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Full text of "The Pennsylvania-German in the French and Indian war; a historical sketch"

Jiarry r B. "Bower, MfV. 

Pennsylvania 

Jiistory Collection 



THE HIGH LIBRARY 




3 8455 1003 3948 2 



THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY. 




ON THE WAR PATH. 



Pennsylvania: 

THE GERMAN INFLUENCE 

IN ITS SETTLEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT. 



H Barrative anfc Critical Ibistorp. 



PREPARED BY AUTHORITY OF 

THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY. 

PART XV. 

THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN 
IN THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 




PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY 



publication Committee. 

JCXirS F. SACHSE, LITT.D. 
DAXIEL W. XEAD, M.D. 
HENRY M. M. RICHARDS. 



R- 



Jbenn8Elvanfa*<3erman 



in tbe 



Jfvencb anfc ITnMatt TlXHar 



A HISTORICAL SKETCH 
Part XV. of a Narrative and Critical History 

PREPARED AT THE REQUEST OF 

The Pennsylvania-German Society 



BY 

HENRY MELCHIOR MUHLENBERG RICHARDS 

Late United States Navy 

Secretary Pennsylvania- German Society, Member //:.-.. 

rania, Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, Afa N 

Etc., Etc, — Sons of the Revohttu >:. Naval Ora\ of the United St 
Military Order of Foreign Wars of the United States, .'•■ 

Military Order of the Spanish-American War, Grand Army 
of the Republic, American Academy of Potiti 
an J Sec:.:. Etc., Etc. 




LANCASTER, PA. 
1905 



I ' 

EUZ 4 COLLEGE 

EUZABETHTOWN, PA 17022-2227 



Copyrighted 1905 

BY 

HENRY M. M. RICHARDS 
All rights reserved 



Pksi or 
TuNnr Ei« Mimic Ci 
Iahcaith. PA. 






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PREFATORY NOTE. 

^■'HE history of the Pennsyl- 
\M vania-Germans in the French 
and Indian War is necessarily, to a 
large extent, that of compilation. 
In all such cases my research, wher- 
ever practicable, has extended back 
to original sources. The Pennsyl- 
vania Archives have been carefully 
sifted and culled; newspapers of the period have been 
treated in the same manner. In the use of all other ref- 
erences no data has been accepted unless its authenticity 
was of such character that it could be hardly questioned. 
Much also of what has been written is the result of 
painstaking and laborious original research. Except as 
mentioned in my report to the State Legislature, as a mem- 
ber of its Commission on the " Frontier Forts of Pennsyl- 
vania, prior to 1783," it has never been presented to the 
public before. 

Very naturally I am under obligations to many friends 
who have rendered me great assistance, as well as to other 
friends from whose writings I have not hesitated to bor- 

(5) 



6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

row when necessary. I again thank them all without at- 
tempting to enumerate their many names, as I have 
already discharged this obligation in my work on " The 
Frontier Forts." 

I would be failing in duty, however, and lacking in cour- 
tesy, were I to neglect, at this time, to make due and full 
acknowledgment to Julius F. Sachse, Litt.D., of Philadel- 
phia, for his valuable aid in the production of the excellent 
illustrations which add so much beauty to this work and 
give it so much additional interest. 

H. M. M. Richards. 






CHAPTER I. 
The Aborigine. 

£JJUCCESS or failure in the 
e*J French and Indian War 
rested so largely, if not entirely, 
upon the aborigine, that a thor- 
ough understanding of its cause 
and operations would not be com- 
plete without some knowledge of 
the Indian tribes represented. 
The operations of the war were 
confined especially, outside of Canada, to the Provinces of 
New York and Pennsylvania, the home of the great tribes 
familiarly known as the Six Nations and the Delawares. 

Their history is more or less shrouded in mystery, but, 
thanks to the labors of the Moravian, as well as the 
Jesuit, missionaries, many of their traditions have been 
preserved, from which we have been able to glean what 
has now become the most generally accepted belief in the 
origin and progress of the race on this continent. 

