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PEHAQUID 


ITS  GENESIS,  DISCOVERY,  NAHE  AND  COLONIAL 
RELATIONS  TO  NEW  ENGLAND 


BY  RUFUS  KING  SEWALL 

Read  before  the  Lincoln  County  Historical  Society 
nay  22,  1896 


PRINTED  BY  THE  SOCIETY 
1896 


;.,  v'4 


m  ^ 


^ 


PEMAOUID. 


Its    Gexesis,     Discovery,      Name    and     Colonial      Relations    to 

New  England. 

BV  RUFUS  KING  SEWALL. 

Read  before  the  Lincoln  County  Historical  Society,  Max  22,  iSg6. 

I 

English  records  have  preser\-ed  the  acts  of  the  EngHsh  race  in 
the  discovery,  survey,  seizin  and  possession  of  New  England,  somewhat 
scattered  in  detail,  but  easily  collated,  to  be  arranged  in  their  natural 
relations,  in  verification  of  the  truth  of  history. 

Many  of  these  initial  acts  have  never  been  fully  analyzed  and 
combined  in  their  natural  order  and  relations,  to  the  development  of 
New  England  history  in  Maine,  but  rather  have  been  eclipsed  in  the 
glamor  of  more  ambitious  local  surroundings,  foreign  to  Maine. 

I  now  propose  to  lift  the  shadows,  relieve  the  glamor,  disclose 
and  trace  the  life  threads  of  New  England  to  rootlets  at  Pemaquid. 

We  have  this  summary  of  colonial  facts  by  Major,  in  his  intro- 
duction to  the  Hackluit  papers,  original  sources  of  the  beginnings  of 
English  homes  in  New  England,  viz  :  "that  to  the  *northward  in  the 
height  [latitude]  44°,  lyeth  the  country  of  Pemaquid — the  Kingdom 
wherein  our  western  colony  was  sometime  planted." 

This  summary  connects  Pemaquid  with  Sagadahoc  in  the  colo- 
nial possessions  of  the  English  there.  The  latitude  given  determines  the 
locus  in  quo  to  have  been  in  New  England,  and  at  and  about  Pema- 
quid and  its  dependencies. 

The  English  discovery  may  be  regarded  as  somewhat  accidental, 
in  a  marine  novelty  of  a  Captain  Gosnold,  as  to  his  course  across  the 
Atlantic,  shaped  due  west  from  Falmouth,  west  of  England,  as  the  winds 
would  allow  him  to  run.  In  seven  weeks,  fo"  the  14th  of  May,  1602, 
among  floating  seaweed  and  land  wrack  at  sea,  lured  by  the  smile  of 

*Major's  introduction,  Hackluit  papers,  Tra.  in  Va.  p.  27. 
tArcher.     Gosnold's  voyage. 


t^' 


.*; 


2  Lincoln    County  Historical  Society. 

land  ahead,  near  sunrise,  he  made  land  bearing  north  :  "an  out  point  ol' 
rising  ground  ;  trees  on  it  high  and  straight  from  the  rock ;  land  some- 
what low ;  certain  hummocks,  or  hills  lying  inland,  with  a  shore  full 
of  white  sand,  but  very  stony  or  rocky.  Little  round  green  hills  above 
the  cliffs  appearing  east-northeast,  from  the  sea-point  of   observation." 

Such  was  the  topography  of  the  new  land-fall,  and  of  the  shore 
view  of  land  about  *Sagadahoc,  a  shore  full  of  white  sand,  the  first 
English  view  of  Maine. 

Gosnold  cast  anchor  near  this  remarkable  land- fall,  when  a  Span- 
ish slcrop  manned  with  eight  Indian  seamen — natives  of  the  region, 
soon  came  on  board.  Some  were  dressed  in  European  cloth  and 
costume ;  and  one  wearing  a  hat  and  shoes,  fchalked  a  map  of  the 
new  discovered  country,  for  the  ship's  company,  and  called  it  "Ma- 
voo-shan." 

This  was  an  early  view  of  a  part  of  New  England,  within  the  43° 
N.  L. ;  and  of  a  cape,  now  called  "Small  Point,"  in  43°  42'  N  ;  and 
of  the  shores  of  the  Sagadahoc,  eastward  thereof,  with  its  broad,  white 
sandy  beaches,  and  rock  fretted  mouth  of  the  Kennebec  watershed. 

It  was  the  English //7/;/<z-z'/j-/(Z  of  New  England;  and  in  the  car- 
tography of  this  Indian  Chalk,  of  the  "Eastern  parts,"  of  a  newly  dis- 
covered country,  the  name  of  "Pema-quid"  was  found,  applied  to  a 
little  river  of  the  eastern  water-shed  of  Ma-voo-shan  with  that  of 
"Saga-da-hoc,"  in  the  west. 

The  name  is  apparently  derived  from  a  purely  Indian  source,  viz  : 
yPci/ii",  meaning  oil,  and  %"■  Quidden,''  a  ship  ;  and  has  ever  been  ap- 
plied to  the  point  of  the  main  land  west  under  Monhegan  Island,  a 
promontory  or  cape,  five  miles  long  by  three  wide,  in  N.  L.  43°  50'. 
This  point  is  the  eastern  main-land  loop  of  the  great  Kennebec  water- 
shed, of  which  Cape  Small  Point  is  the  western  point  of  the  crescent 
shaped  body  of  water  called  Saga-da-hoc  bay,  in  latitude  43°  42' north, 
of  the  coast  of  Maine. 

It  was  here  Weymouth  found  native  whale-men  at  work,  which 
he  describes,  in  1605  ;  and  where  Captain  John  Smith  "fished  for 
whales,"  in  16 14;  and  being  the  place  where  whale  oil  was  gathered, 
may  have  given  the  name. 

*  Hutchinson's  History,  Mass.,  vol.  i,  chap,  i,  Strachey. 
jHohnes  Annals,  vol.  i,  note  4.  t  fRaslc's  Dictionary. 
JRosier's   Narrative. 


Pemaijnid.  3 

SURVEY  OF  A.  D.    1605. 

A  new  *survcy  was  projected,  to  verify  the  findings  of  Gosnold's 
land-fall ;  and  to  seek  a  fit  and  convenient  place  for  English  "seizin 
and  possession,"  A.  D   1605. 

In  the  month  of  June  of  that  year,  Capt.  George  Weymouth,  in  a 
ship  called  the  Archangel,  her  company  made  up  in  part  of  the  Gos- 
nold  men  of  1602,  reached  the  Gosnold  land-fall,  in  latitude  N. 
43°  and  44° ;  and  in  July  returned,  with  a  full  report  and  favorable  of 
a  new  found  capacious  harbor  and  the  rivers  of  Mavooshan — Pema- 
quid  and  Sagadahoc  with  five  Pemaquid  Indians,  natives. 

COLONIAL    CONTRACT. 

April  10,  A.  D.  1606,  the  charter  contract  for  colonial  settlement 
of  the  points  designated  in  this  survey,  was  drawn  up  by  Chief  Justice 
Popham,  between  the  Crown  of  England  and  leading  noblemen  there- 
of, to  seize  and  occupy  the  country  at  the  fit  and  convenient  and  de- 
sirable places  indicated  in  the  Weymouth  surveys  ;  and  in  the  summer 
of  1607,  two  ships  and  a  tender,  from  west  of  England  and  London, 
under  command  of  Captain  George  Popham  and  a  company  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  colonial  volunteers,  to  settle  the  places  aforesaid, 
reached  Monhegan  island,  and  harbored  there  the  9th  of  August,  1607, 
— spent  that  day, — a  Sunday  ashore,  under  an  old  cross  found  stand- 
ing there,  in  the  public  worship  of  God,  when  and  where  was  preached 
a  sermon,  by  the  chaplain  of  the  ship,  Richard  Seymour,  of  the  fc^ng- 
lish  Episcopal  church.  The  next  day,  a  party  of  the  colonial  expedi- 
tion were  conducted  by  a  Pemaquid  Indian,  a  pilot  on  board,  to  the 
neighboring  main,  westward,  in  the  ship's  boats,  landed  in  a  cove  and 
marched  across  the  point  and  to  an  Indian  town,  the  residence  of  an 
Indian  chief,  Nahanada.  Captain  Popham  thereafter,  with  fifty  men 
in  the  ship's  barge,  rowed  round  the  point,  into  the  river,  and  met  Na- 
hanada and  his  bowmen  drawn  up  in  battle  array.  The  interview, 
however,  ended  in  amicable  recognition ;  and  Captain  Popham  re- 
tired to  the  opposite  shore  and  slept  his  first  night  at  Pemaciuid. 
Thereafter  both  ships  sailed  for  Sagadahoc,  westward;  and  on  the  20th 
of  August  landed  on  the  peninsula  of  "Sabino,"  entrenched  a  fort, 
built  a  town  of  fifty  houses,  a  store-house,  a  church  with  a  fsteeple  to 
it,  and  a  shipyard,  and  inaugurated  a  civil  government. 

