 

(Bunch), chunk, clump, deal, dozen, heap, lump, (pint), 

scrap, trace. 
6: N.W.=7; T.W.=2& , 

Group, hordes, masses, quarter, remains, share, spoonful. 

4. Indefinite. ! 

3: T.W.=7. I 

Anybody, anything, everybody, everything, nothing, some- 
body, something. 

4: N.W.=i; T.W.=8. 

5: N.W.=o; T.W.=8. 

6: N.W.=o; T.W.=8. 

5. Abstract Nouns. 

154: T.W.=i. 

3: N.W.=i7; T.W.=i8. 

Attention, color, confusion, enough, fun, heat, help, joke, 
kind, matter, mistake, name, smell, stuff, thing, trouble, 

4: N.W.rr:20; T.W.=38. 

Account, adventures, care, fault, comparison, ^ (dryness), 
experiments, (feelings) 5 , harm, joy, life, mind, (ques- 
tion) 6 , (self) 6 , (sight) 6 , (sign) 5 , sort, taste, thought, 

5: N.W.=4o; T.W.=74- 

(Accident), answer, (blackness), '(chance), custom, dam- 
age, death, ^disaster), ene rgy, (fear), foolishness, habit, 
(happiness), (hunger), (idea), (language), (law), 
(length), nature, (notion), nuisance, plan, i(power), 
promise, (protection), punishment, reason, reward, secret, 
sense, shape, size, suffrage, (talk), (thirst), truth, use, 
waste, (weight), (wonder). 


6: N.W.=6i; T.W.=n8. 

Advice, affairs, anti-suffrage, art, blame, blessing, burden, 
caution, choice, civilization, danger, desire, difference, dis- 
covery, dispute, disturbance, effect, example, freedom, fuss, 
gains, government, gravity, grief, handicap, height, hind- 
rance, hurry, lie, looks, luck, manners, nonsense, object, 
order, pleasure, plenty, problems, progress, pursuit, sake, 
scheme, shelter, sort, strength, suggestion, surprise, tribu- 


i l / 2 , io ; 3, 246; 4, 380; 5, 521 ; 6, 638. 

iy 2 : T.W.=io. 

Caught, cry, dance, fall, gone, kiss, look, pat, see, sing. 

3 : N.W.=2 3 6'; T.W.=r246. 

Am, amuse, answer, aren't, ((arranging) 4 , ask, bark, be, 
belong, bite, (bless) 4 , blow, bother, bounce, break, bring, 
brush, build, bump, burn, burst, button, buy, call [cry], 
(call [visit]) 4 , can, care, carry, change, chase, chew, clap, 
clean, climb, comb, come, cook, cough, could, count, cover, 
creep, cross, crow, cuddle, cut, die, dig, do, draw, dream, 
dress, drink, drop, dump, dust, eat, excuse, fasten, feed, 
feel, fight, fill, find, fit, fix, fly, fold, gargle, get, give, glue, 
go, grab, grow, guess, hang, happen, hatch, have, hear, 
help, hide, hit, hold, hook, hop, hope, howling, hug, hunt, 
hurt, hurry, is, isn't, jump, keep, kick, kneel, knock, know, 
laugh, leak, lean, leave, let, lie [recline], lift, like, listen, 
live, lock, lose, mail, make, march, mark, mean, measure, 
meddle, mend, might, mind, mix, muss, named, need, obey, 
open, ought, pack, paint, paste, pay, peek, pick, pin, pinch, 
play, poke, pound, pour, press, prick, pull, push, put, rain, 
rap, reach, read, rest, ride, ring, rock, rub, run, sail, save, 
scratch, see-saw, send, sew, shave, shine, shoo, show, shut, 
sit, sleep, slide, smash, smell, sneeze, snow, (snuggle) 4 , 
(soil) 4&0 , spank, spill, spit, splash, squeak, squeeze, stand, 
stay, step, stick, sting, stop, stuff, stumble, suppose, swal- 
low, sweep, swim, take, talk, tangle, taste, tear, tell, thank, 
think, throw, tickle, touch, try, tumble, turn, unbuckle, 
undo, undress, unfasten, unlock, unwound, visit, wait, 
wake, walk, want, was, wash, watch, wave, wear, weigh, 
went, wet, whistle, wiggle, will, wind, wipe, wonder, 
would, write, yell. 

4: N.W-134; T.W.=38o. 

(Acquainted) 6 , attending, back, bake, beat, begged, believe, 
bend, (blast), bleed, borrow, buried, breathe, butter, buzz, 
(concerned), crack, crawl, (crinkle), decorated, decided, 
despise, (disgusted), drag, drip, drive, dry, (dye), encour- 
age, evaporate, (explain), fishing, flap, float, forget, gallop, 
gnaw, gobble, greet, growl, grunt, (grumble), hand, har- 
ness, hate, haul, (imagine), invite, lay, learn, lick, light, 
love, manage, married, meet, (moo), move, must, nail, 
nibble, nip, nod, (order), own, peck, plant, poison, pop, 
prance, pretending, punch, punish, (quarreled), raised, 
rattle, (represent), remember, rescue, rinse, (rob)", roll, 
rush, say, scamper, scrape, scream, scrub, scuttle, seem, 
sell, set, settle, sharpen, shook, shoot, sigh, skin, skip, 
slips, sniffing, sound, sprang, sprinkle, squashing, (squirm), 
start, stealing, suck, (suit), swell, swing, (tease), tip, 


treat, travel, (trooping), tug, twist, understand, untie, 
used, (vaccinate), wade, warm, waste, (weed), (weep), 
whip, whisper, (whoop), wither, wish, work. 

5: N.W.=i72; T.W.=525. 

(Act), (annoy), (baptize), bear, (behave), (bellowing), 
blot, bound, (bubble), (bunting), burrow, butted, camp, 
(celebrate), (chapped), choke, (chop), christened, clear, 
cling, (cock), i(collapse), complain, (contradict), (cool), 
(couples), crank, crash, croak, crowd, crumple, cure, curl, 
dare, (darkened), dash, dawdle, delay, desert, digested, 
(disappear), (disobey), (distress), disturb, dive, (droop), 
drown, (exhausted), expect, explore, (fade), (fan), fat- 
tened, feast, finished, (flaming), (flashed), followed, fool, 
(force), (fretting), frozen, gather, grieve, guard, guide, 
heal, hinder, hurl, (interfere), jiggle, (joke), kill, land, 
last, (latch), lend, (loosened), match, matter, miss, (nab), 
notice, (paddle), (part), (peer), perch, pile, (place), plan, 
please, (practice), promise, protect, realize, roar, roost, 
(rose), '(ruined), rustling, quiet, scared, scatter, (scold), 
scramble, (screw), (seats), (seize), shall, shall, shelter, 
should, shrink, (sicken), (slam), (splash), smoke, 
smoothe, snap, snip, spatter, speak, spend, spoil, spread, 
spurt, squeal, (squirt), startle, (stained), starve, steer, 
stooping, (storm), strain, stretch, struggle, study, (sunk), 
sunning, support, (sweat), (swooping), (tack), teach, tele- 
phone, i(tempt), tired, toss, (train), (tremble), (trickle), 
(trimmed), trip, (trot), (trust), tuck, twinkle, unbutton, 
(unfold), (unlaced), (unrolling), (unwrap), upset, urge, 
(waddle), wander, warn, water, whack, wriggling, 
- 6: N.W.=i78; T.W-638. 

Accomplished, aches, afford, alight, allowed, arose, arrived, 
attached, attack, bait, balance, bandaged, bang, batters, 
bathing, become, began, benefited, bind, blame, blind, 
blocked, blossomed, boiled, boost, bow, breed, bruised, 
carve, charging, cheer, choose, circle, clashing, close, col- 
ored, compared, concealed, connect, consider, continued, 
copy, correct, crumbling, crushed, curving, dabble, damp- 
ened, darted, daubing, deal, decay, decline, defend, depend, 
descended, deserve, destroyed, developed, disagree, dis- 
please, divide, dotted, drains, dwell, enjoy, escape, exam- 
ine, exterminate, fear, fertilize, flitting, flow, formed, frisk- 
ing, gained, giggle, gleaming, glided, grind, gulp, handle, 
harden, hibernate, increased, interrupt, invented, investi- 
gate, irritates, itches, jabbed, jammed, lead, leap, lined, 
lolling, may, melts, mislaid, mistaken, nosing, note, num- 
ber, nurse, object, offered, parading, passed, pattering, 
peep, perish, planed, prevent, preserved, progressing, pro- 
nounce, puff, quarantined, recognize, refuse, returned, 
rhyme, risk, roamed, rout, scoop, scorched, scorns, scowl- 
ing, secrete, serves, shaded, shaping, shed, shiver, shout, 
shovel, shriek, slap, slay, sloped, snatched, snoring, soared, 
split, spun, squabbling, squalling, stir, stoop, store, 
straighten, strap, strew, strike, stub, succeed, suggest, 
supply, sway, tamed, tied, tingle, track, trapped, trapsing, 
trouble, trudge, trumpeting, untangle, venture, wallow, 
wheel, whizzing, wig-wag, won, wounded, yelp. 


I*£, o; 3, 3o; 4. 3^5 5- 4i; 6, 44- 
I. Personal. 

3: T.W.=i8. 

He, her, hers, him, his, I, it, me, mine, my, myself, she, 
they, them, we, von, your, yours. 
4: N.W.=2; T.W.=20. 

Our, us. 

5: X.W-6; T.W.=26\ 

Herself, himself, itself, ourselves, their, yourself. 
6: N.W.=i; T.W.=27. 


II. Relative. 

3: T.W.=i. 

6: N.W.=i; T.W.=2. 

III. Interrogative. 

3 : T.W.= 3 . . 

What, which, who. 
5: N.W.=i; T.W.=4. 


IV. Demostratire. 

3: T.\V.= 4 . 

That, these, this, those. 
5: N.W.=i; T.W.=s. 


V. Adjeciive. 1 

3: T.W.=4. 

All, other, some, same. 
5: N.W.= i; 'T.W.=S- 

6: N.W.=i; T.W.= 6. 


i x /4, 10; 3, 139; 4, 232; 5, 348; 6, 415. 

I. Article. 

3: T.W.= i. 

5: N.W.m; T.W.=2. 

6: N.W.=o; T.W.=2. 

II. Demonstrative. j 

3: T.W.=I2. 

Another, any. each, every, other, same. BOme, such, that, 

these, this, 1! 
4: N.W.=i; T.W.= i3. 


5: \\W.=2: T.W.=I5. 

Either, neither. 
6: N.W.=o; T.W.=XS. 


III. Interrogative. 

3: T.W.=2. 
What, which. 

IV. Quantitative. 

3 : T.W.=I3. 

All, (double) 4 &6 , few, last, many, most, several. One, 

two, three, four, five, hundreds. 
4: N.W.=io; T.W.=23. 

Both, first, next, none, whole, six, seven, eight, nine, ten. 
5 : N.W.=5 ; T.W.=28. 

Less, onlv, second, single, (third). 
6: N.W.=o; T.W.=28. 

V. Qualitative. 

iy 2 , 10; 3, xii ; 4, 193; 5, 301; 6, 382. 

1. Color. 

3: T.W.=i 5 . 

Black, blue, brown, gold, green, orange, pink, purple, red, 
white, yellow. Bright, colored, dark, shiny. 

4: N.W.=7; T.W.=22. 

Grey, rosy, scarlet, tan, (violet). Light, striped. 

5: N.W.=8; T.W.=2Q. 

(Blackish), greenish, (pinkish), reddish, (yellowish). 
Pale, (pure), spotted. 

6: N.W.=8; T.W.=34- 

Bay, brownish, burnt sienna, olive green, purplish. Bril- 
liant, speckled, whitish. 

2. Spatial. 

3: T.W.=i 3 . 

Big, far, fat, full, high, large, little, long, low, near, small, 

steep, tinv. 
4: N.W.=8; T.W.=2i. 

Deep, great, level, monstrous, short, thin, tall, (wee-wee). 
5: N.W.=i7; T.W.=37- 

Chubby, close, farthest, flat, front, hind, (hollow), mighty, 

narrow, round, solid, straight, thick, tremendous, upper, 

weeny, wide. 
6: N.W.=4; T.W.=4i. 

Crooked, curved, overgrown, slim, stubby. 

3. Sense. 

i]/ 2 : T.W.=i. 

3: N.W.=i 4 ; T.W.=IS. 

Cool, greasy, hard, hot, icy, sticky, sopping, soft, sore, 

stiff, sunny, sweet, warm, wet. 
4: N.W.=n; T.W.=26. 

Buttered, bloody, curly, firm, heavy, moist, rough, slippery, 

smooth, soapy, sour. 
5: N.W.=i2; T.W.=3& 

Bitter, damp, delicious, dry, light, lukewarm, oily, rainy, 

saltier, scratchy, shady, watery. 
6 : N.W.=2 ; T.W.=40. 

Raw, redhot. 

4. General. 

iy 2 : T.W.=Q. 

Cunning, dirty, funny, good, nice, poor, pretty, sleepy, 


3: N.W.=59; T.W.=68. 

Afraid, alone, ashamed, asleep, (astonished) 4 , awake, 
(awful) 4 , bad, bare, best, busy, careful, clean, cloudy, 
comfortable, (cute), dangerous, darling, dead, dear, dis- 
appointed, discouraged, dusty, empty, fast, fine, friendly, 
glad, happy, holey, hungry, kind, lovely, merry, naughty, 
new, old, open, queer, quiet, right, ready, rubber, shut, 
sick, slow, sorry, south, surprised, stupid, (tender) 4 , ter- 
rible, thirsty, tight, wide open, windy, wrong, withered. 

4: N.W.=57; T.W.=i24. 

Alive, angry, (anxious) 5 , barefoot, beautiful, brass, brave, 
(breezy), careless, (cheerful), (cleverest), common, de- 
lighted, different, (eager) 5 , early, excited, fierce, fluffy, 
gay, gentle, (grown-up), (horny), (interested), iron, 
jolly, late, left, live, lonely, loose, north, own, (precious) 5 , 
prickly, prompt, proud, quick, real, (rich) 5 , ripe, rotten, 
safe, scared, set, silver, (spandy), splendid, stale, still, 
sure, tame, west, wild, (whirling), wooden, young. 

5: N.W.=84; T.W.=i97- 

Able, active, (attractive), blunt, bothersome, bushy, 
(chuckling), constipated, (contented), crazy, (cross), 
(deadly), deaf, delicate, (dizzy), downy, (dried-up), 
(dull), east, easy, (even), (exciting), fair, feathery, fond, 
foolish, fresh, greedy, horrid, (horrible), important, inky, 
interesting, lame, (left-hand), lively, magic, main, mean, 
nasty, (odd), (patient), perfect, (pointed), poisonous, 
(ragged), (regular), (right-hand), rocky, rude, ruffled, 
(ruffly), rusty, scrambled, sensible, sharp, shy, silly, (soli- 
tary), (stormy), (strange), strong, surprising, swampy, 
(swift), (terrific), thorny, through, tiresome, true, ugly, 
uncomfortable, (unfair), (ungrateful), unhappy, unpleas- 
ant, untidy, weak, (weakly), well, (wicked), wise, won- 
derful, worst. 

6: N.W.=go; T.W-253. 

Acrobatic, alarming, ancient, apt, awkward, barbed, bold, 
bony, bound, calm, capital, cheap, chief, copper, cultivated, 
dandy, delightful, difficult, dilapidated, doubtful, dumb, 
economical, enchanting, equal, especial, expensive, fami- 
liar, famous, fit, flowery, foggy, forked, free, furious, 
fuzzy, generous, grand, gorgeous, half-worn, harmless, 
harsh, hateful, helpless, horrified, home-made, impatient, 
inconvenient, industrious, liable, mad, miscellaneous, mis- 
taken, naked, natural, neat, pebbly, pitiful, powerful, rare, 
remarkable, rid, ridiculous,, roly-poly, royal, sandy, savage, 
secret, serious, sheltered, silent, sluggish, snaky, snarly, 
sound, spiny, steel, stray, sudden, thankful, ticklish, un- 
breakable, unprotected, untidy, unwilling, usual, vicious, 
washable, waterproof, weary, worth, worth-while. 

1*4, 6; 3, 62; 4, 102; 5, 158; 6, 166. 
I. Time. 

3: T.W.=II. 

After, again, always, ever, first, never, now, once, some- 
times, then, when. 
4: N.W-7; T.W.=i8. 

Ago, before, finally, soon, still, usually, yet. 


5: N.W.=6; T.W.=24. 

Already, at last, forever, later, seldom. 
6: N.W.=i; T.W—25. 


II. Place. 

iy 2 :T.W.= 3 - 

Down, there, upstairs. 

3: N.W.=2o; T.W.=23. 

Along, anywhere, away, behind, downstairs, here, in, in- 
doors, inside, near, next. off. on. out. outdoors, outside, 
over, under, up. where 

4: N.W.=i2; T.W.=35- 

Around, across, back, everywhere, far, farther, nearby, 
somewhere, through, underneath, upside down, way. 

5: N.W.=I4; T.W.^49- 

Ahead, apart, backwards, forth, forward, (half-way), 
home, (nowhere), overhead, past, right, (to and fro), 
(wherever), wrong side out. 

6: N.W.=6; T.W.=5i. 

Above, below, beyond, deeply, hither, thither. 

III. Manner. 

3: T.W.=i2. 

Carefully, exactly, horseback, how, nicely, quickly, right, 
slowlv, so, together, well, why. 

4: N.W.=io; T.W.=22. 

Anyway, (awfully), apparently, better, busily, fast, head- 
first, promptly, perfectly, terribly. 

5: N.W.=3i; T.W.= 5 2. 

(Angrily), badly, (beautifully), carelessly, (directly), 
easily, finely, for instance, gently, (gayly), happily, hard, 
(horribly), (however), instead, kindly, (neatly), poorly, 
really, (sadly), simply, somehow, (sorrowfully), sud- 
denly, surely, terrifically, tightly, truly, (unfortunately), 
(untidily), (vigorously). 

6: N.W— 13; T.W.=53- 

Anyhow, certainly, cheaply, diligently, entirely, lazily, 
lightly, peacefully, properly, regularly, roughly, rudely, 

IV. Degree. 

iy 2 : T.W.=i. 

3: N.W.= io; T.W.=n. 

Almost, as, else, enough, just, like, more, quite, too, very. 
4: N.W— 9; T.W— 20. 

A little, either, even, mostly, much, only, pretty, rather, 

5 : N.W.=5 ; T.W.=2 5 . 

Barelv, hardlv, nearlv, somewhat, (tremendously). 
6: N.W.=4; T.W— 28/ 

Absolutely, at least, chiefly, scarcely. 

V. Modal. 

iy 2 : T.W. =2. 

No, please. 
3: N.W.=3; T.W.=5. 

Not, perhaps, yes. 


4: N.W.=2; T.W.r=7. 

Maybe, possibly. 
5 : N.W.=i ; T.W.=8. 

Of course. 
6: N.W.=i; T.W.=g. 


1^,0; 3, 21; 4, 23; 5, 32; 6, 33. 
3: T.W.=2i. 

About, across, after, against, before, back of, behind, be- 
side, between, by, for, from, in, of, off, on, through, to, 

under, up, with. 
4: N.W.=2; T.W.=23. 

Except, without. 
5: N.W,=9; T.W.=32. 

Above, around, at, beneath, but, into, over, towards, upon. 
6: N.W.=i; T.W.=33- 


i j A, o; 3, 7; 4, 8; 5, 14; 6, 15. 
3 :T.W.=7. 

And, because, but, if, so, than, whether. 
4 : N.W.=i ; T.W.=8. 

5: N.W.=6; T.W.=I4. 

In order to, though, till, unless, until, while. 
6: N.W.=i; T.W.=I5. 


i t /2, 5; 3, 9; 4, 13; 5, 13; 6, 13. 
iy 2 :T.W.=5- 

Goodbve, good-morning, goodnight, hello, howd'you do. 
3: N.W.=4J T.W.=9. 

Oh, ouch, peek-a-boo, why. 
4: N.W.=4; T.W.=i3. 

(All aboard), (dear me) 5 , ha-ha-ha, well. 
5: N.W.=i; T.W.=i3- 

6: N.W.=i; T.W.= i 3 . 



The Parts of Speech — Number of Words 

Age in years l\ 3 4 5 6 

Nouns 102 625 975 1,371 1,751 

Verbs 10 246 380 525 638 

Pronouns 30 32 41 44 

Adjectives 10 139 232 348 415 

Adverbs 6 62 102 158 166 

Prepositions 21 23 32 33 

Conjunctions 7 8 14 15 

Interjections 5 9 13 13 13 

Total 133 1,139 1,765 2,502 3,075 


The Grammar of the Vocabularies. At 18 months E's 
vocabulary contained 133 words; at three years 1,139 words; 
at four years, 1,765 words; at five, 2,502 words and at six, 
3,075. Table I gives the numbers of the different parts of 
speech at the five different ages, and Table II gives their per- 


Percentage of the Parts oe Speech 

Age in years. \\ 3 4 5 6 

Nouns 76.6 54.8 55.3 55.0 56.8 

Verbs 7.6 21.6 21.5 20.8 20.7 

Pronouns 2.6 1.8 1.6 1.5 

Adjectives 7.6 12.2 13.1 14.0 13.7 

Adverbs 4.5 5.4 5.8 6.2 5.4 

Prepositions 1.8 1.3 1.3 1.0 

Conjunctions 0.7 0.5 0.6 0.5 

Interjections 3.7 0.9 0.7 0.5 0.4 

Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 

The percentages of the parts of speech are much the same 
at three, four, five and six years. From three to six there is 
a slight increase in the proportion of nouns and a slight de- 
crease in the verbs, pronouns, prepositions, conjunctions and 
interjections. Adjectives and adverbs rise till they reach a 
maximum at five and then drop again at six yet not quite 
as low as they were at four years. 

It is interesting to observe the increase of the different 
parts of speech from year to year using the vocabulary of the 
year before as a basis. 


The Increase of the Parts of Speech 

From From From 

three to four four to five five to six 

Nouns 56.1 40.6 26.2 

Verbs 54.1 38.1 21.5 

Pronouns 6.6 28.1 7.3 

Adjectives 66.2 50.0 19.2 

Adverbs 64.5 55.0 5.0 

Prepositions 9.5 39.1 3.1 

Conjunctions 14.3 75.0 7.1 

Interjections 44.4 0.0 0.0 

Whole vocabulary 55.7 41.2 25.0 

The increase in the whole vocabulary diminishes very rap- 
idly, from 55 per cent between three and four, to 41 per cent 


from four to five, and was only 25 per cent from five to six — 
that is, the six year old vocabulary was only 25 per cent larger 
than the five year vocabulary. 

Nouns follow the percentage of the whole vocabulary 
closely each year; verbs fall slightly below it. Pronouns, 
prepositions and conjunctions have small increases at four 
and six, but large at five. Adjectives and adverbs make very 
large gains at four and five, but very slight gains at six. 

Words Dropped Oat. The older the child gets the larger 
is the proportion of words found in one vocabulary that did 
not reappear in the next. We cannot be sure how many of 
these are really forgotten. The following tables must not, 
therefore, be considered as conclusive but as only giving an 
indication of where the most words were dropped out. 

Words Dropped Out 

Numbers Proportions 

At five years At six years At five years At six years 

Nouns 57 153 4 per cent 8 per cent 

of remembered nouns 

Verbs 27 92 5 per cent 14 per cent 

of remembered verbs 

Adjectives 14 52 4 per cent 12 per cent 

of remembered adjectives 

Adverbs 1 18 0.6 per cent 11 per cent 

of remembered adverbs 

Interjections 1 2 8 per cent 15 per cent 

of remembered interjections 

Total 100 317 4 per cent 10 per cent 

of the whole vocabulary 

It will be seen that at five, four per cent is the proportion 
of the words forgotten to the whole vocabulary ; nouns, verbs 
and adjectives follow this closely. But at six the proportion 
of forgotten words to the whole vocabulary has risen to ten ; 
nouns are below this, with eight per cent, while verbs have 
14 per cent, adjectives 12 and adverbs 11. One explanation 
for the high percentage of verbs may be that identical situa- 
tions did not arise year after year to call them forth. At 
five, E. for some reason added a large number of adverbs 
and adjectives bringing her proportions in these parts of 
speech in her whole vocabulary to the highest point they ever 
reached. At six, her percentages of these parts of speech 
dropped back nearly to the four year level; therefore it is to 
be expected that she must have given up using many of these 
five year terms. 


Of the adjectives it is almost entirely those from the gen- 
eral qualitative division that are dropped out. With the 
adverbs at six years, one of degree was forgotten, four of 
place and 13 of manner. It is interesting to examine the 
nouns in detail to see where the majority were dropped out. 


Per Cent of Nouns Dropped Out in Proportion to Those 
Remembered in Each Division 

Age in years 5 6 

Personal experiences 1.7 6.5 

Indoor environment 1.0 4.5 

Outdoor environment 5.0 8.2 

Pictures and stories 11.0 20.0 

People 0.8 5.0 

Abstract, time, etc 4.0 12.0 

It will be noted that stories have the largest percentage 
of forgotten words, that abstract words come next, then 
outdoor environment; then personal experiences, with people 
and indoor environment about equally small. The largest item 
in personal experiences are the 15 words under " experiences " 
denoting sounds and actions in which E. seemed to specialize 
at five, but used very little at six. Forgotten names of flowers 
are responsible for most of the outdoor words, and change of 
environment was the reason for forgetting them. That 
abstract words and stories furnish the largest percentages is 
what we would expect since these cannot be as vivid to a 
child as those words learned from real life. The words from 
stories are naturally changeable as the stories she hears each 
year are largely different. 

As to the number of words forgotten from the different 
years, in the five year vocabulary, 24 were dropped from the 
three year vocabulary and 76 from the four year, that is, 24 
per cent and 76 per cent. In the six year vocabulary 20 were 
lost from the three year vocabulary, 76 from the four year 
and 221 from the five year, or 6, 24 and 70 per cent respec- 
tively. (Of the 76 lost words from the four year vocabulary, 
63 are identical for five and six, while 13 are different.) The 
interesting point about the proportions is the large number 
of words lost from the last preceding vocabulary. This means 
of course that the earlier words are the fundamental ones. 
But it also shows that there is a fluctuation in the words used 
by this child, that is, she apparently uses certain words for 
a while and then drops them in favor of others. This is 
evident from the large numbers of verbs, adverbs and adjec- 
tives she used at five and did not use at six, and to a less 


degree those she used at four and did not use in one or other 
of the following years. I have additional evidence of this 
change in words since I took a partial vocabulary at five 
and a half, noting down the new words I heard without pay- 
ing much attention to her speech. In this way I got 103 
verbs, 30 adjectives, 7 adverbs and 173 nouns — many from 
stories and many abstract — none of which appear in her five 
and six year vocabularies. Thirty words that were new at 
five and a half, were repeated at six. Now at six and a half 
I hear her using a great many new words, some of them old 
ones that were left out of her five and six year vocabularies. 
It may be that environment and associates have a good deal 
to do with the matter; in the winter she sees mostly her 
parents and sisters, while in the summer she hears words from 
her cousins and other relatives. This explanation would not 
hold for the difference between the five and six year vocabu- 
laries, for in these cases the environment and associates were 
very much the same. It may well be that the speaking vocabu- 
laries of adults fluctuate in much this same way. 

Rate of Learning. The rate of learning, as the vocabularies 
stand, is as follows : three words in the 14th month, one 
word in the 15th, one word every third day in the 16th, 1.5 
words a day in the 17th month and three words a day in 
the 18th month. From the 18th month to three years the rate 
of learning was 2.1 words a day; from three to four, 1.7; 
from four to five, 2 words; and from five to six, 1.6. But 
if the forgotten words are not subtracted — and they should 
not be when the number of new words learned is being con- 
sidered — then the rate of learning for the last two years is 
2.3 words a day between four and five, and 2.5 words a day 
between five and six. 

. Mistakes and Omissions. In the former paper there were 
mentioned various mistakes and omissions in E's vocabulary. 
Of auxiliary verbs she used " can," " could," " might," " will," 
" would " at three years, " shall " and " should " at five, and 
"may" shortly after. "If" was used in connection with 
" whether " — " whether if " — from three years till past five, 
but the " if " was dropped at five and a half. " What " was 
her only relative until this same age when she began to use 
" that," but she had not added " which " or " who " at six. 
" The " was not used until 57 months, " a " bein^ employed on 
all occasions. On none of these mistakes was she corrected 
by us, except on " what " as the relative 

E. learned "she" and "our" correctly, but at about two 
and a half substituted "her" and " we'er." At 51 months 
she used the proper terms about equally with the incorrect 
ones; at 53 months she had dropped the latter entirely. She 


had used "I'm are" and "more better" until 51 months but 
corrected them herself at 53 months. Her mistakes now at 
six and a half are " matter of " instead of " matter with ;" 
" it is " instead of " there is," and " tooken " instead of 
" taken." 

In the former paper E's pronunciation was described in 
detail; her progress since then will be noted. At 55 months 
"sm" was "m" as "'mell;" " sp," " b " as "'bider;" "sk," 
"g" as "'gunk;" "*st," "d" as "'done;" " th," "s" as 
"sistle;" "dh," "d" as " dat," " y," "1" as "lard," and 
"ing," "in'." At 57 months she had mastered " dh " and 
" y ;" at 58 months " sk," " sp " and " st ;" at 59 months " sm " 
and " th," and at five years " ing." She was not drilled on 

Number of Nouns 
Age in years 1| 3 4 5 6 

Body 11 31 39 57 69 

Health 8 16 25 36 

Clothes 9 41 44 57 66 

Toilet 3 10 11 14 16 

Food 6 56 65 80 90 

Eating 3 20 24 27 30 

Play and occupations 8 51 79 94 141 

Experiences 9 12 46 54 

I. Personal experiences.... 40 226 290 400 502 

House 12 106 128 160 177 

Other's belongings 2 16 22 27 32 

II. Indoor environment... . 14 122 150 187 209 

Civilization 5 45 81 128 148 

Sky and landscape 3 30 45 64 81 

Plants 2 23 80 103 142 

Animals 15 86 150 210 287 

III. Outdoor environment... 25 184 356 505 658 

IV. Pictures and stories 14 18 43 64 89 

V. People 7 23 38 58 74 

Time 9 24 30 35 

Position 11 14 22 30 

Quantity....' 1 7 14 23 28 

Indefinite 7 8 8 8 

Abstract 1 18 38 74 118 

VI. Abstract, time, etc 2 52 98 157 219 

Total 102 625 975 1,371 1,751 



any of these mispronunciations after she was three years and 
nine months old. At five she was pronouncing entirely cor- 
rectly except " noo " for " new," although she said " music " 
correctly. Since then she has attained " ew." 

The Content of the Vocabularies. Nouns. The nouns at 
the different ages were divided into five main classes and 21 
smaller divisions to show their sources. 

Percentages of Nouns 

Age in years 1£ 3 

Body 10.9 5.6 

Health 1.2 

Clothes 8.8 6.6 

Toilet 2.9 1.5 

Food 5.9 8.4 

Eating 2.9 3.1 

Play and occupations 7.9 8.2 

Experiences 1.6 

I. Personal experiences 39.3 36.2 

House 11.8 16.9 

Other's belongings 1.9 2.6 

II. Indoor environment .. . . 13.7 19.5 

Civilization 4.9 6.8 

Sky and landscape 2.9 5.5 

Plants 1.9 3.7 

Animals 14.9 13.5 

III. Outdoor environment ... 24 . 6 29 . 5 

IV Pictures and stories 13 . 7 2.9 

V. People 6.8 3.4 

Time 1.5 

Position 1.7 

Quantity 0.95 1.1 

Indefinite 1.1 

Abstract 0.95 3.1 

VI. Abstract, time, etc 1.9 8.5 

























29.7 29.1 28.7 




15.3 13.5 11.2 





































10.2 11.7 12.7 

At 18 months personal experiences loomed largest to the 
baby, being responsible for 39 per cent of her nouns ; outdoor 
environment came next with 24 per cent ; indoor environ- 
ment had a small representation, only 13.7 per cent; while 
pictures and stories had an equal proportion due to her lim- 
ited experience, for all but one of these words were names 


or sounds of animals. People were important having 6.8 per 
cent, and abstract terms were very few, only two in number 
or 1.9 per cent of all her nouns. 

At three, personal experiences had dropped a little, from 
39 to 36 per cent; people had decreased from 6.8 per cent 
to 3.4 and pictures and stories from 13.7 to 2.9. Indoor en- 
vironment rose from 13.7 to 19.5 per cent; outdoor environ- 
ment from 24.6 to 29.5 and abstract "from 1.9 to 8.5. At four 
there was another decided change : a large drop in the impor- 
tance of personal experiences to 29 per cent and indoor en- 
vironment to 15 per cent, a rise in words pertaining to people, 
— 3.7, — pictures and stories — 4.4 — and abstract terms — 10.2 
per cent — and a large rise in outdoor environment to 36.7 per 
cent. The five and six year vocabularies have carried out 
these same tendencies but there have been no decided changes 
except in indoor environment, which dropped from 15.3 per 
cent to 11.2. 

Taking the five vocabularies as a whole, there is a continu- 
ous decrease in personal experiences from 39.3 per cent at 18 
months to 36.2 at three years, 29.7 at four, 29.1 at five and 
28.7 at six. Outdoor environment shows a steady increase 
from 24.6 to 29.5, 36.7, 36.8 and 37.9 per cent. Abstract, time, 
position, etc., also show an unbroken rise from 1.9 to 8.5, 
10.2, 11.7 and 12.7 per cent. Words denoting people and those 
from pictures and stories have a high proportion at 18 months, 
drop to a minimum at three years, and then gradually increase 
in the following years. Indoor environment is rather low at 
18 months, reaches its maximum at three and then falls de- 
cidedly each year, reaching the 18 month level at five and 
falling below it at six. 

Of the smaller divisions, those that have uniformly in- 
creased throughout the five vocabularies are words pertaining 
to health, animals and abstract terms ; while those denoting 
clothes and toilet have steadily decreased. The other divisions 
though in general increasing or decreasing, show fluctuations 
that are not always possible to explain. Words denoting food 
rose at three, because the 18 month proportion was very small ; 
after that they declined steadily, at six years going below the 
18 month level. Words relating to parts of the body fell 
decidedly at three and four, rose again at five and fell a little 
at six. Play and occupations have staid about the same, while 
experiences show an almost uniform increase. 

Words from the outdoor environment of civilization increase 
in all the vocabularies except the last where there is a slight 
fall. Sky and landscape are 2.9 per cent at 18 months, 5.5 
at three and 4.7 per cent for the three following years. Words 
relating to plants show a tremendous increase at four — from 


3.7 per cent to 8.2; they decreased slightly at five, and in- 
creased again to 8.3 at six. 

These results are not just what I expected. When the 
great change in the proportions of the nouns at three and 
four years was apparent, I thought this would continue at 
about the same rate. It has continued, but at a much lessened 
rate. There are two factors to be considered: the develop- 
ment of the child and the influence of environment. At four, 
five and six years the environments were much the same, a 
village in Oklahoma throughout the fall, winter and spring, 
and the country in Massachusetts in the summers. At three 
the environment was decidedly different — that of a city in 
Massachusetts, although the child had much opportunity to 
see plants and ^animals. It seems as if the change of en- 
vironment may have had more to do with the change in the 
distribution of her words than her own development had, since 
the five and six year vocabularies are so much like the four 

Comparison with other children as to interests. Bateman 
('16) has given the proportions of the nouns under "sources 
of materials " according to my method of divisions in the 
case of his two daughters and niece at the age of 28 months. 
The personal experiences of these three run from 53 to 61.5 
per cent, indoor environment from 20 to 23.5 per cent, out- 
door environment 8.7 to 12.2; words from books to 2.9; 
people from 2.4 to 3.8; and abstract terms from 2.5 to 7.0 
per cent. In comparison to E. at 18 months and three years, 
these children have much larger percentages from personal 
experiences and much smaller from outdoor environment 
than she. 

Bohn ('14) follows Boyd's ('14) divisions for his child 
from nine months to twenty-seven months. I have added them 
up for 18 months, two years and 27 months, grouping them 
so that they correspond to my own main divisions. At 18 
months his daughter had 120 nouns in her vocabulary; at 
two years, 315; and at 27 months, 481; proper nouns are 
omitted in these counts. Her proportions run as follows for 
the three ages : personal experiences, 45.8, 30.5, 25.6 per cent 
respectively; indoor environment, 28.3, 38.1 and 32.1 per cent; 
outdoor environment, 20, 21.3 and 28.8 per cent; people, 3.4, 
2.7 and 3.7; abstract, etc., 2.5, 7.7 and 9.8. Here we see a 
continuous decrease ill personal experiences, and increase in 
outdoor and abstract terms. Indoor environment rose to a 
maximum at two and then fell at 27 months; words relating 
to people decreased at two and rose again at 27 months. At 18 
months this child's vocabulary seemed (airly typical, with 
onal experiences most important, indoor environment sec- 



ond in numbers and outdoor environment third. But at two, 
indoor environment outstripped all others, and at 27 months, 
although its lead was less, it still had the most words. The 
unusual thing about this child is her small proportion of per- 
sonal experiences and very large proportion from indoor 
environment. There may be some difference in the classifi- 
cation; certain words that others put under personal experi- 
ence Bohn had probably included under " house " and " do- 
mestic." She has a large proportion from outdoor environ- 
ment and at 27 months a great number of plant names — 41. 
She also has a large percentage of abstract terms for so young 
a child. 

Prof. Boyd very kindly supplied me with the proportions 
of nouns in his daughter's total vocabularies at three, four 
and five years and has given me permission to publish them. 


Percentages of Nouns of Boyd's Daughter 

Age 17 months 3 years 4 years 5 years 

Body 10 6.5 5.3 4. 

Health 2.6 3.2 3. 

Dress 17 9.5 8.2 6. 

Food 14 7.3 6.3 6. 

Play 10 5.9 6.9 6. 

Experiences 2.1 3.9 4. 

Personal experiences. . . '. 51 33 . 9 33 . 8 

House 3.4 3.9 

Domestic 18 17.0 13.2 

Personal belongings 4 2.5 2.2 

II. Indoor environment . . 22 22.9 19.3 

Locomotion 3 3.0 2.7 

Institutions 1.5 1.8 

Meteorology 2.1 1.9 

Topography 1 6.6 7.4 

Plants 4 7.1 6.6 

Animals 7 7.6 7.6 

III. Outdoor environment. 18 27.9 28.0 28.4 

IV. People 11 6.8 7.0 7.6 

Time 1 1.7 1.9 * 2.3 

Quantity 1.8 2.5 2.1 

Position 1.2 0.9 0.9 

Ideal 3.9 6.7 8.3 

V. Abstract, time, etc... 1 8.6 12.0 13.6 







Although Boyd's child at 17 months and mine at 18 have 
practically the same number of nouns, 99 and 102 respectively, 
yet their proportions are different. Boyd's child has larger 
percentages from personal experiences, indoor environment 
and people than mine, while mine has more from outdoors. 

Since Bohn and Boyd do not use any division for words 
from pictures and stories and also do not count animal sounds 
as words as I have done, I herewith give E's proportions at 
18 months worked out under these conditions. This would 
leave 92 nouns. Her personal experiences were 43.5 per cent, 
indoor environment, 15.2, outdoor environment 31.5, people 
7.6 and abstract terms 2.2. This does not materially alter 
my results; the main difference is that outdoor environment 
has a larger proportion than ever. 

The 17 month vocabulary of Boyd's daughter corresponds 
well in the distribution of nouns with Bateman's children at 
28 months ; personal experiences and indoor environment are 
nearly the same as his second daughter, but Boyd's child had 
more words from outdoor environment and people than Bate- 
man's children did. Her three, four and five year vocabu- 
laries show a much more uniform distribution of her nouns 
than E's vocabularies do. Yet there is the same decrease in 
personal experiences and indoor environment, and increase 
in outdoor environment, people and abstract terms with both 
children. Boyd's child seems to have had no special change 
of environment to stimulate decided differences. Her per- 
sonal experiences have a smaller proportion than E's at three 
and four, but larger than at five; indoor environment is larger 
at every year, and so are words for people and abstract words. 
Her percentage from outdoor environment is smaller than 
E's at every age and especially so at five. The chief differ- 
ence is in the percentages of animal terms, Boyd's child's 
ranging from 7.6 to 8 and E's from 13.5 to 15.5. 

Brandenburg (16) has published the percentages of his 
daughter's nouns at three and four years following my method. 
She shows a decided drop in personal experiences from 39.7 
to 33.5 per cent, a slight increase in indoor environment from 
15.9 to 17.3, and a slight increase in the other divisions; 
outdoor environment being 17.5 at three and 19.4 at four, 
people (proper nouns are included) 10.5 and 12.4; stories 
0.7 and 0.8, and abstract terms 14.7 and 15.9. She had a 
change in environment between three and four. Her pro- 
portions of words for animals and plants are small in com- 
parison to E., the former being 6.7 per cent both years, and 
the latter 1.8 and 2.8 per cent. 

Boyd's, Brandenburg's and Bohn's children used more ab- 
stract terms than did my child. 


Drevers ('15, III) divides the nouns of his three children 
at 28 months, 43 months and 54 months into " Home En- 
vironment," " Outside Environment," and " General and 
Abstract." It is difficult to make his classes correspond suf- 
ficiently well with those divisions used by the other writers 
so as to be able to use his vocabularies for comparative pur- 
poses. However these children show from the younger to the 
older, a decrease in the percentages of personal experiences 
and indoor environment, and increase in outdoor environment, 
in people and abstract terms. 

To sum up, these ten children show considerable variation 
in the distribution of their nouns. Yet it seems as if the 
typical results and those we would naturally expect are a pro- 
gressive decrease in the proportion of words relating to per- 
sonal experiences and indoor environment and a progressive 
increase in those having to do with outdoor environment and 
abstract terms. My daughter exhibits this change of interests 
yet her proportions are probably not typical for she shows 
a smaller percentage of words from indoor environment and 
a larger percentage from outdoor environment than do the 
others. This is doubtless due to the fact that she is not in 
the least domestic, but is a devoted lover of nature. 

Nature Vocabulary. In the following table there are given 
for all the ages in both numbers and percentages of all the 
nouns : 1st, the animals and related terms such as " wing," 
" antennae," " shell," " cud," etc., learned from real life ; 2nd, 
actual animal names both from real life and pictures and 
stories; 3rd, all animal names and related terms, and finally 

Vocabulary from Nature 

3 4 5 6 

I. Animals and related 1 Number. . . 15 86 150 210 287 

terms learned from \ 
real life JPercent... 14.9 13.5 15.5 15.5 16.5 

II. Actual animal names] Number. . . 18 - 75 141 188 252 
from real life andf 
pictures and storiesj Per cent... 17.6 12.0 14.5 13.6 14.4 

III. Animal names from] 

real life and pictures! Number... 28 95 173 245 338 

and stories ; also re- (Per cent ... 27 . 4 15.2 17.7 17.8 19 . 3 
lated terms J 

IV. Vocabulary from na-] 

ture: sky and land- [Number... 34 148 298 412 561 
scape, plants and Per cent .. . 33.3 23.7 30.6 30.0 32.0 


the whole vocabulary from nature — sky and landscape, flowers 
and animals. 

All these figures are high in comparison to other children. 
The three animal vocabularies are very high at 18 months, 
drop somewhat at three, and then steadily increase in the 
following years. The number of words for animals and closely 
related terms were 95 at three, 173 at four, 245 at five and 
338 at six. 

This child learned nearly one-third of her nouns from 
nature, from sky and landscape, flowers and animals. The 
three year contribution is the lowest, slightly less than one- 
fourth. This is due to the comparatively few flowers she 
knew at three. Taking the vocabularies in the summers, of 
course gets the nature vocabulary at its largest. 

At 18 months, one-half of her animal names came from 
books and pictures ; at three years, one-tenth ; at four years, 
one-seventh ; at five, one-sixth ; and at six, one-fifth. She 
has not many animal names from pictures and stories ; there 
are 9, 8, 22, 34, and 50 respectively at the five ages. The 
emphasis has been rather on learning the life about her. She 
knew 36 names of insects when six years old, and 33 fish, 
amphibia and reptiles — all from real life. These last two 
kinds of animals have been rather a specialty of hers, as may 
be seen by noting the number of particular names in the five 
and six year vocabularies, as " leopard frog," " pickerel frog," 
" milk snake," " painted turtle," etc. At six years the related 
terms of the mammals show several quite general in nature 
and different from the " tail " of 18 months and " pet " of 
three years, as " male," " female," " pest," " prey." 

The flower vocabulary is large and varied; she knew 80 
plant terms at four, 103 at five and 142 at six. 