The great western hemisphere was probably first peo- 
pled from two sources. With the dispersion of the na- 

(7) 



8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

tions at the Tower of Babel came an exodus on widely 
divergent lines. Some wandered to Africa, others to Eu- 
rope, others, still, turned their faces to the east. Of these, 
certain families occupied our present Siberia, and, in time, 
from the hardship of their lives, became more or less de- 
generate; other tribes drifted to the more favorable clime 
of Japan and the south, where they became increasingly 
civilized and refined. In the course of centuries some 
hapless seafaring members of the latter chanced to find 
their way, doubtless by force of unfortunate circumstances, 
across the ocean to Mexico and Peru, whence originated 
the civilization which surprised the followers of Cortez 
and Pizarro. With these our account has nothing further 
to do. Just as those of the south, however, were drawn, 
as though by a magnet, to the shores of the New World, 
so the savage of Siberia gradually found his way across 
the narrow Behring Strait, down the coast to a land of 
daily sunshine and warmth, thence slowly across the wide 
continent which lay before him until, finally, another ocean 
was reached, where he took possession, and, amongst the 
meadows and forests, brooks and rivers of Pennsylvania 
and New York, made his rude home. 

All Indian tradition concurs in the belief that the an- 
cestors of their people came from the west. 

The Lenni Lenape (or the original people), as they 
called themselves, later better known as the Delawares, 
from the name of the river which eventually became their 
location, were, in the distant past, a mighty nation, which 
nearly forty tribes, according to Heckewelder, acknowl- 
edged as their "grandfathers," or parent stock. As they 
migrated to the east in time they met the Mengwe (Iro- 
quois) on the banks of the Mississippi, who had reached 
it somewhat nearer its source. The Lenape, having 



The Aborigine. 9 

thrown out their scouts, discovered that the land to the 
east of the mighty river was inhabited by a powerful tribe, 
dwelling in large towns erected along the principal rivers, 
whose people were of gigantic stature. They bore the 
name of Allegewi, whence the name of Allegheny, by 
which the river and mountains of their country are now 
known. Their towns were defended by regular fortifica- 
tions or intrenchments, of earth, vestiges of which still 
remain in a more or less complete state of preservation. 
A request having been made to them by the Lenape, for 
permission to locate in their vicinity, it was refused, but 
they were told that they might cross the river and pass 
through their country to a land further east. This the 
Lenape proceeded to do, but, alarmed by the multitudes 
which they saw marching before their eyes, the Allegewi 
treacherously turned upon and massacred many of those 
who had gained the eastern shore of the Mississippi. 
Fired by a spirit of revenge the Lenape eagerly accepted 
a proposition made them by the Mengwe to join forces, 
conquer and divide the country of their adversaries. A 
war of many years was begun, marked by great havoc and 
devastation, but resulting in the expulsion of the Allegewi, 
who fled by way of the Mississippi, never to return. 
Their ravaged country was apportioned among the con- 
quering allies, the Iroquois choosing their homes in the 
neighborhood of the great lakes, and the Lenape selecting 
the lands further south. 

During the many years of peace which followed, the en- 
terprising hunters of the Lenape crossed the Allegheny 
mountains and discovered the great rivers Susquehanna 
and Delaware. They even explored the Sheyichbi coun- 
try (New Jersey) and reached the Hudson, to which they 
subsequently gave the name Mohicannittuck river. Re- 



io The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

turning with the glowing accounts of the beautiful country 
they had seen, its forests, game and waters, the tribe unan- 
imously decided that this was the land which the Great 
Spirit had set apart for them, and at once proceeded to 
establish themselves on the banks of the principal rivers 
of the east, making the Delaware, to which they gave the 
of Lenape-lVihittuck (the river of the Lenape) the centre 
of their possessions. 

It is probable that the Delaware, of whom we have 
just spoken, were but a part of the great Lenni-Lenape 
tribe. It is said that a portion remained behind along the 
Mississippi to aid their people who, frightened at the re- 
ception given them by the Allegewi, had fled to the west. 
Of these the smaller part stayed by the river while the 
remainder continued to reside beyond it. 

Those on the Atlantic coast became subdivided into 
three tribes — the Turtle or Unamis, the Turkey or Un- 
alachtgo, and the Wolf or Minsi. The two former in- 
habited the coast from the Hudson to the Potomac, set- 
tling in small bodies in towns and villages upon the larger 
streams, under chiefs subordinate to the great council of 
the nation. The Minsi, called by the English " Mon- 
seys," the most warlike of the three tribes, dwelt in the 
interior, forming a barrier between their nation and the 
Mengwe. They extended themselves from the Minisink, 
on the Delaware, where they held their council seat, to the 
Hudson on the east, to the Susquehanna on the southwest, 
to the head waters of the Delaware and Susquehanna 
rivers on the north, and to that range of hills now known 
in New Jersey by the name of the Muskenecum, and by 
those of Lehigh and Conewago in Pennsylvania. 