♦.Strachey. 

fHunt's  sketch,  Brown's  Genesis  of  the  United  States. 


4  Lincoln    County  Historical  Society. 

OUT  GROWTH. 

Out  of  this  colonial  movement,  the  Sheepscot  and  Pemaquid 
settlements  of  the  English  race  seem  to  have  started.  Indeed,  our 
earliest  American  authorities  indicate  that  Sheepscot  and  Pemaquid 
were  designated  as  "fit,  *convenient,  and  desirable /A? r^-^,"  to  h^  seized 
<z;;^//^v/{/f(;v/ by  fPopham  colonists.  The  fact  is  given  in  Hubbard's 
summary  of  A.  D.  1676,  which  says: — "Captain  George  Popham 
and  Gilbert,  were  sent  over  at  the  charge  of  Sir  John  Popham,  to  be- 
gin a  colony  at  Sagadahoc  *  *  *  and  about  Sheepscot  Rive)-  twenty 
miles  from  Pemaquid.  Toward  Pemaquid  is  a  considerable  river,  the 
Sheepscot,  upon  the  banks  of  which,  were  many  scattered  planters." 

Hubbard  further  says  :  "The  first  place  that  was  ever  possessed  by 
the  English  in  hope  of  making  a  plantation  *  *  *  was  on  the  west  side 
of  Sagadahoc  river,"  and  adds  :  '■'■  0 the i- places  adjoining  were  sc)0n  after 
seized  and  improved  for  trade  and  fishing." 

"Notwithstanding  the  discouragement  of  the  first  planters.  Sir 
Francis  Popham,  son  of  Sir  John,  *  *  *  having  the  ships  and  provis- 
ions which  remained  of  the  abandoned  colony,  sent  divers  times  to 
the  coast  for  trade  and  fishing."  J 

The  protest  of  Sir  Francis  to  the  abandonment  seems  to  have 
sent  his  father's  ship  (the  Gift  of  God  and  her  tender)  to  Pemaquid, — 
where  she  was  found  by  Captain  John  Smith,  of  Pocahontas  fame,  in 
1 6 14,  in  a  %Port,  on  the  main,  over  against  Monhegan  Island,  having 
many  years  used  only  that  port,  so  that  most  of  the  trade  there  was 
had  by  him.  Sir  Francis. 

A    PORT. 

It  is  a  commercial   haven   and   has  great  significance  in  the    dis- 

♦Charter  of  April  10,  1606. 

fCharter  of  1620. 

JGorges. 

§The  record  is  "Sir  Francis  Popham,  son  and  lieir  of  the  noble  patriot  his 
father,  the  chief  justice,  chief  author  of  the  undertaking"  [at  Sagadahoc]  "on  the 
break  up  there,  would  not  wholly  give  over  the  design ;  but  did  divers  times  after- 
ward send  to  the  same  coast  for  trade  and  fishing,  to  which  purpose  he  had  great 
opportunity,  by  the  ships  and  provisions  of  the  company,  that  remained  in  his  hands." 
[5  vol.  Mass.  Hist.  col.  2  series  p.  372.] 

The  out-growth  was  the  Popham  Port  at  Pemaquid,  where  we  find  the  begin- 
nings of  the  earliest  English  commercial  industries  in  New  England  in  the  sole  use 
of  the  ships  of  the  Popham  estate  and  its  heirs. 


Penuxijiiid.  5 

closures  of  Captain  John  Smith's  Popham  findings  under  Monhegan 
Island.  Pemaquid  is  the  only  main-land  near  Monhegan  over  against 
its  harbor,  there  being  no  main-land  within  reach  east  or  north. 

A  port  is  a  place  of  commercial  business  involving  handling  of 
freight,  delivering  and  receiving  cargoes  ;  a  place  of  imports  and  ex- 
ports, foreign  or  domestic.  Popham's  Port  at  Pemaquid  was  a  place 
of  foreign  export  and  of  freight  there  gathered,  of  fish  there  caught 
and  cured  for  market,  and  of  furs  and  peltries,  there  bought  and 
stored. 

The  word  port  in  1614  meant  all  that  it  means  to-day,  in  com- 
mercial use  and  nomenclature.  It  is  an  epitome  of  facts,  relat- 
ing to    business   aggregation   and   incidents   of  commerce,   by    ships. 

The  above  facts  show  that  the  Popham  family  were  in  occupancy 
of  Pemaquid  as  an  exclusive  commercial  site  for  export  trade  to 
England  in  16 14  and  had  been  so  occupied  for  years  prior  to   1614. 

This  fact  involves  the  existence  then  and  there,  of  wharves  for 
the  discharge  and  loading  of  cargoes  and  freight,  store-houses  for 
goods,  and  outfits  for  the  fisheries,  and  ware-houses  for  peltries, 
dwelling  houses  for  shoresmen  and  clerks,  or  agents  and  employees, 
purchasing  furs,  curing  and  storing  fish  for  back  freight,  all  necessary 
incidents  of  the  business  there  described,  and  of  a  business  of  many 
years  growth  :  a  business  so  extended  and  centralized,  as  to  absorb 
the  entire  inland  trade  of  Indian  supplies  and  customs. 

Captain  Williams  was  the  Popham  ship-master  of  16 14,  at  the 
Popham  Pemaquid  Port,  loading  and  making  up  cargoes  there  for 
P^ngland ;  and  if  for  six  years  before,  it  would  make  the  opening  of 
Popham's  Port  an  English  settlement  at  Pemaquid,  in  160S,  and 
cotemporaneous  with  the  abandonment  of  Sagadahoc,  which  was  on 
or  about  October  8,   1608. 

New  Harbor  to  this  day,  shows  the  relics  of  very  ancient 
commercial  use. 

On  the  main,  opposite  Monhegan  Island,  a  mill-stream  from  the 
highlands  of  Pemaquid,  has  pushed  its  way  into  the  sea  between  the 
headlands  by  a  double  outlet,  forming  the  only  harbor  of  refuge,  near 
the  point,  known  from  the  earliest  periods  of  record,  as  "  New  Harbor." 

The  western  margins  are  deeply  marked  with  ancient  cellars,  and 
have  been  from   the  earliest   ])eriods  of  observation  thus  marked  with 


6  Lincoln    County  Historical  Society. 

the  remains  o{2iCompact  commercial  settlement.  In  the  back  ground  well 
defined  outlines  of  an  old  fort,  out  of  which  tall  grown  oaks  have  been 
cut.  In  the  head  of  this  harbor,  fragments  of  ancient  mill-stones,  dug 
out  of  the  flats,  are  still  to  be  seen,  and  leaden  relics  of  European  trade, 
bearing  the  date  of  A.  D.  1610,  with  other  remarkable  indications  of  a 
very  ancient  and  permanent  place  of  business,  as  a  trade  center  or 
station.* 

The  fact  of  a  port  in  the  exclusive  use  of  Popham's  ships,  in  16 14, 
at  or  near  this  point,  is  an  epitome  of  subordinate  and  correlative  facts. 
It  was  a  port  of  export  of  fish  and  the  storage  of  furs  by  the  cargo  and 
for  freight. 