Verbs. The child's development is plainly to be seen by 
a study of the verbs learned at the different ages. In each 
year there is an advance from the simple, fundamental words 
to those more complex and unusual. The intellectual stage 
of the three year old and the words that satisfy her are very 
different from that of the five and six year old with the fine 
distinctions she uses and the variety of actions she describes. 
That the earlier vocabularies contain the fundamental words 
is evident from an examination of the percentages of verbs 
learned each year that are not repeated in later years: 2 per 
cent of the three year verbs, 16 per cent of the new verbs 
at four and 38 per cent of the verbs learned at five. 

Adjectives. The tables of different classes of adjectives, 
both numbers and percentages follow. 




Number of Adjectives 

Age in years 1£ 3 4 5 6 

Article 112 2 

Demonstrative 12 13 15 15 

Interrogative 2 2 2 2 

Quantitative 13 23 28 28 

Qualitative 10 111 193 301 368 

Color 15 22 29 34 

Spatial 13 21 37 41 

Sense 1 15 26 38 40 

General 9 68 124 197 253 

Total 10 139 232 348 415 


Percentages in Adjectives 

Age in years 1£ 3 4 5 

Article 0.7 0.4 0.6 0.5 

Demonstrative 8.7 5.6 4.2 3.6 

Interrogative 1.4 0.8 0.6 0.5 

Quantitative 9.4 9.9 8.1 6.6 

Qualitative 100 79.8 83.3 86.5 88.8 

Color 10.7 9.5 8.3 8.2 

Spatial 9.4 9.1 10.6 9.8 

Sense 10 10.7 11.2 10.9 9.5 

General 90 49.0 53.5 56.7 61.3 

Total 100 100 100 100 100 

From three years on there is an increase in the proportion 
of qualitative adjectives, from 79.8 per cent at three to 88.8 
per cent at four. Of the qualitative adjectives, color and sense 
decrease slightly, spatial adjectives fluctuate between 9.1 and 
10.6 per cent, while the general adjectives increase from 49 
per cent at three to 61.3 at four. An examination of the 
adjectives themselves shows that they begin with the simple 
and fundamental words and progress to the complex and 
unusual, evidencing the child's development in discrimina- 
tion and power of expression. Of the three year adjectives 
in the general qualitative division, 7 per cent are not used 
in the following years; of the new adjectives at four years 
21 per cent are dropped out and of the adjectives learned 
at five years 34.5 per cent. 

At five, E. added more adjectives expressing size, shape 
and position than at any other year. At six she added only 
a few of these words and only two new sense adjectives. 

At three, E. knew 1 1 color names and four related words ; 


at four, 16 color names and six related ; at five 20 color names 
and nine related terms and at six, 22 color names and 11 
related words. All the three year color words are repeated 
in all the following vocabularies ; and all but one — " violet " — 
of the four year vocabulary. There were no new colors added 
at five years ; the five color names all end in " ish." Three of 
these were not repeated at six. At six there were two new 
words ending in " ish " and three entirely new colors all of 
which are rather unusual — " bay," " burnt sienna " and " olive 

Adverbs. The tables of the different divisions of adverbs, 
both numbers and percentages, follow. 

Numbers of Adverbs 
Age in years 1} 3 4 5 6 

Time 11 18 24 25 

Place 3 23 35 49 51 

Manner 12 22 52 53 

Degree 1 11 20 25 28 

Modal 2 5 7 8 9 

Total 6 62 102 158 166 


Percentages of Adverbs 
Age in years l\ 3 4 5 6 






Total 100 100 100 100 100 

Adverbs of place are the second to appear in the vocabulary, 
the modal being the first; they are the largest division until 
the fifth year when adverbs of manner are a little larger. Time, 
place and modal adverbs gradually decrease throughout the 
vocabularies, while adverbs of degree are 17.7 per cent at 
three, 19.7 at four, 15.8 at five and 16.9 at six. Adverbs of 
manner increase from 19.4 at three, to 21.3 at four and then 
make a sudden rise at five to 33 per cent, dropping slightly at 
six to 32 per cent. Adverbs of manner increase 83 per cent 
from three to four, 232 per coil at five, but only 2 per cent 
at six. The increase of all the adverbs is 64.5 per cent at 
four, 55 at five and 5 per cent at six. 

























The Vocabulary at Five Years. Although in general the 
four, five and six year vocabularies are rather similar in char- 
acter and general proportions of parts of speech and divisions 
among the nouns, adjectives and adverbs, still in many ways 
the vocabulary at five years seems unique. There was an 
increase in pronouns, prepositions and conjunctions that was 
not shown at four or six. Adjectives and adverbs increased 
tremendously — 50 and 55 per cent respectively, while at six 
they increased only 19.2 and 5 per cent. Adverbs of manner 
increased 232 per cent at five and 2 per cent at six. There 
are nine epithets applied to animals, — a new development that 
year — four of which were dropped by six and no more were 
added. At five she used 27 new words denoting sounds and 
actions, — only two having been in the previous vocabularies — 
but at six she dropped 15 of these words and only added 

It is^ difficult to find an explanation for these tendencies. 
For the two months before I began to collect her five year 
vocabulary, she had been exceedingly imaginative spending 
most of her mental energies on the marvelous doings of two 
animals she had invented. The other imaginative periods have 
occurred in the winter and were over and done with four or 
five months before her vocabularies were collected. When 
she came to Massachusetts, the new interests, the many people 
and the fascinating country made her quickly forget the imag- 
inary animals. Is it possible that the great development of 
the imagination just before five and then its sudden diversion 
can be correlated with the above mentioned tendencies in 
language; the interest in adjectives and adverbs, in epithets 
and in words denoting sounds and actions, in short — in de- 
scriptive terms? It might be that although her thoughts were 
no longer imaginative yet her speech was still so to some 

The Understood Vocabulary. Feeling that no matter how 
faithfully I listened to my child's conversation, that I was 
not doing her justice in the matter of her six year old vocabu- 
lary, I tried to get some indication of the number of words 
she understood by using the dictionary. I asked her whether 
she knew what the words meant on 40 pages taken at random 
of Webster's Secondary School Dictionary, American Book 
Co. This was five per cent of the total number of pages. 
I wished to get more data, but she disliked so much being 
made a psychological subject, that it was only through much 
persuasion that I was enabled to .examine her on 40 pages. 
I did not count any words that would have been excluded 
from the record of her spoken vocabulary, irregular parts of 
verbs, proper nouns, etc. She knew from two to 19 words 



on a page, the average being 6.2. Since there were 790 pages 
in the dictionary, this would give 4,894 words as her vocabu- 
lary, both spoken and understood. 

Of these 6.2 known words a page, 4.1 words were in her 
spoken vocabulary, while 2.1 were understood only. Multi- 
plying 4.1 by the number of pages in the dictionary gives 
3,239 words as her spoken vocabulary. The actual number 
I heard and recorded was 3,075 which is 164 less than the 
spoken vocabulary estimated from the dictionary. By the 
Binet test E's understood vocabulary at 6 years 9 months was 
5,940 words — the 10 year level. 

Comparison of the Size of Vocabularies. In the following 
tables of vocabularies of three, four, five and six year old 
children the size of the vocabulary as published is first given 
and then the vocabulary when counted according to Pelsma's, 
and Bateman's rules — i. e., no proper nouns and no variations 
of nouns, verbs or adjectives unless from different roots. 


Vocabularies of Three-year-old Children 

Vocabulary Vocabulary 
as reduced to 

Author Sex published lowest terms 

Beyer, '16 Boy 2,055 1,807 

Bush, '14 Girl 1,944 1,776 

Brandenburg, '15 ■ 2,282 1,695 

Boyd, '14 " 1,657 1,657 

Heilig, '13 " 2,153 1,623 

Whipple, '09 Boy 1,771 1,571 

Gale, '02 Girl 1,176 1,176 

Nice " 1,139 1,139 

Nice* " 856 856 

Bateman, '15 " 738 738 

Pelsma, '10 ■ 681 681 

Average of 11 vocabularies 1,338 

♦These vocabularies of my second daughter will be published shortly in 

The three year old vocabularies range from 681 to 1,807 
words; the average of the eleven is 1,338. There seem to be 
six large vocabularies, two medium and three comparatively 
small. E. has one of the medium vocabularies, hers being 
200 below the average. There are doubtless too many large 
vocabularies of children published to give us a fair idea of 
the average. What we need now are some small vocabularies. 

There seem to be seven vocabularies of four year old chil- 


Vocabularies of Four-year-old Children 

Vocabulary Vocabulary 
as reduced to 

Author Sex published lowest terms 

Brandenburg, '16 Girl 3,061 ~~2~777 

Boyd, '14 " 2,598 2,598 

Rowe, '13 Boy 2,346 2,064 

Nice Girl 1,765 1,765 

Nice* ■ 1,506 1,506 

Pelsma, '10 " 1,278 1,278 

Mateer, '08 Boy 1,020 922 

Average of 7 vocabularies 1,843 

At four the vocabularies range from 922 to 2,777 \ the 
average of the seven being 1,843. E. had almost as many- 
words — 1,765. 

Only one five year vocabulary seems to have been published. 

Vocabularies of Five-year-old Children 

Vocabulary Vocabulary 
as reduced to 

Author Sex published lowest terms 

Langenbeck, '15 Girl 6,837 5,948 

Nice " 2,502 2,502 

Average of 2 vocabularies 4,225 

Elizabeth Langenbeck appears to have the largest child 
vocabulary that has ever been published. As one reads it 
over, it seems as if it would do credit to an adult; indeed 
probably few -people use the number of color, form, tactual 
and sound terms that she does. The vocabulary was collected 
for six months and thus is larger than if it had been taken 
just before or after her birthday. 

One six year vocabulary has been published. 

Vocabularies of Six-year-old Children 

Vocabulary Vocabulary 
as reduced to 

Author Sex published lowest terms 

Rowe, '13 Boy 3,480 3,132 

Nice Girl 3,075 3,075 

Average of 2 vocabularies 3,103 

inese two are nearly equal, their average being 3,103. 


Sentences at Different Ages. E's first sentence was at the 
end of the 18th month: " Kiss fwog," (imperative). The next 
was at the beginning of the 19th month: "Betty kiss baby." 
From then till after two years her sentences increased in 
length and complexity, but they lacked connectives, such as 
conjunctions, prepositions, articles and the verb " to be." 

21 months. Fish swim water. Flowers swim water too. 

Home, Papa (in reference to a toad she found). 
Baby catch crows. Baby feed hens corn. 
Mamma wap door ; Baby say, " Come in." 

22 months. My toe peek out. My toe happy. 

I see goat. Baby pick dannyions, give goat. 

You get more, p'e (please), Papa dear. 

No sanny (thank you) nauny keekaws (naughty mos- 
quitoes) bite me any more. 
2 years. The article " a " and forms of the verb " to be " began 
to appear. 

P'e give me a needle, I sew a fine seam. 

Is dat a mudder b'ue jay callin' her baby? 

I runnin' 'ike a butterfly. 

My bunny not dead. Bad flies are dead. 

What dat hawk doin' wid dat baby? Dat baby don't 
like dat. 

A Whole Days Conversation. At various times from 33 
months to 63 months I have taken down series of sentences 
ranging from 80 to an attempt at a whole day's conversation. 
The average number of words in these sentences varied from 
six to seven. 

When E. was 63 months old, we tried to record a whole 
day's conversation but found it impossible to write fast enough 
to get down everything she said, so that one-sixth of the 
sentences had to be merely indicated. This was in the fall in 
Oklahoma when E. talked a great deal more than she did in 
Massachusetts. The total number of sentences said during 
the day was 1,702. The average number of words in the 
1,394 recorded sentences was 6.17; therefore the total num- 
ber of words used was approximately 10,500. 

D. our second daughter, at 35 months used in one day 2,018 
sentences or 7,600 words ; the average number of words in a 
sentence being 3.77. E. at this same age had an average of 
7.18 words to a sentence in a series of 100 consecutive sen- 

Brandenburg's ('15) daughter at three years used in one 
day 1,873 sentences or 11,628 words. The average number 
of words in a sentence was 6.6. This is much the same as 
E's record at 63 months. 

Bell's ('03) daughter of three and a half used 15,230 words 
in one day, while his daughter of four years and eight months 
used 14,996. 


Gale ('00) gives a number of records of whole day con- 
versations of younger children. His boy at two years used 
5,194 words in one day and 9,290 at two and a half. His 
youngest daughter used 8,214 words at 28 months and 8,996 
at 31 months. Another boy used 10,507 words the day he 
was two years old, the same number that E. used at five years 
and three months. 

Definitions. As already mentioned E. resents " foolish 
questions," the answers to which the inquirer already knows 
as well as she does. Therefore it was almost impossible to 
test her mental development by the convenient method of ask- 
ing definitions. However one day when she was just three, 
she happened to be in a communicative mood and gave the 
following answers to the questions " What is a — ?" 

Father : Like a man who makes oxes work. Oxen work when they 
kill people. 

Circus : Dey are c'owns in a circus. 

Hat: Dat's my Papa's hat. He puts it on. 

Bed : Dey make it up. 

Automobile: We use it for to have; dat's just for to wun it, for 
Uncle Will to wun it. 

House : Dat's for people to live in. 

Window: Dat's for to have people look out. 

Shoes : Dey are for to put on my 'dockin's. 

Water: A 'pwing (spring) gets 'pwinged out of water. We get a 
dwink of water and then a wain .comes down and we put a g'ass and 
we have such nice water on a nice sunny day. 

Mother : Mudders have papers and faders have all nice sings for 
babies to p'ay wiz. 

Meat: Dat's for people to eat. Animal cwackers are for people 
when they get sick. I don't want to get dead. Wichard says, " I dead 
you." I don't want to get fighted. 

Cousin : Oh, dat's like Hawwis. 

Bee : It's a 'tingin' bee what tings people. 

Feet : I use them to walk. 

When E. was six years and four months old I was asking 
her four year old sister to give definitions of these same words 
and others. E. seemed interested and occasionally was 
minded to express her opinion. I give here the remarks she 

Window : D. said, " To look in," but E. said, " I'd say a window 
was to keep the rain out and to look out too." 

Shoes : D. — " To keep feet — to keep stockings warm." E. — " No, to 
keep them from getting cold." 

Water: D.— " Is to drink." E.— " No," I don't call it to drink; it 
wasn't made to drink. I don't see how they made water. I don't see 
how things could make it." 

Meat : D.— " To eat up." E.— " It's made to eat up.' 

Bathe : D. — " Means like to go swimmin'." E. — " I say go wading 
and swimming. You know frogs bathe a great deal of the time and 
fishes bathe all the time. Just sit in the water all the time. I think 


that would be a rather tiresome way. If you'd get out of the water, 
you'd die." 

Cousin : D— " Made to play." E.— " I don't know what people are 
made for. I suppose to make the world better. And sometimes they 
make it worse. Spend some of their energy making it worse and some 
of their energy making it better. Think of their fighting! If there 
weren't any people, think how many passenger pigeons there would be. 
People who aren't any use! Isn't it a great sorrow!" 


Bateman, W. G. igi5. Two Children's Progress in Speech. Jour. Ed. 
Psych., VI, 475-493- , _ 

. 1916. The Language Status of Three Children at the Same 

Ages. Ped. Sent., XXIII, 2, 211 -241. 

Bell, S. 1903. The Significance of Activity in Child Life. Independ- 
ent, IV, 911. 

Beyer, T. P. 191 5. The Vocabulary of Two Years. Ed. Rev., Feb., 

. 1916. The Vocabulary of Three Years. Ed. Rev., Dec, 


Bohn, W. E. 1914. First Steps in Verbal Expression. Ped. Sem., 

XXI, 578-595. 

Boyd, Wm. 1914. The Development of a Child's Vocabulary. Ped. 

Sem., XXI, 95-124. 
Brandenburg. G. C. 1915. The Language of a Three- Year-Old Child. 

Ped. Sem., XXII, 89-120. 
., & J. 1916. Language Development during the Fourth 

Year. Ped. Sem., XXIII, 14-29. 
Bush, A. D. 1914. The Vocabulary of a Three Year Old Girl. Ped. 

Sem., XXI, 125-142. 
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Exper. Ped., Ill, 34-43, 96-102, 182-189. 
Gale, M. C. & H. 1900. The Vocabularies of Three Children of one 

Family to Two and a Half Years of Age. Psych. Studies, No. 1. 

Gale, H. 1902. The Vocabularies of Three Children in One Family, 

at Two and Three Years of Age. Ped. Sem., IX, 422-435. 
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Sem., XXII, 65-88. 
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Sem., XV, 63-74. 
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Pelsma, J. 1910. A Child's Vocabulary and Its Development. Ped. 

Sem., XVII, 328-369. 
Rowe, E. C. & H. ,N. 1913. The Vocabulary of a Child at Four and 

Six Years of Age. Ped. Sem., XX, 187-208. 
Whipple, G. M. 1909. The Vocabulary of a Three-Year-Old Boy with 

some Interpretative Comments. Ped. Sem., XVI, [-32. 


By William L. Dealey, Providence, R. I. 

We confront a world crisis. Immense and unprecedented 
national organization, the cumulative sweep of Russia's revo- 
lution, have cashiered countless social institutions. Isolated as 
yet from war, public schools still express such dead institutions. 
Unless educators " act quickly and wisely in connection with 
war-created forces, they will have passed the supreme oppor- 
tunity of social service." 

Universal Physical Training 
Non-military measures of impressive educational value 
happily afford the most essential basis for military training. 
School control of " street and idle " time leaves a future citizen 
soldier physically fit, skillful, and familiar with teamplay. 
(1) Playing fields develop healthful activity in maximum air 
and sunlight. (2) Play activities liberate innate reflexes and 
thus habituate to certain reactions. Natural activity is adapted 
for orderly child growth; but more complicated series such 
as gymnastic plays, dancing, games and athletics, are taught. 
This advancing series ends with highly organized competitive 
games developing economy, accuracy and speed in essential 
neuro-muscular abilities, particularly emergency movements 
as running, jumping, throwing. These movements specialize 
and adjust to shifting exigencies in contests. Such habit 
formation is serious education, increasing skill. (3) Play 
utilizes the psychology of spontaneous gangs 1 — natural leader- 
ship and social pressure — to create social attitudes. The future 
soldier learns group action through such processes as play- 
ground self-government, summer camps, boy scouts, organized 
teams, school associations. A suggestive range of organized 
team games is illustrated in Cleveland high schools, with 66 
baseball teams, 205 basketball, 55 football, 20 soccer, 47 track 

* This study draws freely from related literature. The extensive 
parallel advances in training and service of girls merit separate treat- 

1 Sheldon lists 1,196 spontaneous organizations among 2,508 children 
(8-17) ; Puffer, 128 of 146 Lyman School boys (11-16) members of 
gangs; Scott, 69% of 490 boys (11-16). Sheldon finds 61% of 851 
gang members in athletics, 17% migrating, building, hunting, fighting 
and preying (activities allied to war). 



and field, 12 indoor athletic, 9 indoor baseball, 3 swimming 
and 19 tennis teams (1915). The satisfaction in social and 
combative impulses increases with public applause. The edu- 
cational value of these important pre-military activities is 

With universal physical training all schools must organize 
educational play. There are in 414 cities, 3,270 supervised 
playgrounds as cadres from which to develop adequate play- 
grounds. State-wide machinery would arrive automatically 
were schools equipped as neighborhood recreation centers. 2 
By 1915, 133 cities had opened 612 school houses as evening 
recreation centers, in contrast with 56 cities having special 
recreation buildings. 3 School gymnasia influence probably less 
than 5 per cent. Pools represent maximum use of small area, 
and 306 are reported by 139 cities. 4 Flooded spaces (in 
northern states) offer winter skating rinks. 5 Detached play- 
grounds may surround a school plant at adequate distances, 
supplemented in turn by playing-field and park system. Among 
496 smaller cities, 36 per cent report school grounds larger 
than 2 acres, reaching even 20 acres at Gary or Joliet. Dress- 
lar (1914) finds 42 per cent of 1,245 rural schools with at least 
one acre. 6 To freely express (for 1,000 high-school pupils) 
the traditional games, Curtis estimates a playing field of 8 
acres (minimum, 5 acres). 

Maximum use of these facilities to minimize equipment and 
avoid congestion, requires nearly uniform attendance at all 
hours. A lengthened school day and electric lighting allow 
the plant to operate twelve hours. 7 Some flexible systems 
house duplicate organizations in one set of school accommo- 
dations : relays in academic or other work, with parallel 
relays at play. 8 Curtis estimates this device would warrant 
at least 50,000 specialized play teachers. Supervised play- 
grounds employ 7,500 summer workers but are reduced to 14 
per cent of this force for the year-round. 9 

The municipality administers playgrounds in about 58 

- Cf. National Community Center Conference and National Federa- 
tion of Settlements. 

•'Thus Cleveland operates 16 school centers; Chicago playgrounds, 
20 field houses. 

4 188 cities report swimming activities (1915). Swimming is a supe- 
rior exercise for fundamental muscle groups. 

^88 cities report skating activities (1915). 

6 North Dakota therefore authorizes 2-5 acres. 

7 129 cities report 524 playgrounds lighted evenings. 

8 As the Gary " balanced load," Cleveland " platoon " or Dallas 
" overlapping " plans. 

8 To supplement schools of physical education, some 70 cities train 
their workers; 35 require civil service classification (1915). 


per cent of the cities. A centralized and powerful recreation 
commission controls Detroit's play centers (whether school 
or park property). Oshkosh (Wis.) has correlated its recrea- 
tion department with the school board. The extensive social 
centers of Milwaukee are under exclusive school rule. At 
least 70 school boards exercise similar supervision. 10 Play- 
ground associations are active in some 114 cities. A limited 
field force represents the Playground and Recreation Associa- 
tion of America. 11 

Without compulsory physical training, school athletics will 
continue to reach a mere fraction from among the best-devel- 
oped. Physical requirements for citizen soldiery will clearly 
reveal the educational absurdity of a fractional system 12 and 
sharply criticise physical defects. Athletics involve the ex- 
amination and classification of each boy, implying an immense 
extension of school medical inspection. Training requires 
special supervision to avoid unbalanced specialization, over- 
indulgence, or unsocial play. The public athletic leagues in 
177 cities illustrate this control. The Public Schools Athletic 
League of New York as a model, promotes standard athletic 
badge tests. Crampton (1915) mentioned 163 school play- 
grounds open for after-school athletics, 40,000 boys practising 
daily. Similarly, compulsory athletics of Boston high schools 
include running, jumping, throwing, chinning and swimming 
tests for each year. Such educational athletics are extensive, 
schools or classes competing as units for superior averages. 

The problem is badly complicated by the rural factor, em- 
bracing 59 per cent of all school children. Rural schools, 
local granges or even churches, will afford facilities. A special 
school director can organize the county's athletics (as in 

10 67 cities by recreation departments or commissions, or 31 by park 
boards : associated school boards, 17. The ratio of cities using munici- 
pal or private funds or both is 182 to 112 to 130 (1915). 

11 Cf. American Physical Education Association. 

12 In Cleveland high schools, 74% of the boys do not play organized 
ball ; 36% basketball, nor 55% football. Among elementary boys (over 
10), 78% do not play football, nor 80% basketball, nor 17% baseball. 
Listing elementary boys (over 8), perhaps 1 in 4 goes camping; 9 in 
20 hike; rare riding experiences involve motor cycle for 1, horse 4, 
and cycle 7 in 22; for each boy shooting, 2 do not (in high schools, 
2 to 9) ; hardly 55% swim ' (65%, high schools); three-fifths skate; 
three-fifths wrestle; only half box (1915-Survey). 

The New York City committee on recreation finds 734,402 children 
(under 15) who must seek recreation outside their homes, and school 
or park playgrounds with an average daily attendance from 25% in 
summer to less than 14% in winter. 

The total daily playground attendance in 389 cities was 814,108 (July 
and August) ; in 90 cities, 200,478 (winter). 


Hamilton, Tenn.). 13 County athletics properly culminate in 
county school fairs (Virginia) or rural play-festivals (as at 
Amenia, N. Y. ). Fresno County (Cal.) entered 1,800 boys 
from 40 schools in athletic tests, for average scores. The 
Public Athletic League of Baltimore through state appropria- 
tion, is extending track and field events to the counties and 
will standardize state-wide athletics. County administration 
(with state supervision) and consolidation of schools, are 
essential. 14 

Fortunately, New York is experimenting with compulsory 
state-wide physical education, as a model for state legislation. 
Control involves the state board of regents, a state physical 
training director with staff, and appointment of some 600 
physical training instructors. The state requires a weekly 
minimum (100 minutes) of school children; and contributes 
half the salary ($600) for special instructors. High-school 
teachers provide two-minute setting-up drills with daily class 
inspection ; the special instructors, four hours in organized 
play, 15 plus 60 minutes gymnastic drills or marching. 16 State- 
wide physical education includes medical inspection, individual 
health habits and recreational activities. Clearly less-adapted 
and wavering state programs should be integrated into a 
standard system, enforced directly by legislation. 17 

Boy Scouts and Military Cadets 
Among all organized non-military activities for boys, within 
or without the school, but one has proved itself pre-eminently 
adapted to national emergency — the Boy Scouts of America. 
This organization should therefore at once be promoted to an 
integral and prominent part of junior (and senior) high-school 
activities. It is only necessary to recall the aid of scouts to 
Ohio flood sufferers (1913), in fighting forest fire (Montana) 

13 County agents and 89 Y. M. C. A. rural secretaries tend to asso- 
ciate boys' work with athletics (1915). 

14 Cf. the state recreation commission (California). State control 
by recreation laws (28 states) as yet chiefly ensures urban home rule. 

18 3 hours may be satisfied by home or community recreation equiva- 

" ; Cf. physical training in the Swiss schools under federal super- 
vision: all boys at 8 years, 2 hours weekly; at 15 years, 1 hour daily 
(frequent military exercises without arms). Cf. in Australia, com- 
pulsory junior cadets (12-13) receiving daily physical training (15 
minutes); marching; miniature rifle shooting, swimming, running 
games or first aid (120 hours per year). 

17 Cf. the recent Illinois physical education law requiring a minimum 
of one hour weekly in all grades. Cf. Maryland, Massachusetts, New 
Jersey (1916) commissions on physical training with reference to mili- 
tary efficiency. The latter commissions recommend compulsory physi- 
cal training in all schools. 


or at the Salem fire (1914), in campaigns against unemploy- 
ment (Cleveland) or for state forest conservation (New 
York) ; or their year-record of 6,020 distinctive services to 
the community and 2,558 acts of practical aid (such as 228 
rescues from drowning). The scout motto is Be Prepared. 
In the first five months of war, over 5,000 war service badges 
were awarded English scouts serving three hours daily 28 days 
without reward. Over 50,000 scouts served in government 
offices, police stations, hospitals and relief associations. No 
other non-military activity so includes the essential principles 
of the citizen soldier. 

Membership is open to all boys but reaches about 200,000. 
Under the national council are 350 chartered councils, each 
with an active scout commissioner. 18 Leadership is voluntary, 
but of 7,067 scout masters, 65 per cent are college men (1916). 
The gang is systematized as a uniformed patrol, 8 boys includ- 
ing a leader and assistant; a troop consists of 2-4 scout 
patrols. 19 Local churches, settlements, schools, playgrounds 
provide for weekly assembly. Troop meetings are partly social, 
partly educational, and follow orderly procedures. 

A boy advances from tenderfoot through second-class to 
first-class scout. Essential tests include (tenderfoot) scout 
law, knot-tying; (second order) various outdoor arts as track- 
ing, compass reading, use of knife, fire building; (first order) 
a seven-mile trip alone, map reading, distance judging, signal- 
ing, advanced camp cooking, advanced first aid, training a 
young boy as tenderfoot. Local councils have summer camps. 20 
These activities incidental to hiking, exploration and camping, 
are equally essential to citizen infantry. 

The first-class scout is then eligible to merit badges in 58 
different activities. Thus the merit badge for public health 
includes 9 tests (such as planning the sanitary care of a camp). 
Among 14,254 merit badges awarded (1916), were 1,191 for 
swimming; 1,059, personal health; 985, public health; 882, 
first aid; 493, pathfinding; 459, life-saving; 451, cooking; 404, 
pioneering; 397, camping; 299, athletics; 232, signaling; 111, 
automobiling ; 101, .marksmanship; 39, horsemanship; 36, sur- 
veying; or 17, aviation. Such activities bringing practical 
health and skill, afford the fittest pre-military experiences. 

Scout values are educationally desirable from many points 

18 Cf. the independent Rhode Island scout organization. 

19 Cf. the infantry squad, platoon or company. 

20 About ioo camps (1915). Several councils have small cruising 
boats. The division of 5-8 boys includes boatswain's mate and cox- 
swain; three divisions, a ship's company. The scout rises from ap- 
prentice through ordinary to able seaman, by swimming, rowing, knot 
tying, boxing the compass, chart reading, steering, look-out duty and 
like tests. 


of view. For vocational guidance, merit badge tests invite pre- 
vocational experiences. Useful elective tasks include 704 
badges awarded craftsmanship, 605 carpentry, 262 electricity, 
or 205 machinery. Continuation schools may utilize merit 
badges to motivate efficiency of working boys. 

Adolescent ideals — sublimated in public service and daily 
good turns — act " adroitly, by a thousand specific habits, to 
anchor a boy to modes of right living." Scouts give concrete 
expression (as Russell suggests) to a remarkable code of 
honor, couched in positive terms from the round of every 
boy's life.- 

Scoutcraft is adapted to all degrees of ability. Scout 
advance implies the progressive organization of higher habits, 
through interesting, self-imposed tasks. Motivation is maxi- 
mum, reward following success. Electives as Snedden sug- 
gests, are short, concrete units (" self -carrying " activities), 
so that learning processes are endlessly cumulative. To Dean 
Russell, the scout movement is " the most significant educa- 
tional contribution of our time." 21 

Its activities are more valuable to the nation than much 
in the present curriculum. Yet scout troops are left to un- 
salaried teachers lacking time or training.- 2 Even in rural 
sections (so favorable to hiking and camping), it is well-nigh 
impossible to organize (as Curtis points out) through lack of 
leadership. " The order can never come into its own until it 
becomes part of the public school work and is required of 
all boys." 

As initial steps toward integration, 790 public school teach- 
ers are scout masters and school superintendents are on execu- 
tive boards of nearly all chartered councils. In 1915, teachers 
certified the school records of 381 boys as satisfactory for 
scholarship badges. At Waco (Tex.) the superintendent re- 
quested scouts to attend school in uniform. Paris (111.) has 
placed a troop in every school, with credit for scout achieve- 
ment. The University of Texas awards scholarships to eagle 

I'Yom over 6 million boys (12-17) may be withdrawn those 
now 17, delinquents, workers supporting dependents or in iso- 
lated rural sections. Under the national system of service, 
membership of all other boys in school scout troops should 
be compulsory, by state or federal law if necessary. Pur- 

20 Cf. similar achievements of the Junior Police (as in the Bridgham 
School, Providence). 

-' Russell, J. K. Scouting Education. Teachers College Record. 
January, 1017. pp. [-13, 

>cout training courses have appeared at 7 universities ( Boston, 

California, Columbia, Pittsburgh, Texas, Virginia, Wisconsin). 


chase of uniforms warrants state or federal aid. 23 Scout 
troops should then be inspected as to efficiency either by the 
federal War Department or Bureau of Education. 24 

The present inevitable mobilization of high-school cadets 
should develop a more comprehensive system of physical and 
civic education. Quickened by the war, 14,481 boys (53 per 
cent) drilled in 119 public high schools (1915). Cadets fre- 
quently waste their motivation in questionable repetitions of 
the manual of arms and useless close-order parades. As Ayres 
suggests, these drills are expensive (uniform and rifle) and 
without vocational value. A consensus of educational and 
military opinion sees little value in such tactics for early 

High-school battalions of Boston, Washington, Salt Lake 
City, Omaha or Fort Worth, enjoy a definite place in their 
educational systems. Crack cadet corps, adequately equipped 
and officered, may embody effective national service. Their 
uniforms stand for playing the game. Cadet training is con- 
summated in the 27 special military preparatory schools. 25 At 
Culver Academy under an effective military staff, cadet officers 
are selected for efficient leadership. Cadets practise in the 
field, with skirmish runs, week-end hikes, rides and camping 
trips. An athletic emblem rewards set-up and physical fit- 
ness. 26 Cadets with mechanical interests profit from drills 
with a modern battery (range finders, telephonic system, in- 
tricate guns and carriages) ; drill with a field wireless detach- 
ment; or an instructive company of engineers, building spar 
and pontoon bridges. The New York State bureau of tech- 
nical military training ($150,000) is authorized to enforce 
three hours military training for all boys (16-18 years). 27 

23 Cf. Wyoming's aid to cadets. Uniforms at cost from the federal 
quartermaster's department would prove useful. 

24 Young, E. The Boy Scout Movement. Quarterly Review. Vol. 
225, 1916. pp. 400-15. 

25 Gignilliat, L. R. Arms and the Boy. Bobbs-Merrill, Indianapolis, 
1916. 371 pp. 

26 Cf. American Posture League (New York). 

27 Louisiana (1916) authorized military instruction in high schools 
(minimum, 1 hour weekly). California awarded the State High-School 
Cadets (25 companies), $13,000 state aid (1915). 

Cf. recent bills including compulsory physical training in elementary 
with military training in high schools (Delaware, Michigan, Missouri), 
or universal physical training but local option on military training 
(New Jersey). 

Cf. in Australia, compulsory senior cadets (14-17), with at least 64 
hours a year in physical training, drills with or without cadet rifles, and 
range practise. 

Cf. voluntary preparatory courses (military exercises, light tactical 
problems, extensive rifle shooting) for Swiss boys out of school 


Voluntary enrollment has itself assumed significant propor- 
tions in our public high schools.-" 

As a rule, military cadets are actually inferior in efficiency 
to boy scouts. Since the newer high-school companies com- 
monly follow close order drills and manuals, thus failing to 
meet modern conditions, they should be restricted to senior 
high schools and attached to boy scout organizations. At- 
tached cadet troops could specialize in educational scout 
activities such as rough map sketching, engineering, signaling, 
first aid and sanitation. The scout is not a soldier, but in 
his non-military activities he is practising the fundamentals 
of infantry work (caring for himself in the field, marching and 
shooting). Sea-scQuting affords similar pre-naval experiences. 

Use of army rifles should depend on physiological age, and 
be generally discouraged for immature boys. In view of the 
educational value to the Swiss of rifle shooting as their national 
sport, the merit badge for marksmanship should be required 
of scouts 16-18. 20 At this age Swiss boys begin record shoot- 
ing, and some 13,000 are rifle-club members (1914). As a 
rifle club, the cadet troop may enjoy co-operation with the 
National Rifle Association of America. Clubs may draw 
rifles (on bond) from the War Department; which also issues 
old rifles and target ammunition to uniformed and instructed 
cadets (40). 3 ° The New York Public Schools Athletic League 
has 26 sub-target gun machines. Among 5,000 shooting, 606 
qualified for marksmen's badges, 385 as sharpshooters (1916), 
and may use armory galleries. The League has organized a 
field day at the state rifle range, Peekskill. Salt Lake City 
schools possess two complete rifle galleries. Washington 
cadets enjoy outdoor shooting on the ranges for 6 weeks 
(March- April), followed by field firing competition between 
platoons, inter-high competition between marksmanship pla- 
toons, and closing with competitive field firing for the cham- 
pionship (1916). California cadets compete on state ranges, 

28 In New York City at least 2,500 students are drilling under 
national guard officers in 17 high-school organizations ( March ). The 
guard cooperates with free use of armories, even rifles, and work 
includes minor tactics, target practice, signalling, first aid and sanita- 
tion. Chicago has ordered rifles and "pup" tents tor 3,000 cadets. 

20 Cf. the junior marksman's lapel button issued boys by the Rifle 
Association (Washington). Gignilliat suggests cadet shooting be 
fective "safety-first" instruction, hoys receiving cartridges only on the 
range, in position to shoot, faced toward the target, and at the finish 
withdrawing the holt. 

_ 30 Australia supplies over 40,000 school boys with Tree arms, muni- 
tion and instruction. New Zealand builds miniature rifle ranges in its 
schools and issues rifles, ammunition and install 


inspected by national guard officers. The National Association 
arranges school shoots. 31 

Programs may be greatly enriched by military athletics. 
This extension is the remarkable Wyoming plan of pre- 
military training. 32 Steever is adapting routine military train- 
ing to a series of national defense games, involving strenuous 
competition within and between high schools. Honors include 
uniform-stars, medals, team trophies and school credit. Elec- 
tive units are equalized (through the state office) by choosing 
the personnel in turn. There are no officers, only leaders of 
the competition units, such as wall-scaling, infantry-drill, troop 
leadership, field-firing, camp-and-field, or scholarship units. 
The school year is divided into short training periods to main- 
tain interest and educational efficiency. The complete plan 
involves 14 days in summer camp at the close of school, and 
includes training in cooking, sanitation, simple field engineer- 
ing, scouting and patrolling. Such games supplement the great 
traditional games. 

The health values inherent in camping, hitherto limited to 
sons of the wealthy, warrant such camps as an integral part 
of an educational system. Curtis estimates less than 1 per 
cent of all boys are reached. 33 The Denver association through 
camping hikes in a chain of mountain parks, has taught boys 
to pitch tents and cook. 34 The Los Angeles camp on gov- 
ernment mountain land includes supervised camp fires, forest 
hikes, organized athletics and swimming. Military experi- 
ences should be largely limited to summer training camps. 
Continuous outdoor work is basic. At large-scale training 
camps, all boys learn by caring for themselves and equipment, 
marching, deploying over difficult ground, shooting, sharing 
field maneuvers. Boys demonstrate by actual participation 
the elements of modern organization and team work. The 
emotional accompaniments foster patriotic attitudes. The 
Massachusetts commission recommends one month at camp 
before or after the 12th grade. Snedden suggests much 
physical and some military training for boys aged 16-18 in 
voluntary (later compulsory) camps. 

Official demonstration of the newer pre-military training 
was given by U. S. Army officers at the Fort Terry training 
camp (1916). Modelled after the remarkable Plattsburg 

31 As the Astor Cup Match and National Trophy for both military 
school and public high-school teams. 

32 The High School Volunteers of the U. S. claim nearly 30,000 boys 
under the Wyoming plan {Everybody's). 

33 62 cities report camping activities (1915). 

34 School hikes are easily organized ; 164 cities report some tramping 
activities. Shelter tent outfits are inexpensive. 


camps, though much less intensive, 1,200 boys for 5 weeks 
lived in army tents and deployed in the open air. At least 
7 junior training camps (15-17 years) were planned by the 
War Department (1917). 35 The New York commission plans 
outdoor development in after-school hours with field training 
(2-4 weeks) under national guard auspices. Cadet troops 
may utilize county fair and state drill grounds. At Culver 
Academy, two summer camps have trained over 700 boys 
appointed from high schools of the Middle West. In the 
(1915) camp, 200 selected Indiana boys practised first aid 
and sanitation, tent pitching, trench making, signaling, skir- 
mish runs, practice march and field problem. 36 The Wyo- 
ming plan is also illustrated at Cheyenne. High-school cadets 
hike to a summer mountain camp (10-14 days), adding to mili- 
tary maneuvers (including a sham night battle), fishing, hunt- 
ing, mountain climbing. The National School Camp Asso- 
ciation (New York) endeavors to maintain summer camps 
at minimum cost. 37 About 1,000 boys (average 13.5 years) 
received training at Ft. Hamilton from 2-12 weeks (1916). 
These military camps substitute definite training for idle street 
play. 38 Constructive school programs should reach all boys 
with summer training camps, military athletics and boy scout 

Continuation School Control 

Translated in school terms, nation-wide mobilization means 
school control over all the nation's boys. Educational account- 
ing must terminate its present surprising inefficiency. At the 
eighth grade, schoolmen actually lose contact with the majority 
of future reservists. 

A state board of education (Connecticut) may enforce either 
child labor law or compulsory attendance. Control becomes 
effective when the employed child reports monthly (Michigan) 
and at discharge, his employer returns his specific work cer- 
tificate to the issuing office. 89 The federal child labor law also 
stimulates universal education with national support. Upon 
this 14-year minimum the National Child Labor Committee 
can erect a more suitable employment limit, since skilled 

■■ Cf. the Junior Naval Reserve Corps affording boys pre-naval ex- 
periences (equally useful for the merchant marine) at training camps, 
such as Camp Dewey (New London). 

3 ^ The other io honor military schools afford a similar nucleus for 
assistant training-camp instructors. 

87 Expenses for 2 months, $24 (including uniform, dues, subsistence). 

:i * Training may be other than military. Cf. summer farm camps 
(page 25 < 

39 California, Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania. 


trades have no room for immature boys (14-16). Physiolog- 
ical age best expresses this child labor formula. 

Educational oversight alone insures that all juvenile em- 
ployment contributes to the child's educative process. Boys 
in part-time systems (as Cincinnati or Fitchburg) remain 
under supervision while earning a wage. Part-time high 
schools place their pupils in commercial shops for alternate 
two-weeks, weeks or half-days, and retain close co-ordina- 
tion. 40 Manufacturing corporations install similar apprentice 
schools. As distributing centers between school and industry, 
corporation schools offer advanced means of control. 

Part-time and continuation systems allow control of all 
employed boys. At Boston, compulsory classes reach juvenile 
workers (under 16) four hours per week. 41 Pennsylvania sup- 
ports state-wide compulsory continuation schools (14 to 16). 
Wisconsin requires working boys (16 years) to attend four 
hours weekly, for 8 months. These follow-up systems should 
extend school contacts to 18 years. They control under edu- 
cational management retarded and eliminated children. Fed- 
eral funds should stimulate continuation schools in a majority 
of states. 42 

Vocational schools should derive immediate advantage from 
the great industrial mobilization now in process. 43 National 
organization implies (1) inventories of establishments as a 
rough basis for control; (2) minimum annual educational 
orders to prepare industries for service; (3) enrollment of 
skilled labor in an " industrial reserve." Equipment and in- 
dustrial production are more difficult processes than training 
an army. Since industrial schools enjoy federal aid, their 
enrollments should be recognized. Vocational training in use- 
ful (war) industries should count as industrial service. Trade 
agreements with munitions industries, should warrant support 
from the federal board of vocational education. The halting 
character of the Smith-Hughes Act is most clearly offset in 
the New York legislation. 

This advanced (New York) law suggests fuller federal 
and state " participation in the formative processes of our 
national life." Under a state bureau, boys (16-18) may sub- 
stitute useful vocational experiences for required military 

40 An all-year school might divide into quarters, evenly distributing 
one-fourth its boys in commercial shops. 

41 Cf. the extensive Chicago or Cincinnati systems. 

42 Smith-Hughes Act reaches 7 millions (1925), with equal state 

43 The Council of National Defense employs an advisory council of 
seven leaders in transportation, labor, munitions, supplies, raw mate- 
rials, medicine, research. Cf. its munitions board with 5 industrial, 
15 military and naval specialists. 


training. 44 Such a law should promote day part-time and con- 
tinuation and evening trade schools ; anticipate army exemp- 
tions for industrial service ; and create a mechanism for sifting 
over vocational experiences. 45 By branding as useless many 
unskilled occupations outside industrial preparedness, the 
bureau has a tremendous offensive weapon against industries 
without educative value. A premium is actually placed on 
entrance into skilled vocations. 40 Dean cautions assembly at 
intervals lest the boys learn skilled trades for ends other than 
national service. 

Agricultural mobilization for war food production presents 
a third division in educative service. Small-scale production 
(within urban areas) is furthered by the School Garden Asso- 
ciation of America, or the school and home gardening division, 
Bureau of Education. According to Randall, 78 per cent 
among 1,572 city superintendents report some form of school- 
directed gardens, even special departments. 47 A possible stand- 
ard portions 1 all-year garden teacher with 200 children. 
Their large leisure readily allows children to raise vegetables 
(for profits) on small home areas. 

By co-operative agreement with state colleges, the federal 
States Relations Service extends agricultural education through 
1,200 county agents (1916). The Smith-Lever Act to which 
all states have assented, brings generous federal subsidy. A 
county superintendent of education may act as the county 
agent. Thus in Cook County (Ill.)» tne superintendent has 
5 " country-life directors " to supervise home projects as part 
of the regular school work. Similarly of 330 county agents, 
68 per cent are co-operating with the schools. Rural high 
schools should reorganize with part-time agricultural home- 
project courses (simple vegetable or poultry to complex dairy 
and fruit projects). Some 337 high schools report home pro- 
jects. Their expert instructors may connect up junior pro- 

44 " Vocational training or vocational experience as will, in the 
opinion of the commission, specifically prepare boys of the ages named 
for service useful to the state, in the maintenance of defense, in the 
promotion of public safety, in the conservation and development of 
the state's resources, or in the construction and maintenance of public 

45 Dean, A. D. Tools as Well as Guns. Survey. Vol. 38, 1917. 
PP- 35-6. t 

It is clear that industries dealing with metals, machinery and 
conveyances (for example, manufacturing implements and tools, sheet- 
iron work, forging, structural iron work, rolling-mill work, li rearms. 
railway equipment, engines and boilers, electrical apparatus, boats and 
boat-building and agricultural machinery) are in the elass which is 
directly Useful in the maintenance of defense." (Dean.) 
47 140 cities average separate appropriations over 
220 cities report voluntary funds. 


ject work in surrounding ungraded schools. In 33 northern 
and western states (1915), 209,178 boys and girls shared in 
club projects, 61 per cent under guidance of teachers, 12 per 
cent in profit-sharing enterprises. Corn clubs of the South 
number 62,922 boys, averaging 51.4 bushels per acre. The 
Bureau of Animal Industry co-operates for pig, poultry or 
baby beef clubs. 