In the year 1698 some Shawanese applied to the pro- 
prietary government for permission to settle on the Con- 



The Aborigine. n 

estoga and Pequea creeks, under Opessah, their principal 
chief, which was granted. The most restless of all the 
Indian tribes, by 1728 many of these had wandered as far 
west as the Ohio, where in time the entire nation settled on 
the banks of that river. During the French and Indian 
War, however, many of their fighting braves still re- 
mained east and joined with the Delawares in their mau- 
rauding forages on the hapless settlers. 

The Mengwe, meanwhile, hovered for some time on 
the borders of the lakes, with their canoes in readiness to 
fly should the Allegewi return. Grown bolder with in- 
creasing numbers they stretched themselves along the St. 
Lawrence, and became, on the north, near neighbors to 
the Lenape tribes. 

In process of time the Mengwe and the Lenape became 
enemies. The latter represent the former as treacherous 
and cruel, pursuing pertinaciously an insidious and de- 
structive policy toward their more generous neighbors. 
Dreading the power of the Lenape, the Mengwe resolved 
to involve them in war with their distant tribes, to reduce 
their strength. They committed murders upon the mem- 
bers of one tribe, and induced the injured party to believe 
they were perpetrated by another. They stole into the 
country of the Delawares, surprised them in their hunting 
parties, slaughtered the hunters and escaped with the 
plunder. 

Each nation, or tribe, had a particular mark upon its 
war clubs, which, left beside a murdered person, denoted 
the aggressor. The record which now follows is in accord- 
ance with the Delaware traditions, as related to the Mo- 
ravian missionaries. I take the liberty of giving it in the 
words of the late Dr. W. H. Egle. These traditions 
were to the effect that the Mengwe perpetrated a murder 



12 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

in the Cherokee country, and left with the dead body a 
war club bearing the insignia of the Lenape. The Chero- 
kees, in revenge, fell suddenly upon the latter and com- 
menced a long and bloody war. The treachery of the 
Mengwe being at length discovered, the Delawares turned 
upon them with the determination of utterly exterminating 
them. They were the more strongly induced to take this 
resolution, as the cannibal propensities of the Mengwe, ac- 
cording to Heckewelder, had reduced them, in the estima- 
tion of the Delawares, below the rank of human beings. 

Hitherto each tribe of the Mengwe had acted under the 
direction of its particular chief, and, although the nation 
could not control the conduct of its members, it was made 
responsible for their outrages. Pressed by the Lenape, 
they resolved to form a confederation which might enable 
them better to concentrate their force in war, and to regu- 
late their affairs in peace. Thannawage, an aged Mo- 
hawk, was the projector of this alliance. Under his au- 
spices, five nations, the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagoes, 
Cayugas and Senecas, formed a species of republic, gov- 
erned by the united councils of their aged and experienced 
chiefs. To these a sixth nation, the Tuscaroras, was 
added in 17 12. This last originally dwelt in the western 
parts of North Carolina, but, having formed a deep and 
general conspiracy to exterminate the whites, were driven 
from their country and adopted by the Iroquois con- 
federacy. The beneficial effects of this system early dis- 
played themselves. The Lenape were checked, and the 
Mengwe, whose warlike disposition soon familiarized 
them with the use of fire arms procured from the Dutch, 
were enabled at the same time to contend with them and to 
resist the French, who now attempted the settlement of 
Canada and the extension of their conquests over a large 



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The Aborigine. 13 

portion of the country between the Atlantic and the Mis- 
sissippi. 

Hard pressed by these new enemies, the Iroquois be- 
came desirous of reconciliation with their old ones, and, if 
the tradition of the Delawares be credited, they effected 
one of the most extraordinary strokes of policy which his- 
tory has recorded. 