*  DEPOSITION. 
I,  Joshua  Thompson,  of  New  Harbor,  in  the  town  of  Bristol  and  State  of  Maine, 
do  make  oath  and  say  that  I  was  born  at  New  Harbor,  in  said  Bristol,  and  have  re- 
sided there  most  of  the  time  since;  am  forty-seven  years  of  age.  In  the  time  of  my 
boyhood  the  land  on  the  north  side  of  New  Harbor  was  covered  with  wood  of  large 
growth,  which  has  lately  been  cut  away,  bringing  to  light  seventeen  cellars  or  the 
remains  of  them.  These  cellars  are  as  large  as  good  sized  houses  in  the  same  vicin- 
ity, and  some  are  much  larger  than  ordinary  houses.  On  digging  around  these  cel- 
lars I  have  found  various  articles  of  household  use,  such  as  pipes,  crockery,  hatchets, 
pincers,  etc.  These  cellars  had  been  stoned  up  with  the  same  kind  of  stone  as  is 
now  abundant  about  New  Harbor.  All  these  cellars  contain  charred  remains  of 
boards,  planks,  etc.,  seeming  to  show  that  the  buildings  had  been  burned.  I  have 
found  these  remains  in  twelve  or  fifteen  of  these  cellars.  The  houses  seem  to  have 
stood  in  two  irregular  rows,  parallel  to  the  shore  of  the  Harbor.  Neai  one  of  these 
cellars  human  bones  which  I  judge  to  be  the  bones  of  a  youth,  were  found  just  be- 
neath the  surface  of  the  ground.  On  a  small  space  near  the  shore  I,  and  some 
others,  found,  close  to  the  water's  edge,  thirty-two  pounds  of  shot,  by  weight,  within 
five  years  of  this  time.  I  know  of  fifty  pounds  having  been  found  there  varying  in 
size  from  a  musket  bullet  to  a  No.  2  shot.  I  still  have  a  part  of  this  shot  in  my 
house,  but  the  greater  part  I  allowed  my  boys  to  sell  to  pedlars  not  knowing  the 
value  or  interest  that  might  attach  to  it.  Found  also  about  twenty-five  pounds  of 
fragments  of  lead,  of  various  shapes  and  sizes.  This  was  scattered  over  a  space  from 
four  to  six  rods  square.  F'ound  in  the  same  locality  less  than  four  years  ago,  a  piece 
of  lead  of  peculiar  shape  bearing  a  date  "A.  D.  1610"  in  the  outer  edge  of  a  raised 
circle,  containing  the  letter  ''H."  On  the  reverse  side  is  a  stamp  probably  designed 
as  an  ornament  but  which  could  not  well  be  made  out.  It  is  in  two  parts  connected 
at  one  end  by  a  leaden  rivet,  each  part  an  inch  long,  or  when  open  two  inches  long 
or  more.  I  sold  this  piece  of  lead  to  Mr.  Loring  Grimes  of  Rockport,  Mass.,  for  five 
dollars.  Found  three  other  pieces  of  lead  like  the  one  sold  to  Mr.  Grimes,  but  not 
having  legible  dates.  Found  at  the  same  time  a  hatchet,  obviously  of  European 
manufacture,  the  edge  being  about  three  inches  wide.     It  was  forged  so  as  to  be 


Pemaquid.  7 

Hubbard's  narrative  trecords  :  Pemaquid  is  a  very  commodious 
haven,  *  *  *  and  liath  been  found  very  advantageous  for  ships  such 
as  use  the  coast  for  fishing  voyages.  There  hath  been  for  a  long  time, 
seven  or  eight  considerable  dwellings  about  Pemaquid,  a  place  well 
suited  to  pasturage  about  the  harbor,  for  cattle  and  fields  for  tillage. 
All  such  lands  are  already  taken  up  by  such  number  of  inhabitants." 
In  less  than  ten  years  after  Captain  Smith  had  described  the  exten- 
sive Indian  trade  of  Popham's  Port  on  the  east  shores  of  Pemaquid 
(1623-4)  Christopher  Levett  an  English  navigator  in  the  service  of 
Gorges,  came  into  Boothbay  Harbor,  where  he  spent  four  or  five  days 
and  found  nine  ships  there  harboring,  engaged  in  the  fisheries.  There 
he  encountered  a  fleet  of  Indian  canoes  laden  with  beaver  coats  and 
peltries,  on  the  way  to  Pemaquid.  Sa-maa-set  led  the  expedition ; 
and  Cogawesco  of  Casco,  and  Mena-wormet  of  Sasanoa  river,  were  of 
the  Indian  trading  company.  Levett  coveted  this  Pemaquid  truck; 
and  by  the  influence  of  Samaaset,  diverted  every  beaver  coat  and 
peltry,  except  a  single  one  with  two  skins  pledged  to  pay  a  debt  at 
Pemaquid,   to    his  own  trade   and  ship.      The   beaver  laden  canoes, 

used  in  the  right  hand  only,  it  has  no  pole  and  is  not  shaped  like  the  axes  used  now 
in  this  country.  Among  the  scraps  of  lead  I  found  a  piece  of  silver  money.  The 
date  of  this  was  obliterated,  it  was  as  large  as  a  dime. 

Besides  the  cellars  of  which  I  have  spoken  there  appears  the  remains  of  what 
looks  like  a  fortitication.  This  is  on  the  highest  point  of  land  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Harbor,  and  quite  commands  its  approaches  by  land  as  well  as  by  water.  Its 
size  is  as  follows  east  and  west  52  feet,  north  and  south  51  feet.  The  entrance  was 
at  the  south-east  corner.  The  walls  are  about  live  feet  thick.  F'rom  time  to  time 
the  stone  of  these  walls  have  been  removed  by  the  citizens  to  build  cellars  and  stone 
fences.  All  this  was  covered  in  my  boyhood  by  oak  wood  of  very  large  size  which 
has  since  been  cleared  off. 

A  mill-stone  was  dug  out  of  the  soil  at  the  head  of  New  Harbor  some  years  ago, 
and  now  lies  in  the  water,  where  it  can  be  seen. 

I  have  lately  seen  the  piece  of  lead  referred  to  above,  bearing  date  "A.  D.  16 10" 
in  the  possession  of  Mr.  J.  H.  Hackelton  of  this  town. 

Bristol,  Maine,  May  12th,  1871. 

JOSHUA  THOMPSON. 

Personally  appeared  Joshua  Thompson  and  made  oath  that  the  above  state- 
ments are  tme  to  the  best  of  his  belief  and  knowledge. 

FRANCIS  WHEELER, 

J.  Peace. 

tHubbard's  Indian  Wars. 


8  Lincobi  County  Historical  Society. 

had  a  great  store  of  peltries   for   the   Pemaquid   market,  whither  they 
were  bound. 

This  *fact  shows  that  Popham's  Port,  Pemaquid,  held  a  firm  grasp 
of  wide  scope  on  the  Indian  trade  of  the  country  prior  to  1625  ;  and 
further  shows  the  existence  there  of  the  necessary  adjuncts  of  import 
and  export  trade,  usual  in  foreign  commerce  and  ship  business,  to  sup- 
port many  years  of  such  business.  The  wharf,  the  store  house,  dwell- 
ings for  shoresmen  and  employees,  are  all  usual  necessities ;  with  the 
probable  safe  guard  of  a  fort,  to  cover  the  business  interest  of  the 
port,  which  means  more  than  a  trade  station  and  fishing  place, — a 
haven  for  ships  :  a  nestling  place  for  commerce.  By  Smith's  account, 
Popham's  Port  at  Pemaquid,  was  the  great  fur  market  of  the  country ; 
and  if  in  addition,  the  Pophams  dealt  in  fish,  or  engaged  in  its  indus- 
tries there,  this  Port  must  have  had  extensive  stages  and  ware-houses 
there  for  curing  and  storing  cargoes  for  shipment.  Fish  and  furs 
were  the  staples  of  export  trade  thence  to  England,  prior  to  1614  for 
years  before.  The  gathering  of  freight,  and  handling  of  cargoes,  and 
making  up  foreign  voyages  with  outfits  involved  many  land's  men  in 
care  and  labor.  This  port  although  under  Monhegan,  and  in  sight, 
was  on  the  main,  accessible  to  the  Indian  canoemen..  and  more  favor- 
able to  trade  in  peltries,  than  Monhegan  with  the  perils  of  a  twelve 
mile  transit  at  sea  in  the  fragile,  laden,  Indian  canoe ;  and  therefore 
used  before  Monhegan  had  become  occupied. 