School credit for farm work under educational control is 
not limited to club projects. In Chicago, 6,000 high-school 
boys (over 16) pledged to work at food-supply, are reported 
released (April) with full credit for the remainder of the 
school year. Among boy scouts available for troop gardens, 
every Rhode Island scout may enlist in war food production 
service, growing a staple food during his enlistment and re- 
ceiving a certificate from the governor. 47 For effective super- 
vision over transportation, feeding, housing, the National 
Child Labor Committee suggests scout camps in given farm 
districts or similar camps under playground, probation or 
school officers. The civil-military service plan would enlist 
(under pay) boys 14-16 for food production, with intensive 
camp farms under agricultural leadership and military dis- 
cipline. In lieu of military training the New York Commis- 
sion will accept farming. Mobilization of boys (15-18) as 
active farm workers for the summer is under the Department 
of Labor. The director (Hall) of this U. S. Boys' Working 
Reserve (Washington) was called from the Boys' Club Fed- 
eration. The Reserve is organized in supervised squads with 
adequate equipment for camping on farms. Accepted stand- 
ards of child labor legislation should be strictly maintained. 48 

National Service 
Educational re-organization will properly culminate in na- 
tional service. 49 Various boys are serving in munition indus- 
tries or agriculture. All other youth should devote one year 
to national service in any line of work (other than clerical) 
promoted by the Government, such as forestry, agriculture, 
engineering projects or army. Into this era of national service 
(extension of compulsory education) the public schools should 
lead. Local economies (at Gary) in practical work for the 

47 Cf. the Farm Boy Cavaliers of America (Minnesota, Wisconsin, 

48 With special work permits by proper officials, including physical 
examination and issue only for farms known to be suitable. Cf. the 
unfortunate authorization by the Pennsylvania board of education for 
withdrawal from school of children 12-13 to work on farms. The 
place for such children is in supervised home gardens. 

49 At nineteen years: with sufficient option that the training may 
come at a desirable stage in the individual's development. 


school plant as prevocational experiences, apply on a large- 
scale to national improvements. Continuation and part-time 
machinery, at little cost, would render some successful voca- 
tional learning essential to all boys. Finley would employ 
" organized national enterprise " in which the individual un- 
dergoes continuation training as service. 50 As a logical out- 
growth of public schools, Bourne suggests children spend two 
years in constructive service, with athletics, wide travel, train- 
ing in vocational rudiments/' 1 He asks for a new type of 
teacher-engineer-community worker. 52 A year's service in 
national projects implies some form of National University 
for " systematic co-operation " between federal bureaus as 
mechanisms of part-time experiences. 53 The Bureau of Edu- 
cation should be " something more than a book-keeping and 
essay-writing department." 54 

National activities as educative experiences open immense 
vistas in learning by doing. Their richness in situations real 
with reference to social use, guarantees effective habits. Boys 
are readily " captured for the observation and execution of 
industrial and commercial processes. The industries growing 
out of the fundamental needs of food, clothing and shelter; 
the industries, occupations and apparatus involved in transpor- 
tation and communication — all furnish practically unlimited 
openings for constructive experiences. . . ." These ex- 
periences not only offer " a clearer understanding of the 
social and industrial foundations of life, but also opportuni- 
ties for expression and achievement in terms natural to ado- 
lescence." 55 James suggests a constructive army of youth for 

50 Finley, J. H. Education and Preparation for War. Proceedings, 
National Education Association, 1915. pp. 344-50. 

M Bourne would have constructive service organized and adminis- 
tered by state educational administrations but supervised and subsi- 
dized by the national government. This dual control might repeat the 
weakness of the federalized militia (state appointment of officers and 
authority for training). At the Mexican crisis, but 59% the war 
strength appeared, 63% of even this force untrained men. Universal 
military training implies exclusive federal control. 

M Bourne, R. A Moral Equivalent for Universal Military Service. 
New Republic. Vol. 7, 1916. pp. 217-9. 

The University as a general staff or planning department should 
apply approved educational devices (from scientific industrial mar 
ment) to large-scale national projects. Cf. the Advisory Committee 
of the Council for National Defense, as a general mobilization 
Cf. staff of the army engineer corps. Cf. a unified federal offio 
public works with civilian corps of engineers. 

1 Dewey, J. Universal Service as Education. New Republic. Vol, 
6, 191 6. pp. 309-10, 334-5- 

I lexner, A. A Modern School. Occasional Papers No. 3. Gen- 
eral Education Board (New York). 1916. 23 pp. 

Cf. constructive service as the culmination of the new experimental 
school subsidized by the General Education Board. 


industrial control of nature. 56 The boy (so conditioned) 
organizes his own essential knowledge. 

Our great department of agriculture alone includes the office 
of public roads and rural engineering; our national forest 
service ; bureau of biological survey enforcing game laws ; 
bureau of animal industry studying or inspecting animals and 
meat food products; parallel bureau of plant industry; office 
of farm management improving practice; states relations 
service extending agricultural education by county agents and 
experiment stations ; bureau of crop estimates collecting re- 
ports; weather bureau; or magnificent laboratories (bureau of 
chemistry) analyzing agricultural products, foods, drugs. War 
food production includes mobilization of skilled agricultural 
labor. Civil-military service could involve enlistment for 
model farm camps and assignments to farms now organized. 
Lane advocates a war-maintenance corps of labor for irrigated 
lands, with farmers organized about its mobile machinery. 

The department of commerce' bureau of fisheries propagates 
food fishes, cares for Alaskan salmon or Pribilof Islands 
seals, studies deep-sea fishing grounds ; the coast and geodetic 
survey, precise coast measurements ; the bureau of lighthouses, 
protective coast signals ; the bureau of standards owns excep- 
tional laboratories. The treasury department includes our 
coast guard service, public health service, construction of public 
buildings, engraving and printing experiences. The depart- 
ment of the interior administers our national parks; the ex- 
tensive field service of the geological survey ; bureau of mines ; 
or reclamation service developing national irrigation projects 
in arid states. Precisely the more striking fields of national 
service involve permanent improvements as trunk roads, Alas- 
kan railways, harbor terminals, canals (the Atlantic coastwise 
canal), electric power-plants and protective forms of flood- 
control (notably the Mississippi and Ohio River improve- 
ments), or drainage of great swamp areas. 57 These engineer- 
ing projects are widely distributed, in the army engineer 
corps, office of public roads or the reclamation service. 

Educators overlook the wealth of possible vocational experi- 
ences under war and navy departments. Army engineers now 
control river and harbor developments. 58 Modern war ex- 

56 James, W. The Moral Equivalent of War. American Association 
for International Conciliation (New York). No. 27, 1910. 20 pp. 

57 With national service staff and skeleton forces, national projects 
might rapidly absorb surplus labor during depression, thus restoring 

58 As the St. Johns Drainage District (Fla.), Little River Drainage 
District (Mo.), Miami Conservancy District (O.). 

Traver suggests " on a large scale the method found so successful 
in building the great Panama Canal, namely, place the great reclama- 


pands their functions. Deployment at great depth sheltered 
from modern heavy guns and aircraft observation, requires 
an immense construction of field fortifications, by technical 
skill and tools. Engineering experiences involve surveying, 
bridging streams, building networks of military roads and 
railways behind entrenched lines. Huge government munitions 
plants should afford educative experiences (as mechanical or 
electrical workers or in explosive plants as chemists), modeled 
after corporation schools. The navy department has bureaus 
of ordinance, machinery, construction and repair of ships, 
yards and docks. 59 Naval officers are increasingly master 
mechanics and sailors are taught useful trades. 00 Enlisted 
specialists of the coast artillery include electricians, engineers 
of power plants (steam, oil, gasoline), surveyors and drafts- 
men for the coast defense. The army signal corps is a ready 
training school for mechanics, electricians, photographers, 
aeronautical experts. The corps has built high-power radio 
stations, and constructed the commercial cable to Alaska. Its 
radio companies are trained to use wireless equipment; wire 
and outpost companies as telegraph and telephone operators; 
telegraph battalions to install semi-permanent lines. The im- 
mense development of aero squadrons requires aviation schools 
teaching the flying, maintenance and repair of aeroplanes. As 
every army organization is self-sustaining, mechanics, car- 
penters, blacksmiths, saddlers, teamsters, cooks and bakers, 
make up a necessary part of the personnel. The quarter- 
master's corps afford experiences with transportation com- 
panies on transports and docks, with motor truck companies, 
and commercial experiences. The medical corps offers ex- 
periences in camp sanitation and care of men in the field. 
Sanitary achievements at Havana ( 1901 ) or the Panama Canal 
(1904) demonstrate its public health work. In fact, these 
departments furnish extraordinary service in emergency. 

The National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Edu- 
cation has assisted a tendency in the professional army to pay 
young men wages while learning their trade. The secretary 
of war (1916) was authorized to increase opportunities for 
vocational training in agriculture or mechanic arts to soldiers 

tion projects, the great road building schemes, the great Mississippi 
River Improvement and other great and much needed public works 
under the control of the U. S. Army Engineers." Cf. an otlice of 
public works. 

i. the mercantile fleet planned by the federal shipping hoard. 
Special trade schools in the navy service include machinist school 
(for re-enlisted men), electrical schools (general and radio), artificer 
school (plumbers and titters, blacksmiths, carpenters, painters), hos- 
pital-corps schools (pharmacy and nursing) or coinin boots 
(cooks and bak< 


in service preparatory to leaving; and civilian teachers may 
aid. 01 Traver has suggested an army trained in outdoor labor 
(earth work, concrete construction or operating machinery) 
on great national projects under army engineers, instructed 
in effective co-operation and camp sanitation, preparing each 
individual for normal processes. 62 Organized units with 
equipment, would shift from project to project. 63 Special 
continuation classes as in hygiene, geography or elementary 
engineering, would reinforce these useful experiences. 64 Tra- 
ver would add 5-hours weekly drill, with a possible 3-months 
intensive military training. Quick proposes the conversion of 
army posts into great army schools, operating with reference 
to nation-wide educational and industrial needs. 65 One-year 
enlistments (16-35 years) by forcing competition with civilian 
life, insure educational efficiency. 66 The Post plan would 
relate four-years enlistment to our social system by limiting 
military training to 12, 2, 1.5 and 1 month, reserving nearly 
three years for vocational training (in government shops). 67 
Mahin also suggests an " industrial militarism " which will 
leave enlisted men efficient industrial units. 

Universal service should present a level from which to 
measure educational systems on a national scale. 68 This gauge 
is " in terms of life out of school." 69 With performance of life 
acts a rough measure of individual abilities, service tests should 

61 Fisher suggests military life be made attractive through vocational 
training, increased pay, shorter enlistments, and withdrawal of officer- 
caste system. 

62 Traver, H. G. Invincible America, A Plan of Constructive De- 
fence. Society of Constructive Defence (New York). 15 pp. 

03 Among 533 applicants for service in such an army, Traver reports 
25% 18-19 years, 40% 20-24 years; roughly 20% had attended high 

64 Cf. academic instruction throughout the naval service and at all 
army posts (for enlisted men). 

65 During army service, boys should be quartered in tents, but receive 
indoor school accommodations. Civilian teachers supervise the studies 
(3 hours afternoon, 2 hours evening). Quick suggests instruction for 
the foreign-born (in English) ; unskilled boys early eliminated from 
school; negroes and Indians needing industrial training; boys wanting 
special mechanical, chemical, engineering or agricultural training; boys 
from regions lacking school facilities, boys preparing for high school, 
for college or technical institution. 

66 Quick, H. A New Volunteer System. Proceedings of the Acad- 
emy of Political Science. Vol. VI, 1916. pp. 681-6. 

67 Post, C. F. The Army as a Social Service. Survey. Vol. 36, 1916. 
pp. 201-2. 

08 Registration for service is in effect a census of the vocationally 
and physically unfit, and offers a statistical basis for nation-wide edu- 
cational reform. 

69 Meriam, J. L. Measuring school work in terms of life out of 
school. School and Society. Vol. V, pp. 339-42. 1917. 


quicken school work. " Plattsburg " is equally a measure of 
physical education and model of intensive outdoor exercise. 70 
With the healthiest outing many will ever experience and self 
care practised under actual field stress, federal training camps 
should consummate physical training in the schools. 

As a great civic movement, Plattsburg is an institution 
peculiarly American. Its camp and field mingle all boys and 
level artificial relations. 71 Boys take its training seriously 
" because they feel that it is linked to tremendous realities. " 
When made national, this socialized education will express 
equality of service. Training for national defense " is the act 
of being republican, it is the act of being democratic." If 
we are to have an integrated nation, there is a major assimi- 
lation which this civic training guarantees. In the United 
States (1910), 14.7 per cent the total population is foreign 
born. Among 493,076 foreign-born white boys (15 to 20), 
barely 11 per cent attend school. Our immigrant masses own 
over 3 million unable to speak English. Even with night 
schools for immigrants on a community center basis, com- 
munity of service should remain. 72 " We have little that teaches 
subordination to the public good or that secures effective 
capacity to work co-operatively in its behalf." Co-operative 
activities might be taught apart from their associations with 
war, but (as Giddings suggests) there is very little indication 
that they will be. 73 War alone brings adequate social pressure. 
Universal service should enable all boys to learn civic duty 
by sharing defense or conserving national resources. Actual 
participation should mean deep, discriminating interests in the 
activities of current government departments. It should afford 
a definite alignment upon which to nationalize our system of 

Constructive effort overshadows military training, but an 
army adequate for national emergency must precede service in 
non-combatant branches. " Special military training could be 
given as a branch of this service to those who were best fitted 
for it." An army of a million men would be less than 1 
per cent our population. 74 The General Staff plan (February) 

70 Plattsburg is " a generic term, which applies to all camps where 
the Plattsburg spirit and the Plattsburg method of training prevail." 
(Major-General Wood.) 

71 Earlier excessive training by women teachers is partially counter- 

7 - ii states make grants for evening-school support. 

73 Giddings, F. H. The Democracy of Universal Military Service. 
Annals of the Amer. Acad, of Pol. and Soc. Science. Vol. 66, 1916. 
pp. 173-80. 

74 A professional (hired) army other than for training or police, is 
an anachronism in democracy. The volunteer system is obsolete. (1) 


assumes within four years, a first line of 1.5 million trained 
reservists; by the close of the eleventh year, 1.5 million 
second reservists (able to mobilize within 90 days). Roughly 
580,000 boys (19 years) 75 are annually available for 11-months 
continuous training 70 and 4-weeks repetition (for navy and 
marine corps, 60,000 ; coast artillery, 20,000 ; mobile field forces, 
500,000). 77 This estimate allows 42 per cent rejections and 
exemptions, 78 with a further annual loss of 10 per cent. If 
Germany is decisively defeated one might seriously question 
the wisdom of training so many millions as soldiers. The 
staff plan can be equally adapted to non-military activities. 
Military experiences should compete with other more construc- 
tive opportunities for service. With the war's close, this 
broader selective service might better replace the experiment 
of our present military policy during this world crisis. 

In conclusion, it may be suggested that educators gifted 
with social imagination might well include in a policy of pre- 
paredness planning for universal military training and indus- 
trial mobilization, such devices as (1) compulsory state-wide 
physical education; (2) nationalization of the boy scouts; (3) 
part-time school control for all boys under nineteen; culmin- 
ating in (4) a year of national service in great national out-of- 
door projects. War mobilization should reach its climax in 
the development of a lasting national system of education. 

Wars are now fought by nations in arms. (2) At their onset, volun- 
teers are unofhcered, unequipped, untrained in highly technical warfare. 
(3) Volunteering is indiscriminate, involving workers in munitions and 
food production and supports of families, with maximum economic dis- 
turbance and pensions for dependents. (4) Volunteer systems are 
undemocratic shifting an elemental burden to the few (best). Re- 
cruiting is worked by unreasoning social compulsion or emotional ad- 
vertising; finally becoming mercenary, dependent on bounties (Civil 
War). (5) The danger in democracy is not militarism but the diffi- 
culty of arousing even minor preparedness. 

75 Nineteen years is the youngest age for intensive military training 
to advantage; with large numbers (trained 19-21), service may pre- 
cede serious family and vocational ties. The present universal service 
act meeting actual war, places the minimum at 21 years. 

76 Cf. the Chamberlain bill (S. 1695) which called for 6 months 
intensive training in the field. 

77 The staff plan provides a professional army of roughly 97,000 in 
overseas garrisons ; 29,000 as frontier forces ; training cadres (officers 
and enlisted men) for 16 army divisions; with essential administrative 
personnel. The Reserve Officers' Training Corps with divisions at one 
or more colleges in 44 states, affords an important control higher 
educational institutions may exercise over the citizen army (much as 
West Point is related to the professional forces). 

78 Discretionary exemptions include pilots and mariners in sea ser- 
vice; persons engaged in industries necessary to the military establish- 
ment or maintenance of the national interests ; persons with dependent 
relatives ; all physically- or morally unfit. 


By Louis N. Wilson, Librarian, Clark University 

In August 1914 immediately after the breaking out 
of hostilities Clark University Library decided to make 
as complete a collection as possible of the printed ma- 
terial dealing with the great conflict, and we at once 
instructed our booksellers to send us, for inspection, any 
and all books and pamphlets relating to the war, as soon 
as they were published. I also wrote to personal friends in 
Russia asking them to send us any items of interest that 
appeared in that country on the same subject. Toward the 
end of 1914 we received from Mr. and Mrs. Frederick M. 
Corse of Petrograd a few of the first Russian war cartoons. 
They were not particularly artistic but they were most inter- 
esting and attracted a great deal of attention as coming from 
Russia and as the first of the war posters to be seen here. 
Then followed the exhibition of English recruiting posters by 
Mrs. Winslow Warren in Boston; of these we purchased as 
many as we could and thus we were committed to collecting 
posters and pictures as a part of our war collection. 

In December 1916 Mr. Louis Raemaekers consented to 
design a special book plate for this collection, the receipt of 
which we are now impatiently awaiting. 

Of books and pamphlets dealing with the war we have 
received over 3,600. A few of the German books Dr. Lyon 
reviewed in the April 1917 issue of the Journal of Race Devel- 
opment (vol. 7, pp. 385-409) and the members of the Semin- 
ary in History have reviewed some of the English and Amer- 
ican books for the July issue of the same Journal. Since 
March 1916 we have received practically no German material, 
but we have every reason to suppose that some 2,000 or 3,000 
items arc awaiting the day when the war shall end and they 
may be shipped to us. But the literature of the war is not 
our present task, so let us turn to our subject. 

In addition to 2,000 of the official French photographs our 
collection now numbers 1,060 Posters and Pictures, divided 
by countries as follows: 













These are all single pictures or sheets that have been 
mounted on cotton cloth to ensure preservation, and does not 
include a large number of bound volumes of Gift Books, car- 
toons and illustrations dealing with the war, of which we 
already have over one hundred and fifty. 

ENGLAND. The first posters were issued in England for 
recruiting purposes. England was the only nation in Europe 
at the time the war broke out that did not have a system of 
compulsory military service. With a standing army of only 
200,000 soldiers she was ill prepared to enter the great con- 
flict on land and would have fallen an easy prey had it not 
been for her sea strength — if, indeed, she could have entered 
the war at all. 

Faced, then, with the necessity of raising troops and faced 
also with the Englishman's aversion to compulsory service, 
and a large standing army — an aversion dating from the days 
of the Stuarts — there was but one thing she could do, appeal 
to the patriotism of her people and induce her sons to enlist 
for the war. A national recruiting committee was formed and 
under its auspices over three million men were added to her 
fighting forces in the course of two years. Now that we face 
a somewhat similar problem we are told that England made 
a great mistake in not adopting conscription in August 1914, 
as she finally did in 1916, but it is very doubtful if a con- 
scription bill could have passed the House of Commons in 
August 1914. At that date the English were not " keen " for 
war and their own grave danger was not apparent to them. 
Even two years later there were many who dreaded and fought 
the passage of a conscriptive measure. 

One of the first evidences of the work of the Parliamentary 
Recruiting Committee was the appearance throughout Great 
Britain of the recruiting posters, ranging in size from, roughly, 
58 x 39 in. to 30 x 19 in. The committee evidently had the 
assistance of experts in this field as the posters themselves, 
and the results they achieved, amply testify. The pictures 
are simple and avoid detail. A single figure of a man in 
uniform beckoning, and not a word of print on the sheet; 
a soldier with gun and bayonet, a black figure silhouetted 
against a yellow background and only the words " Be Ready. 
Join Now." A map showing the southern coast of England and 
the northern coast of France on which stands an English 


soldier in khaki shading his eyes and looking toward England, 
with the words " Boys, Come Over Here You're Wanted." 
The figures of two English soldiers on the crest of a hill with 
fixed bayonets, silhouetted against a rosy sky, and the words 
" Don't Stand Looking At This. Go and Help ! " These are, 
perhaps, among the best of about 150 that appeared. His- 
torical figures are almost entirely absent. There is one that 
bears the face of Earl Kitchener and his appeal for volunteers ; 
another with battle ships and the figure of Lord Nelson, with 
the words 1805 " England Expects " 1915 "Are you doing 
your duty To-Day." One showing the map of the British 
Isles and the face of King George. 

Almost all are pictorial, the notable exception being the 
largest sheet of all, measuring 78 x 58 in., headed " Remember 
the Lusitania " and after recounting the verdict of the cor- 
oner's jury, " It is Your Duty to Take up the Sword of Jus- 
tice to Avenge This Devil's Work. Enlist To-Day." 

Later on when the War Loans were put out, about 25 
posters were issued by the Parliamentary War Savings Com- 
mittee and these again proved very effective. They are about 
all of the smaller size, 30 x 19 in., and are not so interesting, 
pictorially, as the recruiting posters. 

Taking these English posters as a whole one notices three 
things ; artistic merit, simplicity, and size. The aim is to 
attract attention and to hold it. In this respect the larger ones 
seem to have been most effective. 

Other posters were issued, some being reproductions from 
Punch, and some drawn by Spencer-Pryse and by Frank Bran- 
gwyn, these latter often commanding high prices as works of 
art. One of Brangwyn's figures " The Prisoner " shows a face 
peering in at the grating of a cell where a soldier is seated, with 
head buried in his arms on a table. The whole attitude of the 
figure is indicative of despair and it is a striking bit of great 
artistic merit. Many of these pictures now sell at from five 
to ten dollars each, while his " Violation of Belgium " has 
brought as much as twenty-five dollars. 

Of paintings of the war scenes we have none except re- 
productions of three charming water colors by E. Handley- 
Read of the Machine Gun Corps. 

FRANCE. Although the French needed no recruiting 
posters they have probably issued more posters and pictures 
than any other nation. These posters differ from the English 
in that they are all issued for the purpose of raising money 
for charitable purposes; for hospitals; for orphans; for the 
families of those at the front; for those crippled in the war, 
and for special collections for the Serbs or the Belgians. The 


pictorial element is not so prominent a feature as in the 
English recruiting poster and there is more printed matter, 
but they have the charm that attaches to almost every thing 
done by this wonderful nation. So far as we have seen 
there is no duplication between these and the English except 
in one case. A French War Loan poster has the figure of a 
German soldier overborne by a French gold piece on which 
the Gallic Cock is shown with open beak outstretched; the 
lettering is " Pour la France. Versez Votre Or. L'Or Combat 
Pour la Victoire." While one of the English shows a pros- 
trate German soldier under a five shilling piece with the words, 
" Send Your Five Shillings To Your Country and Crush 
the Germans." 

Pictures dealing with the war France has issued in great 
quantity, many being the work of well known artists like 
Steinlen and Lucien Jonas. There are also innumerable sets 
of a less pretentious kind by such men as Geoffroy, Guy 
Arnoux, J. G. Domergue, J. Bac, and others. 

Some of these pictures are very impressive, as the one 
showing the German Kaiser stooping over to examine a fallen 
crucifix and asking " Est-il cuivre ? " Another shows a bed 
room with a bed, a bureau, beside which stand two little 
girls, one holding a doll in her arms while a boy crouches at 
the foot of the bed gazing at an open window through which 
is seen a German helmet and a much beringed hand on the 
window stool. The little lad says, " Le v'la ! Vite, cache ta 
poupee, Simone ! " 

Lucien Jonas is perhaps the best represented in this French 
group. His pictures are excellent and many of them have 
a religious cast. One shows the interior of a Church; before 
the altar lies a dead priest, while on one side stands a German 
soldier drinking from the sacred vessel, and another sits 
on the altar steps singing or reading from a book. He has a 
number of spirited drawings of trench attacks ; one " Before 
Verdun " shows French soldiers firing over the walls and the 
German dead lying thick in front. One other deserves men- 
tion — that of a blind soldier being led by a Red Cross Sister. 
The pathetic figure of the man with his cane in one hand, 
feeling his way, while the outstretched fingers of the other 
hand, the head thrown back, and the pitying expression on the 
face of the Sister, all combine to make a powerful picture. 

Of Proclamations by the government and by the City of 
Paris there are seventy. These cover; Message Du President 
de la Republique Franchise a la Nation Franchise (29 juillet 
1914) commencant par ces mots " Depuis quelques jours l'etat 
de l'Europe." Signe Poincare. 


Message du President de la Republique au Senat et a la 
Chambre des Deputes, le 4 aout 1914. Declaration de guerre. 

Declaration du Gouvernement lue le 4 aout 1914, par M. 
Rene Viviani, a la Chambre des Deputes et au Senat. Declara- 
tion de guerre. 

Discours de M. A. Dubost, president du Senat, le 5 aout 

Message du President de la Republique, le 5 aout 1915. 
Signee R. Poincare. Cette affiche commence par ces mots : 
" Dans l'egarement de son orgueil, 1' Allemagne s'est repre- 
sentee la France legere, impressionnable, mobile, incapable." 

Notices of the Daylight Saving change of time; rules and 
regulations covering the sale of food, alcoholic beverages, 
coal, petrol and gasoline, the conduct of the French toward 
the British troops in their midst, etc., etc. 

The 2,000 official war photographs are A T / 2 x 6 in. mounted 
on mats 10 x 12 in. They show transportation of food and 
munitions; munition making; Red Cross sections and ambu- 
lances ; ruins of churches and houses ; etc. Many of these 
are quite familiar as they have been reproduced in the illus- 
trated papers and magazines. 

GERMANY. Immediately after war broke out there came 
from Austria excellent pictures of the higher officers of the 
Austrian and German army and navy. (Unsere Heer fuhrer. 
Maler, Oskar, Bruch. K. u. K. Kriegsministerium, Kriegs 
Fiirsorgeant, Wien. IX.) They are in tint and each one 
bears the man's signature in fac-simile underneath. They 
measure 11x15 in., and there are here 120 of them. They 
are a fine looking set on the whole, even to the strong, 
massive jowl of Von Hindenberg. 

From Teubner of Leipzig came a set of twelve plates in 
black and white. (Fuhrer und Helden. Federzeichnungen 
von Karl Bauer, 1914). Another set of fourteen with a 
foreword by Dr. Karl Lamprecht. (Unsere Fuhrer im Welt- 
krieg, 1914. Springer, Leipzig. Oct. 1914.) 

Later on came a portfolio containing ten views of the devas- 
tation caused by the Russians in East Prussia, with an intro- 
duction by Edgar Alfred Regener. (Bilder aus Ostpreussens 
Not. Von Bruno Bielefeldt. Bei Georg D. W. Callwey, 
Munchen.) Showing ruined homes and desolation. Will they 
ever give to the world pictures of the desolation they have 
caused in Belgium, France, Serbia, and Roumania. 

Another set is "Aus Galizien und Polen " 14 Steinzeich- 
nungen vom ostlichen KriegssclKiuplatz, von Max Buchever. 
E. Reinhardt, Munchen. There is another series; (1914-1915 
Ein Mappenwerk mit 30 Bildern von Fritz Erler u. Ferdinand 


Spiegel. O. Troitzsch, Berlin) of which only the first pic- 
ture has been received. It is 17 x 20 in., in tint, and shows the 
German trenches with bombs bursting near by. 

Perhaps one of the most characteristic sets, however, is 
" Zwolf Kriegsbilder " Von B. Wennerberg. A. Langen, 
Miinchen, a series of beautifully drawn and colored pictures 
showing life in the Fatherland during war time. There are 
a dozen of them — a wounded officer recounting his exploits 
to two young ladies ; gay crowds about bulletin boards an- 
nouncing German victories ; an officer on furlough being taken 
out in a boat by two fair ladies ; a soldier in a restaurant 
surrounded by a group of waitresses all smiling upon him 
while a civilian at a near by table receives no attention; a 
group of pretty girls gathered about a table following the 
movements of the army on a map; a sentinel in the street 
whose helmet is decorated with flowers by two girls ; a train 
all decorated with boughs and loaded with soldiers who are 
being served with coffee and roses by a group of girls ; etc., etc. 
Not a sad note any where; all joyousness, gay colors, pretty 
girls and smiling faces. One wonders if this is true today. 

Unfortunately the German collection is small at present 
and we must wait until the war is over to get a correct idea 
of her point of view as shown in pictures. 

RUSSIA. During her earlier wars there were issued in 
Russia a large number of cheap gaudy prints of battle scenes 
with a short description of each underneath. These pictures 
sold for about two cents apiece and were very popular through- 
out the Empire. In the early months of this war a similar 
crop appeared. They represent gallant acts of Russian troops ; 
bombs bursting in livid flames and blood flowing in rivulets. 
Similar pictures have been issued by the Italians and the 
Japanese. Later came another series of a little higher type — 
a cossack driving a Turk out of Constantinople; a Russian 
soldier seated on a drum smoking a cigarette and smiling at 
a Turk who storms and rages in front of him while in the 
background are the towers and minarets of Constantinople; 
a soldier dragging by the ear a German in one hand and an 
Austrian in the other; a peasant of huge bulk playing nine- 
pins with the Teutonic cities, probably intended to represent 
the great power of the Russian Empire. 

In November 1916 our good friends the Corses of Petrograd 
sent us fifteen of the new Russian war loan cartoons which 
had just appeared there. They were a distinct improvement 
upon previous Russian posters we had received and showed 
unmistakable signs of having been modeled after the English 
and French posters, although in no sense copies: — A soldier 


with fixed bayonet standing between the walls of a trench; 
outlines of the figures of soldiers in white lines against a 
red background; soldiers wrapped in furs on guard with 
snow covered landscape; machine gun corps at work; sailors 
loading naval guns, with a Russian navy flag underneath ; the 
Russian double headed eagle driving the German eagle to 
earth ; an aeroplane with mounted gun ; a mediaeval horseman 
in gorgeous trappings carrying the imperial standard — and 
various pictures of munition works and munition trains, go 
to make up a very fascinating collection, small as it is. 

HOLLAND. With one exception the only Dutch pictures 
in this collection are those of Louis Raemaekers, perhaps the 
most important artist figure brought out by the war. 

Louis Raemaekers was born April 6, 1869 at Roermond. 
His father Josephus Raemaekers was an editor and publisher 
with an artistic bent as is shown by the great interest he took 
in bringing about the restoration of the beautiful Church of 
Our Beloved Lady at Roermond in Limburg where the family 
lived. His mother was of German birth and is still alive 
and very much in sympathy with the work her son is doing 
for the allies. When the war broke out Raemaekers was 
living quietly in the historic town of Haarlem where he was 
known as a clever landscape artist and portrait painter. He 
has a wife and three children, two girls and a boy. 

The first cartoons appeared in the Amsterdam Telegraff and 
immediately commanded world wide attention. They have 
been reproduced in millions of copies and have penetrated 
to every corner of the civilized world. The first pictures were 
not directed primarily against Germany, but against the horrors 
and cruelty of war in general. But the treatment of the 
Belgians by German soldiers aroused Raemaekers's chivalrous 
spirit and from that time his pictures have created perhaps 
more rage and indignation in Germany than any other single 
factor in the war. 

It is stated that the German frontier guards offered the 
Dutch soldiers 12,000 marks if they would hand Raemaekers 
across the border. Whether this is true or not we cannot say, 
but the Cologne Gazette, in a leading article on Holland, 
threatened that country that " after the war Germany will 
settle accounts with Holland, and for each calumny, for each 
cartoon of Raemaekers, she will demand payment with the 
interest that is due to her." It is certain that strong protests 
were made by the German Government which represented that 
such work seriously jeopardized the neutrality of Holland. 
Raemaekers was arrested on this charge and it is needless to 
say he was discharged. He found it convenient to leave 


Holland for England where he was received by the Prime 
Minister, and was entertained and feted wherever he went. 
He has received the Cross of the Legion of Honour at a 
special reception held in his honor at the Sorbonne in Paris. 

This collection contains Raemaekers' pictures in four sets : 
(1) Seven parts issued by the Uitgevers-Maatschapp. " Else- 
vier." Amsterdam, each containing twelve cartoons; (2) The 
" Land & Water." edition issued in shilling numbers to be 
completed in twenty-six parts, each part contains twelve car- 
toons in colors and facing each picture is a page of text con- 
tributed by eminent English and French writers; (3) " The 
Great War." A Neutral's Indictment. One hundred cartoons 
by Louis Raemaekers. With an appreciation by H. Perry 
Robinson and Descriptive notes by E. Garnett, London. The 
Fine Art Society, Ltd. 1916; (4) One hundred and forty-two 
colored pictures 11 x 15 in., mounted on cardboard 15 x22 in. 

The originals have brought high prices for war charities 
and are owned largely by wealthy collectors and Art Museums. 

ITALY. The Italian posters are here few in number and 
mostly of the highly colored type. They are evidently printed 
in New York and may not represent Italy's poster contribu- 
tion in this war at all. 

JAPAN. The Japanese pictures are also of the highly 
colored, inexpensive kind, issued as " Illustrations of the 
Great European War." Each one has a number. The high- 
est number here is No. 43 which shows they have been issued 
in fairly large quantities. 

AUSTRALIA. Of these we have but seven. They follow 
the English in style and color. One in silhouette shows a 
boy scout standing in front of his perplexed father and the 
words, " What Will Your Answer Be When Your Boy Asks 
You 'Father— What Did YOU Do to Help When Britain 
Fought For Freedom in 1915?' ENLIST NOW." Others 
show, a soldier on the battlefield with gun raised in one hand 
and giving the Australian cry " Coo-ee ! " ; a soldier of the 
motorcycle corps with bandaged head, pointing to ruins in 
the distance, with the words " The Latest Despatch. Send 
More Men!" 

But the most striking of these Australian posters is a large 
one in yellow, black and blue, with the sphinx and the pyra- 
mid, and a line of marching soldiers. The text is : — 
" When the fiercest battle's ended and the longest race is run, 
When peace once more is blended with the shining of the sun, 
Will YOU feel Hale and Hearty, as our boys beside the Nile ? 
Will YOU be able to return your wounded Brother's Smile ? 


CANADA. The Canadian Posters are, naturally, modeled 
after the English, the chief distinction being that the Canadian 
have the text sometimes in French and sometimes in English. 
Looking over these as a whole one is inclined to give prefer- 
ence to those in French, although all are good. If we were 
to offer criticism it would be that in most cases they are over- 
loaded with reading matter, and copies of letters in script 
are never very effective on posters. 

There are two good ones calling for volunteers for the Irish 
Canadian Rangers ; two still more striking ones, one in French 
and one in English, with a single soldier in the foreground and 
a Union Jack as a background were issued by the Gazette 
Co. Ltd. of Montreal early in the war, and have not been 
surpassed by any of the later issues. 

On looking over the collection as a whole one notices that 
the posters of each nation stand out as distinctly different 
from the rest, except in the case of the crude, highly colored 
sheets issued in Italy, Japan and Russia, to which reference 
has already been made. 

Some think the poster the best form of advertising and hold 
that the billboard, suitably located and controlled, might be 
raised to the dignity of a civic and national asset. Be this as it 
may, such a collection as is here gathered together is well 
worth careful study. 


' By C. A. Lyford, St. Lawrence University- 
It is easy to read a lecture from prepared notes. It is better 
to know the subject well enough so one can stand before his 
class and construct the presentation as he proceeds. If one 
is indulging in constructive thought himself, he is more likely 
to lead his students through the argument in a logical manner. 
By the expression upon one's face, and the occasional hesita- 
tion caused by the search for a proper expression, or by the 
motion of the hand or head which tells of a satisfactory round- 
ing up of ideas preparatory to formulating in a sentence, the 
student is not only carried on by the train of thought as it 
unfolds, but is aided in other ways as well. He has oppor- 
tunity to do a little thinking himself. He may occasionally 
have opportunity to anticipate. Indeed he is, without being 
aware of it, encouraged to anticipate ; and what is anticipation 
under such conditions but constructive thought and invention. 
His inventions are quite likely to be along the proper path, 
and any incorrect invention is immediately corrected as the 
instructor proceeds. Cannot the lecture be made a presenta- 
tion of a problem so that to follow the trend of thought will 
awaken a little of the spirit of research in the young student? 
Many lectures to college students are mere statements of facts 
and ideas so rapidly spoken that the listener can neither recon- 
struct the thought nor preserve the form as notes. If the 
lecture can be made the presentation and solution of a problem 
is not the student who listens virtually solving what to him 
is a little piece of research ? Is there much more to be desired 
than to instill in our students a little of the spirit of inquiry? 
It is the belief of the writer that the lecture may, from the 
standpoint of the student, be the source of ideas or facts, or 
of both, which may take the place to some extent of actual 
experience to be gained only slowly in the laboratory or the 
world at large, and that these facts or ideas should be so 
arrayed before the student that he is practically bound to work 
out the train of thought himself, and to construct his own 
conclusion or theory with the feeling that he has been win- 
ning from the field of the unknown or the unassimilated some- 
thing definite and objective which he can call his own. Ideally 
the lecture should not be used as it is so often as merely a 


source for information which can be equally well gained from 
books. The chief object should be to vitalize the subject by 
giving the student opportunity and incentive to exercise his 
mind in company with that of the instructor. If the mind 
is not literally exercised the time has been largely thrown 
away. The writer has known a couple of young instructors 
whose lectures were merely repetitions of the text. The stu- 
dents were supposed to put a few hours a week upon the 
study of the text, but they soon found this unnecessary. 

The lecturer should work before his class as an expert 
artist works upon his sculpture or his painting. If one wished 
to study sculpture from Rodin would he merely ask the artist 
to show him all the pieces he had ever chiselled out, or would 
he not more likely ask to be allowed to stand by the worker's 
side while he worked? The real student would attempt to 
anticipate the master's next move and would try to see the 
reason for it when the move was made. If conditions would 
permit, the student would certainly like to work side by side 
with the master upon the same piece. That man is the best 
lecturer who gives the greatest opportunity to his students for 
accompanying him in real constructive reasoning. Bagley has 
used the term " artistry " in connection with the thought that 
a teacher should teach as though what he is engaged in is the 
greatest achievement in life. Certainly judging from experi- 
ence, it should be rated quite an achievement when a teacher 
can stand before a class of students and make sure that 
each and every one understands what he has been driving at. 
A teacher who is not conscious of great effort every time he 
stands before his class cannot possess the spirit of artistry 
and he is no better than a book. 

One may recognize two sorts of lecture ; one whose aim is 
to bring the lecturer's view before his hearers, or to recount 
some experience of travel or bit of observation ; the other 
of more academic nature whose object should not be primarily 
to impart knowledge but to serve as an example of exposition 
of the ni ct hod of attack and solution of a problem. It would 
follow from the argument that the lecture should not be 
employed for academic purposes in subjects which do not 
lend themselves to exposition in a constructive or evolutionary 
manner. It may be said that there is a kind of reciprocal 
relation between the ideal lecture or demonstration and the 
recitation. In the lecture the teacher should do most of the 
talking and the student should accomplish at least a minimum 

of constructive thought; while in the recitation the instructor 

subordinates himself and the student docs most of the talking 
while his mind is actively engaged not in recalling things 
from memory, but in carefully working out his argument as he 


proceeds. The writer frequently encounters students who 
lose all power of thought the instant the first word is uttered. 
This is because most students have in their earlier schooling 
come to regard a recitation as successful only if they are able 
to come to class anticipating every possible question and are 
able to go off at the pull of the trigger, stopping only when 
the force of the pent-up charge is spent or upon interruption 
by the instructor. Such students say a lot in a short time if 
let alone, but much of what they say is of no value ; they 
might spend half the time thinking and half the time talking 
and get better results, but the thought of thought frightens 
them much as the feeling of water rising over one's face 
frightens the novitiate swimmer as he tries to float in the 
water. In such subjects as do not lend themselves to the 
proper lecture method, or in certain parts of other subjects, 
the lecture should be thrown aside and the unadulterated 
recitation should be used based upon text and collateral study 
of any sort available, whether laboratory work or further 
reading. During a recitation an instructor will have plenty of 
opportunity to make sure that no points go by improperly 
understood, and at such times he would be justified in giving 
a few moments to explanatory or descriptive discussion. Any 
thing that may be done to ensure that the student finally 
understands the subject matter at hand is legitimate, but to 
lecture simply because in this way it is easier to be sure that 
the student has been over the ground, or because it is easier 
for the student to sit and be amused than for him to study 
is not justification. If by the time a student is in college 
he may not be counted upon to cover the ground he is not fit 
to be in college. It is another matter that he may not entirely 
understand every little point upon his first reading, for this 
may be dealt with through the medium of the constructive 
lecture and the recitation. It is the belief of the writer that 
some of us are tempted to use the recitation not so much for 
the benefit of the student as for the purpose of getting by 
purely mechanical means a basis for estimating his intellectual 
level. This may be quite as closely approximated through 
mental estimate by the instructor upon daily contact with the 
student supplemented by occasional written tests. 

To illustrate the writer's conception of the way to make 
use of the lecture a concrete case will be considered. In the 
science of chemistry the purely descriptive lecture should find 
very little place. If a student cannot understand a purely 
descriptive matter by reading he cannot do so by hearing it. 
Of course no lecture on such a subject can be given without 
the descriptive element entering to some degree. A lecture 
upon aluminium and its compounds which merely recounts 


the facts concerning a certain set scheme of topics such as 
" the element and its occurrence — properties — preparation — 
uses — aluminium oxide and hydroxide — salts of aluminium — 
earthenware," etc., never appealed to the writer either as stu- 
dent or teacher as an especially inspiring attempt to awaken 
interest in the pursuit of the science. The students should 
study such topics from the text and in the laboratory only 
after a thorough introduction in the theoretical aspects based 
upon the place of the element in the Periodic Classification 
and a proper exposition of the working value of the Electro- 
motive Series, the Dissociation Theory and the Mass Law as 
they pertain to the strengths of acids and bases, hydrolysis, 
etc. The student finds described in his text the iron sulphides 
and carbonate. He may not find any reference to aluminium 
sulphide and carbonate, and he thinks the book is incomplete 
and desires to find a book which describes all compounds. He 
has not been taught the fundamentals of the science. If he 
had been, he would realize that the reason why elementary 
books sometimes make no reference to such compounds is 
that under the conditions of laboratory experience those com- 
pounds are not encountered. Moreover he would know the 
reasons why they are not encountered, and perhaps when he 
takes up the study of analytical chemistry he could under- 
stand why ammonium sulphide precipitates iron sulphide and 
aluminium hydroxide together and not both as sulphides. A 
set of descriptive lectures is positive in its information so 
far as it goes, but it does not explain the hyatuses and 
omissions. In other words, the student escapes without be- 
coming aware of the limitations of experience and procedure 
in scientific work. The term " descriptive chemistry " might 
be dropped from the college curriculum and some better one 
substituted. Perhaps a different title for the course, one with 
a little more suggestion of the dynamic, might cause an un- 
conscious effect upon the instructor which would gradually 
lift him out of the rut of simple description, and give him 
some incentive to work his own mind a little. Example has a 
certain pedagogic value even with college students, and a dis- 
sipating imitation is always more easily excited than creative 
imitation is. 