The mediators between the Indian nations at war are 
the women. The men, however weary of contest, hold it 
cowardly and disgraceful to seek reconciliation. They 
deem it inconsistent in a warrior to speak of peace with 
bloody weapons in his hands. He must maintain a deter- 
mined courage, and appear at all times as ready and will- 
ing to fight as at the commencement of hostilities. With 
such dispositions Indian wars would be interminable if the 
women did not interfere and persuade the combatants to 
bury the hatchet and make peace with each other. On 
these occasions the women pleaded their cause with much 
eloquence. " Not a warrior," they would say, " but 
laments the loss of a son, a brother, or a friend, and 
mothers who have borne, with cheerfulness, the pangs of 
childbirth, and the anxieties that wait upon the infancy 
and adolescence of their sons, behold their promised bless- 
ings crushed in the field of battle, or perishing at the 
stake in unutterable torments. In the depth of their grief 
they curse their wretched existence and shudder at the idea 
of bearing children." They conjured their warriors, 
therefore, by their suffering wives, their helpless children, 
their homes, and their friends, to interchange forgiveness, 
to cast away their arms, and, smoking together the pipe of 
amity and peace, to embrace as friends those whom they 
had learned to esteem as enemies. 

Prayers thus urged seldom failed of their desired effect. 



14 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The function of the peacemaker was honorable and digni- 
fied, and its assumption by a courageous and powerful na- 
tion could not be inglorious. This station the Mengwe 
urged upon the Lenape. " They had reflected," they 
said, " upon the state of the Indian race, and were con- 
vinced that no means remained to preserve it unless some 
magnanimous nation would assume the character of the 
woman. It could not be given to a weak and contempt- 
ible tribe; such would not be listened to; but the Lenape, 
and their allies, would at once possess influence and com- 
mand respect." 

The facts upon which these arguments were founded 
were known to the Delawares, and, in a moment of blind 
confidence in the sincerity of the Iroquois, they acceded to 
the proposition and assumed the petticoat. The ceremony 
of the metamorphosis was performed, with great rejoic- 
ings, at Albany, in 1617, in the presence of the Dutch, 
whom the Lenape charged with having conspired with the 
Mengwe for their destruction. 

Having thus disarmed the Delawares, the Iroquois as- 
sumed over them the rights of protection and command. 
Still dreading their strength, however, they artfully in- 
volved them again in war with the Cherokees, promised 
to fight their battles, led them into an ambush of their 
foes, and deserted them. The Delawares, at length, com- 
prehended the treachery of their arch enemy, and resolved 
to resume their arms, and, being still superior in numbers, 
to crush them, but it was too late. The Europeans were 
now making their way into the country in every direction, 
and gave ample employment to the astonished Lenape. 

The Mengwe denied these machinations. They aver- 
red that they conquered the Delawares by force of arms, 
and made them a subject people. And, though it was 



The Aborigine. 



15 



said they were unable to detail the circumstances of this 
conquest, it is more rational to suppose it true than that 
a brave, numerous, and warlike nation should have volun- 
tarily suffered themselves to be disarmed and enslaved by 
a shallow artifice; or that, discovering the fraud practiced 
upon them, they should unresistingly have submitted to its 
consequences. This conquest was not an empty acquisi- 
tion to the Mengwe. They claimed dominion over all 
the lands occupied by the Delawares, and, in many in- 
stances, their claims were distinctly acknowledged. Par- 
ties of the Five Nations occasionally occupied the Lenape 
country, and wandered over it at all times at their pleasure. 
Eventually, in 1756, Tedyuscung, the noted Delaware 
chief, seems to have compelled the Iroquois to acknowl- 
edge the independence of his tribe, but the claim of super- 
iority was often afterwards revived. 





CHAPTER II. 



The Powder in the Mine. 




j|^OR many years before the 
JJ outbreak of the French and 
Indian War the hapless Pennsyl- 
vania-German settlers were sleep- 
ing over a loaded mine filled 
with inflammable powder. Many 
events and circumstances were 
forming the fuze to which it 
needed but the spark of the torch 
to start a flame of death and de- 
struction, the horror of which even 
we of to-day can hardly realize. 

We are apt to forget that not all the hardships of pro- 
vincial days rested upon the shoulders of the white men. 
The Indian had his wrongs as well. Even in Pennsyl- 
vania, where, above all other colonies, equity and fair- 
dealing were the rule, there were dark shadows of in- 
justice. 