Major  in  his  t^ravels  in  Virginia,  declares  that  the  fisheries  and 
fur  trade  of  the  Popham  voyages,  gave  considerable  impulse  to  colon- 
ization. In  1 6 14,  they  had  created  a  commercial  trade  center  at 
Pemaquid,  which  controlled  the  business  of  the  country,  at  a  haven  on 
the  east  shore.  The  country  and  surroundings  in  Smith's  graphic  ac- 
count, of  his  observations  and  experiences  off  Popham's  Port,  "showed 
high  craggy  cliff  rocks,  stony  isles  and  it  was  a  wonder  such  great  trees 
could  grow  upon  them.  The  sea  there,  too,  was  the  strangest  of  fish- 
pond. The  coast  all  mountainous,  and  isles  of  huge  rocks,  over 
grown  with  most  sorts  of  excellent  woods,  for  house  building,  the 
building  of  boats,  barks  or  ships,  with  an  incredible  abundance  of 
most  sorts  offish,  much  fowl  and  sundry  fruits,  and  where   the   Indians 

*Levett's  Voyage  M.  His.  Col.  Vol.  11. 
t.Major's  Intro.  Tra.  in  Va.  p.  17. 


Pemaqiiid.  9 

take  and  kill  most  of  their  otter.  A  hundred  fish  of  its  waters  were 
in  marketable  worth,  equal  to  two  hundred  of  the  eastern  catch,  with 
half  the  labor  in  curing  and  a  whole  voyage  in  season  earlier." 

All  these  allegations  relate  to  Smith's  experiences  and  observa- 
tions in  and  about  Popham's  Port  at  Pemaquid,  and  which  had  been 
so  long  pre-occupied  in  the  fur  trade  of  the  Popham  estate  on  the 
main  under  Monhegan,  it  was  impracticable  for  Smith  to  make  a  di- 
version in  his  favor. 

DIVERSION    OF    TRADE. 

Two  years  after,  Smith  projected  a  scheme  to  create  a  settlement 
on  the  island  adjacent  to  Pemaquid,  to  divide  the  business,  or  rival 
the  Port  of  Pemaquid.  To  assure  success,  he  *says  he  made  an  ar- 
rangement with  a  proud  savage  and  one  of  their  greatest  Lords,  Na- 
hanada.  Nahanada  commanded  the  harbor  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
on  the  Sagadahoc,  or  west  side  of  Pemaquid  Point.  On  his  return  to 
England,  he  enlisted  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  Dr.  Sutcliff,  a  clergy- 
man, to  fit  out  two  vessels,  one  of  which  was  two  hundred  tons.  It 
was  in   1616. 

Smith  commanded  one,  and  Thomas  Dermer  the  other ;  and  the 
ships  sailed  together  to  secure  a  diversion  and  concentration  of  trade 
on  Monhegan.  One  hundred  and  twenty  miles  out  in  a  storm,  Smith's 
vessel  strained  her  masts,  and  was  driven  back  to  port.  Dermer  es- 
caped the  gale,  executed  his  commission  at  Monhegan  and  started  bus- 
iness there  with  success.  Smith  never  returned  to  aid  the  enterprise 
further ;  but  the  fruits  of  Dermer's  success,  were  English  homesteads 
around  Monhegan  Island  harbor,  a  dependency  of  Pemaquid ;  and 
from  thence  a  diversion  of  trade  and  capital  was  made  to  the  harbor 
mouth  of  the  little  river  of  Pemaquid,  where  Aldworth  and  Elbridge  es- 
tablished their  Plantation  in  1625,  and  who  bought  of  the  Jennings  of 
London,  their  stock  in  trade  on  the  island  within  less  than  a  decade 
after  the  Gorges  establishment  on  Monhegan. 

ixciDENis,   1622. 

On  the  above  facts  of  record,  we  leave  it  to  the  common  sense,  to 
say,  whether  there  was  a  settlement  at  Pemaquid  prior  to  1625  ;  and 
as  to  the  importance,  and  continuity  of  business  enterprise  there  ;  and 

*Sniith's  Hist,  of  Virginia. 


lo  Lincoln    County  Historical  Society. 

whether  or  not  it  was  an  off  shoot  of  the  Popham  colonial  adventure 
of  1607.  Colonial  beginnings  usually  have  growth,  and  that  growth, 
is  a  fair  exponent  of  the  success  and  extent  of  the  planting. 

EXPANSION. 

The  natural  trend  of  populous  and  industrial  development  of 
the  commercial  interests  and  influence  of  Popham's  Port  at  Pemaquid, 
would  be  inland  toward  the  beaver  dams  and  otter  haunts  of  the 
marshes  and  ponds.  The  Sheepscot  head  waters  being  a  net  work  of 
marsh  channels  fringed  with  arable  lands,  made  the  Sheepscot  attractive. 
The  farmers  gathered  there,  and  the  traders,  seamen,  and  emigrants, 
were  established  twenty  miles  below  at  Pemaquid  to  handle  the  fish, 
furs  and  truck  in  peltries,  for  the  merchants  of  Bristol,  England .  Fifty 
families  had  made  the  Sheepscot  the  garden  of  New  England,  in  1630. 
In  1660  Maverick  wrote:  "Pemaquid  was  a  river,  west  of  Penobscot, 
on  which  Alderman  Aldworth  of  Bristol  settled  a  company  of  people 
in  1625.  The  Plantation  hath  continued  ;  and  many  families  are  now 
settled  there.  A  grant  from  the  Crown  gives  to  its  holdings,  Monhe- 
gan,  Damariscove,  and  other  islands  adjacent,  commodious  for  fishing." 

In  1664,  the  Pemaquid  country  was  created  a  royal  province, 
made  a  crown  estate  thereafter  organized  into  a  county,  Cornwall,  and 
two  municipalities,  Jamestown  and  New  Dartmouth,  the  first  at  the  sea- 
side and  the  second  inland  among  the  beaver  dams  of  the  Sheepscot, 
and  is  described  "as  richly  stored  with  great  fish,  oysters  and  lobsters"  ; 
and  by  the  French  :  that  the  whole  coast  of  the  sea,  was  studded 
with  English  houses  well  built  and  in  good  condition.  Hutchinson 
says:  the  "sea-coast  was  well  inhabited.  The  fisheries  were  in  a  flour- 
ishing state.  The  English  were  settled  in  great  numbers,  and  had  a 
large  country  cleared  under  improvement." 

Jocelyn,  who  was  in  Maine  in  1638  and  after,  wrote  of  the  Duke's 
territory — Pemaquid — "it  is  all  filled  with  dwelling  houses  ;  stages  for 
fishermen ;  has  plenty  of  cattle,  arable  land  and  marshes."  As  early 
as  1640,  hay  and  cattle  were  exported  from  Pemaquid  to  Massachu- 
setts ;  and  in  1641,  the  *record  shows  that  Pemaquid  had  the  ordi- 
nances of  the  gospel,  making  overtures  for  the  supply  of  preaching  to 
its  people,  in  hire  of  an  Episcopal  service  of  the  church  there   half  the 


'Trelawny  Papers. 


Pemaquid.  1 1 

time.     Such  is  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the  salient  facts  of  the   English   his- 
tory of  Pemaquid  i)rior  to  1625  and  up  to   1676. 

The  detail  of  events  to  be  woven  in,  make  a  web  of  history,  full 
of  romance  and  tragedy,  equal  to  any  part  of  New  England.  The 
root  of  all  this  flitness  was  Popham's  Port.  Supplementary  to  the  fore- 
going record,  we  subjoin  the  following  public,  published  evidence  from 
various  State  papers,  bearing  on  the  continuity  of  the  Popham 
colonial  holdings,  and  in  support  of  the  theory,  that  the  protest  of  the 
abandonment  of  Sagadahoc  by  the  Pophams,  was  the  English  begin- 
nings of  Pemaquitl. 