Though the question of the relative pedagogic values of a 
purely lecture course introduction to a science like chemistry 
and a mixed laboratory — recitation introduction is not germane 
to the original thought that prompted the writing of this paper, 
the writer cannot forego making a few remarks concerning 
beginning the subject of chemistry by the purely lecture 
method. In academic circles one soon becomes aware of the 
existence of two armed camps. One of these usually appears 


to be a little more on the defensive than the other. One is 
a little afraid of the other, and the other doesn't care enough 
for the booty to make an assault on the first, for it believes 
it sees things going favorably for its interests. I refer of 
course to the classical camp and the scientist camp. Many 
well educated people have studied Latin, History, Philosophy, 
Ethics and Theology, and perhaps have had some " lecture 
courses in science." Such people took the lecture courses in 
science in just the same way they did their letters courses. 
The exercise of the memory is the chief aid in gaining such 
an education. How many are the men whose education is 
based almost entirely upon the things of the past or the empty 
speculations of the future. How many are the ministers whose 
sole preparation in any subject calculated to teach methods 
and practice of physical precision was gained by the same 
method that imparted to them their training in Hebrew and 
theology. Many ministers have become college presidents. 
Believed to be leaders in the educational world, they are more 
often hustlers for money. It is difficult to believe that one 
whose education has been gained almost entirely without 
exercise of the physiological senses of perception can possess 
the power of apperception to a degree sufficient to sympathize 
with the recent trend in education as it is being worked out 
by pedagogues of laboratory training in daily contact with 
students. The champion of the Classics must claim either 
that an education may be satisfactorily obtained without the 
coordinating development of the primary senses, or else that 
the study of the Classics does train all the perceptive senses 
equally well as the laboratory studies do. The scientist has 
the feeling that a real education, one which equips the student 
to meet the new problems of the future, can be obtained only 
through training of the perceptive senses, in observation, in 
construction, in formulation of ideas, and finally in lucid 
statement of the thoughts which have actually been engendered 
as the result of his experience. Elementary laboratory exer- 
cises are the experiences of the young beginner. If we take 
them away do we not lower the educational ideal of the 
scientist to the memory level as typified in classical study? 
Without attempting to cast a deciding vote in favor of either 
camp it may be said, however, that it is a shame for a scientist 
to think he is teaching science to beginning students when he 
gives a semester's time to a course of lectures in " Descriptive 
Chemistry," especially if no laboratory experience be given. 
It is a shame if for no other reason than that he is throwing 
away the only distinct advantage over the Classics claimed 
for science studies in the educational equipment of the student. 
The thoughts expressed above represent an ideal concern- 


ing the lecture method toward which the writer has always 
looked. He has never attained that ideal, but has more nearly- 
approached it when working with adequate facilities than 
when shifting along without them. In many institutions there 
are three men doing the work that two might do if provided 
with proper material facilities and conveniences. Trustees 
and presidents sometimes appear to think it better economy 
to wear out their teachers and get poor results than to spend 
a little more on equipment and produce the conditions for a 
much more satisfactory academic atmosphere. Doubtless it 
is in some cases lack of proper equipment that tempts the 
college teacher of science to overdo the lecture method of 
instruction and indulge in pure book description into the 


By Archibald G. Peaks, New York University 

I. What Ought to be Done? 

The question of what ought to be done in education, is 
largely concerned with the aim of education. Since the neces- 
sity of educating the rising generation became a conscious 
problem in the world, the question of " What Ought to be 
Done " has dominated the thought of rulers, philosophers, and 
ethical, social and religious workers everywhere. For Con- 
fucius, education had two aims, (i) to develop character, 
and (2) to preserve social stability, and the means he employed 
was a great mass of ethical and social teachings covering 
every possible action of the individual, and practically every 
possible occasion which could arise. Thus each generation 
exactly imitated the previous generation in the minutest details 
of ethical and social conduct, and social stability was obtained 
at the expense of progress. 

' For the Ancient Egyptians and the Hindoos the practical 
considerations of Caste gave the aim, and the various classes 
of society were accordingly instructed in their several rights 
and duties. Among the Jews, and throughout Europe in the 
Middle Ages, the religious aim was dominant, hence education 
was largely religious in character. The ancient Athenian edu- 
cation was fashioned in accordance with its ideals of har- 
mony, beauty, and symmetry, while that of the Spartans was 
necessitated by the practical considerations involved in keep- 
ing its conquered peoples in subjection. Both of these peoples 
adapted the means to the attainment of these diverse ends, 
hence the contrast between the educational practice in Athens 
and that in Sparta. 

In our own time, many attempts have been made to influ- 
ence the public schools by those who urge changes in them 
for practical reasons. In our country any one who urges the 
making of our education more practical can get a hearing 
at any time or place, and this argument has accordingly been 
much misused. In general we may say that if the aim of 
education is usually based on theoretical considerations, the 
means used in its realization are largely chosen because of 
their practicability. The public high school, the junior high 



school, the vocational school, the pre-vocational school, the 
manual training school, the trade school, the technical school, 
the commercial high school, the truant school, the agricul- 
tural high school, the school of home economics, the open air 
school, the junior college, the municipal college, and the muni- 
cipal university, are among the latest of the modern responses 
to the practical demands of the present. 

Besides the general, national and public educational move- 
ments outlined above, the work, efforts and accomplishments 
of all educational theorists and reformers belong here. They 
are interested in " What ought to be done " in education from 
their special point of view. They set out to reform education 
by pointing out abuses and suggesting remedies for them, 
which will aid in making education realize the aim they have 
set for it, and proceed to test aim, means and methods all from 
their especial point of view. First among these we have the 
religious and ethical reformers, who take the " Formation of 
Character " as the basis of education. Then follow the ration- 
alists and logicians who for different purposes would have the 
development of the reason as the chief aim of education. Again 
we have those who base their system of education on evolu- 
tionary principles, on a biological basis, or chose for their 
motto, " Mens sana in corpore sano." We have also the 
militaristic conception of education which might be con- 
veniently grouped with those who say the aim of education 
is "good citizenship." Still another group would base their 
aims for education on sociological, on socialistic, on individ- 
ualistic, or on anarchistic principles." Another group, consisting 
of experts in special fields of endeavor, would have for the 
center of education proficiency in the same field as themselves, 
while other groups would have " acquisition of knowledge," 
" formal discipline of the mind," " harmonious development of 
all the powers of mind and body," or the development of 
" aesthetic appreciation " as the aim of education. A very 
large group would have a psychological basis for education, 
another would educate " according to nature," while still an- 
other large group bases its educational aims on practical 

Among educational theorists, we often find two or more 
aims which are more or less unrelated, set for education, as 
for example John Friedrich Herbart who bases his educa- 
tional theories on ethical and psychological considerations ; 
John Dewey, who urges ethical, logical, psychological and 
sociological principles in his discussion of educational aims ; 
and Nicholas Burray Butler, who bases education on the scien- 
tific, literary, aesthetic, institutional, and religious inheritance 
of the race. 


In each instance the educational theorist goes on to criti- 
cise educational theory and practice from his own special point 
of view and to suggest means for their improvement which 
are necessary from his special point of view. We have no 
fault to find with those who try to settle the aim of education 
on the basis of some especial consideration, but one should not 
take them too seriously. Anyone who undertakes to settle 
such broad and important questions as those underlying our 
educational aims and practice on the basis of his own prej- 
udices or narrow personal view point will never get anywhere. 
Such men are preachers and poets, not scientists. We may 
be aroused and inspired by such men, but we are never sure 
that we are going in the right direction. 

Is there no hope for a solid foundation for educational 
practice? Viewed fairly and impartially, we are compelled 
to decide that one who considers only " What ought to be 
done ? " in education will never be able to settle permanently 
questions of educational practice. We do not wish to belittle 
the value for educational progress of the man who proposes 
theoretical changes in the aim of education. He may perform 
a great service to the world by contributing to the general aim 
of education, but he can say little or nothing of the details 
of practical school work. He has no final answer for the main 
problems of education which are (i) what to teach, (2) how 
to teach, and (3) when to teach it. Educational practice can 
never be firmly established, nor can a scientific basis be laid 
for it, by those who consider only, " What ought to be done ?," 
without also considering " What has been done?," and " What 
can be done? " 

II. What Has Been Done? 

The most obvious response to the question " What has been 
done?" and its message for educational practice, is that we 
should observe the results of our present day education, as 
standards by which to judge the work of the individual teacher, 
or to judge educational efficiency along any special line or in 
general. This is the usual way we judge the achievements 
of men and women. " Get results," is the injunction given 
those who are entrusted with the conduct of business enter- 
prises. And we need riot be surprised to find those who 
would set up standards for educational efficiency on the basis 
of the results already obtained. 

This attitude toward educational practice is especially preva- 
lent at the present time. Numerous so-called tests of the 
results of educational work have been made, and on the basis # 
of these results, investigators have attempted to draw very 
important conclusions as to educational practice. They judge 


the efficiency of the teacher in terms of the ability of the 
pupils as shown in the results of a test or tests, in comparison 
with the so-called " standard tests " which are claimed by 
their authors to be scientific standards for judging school 
efficiency in a special field such as the spelling or the arith- 
metic efficiency of a certain grade. 

At the present time the country is flooded with scales and 
tests for intelligence, spelling, composition, penmanship, arith- 
metic, and standard tests of all sorts. They are used especially 
by school boards, departments of education, superintendents, 
and principals in the rating of teachers, and by teachers to 
illustrate standards of work. On the basis of the results of 
tests alone, wonderful conclusions for the science of teaching 
have been drawn. In many cases the conclusions given are 
merely what the investigator wished to find and have abso- 
lutely no relation to the results. This is their most glaring 
defect, and is found in practically all of the earlier investiga- 
tions. Those who have employed such tests have been so 
anxious to prove a pet theory that they have explained the 
results not on their face value, but on the basis of their own 

This error has been seen by some of the later investigators 
who have endeavored merely to set up scientific standards 
by increasing the number of records and treating them sta- 
tistically. The results from tests have been collected by 
thousands and after being treated statistically, the average re- 
sult is taken as a standard of individual efficiency. These so- 
called " standards " have been claimed by their promulgators 
as absolute standards of individual and pedagogical efficiency. 
Their devotees claim that the progress of a pupil or the 
efficiency of a teacher, or the efficiency of the educational 
system of a town, city or state may be accurately evaluated 
by the use of these standard tests. They claim that the effi- 
ciency of a teacher's work can be measured by these units as 
certainly as we measure time and space. 

Let us examine these tests and standards critically that we 
may the better evaluate them. In the first place we cannot 
judge the efficiency of any teacher, pupil, or educational sys- 
tem on the basis of the results alone. Results are of no value 
to the science of education unless we know the conditions 
under which these results were obtained, and we must interpret 
them in the light of their contributing causes and of the condi- 
tions under which they are obtained. Many instances are 
known of children who were thought dull when tested by 
tinations, hut who later proved to be leaders among men. 
We cannot judge of the real proficiency of children on the 


basis of efficiency tests. Without entering into a discussion 
of the larger problems of methods of teaching, let us establish 
first scientific criteria for evaluating the proficiency of 

Three kinds of criteria may be used as shown in the ac- 
companying tables : 

Grade in 

per cent Rank 

Criteria How considered A. B. C. A. B. C. 

Efficiency Accuracy and completeness of repro- 
tests duction as shown in answer to ques- 
tions 90 90 90 111 

Psychological Amount of effort used by each student. 95 80 70 12 3 

criteria Repetitions used 25 20 15 

Pedagogical Repetitions needed if economical meth- 

criteria ods of study were used 18 12 15 3 1 2 

In the table above, are three students who are of equal 
rank when judged by an efficiency test alone, but when judged 
by the effort put on the work must be ranked differently. The 
third rank is based on the actual ability of the students as 
it should be when judged by the time and number of repeti- 
tions each would have used under economical methods of study. 
It is very evident that the three have different mental abilities, 
and that the student who needs only 12 repetitions is of 
superior ability so far as memory is concerned to the other 
two. Again, if we should cross question the three students 
concerning their understanding of what they wrote, we might 
find that C was superior to the other two, and if they had 
been taught differently, A might have been more proficient 
than either B or C in making use of the facts. What was 
the real value of the results when judged by efficiency alone? 
They do not even give a true value to the past performances 
of the student, and much less do they show themselves worthy 
of becoming standards for judging educational efficiency from 
a scientific point of view. Really vital factors of education 
cannot be seen by one who judges by tests alone. And will 
it serve any purpose or add any validity to the use of such 
standards if we average the marks of 500,000 tests instead of 
three? Will the standards be worth any more? The only 
possible answer must be that as a measure of individual 
achievement, the statistical treatment of such results does not 
add a whit to their value as standards for judging school 

Of what scientific value, then is a composition scale based 
on the results of a test when we do not know the conditions 
under which the composition was obtained? Can any one 
simply take a group of compositions and by selecting what he 


thinks is an average composition set it up for a standard 
without knowing the technique of the teacher or the history 
of the individual ? Can you take mere verbal expression as 
a true expression of the inner life of the child? Will the 
mere statistical treatment of the snap judgments of individuals 
on the basis of the results from tests alone give us a true 
standard of measurement of educational efficiency? 

Most statisticians deny that you can discover causal con- 
nections by the statistical treatment of data for the reason that 
you cannot determine causes from effects alone without veri- 
fication. To be of scientific value, the results from educational 
tests must be interpreted in the light of all that has preceded 
them, and must be related to the aim, means, methods and pro- 
cedure both in the learning and in the testing. The results 
from a very few children where the conditions of learning and 
of testing are carefully controlled, are of immensely more 
scientific value than the results from a million children where 
the causes are neglected. 

Have tests and scales which deal only with results any scien- 
tific value? If they have any value it is merely temporary 
to illustrate what results have been obtained from tests in 
other places. But they never are and never can be a true 
illustration of what should be expected from a class or grade. 
The greatest difficulty with such tests and scales is that the 
promoters make such extravagant claims for them. The appli- 
cation of such standards by school supervisors cannot but 
result in gross injustice to many excellent and painstaking 
teachers, while it may often induce teachers to show dishonest 
results. The criticism given as a result of such tests is rarely 
helpful. It is destructive to those who do not secure similar 
results, whether more desirable or not, and worthless to those 
who show high superficial results on account of memory cram- 
ming, dishonest work by the pupil, or false methods by the 
teacher. The greatest good a teacher may do along many 
lines is incapable of being judged by written tests. The use 
of such tests inevitably tends to lower the moral tone of the 
teacher and of the school. It makes supervision destructive 
where it should be constructive (seeking the causes of poor 
work and to eradicate them). It makes the supervisor critical 
of results when he should be critical concerning the causes 
which lead to poor results, and it is 1 rare indeed that a super- 
visor who is merely critical of results can at the same time 
be helpful. 

Tt becomes increasingly evident therefore, that when judged 
from any point of view the so-called "standard tests" have 
little or no value, and they may be positively injurious. As 


standards for the judgment of teaching efficiency they are 
worthless unless the conditions under which they were obtained 
are carefully taken into account, and the teacher should be 
criticised and aided in her control of the causes which pro- 
duce the desired results rather than on the results as such. 
The measurement of " What has been done ?" is then, of little 
or no scientific value for education unless the conditions under 
which they are obtained are carefully controlled. Nor can the 
errors involved in neglecting the technique of teaching and 
learning when such tests are to be made, be overcome merely 
by treating the results statistically. 

Can we then, come to any scientific conclusions for educa- 
tion on the basis of measuring " What has been done ?" Shall 
our educational practice in the future be guided only by the 
results of " What has been done?" and theoretical speculations 
as to "What ought to be done?" It seems very evident that 
real progress in education can be controlled by neither of 
these considerations alone, nor by both of them combined. 
Before we can make any permanent decision, we must also 
discover " What can be done ?" on the basis of the psycho- 
physical nature of the child, and then we may be able to reach 
a permanent decision as to " What must be done ?" in order 
to insure permanent progress in education. 

III. What Can Be Done? 

In the preceding discussions we have clearly shown that 
permanent educational progress cannot be made on the basis 
of " What ought to be done ?" alone. Nor can we make any 
appreciable permanent gain by setting up standards of " What 
has been done?" without knowing all the contributing causes, 
and the conditions under which these results were obtained. 
The answers to these two questions therefore, must be supple- 
mented by that given to the question " What can be done ?" 

Up to the present time, in all attempts to find out " What 
can be done?" in educating the child, the child itself has been 
too little studied. We have given too much time and attention 
to courses of study and methods of teaching, and at the same 
time we have almost entirely neglected to scientifically inves- 
tigate the results by various methods of learning. No one 
really believes that one person can really impart knowledge 
or skill to another. All the teacher can do is to direct the 
mind of the child in learning. She can arrange and classify 
facts, and present them singly or in relation to other facts, 
once or repeatedly, and by her skill she can hold the attention 
of the learner more or less closely directed to the subject 
under discussion. But the learner himself must do the acquir- 


ing, and this acquisition is controlled by the laws which govern 
his powers of acquisition. 

At present, these laws are but little known. We have 
been so much concerned with what to teach, and how to teach, 
that we have almost entirely neglected the all-important matter 
of investigating the best and most economical methods of 
learning. Though many facts concerning the nature of the 
growing child have been pointed out by students in various 
fields of scientific endeavor, these facts have been observed, 
organized, and classified from the point of view of the respec- 
tive sciences, and not from the point of view of pedagogy. 
Psychology, for example, deals with mental phenomena but 
cares more about analyzing the mental processes than about 
the use of the mind in acquiring knowledge. Child study 
also does not meet our needs as it deals more with the growth 
and development of children under school age. 

What we need is a science of pedagogy based on the answer 
to the question, "What can be done?" which shall consider 
not only what to teach, and how to teach, but will also con- 
sider the economy and technique of how to learn. Before any 
method of teaching or learning is commended to teachers, it 
must be thoroughly tried out under school conditions, and 
based on principles of pedagogy established by recorded obser- 
vation and experiment, where all the conditions of teaching 
and learning are carefully controlled, or scientifically observed.. 
What we most need is the requisite pedagogical criteria by 
which to judge pedagogical efficiency, and these criteria must 
be developed by the same methods used in all the sciences, viz., 
recorded observations, and experiments where the conditions 
are carefully controlled. 

We have, then, a new answer to the question " What ought 
to be done?" which applies directly to educational practice, 
to the relationship between the subject matter and the mind 
of the learner on the one hand, and to that between the teacher 
and the mind of the learner on the other. To the teacher, 
the command comes plainly and forcefully, " Use only those 
methods of teaching which will utilize the most economical 
and hygienic methods of learning." 

We must apply the same criteria to the use of school room 
results as standards of comparison for school work. Only 
those results which are obtained under school room conditions, 
and which have utilized the most economical and hygienic 
methods of learning should be used as standards of measuring 
school room efficiency. " What can be done ?" must be dis- 
covered by systematic experimental investigation before we 
can hope for any scientific basis for educational practice. 


This question of " What can be done ?" in spite of the many 
attempts to answer it made by educational theorists, has long 
remained unanswered. But within the last few years, two 
scientific movements in pedagogy have arisen and been devol- 
oped in Germany, which have adequately recognized the 
problems involved in creating a science of pedagogy, and have 
attempted to discover " What can be done?" The first is 
the movement known as experimental pedagogy, represented 
by the work of the late professor Ernst Meumann, and the 
second is that known as experimental didactics, represented 
by the work of Dr. Wilhelm A. Lay. These men and their 
followers have set out to solve by scientific methods of investi- 
gation, two large groups of problems (i) to discover the 
psycho-physical nature of the school child as he grows and 
develops (experimental pedagogy), and (2) to investigate 
the most hygienic and economical methods of learning by the 
school child (experimental didactics). The problems of ex- 
perimental pedagogy are best investigated in a pedagogical 
laboratory, while those of experimental didactics are best 
studied under actual school room conditions. 

They use the methods of investigation which have yielded 
such large results in the other sciences, viz., systematic re- 
corded observations, and experiment, the questionnaire in the 
early stages of investigating any problem, measurements when 
taken by experts, and statistics based on measurements of 
facts which are capable of measurement. In this country, the 
work along these two lines has been most systematically de- 
veloped in the New York University School of Pedagogy, 
under the name of experimental pedagogy. During the past 
five or six years, many important investigations in scientific 
pedagogy have been made by the students of that school, and 
much has been done for the future of educational practice 
along these two lines. 

It is therefore, only by the use of the scientific methods 
enumerated above that we may find a permanent answer to 
the question " What can be done ?" And only through the 
science of experimental pedagogy (including experimental 
didactics), can these pedagogical questions based on the answer 
to this question be solved. In order that we may study edu- 
cation scientifically, therefore, there is a great need for peda- 
gogical laboratories and experimental schools each under the 
control of a broadly educated and unprejudiced director who 
has the real scientific and critical attitude toward educational 
practice. Let us hope for the day when both these institutions 
may be seen in every large city and every state in our land. 

No doubt now exists in our minds that progress in educa- 


tion is possible only when we consider " What can be done ?" 
as well as " What ought to be done ? " and " What has been 
done?" In the answer to these three questions, we find the 
answer to the fourth and last of the series, " What must be 
done? " 

IV. What Must Be Done? 

The answer to this question is to be found only after the 
consideration of the answers to the other three (i) What 
ought to be done? (2) What has been done? and (3) What 
can be done? No satisfactory answer has been given to any 
of these three questions as yet. The history of education as 
studied in our schools, deals very largely with the aim of 
education, but tells us very little about actual school condiiions. 
It also neglects many educational agencies such as myths, 
proverbs, manners and customs, literature, the family life, the 
government, and many other practical considerations which 
influenced educational practice in the past even more than the 
theoretical teachings of priests and philosophers. Its answer 
to the query " What must be done? " is not at all satisfactory. 

Before we can build up a science of education we must 
find out what can be done under the most favorable sur- 
roundings. Not all pedagogically possible things are peda- 
gogically necessary, but before we fix any aims or standards 
for the measurement for education, these aims and standards 
must be pedagogically possible of achievement, i. e., we must 
know as a result of a scientific pedagogical investigation that 
they can be realized in educational practice. The answer to 
the query " What must be done ?" is plain and unequivocal. 
To insure permanent and lasting progress in education we 
must establish it firmly on a scientific basis. This can be done 
only by using the methods of all the sciences, viz., systematic 
recorded observations, carefully controlled experiments, meas- 
urements taken by expert investigators, questionnaire sup- 
ported by verified introspection when no other method can be 
used, and statistics based on facts that can be measured 

It may be well here to contrast the results from the psycho- 
logical-statistical test, and those from the scientific-pedagogical 
experiment. By psychological-statistical data, we mean that 
derived through the compilation and statistical treatment of 
the results from tests collected from various sources without 
control over the conditions or knowledge 0$ the contributing 
causes. The results from such tests cannot be used as a basis 
for any scientific conclusions whatsoever. By scientific-peda- 
gogical experiments, we mean the use of results obtained only 
by scientific methods of investigation. 


There are also several differences in the aim or purpose of 
psychological and pedagogical investigations, viz., 

( i ) Experimental psychology investigates the mental processes 
for purposes of analysis, while experimental pedagogy 
investigates the possibilities involved in using the mind 
and cares nothing for mental processes as such. 

(2) Experimental psychology seeks to establish the general 
laws of the mind while experimental pedagogy is espe- 
cially concerned with individual differences, in pupils. 

(3) Experimental psychology investigates all the mental pro- 
cesses of the mind while experimental pedagogy confines 
itself to investigating the operations of the mind of the 
school child in learning. 

That there may be no question as to the method of pro- 
cedure in making a scientific pedagogical investigation, I will 
here outline the method under four main heads : 

(A) Preliminary considerations 

1 The phenomena observed must be capable of some 
sort of quantitative measurement 

2 The investigator must have complete authority to 
arrange the phenomena to suit the purposes of the 

3 The method of procedure must be governed 
throughout by certain pedagogical purposes 

4 The investigator must control the circumstances to 
suit the purposes of the experiment 

(B) Working hypothesis which will state in detail the peda- 

gogical aim of the experiment, and according to which 
the phenomena studied should be arranged 

(C) The main investigation, which consists of 

1 Preliminary tests to perfect the technique and 
eliminate practice effects. 

2 The main investigation upon the results of which 
the conclusions will be based 

3 Controlling tests to check the results obtained in 
the main tests 

(D) Verifying tests, made by the same or by other investiga- 

tors under similar or varying conditions, by similar or 
different methods. 

It is only by making such arrangements, by following such 
methods, and by using all possible precautions against error, 
that we can secure results upon which scientific pedagogical 
conclusions may be based. 

The laying of a scientific groundwork for educational prac- 


tice is then to be no longer a matter of theory, but one of 
fact. Only those principles and methods of teaching and 
learning which have been established as a result of scientific 
pedagogical experiments are to be used in order to obtain the 
best results. The criteria of experimental didactics must be 
applied to all school work, and these demand that only the 
most hygienic and economical methods of teaching and learn- 
ing shall be used. The hygiene of the mind demands that we 
must not misuse or abuse it in any way. We must discover 
its nature, and follow its laws in learning, if we wish to 
achieve the best results from its use. The economy of learn- 
ing demands that school work shall be done with the least pos- 
sible expenditure of energy by both teacher and pupil. 

What, then, must be done? The first task before the work- 
ers in the field of experimental pedagogy* is to put before the 
teaching profession a description of the aim, means, methods, 
and universal validity of the results obtained by experimental 
pedagogy. The next is to develop a critical scientific view- 
point in educators everywhere so that they may properly 
evaluate proposed changes in our educational practice. The 
third is to find those who are enough interested in the estab- 
lishing of a scientific basis for education to do the work re- 
quired. The fourth is the establishment of pedagogical labora- 
tories and experimental schools, not in the hands of politicians 
and spoils hunters, but directed by men and women who have 
the real scientific spirit of investigation, and the altruistic spirit 
of service to the great cause of educational progress. The fifth 
and final necessity is that we judge all educational practice by 
the acid tests of experimental pedagogy, which are that educa- 
tion must be based on the psycho-physical nature of the school 
child, and that only the most hygienic and economical methods 
of teaching and learning shall be used. 



i. La "scala metrica dell 'intelligenza" di Binet e Simon. Studiati 
nelle scuole comunali elementari di Milano. By Zaccaria Treves 
and F. Umberto Saffiotti. Milano, 191 1. Pp. 67. 

2. Clinica medico-psico-pedagogica. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. L'in- 

janzia anormale. V, 191 1, 102-116. 

3. La psicologia sperimentale nell 'indirizzo pedagogico moderno. By 

F. Umberto Saffiotti. Riv. pedag., Anno V, Vol. I, 1911. Pp.8. 

4. Psicologia e pedagogia sperimentale nell' opera di Zaccaria Treves 

By F. Umberto Saffiotti. Riv. pedag. Anno VI, Vol. II, 191 1. 
Pp. 10. 

5. L'assistenza delgi anormali scolastici e la prevenzione della delin- 

quenza minorile. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. Second Cong, 
nat. d. Soc. d. Patronata per i Minorenni e per i Carcerati. 
Torino, 1912. Pp. 9. 

6. L'opera di Zaccaria Treves e la psicologia sperimentale. By F. 

Umberto Saffiotti. Milano, 1912. Pp. 28. 

7. Sulla legittimita di una psicologia delle menti associate. By F. 

Umberto Saffiotti. IV. Cong, inter di filosofia. Bologna, 1913. 
Pp. 11. 

8. Osservazioni sperimentali sul diverso comportamento del lavoro 

muscolare nella scrittura durante il calcolo. by F. Umberto Saf- 
fiotti. Riv. d. Psicol. VIII, 1913. Pp. 11. 

9. Note psicologiche su due gemelle. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. Riv. 

d. Antrop. XVIII, 1913. Pp. 11. 

10. Contributo alio studio dei rapporti tra l'intelligenza e i fattori bio- 

logico-sociali nella scula. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. Riv. d. 
Antrop., XVIII, 1913- Pp- 34- 

11. Sul " Quoziente d'intelligenza " nella misura dell'eta mentale in 

rapporto all'eta fisica. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. Riv. d. An- 
trop., XIX, 1914. Pp. 10. 

12. Nuovo modello di segnalatore elettrico della voce. By F. Umberto 

Saffiotti. Riv. d. Antrop., XIX, 1914. Pp. 5. 

13. Forme e contenuto dell 'associazione spontanea nei fanciulli. By 

F. Umberto Saffiotti. Riv. d. Antrop., XIX, 1914. Pp. 14. 

14. Rilievi e osservazioni sul rendimento scolastico nei diversi metodi 

di educazione infantile. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. Coltura Pop- 
olare, IV, 1914. Pp. 23. 

15. La misura dell' intelligenza nei fanciulli. By F. Umberto Saffiotti. 

Roma, 1916. Pp. 286. 

The great variety of interests of Professor Saffiotti will be seen from 
a mere perusal of the titles given above. His important recent pub- 
lished work, however, is particularly in the field of the mental testing 
of children. In 1909, in collaboration with Professor Treves, he under- 
took the application of the Binet-Simon tests of intelligence to 406 
pupils of the first grade and 260 pupils of the sixth grade in the schools 
of Milan. The results of this investigation are given in a monograph, 
marked 1 in our list. The authors first describe each of the Binet- 
Simon tests from 4 to 13 years, inclusive, and also include in the text 
the materials and copies of the test blanks. They then give an analysis 
of their results and a comparison of these with the results obtained 



by Binet and Simon. They criticize the Binet-Simon scale on the 
basis that the tests are not of a regularly increasing degree of difficulty, 
and also criticize the general concept of grading intelligence in terms 
of " mental age." In place of this, the authors suggest a grading of 
the tests with regard to difficulty and a grading of the person tested 
with regard to the degree of difficulty of the tests passed. Three gen- 
eral grades of intelligence are given: I. Defective, those who pass 
only those tests which are passed by over 60 per cent, of the children ; 
2. Average, those who pass the tests which are passed by from 40 to 
60 per cent, of the children ; 3. Advanced, those who pass tests which 
are passed only by 20 to 40 per cent, of the children. Each grade of 
intelligence is further subdivided into three divisions. This is called 
the Treves-Saffiotti method although it is merely another way of 
scoring the tests of the Binet-Simon scale. 

Saffiotti (11) attacks the concept of the "intelligence quotient," 
because it also employs the concept of mental age; and the author's 
ideas on this subject are finally crystallized and expanded into a large 
volume; (15) the first part of this volume deals with the general con- 
cepts of intelligence taken up from the historical point of view. An 
astoundingly great number of authors are referred to in this section. 
Then follows a discussion of the Binet-Simon scale under the heading 
" The Measurement of Intelligence by Mental Age." The results of 
all investigators who have employed this scale are given with great 
completeness and are made the basis of numerous and enlightening 
comparisons. Of great interest, even to the student who does not read 
Italian, are the several large tables (pp. 1 18-123) in which are given 
the mental age assigned to each of the 63 individual Binet-Simon tests 
by each of the 14 authors who have critically discussed the matter. 
One also finds tabulated (p. 130) the chronological-mental age dis- 
tribution of the subjects tested by each of these 14 investigators. The 
last half of this volume is concerned with a critical discussion of the 
general concept of mental age as an index of intelligence. Saffiotti 
then develops his concept of scoring the Binet-Simon tests in terms of 
a scale of mental grades. This discussion of the Treves-Saffiotti re- 
vision is made on the basis of some new results as well as the older 
results by these authors, mentioned above. The book contains a bibli- 
ography of 603 titles mostly on the literature of the testing of intelli- 
gence. Although this bibliography is lacking in some very important 
American titles, it should prove of great assistance to the student. 

A program of work for a medico-psychico-pedagogical clinic is out- 
lined by Saffiotti in another paper. (2) The tests, as outlined, include 
the family history, the school and pre-school history of the case, an 
anthropometric examination, a somatic functional examination, and 
finally a psychological examination. In this latter, 15 sorts of mental 
processes are to be investigated and the Treves-Saffiotti and De Sanctis 
tests are recommended. Another paper (5) deals with the problem of 
the mentally deficient child in relation to juvenile delinquence. A sta- 
tistical study is made of 401 cases. Of these over 42 per cent, were 
either readmitted to the schools or succeeded in making their way in 
the world. The different kinds of abnormality are discussed in rela- 
tion to the different kinds of crime. Special instruction in special 
schools is recommended for this type of case 

The influence of social and biological factors upon intelligence is 
discussed in another paper. (10) For this purpose the results of the 
Milan investigation are analysed with regard to the occupations of the 
parents of the children. An examination of the results of the tests 
shows that the two groups whose parents were laborers and servants, 
on the one hand, and those whose parents were professional men and 
merchants on the other, show practically similar distributions. But a 


great difference is found between the children attending schools in the 
center of the city and in the outlying districts. Saffidtti assumes that 
there are different degrees of excellence of teaching in these parts of 
the ^city, and hence concludes that the sort of teaching which the child 
obtains is a much more potent factor in determining intelligence than 
is the social and economic standing of the family from which the child 
comes. This seems to indicate, we believe, that what Safnotti is meas- 
uring is not the native intelligence of the children but merely class- 
room acquisition. 

The effect of pre-school methods upon the intelligence of young 
children is investigated. (14) A group of children were tested by the 
Treves-Saffiotti tests. Some of these had merely remained in the 
family up to school age, others were taught by the Frobel method, 
others by the Montessori method and still others by mixed methods. 
The results show that the Frobel method seems to be the best of the 
pre-school methods of instruction. Analysis shows that practically no 
differentiation in intelligence distribution can be made between infants 
raised in the home and those raised in asylums. 

The results of the application of a series of psychological tests upon 
twins of 11 years are given with great completeness. (9) Great differ- 
ences in intelligence were noted. In a speculative article (3) Safnotti 
points out the relations between experimental psychology and pedagogy. 
Although pedagogy may draw largely from the findings of experi- 
mental psychology, the author points out that the two sciences are by 
no means to be confounded. In another paper (7) Safnotti outlines 
a program of problems to be attacked by experimental psychology. His 
concept of experimental psychology is very broad indeed and includes 
not only social psychology but also sociology. In all, 23 groups of 
problems are indicated, ranging from instincts to reflection. As an 
example of the inclusiveness of his schema, it will be noted that under 
attention this author wants to investigate such topics as the influence 
of public opinion and the exciting of the moral sense. Another paper 
(8) reports the results of an experimental investigation of muscular 
pressure in writing numerals in arithmetical problems. This work is 
an extension to numerals of the researches of other investigators upon 
writing. A Marey tambour with graphic methods of registration was 
employed. Some characteristics of the amount of pressure used in 
making the different strokes of the numerals in the different arith- 
metical processes are pointed out. 

Safnotti (13) suggests a classification of the form of the verbal asso- 
ciation reactions. This classification calls for 14 categories into which 
the words fall. We find this classification very much more logical 
than psychological. A series of verbal association reactions are classi- 
fied in accordance with this grouping. The author also reports (12) 
a new form of electric voice key to be used in verbal association reac- 
tion experiments which seems to have a great deal of merit. Two 
papers (4, 6) are given over to a laudatory summary and review of 
the published works of Zaccaria Treves. The relation of Treves' work 
to experimental psychology and pedagogy are indicated. 

Clark University. Samuel W. Fernberger. 


A child welfare research station. Bulletin of the State University of 
Iowa, n. s., no. 107, Jan 15, 1916. 18 p. 
Professor Seashore and his associates may well congratulate them- 
selves on this station and the generous support that the state intends 
to give. Such an institution has long been a crying need, and there 
are those who have felt it one of the leading desiderata in our day. 
The study of children has already a vast body of literature to its 
credit and has steadily improved its methods. This institution pro- 
poses not to lose sight of the practical side of child study and we 
understand will select special and very definite problems for intensive 

Development of personality; a phase of the philosophy of education. 
By Brother Chrysostom. Philadelphia, John Joseph McVey 
(c. 1916). 379 P- 
This volume presents some of the pedagogic aspects of an institu- 
tion which for twenty centuries has devoted itself to the highest aim 
of teaching, which is to bring to fruition the noblest powers and capaci- 
ties of human personality, and to hold in check those tendencies that 
militate against this purpose. It is dedicated to religous teachers. The 
first part discusses the normal school, the religious novitiate and the 
personality of the teacher; the second is devoted to faith, the third to 
its practical value, the fourth to meditation, the fifth to the sociological 
aspects of faith. 

Laws of physical science; a reference book. By Edwin F. Northrup. 
Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Co. (c. 1917). 210 p. 
Exact knowledge consists of accumulated facts and sets of formu- 
lated propositions respecting facts. The data of physical science are 
accessible in various published tables of physical constants but there 
has been no handbook which contains a full list of the general propo- 
sitions or laws of science, and it is these this work proposes to give. 
It divides its data into the following six heads : Mechanics ; Hydro- 
statics, hydrodynamics and capillarity ; Sound ; Heat and physical chem- 
istry ; Electricity and magnetism ; Light. The work is attractively 
bound in flexible covers. 

Standard method of testing juvenile mentality by the Ilinet-Siinon scale 
ivith the original questions, pictures and drawings; a uniform tro~ 
cedure and analysis. By NoRBERT J. M Philadelphia, J. B. 
Lippincott Co. (c. 1917). 14-' p. 
Here we have another discussion of the Binet-Simon scale. It is 
designed for examiners using this scale, and emphasizes B number of 
important points frequently not fully apprehended by users of mental 
tests. Part I discusses the general procedure in gathering and analyz- 
ing the data; Part II discusses the uniform method of applying the 
Binet-Sim<»n scale. There is an appendix on tests above fifteen, scales 
for marking drawings, etc. The work is pretty fully illustrated. 



School and college credit for outside Bible study; a survey of a non- 
sectarian movement to encourage Bible study. By Clarence Ash- 
ton Wood. Yonkers-on-Hudson, World Book Co., 1917. 317 p. 
The author first discusses cooperation between state and church, then 
the advantages of the plan, the plan as related to higher and secondary 
education, adaptations in the central states (eastern and western divi- 
sions), a Kansas proposal, a Canadian situation, action of educational 
and religious organizations, questions of legal and sectarian difficulties, 
and the mode of procedure. In an appendix he prints various syllabi, 
North Dakota, Colorado, Oregon and Virginia. 

A student in arms. By Donald Hankey. New York, E. P. Dutton 
and Co. (1917). 290 p. 
The author, who was killed in action on the Western front, October 
26, 1916, declared that these essays owe their existence to two persons, 
one of whom, Mr. Strachey, writes an introduction. There are twenty 
chapters, including Kitchener's army, an experiment in democracy, the 
cockney warrior, on some who were lost and afterwards were found, 
the book of wisdom, marching through France, the making of a man, 
the honor of the brigade, heroes and heroics, the religion of the in- 
articulate, the indignity of labor, flowers of Flanders, etc. 

English essayists; a reader's handbook. By William Hawley David. 
Boston, Richard G. Badger (c. 1916). 217 p. 
This is a handbook for readers of these essayists. The author knows 
few things more subject to abuse than books about books. He divides 
his matter into the following topics : origin and early exponents ; 
eighteenth century essayists; nineteenth century essayists (of whom he 
has thirteen). In the appendix he discusses the kinds of essays, minor 
English and contemporary essayists. 

An inductive study of standards of right. By Matthew Hale Wilson. 
Boston, Richard G. Badger (c. 1916). 321 p. 
After surveying the field, the author discusses in separate chapters 
the teacher, the pupil, physician, lawyer, clergyman, editor, banker, 
trade, corporations, labor unions, insurance, women in business, political 
parties, municipal control, parents, children, the city and farm, charity, 
the criminal, the saloon, mental, emotional and volitional hygiene, play, 
manners, the friend. 

Report of the Commissioner of Education for the year ended June 30, 
1916. Washington, Gov't. Printing Office, 1916. 2 v. 
The survey of the different grades and kinds of education is full 
and interesting. So, too, are the special chapters on the education of 
immigrants, on educational surveys, extension, museums, Young Men's 
Christian Association, educational boards, foundations and associations. 

Report of the Secretary of the General Education Board, 1915-16. New 
York, General Education Board, n. d. 86 p. 
This report is a model of succinct statement covering a vast body 
of work, with the treasurer's report at the end, with maps to show 
the distribution of the various aids. 

Bulletins of the Bureau of Education. Washington, Gov't. Printing 

1916, No. 2. Rural and agricultural education at the Panama-Pacific 

International exposition. By H. W. Foght. 112 p. 


1916, No. 34. Service instruction of American corporations. By 
Leonhard Felix Fuld. 73 p. 

1916, No. 35. Adult illiteracy. By Winthrop Talbot. 90 p. 

1916, No. 36. Monthly record of current educational publications; De- 
cember, 1916. 22 p. 

1916, No. 41. Agricultural and rural extension schools in Ireland. By 
A. C. Monahan. 38 p. 

1916, No. 46. Recent movements in college and university administra- 
tion. By Samuel Paul Capen. 60 p. 

1916, No. 47. Report on the work of the Bureau of Education for the 
natives of Alaska, 19 14- 15. 85 p. 

1916, No. 48. Rural school supervision. By Katherine M. Cook and 
A. C. Monahan. 63 p. 

1916, No. 50. Statistics of state universities and state colleges for the 
year ended June 30, 1916. 15 p. 

1917, No. 1. Monthly record of current educational publications. Janu- 
ary, 1917. 23 p. 

1917, No. 6. Educative and economic possibilities of school-directed 
home gardening in Richmond, Indiana. By J. L. Randall. 23 p. 

1917, No. 7. Monthly record of current educational publications, Feb- 
ruary, 19 17. 21 p. 

Tentative outline of proposed educational code for the state of Colo- 
rado {revised to December 1, 1916). Denver, Civic and Commer- 
cial Association, n. d. 30 p. 

Report on speech defectives in the St. Louis Public Schools. By J. 
E. W. Wallin. (Repr. from Annual Report of the Board of Edu- 
cation, 1915-16, p. 174-21 1. 

Pais. Vol. 1, no. 1. Edited by Dr. A. Van Voorthuijsen. Groningen, 
January, 1917. 16 p. 


Pedagogical Seminary 

• Founded and Edited by G. Stanley Hall 
Vol. XXIV SEPTEMBER, 1917 No. 3 


By William H. Burnham, Clark University 

A few years ago Dr. Storey, then Secretary of the American 
School Hygiene Association, asked me to suggest some speaker 
competent to discuss impartially the effects of tobacco. His 
feeling was that any man who used tobacco was likely to be 
biased, and that one who had specially committed himself 
against tobacco could not present the subject fairly. Whether 
or not he has yet found a way out of his dilemma I do not 
know, but the noteworthy fact is that he found such a difficulty. 

The writer personally has no very strong bias, and so what 
is said may be unsatisfactory to both sides. Nevertheless, 
counting on a liberal attitude in my readers, I shall attempt 
the task and will ask suspense of judgment until the facts are 

First of all it should be noted that some of the popular no- 
tions and some of the experiments in regard to the use of 
tobacco are to be taken critically. A large amount of partly 
scientific and pseudo-scientific work has been done ; and even 
much of the painstaking experimentation of scientific men has 
not sufficiently considered the mental factors involved. But 
it is now a well recognized principle that in all investigations 
of the effect of drugs, special care must be taken to rule out 
the effect of suggestion, using control mixtures wherever pos- 
sible so that the observer will not know whether he is receiv- 
ing the drug or not. Experimentation that does not consider 
this is unreliable. 


A good illustration is to be found in the book by Mary 
Foote Henderson on the "Aristocracy of Health, (8 a )." She 
cites experiments performed by Dr. Schall at the Hahne- 
mann Hospital in New York, for testing the action of 
tobacco on the heart. A young lady was found willing to 
submit to the test, a perfectly healthy woman 32 years of age. 
Pulse tracings with the sphygmograph were taken while she 
smoked cigarettes. The normal pulse, according to the report, 
was thoroughly strong and regular, but the tracings after 
smoking fifteen minutes showed irregularity, and after thirty- 
five minutes great irregularity and excitation, while after forty- 
five minutes the heart beat was extremely rapid and irregular 
and weak. In the case of such experiments we seldom have a 
full report of the conditions, and hence do not know whether 
the effect reported is due to the thing tested or to something 
else. In this case the report gives naively enough what was 
said by the Doctor during the experiment. The following is 
the account as cited by Miss Henderson. 

" The doctor instructed Miss H to inhale the smoke. 

" ' Inhaling is a separate vice in itself/ says he, * and cigar- 
ette smokers say they do not enjoy these little coffin nails with- 
out inhalation/ 

" While the doctor told stories of tobacco pulses in con- 
firmed smokers, during which time Miss H. puffed the smoke 
from her mouth, he mentioned that a pulse of over 90 is com- 
mon among smokers, and often runs to more than 100. 

" At the end of fifteen minutes Miss H. had managed to 
smoke the halves of two cigarettes. ' There is the effect al- 
ready,' said one of the doctors, ' you can see it is beginning to 
show irregularity in length/ 

" At intervals of ten minutes during nearly an hour, tracings 
were made by the instrument. In each was an increasing ir- 
regularity, showing the rapid work of the cigarettes. At the 
end of forty-five minutes the young woman had managed to 
consume the larger portion of six cigarettes. 

" At this time the messages on the narrow strip of black- 
ened paper showed the heart's irregular action by short jumps 
and great rapidity. 