We must remember that the Indian was a savage. 
Like all untutored and uncivilized people he was not ac- 
customed to reason matters out to a conclusion, nor was 

(16) 



The Powder in the Mine. 17 

he able to combat the educated and experienced shrewd- 
ness of the civilized man of business, with weapon of like 
character. He was swayed by animal passions alone. 
He looked at the surface of things and felt that he was 
playing a losing game; all seemed to be against him, and, 
in his wrath, he saw no other remedy than the ever-fail- 
ing one of pitting muscle against brain. As a savage his 
nature was two-fold. He was a child, fond of every toy 
upon which his eye rested, and always ready to gratify his 
sense, whether of appetite or sight. No wonder he eagerly 
reached out his hand for the miserable trinkets which were 
offered him for miles of the fairest lands on God's foot- 
stool, but when his cheap musket was broken, his fish 
hooks were lost, his match coat worn out, his squaw tired 
of her looking glass and colored beads, his vile whiskey 
drunk and his debauch over, with nothing left to him but 
his tomahawk and scalping knife, then his heart was filled 
with hatred and he only longed to wreak out his vengeance 
on him whom he thought had wronged him. 

To the credit of William Penn it must be said that he 
was the one man who ever treated the Indian with some 
degree of justice. From the standpoint of the times he 
did what was right. And yet he drove a pretty good bar- 
gain when he purchased from the Indians their lands in 
the celebrated treaty of 1682, and this they soon began to 
realize. With the advent of the Palatine settlers in the 
Tulpehocken region, from 1723 to 1729, and their settle- 
ment on " unoccupied lands," came the demand from the 
Delawares, on June 5, 1728, for payment of the value of 
the ground from which they were gradually being forced. 
They were paid for it, and were given all they asked, but, 
as the unprejudiced reader scans the wording of the deed 
of 1732 which here follows, we believe he will not be sur- 
6 



i8 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



prised to hear that it became one of the things in the 
memory of the Indian over which he did not love to dwell 
as he took down his wigwam and turned his back forever 
on the lovely forests, filled with game, the beautiful 
streams, teeming with fish, and the sunny fields which, for 
generations had been his home. 




Indian Deed of 1732. 
We, Sasooan alias Allummapis, Sachem of the Schuyl- 
kill Indians in the Province of Pennsylvania; Elalapis, 
Ohopamen, Pesqueetomen, Mayeemoe, Partridge, Teka- 
poaset alias Joe, on behalf of ourselves and all the other 
Indians of the said Nation, for and in consideration of 
twenty brass kettles, one Hundred Strowdwater Match 
coats of two yards each, One Hundred Duffel Ditto, One 
Hundred Blankets, One Hundred Yards of half Thicks, 
Sixty linnen Shirts, Twenty Hatts, Six made Coats, twelve 
pair of Shoos and buckles, Thirty pair of Stockings, three 
Hundred pounds of Gun Powder, Six Hundred pounds of 
Lead, Twenty five Guns, twelve Gun Locks, fifty Tommy- 
hocks or hatchets, fifty planting houghs, one Hundred & 
twenty Knives, Sixty pair of Scissors, one Hundred To- 
bacco Tongs, Twenty four looking Glasses, Forty To- 
bacco Boxes, one Thousand Flints, five pounds of paint, 
Twenty four dozen of Gartering, Six dozen of Ribbon, 
twelve dozen of Rings, two Hundred Awl blades, one 
Hundred pounds of Tobacco, four Hundred Tobacco 
Pipes, Twenty Gallons of Rum and fifty Pounds in 



The Powder in the Mine. 19 

Money, to us in hand paid or secured to be paid by 
Thomas Penn, Esq r , one of the Proprietors of the said 
Province, the receipt whereof we do hereby acknowledge, 
Have Granted Bargained Sold Released & Confirmed and 
by these presents Do Grant Bargain Sell Release and con- 
firm unto John Penn, the said Thomas Penn & Richard 
Penn, Esq rs , Proprietors of the said Province, all those 
Tracts of Land or Lands lying on or near the River 
Schuylkill, in the said Province, or any of the branches 
streams fountains or springs thereof, Eastward or West- 
ward, and all of the Lands lying in or near Swamps 
Marshes fens or meadows the waters or streams of which 
flow into or toward the said River Schuylkill, situate lying 
and being between those Hills called Lechaig Hills and 
those called Keekachtanemin Hills, which cross the said 
River Schuylkill about Thirty miles above the said 
Lechaig Hills, and all Land whatsoever lying within the 
said bounds and between the branches of Delaware River 
on the Eastern side of the said Land, and the branches or 
streams running into the River Susquehannah on the 
Western side of the said Land, Together with all mines 
Minerals Quarries Waters Rivers Creeks Woods Timber 
& Trees, with all and every the appurtenances to the here- 
by Granted Land and premises belonging or appertaining, 
To have and To Hold the said Tract or Tracts of Land 
Hereditaments and premises hereby Granted or mentioned 
or intended to be hereby Granted (That is to say all those 
Lands situate lying and being on the said River Schuylkill 
and the branches thereof, Between the Mountains called 
Lechaig to the South, and the Hills or Mountains called 
Keekachtanemin on the North, and between the branches 
of Delaware River on the East, and the waters falling into 
Susquehanna River on the West,) with all and every their 