PUBLIC    RECORDS. 

Spain  regarded  the  English  movements  to  colonize  New  Eng- 
land as  an  intrusion  and  invasion  of  her  transatlantic  rights  and 
titles. 

Her  spies  were  sent  to  every  point  and  her  ambassadors  were 
alert  to  catch  every  rumor.  Every  English  colonial  plantation,  was 
duly  sketched  to  fill  out  detailed  reports  to  Philip  III,  King  of  Spain. 

Even  the  projected  contract  of  April  10,  1606,  was  heralded  at 
Madrid,  before  its  execution  by  Popham  and  Gilbert  began,  by  Zuniga, 
ambassador  of  Spain  at  the  English  court,  who  dispatched  his  master 
on  the  1 6th  of  March  prior  :  "that  the  English  people  propose  to  send 
a  company  to  Virginia  close  to  Florida ;  and  a  year  or  so  before  they 
had  brought  the  natives  to  be  instructed  in  aid  of  their  possession, 
and  their  *chief  leader  was  Chief  Justice  Popham,  a  great  Puritan." 
"They  have  an  agreement  two  vessels  shall  go."  After  the  Popham 
contracts  were  signed,  the  minister  reported.  He  also  entered  a  pro- 
test to  the  King  of  England,  saying — "it  was  publicly  rumored,  two 
vessels  had  sailed ;  two  others,  ready  to  go ;  and  he  heard  from 
Plymouth,  they  (the  English,)  had  settled  another  district  near  the 
other,  i.  e.  the  first. 

The  above  dispatches  relate,  we  think,  to  the  Popham  colonial 
undertakings  of  August,  1607,  in  Maine,  and  refer  to  Pemaquid  be- 
ginnings. 

Zuniga,  in  Jan.  1609,  reported  to  the  King  of  Spain,  "Chief  Jus- 
tice Popham's  Colony  has  returned  in  sad  plight."  "Still  there  sails 
now,  a  good  ship  and  he?-  tender^';  i.  e.  the  Gift  of  God  and  her  fly-boat 


*Brown's  Genesis  of  the  U.  S. 


1 2  Lincoln  County  Historical  Society. 

of  the  Popham  estate.  "They  proceed  to  Virginia  *  *  *  will  make 
themselves  very  strong."  On  the  5  th  of  March,  16 10,  Zuniga  reports 
further  :  "I  am  told  vessels  are  loading  at  Plymouth,  with  men,  to 
people  the  country  they  have  taken ;  and  colonies  from  Exeter  and 
Plymouth  are  on  two  large  rivers,"  meaning  we  think  the  Sagadahoc 
and  Pemaquid. 

On  the  27th  of  Sept.  161 2,  the  Minister  of  Spain,  reported — "that 
the  colonies  of  Virginia  have  houses  built  already  ;  and  have  begun 
another  plantation  in  Terra  Nova  parts,  where  are  the  great  fisheries." 
This  can  be  no  where  else  than  Pemaquid. 

The  English  State  papers  furnish  further  facts  growing  out  of 
these  complaints  of  Spain.  In  1613,  England  replied  to  the  Spanish 
charges  of  intrusion,  aforesaid,  by  Carleton,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
who  was  directed  to  declare  to  Spain,  "that  she  had  no  possession  in 
the  premises ;  that  England  by  discovery  and  actual  possession,  had 
paramount  title,  through  two  colonies,  whereof  the  latter,  [i.  e.  Pop- 
ham's],  is  yet  there  remainins^y 

The  Sagadahoc  fragment  had  abandoned  its  plant  in  October 
1608,  but  the  Popham  interest  had  taken  root  at  Pemaquid  and  was 
in  thrift  of  active  commercial  enterprise,  out  of  which  a  port  had  be- 
come an  established  place  for  trade  in  furs,  in  1 6 1 4  ;  and  of  sufficient 
national  importance  to  be  regarded  as  continued  colonial  holding 
under  international  law,  and  so  used. 

In  March,  161 9,  the  heirs  and  successors  to  the  original  adven- 
turers of  the  Popham  colony,  petitioned  the  Crown  for  a  grant  in  ac- 
cord, with  a  conditional  promise  of  the  land  interest  that  colony  had 
acquired  by  its  enterprize,  under  the  contract  of  April  10,  1606.  The 
Attorney  General  investigated  the  claim  of  the  petitioners,  survivors  and 
successors  of  the  grantees  of  the  charter  agreements  of  April  10,  1606, 
and  on  his  report,  the  privy  council  issued  to  them  the  charter  of 
November  3,  1620,  known  as  the  great  New  England  charter.  The 
recitals  of  this  public  document,  declare,  that  prior  to  1619,  the  par- 
ties to  the  Popham  colonial  transactions,  had  been  at  great  expense 
in  seeking  and  discovery  of  a  place  ;  "fit  and  convenient  to  found  a 
hopeful  plantation  :''  '^and  in  divers  years  before  the  issue  had  taken 
actual possessesion  of  the  continent  and  already  settled  Em^lish  people  in 
places  apreal'le  to  their  desires  in  those  parts." 


Ft' ma  quid.  13 

Who  then  can  honestly  deny  the  fact,  that  the  Popham  colo- 
ny founded  the  besjinnings  of  New  England  ;  and  that  the  continuity 
of  its  holdings  at  Pemaquid  and  Sheepscot,  were  of  international  value 
and  importance  to  the  success  of  the  ?]nglish  race  in  North  America, 
or  loyally  belittle  or  decry  Pemaquid? 

II. 

It  has  been  said,  "God  first  prepares  slowly  and  from  afar,  that 
which  he  designs  to  accomplish,"  a  truth,  as  rational,  as  it  is  obvious 
and  devout. 

All  beginnings  have  their  exigencies,  which,  met  and  turned,  are 
preludes  to,  as  well  as  conditions  of  success. 

Plymouth  and  the  Pilgrims  of  the  colonial  epoch  of  1620,  had 
theirs. 

That  these  beginnings  had  their  life  exigencies  provided  for  in 
Maine,  in  her  "Pemaquid  country,"  in  the  scheme  of  Providence,  a 
series  of  facts  exist,  which,  marshaled  in  natural  relations,  we  think  will 
show. 

The  history  of  the  colonial  life  of  Plymouth,  has  been  fully  de- 
veloped, in  minute  detail  in  all  the  shadings  and  touches  of  the  high- 
est art  in  literature  and  eloquence  which  the  memories  of  affection  or 
the  resources  of  pride  could  suggest. 

But  the  exigencies  of  that  life  now  glowing  in  magnificent  outlines 
of  a  grand  sweep,  were  pregnant  with  perils,  critical  periods,  whose  re- 
lief came  from  Maine. 

FIRST    EXIGENCY    OF    EXTINCTION    FROM    SAVAGE    HOSTILITIES    RELIEVED. 

A  foothold  on  Plymouth  rock  had  been  secured  in  the  month  of 
December,  1620. 

The  icy,  wild  and  inhospitable  surroundings  rendered  it  most  un- 
certain ground,  and  the  step  into  the  new  world,  an  exceeding  slippery 
footfall  to  the  Pilgrim  colonists. 

Threading  the  shores  of  Cape  Cod  Harbor  in  search  of  shattered 
debarkation,  the  emigrants  of  the  Mayflower,  on  it,  had  made  a  land- 
ing. Their  first  attempt  had  been  greeted  with  "a  great  and  strange 
cry"  out  of  the  sand  hills  and  thickets,  supplemented  with  a  cloud  of 
winged  arrows  of  death  headed  with  flint  and  bone  to  repel  the  in- 
trusion of  strangers.     Pilgrim  fire-locks  and  the   scream  of  Christian 


14  Lincoln    County  Historical  Society. 

bullets  were  Pilgrim  death  heralds,  invisible  and  invincible,  which 
answered  back. 