" ' What must be the effect on persons of weaker physique, 
especially those with any weakness of the heart,' exclaimed 
one of the doctors, ' if this effect is produced in sound 

We may pass over the well known effect of one's first experi- 
ence in smoking and consider merely the factor of suggestion. 
With many persons, perhaps with most, it would be easy to 
obtain the cardiac irregularity shown by these tracings merely 


by the suggestion given by the stories of the physicians with- 
out the effect of nicotine at all. Such results are worthless 
unless they have value as illustrations of suggestion. Such a 
method is' precisely the kind a hypnotist would use, and it 
would be immaterial to him whether there were any tobacco 
in the cigarette or not. 

Undoubtedly six cigarettes smoked by a woman who had 
never used tobacco would produce physical effects ; and yet 
it is not improbable if the subject had been blindfolded, and 
at the end of half an hour when the cardiac irregularity be- 
came pronounced, the experimenter had continued the experi- 
ment under otherwise identical conditions, actually using to- 
bacco, but had said : " Now to show that this is not the effect 
of the mere act of purring and of inhaling and exhaling in a 
somewhat artificial manner, we will now substitute for the 
cigarette with tobacco a cigarette filled with sawdust and aro- 
matic oil," the cardiac irregularity would have subsided to a 
considerable degree. 

Experiments on nicotin and those on tobacco should be 
distinguished. Experiments with nicotin have frequently 
been made with animals. Nice, for example, experimented 
with small amounts of nicotin ; and the result showed that 
apparently nicotin somewhat inhibited growth, and that per- 
haps it had a stimulating effect on activity. Apparently it did 
not injure the health of the mice, although it did check their 
growth. The author notes that the variation in activity may, 
however, have been merely a matter of chance. Most of these 
experiments with nicotin do not concern us very directly here. 

The question whether nicotin is actually present in tobacco 
smoke to any considerable extent is still in dispute. The evi- 
dence seems to be inadequate. It is possible, however, as sug- 
gested by Fisher and Fiske (4), that while nicotin may not be 
found in the smoke itself, it may be volatilized and absorbed to 
some extent during the process of smoking, before decomposi- 
tion takes place. 

Zhebrovski, a Russian investigator (4, p. 255), made tests 
with rabbits by an ingenious apparatus with which he made 
them smoke for a period of six to eight hours daily. Some 
died within a month, some became tolerant, but even those 
that lived showed degenerative changes, hardening of the blood 
vessels, and the like; and it is said that there is no difficulty 
in producing the characteristic effect of nicotin by admin- 
istering tobacco smoke either in men or in animals. 

Among the evil effects established by clinical observation 
in the case of heavy smokers are disturbance of the blood 
pressure, rapid heart action, shortness of breath, palpitation 


of the heart, insomnia, blindness, catarrhal conditions of the 
nose, throat, and hearing, acid dyspepsia, etc. 

Cannon (2) and his co-workers have shown that nicotin 
stimulates the adrenal glands and this influence may be partly 
responsible for the changes in the blood vessels noted in case 
of excessive smoking. 

Most of the laboratory tests of the effect of tobacco on work 
have been of the effect on the muscular strength. The results 
are somewhat conflicting. Lombard, who experimented in 
Clark University, found, contrary to his expectation, a great 
decrease in the amount of work he could do with the ergograph 
after smoking one cigar of moderate strength. He tested the 
influence of smoking also on the strength of the contractions 
produced by electrical stimulation and found that tobacco had 
no effect. Hence he concluded that the depressing effect of the 
tobacco was on some part of the central nervous system. Har- 
ley found the effect of tobacco on himself much less pro- 
nounced than that found by Lombard; but on the whole its 
action was detrimental. Hough in 1901 tested the influence 
of tobacco on the work done by using the spring ergograph, 
and found the fall to the constant fatigue level took place more 
slowly than on normal days. Fere found the effect of smok- 
ing cigarettes to be an initial increase in the work done fol- 
lowed by a fall below the norm when the subject began to 
smoke five minutes before the experiment began. When the 
record was taken 15 minutes after beginning to smoke the 
action was purely depressing. 

Rivers made tests for a short period on two subjects and 
found that " on the whole a smaller amount of work was done 
on the days on which the cigars were smoked than on the 
intervening normal days." 

So far as I am aware no experiments altogether satisfactory 
have been made, but the results seem to indicate that the effect 
is a tendency to decrease the amount of physical work. The 
effect produced by the pleasurable and stimulating effect of 
smoking seems to be inhibited by the effect of some toxic 

Effect on Mental Work 

As regards the effect of tobacco on mental work there are 
individual differences. The smoking of a cigar seems to have 
the effect of stimulating the association processes for a certain 
time in the case of some individuals ; and not in case of others. 

Few experiments of the effect of tobacco smoking on mental 
ability have been made. Clinical evidence has been inadequate 
also. The work by Meylan (12) and Pack (13) have, how- 


ever, yielded important results. Specially interesting in regard 
to certain points are the tests made by Dr. Bush (i) in the 
University of Vermont. 

Bush (i, p. 526) has attempted to study this problem of the 
effect of smoking on mental efficiency experimentally, testing 
fifteen men with a series of ten mental tests, employing the 
method used by Prof. Thorndike and others. He found the 
following results : 

" (1) A series of 120 tests on each of fifteen men, in several 
different psychic fields, show that tobacco smoking produces 
a 10.5% decrease in mental efficiency. 

"(2) The greatest actual loss was in the field of imagery, 
twenty-two per cent. 

"(3) The three greatest losses were in the fields of imagery, 
perception and association. 

"(4) The greatest loss, in these experiments, occurred with 

"(5) Nicotin was found in the distillates of all tobacco 

u (6) Nicotin was not found in the smoke of any tobacco, 
except that of cigarettes, and then only in traces. 

"(7) Pyridine was found in the smoke of all tobacco tested. 

"(8) Pyridine seems to be the principal toxic factor in the 

As shown by the investigations of Bush (1, p. 523) and 
others, a large number of toxic substances in tobacco smoke 
are demonstrable. Among those already made out are the 
following: Furfurof, marsh gas, hydrogen sulphide, hydro- 
gen cyanide, organic acids, phenols and empyreumatic oil, pyri- 
dine, the whole picoline series, carbon monoxide and dioxide, 
and possibly some nicotin. 

To what extent these other toxic substances may have an 
influence in decreasing the mental ability we do not know. It 
should be specially noted, however, that the presence of carbon 
monoxide may be readily shown by the spectroscopic test in 
the blood of a man who is smoking. The amount of carbon 
monoxide in tobacco smoke is not definitely known. Authori- 
ties differ. If Grehant is correct, then from 4/5 of a cigar 
weighing 6.85 gms., there should be obtained 499.36 c.c. of 
carbon monoxide. According to the estimate by Bush, if a 
man takes 20 minutes in smoking his cigar, then at each inhala- 
tion he would draw in 7.49 c.c. of carbon monoxide; half of 
the amount, i.e., 3.74 c.c, inhaled is absorbed, according to 
Haldane. As this represents a concentration of 0.75 per cent, 
distinct symptoms should be produced, even though the lungs 
are immediately ventilated by breathing normal air; so it may 


be that some of the symptoms ascribed to nicotin are due to 
carbon monoxide. 

Berry (i) arranged a series of typewritten examples in ad- 
dition. On alternate days the writer smoked one cigar immedi- 
ately after dinner, taking usually about thirty minutes. Then 
he at once began the addition test. On days he did not smoke, 
thirty minutes after dinner were spent in conversation or light 
reading. The experiment was carried on for twenty days. 

" The results of this experiment show that smoking instead 
of increasing the time required to perform the test had just 
the opposite effect, contrary to the writer's expectation, for on 
the average the tests were performed in seven and seven-tenths 
per cent, less time on the days the writer smoked than on the 
days he did not smoke. From day to day the effects of smok- 
ing were more marked than the effects of practice ; for in every 
case the time required to perform the test after smoking was 
less than the time required for the test on the following day 
after no smoking. The average number of errors made in 
performing the tests after smoking was slightly less than those 
made after no smoking. However, the difference is so slight 
as to be almost negligible." 

Some anthropometric studies play quite a role in the litera- 
ture in regard to tobacco. The one most often quoted is, per- 
haps, that made by Seaver many years ago in which he pre- 
sented the result of measurements of a class of Yale. He 
found that the weight of non-users increased 10.4 per cent, 
more than that of the regular users of tobacco. In growth in 
height the non-users grew 24 per cent, more than the regular 
users, and in lung capacity non-users increased 77.5 per cent, 
more than did the users. A class of 91 at Amherst was studied 
in the same way with similar results. 

The fallacies likely to be connected with such arguments in 
regard to growth have been mentioned in connection with the 
effect of caffeine; but these old investigations by Seaver are 
continually cited to prove the retarding effect of the use of 
tobacco, and the argument is again presented by Mr. Taylor 
(17) in a recent article ; so that it may be well again to recall the 
fact that there are about a dozen different factors which con- 
dition growth, and we cannot take any one of these, like the 
use of a drug, and say that any particular retardation of 
growth is due to that unless we are able to rule out all these 
other factors which may determine the growth. It is not at all 
impossible that in the selected groups of men at these colleges, 
the ones who are specially liable to acquire the habit of smok- 
ing belong to a type in most cases which is of lower stature. 

These results may be significant or they may not be, because 


we do not know the influence of other factors. It is generally 
held that the use of tobacco retards the growth of boys at the 
age of adolescence ; but probably it would be hard to prove it 
from our present data. 

Studies of the use of tobacco among college students have 
recently been made. 

Mr. Clarke (3) made a study of smokers and non-smokers 
in Clark College. Of 211 students, 43 6/10 per cent, smoked. 
While the smokers exceeded the non-smokers in strength and 
lung capacity; in scholarship, only 18 3/10 of the smokers won 
honors, while 68 5/10 of the non-smokers did. The correla- 
tion here between smoking and the greater frequency of poorer 
scholarship is significant; but if this is quoted, as it has been, 
to show the evil effects of smoking, the fact that the smokers 
exceeded the non-smokers in strength and lung capacity should 
also be quoted for whatever it may be worth. 1 

A more important investigation perhaps is that made by 
Dr. Meylan (12) on 223 students at Columbia College. The 
average mark of the 115 smokers for two years was 62 per 
cent. The mark of the 108 non-smokers was 69 per cent. 
Physical condition and success in athletics were also studied. 
The outcome of Dr. Meylan's study is summed up as follows : 

Meylan (12, p. 176) notes: I. That college students who 
acquired the smoking habit before entering college are about 
eight months older at entrance than the non-smokers, this for 
three reasons: (1) Because of the depressing influence of the 
use of tobacco on the heart and circulation and hence the re- 
tarding effect on growth. (2) The age of 17 is the time when 
most boys begin to smoke, and if for any reason the boy is 
older than the average when he enters college there is more 
than an even chance that he will have acquired the habit of 
smoking in the secondary school. (3) The type of student 
described above, interested specially in social life and ath- 
letics is found in secondary schools as well as in college. Three 
out of four such students smoke and are usually graded low 
in their studies. These facts would account for a higher aver- 
age age among the entering freshmen who are smokers. 

" 2. The physical measurements of freshman smokers are 
slightly above those of the non-smokers, and the smokers gain 
more than the non-smokers during tin- first two years in col- 
lege, except in lung capacity. These figures are susceptible of 
misinterpretation unless three important facts are taken into 
consideration. (l) The smokers are eight months older than 
the non-smokers ; their measurements should he slightly larger 

1 This result is contrary to that found by Pack. See below. 


on that account. (2) It was shown that smokers belong to a 
class of students having larger means and therefore a more 
favorable environment — better nutrition, etc. — than the non- 
smokers ; their measurements should be larger on that account. 
(3) It was shown that smokers participate in athletic exercises 
more than the non-smokers; their measurements should be 
larger on that account. That the smokers are not appreciably 
heavier, taller and stronger than the non-smokers may be due 
to the depressing influence of nicotin on the circulation and 
the consequent interference with normal growth. 

" 3. The scholarship standing of smokers is distinctly lower 
than that of non-smokers. The intimate connection existing 
between the smoking habit and participation in the social and 
athletic activities of college life makes it impossible to deter- 
mine how much, if any, direct influence the smoking habit 
exerts upon scholarship; but the results of this study and the 
similar results obtained at Clark College indicate very clearly 
that the smoking habit is closely associated with idleness and 
lack of ambition for scholarly achievement." 

Dr. Meylan's study is a good example of careful work and 
in pleasing contrast with most of the papers written upon this 
subject. His conclusions are as follows : 

" 1. All scientists are agreed that the use of tobacco by ado- 
lescents is injurious; parents, teachers and physicians should 
strive earnestly to warn youths against its use. 

" 2. There is no scientific evidence that the moderate use of 
tobacco by healthy mature men produces any beneficial or 
injurious physical effects that can be measured. 

" 3. There is an abundance of evidence that tobacco produces 
injurious effects on (a) certain individuals suffering from 
various nervous affections; (b) persons with an idiosyncrasy 
against tobacco; (c) all persons who use it excessively. 

" 4. It has been shown conclusively in this study and also by 
Mr. Clarke that the use of tobacco by college students is closely 
associated with idleness, lack of ambition, lack of application, 
and low scholarship." 

A study has recently been made by Dr. Pack (13, p. 337) 
of the University of Utah, and his results are based on infor- 
mation received from college and university athletic directors 
of fourteen American colleges and universities. The attempt 
has been made to eliminate errors as much as possible. 

The blank forms sent out to the various athletic directors 
provided for the following data: age, weight, ordinary an- 
thropometric measurements ; ability on the team, whether fair, 
good or very good ; scholastic standing of last year, including 
average scholarship mark, and number of conditions or fail- 


ures ; the number of smokers and non-smokers who attempted 
to "make place" on first team, together with other more or 
less important features. The students were also to be desig- 
nated as " smokers " or " non-smokers." The following foot- 
note appeared on each blank : "By ' smoker ' is meant one 
who habitually smokes when not in training and not an indi- 
vidual who indulges at very infrequent intervals." It was thus 
desired that only habitual smokers be included in the list, as 
it is quite generally agreed that the infrequent use of tobacco 
is not seriously injurious. 

The institutions reporting were as follows : 

Institution Smokers Non-smokers Total 

Amherst College 

Drake University 

Haverford College 

Michigan Agricultural College.. 

Northwestern College 

Tulane University 

U. S. Naval Academy 

University of Colorado 

University of Kansas 

University of Montana 

University of Pennsylvania .... 

University of Tennessee 

Western Maryland College 

Yanktown College 

109 139 248 

On the item of " try-outs " six institutions reported on 210 
men. Of this number 93 were smokers and 117 were non- 
smokers. Of those who were successful 31 were smokers and 
yy were non-smokers ; or, in percentages of the smokers, 33.3 
were successful, of the non-smokers 65.8 were successful. 
That is, only half as many smokers were successful as non- 
smokers. The conclusion that smokers stand little chance with 
non-smokers in obtaining places on football teams is indicated 
not only by the total of the six institutions, but is similarly 
shown in each of the six. 

The following table shows the inferiority of the smokers in 
each of the six institutions reporting: 

Number Competing Number Per Cent, 

for Places Successful Successful 

Institution A 

Smokers 11 2 18.2 

Non-smokers 19 11 57 . 9 












































Number Competing Number Per Cent, 

for Places Successful Successful 
Institution B 

Smokers 10 4 40 

Non-smokers 25 17 68 

Institution C 

Smokers 28 7 25 

Non-smokers 17 14 82 

Institution D 

Smokers 28 11 39-3 

Non-smokers 15 10 66.6 

Institution E 

Smokers 10 7 70 

Non-smokers 15 12 80 

Institution F 

Smokers 6 

Non-smokers 26 15 57.7 

" The athletic directors of the various institutions were 
asked to divide their men into the classes, fair, good, and very- 
good. This classification was to be based upon the ability of 
the men as all round football players." The rating of their 
coaches indicated the superiority of the smokers. 

Thus it appears from the figures that smokers make the 
better football players, but it should be noted that this result 
is not uniform when the institutions are considered separately, 
and more important perhaps is the fact that as only half as 
many smokers as non-smokers were successful in the " try 
outs," only the best smokers were chosen while with the best 
non-smokers a group of second grade men were included. 
And again, it is stated that of two men a smoker and non- 
smoker of equal ability at the beginning of training, the smoker 
will develop into a better player than the non-smoker, because 
the non-smoker before training is much more nearly at his 
best than the smoker. Of course when the smoker begins train- 
ing he has to stop the use of tobacco and he has a much better 
chance for improvement than the non-smoker. 

In each of the 12 institutions it appears that as regards 
scholarship the smokers average below the non-smokers. 

For an equal number of students : 

Highest Marks Lowest Marks 

101 non-smokers furnish 11 6 

101 smokers would furnish 5 15 

" Smokers would accordingly furnish 71 per cent, of the 
lowest marks, and the non-smokers only 29 per cent. The 


smokers would furnish 31 per cent, of the highest marks, and 
the non-smokers 69 per cent." 

" The smokers furnish twice as many conditions and failures 
as do the non-smokers." 

In respect to lung capacity, the smokers of the same age as 
the non-smokers and 3.3 pounds heavier had a lung capacity 
7.3 per cent, smaller. As the smokers were heavier their lung 
capacity on the other hand should have been greater. It ap- 
peared that the smokers showed a decidedly less lung capacity 
in each of the institutions reported. For six institutions Pack 
reports : 

" Non-smoker's lung capacity at 159.6 pounds is 308.9 cubic 

" Smoker's lung capacity at 162.9 pounds is 286.3 cubic 

"Smoker's lung capacity at 162.9 pounds should be 315.3 
cubic inches. 

" Smoker's loss in lung capacity is 29.6 cubic inches, or 9.4 
per cent." 

" The following suggestive points are brought out in this 
investigation : 

" 1. Only half as many smokers as non-smokers are success- 
ful in the ' try outs ' for football squads. 

" 2. In the case of able-bodied men, smoking is associated 
with loss in lung capacity amounting to practically ten per cent. 

" 3. Smoking is invariably associated with low scholarship." 

The specially significant correlation in this study by Pack 
is that of the lower lung capacity among smokers. That this 
should be found in all of the half dozen institutions reporting 
is a specially significant thing which should be further inves- 

In regard to the number of children who use tobacco and the 
effect of this habit we have no adequate data. Both here and 
in other countries the number seems to be large. 

Investigations in Germany (15) made in the city of Fiirth 
in the year 1907-8 show that of 1,255 children not less than 
54.5 per cent, had already smoked. 

In a school at Magdeburg of 742 children it was found that 
306 or 41.2 per cent, smoked. Extended investigations in the 
Netherlands (12a) concerning 24,789 boys showed that 25 
per cent, smoked occasionally, 17 per cent, regularly, and 2 per 
cent, chewed tobacco. Of 5,689 boys at the age of 5 to 7, 1,162, 
that is 21 per cent, smoked frequently, and 7 per cent, regu- 
larly. These were described as stupid and inattentive, and the 
worst pupils of the class. 


In Germany perhaps more care is taken to keep young chil- 
dren from smoking than in this country, and possibly the same 
is true in some other countries where smoking is almost uni- 
versal ; but these efforts are evidently not always successful. 
The teachers in Heereveen, in Holland, have studied the smok- 
ing among the children and sent a circular to the parents in 
regard to the matter. The investigation showed that the boys 
in three of the elementary schools smoked tobacco regularly, 
especially in the form of cigarettes. In the higher classes, 
where the children were from 9 to 13 years of age, all the boys 
with a few exceptions smoked. In the lower classes smoking 
was less frequent. The teachers called the attention of the 
parents to the fact that the use of tobacco is very injurious 
to children and that it especially affects the mental develop- 
ment. And they urged parents to forbid the use of tobacco 
to their children and punish them if they did not obey. The 
physicians there also most strongly condemn all smoking by 

In some parts of this country the habit of taking snuff and 
chewing tobacco is common even among quite young children. 
A study made by Professor C. W. Stiles and S. B. Altmann 
(16) gives a noteworthy example of this. 

In taking the clinical reports of 179 children between the 
ages of 8 and 18 nearly all of them in attendance in seven 
schools in County Z in one of the South Atlantic States, they 
asked the children whether they dipped snuff, and whether 
they chewed or smoked tobacco. Of 69 boys for whom data 
were available 18 admitted the use of tobacco, and of 59 girls 
13 admitted the use of tobacco. Thus of the 127 boys and 
girls for whom records were available 24 per cent, admitted 
the use of snuff or tobacco. 

The authors report that they had " met children as young 
as four years who either dip or chew." The folk belief that 
tobacco is a preventive of anemia is taught at various points 
in these states, and the authors add " there can be no question 
that it has received professional sanction from the more ignor- 
ant of the rural physicians." 

It is not, however, a question of a mere isolated idiosyn- 
cracy, but is a result of a condition of general low sanitary 
and social environment, this habit being correlated with other 
unsanitary conditions. A single case may be cited as an 
example of what is liable to occur. 

One case, of a girl 13.7 years old. She dips snuff and chews 
tobacco. She is only 4 feet 2> Z A inches in height, standing 
(barefoot), weighs 643/2 pounds (barefoot, no coat), has a 
hemoglobin of 75 per cent, of normal, a red blood count of 


3,448,000, an eosinophilia of 32 per cent., and is a very typical 
case of hook-worm disease of long standing. Her apparent 
age is about 8 years. She does not remember when she began 
to dip and chew, but as nearly as even approximately correct 
deductions could be drawn from her statements she probably 
began the habit when she was about 4 to 6 years old. Now, 
at the age of 13.7 years, she is distinctly a heavy chewer, as 
are also her father and 11.6 year old brother. According to 
her definite statement she began the use of snuff and tobacco 
upon the advice of her family physician as a preventive against 
growing pale (namely, in this instance undoubtedly hookworm 
disease) and apparently this advice was given not later than 
1905, namely, 7 years ago." 

Sandwick (14) reports a study of high school students, 
which considers especially the habit of smoking in relation to 
the grades received. He says : 

" Of the ninety-four upper-class boys, thirty-eight were 
found to be habitual smokers; thirty-six never had smoked; 
and twenty had formerly smoked more or less ; but had aban- 
doned the habit. Their grades are as follows : 

Non-smokers 83 per cent 

Habitual smokers 76 

Reformed smokers 79 

" The marks in each case are an average of all the marks 
received by that group of students while in the high school." 

" Of the sixty-two first-year students, seventeen were found 
to be habitual smokers, forty-one never smoked, and four had 
given up the practice. Their grades when averaged were as 
follows : 

Non-smokers 84 per cent . . 

Habitual smokers 76 

Reformed smokers 82J " " 

Mr. Gosling (8, p. 693) has made a study in a large high 
school of the Middle West of the use of tobacco among 103 
boys of the senior class. There were friendly relations be- 
tween the instructor and pupils, and the answers were probably 
truthful. They were secured also by personal interview with 
each boy. There were 58 non-smokers and 45 smokers. The 
scholarship of the non-smokers seemed slightly better ; that is, 
it was 1.9 per cent, higher in the general average than for the 
smokers. The results are not striking and the number studied 
was too small to warrant any positive conclusions, but the 
investigator rightly suggests that there may be " some common 
cause out of which issue independently both smoking and low 


scholarship. There comes a time to many boys when they no 
longer hold themselves to such strict adherence to their ideals 
as formerly ; when they do not keep as firm a grip upon their 
conduct; when they do not hold themselves to such strict ac- 
countability; when they allow a certain relaxation of self- 
control. May not this lowering of personal standards of con- 
duct, this relaxation of self-control, account for the habit of 
smoking, for low scholarship, and perhaps for other unfor- 
tunate habits of boys? If this be true, we are face to face 
again with the old problems. How can a boy be taught self- 
control ? How can high ideals be made the ruling principles in 
the life of a boy?" 

Some investigations of the effect of tobacco upon the health 
of school children have been made. Mr. Charles Keene Tay- 
lor (17, p. 159, 160) reports an interesting study made at the 
Germantown Academy in Philadelphia. He examined the re- 
cords of over 500 private school boys between 12 and 17. 

" It was found that 15 per cent, of the twelve year old boys, 
20 per cent, of the thirteen year old, 38 per cent, of the four- 
teen year old, 29 per cent, of the fifteen year old, 57 per cent, 
of the sixteen year old, and 71 per cent, of the seventeen year 
old boys were either regular or occasional smokers. Now 
follow the grades for these boys, contrasting those of the non- 
smokers with those of the smokers. These grades were aver- 
aged from their school reports for three successive months, 
and included marks for lessons as well as for conduct. 

Age 12 13 14 15 16 17 

Grade, non-smokers 83 90 89 84 87 85 

Grade, smokers 73 75 75 73 75 68 

" A study was made of the ' disease records ' of these 262 
boys. The total percentage of smokers was 30.4 per cent. 
Now if smoking had no effect, we would be likely to see the 
proportion of smokers having had ' stomach trouble ' to the 
non-smokers having had the same disorder to be the same as 
above, that is 30.4 per cent. The records show that of the 
boys having ' nervous disorders/ all, that is 100 per cent., 
were smokers. Of all having ' stomach troubles ' 71.4 per cent, 
were smokers. Perhaps this was caused by swallowing smoke 
and nicotin-laden saliva. Of those having typhoid-pneumo- 
nia, 50 per cent, were smokers, the same is true of appendicitis. 
Of all who had diphtheria, 38.5 per cent, were smokers, and of 
those having disorders in the naso-pharynx 37 per cent, were 
smokers. These percentages, you will note, are all larger than 
the legitimate proportion of 30.4 per cent, as noted above. It 
is only when we consider the common diseases of early child- 


hood, which come before the ' smoking age,' that we find the 
proportion 304 per cent, as one would suppose." 

We should note in all these studies that a correlation does 
not necessarily indicate a causal relation. For example, there 
seems to be, according to the investigations of Pack, a high 
correlation between smoking and inferiority in college work. 
This, however, may be due to the fact that those who are 
especially interested in scholastic occupations have less inter- 
est for smoking and the like ; while those who have relatively 
little interest in scholastic occupations are interested in many 
other things which are naturally associated with smoking. The 
difference between a correlation here and a causal relation may 
be made clear by a concrete illustration. Professor Eucken 
of Jena, Germany's leading philosopher, unlike most Germans, 
does not smoke. We can just as well argue that his superior 
ability and superior interest in scholastic matters is the cause 
of his not smoking as that his not smoking is the cause of his 
superior intellectual ability. 

As regards the relation of smoking to efficient brain activity, 
the evidence so far is rather slight. Probably there are great 
individual differences. The work of Bush (1) indicates a 
distinct decrease of the mental ability as the result of smok- 
ing. While the evidence does very strikingly suggest that 
smoking may be injurious physically by checking the develop- 
ment of the lung capacity, and while there is apparently a cor- 
relation between smoking and inferior scholarship ; on the 
other hand it should be noted that the advantage of smoking 
is to be looked for distinctly in the mental field, and this is not 
a factor to be underestimated. The attitude of mind asso- 
ciated with the habit of smoking is one of calmness and seren- 
ity; and at all events, the habit of smoking in moderation is 
usually connected with the habit of taking short periods of 
rest several times during the day, a habit of relaxation and of 
freedom from worry, distinctly helpful for the brain worker. 

The effect of tobacco on the brain, or more particularly 
perhaps, the effect of nicotin on the brain, is first stimulating 
and then depressing. The stimulating effect passes off very 
quickly, so that it is to be considered as a depressant. Thus 
the effect of nicotin, not to mention the possible effect of the 
other injurious substances in tobacco smoke, is distinctly in- 
jurious to mental work. Usually the argument stops here, but 
the whole matter is by no means as simple as this. 

Apparently in the case of many persons the sensation from 
smoking tobacco becomes a conditioned stimulus for mental 
activity. This may explain the fact that while Bush found a 
decrease in the mental ability after smoking, Berry found the 


mental activity improved. It is well known that many people 
can do better mental work while smoking than at other times ; 
and for many persons smoking makes a condition favorable 
for calmness and clearness of thought. These are well known 
facts. The reason apparently is that the sensations from smok- 
ing become associated with other stimuli and form a condi- 
tioned stimulus. Sensations from tobacco smoking seem very 
easily thus to associate themselves and become conditioned 
stimuli for many conditioned reflexes. For example, we have 
in case of certain persons a purely physiological conditioned 
reflex in connection with the evacuation of the bowels. For 
normal action of this kind such persons are dependent upon a 
cigar, which clearly acts as a conditioned stimulus. 

Apparently in the case of many persons the sensation from 
smoking tobacco not only becomes a conditioned stimulus for 
mental activity, but in some situations at least, a most impor- 
tant condition for such activity, and, where an individual has 
been for a long time habituated to the habit of smoking, brings 
up many associations. Thus the soldier in the trench who has 
plenty of cigars and cigarettes finds his lot lightened by many 
of the feelings of calmness and familiarity that are connected 
with the smoking habit when at home. But on the other hand 
serious results of excessive smoking in the trenches is reported. 

Again in case of some persons the tobacco as a conditioned 
stimulus seems more important in bringing about these feel- 
ings of calmness and at-homeness than the unconditioned 
stimuli which originally brought about such feelings. For 
example, many an habitual smoker feels far more satisfied and 
contented to be out-of-doors in a disagreeable storm with the 
opportunity to smoke than to stay in a luxurious parlor and 

Certain studies have been made by von Frankl-Hochwart 
in regard to the effects of smoking on the nervous system. 
Among 750 smokers who were studied by him one-third 
had more or less grave disturbances due to nicotin. Fur- 
ther, he reports in regard to over 700 cases of excessive 
smokers suffering from nervous diseases in the case of whom 
other poisons were ruled out. More than one-fifth of these 
had headache of a diffuse character, and even a genuine nico- 
tin migraine seemed to occur. Many complained of buzzing 
in the ears, but more frequently there was dizziness. Not 
infrequently they complained of sleeplessness. Very often they 
suffered from anomalies of mental condition in the form of 
depression and conditions of anxiety. At a later age note- 
worthy weakness of memory sometimes occurred, and some- 
times a certain limitation of the mental horizon. Actual nico- 


tin psychoses seemed also to occur. Not infrequently there 
was genuine syncope, and early apoplexies also occurred. 
Further Frankl-Hochwart, on the basis of five cases observed, 
made a diagnosis of nicotin epilepsy. 

The nicotin tremor was seen in only one-tenth of the cases 
and was never excessively great. Nine times a tic-like twitch- 
ing was observed. And further, the frequency of nicotin 
abuse as a cause of writer's cramp was indicated. 

Frohlich has studied the toxology of nicotin and tobacco 
smoking. For the judgment of the poisonous effects of to- 
bacco smoking nicotin alone is to be considered. The mild 
form of acute nicotin poisoning is characterized as a transient 
excitation of the central nervous system, that is, of the sym- 
pathetic and autonomic system. In the case of experiments 
with nicotin poisoning there occurs an excitation of the center 
of respiration with paralysis succeeding this. And further 
there is an excitation of the nerves of the heart, the autonomic 
vagus nerve and the sympathetic accelerant nerve. The seat 
of the cardiac excitation is central and peripheral. Nicotin 
has a very strong effect on the arterial blood vessels as well as 
on the vasomotor center. 

The evil effect of tobacco, if there is such, is that of a slow 
poison which tends gradually to undermine the health and 
lessen the ability to work. That is, its effect may be to 
lessen the efficiency of the nervous system after prolonged 
use. In regard to all this we know very little ; but some facts 
of observation are significant. It is reported that the athlete 
finds it hurts his wind, hence tobacco is forbidden to athletes 
in training. The expert billiard player and the expert rifleman 
report that their shooting is more accurate when they do not 
smoke. That is, the effect, if we may trust these reports, 
seems to be to lessen the keen edge of intellectual as well as 
physical performance. 

Recent studies furnish corroborative evidence. Dr. Fisher 
and Professor Berry have reported the results of experimental 
investigations by different students which, though tentative, 
they say are " remarkable for their uniformity and general 
consistency, showing that smoking raises the heart rate and 
blood pressure, that it markedly delays the return of the heart 
rate to normal after exercise and that it impairs the neuro- 
muscular control as indicated by delicate finger exercises and 
gross muscular coordinations." 

It should be remembered that there is no question of the 
injurious effects of nicotin, pyridine, and other substances 
produced from tobacco. ' Again, there is no question in regard 
to the evil effects of immoderate use of tobacco. As regards 


the latter point the study made by Pawinski of causes of 
arterio-sclerosis is significant. In 3,156 cases the author 
found that excessive use of tobacco occupied second place, 
obesity, holding first place. A history of excessive smoking 
was recorded in 29.8 per cent, of the cases. In 1,075 cases 
in which sclerosis of the coronary arteries was the most pro- 
nounced type of the disease, tobacco came first in importance 
as a cause, contributing to 41.9 per cent, of the cases. And 
when smoking was the only possible etiological factor it 
accounted for 19.4 per cent, of the cases. 

Here again, as in eating and drinking, there are what may 
be called hygienic methods of smoking as compared with 
unhygienic. The specially unhygienic practices are those 
of inhaling the smoke, of smoking on an empty stomach, of 
using improper paper in making cigarettes and inhaling the 
smoke of the paper, of smoking strong cigars or cigarettes 
without a suitable holder, thus causing inflammation of the 
membrane, not to mention excess of smoking, which is obvi- 
ously irritating to the mucous membrane of the nose and 

And there are of course other aspects of the tobacco prob- 
lem with which we are not concerned here, considerations, 
economic, social and ethical. All these are aside, however, 
from our special problem. 

Mr. Manuel (10) in School and Society discusses the prob- 
lem whether the college smoker is a worthy social institution 
or not, and comes to the conclusion on the whole that it is not. 
The criticism apt to be passed on any such study is that the 
outsider who studies such a question does not consider sympa- 
thetically the social aspects of his problem. 

Perhaps a more important problem to-day is that presented 
by the economic side of the question. When in a crisis like the 
present every form of unnecessary expenditure makes the con- 
ditions of life harder, and actually tends to help the enemy, 
in an indirect way it would seem specially desirable that at 
least all those who have never acquired the habit of smoking 
should abstain, and this would seem the more desirable from 
the fact that it is not difficult to substitute other means of per- 
sonal and social recreation; and just as the English are giving 
up their personal conveniences and luxuries for the sake of 
aiding the government, it may be said that the least one can 
do is to avoid acquiring habits which may mean unnecessary 

The teacher and the reformer, however, are very apt to lack 
proper perspective and to give instruction that is not altogether 
truthful. The boy or man who uses tobacco is represented as 


lacking in physical health and development and in any case as 
being at least a waster of the goods of life, if not depraved. 
One speaker at the Buffalo Congress of School Hygiene (11) 
pointed out that the greatest conflagration of modern times is 
that which results in the mighty volume of smoke belching 
forth from the mouths and nostrils of 20,000,000 men and boys 
living within the confines of this enlightened American com- 
monwealth. It destroys more wealth in a year than the great 
and destructive fires that have occurred in this country during 
the past three-quarters of a century. Then he adds a table of 
great fires ending with that of San Francisco with a loss of 
400 million dollars, but the loss from the tobacco conflagra- 
tion in 1912 was a loss of 1200 million dollars. And further 
he points out that this would buy 300 loaves of bread for 
every man, woman and child in the country. 

It may be noted that the amount of money spent for tobacco 
in this country, especially for cigarettes, has increased in recent 
years. According to the estimate of Prof. Farnum (4a) the 
annual cost for tobacco used in this country is $1,200,000,000. 

Undoubtedly important economic and moral considera- 
tions are involved here. But in giving instruction of this kind 
to boys and girls it should at least be accompanied by the 
statement of similar facts in regard to the waste from over- 
eating and in regard to the use of candy adulterated with 
poisonous material. It would be quite possible perhaps to 
show an equally great economic loss, not to mention the injury 
to health, from such sources. 

Where instruction is not given in right perspective and is 
not truthful, boys and girls are likely soon to see the fallacies 
involved and then perhaps may reject even the truth presented 
in connection with the fallacies. The fundamental considera- 
tion in giving instruction in hygiene is to present the truth ; 
and if possible to give training in right activity in view of the 
knowledge we have. 

The evidence thus far indicates that: 1st, excessive smok- 
ing is injurious ; 2nd, that moderate smoking apparently does 
not injure most mature adults. 

3. In many cases, especially where smoking is excessive, an 
injurious effect on the mucous membrane of the throat and 
nose seems to result. Especially if one has any tendency to 
trouble with the throat or naso-pharynx the habit of smoking 
seems likely to be injurious. 

4. Smoking is correlated with somewhat inferior lung ca- 
pacity in athletes. 

5. Smoking is correlated with inferior scholarship. 


6. As regards causal relations the evidence justifies no 
sweeping assertions. 

7. Smoking decreases the ability to do muscular work in 
some individuals. 

8. Under the conditions of Bush's experiment, smoking de- 
creases the ability to do mental work. 

9. In the case of children the evidence seems to be that the 
use of tobacco is distinctly injurious. 

10. Excessive smoking or excessive use of tobacco in any 
form is especially injurious to the nervous system. 

11. Many different poisons have been found in tobacco 
smoke, the most injurious of these perhaps being nicotin, pyri- 
dine, and carbon monoxide. Many studies have shown the 
extremely poisonous effects of nicotin when absorbed. 

12. The primary effect of nicotin on the nervous system is 
stimulating. The secondary effect is depressing. The stimu- 
lating effect is so short that the drug is to be considered dis- 
tinctly a depressant. 

13. Whether or not smoking is physically injurious or detri- 
mental to mental efficiency seems to depend upon the individ- 
ual, the amount of indulgence, and the manner in which one 

14. Moral, social and economic considerations perhaps, quite 
as much as hygienic, should determine the desirability or un- 
desirability of the use of tobacco. 

15. The favorable effects from tobacco smoking, once the 
habit is established, seem to come chiefly from the conditioned 
reflexes formed. 

The practical question for mental hygiene is a part of a 
much larger problem, namely, how far is it desirable to make 
one's mental activity dependent upon artificial conditioned 
stimuli. Or, if you prefer, in the words of the older moralists, 
how far is it desirable to become the slave of habit. 


1. Berry, C. S. The effect of smoking on adding. Psy. Bui., 1917, 

Vol. 14, pp. 25-28. 

2. Bush, A. D. Tobacco smoking and mental efficiency. N. Y. 

Medical Jour., 1914, Vol. 99, pp. 519-527. 

3. Cannon, A. B. Effect of nicotin injection on adrenal secretion. 

Jour. Pharm. and Exper. Therap., 1912, p. 381. 

3a. Clarke, Edwin Leavitt. The effect of smoking on Clark Col- 
lege students. Clark College Record, July, 1910, Vol. 4, No. 3, 
pp. 91-98. 

3b. Fisher, G. J., and Berry, E. The physical effects of smoking. 
N. Y. Assoc. Press, 1917. 188 p. 


4. Fisher, I., and Fiske, E. L. How to live. N. Y., Funk & Wag- 

nails, 1915, 345 p. 
4a. Fisher, I. Is the tobacco habit injurious? Pamphlet. 

5. Frankfurther, W. Arbeitsversuche an der Schreibmaschine. 

Psychol. Arbeiten, 1912, Vol. 5, pp. 4i9~45i- 

6. v. Frankl-Hochwart. Uber die nervosen Erkrankungen der 

Tabakraucher. Jahresversamml. d. Gesell. deutscher Nerven- 
artze. Rev. in F olia-N euro-Biologica, 1912, Vol. 6, pp. 295-296. 

7. Garner, W. W. The relation of nicotin to the burning quality 

of tobacco. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bur. of Plant Industry, 
Bulletin No. 141, Sept. 30, 1909, 15 p. 

8. Gosling, T. \V. Tobacco and scholarship. School Rev., 1913, 

Vol. 21, pp. 690-693. 
8a. Henderson, May Foote. The aristocracy of health. Washing- 
ton, 1904. 772 p. 

9. Kraepelin, Emil. Ueber die Beeinflussung einfacher psyscischen 

Vorgange durch einige Arzneimittel. Jena, Fischer, 1892, 258 p. 

10. Manuel, Herschel T. Is the college " smoker " a worthy social 

institution. School and Society, 1916, Vol. 4, pp. 609-704. 

11. McKeever, W. A. The boy and the tobacco problem. Fourth 

Intern. Cong, on Sch. Hygiene, Buffalo, 1913, Vol. 4, pp. 125-131. 

12. Meylan, George L. The effects of smoking on college students. 

The Popular Science. Monthly, August, 1910, Vol. LXXVII, 

No. 2, pp. 169-178. 
12a. Mouton, J. M. C. Das Rauchen bei Kindern. Zeit. fur Schul- 

gesundheitspflege, 191 3, Vol. 26, pp. 338-339- 
12b. Nice, L. B. Studies on the effects of alcohol, nicotine and caffeine 

on white mice. Jour, of Exper. Zoology, 1913, Vol. 14, pp. 123-151. 

13. Pack, Frederick J. Smoking and football men. Pop. Sci. Mo., 

1912, Vol. 81, pp. 336-344- 

14. Sandwick, R. L. The use of tobacco as a cause of failures and 

withdrawals in one school. Sch. Rev., 1912, Vol. 20, pp. 623-625. 

15. Stark. Schulartzliche Erfahrungen. Zt. f. Schulgesundheits- 

pflege, 1909, Vol. 22, pp. 443-448- 

16. Stiles, C. W., and Altman, S. B. Use of snuff and tobacco by 

school boys and girls. U. S. Public Health Report, 1913. Re- 
print No. 118. 

17. Taylor, C. K. A little more "truth about tobacco." Psy. Clinic, 

1913-14, Vol. 7, pp. 153-160. 

18. Tidswell, H. H. The tobacco habit, its history and pathology. 

London, Churchill, 1912, 246 p. 


By Edgar D. Randolph, 
State Teachers College, Greeley, Colorado 

Olla Podrida 

"No level' d malice infects one comma" 

It is possible that, first and last, too much has been written 
about the " Bad English " of students. Undoubtedly a very- 
great deal of it makes thin reading, and is the worse, for 
sounding petulant. The concern manifested relates funda- 
mentally to conditions rather than to the causes of them ; and 
the dominant querulous note suggests overwrought nerves, 
inadequacy, bewilderment, et sequitur, rather than analysis and 
adjustments under way. It certainly has been given too much 
scope. Distress of any sort made a staple theme rapidly be- 
comes profane. There is probably also some basis for the 
charge that much of our striving looks toward establishing 
our taste in sweetmeats as the norm, the proper goal for our 
students. Indications are not wanting of an ideal which, 
if it could be imposed on students, would " produce singularity 
or perpetuate idiosyncrasy." This too, is a lode that soon 
peters out, as caste ideas will in a democracy. Less working 
of it would surely not have meant any loss of essential capital 
to the cause of " Good English." Finally, to round up a 
somewhat hazardous comment, one suspects that too much 
of the effort of the complainants may have been directed 
to conventional ends that are relatively unimportant, in the 
lower schools at .least; that represent largely only a school, or 
even only a department, standard. Of this more will need 
to be said later. On the whole (there are notable exceptions 
of course) the reading of a hundred or so of magazine articles 
pertinent to the topic in question suggests that the field really 
possesses greater variety than the articles admit. One does 
not feel set ahead in proportion to the effort put forth. 

Probably the magazine articles may fairly be supposed to 
indicate in a general way the problems felt by the teachers of 
English. Courses of study might be presumed to indicate 



somewhat clearly the current practice. It would be well if 
one could look to them also for some statement of their under- 
lying philosophy, their principles, even though these were only 
an expression of their sense of " oughtness." It is doubtful, 
however, whether they can confidently be relied upon to do 
even the first, — though there are no good reasons why they 
should not. Very few indeed make any serious effort to do 
the second. They appear to have been somehow conventional- 
ized — so that too often they are as useless for specific quests 
as are the Annual Reports of State Superintendents of Edu- 
cation or of charitable agencies in New York City. 

Nevertheless, certain useful information which they do 
not plan to give, can be had from an examination of them. 
Among other things, they are very closely alike from coast to 
coast, in city and country, in homogeneous and in mixed popu- 
lations. Their list of " errors " is almost stereotyped, and 
in the main the separate items thereof are apparently regarded 
as of about equal importance. They do not do justice to 
the considerable variety of English, both good and bad. In 
general, they unhesitatingly assume their possession of all 
necessary data; that their main problem is one of drill for 
the correction of a standard series of errors. Usually they 
do not give evidence of having considered the implications of 
the errors in question; nor do they frequently offer any sug- 
gestions on method. Instead, they as a rule merely assure 
the reader cheerfully of certain laudable performances : for 
instance, " Children are helped, as needs arise, in idioms and 
the forms of oral composition;" "Much attention is given to 
oral composition in this (the second) grade;" "Most spoken 
errors are corrected at once in a manner to avoid distraction 
from the thought:" — so speaks one of the best elementary 
school courses. 