20 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Appurtenances, unto the said John Penn, Thomas Penn 
and Richard Penn, their Heirs and Assigns, To the only 
proper use and behoof of the said John Penn, Thomas 
Penn and Richard Penn, their Heirs and Assigns forever, 
So that neither We the said Sasoonan alias Allummapis, 
Elalapis, Ohopamen, Pesqueetomen, Mayeemoe, Part- 
ridge, Tepakoast alis Joe nor our Heirs nor any other 
Person or Persons hereafter shall or may have or claim 
any Estate Right Title or Interest of in or to the hereby 
Granted Land and premises or any part thereof, But from 
the same shall be Excluded and forver debarred by these 
presents, In Witness whereof the said Sasoonan alias 
Allummapis, Elalapis, Ohopamen, Pesqueetomen, Mayee- 
moe, Partridge, Tepakoast alias Joe have hereunto set 
their Hands and Seals, at Stenton, the Seventh day of 
September, in the year of our Lord One Thousand Seven 
Hundred and thirty two, and in the Sixth year of the 
Reign of King George the Second over Great Britain, &c. 
******** 

Of far greater moment than what has just been men- 
tioned, was the celebrated " Walking Purchase " of 
Northampton County, where, under the protection of a 
treaty made by him in good faith, but unjustly carried out 
by his white neighbor, the Delaware Indian saw himself 
robbed of other fair acres of his land. This crime against 
his nation, as he considered it, was never forgotten. 

William Penn had purchased from Maykeerickkisho 
and Taughhaughsey, chiefs of the Northern Indians on 
the Delaware, " all those lands lying and being in the 
Province of Pennsylvania, beginning upon a line formerly 
laid out from a corner spruce tree by the river Delaware; 
and from thence running along the foot of the mountains, 
west-northwest, to a corner white oak marked with the 



The Powder in the Mine. 21 

letter P, standing by the path that leadeth to an Indian 
town called Playwickey; and from thence extending west- 
ward to Neshaminy creek, from which said line, the said 
tract or tracts thereby granted doth extend itself back into 
the woods, as far as a man can go in one day and a half, 
and bounded on the westerly side with the creek called 
Neshaminy, or the most westerly branch thereof; and 
from thence by a line to the utmost limits of the said one 
day and a half's journey; and from thence to the aforesaid 
river Delaware ; and from thence down the several courses 
of the said river to the first mentioned spruce tree," etc. 
A map, however, drawn by Thomas Holme, sometime 
surveyor of the Province, illustrating this historic walk, 
which, together with other valuable documents bearing on 
the transaction, was purchased from the heirs of the Penn 
family by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, has, 
once for all, put to rest the many erroneous statements ex- 
tant in books in reference to the day and a half-day's walk. 
Setting out from Wrightstown, on the morning of Sep- 
tember 19, 1737, the walkers pursued a northerly course, 
keeping along the old Durham road to Durham creek, 
thence deployed westerly, at about 2 o'clock p. m., forded 
the Lehigh a half-mile below Bethlehem, thence walked 
on in a northwesterly line through the plot of the present 
town of Bethlehem, and passing through the northeast 
angle of Hanover Township, Lehigh County, into Allen 
Township, halted at sundown, not far from the site of 
Howell's mill on the Hockendauqua. Near their place of 
bivouac was an Indian town, at which resided Tishekunk, 
the counsellor of Lappawingoe. Next morning, after 
having caught their horses which had strayed, they re- 
sumed the walk, and having crossed the Blue mountain 
at the Lehigh Water Gap, after the lapse of six hours ac- 



22 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

complished their task. The distance traveled did not ex- 
ceed sixty or sixty-five miles, but the consummation of the 
purchase was done with a determination of purpose on the 
part of the whites far exceeding anything anticipated by 
the Indians. From the northern extremity of the line 
thus run by the walk, Surveyor Holme ran a line parallel 
to the head line of the previous purchase near Wrights- 
town, in a northeasterly direction to the mouth of the 
Lackawaxen, thus extending William Penn's purchase of 
1686, whereby there passed into the hands of the Pro- 
prietaries, past all claim forever from the side of the In- 
dians, the upper portion of Bucks, fully nine tenths of the 
present Northampton, a large slice of Carbon, and the 
fourth of Monroe and Pike County each, containing to- 
gether, at the lowest estimate, an area of twelve hundred 
square miles. 