It  was  the  opening  act  in  the  conflict  of  races,  here  in  New  Eng- 
land, for  supremacy,  in  a  drama  of  blood  and  depopulation,  which  has 
ever  since  followed  the  white  man's  tread  across  the  New  World. 

The  foothold  here  gained,  the  intruding  race  stood  appalled  at 
the  inauspicious  surroundings.  Ninety  days  of  shivering  horrors  had 
only  deepened  the  gloomy  forebodings  of  their  landing. 

Not  more  than  sixty  survived  the  colonial  debarkation  ;  nor  of 
these,  more  than  six  or  seven,  were  able  at  times  to  wait  on  the  sick, 
the  impotent,  and  dying. 

The  deep  forests  and  *neighboring  swamps  howled  for  days  to- 
gether with  savage  incantations  and  curses  against  them  in  their  dis- 
tress and  calamity.  Peace  and  life  were  at  stake.  Their  landing 
place  already  heaped  with  new-made  graves  menaced  betrayal  of  their 
weakness  in  their  hostile  surroundings  and  savage  neighbors,  and  had 
to  be  leveled. 

It  was  the  i6th  of  March,  162  i  ;  and  the  opportunity  of  savage 
hordes,  most  cruel  and  treacherous,  "even  like  lions,"  lurking  to  make 
the  remnant  of  colonial  life  at  Plymouth  a  prey,  had  fully  dawned. 

At  this  juncture  in  the  emergency  of  their  solicitude, — "a  tall 
straight  man  ; — the  hair  of  his  head  black  ;  long  behind  only  short  be- 
fore, none  on  his  face  at  all,  starke  naked  only  a  leather  about  his 
wast  with  a  fringe  about  a  span  long,  or  little  more;  having  a  bow  and 
2  arrowes,  the  one  headed  and  the  other  unheaded  ;  free  in  speech  and 
of  a  seemely  carriage,"  appeared,  boldly  walking  among  the  Plymouth 
cabins,  crying  as  he  went,  '■'■Miich  loclconic.  Englishmen/''  '■'■Much  70cl- 
conie,  Eni^lishmen!'"  It  startled  the  colonists.  Surprise  and  alarm 
combined  to  cjuicken  curiosity.  The  stranger  was  "Samoset"  of  Pur- 
itan orthoaraphy — a  savage  lord  from  the  "eastern  parts,"  distant  "a 
dayes  sayle  with  a  great  wind"  from  the  Plymouth  village.  But  the 
"eastern  parts"  described,  were  on  the  coast  of  Maine  and  in  the 
Pemaquid  country  near  the  44°. 

First  of  the  native  races  of  New  England  in  the  person  of  this 
tall  straight  man  of  her  Pemaquid  wilds,  Maine  intervened  to  relieve 
the  forlorn  strangers.     He  frankly  and  intelligently  informed  the  col- 

*Morton's  Memorial  p.  32. 


Pcmaquid.  15 

onists  of  the  country  they  had  reached,  its  provinces,  the  several  en- 
vironing savage  chieftans  and  their  strength,  fas  well  as  with  many 
things  in  the  state  of  the  eastern  country." 

The  Pilgrims  were  won  over  to  confidence.  Hope  dawned  with 
promise  of  a  peaceful  future  and  deliverance  from  the  perils  of  savage 
surroundings.  Moved  to  friendship  and  pity,  the  Pilgrims  sought  to 
shield  the  shivering  form  of  their  savage  benefactor  from  the  keen  March 
winds,  and  gave  him  "a  horseman's  coat."  He  asked  for  "somebeere." 
They  gave  him  "strong  water  and  biskit,  and  butter  and  cheese,"  and  a 
piece  of  wild  duck.  He  liked  it ;  doubtless  had  eaten  the  like  before  at 
EngHsh  tables  at  Pemaquid,  his  home.  He  had  been  for  some  time  in 
Cape  Cod  region  on  account  of  the  necessities  and  dangers  before 
the  Plymouth  colonists  landed,  having  left  the  "eastern  parts,"  eight 
months  before,  which  would  be  about  the  19th  of  July,  1620.  He 
spent  the  day  with  the  colonists ;  and  also  determined  to  spend  the 
night. 

Distrustful  of  his  purposes  the  Pilgrims  yielded  with  reluctance, 
and  would  have  him  quartered  in  the  hold  of  the  "Mayflower"  which 
still  lay  at  anchor  in  the  bay,  but  actually  lodged  him  in  the  house  of 
Stephen  Hopkins,  under  guard. 

In  the  early  gray  of  the  dawn  of  the  next  morning,  however,  he 
left.  Soon  he  returned  leading  in  others  of  his  race.  It  was  Sunday. 
Wearing  a  knife,  a  bracelet  and  ring,  Pilgrim  benefactions,  with  signs 
of  amity,  he  introduced  "five  tall  proper  men" — with  hair  cut  short 
before,  but  long  behind,  hung  with  foxtails  and  feathers  and  having 
painted  faces,  their  chief  bearing  a  wild-cat's  skin  on  one  arm,  and  in 
his  hand  parched   corn  powdered    to"no-cake." 

There  were  interchanged  social  and  friendly  greetings.  The 
savages  were  dismissed,  to  return  with  their  sovereign ;  but  Samoset  re 
mained  a  Pilgrim  guest.  He  received  a  hat,  a  pair  of  stockings,  shoes 
and  a  shirt,  and  continued  with  the  Pilgrim  colonists,  till  the  arrival  of 
Massasoit,  the  king  of  that  country,  and  the  assurance  of  peace,  by 
treaty,  to  which  his  kind  offices  greatly  contributed. 

Thus  introduced  by  the  Pemaquid  sagamore  and  prepared  for  a 
peaceful  conference,  the  king,   with  sixty  braves,  met  Governor  Carver 

♦Tradition  and  Penobscot  Indians  pronounce  as  if  spelled  "Sa-aiaa-set." 
tMourt's  Relation,  p.  26. 


1 6  Lincoln  County  Hislorical  Society. 

of  Plymouth,  Captain  Standish,  Mr.  Williamson,  and  six  musketeers. 
They  came  heralded  with  drum  and  trumpet.  Negotiations  were  at 
once  entered  upon,  and  an  agreement  for  peace  and  amity,  between 
the  colonists  and  environing  savages,  was  concluded,  with  "kissing, 
drinking  and  feasting."  His  majesty,  Massasoit,  meanwhile  trembling 
and  sweating  under  sturdy  draughts  of  the  Pilgrim's  strange  "strong 
waters,"  became  an  easy  conquest  to  the  colonial  plan  of  an  assured 
state  of  amity.  The  repose  and  success  of  the  colonial  life  at  Ply- 
mouth, having  thus  been  covered,  Samoset,  in  the  glory  of  his  bene- 
ficient  agency,  in  controlling  the  incidents  of  the  cradling  of  an 
embryo  state  and  the  infancy  of  Massachusetts  passes  forever  from 
Plymouth  scenes,  leaving  the  Pilgrims  informed  of  the  state  of 
the  country,  and  also  of  "//;<?  eastern  pai-ts.'"  The  chief  men  of 
the  savage  tribes  in  their  neighborhood,  their  disposition  and  their 
power,  were  detailed.  Especially  were  they  by  him,  informed  of 
the  influence  and  power  of  King  Massasoit  within  whose  local  jur- 
isdiction, the  Pilgrim  lot  had  fallen ;  and  the  peace  he  had  helped  to 
comfirm  for  half  a  century  covered  and  fastened  an  English  common- 
wealth in  the  heart  of  savage  empire. 

The  result  was  a  new  lease  of  life  to  the  apparently  doomed 
Pilgrim  colony.  History  *records,  that  no  incident  could  have  dif- 
fused greater  joy  into  the  hearts  of  the  disconsolate  and  infirm,  than 
the  intervention  of  the   Pemaquid    savage,  at  this  crisis  in  Plymouth. 

Thus,  Pemaquid  covered  the  young  life  of  Plymouth  with  half  a 
century's  peace,  an*l  probably,  saved  the  quenching  of  its  kindlings 
among  the  sand  hills  of  Cape  Cod,  where  its  flickerings  were  menaced 
with  extinction,  by  the  terrible  surroundings  of  savage  wilds. 