It is of course possible that a very great many elementary 
school teachers know at once when " needs arise," and are so 
facile in the " forms of oral composition " that they can give 
potent help readily. The distinction between " oral composi- 
tion " and extempore speech in class may not be worth making 
in the second grade. It would certainly, however, be useful 
to know how to correct " all spoken errors at once in a manner 
to avoid distraction from the thought." In fact many of the 
assurances given in courses of study have to do with matters 
of such difficulty as to divide the reader between wonder at 
the corps of teachers who can do such work, and skepticism 
about the sincerity of the course. We should amiably admit 
that a course of study ought to be better than the daily prac- 
tice of the school for which it is made (assuming for the 


moment that courses are made for particular schools); but 
we do not thereby relinquish our conviction that it should 
make no pretenses. Its phrasing should enable one to separate 
its working plant (so to speak) from its contemplated ex- 

On the whole, we may summarize, courses of study in Eng- 
lish provide a somewhat comprehensive marshalling of the 
standard theoretic and practical formulae of textbooks on 
composition and rhetoric. They suggest rather a careful 
survey of other printed asseverations about English and its 
ways than a thoughtful evaluation of the matter involved for 
a certain limited number of school years, a certain selection 
of pupils, and the like. Almost any course of study, we 
venture to generalize, if carefully examined in connection with 
inspection of class work, will focus attention upon several 
interesting matters : for example, the perfunctoriness of its 
a priori analysis of the field of probable error; the conven- 
tionality of the underlying conception of the function of a 
course of study; the discrepancy between promise and ful- 
fillment; and the like. 

The problems of " corrective " English are no doubt in part 
general- — that is, not local; and it is accordingly to a certain 
extent feasible to block in the field of probable or possible 
errors, though even the most careful a priori analysis is cer- 
tain to be notably incomplete. What is not feasible is to give 
in this way a functional distribution of emphasis. The very 
best of such efforts will inevitably exhibit defects due to pre- 
conceptions about the scope and kind of errors and about 
the proper emphases, — is certain in this or that place to be 
relatively inapplicable. The difference between good English 
and standard English (clear colloquial versus literary) is more 
than likely to get ignored in such procedure. The latter 
usually dominates corrective work. Wherever this happens 
the labor of the teacher will justly seem to the student to be 
merely hobby-riding. It will lack reality and will therefore 
signally fail. As examples of such unreality, consider the 
very common insistence that the pupils shall always respond 
to questions with complete statements ; that slang is always 
to be repressed; that errors are always to be corrected at the 
time when they occur ; that incoherent speech is to be checked 
in mid-course or earlier; and so on. These are all more or 
less obstructive precepts such as can be safely given out only 
under the most heavenly conditions. No one who thinks twice 
about the matter wishes class work to be wholly artificial. 
What is the practice of educated people? is a pertinent ques- 
tion to ask of those who would or do set up such standards. 


It is surely not anything like the standard of those who make 
such demands as these of pupils. Very often, to cap the 
question laconically is much better than to frame a complete 
statement. Always to respond to questions with full-fledged 
statements is to do what nobody alive does under normal cir- 
cumstances. On occasion slang is the properest possible mode 
of expression. If errors were all corrected as they occur 
many a capable student would find all avenues of growth 
except one relatively unimportant one inexorably closed. And 
finally, incoherent statements are sometimes the only sort that 
can be had or made. Knowledge comes bit by bit, not all at 
once. Much of it is born in the struggle to do something 
with incompletely co-ordinated brain and vocal organs. In a 
stimulating class young people must frequently be incoherent. 
They cannot anticipate all the ramifications of ideas. Every 
good class will orTer opportunity for active struggle and the 
various stumbling explorations of incompletely equipped dis- 
coverers. Even incoherence of the degree describable as both 
visible and audible may be an expression of a hopeful state 
of mind, doubt and struggle signifying reconstruction in pro- 
cess. In a class devoted to rote work there of course need 
be none of it. In a class which is thinking there will always 
be some of it. It is important to receive it as a sort of advance 
agent of the orderly discourse of the expert speaker. 

In a word, so far as we can determine from a generous (but 
perhaps not wholly representative) sampling of magazine 
articles and courses of study, " English " in all its aspects 
appears to have resisted the modern pragmatic tendency in 
Education about as successfully as have the other school 
studies. At every stage of school work the beginnings of 
necessary reconstructions have been made. For the orienta- 
tion of college and senior high school teachers a number of 
outstanding articles exist, — notably those by Baldwin, Aydel- 
lotte, Steeves, Baker, et. al. (See, for examples, the Cyclo- 
pedia of Education: articles on Composition and Rhetoric; 
The Educational Review, 1911, English as Training in 
Thought; 1914, The College Teaching of Rhetoric; and so 
on). In this higher field fresh analysis of the problems and 
a clearer eye for prospective methods have recently while 
exhibiting pretty fully the inherent difficulties of the work 
at the same time opened up vistas to the teacher. 

In contrast to this situation, the lower reaches of school 
work are much less well provided for. The few analyses rele- 
vant here have not been brought together ; for various reasons 
the problems in this field have not been stated with like ap- 
proximate completeness. A certain trend is nevertheless dis- 


cernible in the work that has been done. Slowly supplanting 
formal grammar, " corrective " or " technical " English, in- 
tended to compel a functional selection of subject-matter, has 
become somewhat common in elementary school programs — 
often, however, in situations in which the teachers are not 
equipped to make the underlying philosophy fruitful. The 
early manuals of the San Francisco Normal School (see Miss 
McFadden's Bulletin on Corrective English, for example) 
spent their force upon method, in which they were dogmat- 
ically innovative. They apparently accepted the traditional 
list of " common errors :" those of the class in which" rightness 
is a matter of usage or custom or convention. At the same 
time, in their preliminary expositions they illustrated the range 
of unconventional but (as we think) more important errors: 
those of the class in which rightness is a matter of logic or 
meaning. The brief Inventory of Language Errors by Super- 
intendent Charles S. Meeks of Boise, Idaho (N. E. A., 1910: 
435) was an important advance, the first direct attack (so far 
as we can find) upon the local problem, but one apparently 
little known. The recent investigation by Charters and Miller 
of the errors of Kansas City, Missouri, school children (Uni- 
versity of Missouri Bulletin, Vol. 16, No. 2) is suggestive 
and therefore useful; but its results are of course not to be 
regarded as indicating a typical condition. The absence, from 
their tables, of certain of the unconventionalized errors above 
hinted at (errors which seem to belong to childhood in much 
the same way as its mode of learning to walk) raises a ques- 
tion about the thoroughness of the survey. Beyond these few 
published studies there is little suggestive material for the 
stimulation and guidance of the elementary-school teacher of 
English. There are no analyses of the problems of the lower 
schools that can be regarded as approximately as satisfactory 
as those mentioned above for the college and upper high 
school field. Standards more representative of social prac- 
tice, such as a determined consideration of modern analyses 
of educational values should be expected to give, are needed 
together with (for course makers) much greater unwilling- 
ness to reiterate blanket phrases. 


Errors Found in the Speyer School 
Up to this point the persistent criticism of existing condi- 
tions may have seemed to imply a forthcoming construct to 
meet the' situation discovered. We ought now to make clear 
that its intention was only to indicate in part why such a 


construct has not yet appeared. What we shall do is to con- 
tribute another article to those which (as we have admitted) 
make thin reading. We have to report, along with some 
critical comments, the concrete details of an inductive study 
of school errors in spoken English — a study made during the 
summer of 1914 in a practicum conducted by Professors 
M. B. Hillegas and Ernest Horn of Teachers College. 

In the discussions preliminary to the investigation it seemed 
to us that the problems of corrective English were in series 
about as follows : first, to know what errors occur and their 
frequency; second, to rank or group them somehow with 
reference to their importance ; thereafter, to find out what 
they mean, how they arise, and the like ; and finally, to devise 
effective methods of recommending the better expressions, 
eliminating the causes of unsatisfactory expression, building 
up a technique, and so on. In the present report, though we 
obviously have not completed even the first task, we venture 
here and there a little into each of the other assignments. 

The shortness of the time and the difficulty of observing 
typical class work in the summer made it necessary to use 
stenographic reports on file at the Speyer School. The data 
collected are therefore open to certain suspicions of error, 
chiefly, however, in way of deficits. For example, subsequent 
check-observations of recitations made it clear that in spite 
of the stenographer's belief that her reports were absolutely 
faithful she had edited " They wuz " (writing " There was ") 
a considerable number of times. Aside from this, the nature 
of our source of material removed from observation a class 
of errors which in point of prevalence should be recognized as 
the most important : namely, mispronunciation. The further 
possibility that the stenographer contributed errors of her own 
to the reports was considered. It does not seem likely that 
she did, since examples of her own spontaneous writing, which 
by chance were available, contained almost no errors, — none 
at all of the fundamental ones that recur in the reports of the 
pupils' recitations. This is significant, in view of the fact that 
nothing in the world is harder than for one who uses good 
English to remember or invent the phrasing of bad English, 
especially of incoherent sentences. 

It should further be apparent at the outset that collecting 
spoken errors from stenographic reports must frequently be 
subject to the inaccuracies of personal judgment. In not a 
few instances it was necessary for us to formulate our own 
guidance. Reasons for this will be still clearer when it is 
realized that manuals of usage exemplify their principles 
mainly by excerpts from literature, rarely from colloquial 


English, and still more rarely from the English of young peo- 
ple. The principles that one applies ought not to be left 
wholly implicit; briefly, therefore, we present certain consid- 
erations that bear upon such decisions as were made during 
the gathering of these data. 

1. Oral English must be tried before (not a lower but) a 
different bar from that appropriate for written English. Ex- 
tenuating circumstances must always be admitted. When the 
spoken words of pupils are written down the judgment is 
further complicated. It must be remembered that the bad 
appearance of sentences is not conclusive evidence against 
them. Their sound must testify also, with all the advantage 
that the counsel of punctuation can provide ; for the exigencies 
of even oral composition (which is prepared for deliberately) 
demand that the speaker have somewhat greater freedom from 
prescription than the writer. Much more so in impromptu 
speaking (as in most recitations, in most class discussions, and 
in all conversation) must there be opportunity for freedom. 
There will be thinking of course, and with it reconstructions 
of attitudes ; there will often be emotional stress, and with 
it a measure of headlongness ; and the very effort to speak 
truly will often be detrimental to the form of the expression. 
Therefore, sentences must be heard as well as seen, in order 
that rough first drafts in process of revision not be measured 
by the standards of finished products. There is no closet for 
the revision of oral language. It must have freedom. Con- 
sequently its merits are not precisely those of written language. 

This doctrine is as yet rather a matter of social practice 
than of academic theory, except among a few eminent teach- 
ers of English and in a few departments of education. The 
principles are capable of illustration, however, which without 
exhibiting the variety of the demands will make clear their 
dominance. When a pupil in the eighth grade says, " In my 
opinion John should cut it out," by the quality of his sentence 
he has for all reasonable people quoted the slang as effec- 
tively as is the custom to do by furtive smile or facetious 
intonation. When another says ironically of her class-mate's 
sentence (intended as an improvement of her own effort at 
phrasing), "I don't think that's such a grand expression 
either," she is of course well within the bounds kept by people 
of taste and education. The same judgment should hold in, 
" That's what I should call fancy." Note even the sentence, 
"After they worshipped the Horse God and the Dog God 
I didn't understand the rest." By the help of context, which 
is never lacking, we may approach the oral rendering thus: 
"After the sentence, ' They worshipped the Horse God and 


the Dog God,' — I didn't understand the rest." The sentence 
is clumsy, ill-adapted to its end; but it is not incoherent, even 
to the eye. In brief, in the case of slang and " impropriety," 
and to a certain extent also in incoherence, the governing 
principle is simply Portia's " How many things by season 
seasoned are !" How far we shall adopt in theory 

the view sanctioned in practice, that it is only reprehensible 
not to be aware of our " bad " English, may be a proper 
question, but to it no definite answer can be given. Here and 
there we may certainly limit its application with young people. 
We shall, however, only be accustoming them to recognize 
their lawful occasions. 

2. Further, not only is a certain latitude to be accorded 
amiably to oral expression in general, but also to young pupils' 
groping for expression a large amount of charity is eminently 
appropriate. Fatal though the " loose and " is to consecu- 
tiveness and organization, yet the fact remains that the tech- 
nique of subordination (still a problem in high school) is too 
difficult to be mastered early. It may even be said that the 
" loose and " belongs to very young people everywhere. Like 
baby clothes it should be laid aside eventually — but just when? 
And what helps should teachers give in the rehabilitation? 
Perhaps, for example, The Gingerbread Boy and other stories 
built on the " loose and " are not absolutely indispensable to 
the English work of the lower grades. At any rate, in view 
of all this it is probably true that I have checked this mode 
of expression oftener than is fair in the first four grades. 

3. Again, the checking of errors demanded that two stand- 
ards be constantly in use : one looking toward the function of 
language (clear expression, the logic of the sentence) ; the 
other looking toward social feeling about ways of expressing 
clear ideas (idiom, taste, usage). A balance could not always 
be struck. A careful user of shall and will for instance, feels 
that in the interchanging of these verbs there is real confusion ; 
but the majority of educated Americans (including teachers 
of English everywhere) have no such feeling when speaking 
and only occasionally when writing. Social practice, even 
that of our best speakers, is accordingly against him who 
insists that the interchanging of these verbs is an error. At 
all events nothing can be said in favor of teaching a rule 
that the teachers do not follow. Nevertheless, for the sake 
of not seeming to overlook a " common error " we have religi- 
ously checked the instances in which, as a matter of taste, 
we should have used the word not preferred by the speaker. 

Likewise, partly as a matter of curiosity, we have checked 
up the very frequent use of you as an impersonal pronoun. 


Few manuals of usage pay much heed to this employment of 
you. It is apparently regarded as a rare usage, and examples 
from Longfellow (Outre-Mer) and Emerson (Essays) are 
cherished alongside the aphoristic " You can't make a whistle 
out of a pig's tail." But in children's exposition, in their 
expression of opinion, and especially in their talk of matters 
of taste or expediency (as in Industrial Arts, for instance), 
the impersonal you becomes first obtrusively frequent and in 
the end ludicrously ambiguous. The ambiguity, however, is 
only theoretic; no one ever misunderstands. And the usage 
is thoroughly reputable. If it were not open to suspicion 
on other grounds than those of variety we should not be 
justified in listing it here. 

With so much by way of qualification we present a table 
of frequency of errors with rough indication of the relative 
importance of separate items. 


Analysis of Oral Errors of Children in Speyer School 

Frequency and Distribution of Errors 


Pages examined 74 41 38 44 198 169 318 160 1042 

Sentence Structure 

misuse of 

Looseand.... 83 202 84 30 254 265 131 152 1207 
per page.. 1.12 4.9 2.2 .68 .77 1.6 .41 .95 

Because chain 1 10 11 

tives 1 per page 

Irrelevant so.. 31401625 22 

per page.. .04 .025 .08 .0 .003 .036 .009 .01 

Incoherence from other 

causes 5 10 5 8 15 33 39 50 165 

per page 06 .24 .13 .18 .07 .20 .12 .31 

Lack of logical conform- 
ity between subject 

and predicate 00000166 13 

per page 

Total errors 1415 


Vague it 28 2 19 52 37 22 150 

per page .68 .06 .00 .096 .308 .11 .13 

Ambiguous reference. ... 1 28 2 1 9 6 39 31117 

per page 013 .68 .05 .02 .045 .03 .12 .19 

Antecedent blunder 5 1 5 2 9 34 56 

per page .12 .026 .00 .02 .01 .02 .31 

05000 11 1 17 

Cases 010000326 



Confusion of — 

what, how, why 000012003 

who, which 000000101 

"Impersonal you" 46 16 20 13 37 41 136 261 625 

Total errors 875 

A djectives — adverbs 


Nice 4 2 7 1 19 27 

Good— well 0600503 11 25 

That— so 22001314 13 

Awful 11012106 12 

Vague, too 00003008 11 

Fancy 6 6 

Most, almost 000022015 

Comparison 000101103 

Somewhere, someplace .. 1 1 1 3 

Total errors 105 

Other connectives 

Like— as 04124633 23 

per page 00 .09 .06 .04 .01 .36 .009 .01 12 

If— whether 1 2 9 12 

Than 000102003 

But 2 1 3 

If, though 010000012 

Where (in definition) 2 2 

Total errors 45 

(idioms mainly) y 


In— into 022101208 

Superfluous in, on 000200215 

Of— in 000020204 

To— at 020000002 

In— on 000010001 

Without, except 000000101 

Total errors 21 


Lot 3 3 11 22 39 

Kind of a) 

Sort of a \ 3 2 1 10 4 5 5 30 

Much of a J 

Like phrases 100 14 55 1 11 

f humming ] 
Kind of whistling } 1 1 3 1 1 6 

[ laughing J 

Total errors 86 

Table I should be read as follows. In grade I seventy- 
four pages were examined. In these pages sentence structure 
was incoherent because of the presence of the loose and 
eighty-three times at the rate of 1.12 occurrences a page, etc. 

Summarizes Table I 

Summary — 

Total pages of stenographic reports examined 1040 

Total errors noticed 2841 

Distribution — 

1. Sentence structure 1415 

2. Pronouns (including impersonal you) 875 


3. Verbs 294 

4. Adjective-adverb 105 

5. Connectives (other) 45 

6. Prepositions 21 

7. Miscellanous 86 

Total 2841 

Table II should be read as follows : in a total of 1,040 pages, 
2,841 errors were noticed. Of these 1,415 were in sentence 

Probably the most significant contribution of this study is 
the silent commentary which it makes upon the work of 
schools in their effort to improve the quality of children's 
speech, though it should also have a certain interest in com- 
parison with the results obtained in other attempts to deter- 
mine the actual nature of children's speech. 


Illustrations and Comments 

For the sake of concreteness we here illustrate the more 
fundamental errors. In a few cases it has seemed worth while 
to make some comment. 

1. The loose and: Only careful experiment will make cer- 
tain what the meaning of the error is and how best to correct 
it. We have suggested above in a sort of preterition that it 
arises in the necessities of the mental mechanism whereby the 
learner tends in every situation to form the easiest bonds first; 
and so long as these will approximately serve his ends, to shirk 
the more consummate but vastly more difficult bonds. (Thorn- 
dike : Educational Psychology, Vol. II, pp. 261-284.) It 
may be simpler, though it is somehow less satisfactory, to 
say that 

a. Possibly the pupils' sentence sense is not sharp. 

b. Probably ideals of clearness have not had sufficient basis 
in explicit analysis for principles : i. e., class work often has 
mainly factual aims, and consequently principles (technique 
of subordination) have been only implicit. The habit of 
organization, if established in written work, has not sufficiently 
even for the grades carried over into oral recitations. The 
fault suggests on the whole a lack of familiarity with the 
function of various subordinating words. 

c. The paragraph idea has possibly not been given much 

p la y- 

The elimination of the fault might demand 

a. Practice designed to sharpen the sentence sense. 

b. Class inspection of ineffectual " run on " constructions, 
with practice in their reconstruction. 


c. The formulation of some principles or the tabulation of 
some resources for the difficulty; for example, the temporary 
taboo of and might be helpful. (Thorndike op. cit.) 

d. Avoidance of questions so framed as to encourage 
enumerative answers. 

Examples of the Loose And 
First Grade 
Typical Oral Composition 
u There were three pigs, a mother pig and a father pig and two little 
pigs and they went out to see their grandmother and their grandmother 
lived over in the woods across the way and then the little piggy went 
over to see her and when he came back their mother was out and they 
didn't know what to do and he said : ' I will go and see if I can look 
in the window,' and one little piggy said : ' I will look in the dining- 
room;' so one little piggy, etc., etc.," (seventeen more lines!). 

Second Grade 

Nature Study 

" Sometimes the birds get the seeds on their feet from the mud when 

they are carrying little straws and the birds drop them on the ground 

and the wind blows them away and then when the rain hits it it washes 

the little seed down a little hole and it is planted. 

Third Grade 

Industrial Arts 

" We first had a big sheet of paper and we took off the paper on 
which we had drawn our bowls and we measured how far we had our 
border and we put the lines on the paper like that and then we put, 
etc., etc." 

Fourth Grade 
" He was used to their kind of ways and was used to the kind of 
things they did and the way they dressed and he saw here great big 
buildings and different things and it wasn't like he was at home." 

Fifth Grade 
" The granite is found in the New England States. In the New Eng- 
land States they have great mountains of it and they found it is too 
hard to mine if it is in great masses and the quarries are near cities 
or water so it can be more easily transferred." 

Sixth Grade 


" I saw them changing their money and I saw a man put a mark on 

their shoulders if there was something the matter with their eyes and 

when they were changing their money some of them had only a little 

bit and some had a whole lot." 


Seventh Grade 
"The children are very respectful in Japan and it is a disgrace to 
have bad children and the children honor their parents." 

Eighth Grade 
Various Classes 

" I know one day I was going to school and I saw a blind man who 
wanted to go across the street and there were boys and men there and 
he said: 'Will anybody please help me?' and I took his arm and 
helped him across and I think I did perfectly right." 

" A little while ago The Globe had a rummage day and you can send 
a postal and they go to the house and get them." 

" The land isn't as large as California and only fifteen percent of the 
land can produce food and they have to go outside for their food and 
when they annexed Korea they got more food." 

2. The Irrelevant So, and the Because Chain: Much of 
what we said of the preceding fault is also applicable here, 
though the error seems fundamentally more serious. 

Examples of the Irrelevdnt So 

Eighth Grade 
Geography, Industrial Arts, etc. 
" Find out the kind of life they lead and how patriotic they are so 
they could beat Russia." 

" I have another hat I wear for good and when I bought it I was 
thinking of changing it, so I always get a plain hat." 

" If factories made everything out of lead the people wouldn't buy 
it; so they make more money if they make things of iron and steel, 
because the people will buy them." 

Examples of the Because Chain 

11 You can have a plain tailored hat for Sunday just as you can for 
week days, because I think black is a good color to wear with a tailored 
hat because you can wear that with any dress." 

" I think the location, because if you don't know the location you 
won't know about anything else, because when the exports come around 
if you don't know where Europe is you won't know which way they 
have to send their ships when they are going to different countries 
because if you don't know where they are you can't trace anything." 

3. Incoherence not due to misuse of connectives: It will 
be sufficiently evident that many elements of a situation may 
contribute to unsatisfactory expression. Some of these we 
may indicate briefly in passing. 


Second Grade 

Groping for Expression 

Teacher : " How do you know when a story can be dramatized ? " 

Pupil : " You can play it things you can make 

believe; and things can be played. 


Sixth Grade 
Heated Expostulation 
"They say about schools, but what are schools for?" 

Seventh Grade 
Heat, groping, and cool blundering 
" When Frances said about some people who don't like what they are 
doing, I don't think there are many people in New York who like 
their business." 

" If a dress looks good — if a girl wears a dress, say a checked dress, 
I am sure it (a plaid ribbon) would look as good on her hat as it 
would on her dress." 

" One thing we found out was the reason why Japan beat Russia 
was because they kept their camps and their cells and their sanitary 

Eighth Grade 

Too-common Errors 

" If we wanted to attract attention to ourselves at all it would be 
just the way we acted." 

" If they go to high school, if they were a girl they could go to 
Wadleigh; but they cut out the secret societies; but they have other 
clubs, and the boy could join a society at his high school." 

Other Common Errors 
" Put it on the side the paint isn't." 
" Your question wasn't only money." 

" Besides carrying babies on their back there are no beasts of burden 
in Japan." 

4. Shall-will, should-would: We have already in passing 
spoken of the interchanging of these verbs. Little further 
need be said, unless we should present a bibliography of the 
other-worldly articles upon this matter that have been con- 
sistently disregarded up to the present time by those who de- 
termine the customs that we follow. There is a sort of 
admirable consecration or devotion exemplified in the attitude 
of those who scrupulously continue to make the fine distinc- 
tions (in subordinate clauses and in indirect discourse) that 
perforce must be lost upon a decadent world. So long as they 
do it as a matter of habit or with (so to speak) their super- 
fluous energy no one has any business to commiserate them. 
Do not some play golf, whilst others, having a garden in their 
back yard think themselves happier ? " How many things 
by season seasoned are ! " 

It may still, however, not be amiss to point out that the 
bulk of the " confusion " is in the past tenses. Here we 
approach a form of expression which we think is open to 
objection on other than puristic grounds. 



" If we would say we would take people too old to work we 

would have to keep them in the poor house." 
" I would think they would manufacture." 
" I wouldn't like to go to a dance that you don't have to pay." 
" I think I would rather study their education first." 
"We won't need to know about that." 
" I hope we won't make that mistake." 
" I will have to do it this way." 

5. The False Conditional (would be=is, etc.): Apparently 
related adventitiously to the should-would mixup is a con- 
struction which we think is vicious. We lower our guard 
here, and with great vim set down the full measure of our 
aversion to it — resolutely disregarding the weak feeling that 
since in the main only theoretic confusion results from its 
wide employment, to object to it is captious. Some of the 
closest thinkers we know (in philosophy and psychology) are, 
together with those who constitute the bulk of their readers, 
not disturbed by it. As the type of the construction we offer 
the sentence: "Twenty-five per cent of $1,000 would be 
$250," and insist that the would-be habit is worse than it 
sounds. Fundamentally it is an evasion of responsibility: 
the responsibility for positive declaration, the obligation to 
have an opinion upon obvious matters. 

Probably there is something in the relations of teacher and 
pupil that fosters the construction. Occasionally in the higher 
schools one sees evidence of its being consciously chosen for 
the specific purpose that it best serves. In the lower schools 
it often appears to be an indication of the pupil's lack of real 
interest in the occupation of the moment. In any event it 
gives (me) the impression of insidious doubt about the reality 
of subject matter; of confirmed defensiveness in a game. 

Manuals of usage almost ignore it. Hodgson (Errors in 
the Use of English; Appleton) is the only one I have exam- 
ined who mentions it. He gives a single example. Colloquial 
English, however, furnishes many illustrations, some patent, 
others not readily separable from the should-would tangle. 
It is quite possible that (being under a certain momentum of 
aversion) I may sometimes, though I think not, have classi- 
fied doubtful cases in the wrong category. The stenographic 
reports of Speyer furnish relatively (if our casual impression 
from observation of other schools is nearly fair) few exam- 
ples and these (all things considered) not glaring. 

In general the fault is easily dealt with, by simply making 
the pupil conscious of it. The judicious interpolation of a 
brief question: "If?" "Under what condition?" "Why isn't 
it?" or the like, will serve. 



"The language of the Americans would be different" (from that of 
the Greeks). 

"They would not have as good art here" (as they have in Greece). 

" The thought (of this sentence) would be: After the man has, etc." 

" Symbolism would be the explanation of what that (a scene in a 
play) means." 

"In here (a book) it shows all the things these immigrants took 
when they came over. That (the data referred to) would show that 
some were skilled." 

"That (legislation) would be a function of the government." 

We may (with some, but not much, unfairness) mass a number of 
questions illustrating (among other things) what seems to us to be one 
provocative of the mode of expression that we have just deprecated. 

"What would you say that a boy's work is?" 

"Why would some of the cheaper pieces of meat be indigestible?" 

" What would be the way of deciding what things would go well 
together ? " 

"What would be some of the .undesirable things in cheap cuts of 

"What would these items refer to?"^ 

"How many (i.e., what percent of a given number?) people will this 
180000 be? " 

" What would you call a good breed of cattle ? " 

"Would that information be important?" 

"What would be another topic under this?" 

"What would be the thought in this line?" (See answer above.) 

"What would you say the problem was?" (i.e., What is the prob- 

"What would be your object in asking: 'Are you going back to 
Greece? ' " 

"What would be your criticism on this story?" 

" Let us hear what you think would be the next point." 

"Would yon need a topic to include this?" 

6. " Like " phrases: Here we may let our illustrations speak 
for themselves. Those who with us mildly disapprove of this 
peculiarity may be interested to note the considerable variety 
of the modes of attack that are concentrated in this one form. 
We here invent the teacher's question, not having been 
thoughtful enough to take down both question and answer. 


Teacher: "How could this be shown?" 

Pupil : " Like in public school — once they had a piece of cloth 

with a hole in it and they darned it." 
Teacher: "What brings the immigrants here?" 
Pupil : " Like if they wanted to fly from prison — they would come 
" Like yesterday — we etc." 
" Like in Hawaii — the Japanese etc." 
" Like giving presents at Christmas time — you etc." 

7. The impersonal you: A thoroughly reputable usage may 
become obnoxious through monotonous repetition. The im- 


personal you is surely overworked in most schools. It is not 
always the best approach to predication. Study of the context 
raises in many cases a presumption in favor of the view that 
continual recourse to the impersonal you, especially as an 
opening word, marks a wrong approach to predication, a lack 
of directness, lack of impersonal seizure of the point at issue, 
lack of grasp of the means of sentence variety. But here 
again we have to curb the artist petulance over the chasm 
between what is and what ought to be. This use of the im- 
personal you is peculiarly the child's way. The technique of 
expression is mastered slowly. The degree of grasp of it 
that can properly be sought in a given grade is not surely 
known. Teachers (far beyond the elementary school) have 
not put aside the childish method. Their questions are un- 
consciously so framed as to encourage its use. 

By way of illustration we use some bits of dialogue. 

Teacher : " Another reason for knowing how to darn stockings." 

Pupil : " You don't look nice with holes in your stockings. It 

shows your character." 
Teacher : " Anything else about stockings ? " 
Pupil: "I don't like white stockings on a big fat person. They 

make your legs look too big." 
Teacher : " What else ? " 

Pupil : " Your stockings should not be so thin." 
Teacher : u Anything further in regard to clothes ? " 
Pupil: "You should not wear too much jewelry." 

" I should think you would change your stockings twice 

or three times a week." 
Teacher : " Anything further in regard to keeping clean ? " 
Pupil : " I don't think you should put special stress on that (i.e., 

hands and face) because you see a lot of girls whose 

face and hands are clean but if you ever looked at 

the back of their neck, it is black." 
Teacher: "What else?" 

Pupil : " You should wash your hair often." 
" You should keep your hair neat." 
" If you have very light hair I don't think you would look 

good in light colors." 


Cruciality Ranking of Errors 

In all work in corrective English two standards are involved 
and overlap. Such errors in sentence structure or choice of 
words as thwart meaning seem to many to be of much greater 
importance than violations of good usage. On the whole, 
however, (such at least is the impression I have gained from 
supervision) it is fairly certain that much more attention is 
given to the latter sort, the stock aversions, than to the former 
which I have elsewhere called the unconventional errors. 


For the sake, however roughly and inaccurately, of comparing 
the values of the two classes of faults, I have in the columns 
below ranked the main errors dealt with in this report. In 
column I, I exhibit the impressions I have gained of the 
emphasis commonly laid in corrective English in the elementary 
school. In column II, I arrange what seemed to me to be the 
more serious errors roughly in the order, as I see it, of their 


Usage, taste, diction Sentence structure, meaning 

10. Slang (including awful, 10. Incoherence (not thru 

etc.). misuse of connectives) 

9. Automatisms (now, well, ' 9. Incoherence (thru misuse 

etc.). of connectives) 

8. Case, number, person, etc. 8. False conditionals 

7. Ambiguous reference 7. Lack of logical conform- 

6. Like for as, as if, etc. ity (chiefly in defini- 

5. In for into tions) 

4. Without for except 6. Ambiguous reference 

3. Different than: different 5. Tense attraction 

from 4- Misuse of prepositions 

2. Because, so, but 3. Different than: different 

1. And from 

2. Omission of auxiliary 

1. Participle for verb 

Multiplying the number of errors of a given kind by the number rep- 
resenting the position in the column of the error in question we get a 
rough comparison of relative values. Thus : 
io. Slang: 6ox 10=600 
g. Automatisms : negli- 
6. Like for as, etc. : 

10. Incoherence (see above) : 165 x 10=1650 

9. Incoherence (connectives) : 1240x9=11160 
6. Ambiguous reference : 

117 x 6=702. 

By this device we make it appear that incoherence is to 
slang as 1,650 is to 600 and so on. It is too bad that this does 
not settle the matter. Who knows what the relation might 
be in a comparison made by somebody knowing ten times as 
much about the matter as I do? It is useless to speculate over 
these data. They add only one bit of concreteness to the gen- 
eral counsel of Educational Sociology (as voiced in the bril- 


liant lectures of Henry Suzzallo) : namely, that though schools 
must always idealize social practice somewhat, they neverthe- 
less must constantly take their cue therefrom. It would evi- 
dently be futile in Speyer to teach from (say) the Kansas 
City list of errors. It is extremely unlikely that (whatever 
their causes) the divergences of these lists are exceptional. 
The place to find out what to do in corrective English is — 
not in the printed lists of composition books and compiled 
courses of study and inventories like this and other incom- 
plete ones made by other people of unknown biases. In ad- 
vance of investigation, no one (to be as dogmatic as the teacher 
I quote) " knows what are the common errors " in his own 
school. Beyond this, English may follow the cue to relevance 
by more tolerantly consulting ^ social practice for wholesome 
standards. What this would mean can essentially be gathered 
from consideration of, say, Professor Krapp's scholarly treat- 
ise (Modern English, Its Growth and Present Use, Scribner's) 
and the numerous essays of Professor Lounsbury. 

KAIBARA EKKEN (1630-1714) 

By Yosohachi Yokogawa, Clark University 

I. His Life. Kaibara Ekken was born at Fukuoka, Kyushu 
district, November 14, 1630, two years earlier than John Locke 
of England. His house was one of hereditary knighthood, 
himself a retainer to the feudal lord in Fukuoka. His two 
brothers were well educated, gentle Samurai, or knights, both 
admirers of literature. Like Locke, he was a quiet boy of 
weak constitution, while mentally he showed genuine keen- 
ness and love of study. From his fourteenth year, after five 
years of elementary education, Ekken studied classical Chinese 
with Sonsai,his big brother, who was the tutor to the successor 
of his feudal lord. With eagerness young Ekken studied 
many books, and mastered several sacred books of Buddhism. 
He carefully studied medicine as he was very anxious about 
his own weak body, just as Locke studied the same science 
under similar conditions. Ekken compiled an elaborate book 
of hygiene, " A collection of hygienic principles " (Isei shuyo), 
and at the advanced age of eighty-four he simplified it for 
children's use. This is called " Instructions on hygiene," the 
most popular and most valuable book on hygiene in the pre- 
Meiji age of Japan. 

It was not unreasonable that his attainments in medical sci- 
ence should have been much more advanced than those of his 
contemporaries. He had wide and comprehensive knowledge 
and personal experience in several branches of medicine, espe- 
cially hygiene, therapeutics and pharmacy; while physicians 
in his age were mostly ignorant men of the hereditary class 
of their profession. Once Sonsai, his brother and instructor, 
had a severe fever, and no treatment of his doctor was effec- 
tive. As Sonsai was growing weaker, Ekken took his physi- 
cian's place, and by his skillful treatment Sonsai soon began 
getting strength and recovered entirely in only ten days. One 
recalls the similar story of John Locke, that when the Earl of 
Shaftesbury, to whom he was physician, confidential adviser, 
and tutor, was sick, Locke successfully treated and cured him. 

Ekken spent three years (1658-61) in Kyoto, a center of 
learning in his age, where the home schools of the greatest 
contemporary scholars, namely Kinoshita Junan, Matsunaga, 


338 KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 

Sekigo, Yamasaki Ausai and others, were attracting students 
from the various parts of the country. He did not enter any 
schools in Kyoto because his learning was so advanced and he 
wished only to polish it through personal intercourse with 
these authorities and by attending their lectures. After three 
years' devotion to his own culture in Kyoto he returned to his 
feudal lord and served as tutor for forty- four years, receiving 
appreciation and respect from all around him. 

In his long life, Ekken went up to Kyoto twenty-four times, 
twelve times to Edo, and traveled in almost all parts of Japan. 
Again like Locke, Ekken was a social scholar and had many 
friends among nobles and scholars. 

In 1 701 a. d., at the age of seventy-one, Ekken resigned 
from his long service of tutoring to three generations of his 
feudal lords, and died in 1714, ten years later than John Locke, 
having enjoyed the last fourteen years of his life in writing 
books. He left some poems, one of which, written at his last 
hour, was this: 

From my childhood, I kept a sublime aspiration in my bosom; 

I regret that I could not realize the early hope in my character and 

What was my work in a career of eighty-five years? 
Quiet pleasure in study was my own life. 

Hatsuko Kaibara, the wife of Ekken, was a highly educated 
woman for her age, a skillful composer of couplets. Several 
times she accompanied her husband on his trips and aided him 
greatly in his books on geography and travels. 

II. His Writings. A complete list of his writings might be 
divided into six groups: 

1. Selections. 7 editions. 

2. Commentaries and translations. 7 editions. 

3. Literary collections. 6 editions. 

4. Original contributions and compilations. 6 editions. 

5. Travels. 

6. Popular textbooks on education. 26 editions. 

Among these writings The Collection of Hygienic Principles 
in the first group; Encyclopedia of Botany in the second 
group; Meditation, and A Treatise on Doubt in the third 
group ; Japanese Botany in the fourth group ; and all the books 
in the fifth and sixth groups, were most powerful educational 
writings in Pre-Meiji Japan. 

III. The Fundamental Principles of Study. As the 
writer understands him, the fundamental principles of study 
shown by Ekken through his own life and writings may be 

KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 339 

condensed under three heads : I . Education should be a wide 
cultivation of the human mind and body ; 2. All studies ought 
to have a teleological end ; in other words, the ultimate aim of 
all studies should be the promotion of human welfare ; 3. Doubt 
is the fountain of intellectual development. The first and 
second principles are the fundamental principles of all grades 
of education, and the third of higher education. 

His time was during the most remarkable age of philosophy 
and literature in Japan. For instance, Hayashi Doshun ( 1 583- 
1653) and his hereditary successors were the eminent Chue 
school scholars and were teaching from the standpoint of 
empiricism, as the tutors to Shoguns and the presidents and 
professors in the central government university were. In con- 
trast with the Hayashi family in Edo, the capitol, Nakae Toju, 
a retired knight, established a home school in a rural district 
on the western shore of the Lake Biwa, in the vicinity of 

Toju and his famous disciple Kumazawa Banzan of Oka- 
yama were the most eloquent lecturers of the Wan Yan Min 
school, of idealism or rationalism. From the disciples of 
Toju, many reformers and many politicians developed and 
played an important part in the revolution of 1867. Other 
great scholars contemporary with him had shown equally high 
attainment in their own lines, philosophy and literature; but 
none of them were as broad minded as Ekken and they made 
no contribution to the study of hygiene, geography, botany, or 
agriculture. The age of Ekken was by no means a period 
of broad education, and no school or home taught children 
after broadly planned curricula. Especially no one dreamed 
of a curriculum of elementary education or had a definite idea 
of the educational age of children, except that some rough 
plans appeared in the Chinese classics; so that Ekken's Doji- 
keen (The instructions for children) was the epoch-making 
book in education of that century. 

Ekken's pragmatic emphasis was on daily practical matters 
such as domestic affairs, hygiene, and agriculture. Contempo- 
rary scholars had for the most part exerted a very good moral 
influence, except a few who devoted too much attention to the 
arts and literature; none of them pointed out practical and 
minute suggestions as Ekken had done ; Ekken says in his pre- 
face to a guide book of agriculture translated from the Chinese 
by his friend : " The principles of wise state administration 
are only two, instruction and feeding. In the order of neces- 
sity, feeding first, and instruction should come next to it; be- 
cause sufficient clothing and food foster refinement. There- 
fore, kings of ancient times felt their responsibility to promote 

340 KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 

industry and the material welfare of their people. I believe 
the first step in the promotion of the people's industry is the 
reformation of agriculture. So I wished to write a plain book 
on practical agriculture, but I did not have time enough to 
carry out that purpose, owing to my slow nature and want of 

Ekken claimed personal freedom of study in higher educa- 
tion and strongly emphasized the value of doubt. He says in 
his Dai gi roku (A treatise on doubt), "Doubt is a most 
valuable motive in study; if a student begins to doubt pro- 
foundly, he can make more progress in his work; even a little 
bit of doubt might be a motive to some progress ; but there is 
no progress without doubt. Hence the human soul always 
needs doubt and must evolve it for the sake of its own ad- 
vancement. Probably if a student does his intellectual work 
diligently and struggles for the realization of his ideal, he 
would necessarily have to doubt, so that one who has no doubt 
in his mind is a student who lacks sincere effort." Ekken's 
" A treatise on doubt " was written in his later life when he 
began to doubt the empiricism of the Chue school which he 
kept long after he had shaken off the introspective rationalism 
of Wan Yan Min that he enjoyed in his early life. 

IV. His Pedagogy. John Locke did not deal with educa- 
tion in general, but only with the education of young gentle- 
men. Ekken, likewise, practically treated education for the 
young Samurai and for the young rich men, thinking the edu- 
cation of this class the most important part of the education 
of people in general. Ekken says : " All people of four castes 
(Samurai, farmer, workman and merchant) ought to teach 
their children etiquette and ethics; for these are the founda- 
tion of character building; and they should also teach mathe- 
matics; and the children of Samurai, besides this, should be 
taught archery, horse-riding, fencing, spear performance and 
Jujitsu." He says also: the first duty of parents to their 
children is to give them moral education from very early 
childhood. These words are contradicted by the custom of 
that age, when the people thought culture was necessary for 
Samurai, but men of lower castes might remain in ignorance, 
and no clear sense of duty was developed among parents for 
the next generation. 

Accordingly, he is the first man who dealt with education in 
general, and as early as the 17th century advocated parental 
duty in education in Japan. 

Ekken realized the importance of school education for two 
main reasons : 

KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 341 

i. In the home children will become too familiar with the 
educator, easy going, and selfish. 

2. The school will stimulate the children's spirit of emula- 
tion and the spirit of self-control. 

Moral Education. According to Ekken, the teaching of eti- 
quette and ethics is the foundation of character building. He 
was an enthusiastic follower of the Confucian moral principle. 
" The ancient proverb," he says, " is true. . The impressions 
received early in childhood are like heredity, the habit becom- 
ing like nature." Hence a " good habit makes a man good, a 
bad habit makes a man bad. Habit has a strong power over 
man." Again in the " Instruction for Children," he says, " The 
education of a child must begin as early as possible, but against 
this statement, many ignorant people claim that if the educa- 
tion begins at so early an age, it will repress the child's activity, 
therefore it is better to leave the child's mind to unfold gradu- 
ally, and when grown its wisdom will help it to adapt itself. 
To be sure these are the words of a foolish man and it is a 
great interference with education. Instruction must begin 
when a child begins to eat and to speak, before its mind be- 
comes preoccupied with bad influence through sight and 

Thus we can see that the formation of good habit is the cen- 
tral idea of the moral education in the pedagogy of Kaibara 
Ekken. Consequently he suggested providing good surround- 
ings, saying. " The tutor must be chosen from among virtuous 
men ; the friends must be selected. 

Parallel to the above mentioned doctrine of habit forma- 
tion, Ekken recognized the necessity of training. His argu- 
ment on this point in his " Instruction for Children," " Medi- 
tation," and some other books might be divided into four 
points : 

First. Parents ought to observe the orientation of desire in 
their children, and repress some bad tendencies, such as sexual 
indulgence, luxury and cowardice; repression of cowardice is 
most important for the children of Samurai. 

Second. Ekken says a strict drill is very necessary in educa- 
tion. The great majority of parents and attendants of the 
children spoil them with short-sighted kindness and sympathy. 
" Flattering children produces unspeakable misfortune in their 

Third. If you praise the goodness of your children, they 
will lose their virtue; if you praise their arts, they will lose 
their skill. The man who praises his son is the most ignorant 
of three fools. 

342 KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 

Fourth. He thought in education the spirit of endurance 
and patience must be trained and a man is useless unless he 
has gone through painstaking training. For instance, in " The 
Instruction for Children " he says : " Children ought to be in 
service to their parents and guests, they must study several 
kinds of lessons. Waste of time is harmful for children. 
Clothing, food, implements, rooms and attendants might better 
be insufficient for an aristocratic house, because the men 
trained through painstaking care in their youth, easily endure 
hardship and can be strong, loyal servants to their lords, and 
sons of filial piety. For the same men there is no fear of in- 
dulgence in luxury; surely they can keep their home safely; 
and the same men might get rid of poverty or endure it when 
it was unavoidably by unfortunate accidents or on the battle 
field. Strict training is the best way of expressing love." 
Ekken in his educational writings used to say : " Be peaceful 
in mind but busy with hands." Accordingly he wished to 
occupy children's time with play, to furnish them a good time. 
For boys, kite-flying, toy-archery, and all kinds of ball games 
and tops ; for girls, dolls and battledore-shuttlecock were re- 
commended by him, and he disapproved of betting and ex- 
pensive kinds of play. 

Intellectual Education and Curriculum. Ekken wished to 
give wide and manifold education, putting reading in the cen- 
ter. Through it he taught ethics, politics, economy, history, 
and geography. In the primary grade he put writing in the 
center and by it he suggested the teaching of reading, some- 
thing in history, and in geography. In the grammar grades 
his plan was to teach letter writing, commerce, and agriculture. 