Another most just cause of complaint on the part of 
the red men was the traffic in rum kept up among their 
people. Slaves as they were to liquor they knew its de- 
basing effect upon them, and would gladly have broken 
away from it. Many efforts were made to induce the 
ruling powers to take such action as might prevent its 
sale to them, and, in fact, some action was taken, but, un- 
fortunately, rum was too valuable an ally to be lightly 
cast aside by the whites. In fairness it must be said that, 
almost from the beginning of the colony, the Society of 
Friends had thrown their influence against the iniquity of 
selling rum among the Indians. At one time all such 
traffic was forbidden by statute. After the death of Wil- 
liam Penn an increasing number of complaints came up, 
from the Delawares and especially the Shawanese, in refer- 
ence to the unrestrained traffic in liquor which unlicensed 
traders brought among them. Again and again did the 



The Powder in the Mine. 23 

Indians petition against the trade and the manner in which 
it was conducted. Unfortunately, their craving for drink 
was so great that, whenever they experienced the effects of 
prohibitory law they immediately begged that rum might 
be sold them again. It is more than probable, however, 
that these latter requests were, more or less, inspired by 
the traders, whose business was very much impaired by 
the loss of the rum trade. These men, with their vile 
liquor, met the young members of the tribe, returning 
from hunting and trapping, and, by their bartering, rob- 
bed the old men, the women, and the children of the very 
necessities of life. To such an extent was this carried on 
that, in 173 1, Shikellimy gave the authorities of Pennsyl- 
vania to understand that friendly relations with the Six 
Nations could not exist unless the liquor trade with their 
subjects, the Delawares and the Shawanese, was regulated. 

However fairly the Indians may have been treated by 
Penn, and by the authorities after him, yet it cannot be 
denied that, in numerous instances, besides being cheated 
by the traders, they were greatly abused by the settlers, 
who never hesitated to take advantage of them. The 
life of a savage was held very cheaply, and still more so 
his property. Were this the place for it many pathetic 
and shameful instances might be given in evidence of this 
fact. All this rankled in the hearts of the injured person, 
and in the memory of his friends, and, in accordance with 
their savage nature, they but waited the opportunity to 
balance the scale, in their own manner, with their white 
neighbors. 

By a strange turn in the wheel of fortune, when this 
opportunity came the vengeance fell upon the heads of the 
Pennsylvania-German settlers on the border land, who, of 
all men, never injured the Indians by deed or word, and 
who, alone, were truly their friends. 



24 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

No matter how much injured, however, nor how 
greatly wronged, the Delaware Indians would have for- 
given, if not forgotten, and the tale of blood-shed in Penn- 
sylvania, which I have to relate, would never have been 
recounted, had the authorities of the Province cast in their 
lot with them instead of finally adhering to the Six Na- 
tions. It is hard to realize the hatred which the former 
bore towards those who called themselves their masters. 
The shame they felt, as a conquered nation, is evidenced 
by the tradition, already related, which shows how anxious 
they were to explain away, in an honorable manner, the 
cause of their vassalage. It was a deep wound which the 
proud Iroquois kept rankling. 

As the conquerors and masters of the Delawares, the 
Iroquois claimed ownership of all the lands in Pennsyl- 
vania which belonged to the former. With the exodus of 
the Germans from Schoharie, in New York Province, to 
the Tulpehocken region of Pennsylvania, and the further 
increase of settlement, their eyes became opened to the 
value of their land claims in that Province. The first step 
taken, at the great Onondago Council, was to send Shikel- 
limy, an Oneida chief, to the forks of the Susquehanna, in 
1728, to guard the interests of the Six Nations in Penn- 
sylvania. He had general oversight over the Delaware 
and Shawanese Indians, which tribes were soon given to 
understand that, in their future dealings with the Pro- 
prietary Government, it would be necessary to consult him, 
and that all their business must be done in the same man- 
ner as the affairs of the Six Nations were accomplished, 
which was through their appointed deputy. About 1745, 
Shikellimy was appointed to the full vice-gcrency over 
these tributary tribes with Shamokin (the present city of 
Sunbury) for his seat. He was a noble specimen of the 



The Powder in the Mine. 25 

red man, shrewd and clear in his efforts to promote the 
interests of his people. 