The  life  threads  of  Pilgrim  existence,  seem  to  have  been  held  at 
Pemaquid,  in  the  hand  of  Samoset,  its  savage  lord,  whose  appearance 
at  this  crisis,  at  Plymouth,  "to  *the  sick  and  dying  seemed  the  mission 
of  an  angelic  herald." 

RELIEF    OF    PILGRIM    EXGENCIES. 

Prior  to  the  transactions  of  Aldworth  at  Pemaquid  1625,  incidents 
occurred  at  Plymouth,  connecting  that  colonial  beginhing  with  "Pem- 
aquid and  its  dependices,"   in   life  saving — relief  fMaverick,   in  1660, 

♦Thatcher's  Hist.  Plym.  p.  34. 
tMass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  Vol.  21,  p.  231. 


Pema(]Hi(L  17 

wrote  of  Plymouth  ami  says — "The  tcnvn  there  settled  being  extreme- 
ly hardy  in  great  danger  of  Indians,  could  not  long  have  sub- 
sisted had  not  Plymouth  merchants  settled  plantations  about  Monhe- 
i^an  by  whom  it  was  supplied,  cr'c."  In  illustration  of  the  fact  here 
suggested,  I  subjoin  the  incidents  relating  thereto,  bearing  on  the 
thrift  and  resources  of  Pemaquid  prior  to  1625. 

EXIGENCY    OF    STARVATION. 

Popham's  Port,  in  1622,  was  known  as  the  "eastern  parts,"  in  the 
history  of  the  time,  and  covered  all  its  island  dependencies,  Monhegan 
and  the  Damariscove  group. 

We  have  seen  that  Captain  John  Smith's  voyage  of  16 14  dis- 
covered the  existence  of  the  Popham  holdings  at  Pemaquid  to  his  dis- 
appointment. In  command  of  two  London  ships,  with  cargoes  as- 
sorted for  Indian  trade,  he  anchored  in  the  little  harbor  of  Monhegan 
island  in  early  summer.  Eut  his  trade  plans  on  shore  were  defeated, 
and  he  was  obliged  to  build  boats  for  skirting  the  coast  westward,  and 
also  to  go  to  gardening  on  the  island,  and  do  his  business  beyond 
Pemaquid,  and  beat  up  trade  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  Popham's 
shipping  port.  The  fact  is  as  instructive  as  it  was  palpable,  of  its 
business  important  e,  and  extent  in  16 14.  But  in  1622,  the  growth 
and  importance  of  the  Popham  nucleus,  had  great  expansion,  and  a 
public  notoriety,  as  the  "eastern  parts,"  and  of  great  attraction  to 
English  shipping,  where,  a  fleet  of  thirty  sail,  harbored  for  trade  and 
freight.  Besides,  it  is  recorded — "a  fleet  of  better  class,  or  sorts  of 
ships  than  for  trade  and  fishing — came  for  transportation  of  planters, 
or  supply  of  such  as  were  already  planted"  in  emigrant  ships  and 
freighters. 

In  this  fleet,  Thomas  Weston  of  London  had  a  vessel,  the  Spar- 
row, Captain  Hudston.  "Among  the  specks  of  struggling  civilization 
dotting  the  skirts  of  the  green  primeval  forests,"  says  Charles  Francis 
Adams  in  his  history  of  Weymouth,  "the  little  Colony  of  Plymouth,  was 
not  the  least." 


Note.  Sani'l  Mavericks  record  p  20.  New  PlynKinth.  settled  I620.  The 
town  there  settled  living  extremely  f(jr  some  years  in  great  danger  of  Indians  could 
not  long  ha\'e  subsisted  liad  not  P.  merchants  settled  plantntions  about  that  time  at 
Monhegan  and  Piscata(iuay  by  whom  they  were  supplied  and  Indians  discouraged 
from  assaulting  them." 

Sam'l  Maverick    Mass.  Hist.  Col.  Vol.  21  p  p  231  1SS4. 


1 8  Lincoln  Coimty  Historical  Society. 

It  had  reached  a  crisis  in  1622.     Tlie  facts  are  as  follows  : 

"This  little  colony  had  been  established  only  about  seventeen 
months."  They  had  struggled  through  their  second  winter,  and  now, 
sadly  reduced  in  numbers,  with  supplies  wholly  exhausted,  the  Pil- 
grims were  surely  distressed. 

"They  were  *entirely  destitute  of  bread."  They  had  subsisted 
on  clams  and  other  shell  fish,  until  they  were  greatly  debilitated. 
"When  tplanting  was  finished,  their  victuals,  were  spent;  and  they 
did  not  know  at  night,  where  to  have  a  bit  in  the  morning,  having 
had  neither  bread  or  corn,  for  three  or  four  month's  together." 

The  whole  settlement  was  alive  with  anxious  excitement. 

"Suddenly,"  says  Adams,  "a  boat  was  seen  to  cross  the  mouth  of 
the  bay  and  disappear  behind  the  next  head-land."  A  shot  was  fired  as 
a  signal.  In  response,  the  boat  altered  her  course  and  headed  for  the 
bay.  It  was  a  tender,  or  shallop,  of  the  ship  Sparrow  of  London,  with 
seven  men,  in  the  employ  of  a  London  merchant  named  Weston," 
from  the  eastern  parts,  Samoset's  home  where  the  ship  had  her  anchor- 
age, waiting  freight.  The  men  had  a  letter  of  sympathy  from  Cap- 
tain Hudson,  master  of  the  Sparrow. 

This  waif  from  the  coasts  of  Maine,  had  sailed  some  forty  leagues, 
from  the  depots  of  trade  and  freight,  in  the  "eastern  parts," 
where  were  many  ships.  The  men  who  came  in  Spar- 
row's shallop,  were  unacquainted  with  the  Pilgrim  plantation, 
it  being  a  new  beginning ;  but  Hudson  had  heard  of  it  through  Wes- 
ton, the  owner  of  his  ship,  now  at  JDamorile's  isles  and  of  the  Pema- 
quid  fleet.  Weston  had  been  an  active  agent  of  one  John  Pierce,  in 
promoting  the  Plymouth  emigration.  In  Feb.  1620  he  had  visited 
Leyden  and  informed  the  people  of  a  grant  in  the  "northern  parts" 
derived  from  the  Virginia  Patent,  called  "New  England,"  and  to 
which  the  Pilgrims  inclined  to  go,  "for  ye  hope  of  present  profit  to  be 
made  by  ye  fishing  that  was  found  in  ye  countrie." 

The  Sparrow's  boat-men,  it  seems,  landed  at  the  Pilgrim  hamlet 
on  Plymouth  Rock  in  answer  to  the  signal  gun  under  a  salute  of  three 

♦Thatcher's  Hist.  Plymouth  p.  52. 
tWhite's  N.  E.  P.  Biaciford. 
JMorton's  Memorial  p  40. 


Pemaquid.  19 

volleys  of  musketry,  and  seven  men  debarked,  but  with  no  provisions 
to  relieve  the  Pilgrim  destitution. 

The  return  of  the  shallop  to  her  eastern  service  was  speedily  ar- 
ranged, having  no  doubt  informed  the  famished  Pilgrims  of  stores  of 
food  in  the  "eastern  parts."  Thereupon  Gov.  Bradford  dispatched 
the  Plymouth  shallop  with  Winslow,  bearing  an  answer  to  Hudson's 
letter  and  means  to  purchase  food,  which  was  piloted  by  the  return- 
ing shallop  to  the  "eastern  parts,"  and  safely  reached  the  anchorage 
of  the  ships  there  harboring,  and  the  colonists  of  Plymouth  thus  learn- 
ed the  way  to  that  region. 

The  representatives  of  the  hungry  Pilgrims  were  kindly  received 
by  the  captain  of  the  Sparrow,  who  not  only  did  what  he  could,  but 
gave  Winslow  *letters  of  introduction  to  others,  by  which  means  a 
good  quantity  of  provisions  was  obtained. 