In " The Instruction for Children," and in " Meditation " 
he says : " Loving simplicity and hating complexity is human 
nature; therefore in primary education complex material and 
long sentences ought to be avoided, for these dull the interest 
of children. Unless it is memorized, knowledge is useless. In 
giving your lesson, always consider children's power of mem- 
ory. Morality is the universal culture required of all people; 
but art relates to individual character. 

Roughly, these are Ekken's principles of intellectual educa- 
tion: The four years from 6 to 9 represent the elementary 
grade; four years from 10 to 14, secondary; and five years, 
15 to 20, the higher grade of education; in each of these years 
five subjects, writing, reading, etiquette, and ethics were taught, 
and various kinds of art commonly were given from the tenth 
year. As I have already pointed out, in these subjects writing 
and reading are the central subjects with which many studies 
are connected. 

KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 343 

Hygiene. His hygienic ideas were the most highly devel- 
oped of that time, though their value cannot be estimated from 
the scientific standpoint of the present age. But in his time — 
the seventeenth century — it must have been a wonderful doc- 
trine in an isolated country of the far east. 

Among his teachings were the following: 

1. Thick clothing and heavy meals are very common unhy- 
genic errors among aristocrats. For children some measure 
of cold and hunger is necessary. This is the wise method to 
protect the stomach and make their spirit strong. 

2. Out-door work is very much encouraged during fine 
weather; for wind and sunshine make the blood pure and the 
skin healthy. 

3. Before six years of age, children are better to go to bed 
early and get up late. Give them food in response to their 
appetite ; etiquette should not be required of them. 

4. Children must not be still ; they should be encouraged to 

p la y- 

5. Be pleasant in heart; worry is unhygienic; be diligent in 
body ; too long rest is unhygienic. 

6. Singing and dancing are recommended because these 
make mind and body supple and promote digestion. 

7. A room is better to have light from the south ; it should 
be neither dark nor too bright, because darkness shuts the 
spirit up, while too bright light wastes one's energy. 

8. Harm from moisture is slow but serious. People must 
be careful about it, etc. 

Education of Woman. Two articles were contributed by 
Kaibara Ekken to the education of woman : one is " How to 
Teach Woman ; " the other, " The Greater Study of Woman." 
An unknown contemporary writer compiled a book on woman's 
education called " Imagawa's letter to Woman." In compar- 
ing these three, I have noted that, in general, they agree in 
their main points. Perhaps their doctrines represent the strong 
public opinion of that time and may be condensed into the fol- 
lowing statements : 

1. Woman's destiny is decidedly to be a wife and mother; 
consequently her entire life is for the home and for faith- 
ful service to her husband, her parents-in-law and her own 

2. The most important virtues of woman are chastity and 

3. Except to the members of her family she ought to be 
segregated from the other sex, so that, unless unavoidable 

344 KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 

business forces her to be out, it is always better for her to stay 
at home. 

4. Education in all kinds of refinement is required for 
woman; but she has no need of higher intellectual education. 

5, Halberd and dagger performance and sometimes Jujitsu 
are encouraged for woman in the Samurai class, in order that 
she may protect herself and her beloved ones. 

His influence on the education of woman was great. 
Ekken's " Onna dai gaku " (The woman's greater study) was 
used as the most important and most common textbook in 
woman's moral education. It was so powerful that whenever 
girls or women were admonished, some part of Onna dai 
gaku was generally quoted as the text of instruction. 

Woman's three ways of obedience to men, namely: when 
she is young she ought to be obedient to her father ; when she 
is married she ought to be obedient to her husband; and in 
her old age, to her son ; and the seven causes of divorce, were 
thought by the people during more than two centuries to be 
laws of inviolable truth. This was so profoundly ingrained 
in the Japanese mind we can conceive a good deal of the 
teaching remaining in the subconsciousness of men and women 
in that country. 

The Influence of Ekken on the Education of Japan. Through 
the whole Tokugawa epoch (1602-1867), the secondary and 
the higher education of Bushi or the knight, was carefully 
managed by the central and local government; but the educa- 
tion of the girls and boys of the three castes, farmers, work- 
men and merchants, was not entirely cared for by the gov- 
ernment or public bodies, so that, naturally, this was left to 
the influence of the home and private schools, and the teaching 
of them fell into the hands of men of leisure, such as the 
priest, the inkyo (a retired person from the head of the house) 
and the ronin (a brave man or retired knight). 

Ekken's influence on elementary education was great. 
His fundamental principles in elementary education were 
faithfully followed by all teachers of the elementary schools 
or terakoya (a cottage of a Buddhistic temple) teachers. Ac- 
cordingly, if we glance at the practice of the terakoya educa- 
tion, a school of men of leisure, we can soon realize how the 
pedagogy of Ekken influenced it. 

We can note the following heads : 

1. The choice and arrangement of the teaching material. 
The forty-eight different syllabics in a poem were given in the 
first step of the writing lesson with reading; next, the figures, 
the directions, and the clan and the street names (village names 

KAIBARA EKKEN— 1630-1714 345 

in the rural terakoya) in the Chinese ideographs; to them a 
brief history and geography of the children's native place and 
the country were connected; and then simple commercial, in- 
dustrial and agricultural correspondence follows. These are 
the center of all necessary knowledge concerning business, 
industry, and agriculture. 

2. The practical method of teaching. Ekken's careful pro- 
cedure in teaching and writing was completely adopted by 
almost all elementary school teachers in tarakoya. Generally 
writing lessons are given to very young children, using a stick 
for a pen and a tray of sand or rice-bran. 

The children must write, following a copy book written by 
an excellent master, with the stick in the sand tray. The size 
of each character at the first steps in writing is very large, 
being about five or six inches square ; therefore the child uses 
for the most part the fundamental muscles connected with the 
shoulder, elbow and arm, accompanying the pronunciation or 
reading of the syllabics that he is writing. His posture must 
be straight except for a slight bend of the head. At the next 
stage, children are taught to make ink by the friction of a cake 
of indian-ink on the ink-stone, one part of which is filled with 
water ; and with a brush he has to write on an old paper copy- 
book called the soshi. Oftentimes new white paper is given 
for test and encouragement. 

3. The moral training. The cleanliness and good order of 
the teacher's seat and the children's desks, the sweeping and 
dusting of the class room, are the children's responsibility. 
Sometimes they must serve their teacher's private needs and 
go on errands. Generally, obedience and politeness were re- 
garded as the most important virtues, and corporal punishment 
was practiced. 

Why was his doctrine so powerful in Japan in the past and 
the present ? Of course any one can point out that some part 
of his thought is unreasonable and impracticable in the present 
age, yet I think he saw the eternal truth of the necessity of 
hygiene in education, and of the spirit of manliness for the 
prevention of decadence; and he recognized the light of the 
sacred torch of genetic psychology at a time as early as the 
seventeenth century. 



By Herbert Patterson, Dakota Wesleyan University 

Throughout the history of Christianity, perhaps no part of 
the Bible has been more emphasized in the early religious edu- 
cation of children than the ten commandments. Generation 
after generation, children have been taught to repeat these 
words. Many sects require that their adherents, when pre- 
senting infants for christening or baptism, solemnly promise 
that they will teach their children certain portions of the 
Bible, and almost invariably these chosen selections include 
the ten commandments. Many Sunday schools urge all chil- 
dren to learn them. Often they are found inscribed upon the 
walls of church auditoriums. 

In spite of the fact, however, that the ten commandments 
have been regarded as of such great importance in the reli- 
gious education of the child, too little attention has been paid 
to the problem of discovering the best methods to use in teach- 
ing them. Habit rather than reason, tradition rather than 
science, thus far have dictated the method most employed. 
Good people have tacitly assumed that all children should be 
taught " by heart " all the commandments, and that the 
younger they are taught the better. Is this practice based 
upon sound educational principles? 

The greater the truth to be taught, the greater the care in 
the way it should be taught. If this be granted as true — it 
seems, indeed, plausible — then the conclusion must follow that 
the manner of teaching the ten commandments is important 
enough to demand serious consideration. Has not the time 
arrived when thoughtful people desire that their children 
should receive a better religious education than they them- 
selves received, even as they wish them to receive better secu- 
lar education? It is to such, to those who are ready to exam- 
ine fairly new proposals for improving religious instruction, 
to those who are unwilling to regard as axiomatic the view 
that already a perfect pedagogy of religion has been discov- 
ered, that the following discussion is directed. 

At what age is it best to begin teaching the commandments ? 
Should all the commandments be taught at the same time? 
Which should be taught first? Which should be postponed 
until the child is older? Should the Bible rendering be learned 



" by heart," or should some of the words, and ideas, too, per- 
haps, be simplified? Such questions arise and suggest the 
beginnings of a pedagogy of the decalog. 

There are three educational principles, quite generally ac- 
cepted by modern educators as sound, which are violated when 
the young child learns " by heart " the ten commandments. 
There may be others, but these three suffice for illustration 
here. Without defence of these principles, I shall assume 
their validity, and view in the light of them the early memori- 
zation method of teaching the decalog. 

Words should be taught in connection with the experiences 
and ideas which they represent. In our better secular schools, 
no longer does the little child commit to memory " mere 
words." Such experiences and ideas as are vital in the world 
of the child are made the center of school activities. Chil- 
dren's stories, children's poems, children's songs, children's 
games — in fact, the whole children's world — furnish the mate- 
rial which is to be made the basis of the reading, writing, 
spelling, and number work. It is deemed unwise to teach 
words whose meanings are incapable of being understood by 
the child. 

If this be a true principle in early education, what bearing 
does it have upon the teaching of the commandments ? Little 
children should not repeat over and over again such meaning- 
less expressions — meaningless, at least to them — as " commit 
adultery," and " covet thy neighbor's ass." Either the words 
are without any meaning whatsoever, or else they have for 
the young child wrong meanings. The moral and religious 
value of having children learn such expressions is highly ques- 
tionable. And yet quite generally the small boy of six or 
seven is taught to repeat the words : " Thou shalt not commit 
adultery," while the little girl of like age repeats : " Thou 
shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife." 

The education for young children should emphasize interest 
rather than effort. This is a second principle quite generally 
accepted as sound educational doctrine. In our better ele- 
mentary schools, the early approach to learning is made pleas- 
ant rather than painful. If the doctrine of effort ever tran- 
scends that of interest, it is in the later years rather than at 
the beginnings of education. " Let early education be a sort 
of amusement " is as sound doctrine to-day as it was when 
Plato gave it expression many years ago. 

Do children enjoy committing to memory the ten command- 
ments, or is it done as a task, a task in itself unpleasant but 
undertaken in order to please the anxious parent or friend? 
Much of this unpleasantness might be prevented. It is because 


of the rather large amount of uninteresting material — uninter- 
esting to the child — which is intermingled with what, if separ- 
ate, would prove more interesting, that the child views the 
entire project as tedious. Were the ideas couched in less 
archaic language and only those commandments taught which 
had a direct bearing upon the life of the child, he would be 
interested. Is there not a real danger that the unpleasant 
memory tasks of childhood will bear fruit in the adult's aver- 
sion to the Bible ? 

The natural development of instincts should furnish the 
order of presenting material. Whether or not this principle 
be followed to the extent advocated by the believers in the 
recapitulation theory — that ontogenesis recapitulates phylo- 
genesis, that the child passes through the same stages of devel- 
opment that the race has passed through — there is no question 
but that certain instincts do have quite a definite time of 
maturing, notably, for example, the sex instinct. 

There comes a time when the injunction " Thou shalt not 
commit adultery " has a very real meaning, but this time can 
not be placed much before the age of puberty. To teach such 
a commandment prior to this time is to do more harm than 
good. " Honor thy father and thy mother " is, however, a bit 
of advice that very young children can well understand and 
profit by. According to G. Stanley Hall, obedience is the one 
cardinal virtue of childhood. 

The underlying difficulty seems to be that the command- 
ments originally were intended for adults rather than for little 
children. If they are to function in the actual conduct of 
children, they must be adapted to the understanding of chil- 
dren. This implies that the language should be simplified, 
modernized, and many of the ideas, too, should receive like 

It surely is important that children should learn to love God, 
to honor their parents, to work faithfully, to keep Sunday 
holy, never to swear, murder, steal, lie, or be selfish. The 
weighty question is this: Do they really learn these virtues, 
actually becoming more religious and moral, through their 
committing to memory at a very young age the Bible version 
of the ten commandments? Would not better results be ob- 
tained if sound educational principles were followed in the 
religious and moral instruction of children as well as in their 
other training? 

Believing that morality and religion can be taught through 
ideas as well as through action, and believing that the sub- 
stance of the Bible is more sacred than the form, its ideas 
more valuable than its words, I am forced to conclude that a 


presentation to the young child of its principal thoughts in 
such language as will be simple, clear, and fitted to the age and 
interests of childhood will be productive of better religious 
and moral results in the life of the child than the traditional 
method can ever secure. The task, then, is to simplify the 
commandments, keeping in mind the young child rather than 
the mature adult. 

Who is to undertake this task of simplifying the command- 
ments ? In order to secure the desirable " authority " for any 
other wording than that of the Bible, it would be necessary 
for a body of scholars, composed of both theologians and edu- 
cators, to study the problems involved and carefully construct 
a children's version of the decalog. The various sects would 
need to adopt such a version as authoritative, urging its use 
for all children. Gradually, then, would it come into general 
use, just as the Revised Version of the Bible is superseding 
the older King James' Version. 

Since, however, no such body of scholars is working upon 
the problem, it becomes necessary for individuals to undertake 
the task. Is it not imperative that the individual create for his 
own children a children's version of the decalog, if he believes 
that such a version is desirable and there is no religious group 
ready to furnish him with one? It is with the hope that dis- 
cussion upon this subject may be aroused that the attempt is 
here made to formulate such a version. The wording pretends 
to be suggestive only, and it is offered in the spirit of reverence 
and sincerity. 

Commandments for Children 

God is my God; He is a Spirit; I must love Him, 
worship Him, and serve Him. I must never swear. 
Sunday is God's day; I must do all my work on 
other days, but on Sunday I must rest and worship 
God. I must honor my father and mother. I must 
never kill, nor steal, nor lie. I must not be selfish, 
but be kind to all. 

Think of the young child, and ask yourself honestly this 
question : Will such a set of commandments fit his needs 
better than the longer, more involved and archaic sentences 
which usually are taught him? If it be granted that a chil- 
dren's version of the ten commandments is desirable, there is 
at once suggested the question as to whether or not there 
should be a children's version of other portions of scripture, 
and the problem of relating pedagogy and the decalog appears 
as but a phase of the much larger and more perplexing prob- 
lem of relating pedagogy and the Bible. 


By J. H. Doyle, Ph. D. 

Formerly Consulting Psychologist, 

Culver Military Academy, Culver, Indiana. 

Perhaps the most important question that can be asked con- 
cerning anything has to do with its purpose. Particularly is 
this true in the field of education, since all hands therein are 
engaged in the process of prosecuting certain tasks, the one 
value of which must lie in the ends attained. It would seem 
therefore, above all, that every single step in education should 
be preceded by its own definite, crystallized aim. 

But it is a singularly unfortunate fact that, very often, 
education is without definite aims of any kind — or at least of 
the right kind. Perhaps nothing in the world is hazier or 
more relegated to the background than some of the " aims " 
of education. It often seems to me as if education is just 
drifting along in a formal, mechanical way, largely uncon- 
scious of specific aim elements at all. 

For this reason, school has come to be too exclusively a mere 
" keeping," a mere doing of things in a certain way because 
custom has established the precedent. The very inertia of 
education seems oftentimes to leave even the most funda- 
mental errors of our education unchallenged, and because of 
this fact the most stupid practices frequently abound in our 

But it is not my desire to deal with the purpose of education 
in a general way. My specific task is to deal with purpose in 
its application to the teaching of foreign language. What has 
been said thus far is simply by way of introduction. 

It is my conviction that foreign language is one of the most 
aimless subjects in any curriculum — that is, one of the farthest 
from what its true aim should be. In my opinion, the results 
obtained in foreign language study (particularly Greek and 
Latin) in comparison with what those results might be, attest 
to one of the gravest educational blunders ever enacted. This 
does not mean at all that I am opposed to the teaching of for- 
eign language in our schools, but simply that I can give no 
exclusive or even fundamental quarters to prevailing " aims " 
in this field. 

As partial evidence of the fact that something must be very 



wrong somewhere, I submit the fact that Greek is gone. Its 
very " friends " are primarily the ones who have killed it. 
And Latin — is going. It has been going slowly for the past 
century, but with alarming and increasing rapidity the past 
twenty-five years. On all sides the complaints have steadily 
grown, till to-day, to say the least, the subject is in decided 
disfavor. Probably there is no more popular or more famous 
saying around our high schools to-day than the following: 
" I just hate Latin ! " 

And for it all I blame not Latin, and in general not the 
teachers of Latin, but chiefly " the powers that be," with all 
their body of inadequate traditions. Nor are the out-and-out 
enemies of Latin to blame in any way for its going. Neither 
are the pupils to blame, for their reactions represent perhaps 
nothing more or less than a reasonably normal psychology. 
Rather is the going out of Latin typically the case of Greek 
over again — the innocent victim of an incomplete purpose — 
killed by its " friends." 

Had the friends of Greek and Latin accepted universal com- 
plaints as a symptom that something must be wrong, and then 
proceeded to examine into the case, instead merely of enthusi- 
astically and clamorously insisting that Greek and Latin are 
worth while, there would be an entirely different story to tell 
to-day. But Greek and Latin enthusiasts preferred to do as 
they did — follow a road even to destruction simply because 
it was well paved with traditions. Let us see what those tra- 
ditions are. They seem to constitute the prevailing aims in 
foreign language study. , 

Taking Latin, the first " aim " has always impressed me as 
being far more in the nature of an objective requirement than 
a logical language aim. It is as follows: The first year, be- 
ginning Latin ; the second year, Caesar ; the third, Cicero ; the 
fourth year, Virgil. Here we have the reason why Latin is 
being taught : a response to a requirement. And what is the 

Outwardly, the aim is to " finish " those books. In reality, 
however, the aim is perhaps a " reading " aim — the ability 
primarily to translate Latin into English. Such an aim looks 
somewhat like " art for art's sake." But whether it is or not 
I am of the conviction that the "reading" or "requirement" 
aim is very inadequate as a fundamental aim in the teaching 
of Latin. I say this, not because I think that the reading of 
Latin has no value in it, but because I regard such reading 
value as secondary — a means to an end. The reading of Latin 
certainly cannot be permitted to become an end in itself. 
Therefore I am compelled to take issue with what is perhaps 


the fundamental aim in Latin teaching to-day — " reading " — 
because it is neither basic nor complete. 

But when we challenge the friends of Latin on this score 
they tell us that while pupils are completing the reading re- 
quirements of Latin, they are at the same time gaining infor- 
mation. In answer to this, it is of course correct, that pupils 
do assimilate a certain amount of information in the process of 
reading Latin. But I reply that for the typical pupil it is per- 
haps not worth while to learn to read Latin merely for the 
sake of getting information — for, as a matter of fact, such a 
route to information is entirely too circuitous. If the same 
information can be gotten in English form, why should any- 
one deliberately take on the pace of a tortoise by resorting to 
Latin ? In my conviction, one should not. I believe, therefore, 
that the " information " argument is hardly a sufficient justi- 
fication for the teaching of Latin. 

But the friends of Latin will perhaps next contend that 
the mastering of forms, declensions and conjugations neces- 
sary for the reading of Latin texts, trains the memory. I 
answer that it does not. And even if it did, it is by long odds 
too costly a process to indulge in. Let us dismiss the memory 

Driven from the protection afforded by memory training 
as an aim in the teaching of Latin, the enthusiastic champions 
of this subject next advance the argument of formal discipline. 
They say that Latin broadens the mind and makes one a good 
thinker. Now, I do not believe that there is a living person 
who knows the truth concerning the exact merits of formal 
discipline. It therefore behooves us not to become too dog- 
matic. Nevertheless, I believe that we can all safely agree 
that if any subject is to remain in our curriculum to-day it 
must be on some basis that is far more substantial than the 
doctrine of formal discipline. Let us therefore dismiss this 
argument also. 

But there is at least one more line of trenches to which the 
friends of Latin repair. I hear someone say : " Latin helps 
one in grammar." Well, I would be ashamed to admit it, be- 
cause it isn't so. Latin helps no one in grammar, chiefly for 
the reason that English grammar is so simple that it needs no 
help. It has been my observation that as a rule the person 
who says that " Latin helped me in grammar " knows but very 
little grammar of any kind, English, Latin, or otherwise. If 
this is not the case, then that person merely lounged through 
grammar in the elementary schools. But in either event the 
grammar advocate of Latin is for the most part indulging in 
a mere fiction for the lack of something better to say. At 


the same time, I would emphasize that my views on the gram- 
mar aim of Latin study apply, not to the philologist or lan- 
guage specialist, but exclusively to the great rank and file of 
Latin pupils. I freely admit that Latin has an English gram- 
mar value for the specialist. But that it has any such valud 
for pupils generally I deny. 

Well, I take it, that this about completes the gamut of aims 
dominating the study of Latin today: 

i. The reading or requirement aim 

2. Information getting 

3. Memory training 

4. Formal discipline 

5. Help in English Grammar. 

With reference to the last three of these aims I would say 
that in my opinion the sooner every real friend of Latin 
drops them, the better it will be for the future of all foreign 

Against the first two aims, however, I raise only the objec- 
tion that they are not fundamental aims. I would by no means 
eliminate either of these two aims. I do say, however, that 
as aims they are very incomplete. I would even say further, 
that if there be no purpose for the study of Latin other than 
the ones mentioned, then Latin is perhaps entitled to much of 
the cordial hatred that has been heaped upon it. Like Greek, 
it is perhaps earning its passports to get out of our schools. 

But how about it? Is there no further purpose to be found 
for the study of Latin and Greek ? I answer : Most emphatic- 
ally, there is ! Both of these languages have been operating 
in the past, not at all under a set of wholly worthless aims, but 
under a set of very incomplete aims. The trouble has been, 
that the fundamental aim has been overlooked. Were the 
aim in question operating in the teaching of these two lan- 
guages I want to say boldly that in my own opinion Greek and 
Latin would occupy far more conspicuous places in our high 
school than they do today. 

But what should be the fundamental aim in the teaching of 
foreign language, and especially in the teaching of Latin and 
Greek ? 

I answer: Etymology — word-study, first, last and always — 
the study of primitive root meanings — inquiry into literal 
forms — the analysis of language in the process of evolution — 
the history of language in all that pertains to word-building. 
In fine, the romance of words — that should be our basic aim 
in the study of foreign language. 

And in all the assigned tasks of the classroom there could 


be none more valuable, none more charming than such a study. 
Back of every word in the English language lies a story that 
is teeming with an interest that could well challenge in com- 
petition all the fairy playgrounds of the human mind. To 
appreciate this, we must remember that language is the oldest 
of all arts, and the most universal. The English language, be 
it remembered, is not a creation of yesterday. It has been 
cradled through all the centuries of civilization, and through 
countless centuries that have been lost. To me each word in 
the English language today is but an adult whose baby-pictures 
are to be found reposing in the cradles of antiquity, pictures 
chiefly from the days of Greece and Rome. Greek itself is 
but the baby-pictures of so many words in our own language — 
baby pictures from the days of Athens and Sparta ; and Latin 
is but the same — another set of baby-pictures — how another 
large share of the words of our language looked when they 
were clad in the swaddling clothes of Roman civilization. 

He who studies foreign language from this standpoint, with 
etymology as the great cornerstone of all procedure, is, there- 
fore, but taking so many peeks into the baby's cradle at differ- 
ent times during the centuries — simply drawing aside the cur- 
tains of antiquity and lifting up the coverlets to look at the 
baby. Here in the English language, for example, a certain 
word today may be designated as the old man of 80 — but go 
back to the Greek thirty centuries or more ago and it may 
perhaps be seen how the baby looked at the age of six months. 
Beyond that we may not be able to go very far, as the great 
gallery of Indo-European origins is largely beyond us. 

But aside from the intense charm of foreign language as 
based upon the word-study aim, let it be clearly understood 
that the word is both the logical and the psychological unit of 
language evolution. It is not sentences that constitute the 
scaffolding of language growth in passing from race to race, 
but words. The reason for this is, that words are basic in 
thought origin, primitive and elemental in experience. Every 
child in learning to talk gives proof of the fact, the use of 
sentences coming only after words have developed to a certain 

Now every word in its origin in antiquity was always a 
visualization of some reality. The tap-roots of words are 
always logical, literal things. For this reason language is at 
once the most logical of all creations — and oftentimes the most 
artificial also — logical in the sense of literal first origins ; arti- 
ficial in the sense that the origins may be unknown or lost 
sight of as a result of centuries of mutations in the process of 
word-building. But language is all the more logical, pictur- 


esque and charming owing to the fact that its word-origins are 
concrete at all times. Word-origins are but the reflections of 

Now, the reality which originally underlay every word that 
survives today, still survives. The word that we use today is 
but a leyden jar that received a certain charge of literal reality 
possibly twenty or even forty centuries ago, with certain modi- 
fied charges added or subtracted here and there as word muta- 
tions have flowed and ebbed. But the original charge, the 
original reality of each word remains. 

Well, it is that original picture that we want to get just as 
fully as possible in the study of foreign language. We want 
the basic meaning of the word, its innate message, the actual 
literal story that it tells. We want to experience the funda- 
mental thrill and vision of the race in the process of word 
invention. What the race has experienced objectively in its 
word-building we want to experience visually, imaginatively, 
picturesquely in consciousness. We want to see down deep 
into the concrete significance of each word, as we would look 
through a sieve. Then a word has that meaning which comes 
to us only through that understanding which emerges as a 
result of satisfying personal experience. 

It must be remembered that every word in our language is 
endowed with a definite personality, somewhat after the man- 
ner of a human being; also that learning the personality of 
the former is exactly like learning the personality of the latter 
— one must see either in a number of different reactions. But 
the most fundamental, the most illuminating reactions of 
words are to be found in their primitive root origins, in their 
concrete literal backgrounds — like human beings again, in 
their native haunts. To the native haunts of a word must one 
go if he is to know the real richness of its personality — and, 
furthermore, the search must be one consciously directed to- 
ward personality finding. 

But this is not all. If the personality of words is not traced 
to their origins — that is if etymology is not made the guiding 
star of foreign language study — then word personalities are 
not discovered at all in any significant sense : They are but 
vaguely understood on the plane of definition. Now, defini- 
tion, be it remembered, is not only the last stage of science, 
but it is also the last stage of understanding. But definition 
which displaces basic sense experience is but the essence of 
superficiality, leaving understanding, as it does, without sub- 
stance in those prerequisites that go to make up understanding. 

And yet I point out that mere definition is far too exclu- 
sively the resort today in getting at the meanings of the words 


in our vocabularies. By mere definition I mean any word 
treatment which does not go back to the root meanings them- 
selves. The word Mesopotamia, for example, is utterly mean- 
ingless and artificial to those who have been kept in definitional 
darkness. As far as all such persons are concerned, the word 
Mesopotamia might just as well be any senseless jumble of 

But how different is the story to the person who has not 
been robbed of his word heritage ! He sees the literal concrete 
pictures that this word holds. He sees that " Mesopotamia " 
means something, that the word was rocked in a Greek cradle, 
that it is made up of the Greek preposition Mesos (between), 
and Potamos (river), so that the word actually means "Be- 
tween the rivers." With such an understanding how much 
more vivid it is, and how much easier it is to remember that 
Mesopotamia is that stretch of territory lying between the 
Tigris and the Euphrates. Armed with such a view memory 
takes care of itself, while the individual himself knows the 
word. He has neither to " look it up," nor accept it on a color- 
less, meaningless faith. 

Purely, therefore, from the standpoint of economy in learn- 
ing, to say nothing of acuteness in understanding, etymology 
is to be heralded to the very forefront. Showing the very 
fabric of which language is composed, the student of ety- 
mology becomes a master in analyzing the words that pass 
before him. He is not the dictionary slave that he otherwise 
would be, nor is he the " rule-of-thumb " user of words that 
others are. To the student of etymology, new words are not 
new, for he knows something of the elements entering into 
our language. Such a student has the power of individual 
attack and initiative in approaching any word for the first 
time. Further than this, such a student is less superficial in 
all his language study, for he is more critical in his under- 
standing of the exact meanings of words. 

And above all, etymology is psychologically sound. It af- 
fords mental charm. The human race has always been fas- 
cinated by word lore. It is a genuine combination of the play 
element in work. It is rich in interest, and self-satisfying in 
its rewards. It leads the student parallel to the great and 
deepened bed of the stream of language evolution — the stream 
which has been directed at all times by the word as the unit 
of all progression. And we may know, that if the student is 
to be sound in his progress he must be surrounded with that 
consciousness which will make him keep step with language in 
the manner in which its great course of evolution has flowed 
so majestically and so incessantly onward — toward a horizon 


of words, leaving its deposits always in words, reflecting itself 
always in words, and always with its words inundating the 
plains of advance civilizations. 

Yes, that is the truth of language — words! That is the 
charm of language — words ! Etymology as the key of purpose 
is the one key which will unlock for us the treasures of Greek 
and Latin — etymology, that word which unlocks itself with its 
own key, coming as it does from the Greek Etymon (the true 
literal meaning of primitive root words) and Logos (word, 
discourse, treatment) — etymology: The science of word 
origins in their true literal concrete significance. Etymology 
simply is the study which draws aside the curtains of the past 
and reveals to us the galleries of language draped in all their 
infinite richness. That is what etymology is and does. 

But it will be claimed of course that under current procedure 
in the teaching of foreign language, some etymology is already 
being learned. The contention is correct, to be sure — but how 
much etymology is being learned ? Precious little ! Whatever 
etymology is being picked up is merely as an incidental by pro- 
duct. No word study consciousness is left with the pupil at 
all. The concept of language evolution is left untouched. 
Word origins with all their literal concrete richness, remain 
untapped. The movement of the human mind as reflected in 
word history is totally lost. In fact, the entire charm and 
essence and power of etymology hardly enters into conscious- 
ness at all. 

And let it not be forgotten that the part played by conscious- 
ness in the study of etymology is exactly as great as in any 
other field. The human mind grasps things in proportion to 
the degree that things get into consciousness and remain there. 
Regardless of the part played in life by the subconscious and 
the merely incidental, the fact remains that education must 
drive home to the very pin point of focal consciousness every 
single thing that it would impart or develop. Education must 
be drastically conscious in all things that are its business, with 
the clear understanding that pupils are not going to absorb in 
any miraculous manner anything that is merely left lying 
around or covered up by the wayside. Every single issue must 
be vitalized and vivified by the glow of a central purpose which 
the mind of no pupil can fail to see and understand. 

I therefore regard on general principles as exceedingly tri- 
vial any etymology that pupils are to pick up incidentally in the 
study of any foreign language. Not only this, but on the basis 
of experimentation with such pupils I have uniformly found 
that they are strangers in the field of etymology. To speak 
to the typical foreign language pupil about etymology is to 


throw that pupil into a haze of bewilderment — and indeed it 
is no wonder when we stop to think that foreign language 
courses are so largely engulf ments of conjugations, and declen- 
sions of strange incoherent words, all fed into a verbal memory 
that is stupefied for the lack of a motive, for the lack of a 
living, associative interest. Surely such a combination sinks 
into hopelessness all prospects of getting etymology by the 
incidental route. 

The approach to etymology, I repeat, must be conscious and 
directed. Along with the concept of language origin and lan- 
guage evolution, there must stand out clearly the concept of 
form similarity between words of different languages. At 
the beginning, those words should be dealt with which clearly 
show the passage from one language to another. As fully as 
possible, identical forms should be made use of to begin with. 
For example, it is not at all enough to send pupils away with 
farmer as the final associative word for the Latin agricola. 
It must be specifically developed that agriculture and agricul- 
turist are the corresponding English forms. Similarly in the 
Latin, it is next to folly to say that dare means to give, or even 
that do means / give. Etymology demands the locating of 
form correspondences, wherever they are to be found. Con- 
sequently, dare and do must lead to the English donate and all 
its various forms. To fail to make such a development is 
simply to crush out all consciousness of the concept of lan- 
guage evolution, aside from the fact of placing memory on 
the lowest possible plane — the verbal plane. Between do and 
donation there is a logical association, but between do and give, 
or dare and give, there is no association whatever, save what- 
ever hard-fisted artificial attempts one might make in the 
endeavor to remember that both words mean the same. 

And in the concept of form similarity in words, it is remark- 
able to what extent correspondence is to be found. In the 
words labor, omen and animal, for example, the correspond- 
ence between the Latin and the English forms is exact. These 
three words constitute an example in which the baby pictures 
(the Latin forms) bear an exact resemblance to the adult pic- 
tures (the English forms). But ranging from word forms 
that bear exact or close resemblance, there extends a field 
which by degrees finds its farther limits in word forms from 
which apparently almost every vestige of resemblance has 
faded away. An extreme example of which is by no means 
the common English word gist which traces itself back to the 
Latin iacere (to throw), by way of the French gesir (to lie) 
as used in the following French proverb : " C'est la que git 
le lievre " (it is here that the hare lies) — that is, here lies the 


point, the difficulty, the sum and substance of our endeavors — 
here lies what we want — such is the background of our Eng- 
lish gist. The French resemblance to the word of course re- 
mains, though the Latin parentage is inconspicuous, to say the 

But regardless of how obscure form resemblances may 
sometimes be, or how intricate and circuitous the life experi- 
ence of any English word may be, the pathway of its ety- 
mology is none the less charming. Wherever etymology has 
led its trails, no matter how remote or how seemingly careless 
into the most hidden or the most unexpected recesses of 
strange fields of thought, there in those very places there is 
sure to exist a mental charm and a mental value which every 
human mind should explore in the combined spirit of the 
workshop and the playground. In life, very often the most 
intricate path is the most inspiring in the scenery and the sur- 
prises that it affords, to say nothing of the final prospect to 
which it may ultimately lead — and etymology is far from 
being an exception to this principle, regardless of the entangle- 
ments that may be here and there involved. The point is, that 
etymology is all thoroughly worth while — all, from those forms 
in which the " baby " has undergone no changes whatever, 
clear on to those extremes in which the hard road of experi- 
ence has so changed the baby that its early pictures could never 
at all be identified by those representing its adult life. 

So I repeat then that every consideration, social and psy- 
chological, demands etymology as the cornerstone of foreign 
language study. Such an aim is basic. As a prerequisite, it is 
absolute. Nothing can take its place. 

And how is such a study to be made ? 

First, as already indicated, by announcing etymology as the 
fundamental justification for the study of Latin and Greek, 
and by making this same purpose one of the prominent aims 
in the study of all modern foreign languages. 

Second, by giving to Greek and Latin conspicuous places in 
foreign language departments — more important places than 
French and German owing to the superiority of the former 
over the latter as source material in etymology. 

Third, by making at least two years of language study a 
requirement for every pupil in high school, the major portion 
of which time would be devoted to Latin and Greek. 

Fourth, by demanding a new set of text books — an entirely 
new presentation of the whole subject of foreign language — 
a presentation based fundamentally on the concept of language 
origin and language evolution. The new approach must be 
diametrically opposite to the present current approach — it must 


be a genetic approach: This means that our traditional texts 
in foreign language must get out and stay out — especially is 
this true of current texts in Greek and Latin. 

Fifth and last, by reforming foreign language teaching in 
colleges and universities in order that all students and all pros- 
pective teachers thereof may be given the etymological view- 
point. This would make a course in the history of language 
a prerequisite for all students. I would also be tempted to 
make one half year of Greek a requirement for every student 
receiving a college degree of any kind. However that be, every 
prospective teacher of any foreign language, regardless of 
what one, would be required to take at least one half year 
each of Greek and Latin. It is my firm conviction that no per- 
son is prepared to teach French or German or Spanish as they 
should be taught, unless that person knows a minimum amount 
of Latin and Greek. 

And in this connection I desire to take decided issue with 
any persons who would decry either one of the two last named 
languages. I take this stand, not by any means as a matter of 
digression from the subject of this thesis, but as a regular part 
of it, for I can conceive of no foreign language that is worth 
while without etymology, and of no etymology that is worthy 
of a second's attention without Greek and Latin. It is for this 
reason that I insist on these two languages. At the same time 
I am aware that on the basis of past performances, the oppo- 
nents of Greek and Latin are legion — and on such a basis I 
am blaming no one. But I am arguing for the future. 

In so doing I cannot help feeling how pathetic the proposed 
experiment of The General Education Board of New York 
City is from the standpoint of foreign language. They are 
going to eliminate Greek and Latin entirely ! Evidently their 
experts are totally unconscious of the great field of etymology, 
and of the very dominant part that these two languages play 
therein. It is likely that this Board is setting Greek and Latin 
aside on the basis of the judgment of the world up to the pres- 
ent time. On such a basis the decision is at least partly war- 
ranted. But by no means is The General Education Board to 
be congratulated on its apparent inability to see that the Greek 
and Latin testimony thus far given to the world is incomplete 
and unfair. I myself am compelled at times to agree with the 
world and with the Board on traditional Greek and Latin — 
but I say to both the world and to the Board that if we want 
evidence on Greek and Latin we must go to etymology. What 
tradition has said on these languages is only testimony. 

For example, current testimony has long had it that Greek 
and Latin are " dead ! " What are the characteristics, I want 


to know, of the quality of " deadness " on the part of any for- 
eign language ? Is it possibly the fact that a certain language 
is no longer spoken or read or written in our own day? If 
so, then Latin and Greek are dead — deader than old Marley — 
" deader than a door nail ! " 

But I must deny and denounce any such an exclusive basis 
for pronouncing Latin or Greek or any other foreign language 
" dead." In my opinion, no criterion is fair or complete that 
does not involve vocabulary considerations — the extent to 
which a so-called " dead " language lives in the words of a 
language which is admitted not to be " dead." On such a basis, 
Latin and Greek are most vitally alive, for the English lan- 
guage is shot through and through with word origins that go 
back to both of these languages. Possibly four-fifths of the 
English language is to be traced either directly or indirectly 
to Greek and Latin cradles. And yet people will talk about 
these languages as being " dead ! " No language is dead that 
lives in another language — unless of course the legacy of that 
language is repudiated or obscured by failure to relate the liv- 
ing language to it. Such failure with reference to Greek and 
Latin has of course obtained in the past, but that is no fault 
of the languages themselves. All blame must attach to the 
manner in which these languages have been manipulated. 

But there is a way out of the Greek and Latin jungles of the 
past, and that way is etymology. Until such a path is taken, 
these languages may really be said to be " dead." But once 
etymology becomes the motive, both Greek and Latin will be 
found to be teeming with life meaning for us, for the process 
of such word study will vitalize the English language. This 
fact can readily be shown by analyzing almost any of our 
well-known English words in terms of Greek or Latin. For 
the purpose of illustration I have selected the twelve following 
words, whose component parts are made up of Greek roots. 
A very brief analysis of them is given : 

Hippopotamus = ippos (horse) plus potamos ( river) = River horse. 

'tintoc, itorauoc, 

Rhinoceros =: rinos (nose) plus keras (horny) = Horny nose. 

'pivot, Kspae, 

Biology = bios (life) plus logos (word) = Study of life. 

fiios \6yoc, 

Philadelphia = phileu (love) plus adelphos ( Brother) = Brotherly 
q>ikiv a8e\<p6<; 


Philanthropist = philos (friendly) plus anthropos (man) = Friendly 
<piko% avtiportos 

Economy=oikia (house) plus nemein (manage) ^Manage a house. 




♦Eulogy = eu (well) plus legein (speak) = Well speaking. 

ev Asysiv 

♦Eugenics = eu (well) plus gignomai (born) = Well born. 

ev yiyvoixac, 

Analysis = ana (up) plus luein (loosen) = Loosen up. 

ava Xveiv 

Comma = komma (clause) from koptein = To cut off. 


Nausea = nausia from naus = Ship. 

vavcria vavc, 

Geometry = gea (earth) plus metrein (measure)^: To measure the 

ysd llEtpEXV 


The above list is short, yet it discloses the fundamental sig- 
nificance of Greek in the basic interpretation of those English 
words which are made up of Greek roots. Such analysis 
reveals to us a genetic view of human thought and human pro- 
gress. Some one has said that Greek is the whetstone of the 
human intellect, a view which is by no means extreme in the 
sense that the Greek words imbedded in the English language 
give to the human mind the evolutionary concept of social and 
educational progress as nothing else possibly could. No 
amount of history or defining, for example, could possibly lend 
to us that basic clarity of perception that the native logic of 
the Greek affords us when it comes to fathoming the hidden 
messages that many of the words of the English language hold 
in store. 

Well this then outlines my position on Greek, and its place 
as an indispensable element in the study of etymology. My 
position on Latin would be the same. I stand in defense of 
these two languages not for a minute because I think that they 
are to be justified exclusively on the score of " reading " them 
— because in my opinion they are not — but because etymology 
demands them at every turn of the road. I further defend 
these languages for the reason that the fight against foreign 
language today is directed, not against French or German or 
Spanish, but against Greek and Latin. The three former lan- 
guages have been spared by the public on account of the obvi- 
ously practical uses to which they may be put. 

But in the process of determining educational values Greek 
and Latin have been condemned for the reason that the study 
of them seemed to be functionless undertakings. The con- 
demnations, however, have taken place before a court quite 
completely obsessed with the question of " What," and very 
little concerned with the question of " Why." The educa- 

* There are about 175 words in the English language beginning with 
"su," each involving in some way the " well " concept. 


tional world has simply been misled by the past records of 
Greek and Latin, never once dreaming that the past of these 
languages might possibly be unfair to them — never once think- 
ing of the real possibilities that might inhere in these lan- 
guages if they were operating under their legitimate functions 
— under a more complete purpose. Had the educational court 
of inquiry seriously examined into the why underlying Greek 
and Latin it would have been seen at once that in the past these 
languages had never been given a fair fighting chance of any 

But instead of doing this, the educational world has made 
the mistake of taking it for granted that Greek and Latin hav- 
ing been in the curriculum for centuries, have finally exhausted 
their right to further parole, when as a matter of fact the very 
terms of the original probation were at all times enough to cir- 
cumscribe and handicap Greek and Latin in advance. In a 
most significant sense, these languages have been as a child 
buffeted about in an adult world — a world that has not under- 
stood. To say the least, the past treatment of these languages 
has simply been unfair to them. That injustice is certainly 
enough within itself, without using it as the basis for the con- 
demnation of Greek and Latin in the future. Let that injustice 
be forgiven. 

But there is only one way in which to forgive it, and that 
is by the exercise of justice in the future. But again there is 
only one way to be just with Greek and Latin in the future, 
and that is, to assign to them their proper function, their 
proper purpose. That function and that purpose has been 
stated over and over again in this thesis, namely : Etymology. 
This purpose must be made the fundamental one in the study 
of these two so-called dead languages. Any other purpose 
will bring forth but a repetition of the past history of these 
languages — dreary desert wastes of cactus, sage brush and 
alkali. For the good of education, and in justice to these two 
languages, as well as to all foreign languages, let us hope that 
a new day is about to dawn with the advent of etymology as 
the center of the solar system of foreign language purpose. 

And now before closing I believe that I would be doing an 
injustice to this entire subject if I failed to take note of " The 
Dorchester Experiment in Vocational Latin," a report on 
which was made in the November, 191 6, issue of The Classical 
Journal, by Mr. Albert S. Perkins of the Dorchester High 
School, Boston. It seems that the basis of the Dorchester 
experiment is the using of Latin as an instrument in English 
vocabulary building. This purpose appears to be carried out 
by the duplex process of tracing English derivatives from 


Latin roots, and by recognizing Latin roots in English deriva- 

Such an application of Latin represents a long step in the 
right direction. There is not a doubt in my mind that the 
plan of the Dorchester experiment represents the best Latin 
teaching in the country today. It is one of the first steps 
toward helping to locate Latin somewhere within range of its 
own natural reserves — within sight of the pedestal of its real 
purpose : Etymology. Mr. Perkins, of course, does not touch 
upon etymology as such — upon language history, upon the 
general significance of word origins, or upon the general con- 
cept of language evolution, or again upon language origin for 
the purpose of lending to the human mind that intensive in- 
sight which comes with the basic, the picturesque and the 
genetic as revealed in word foundations. Nevertheless, Mr. 
Perkins has made a commendable contribution, and that, too, 
in spite of the fact that his primary purpose in the teaching 
of Latin seems to be an extension of the English vocabulary. 
The general etymological purpose which I am presenting is 
on the contrary primarily concerned, not with vocabulary ex- 
tensiveness — not necessarily with more words, but with deeper 
insight into the basic, literal, concrete pictures that underlie 
every word in its origin. 