This  authority  makes  it  certain,  the  provisions  shipped  back  to 
Plymouth,  were  furnished  not  by  any  one  vessel,  nor  by  the 
fishermen  at  Damariscove  alone,  but  by  others  in  and  about  Pema- 
quid or  Popham's  Port  there. 

The  supply  was  considerable — ample  to  give  each  Pilgrim,  a 
quarter  of  a  pound  of  bread  day  by  day  till  harvest ;  and  consisted  of 
bread  material,  Indian  corn,  possibly,  or  meal. 

Winslow's  report  was  "I  found  kind  entertainment  and  good  re- 
spect with  willingness  to  supply  our  wants  so  far  as  able — would  not 
take  any  bills  for  same — did  what  they  could  freely."  His- 
tory avers  this  shallop  load  of  provisions  ^'■was  a  very  seaso7iahle 
blessing  and  supply,  the  Plymouth  people  being  -fin  a  low  condition  for 
ivant  of  food,"  the  details  of  whose  straits  we  have  already  sketched. 
The  emergency  of  starvation  at  Plymouth  in  1622,  was  thus  relieved 
from  the  resources  of  the  Pemaquid  country.  The  obvious  rational 
and  logical  deduction  of  the  record  facts  is,  that  fishermen  alone  did 
not  supply  the  bread  to  meet  the  Pilgrim  extremity  of  famine  in  1622. 
Contribution  from  other  than  the  Sparrow's  resources  must  have  been 
made,  for  no  fishing  vessels  could  safely  have  reduced  supplies  of 
bread  to  meet  the  draft  necessary  to  yield  the  allowance  taken  to 
Plymouth  colony  by  Winslow,  without  more  or  less  peril  to  the  voy- 
age, unless  indeed,  there  were  stores  to  be  had  on  shore.  Is  it  possi- 
ble in  this  state  of  facts,  there  was  no  business  settlement  on  shore  ? 


♦Morton's  Memorial  p  41. 
fThatcher's  Hist.  Plymouth. 


20  Lincohi    Coiintx  Historical  Society. 

INDUSTRIES  OF   I  623. 

Another  incident,  showing  the  eminence  of  Pemaquid  and  its  de- 
pendencies, in  resources  of  labor  and  commercial  industries,  prior  to 
1625,  occurred  in  April  of  1623. 

An  attempt  had  been  made  to  colonize  the  environs  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  by  Thomas  Weston,  a  merchant  of  London,  within  the  con- 
fines of  which  the  Puritans  of  England  afterward  planted  their  homes. 
He,  it  appears^  had  been  very  active  in  bringing  the  Pilgrims  into  New 
England  from  Leyden.  He  sent  out  two  vessels,  the  Charity  and 
Swan,  with  "sixty  stout  men"  to  begin  the  settlement  of  "Massachu- 
setts Bay"  at  a  place  called  "Weymouth."  I'he  Bay  Colony  landed, 
was  furnished  with  supplies  for  the  winter  and  left  in  charge  of  one 
John  Sanders.  By  the  opening  of  the  new  year,  the  subsistence  of  the 
"Bay  Colony"  had  become  exhausted.  In  their  extremity,  in  the 
month  of  February,  they  appealed  to  Plymouth  and  Capt.  Standish 
was  sent  to  their  relief.  niie  leaders  had  planned  to  go  to  the  "fishing 
stations,"*  eastward,  to  buy  provisions.  'i'hey  lacked  supplies,  how- 
ever, for  the  voyage.  The  "Swan,"  a  thirty-ton  vessel,  had  been  left 
for  service  in  the  Bay  ;  and  Sanders  had  contrived  to  get  himself  away 
to  the  "main  fishing  stations,"  leaving  his  comrades  face  to  face  with 
famine  behind.  Standish  proposed  to  protect  the  stay  of  the  remnant 
on  the  shores  of  the  Bay,  or  take  them  home  with  him  to  Plymouth. 
This  proposition  created  a  division  of  opinitjn  among  the  Bay  colonists. 
Sanders  had  already  gone  east  to  the  places  of  plenty.  The  abandoned 
Bay  colonists  thanked  Captain  Standish,  but  told  him  if  he  would 
furnish  outfits  for  the  voyage  they  preferred  to  go  to  the  "Eastern 
Parts"  and  there  look  out  for  themselves  : — saying,  they  could  work 
with  the  fishermen,  earn  supplies  there  and  passage  to  England." 
Standish  furnished  the  food  for  the  voyage,  for  such  as  desired  to  go 
to  the  Pemaquid  region  ;  saw  them  safely  embarked  and  out  the  Bay, 
eastward  bound.  Thus  Massachusetts  was  abandoned  by  its  first 
colony ;  and  the  industrial  regions  of  the  Eastern  parts  drew  a  portion 
of  the  colony  to  Pemaquid  dependencies  for  the  benefit  of  its  labor  and 
commercial  opportunities,  which  we  believe  and  aver  to  have  been  an 
expansion  of  the  business  and  trade  of  the  Popham  settlement  of  Pem- 
aquid Point.  This  incident  shows  that  the  Popham  beginnings  at 
Pemaquid   had  wide  sj^ead  notoriety,   as   a   center  of  English    indus- 


Peinaqtiid.  2 1 

tries  in  fish  and  furs  and  commerce  and  were  an  outgrowth  of  the  Pop- 
ham  colonial  undertakings  of  1607  in  Maine. 

CONCLUSION. 

The  foregoing  facts  show  that  "Popham's  Port,"  Pemaquid,  hail 
expanded  business  openings,  in  attractive  commercial  industries,  known 
as  the  "eastern  parts,"  in  1622  and  1623,  and  between  these  dates  and 
161 4,  having  growth  into  centers  of  labor  and  enterprize  described  as 
"fishing  stations"  and  "stages,"  environing  the  port  on  the  main-land 
of  Pemaquid  Point,  at  least  eight  years  before  Plymouth  had  a  begin- 
ning. 

English  associations  at  the  home  of  Samoset  had  prepared  the 
savage  Lord  of  Pemaquid  for  the  very  offices  of  kindness  by  him 
shown  at  Plymouth. 

A  waif  of  the  ship  Sparrow  from  Damariscove,  a  dependency  of 
Pemaquid,  informed  the  hungry  Pilgrims  that  bread  could  be  found  in 
Maine,  to  feed  and  save  the  famished  colonists  from  starvation,  and 
led  the  way  to  the  "eastern  parts"  for  a  generous  supply,  in  1622.  In 
1623,  resources  of  supply  of  remunerative  labor,  incidental  to  the  cure, 
care  and  skill  in  making  fish  into  cargoes  for  export  and  the  gather- 
ing, baling,  storage  and  shipment  of  beaver  coats,  otter  skins,  and 
other  fur-bearing  peltries,  had  made  the  "eastern  parts,"  of  which 
Pemaquid  was  the  center,  attractive  to  toil  in  opportunities  for  earn- 
ing money  so  that  the  abandoning  colonists  of  Massachusetts  bay, 
preferred  and  sought  these  parts  in  the  breaking  up  of  the  Weston 
plantation  there. 

To  enable  Maine  to  feed  the  Pilgrims  in  their  emergency  of  star- 
vation and  to  succor  the  despondent  colonists  in  their  abandonment 
of  the  Mass.  Bay  shores,  with  opportunities  for  escape  from  their  perils 
and  proverty.  Providence  had  already  provided  commerce  a  nestling 
place  on  the  main-land  of  Pemaquid  in  a  port  there  with  all  its  inci- 
dental and  necessary  environments,  of  trade  and  labor  to  relieve  and 
foster  the  beginnings  of  English  life  and  civilization  in   New   England. 

These  incidents  gleaned  out  of  the  shadows  and  glimpses  of  his- 
tory, of  a  Massachusetts  record,  we  submit  to  a  fair  honest  and  im- 
partial consideration  that  Maine  must  have  been  the  salvation  of  Ply- 
mouth, and  Pemaquid  a  storage  of  life  resources  in  the  beginnings  of 
of  New  England. 


9  J