But while I agree with Mr. Perkins for the most part to the 
extent that he has gone, I desire to raise a couple of minor 

In the first place I am rather afraid that in his experiment 
he is placing somewhat too much emphasis on " the time- 
honored practice of translation." I will agree with him that 
the pupil must acquire a certain acquaintance with Latin con- 
jugations and Latin declensions, and I will also agree that 
participative familiarity therewith will be favored by a certain 
limited amount of simple translation material, but beyond that 
I would not go. I most strenuously object to the " reading" 
of Latin as a fundamental aim for the reason that in my 
opinion it is this very " reading " nightmare which has all but 
killed Latin. I feel that possibly Mr. Perkins is demanding 
too much of " the time-honored practice of translation." As 
Mr. Perkins himself truly says, " the classics in the public 
high school today are battling for their very life," so why 
should we continue in practice unabated that very principle 
which has been largely the cause of the entire losing battle. 
Personally, I would very much prefer to reduce Latin trans- 
lation to a minimum, and to place greater emphasis on direct 
Latin conversation — and to use both reading and conversation 
as instruments of etymology. 


And then in the second place I might take exception to Mr. 
Perkins' use of the term " Vocational " Latin. I dislike the 
designation " Vocational " on the ground that to permit its 
use leaves the inference that there are other permissible meth- 
ods of teaching Latin, when there are none. All others are 
incomplete. Mr. Perkins has simply touched upon a much 
larger thesis than he has ever dreamed of. To the extent that 
Mr. Perkins is correct, his method is the only method by which 
to teach Latin to anybody, I don't care whether that person 
is majoring in the commercial department, in the science de- 
partment, in the classical department, or in any other depart- 
ment. All Latin teaching must come to the point of being 
functional, or else it must get completely out of our schools. 
There can be no such thing as a " Vocational " Latin on the 
one hand, and a iVow-vocational Latin on the other hand. 
Through and through, the entire question is one of purpose. 
That purpose must find its answer in function. And that func- 
tion shall never find its complete realization until the genetic 
light of etymology is accepted as the lantern by which we are 
to be guided. It is of course wholly in order for Mr. Perkins 
to talk about " Vocational " Latin, as a means of calling the 
attention of a Latin-sick world to the fact that Latin can be 
made vocational, but sooner or later the designation " Voca- 
tional " must go, as we cannot afford to leave the impression 
that there is some other brand of Latin that is worthy of 
educational sanction. What we want to do is to place Latin 
squarely and firmly upon the pedestal of its true innate pur- 
pose, and when this is done we shall have simply " Latin," 
without qualifications of any kind whatsoever. 

But, after all, the two exceptions above taken in connection 
with " The Dorchester Experiment " are but minor, as I indi- 
cated in the beginning. Time and further experiment will 
make whatever modifications that seem advisable. Mr. W. L. 
Anderson, who is head of the commercial department of the 
Dorchester High School, and who was the originator of the 
experiment in question, is along with Mr. Perkins to be con- 
gratulated on the manner in which they have stepped aside 
from the old and beaten path of traditional Latin teaching. 

In conclusion, let me say once more that the fundamental 
purpose of Greek and Latin is etymology. This does not mean 
that etymology is the exclusive purpose. But it is the funda- 
mental one. The same purpose must ever be kept in mind as 
a prominent aim in the teaching of any of the modern foreign 
languages. For the past ten years, as a school superintendent, 
I have been using the plan set forth in this article, in giving 
talks to the various foreign language classes in the schools 


with which I have been connected. Indeed, I have used the 
same plan, as an instrument of basic analysis in talking to 
pupils in all classes, regardless of the subject that might be 
under consideration. 

And to the credit of etymology I will say that I have yet 
to meet the first pupil who is not charmed by the romance 
of word lore. Nothing in all education, it seems to 
me, affords such a vast treasure house of original source 
materials as is to be found in the great sub-cellars of the 
English language — in the language foundations of antiquity. 
As a matter of fact, of all methods of approach, by long odds 
the most comprehensive insight into the genesis of civilization 
itself is to be secured through inquiry into the rich messages 
that lie buried in the word origins of language. And aside 
from the practical value of such insight, the field of etymology 
is a fertile stimulus to imagination, keeping the mind flexible 
and colorful by the perspective which is at all times involved. 
Within etymology there is an element of inspiration which 
appeals to the emotional side of life, for after all, the study of 
etymology is but the taking of so many journeys back through 
the ruins and remains of the ancient and medieval worlds — 
living over again civilizations that have passed away — actually 
feeling and thinking in terms of those great races which 
cradled the language which we are speaking today. 

It is my one hope that the day is about to dawn when edu- 
cation in this respect shall at last claim that which is duly and 
truly its own: Etymology as the one greatest legacy of 


L. Pearl Boggs, Ph. D., Urbana, 111. 

The well-known saying, that Mark Hopkins on one end of 
a log and a student on the other would constitute a university, 
must have something of truth in it, judging from its wide cir- 
culation and general acceptance. Now so many people have 
been lecturing and writing lately regarding the psychology of 
learning, that we know pretty well what the student may be 
doing, asking questions, solving problems, organizing and fix- 
ing his ideas, but what might Mark Hopkins on his end of the 
log have been doing? What were his mental processes, and 
attitudes that he was such an invaluable guide to the immature 
mind seeking its heritage from the accumulated wisdom of 
man and the hidden records which the world had made of its 
own development? What might have been going on in the 
mind of Socrates as he went about the streets of Athens teach- 
ing its youth without library or laboratory? What were the 
psychological processes of Jesus Christ, whose greatness as a 
teacher is often overlooked, because overshadowed by the 
greatness of his teaching? 

In attempting to justify the rather remarkable and rash 
undertaking of analyzing the psychology of teaching, the 
writer harks back to two fragmentary articles on the psy- 
chology of learning published about ten years ago, and the 
promise that they should be followed in time by one on the 
present topic. At that time, little had been done in pedagog- 
ical works to differentiate the two processes of teaching and 
learning, being as inextricably confused in theory as they are 
intermingled in actual practice. Psychology had made a be- 
ginning on the problems of learning, especially the technique 
of memorizing, and today it is the favorite theme. Neverthe- 
less the writer finds nothing expressly on the subject of the 
psychology of teaching, as a process going on in the mind of 
an individual who is supposed to be indispensable to another 
individual learning. 

Before attempting a psychological analysis of teaching let 
us describe and define teachers and teaching in every day 
language. In the first place the teacher has three rather dis- 
tinct functions to perform. Most important perhaps is that 
of the intellectual midwife, as Socrates expressed it; the task 



of helping ideas into life, or as we say, guiding the develop- 
ment of the mind of the child along the line of his profound 
interests through his own activity. The second function is that 
of the drill master who must see to it that ideas acquired are 
properly and firmly fixed so that they shall become mental 
habits. The third function is that of the master student who 
initiates his pupils into methods of studying which will be least 
fatiguing and most productive. Roughly speaking, we may 
say the three terms, instructor, coach, and tutor stand for 
these three types of teaching, though most teachers must be 
all three if successful. With due caution, we believe it may 
be asserted that the proper performance of the first function 
renders the other two more agreeable and effective. 

Teaching, one may call an art, however we may base it upon 
psychology or educational psychology. Like the artist who 
has an ideal of beauty which he seeks to embody in color or 
marble, the teacher has an ideal of truth which he wishes to 
embody in words, in a lesson, that is in a form which is per- 
fectly adapted to minds as yet but little acquainted with this 
particular idea. 

There have been only a few great teachers, as there have 
been only a few great men in any field of endeavor. Their 
chief characteristic would seem to be an almost acute or radical 
realisation of truth, as existent, if not yet attained. Thus 
Socrates while proclaiming himself but a seeker after truth, 
affirmed most emphatically his belief in the existence of truth ; 
it was his great lesson and no doubt profoundly influenced 
Plato's doctrine of ideas. How often are the statements of 
Jesus Christ prefaced by that stern " verily, verily, I say unto 
you," and the comment is significant which describes him as 
teaching as one having authority." He who is devoted to a 
truth presents it with the same force of appeal as an artist pre- 
senting his ideal of beauty. Of course it is the intensity of 
one's devotion which impels one to some sort of expression, 
whatever one's particular ideal calls for, art, music, teaching, 

Putting it on this basis, it is with ideas of objective truth 
rather than with the mind of the pupil that the teacher works, 
and the learner plays the same role as does the beholder of 
an artistic production. Of course in the one, interest, curi- 
osity, is aroused through the reception of new ideas, in the 
other esthetic appreciation through the contemplation of 
beauty. The criterion of a work of art is the effect it has upon 
those who gaze upon it, and the criterion of a lesson is the 
reaction of the pupils to it. But as was said above, there are 
few really great teachers. Most of us are mere copyists, exe- 


cuting over again what has been offered to us, now and then 
perhaps doing a bit from nature. One educator, Dr. C. A. 
McMurry, has realized this very clearly and advocates the 
making of lesson units by thoroughly trained men who have 
the gift for that sort of thing. These the average teacher 
would present as class lessons, using his skill to adapt them 
as perfectly as possible to the variety of minds. 

But, some one says, is that not limiting the teacher too much, 
will he not be a slave to the teaching ideas of another? Not 
necessarily, for the best lessons would be planned to lead the 
teacher to a better control of his knowledge of the subject 
which would also mean an enlargement. Nor does the repe- 
tition of the same lesson year after year mean stagnation for 
the teacher if he follows the advice of that most ancient and 
revered teacher, the Chinese sage Confucius, who says : " If 
a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge, so as to be continu- 
ally acquiring new, he may be a teacher of others." 

The special difficulty in analyzing the teaching process is to 
be found in the complexity of consciousness while teaching is 
going on. The born teacher has his ideas so clearly, so defi- 
nitely fixed with such a wide network of association, and also 
such a keen insight into the minds of those with whom he 
comes in contact, that he finds in a flash as it were, the right 
way to set forth his idea to whomsoever he may wish to 
instruct. The average teacher, however, knowing approxi- 
mately what is the extent of his pupil's knowledge prepares 
his lesson carefully, deciding on the subject matter to be pre- 
sented and on the method to be used. What then is in the 
focus of consciousness when one is actually teaching? It 
seems as if there must be an alternation between the matter 
presented and the reception of it by the pupils. The one idea 
is suspended, as it were, with all its peculiar associations, 
while the other swings into focus. The two are not then rivals 
for the field of consciousness, disturbing each other by in- 
fringing upon each other, but friendly groups which plan to 
make way for each other. This is peculiarly the case in the 
presentation-development method, or rather it is more easily 
perceived in this method of teaching. Both in drilling and 
showing the pupil how to study, the mind would seem to be 
more nearly devoted to the one thing, namely, the psychical 
manifestations of the pupils. 

In learning the art of teaching, these two phases may be 
studied apart, thus simplifying this difficult matter. For ex- 
ample, when studying any subject one should make an extra 
effort not only to know it by bits or as a mass of material, but 
should organize the knowledge in some presentable form. Too 


many teachers may be described in the words of Confucius, 
who says in the Analects : " The little children of my school 
are ambitious and too hasty. They are accomplished and com- 
plete so far, but they do not know how to restrict and shape 

Likewise when conversing with others, one should not only 
listen to what is said, but one should endeavor to observe the 
grouping of ideas which leads up to the thought expressed, the 
degree of attention and concentration which certain ideas pos- 
sess for certain people, and their methods of reaching conclu- 
sions. In short, to study the workings of the mind of others 
as we have occasion, is like the artist filling his sketchbook 
with the faces of people whom he may meet. 

Inasmuch as teaching is the complement of learning it will 
render the meaning of the former clearer if we briefly define 
learning from the commonly accepted viewpoints. Learning 
from a philosophical standpoint may be said to be the bringing 
of one's experience into as complete correspondence with the 
truth as one can. Biologically, learning is the adjustment to 
environment in a way to further the life processes both psy- 
chical and physical. Learning, from the standpoint of psy- 
chology, is the filling of gaps, which arise in one's conscious- 
ness, or rather in a train of ideas in consciousness. Teaching 
is discovering to the pupil where his thoughts fail to cor- 
respond to truth, it is causing the gaps to appear, it is aiding 
the pupil to complete his experience, to fill the gaps, to make 
the adjustments. 

The first step in the analysis of teaching will be to consider 
the stream of consciousness as attitude, form, content, and 
structure. What the attitude is depends. on whether the teacher 
is presenting material or is watching the pupil striving to 
assimilate the new ideas. In the case of the first, the teacher 
has a " fixed " attitude of mind towards what he is presenting, 
that is, he presents ideas in regard to whose correctness and 
completeness he is satisfied so far as this lesson is concerned. 
The radical conviction of truth of course implies this fixed- 
ness of attitude, but in a lesser degree, every one has this atti- 
tude if one is effective in one's presentation of ideas. It would 
hardly be worth while to convey knowledge of whose validity 
one was uncertain, unless indeed one is working out a problem 
in which the pupils are sufficiently advanced to join. 

If on the other hand, the teacher is attending to the pupils' 
handling of the new material, he has an attitude of inquiry. 
He is reasonably sure that each pupil is able to understand, 
but has he understood, has he made the right associations, has 
he arranged the ideas logically, or has the new material become 
definite enough for organization at all? If the ideas have been 


appropriated are they likely to be permanently retained, how 
much drill, if any, is needed? If it is necessary for the pupil 
to pursue the subject outside of class, does he know how to go 
about it? These are the sort of questions which spring up in 
the teacher's mind while watching the development of the 
learner. How often the attitude changes depends on circum- 
stances but at all events not so often that the teacher has not 
clear control of the situation. A fixed attitude as to just what 
the pupil must know is natural when rules, tables, symbols are 
to be learned, but the how and when it is learned remains 
problematical for the best of teachers in the case of each 

As to the form which consciousness assumes in the teaching 
process, it must be rather evident that it is very clear and defi- 
nite, for the vague cannot well be communicated excepting in 
emotions which is beside the point. Every thing which the 
teacher presents will have been at some time clearly in the 
focus of consciousness and hence will tend to take that form 
when again in consciousness. Teaching is making that which 
is objective to be subjective in the mind of the learner with the 
impetus to become objective through the activity of the learner, 
for the healthy human mind naturally vibrates between these 
two processes, i.e., rendering the subjective objective, and the 
objective subjective, making vague ideas clear and allowing 
clear ideas to become vague for the sake of permeating the 
whole consciousness with a delightful sense of novelty and 
freshness. Of course when the teacher is watching the pro- 
cess of learning, his ideas must become more or less vague 
since he is constantly attending to that which is for him prob- 

The content of the mind determines in no little degree the 
success of the teacher. If the pupil is immature, the teacher 
thinks out his subject in concrete terms and imagery, repeat- 
ing the fundamental ideas in different words if necessary, 
seizing upon the questions or suggestions of pupils which indi- 
cate their thought content. If an object is being examined, 
say, a flower or plant, the teacher, however much he have 
learned about it in an advanced course in botany, fills his mind 
with the ideas he would like his pupils to have. Thinking 
along in this way with the learner he is most likely to perceive 
where the knowledge of the latter is deficient. As James in 
his psychology points out, the ignorant and the learned both 
experience their thought as a continuum, while the latter sees 
the gaps and omissions in the ideas of the former. " It is only 
as a mirror of things that the superior mind finds them full of 
omissions." The teacher in the role of the superior person 
perceives the omissions in the minds of his pupils, and pre- 


sents his ideas in such a way that the one taught discovers his 
own lack. In the normal mind a question arises and the 
process of learning begins. 

Such procedure must be very monotonous for the teacher 
one thinks, but the real teacher is constantly studying his 
pupils and enriching his mind with this intimate contact with 
other minds. A student once complained that she felt as if 
she were under a psychological microscope, so skillful was 
the instructor in getting at all her thoughts on a topic. Froebel 
illustrates in a wonderful way what this contact with the mind 
of the pupil may lead to, for all his life long he carefully 
watched his children and from this study evolved what was 
most worth while in his system. He is reported to have said 
when a tutor of several boys, that when in doubt as to what 
they should do, he watched what the younger ones did of 
themselves and allowed the older ones to do the same. 

In dealing with a topic which requires a regular train of 
ideas, there is always a more or less definite arrangement 
which permits a recall in approximately the original form in 
which the ideas first were developed in consciousness. It is 
this arrangement which we call structure. For one's own 
convenience in recalling past states of consciousness, a great 
deal of abbreviation is practiced, but when teaching another, 
one's mind falls into the same arrangement somewhat that it 
originally made; with this difference that the ideas are more 
definite and well ordered. So one's mind is not necessarily in 
a strictly deductive or inductive reasoning structure when one 
is giving instruction, since one discriminates carefully between 
what one knows and what one has a right to expect the pupil 
to learn. We might say that all the trains of thought in teach- 
ing partake of the structure of discrimination, for the teacher 
is discriminating and comparing what he finds the pupil knows 
with what is the generally accepted truth in regard to the sub- 
ject. He tests the pupil's knowledge, measuring it by his own, 
and in this way shows the pupil what he lacks. 

The teaching process is a complex one since the aim is not 
the pursuit of truth for the gratification of one's own desire 
to know, but the presentation of truth in order to arouse in 
others the desire to know. The teacher is impelled to his pur- 
suit, not by the individual tendency to complete his own expe- 
rience, but by the social urge, the racial push, to share his 
experiences with others. It is this characteristic which renders 
the teacher so indispensable to the youth of the race. And so 
Mark Hopkins on his end of the log, guided by his social 
impulse, is shaping his thoughts to the need of the immature 
mind before him, making them clear, beautifully simple, fresh, 


By H. Redfern Loades, M. A. (Oxon), Uitenhage, Cape, and 
. S. G. Rich, M. A. (Cornell), Adams Mission Station, Natal. 

The results here reported were gathered by us with the aim 
of providing a basis for discussion, and as work preliminary 
to the formation of a set of tests for use with the South 
African natives. We have elaborated a preliminary set of 
Binet-Simon tests for use with Zulus : they require extensive 
normation, and we have no data to show their applicability to 
other South African native nations. We have tried to adapt 
the accepted Binet-Simon tests to Zulus, for the same uses as 
these tests are put to among white persons. 

Our work is influenced by some attempts to apply the ordi- 
nary Binet tests to Zulus. This was done at the Mariannhill 
Mission Station, Natal, in 1914. This work consisted in trans- 
lating tests only, and served to show the unsuitability of some 

The work here reported was done during 191 6 at the Aman- 
zimtoti Institute, Adams Mission Station, Natal. A student 
body of one hundred boys and thirty-five girls, all natives, and 
the eighty boys and girls of the Adams Practising School, a 
part of the Institute's Normal Department, furnished our 
material. Our material included all ages up to 27 years : from 
it we selected as carefully as possible typical subjects. To 
our typical Zulu subjects we added one half-caste Basuto girl, 
as showing the results on the senior student of the Institute 
who stood first in class work. 

This work should be continued on various types of Zulus. 
Amanzimtoti students have more contact with Europeans than 
most natives, and their language-facility is markedly superior 
to that of many Zulus. The most pressing need is to carry on 
the tests among natives to whom education has not penetrated. 
This should show interesting results. 

In the work of testing, as well as in general, Mr. A. E. 
LeRoy, principal of the Institute, rendered us extensive aid. 
Mr. N. J. Mfeka, native assistant to the supervisor of Ameri- 
can Mission Native day schools, and Mr. G. M. Sivetye, of 
the staff of the Institute, did the translation. M. T. Mposula, 



senior student at the Institute, acted as interpreter. To all of 
these we owe thanks for their co-operation. 

I. Tests and Methods Used 

Our starting-point was the revised series of Binet-Simon 
tests issued in 191 1 by Henry H. Goddard, and published by 
the Training School, Vineland, N. J. 

We have translated the directions into Zulu throughout. 
With the older students, the knowledge of English which they 
possessed was often sufficient to allow the use of English 
directions and questions. One of the older girls, A. N., pre- 
ferred English directions, saying that as all her school work 
for several years had been in English, she could understand 
difficult things better in that language. 

We have adopted a method of marking suggested by the 
work of Yerkes, Bridges and Hardwick. 1 We have not taken 
the point-scale tests of these writers because the scale and 
tests are not yet definitely established: but we are in decided 
sympathy with these workers' methods and veiwpoint. We 
have given four points for perfect scores and from o to 3 for 
whole and partial failures. 

The standard Binet-Simon weights and drawings were 
used. We did not, however, use the regular pictures for III, 
4, and the other tests wherein these pictures are used. Plate 1 
gives the pictures used by us. The regular pictures imply a 
cultural status which even the most educated Zulus have not 
attained: they therefore offer undue difficulty due to the un- 
familiarity of the objects and scenes pictured. We may here 
explain that Hindus are common in South Africa, having been 
imported for laborers, and hence pictures of them offer no 
difficulties in the way of recognition. 

As our schedules show, we have in some cases used spot, 
analogy and cancellation tests. On these we make no com- 
ment, as the number of subjects used in these was very small. 

II. Notes on the Tests 
A. General 

We have in the main simply translated the Binet-Simon 
tests into Zulu. 

As mentioned above in the case of III, 4, we have in some 
cases had to devise alternate tests because the Binet-Simon 
tests dealt with things not familiar to the natives. A typical 
case, for example, is XV, 2. Few Zulus have a clock or watch, 

1 Yerkes, Bridges and Hardwick, " A Point Scale for Measuring 
Mental Ability." Baltimore, 191 5. 


and even in school these are not used much. The teacher, as 
a rule, is the only one who looks at the clock. Hardly any 
Zulu homes except a few in towns have clocks in them. This 
same cause made it necessary to omit all the tests for nine . 
years mental age. 

All tests involving numbers are subject to change in time 
allowance, for the Zulu numerals are all long words: E. g., 
seven is " isikombisa," two " isibili," eight " isishiyangalom- 

Age 3 B ' specific 

i. Translated only. 

2. Zulu sentences of six syllables used. 

3. Translated only. 

4. See Plate I for pictures. Translated only. 

5. Zulu children do not always know the family name as such, espe- 

cially among the uncivilized Zulus, but they all know the 
father's last name, which was therefore asked. 
Age 4 

1. Translated only. 

2. Objects are kept hidden under papers or behind a box. Key, 

knife, and penny, as used by Binet and Simon, are not familiar 
to all, but the objects chosen, beads, native pot and loin-cloth, 
are. Picture of loin-cloth may be used with equal success. 

3. Translated only. 

4. Translated only. 

Age 5 

1. Translated only. 

2. Translated only. Use of ink makes it prohibitively hard. 

3. Zulu sentence of ten syllables used. 

4. Translated only. For object we use four pennies — the large Brit- 

ish penny in use in this country. 

5. Translated only. 

Age 6 

1. Translated only. 

2. Translated only. " Umame " means a human mother only : hence 

its use rather than two other Zulu words of similar but wider 

3. Translated only. Spoon is used in place of key because its name 

is more familiar. Keys are not common among the Zulus. 

4. Translated only. There are two words for left in Zulu, equally 

common and familiar to the children. 

5. For this test we had prepared, by Mr. J. G. van Gelder, pairs of 

Zulu faces : but we found that the sets of faces used by Binet 
and Simon were satisfactory. Translated only. 

Age 7 

1. Translated only. See V, 4. 

2. See Plate I for pictures. Translated only. 

3. Translated only. As with VI, 5, we had pictures specially pre- 

pared, but found that they had no advantage. 


4. Translated only. 

5. Time allowance must be increased to 10 seconds, to allow for the 

normally slow reaction time of Zulus. Green and blue cannot 
both be used, as there is only one word in Zulu for both these 
colors. Red, black, blue and white are used. 

Age 8 

1. The objects for memory discrimination which Binet and Simon 

use are not such as to be observed by Zulu children. Many do 
not know glass at this age. Our objects, spoon and stick, ox 
and fowl, mealies and amadumbi, are well within their range 
of experience. Amadumbi is a variety of Arum edule much 
grown by the natives; mealies are our common Indian corn, 
Zea mats. 

2. Time allowance must be increased to 35 seconds, for reason given 

under VII, 5. 

3. Zulus as a rule do not know or use days of the week. Even the 

Christians know only Sunday, for the most part. The children 
herd the cattle, and are familiar with the parts of them, which 
they are asked. 

4. Among the Zulus children up to ten or eleven years old do not 

handle any coins except the penny, and only the penny postage 
stamp. We were not able to devise a substitute. The test is 
therefore omitted. 

5. Translated only. 

Age 9 

1. See VIII, 4. Omitted for the same reason. 

2. The same definitions as in VI, 2, were given. This test is there- 

fore impracticable, and is omitted. 

3. See VIII, 3. Here we were unable to find a substitute. Except 

when in school, the month and year are not known, especially 
outside of towns. Test is omitted. 

4. As with 3. Test is omitted. 

5. Very difficult; this procedure is apparently entirely alien to the 

Zulu children. Test is therefore omitted. 

Age 10 

1. See VIII, 4. Test is omitted for the same reason. Zulu children 

of this age rarely know more coins than the penny, tickie 
(threepence), sixpence, and shilling, and often not these. 

2. Translated only. 

3. Translated only. 

4. The questions of Binet and Simon deal with matters for the most 

part outside the child's experience. Hence a substitution. 
Moral judgments are especially hard for Zulu children of this 

5. Translated only ; three familiar Zulu words used. There is no 

exact equivalent of " make a sentence " in Zulu ; hence two 
sentences connected closely in sense must be accepted as a cor- 
rect answer. 

Age 11 

1. We have used three sentences only, finding them sufficient. In 
one sentence, where Binet and Simon speak of the police, we 
have given an alternative form, using chief instead. This is 
due to the fact that for most of the Zulus the police are chiefly 


tax-collectors, and are not gone to when something happens. 
The question in its original form shows marked signs of being 
the product of a country where the police have great power in 
the ordinary affairs of life. 

2. See X, 5. Translated only. 

3. Time allows 35 words ; slow reaction time. See the individual 

schedules. Association groups vary greatly. 

4. Omitted. Rhyming is not found at all in the Zulu language, and 

its use in English verse has to be taught laboriously in upper 

5. Translated only. One sentence only used. Rather difficult. We 

did not find any advantage in trying several sentences. 

Age 12 

1. Translated only. Time allowance for long words is here neces- 

sary. Children in school can do it as easily with English 

2. We have found it advisable to change the words for definition, 

since many of the children do not know the three words used 
by Binet and Simon. We used : love, brightness and anger. 

3. Zulu sentence of 26 syllables used. 
4.Translated only. 

5. The problems used by Binet and Simon proved very unfamiliar, 
even with the alteration of " forest of Fontainebleau " to 
" bush " in the first. The answer to the first was always much 
delayed and was always " a snake." The second was puzzling, 
since the Zulus do not, except when compelled to in towns, call 
a doctor in case of death ; and the lawyer and clergyman in 
this connection or in severe illness are unknown to them. 

Age 15 

1. See Plate 1 for pictures. Translated only. 

2. Owing to unfamiliarity of the natives with clocks, this test was 

in every case impossibly difficult. We adopted a substitute, ask- 
ing how a man's footprints look when he walks backwards, and 
taking the deep imprint of the heel when walking backwards as 
our criterion of success. The new test is decidedly difficult. 

3. This test is very difficult. Success in it should count for twice as 

much as success in our other tests. 

4. Translated only. We have omitted the opposite for " glad " since 

" glad " and " happy " are the same word in Zulu. In the case 
of words, such as " like," we have chosen only one meaning for 


1. Translated only. 

2. This test was uniformly a failure, and is therefore omitted. 

3. Owing to the words being often nearly all unknown, this test 

must be omitted. Substitutes are not practicable, so far as 
was evident to us. The difficulty lies in securing pairs of words 
that will not be too easy, and still will be known to the subjects. 
If we were dealing with educated natives only, this might be 
less difficult. 

4. This difference is unknown to the natives. We were not able to 

find a similar difference that was known. Omitted. 

5. This test is very difficult, and with the sentences that Binet gi 

was always a failure. Omitted. 


III. Schedules of Individuals Tested. 

i. V. Mf. Male, age 6.2. Infant Class A, Adams Practicing School. 
Parents, Zulu (father a teacher). Tested by Rich, Mposula trans- 
lating. 2 June, 1916. 

Test No... 






Age 3 













4 + 

4 + 










Additional test, age 5 : counting to 5. Score, 4+. Intelligence age : 

Remarks : III, 4. Enumerates only. When shown picture of man 
plowing with oxen, named use. 

IV, 4. Binet's test objects used. Possible here because 
child comes from civilized home. 

V, 4. Counted in English, quickly and evenly. 

VI, 1. Knows hours of day, but not this. 

VI, 2. Defines in terms of use. Took 3 minutes to 
say "mother — a girl" (in Zulu). 

VII, 1. Counts to 11, then "6. 5." In English. 

VII, 3. Says all pictures lack hands, but one lacks feet. 

2. L. Z. Male, age 10.5. Standard 1, Adams Practicing School. 
Parents, Zulu. Tested by Loades, Mposula translating. 2 June, 

Test No... 12 3 4 5 

Age 10 3 3 4 4 

Test of 10 analogies. Score, 4. 21 words recalled in 3 min. 

3. Wm. Ms. Male, age 13. Standard 1, Adams Practicing School. 
Parents, Zulu (heathen). Tested by Loades, Le Roy aiding, 
Mposula translating. 1 June, 1916. 

Test No... 






Age 6 






























4 + 

Intelligence age, 13. 
Remarks : Began school late. 

VIII, 2. Got as far as 14. 

VIII, 5. Repeated four of the figures correctly. 

XI, 3. 30 words. 

IX, 4. Binet's test given unaltered. 
Adult, 1. Score, 0. 

XII, 4. Resists suggestion. 


A. N. Female, age 19. Amanzimtoti Institute, II 
Parents, Zulu. Tested by Rich. 9 November, 

yr. Normal class. 

Test No. 

Age 12 

4 4 4 
4 3 2 
4 3 


Intelligence age, 18-f . 

Remarks: All tests given in English at subject's request. Subject 
understands English as well as Zulu, and is unusually 
quick in reaction time. 

XV, 2. Rather hard. Tried Binet's XV, 2; did not 
know clock sufficiently for the test. 

XV, 3. Very difficult, requiring much additional ex- 

XV, 4. All words of Binet schedule used, in Eng- 

Adult tests. 2, 3, 4, Binet tests used. Did not know 
all the words in 3 and did not know what a president 
was in 4. 

E. G. Female, age 21. Amanzimtoti Institute, II yr. Normal class. 
Parents, Basuto and Basuto half-caste. Tested by Loades. 2 
June, 1916. 

Test No... 12 3 4 5 

Age 12 

11 association groups, 
score, o. 

Gave 66 words in 3 min. 
Attention tests : 5-group 

4-group, score, 4. 
Remarks : Adult tests as for No. 4. 

Z. Mk. Male, age 22. Amanzimtoti Institute, II yr. Normal class. 
Parents, Zulu. Tested by Rich, 11 November, 1916. 

Test No... 






Age 11 
















Remarks : Reaction decidedly slow. 

All tests given in English. 

Has shown in class work a tendency toward reliance on 

verbal memory. 
XII, 2. For European words, score 2. 
XII, 5. Correct answer to Binet's second question also. 

To Binet's first question answered " snake." 
XV, 2. Very difficult. Watch test here, score 2. 
XI, 3. 62 words in 3 min. 5 association groups. Gave 

English and Zulu words mingled. 
Adult, 2, 3, 4, as in No. 4. 


The following two schedules are for work done with the unaltered 
Binet tests, subject only to translation into Zulu. In these the 
Zulu interpretation was done by Mr. Le Roy. 

7. K. Nx. Male, age 14.8. Amanzimtoti Institute, Standard VI. 
Parents, Zulu. Tested by Loades and Le Roy. 31 May, 1916. 

Test No... 






Age 11 








Remarks : XI, 3. 29 words in 3 min. 

XII, 5. First question, answered " snake." Second ques- 
tion answered " sick person." 

8. L. G. Male, age 14.9. Amanzimtoti Institute, Standard VI. Par- 
ents, Zulu. Tested by Loades and Le Roy. 31 May, 1916. 

Test No... 

Age 12 

4 2 2 
2 4 

Remarks : Defines in terms of the question. 

XII, 5. Answers first question, "baboon." No idea of 
policeman as man to whom to report things. Second 
question, answers " sick person." Could not under- 
stand why policeman came. 

XV, 1. Enumerates only. 

IV. General Remarks 

As noted in the introductory remarks, the greatest need in 
the way of extending this work is to carry on tests where 
education has not reached the natives. A comparison of re- 
sults thus obtained with those from work such as here reported 
would show the influence of education upon the rate and type 
of intellectual development. Similar results should be access- 
ible within a few years for educated natives, by virtue of the 
many changes which native education in Natal is at this time 
undergoing. Hitherto native education has been mainly a 
copy of that generally used in England forty years ago: but 
a modern scheme, adapted to the natives, is now in process of 
elaboration by the provincial authorities, and should be in 
effect shortly. 

More extensive tests would show to what extent it is true 
that without education the mind of the native ceases to develop 
after puberty, and to what extent education prevents this. 
This point is one on which much difference of opinion exists in 
South Africa. Our tests would indicate that post-pubertal 


development of the mind is different in natives from what it 
is in Europeans. To what extent this is a result of the par- 
ticular educational system in use here we cannot as yet decide. 

It will be noticed that many of our changes have had to be 
made solely because the Binet-Simon tests are based on cul- 
tural conditions not present among natives, or on educational 
practices not here prevalent. The cases of the problems of 
making change, of the watch problem, and of rhyming, illus- 
trate this point. 

The facile verbal memory of certain subjects, and the ab- 
sence of any system of association groups in all our subjects, 
are outstanding points. This much we can say these tests 
contribute to comparative psychology. We would disclaim 
any quantitative value in comparative psychology for these 
tests, however. It appears from our tests that the disposition 
to rely on verbal memory, without much attention to meanings, 
and the absence of systems of association groups, are charac- 
teristic features of the native mind. 


By Wade E. Miller, A. M., Fostoria, Ohio 

This work was undertaken to determine the extent to which 
the earlier grades received by a student would indicate the 
kind of work he would do during the remainder of his high 
school course. It is evident that if the earlier grades are a 
good index of his later accomplishment, a method which would 
make it possible to interpret the earlier grades would be of 
great value not only to the teacher but also to the superin- 
tendent of schools in the administration of the system as a 

The first specific problem may be stated thus — how many 
grades must be given a student until the addition of further 
grades does not materially change the average of all the 
grades that he will receive by the time he has completed the 
high school. To determine this, all the grades given to 49 
students in the Fostoria high school were used. Throughout 
the four years' work there were 32 grades given for each of 
the 49 students. (There are no grades for the last semester 
of the fourth year, since these 49 students were seniors at the 
time, and hence those grades were not yet assigned.) These 
grades were arranged in the order in which they were awarded. 
They were on the decimal basis, and ranged from 55 to 99. 
The subjects in which they were awarded were English, Rhe- 
toric, American Literature, English Literature, Latin, Caesar, 
Cicero, Vergil, German, Algebra, Plane and Solid Geometry, 
Arithmetic, or Chemistry, Physics, Botany, Physical Geo- 
graphy, Ancient History, English History, American History, 
Civics, Manual Arts, and Mechanical Drawing. All the data 
are not given here, but a Specimen Data Sheet is included, 
on which is given the complete data for student No. 1, merely 
to illustrate the method employed. 



English 89 1 1 8.9 89 89.0 0.0 —8.9 —.111 —8.9 8.9 .111 

Algebra 80 1 1 0.1 169 84.5 4.5 —4.4 —.054 —13.3 6.6 .082 

Phys. Geog. ... 83 1 1 2.9 252 84.0 0.5 —3.9 —.043 —17.2 5.7 .071 

Latin 80 1 1 0.1 332 83.0 1.0 —2.9 —.035 —20.1 5.0 .062 

Manual Arts... 77 1 1 3.1 409 81.8 1.2 —1.7 —.021 —21.8 4.3 .053 

English 85 1 2 4.9 494 82.3 0.5 —2.2 —.026 —24.0 4.0 .049 

Algebra 87 1 2 6.9 581 83.0 0.7 —2.9 —.035 —26.9 3.8 .047 

Botany 81 1 2 0.9 662 82.7 0.3 —2.6 —.032 —29.5 3.6 .045 

Latin 81 1 2 0.9 743 82.6 0.1 —2.5 —.031 —32.0 3.5 .043 

Manual Arts... 81 1 2 0.9 824 82.4 0.2 —2.3 —.027 —34.3 3.4 .042 


Pupil No. 1. SPECIMEN DATA SHEET— Con tinued 

Subject ABCD E FG H I J K L 

Rhetoric 81 2 1 0.9 905 82.2 0.2 —2.1 —.026 —36.4 3.3 .041 

Algebra 85 2 1 4.9 990 82.5 0.3 —2.4 —.029 —38.8 3.2 .039 

Gen. Hist 83 2 1 2.9 1073 82.4 0.1 —2.3 —.028 —41.1 3.1 .038 

Caesar 76 2 1 4.1 1149 82.1 0.3 —2.0 —.024 —43.1 3.0 036 

Mech Dr 89 2 1 8.9 1238 82.5 0.4 —2.4 —.029 —45.5 3.0 .036 

Rhetoric 88 2 2 7.9 1326 82.7 0.2 —2.6 —.032 —48.1 3.0 .036 

Geometry 70 2 2 10.1 1396 82.1 0.6 —2.0 —.024 —50.1 2.9 .036 

Gen. Hist 85 2 2 4.9 1481 82.3 0.2 —2.2 —.026 —52.3 2.8 .034 

Caesar 82 2 2 1.9 1563 82.3 0.1 —2.2 —.026 —54.5 2.8 .034 

Mech. Dr 91 2 2 10.9 1654 82.7 0.4 —2.6 —.032 —57.1 2.8 .034 

Amer. Lit 83 3 1 2.9 1734 82.6 0.1 —2.5 —.031 —59.6 2.8 .034 

Geometry 71 3 1 9.1 1808 82.2 0.4 —2.1 —.026 —61.7 2.8 .034 

Physics 75 3 1 5.1 1883 81.8 0.4 —1.7 —.021 —63.4 2.7 .033 

Ccero 79 3 1 1.1 1952 81.7 0.1 —1.6 —.019 —65.0 2.7 .033 

Amer. Lit 83 3 2 1.9 2045 81.8 0.1 —1.7 —.021 —66.7 2.6 .032 

Geometry 56 3 2 24.1 2101 80.8 1.0 —0.7 —.008 —67.4 2.5 .031 

Physics 78 3 2 2.1 2179 80.7 0.1 —0.6 —.007 —68.0 2.5 .031 

Cicero 77 3 2 3.1 2258 80.6 0.1 —0.5 —.006 —68.5 2.4 .029 

Eng. Lit 75 4 1 5.1 2331 80.5 0.1 —0.4 —.004 —68.9 2.3 .028 

Amer. Hist. ... 74 4 1 6.1 2405 80.2 0.3 —0.1 —.001 —69.0 2.3 .028 

Chemistry 71 4 1 9.1 2476 79.8 0.4 0.3 .003 —68.7 2.2 .027 

Vergil 87 4 1 6.9 2563 80.1 0.3 0.0 .000 —68.7 2.1 .026 

The following capital letters refer to the columns in the specimen 
data sheet: 

"A," the grade in each subject; 

M B " and C," the year and semester in which the grade was given ; 

" D," the difference between the actual grade" A " and the final aver- 
age of all grades; 

" E," the progressive sums, by successively adding the grades "A"; 

" F," the progressive averages of the grades as the different grades 
are added ; 

" G," the differences between successive progressive averages "F"; 

" H," the differences between " F " and the final average " M " (Table 
I) of all grades ; 

" I " is H " divided by " M," the gain or loss in per cent of the 
average grade " M " ; 

" J," the algebraic progressive sums of the deviations in " H " ; 

" K," the progressive averages of the sums in "J." This "J" value 
reveals the tendency of the student to raise or lower his grades. 

" L " indicates the tendency in " K," expressed in per cent of the 
average of all grades " M." 

Method. The progressive sums were obtained by adding 
each succeeding grade to the sum of those given previously, 
as indicated in column " E," of specimen data sheet for pupil 
No. I. Each sum was then divided by the number of its 
order (that is its distance from the first grade) to get the pro- 
gressive averages in column " F," and the differences between 
these averages were found, column " G." In addition, the 
arithmetical averages of all the grades were found for each 
student. These averages for each student are given in column 
" M," Table I. In column " D " of the data sheet are given 
the differences between the actual grades " A " and the aver- 


age grade " M." From these differences the average deviation 
was calculated for each student, and is indicated in column 
" N," Table I. 

Since the significance of the average deviation depends upon 
the magnitude of the average grade " M," it was decided to 
divide the average deviation " N " by the average " M " of all 
the grades. This result is given in column " O," Table I. 
The value of " O " indicates the extent to which about one- 
half the grades varied around the average " M " of all the 
grades. To illustrate : the value .064 for Student No. 1 means 
that one-half of all his grades did not vary more than 6.4 per 
cent, from his average grade for four years. 

In order to get an idea as to the rate at which a student's 
grade tends to become constant the values in column " I " 
were used. As the number of grades which are awarded to a 
student become greater, the successive averages " F " become 
more constant. Thus the average of 49 grades will be nearer 
the average of 50 grades than the average of 4 grades will 
be nearer the average of 5 grades, not necessarily, but there 
is a tendency in this direction. This tendency is indicated in 
column " F " of the specimen data sheet. 

In column " P " is indicated the number of grades that 
were necessary so that the difference between the progressive 
average " F " and the average of all grades " M " would be 
less than 2 per cent, of the average of all grades " M." The 
value in column " P " was thus derived by simply counting 
downward in column " I " until the value .02 or less appeared 
for the first time. In some cases below the order given in " P " 
the value was more than .02. Column " P " simply indicates 
the number of grades given when the value of " I " was .02 for 
the first time. Two per cent, is arbitrarily assumed as a stand- 
ard because it is doubted whether a discrimination of less than 
two per cent, is really a discrimination at all in mental meas- 

The fact that the values in " P " vary, would indicate an 
upward and downward tendency on the part of the students 
in their development. They do not develop equally or uni- 
formly. This variation is partly due to the differences in the 
standards between the teachers or the many other factors 
which influence grades independently of the actual ability of 
the students, but since these secondary factors work both 
ways, they neutralize each other to some extent, and the varia- 
tions in " I " probably represent differences in the rate of 
development. To get an expression of this tendency in a more 
homogenous form column " L " was calculated by dividing 
the progressive averages in " K " by the average of all grades 


" M." Column " K " was derived by dividing the values in 
" J " by the proper order of the grades. That is, the values 
in " K " are the progressive averages of " J " with due regard 
to sign. Column " J " shows the progressive algebraic sums 
of the deviations in column " H." 

Column " L " will thus show the tendency of the grades ; 
a minus sign indicates they are getting poorer, a plus sign, 
that they are getting better. Thus, the value, — .in in M L" 
means that student No. I has a final average " M " which is 
i i.i per cent, less than the first grade received. The average 
of column " L " will thus indicate the tendency of the stu- 
dent during his high school career. This average of " L " for 
each student is given in column " S," Table I. Thus for stu- 
dent No. i, this average is — .041, which implies that his grades 
are gradually getting poorer at the rate of .041 per cent, per 
grade. This value is so small that it has no significance, and 
hence it would be better to say that the grades of this par- 
ticular pupil were practically of the same general character 
throughout his high school course. Column " T " indicates 
the number of grades necessary to establish this tendency 
within 2 per cent, of what it actually is after all the grades 
are given. This result is found by dividing the progressive 
differences in " L " by the averages of column " L," and then 
counting down the column until the per cent, is less than .02. 
Thus for student No. 1 after three grades are given this ten- 
dency is evident. It is worthy of notice that the tendency of 
26 students (53 per cent.) is evident from the first, as indi- 
cated by the value zero in column " T." This factor would 
seem to have great disciplinary value in the administration of 
the school system, although it is somewhat difficult to calculate. 

In order to use this factor, it is not necessary to have all 
the grades the student will have after he has completed his 
course. As seen from column " F," the average grade soon 
tends to become constant, and this means that the average of 
the first eight or ten grades is probably sufficient to indicate 
the tendency fairly well. 

In column " Q " is given the number of grades granted to 
the student before the " I " value is less than 1 per cent. The 
method of calculating " Q " is the same as " P " except that 
in counting down in " I " the value .01 was used instead of .02. 
The " Q " value 26 for student No. 1 indicates that after he 
had received 26 grades his average grade was not changed by 
more than one per cent. It should be noticed that no pupil 
reached this point later than the 26th grade, and that some 
(12 per cent.) never varied more than one per cent, after the 
third grade. Column " R " is the same as " P " except that 


the differences " G " between the successive progressive aver- 
ages in " F " were divided by the corresponding progressive 
average in " F." The value in " R " indicates how many 
grades were necessary to give a deviation of less than 2 per 
cent. Column " R " differs from " P " in that the basis for 
" P " is the average " M " of all 32 grades, whereas