Because he was, in every sense, a " good Indian," much 
interest was felt as to the whereabouts of his grave. In 
October, 1897, a party, in search of Indian relics at Sun- 
bury, found it in the center of the road which leads to the 
Northumberland bridge, about midway between the south- 
ern end of the bridge and the Hunter masion, barely two 
feet beneath the surface. The skeleton was in a good 
state of preservation, the skull still covered with a mass of 
long black hair, which, when moved, fell off and crumbled 
to dust. Lying on the chest of the Indian were a number 
of blue glass beads, the deer thong which held them hav- 
ing rotted away; beside the head was a peculiarly shaped 
bottle, empty; by the left hip, as though carried in a 
pocket, was an oval tobacco box made of tin and but 
slightly rusted, containing a fishing line of fine twine, in 
good preservation, some tobacco, an English penny and 
half-penny bearing the head of George III ; beside the 
body laid the rusty barrel of an old horse pistol, an iron 
tomahawk, a hunting knife of English make with bone 
handle, several thin copper bracelets still around the bony 
wrist, steel buttons of English make, bells and dangles for 
leggings, three copper finger rings and one of silver with 
the significant hand-clasp design. One of the coins was 
unquestionably a medal, bearing on the obverse side the 
head of the King, and on the reverse an Indian scene rep- 
resenting a warrior hunting the deer from behind the 
trunk of a tree, with the sun beaming down upon him, 
probably significant of English friendship. Besides the 
body the grave contained the nails and hinges of a coffin, 
the only one, probably, which has been discovered in an 
Indian burial ground, and convincing, in themselves, as 



26 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to the fact that it was, indeed, the burial place of Shikel- 
limy. 

The treaty of 1732 with the Delawares had hardly been 
accomplished when the Governor of Pennsylvania was 
made to realize that it would become necessary to placate 
the Six Nations by a present. It was with difficulty he 
succeeded in gathering together their representatives, and 
it was not until 1736 that the matter was finally settled. 

Two weeks after this deed had been signed another was 
drawn covering all the claim of the Six Nations to the land 
drained by the Delaware River, and south of the Blue 
mountains. Since they had never, until this date, laid any 
specific claim to the lands on the lower Delaware this 
second deed becomes significant. It established the Iro- 
quois' claim to all the lands owned by the Delaware In- 
dians. 

This latter tribe were never willing to acknowledge the 
justice of the so-called " Walking Purchase," and refused 
to give up any land contrary to their understanding of 
the original treaty. To gain their point the English, at a 
conference with the Six Nations held in 1742, to which the 
Delawares were merely told they might come, and, after 
the usual presents were given in payment of lands about 
the Susquehanna, complained of the actions of the Dela- 
wares in refusing to vacate the land. It will not take 
much thought for the reader to realize with what feelings 
of anger and bitterness the hearts of the Delawares must 
have been filled as they saw Canassatego, the Iroquois 
speaker, turn to the Governor, and heard him say: 

" You informed us of the misbehavior of our cousins, 
the Delawares, with respect to their continuing to claim 
and refusing to remove from some land on the River Dela- 
ware, notwithstanding their ancestors had sold it by deed 



THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY. 




r 



rut amerikaiu/cliei • 'afarnem 

r)tr seine oCanctileu.fr '■"'' fiieu ermalmt. 



A CONTEMPORARY GERMAN ENGRAVING. 



The Powder in the Mine. 27 

under their hands and seals to the Proprietors for a valu- 
able consideration, upwards of fifty years ago, and not- 
withstanding that they themselves had about (five) years 
ago, after a long and full examination, ratified that deed 
of their ancestors, and given a fresh one under their hands 
and seals, and then you requested us to remove them, en- 
forcing your request with a string of wampum. After- 
wards you laid on the table by Conrad Weiser our own 
letters, some of our cousins' letters, and the several writ- 
ings to prove the charge against our cousins, with a draught 
of the land in dispute. We now tell you that we have 
perused all these several papers. We see with our own 
eyes that they (the Delawares) have been a very unruly 
people, and are altogether in the wrong in their dealings 
with you. We have concluded to remove them, and 
oblige them to go over the River Delaware, and to quit all 
claim to any lands on this side for the future, since they 
have received pay for them, and it has gone through their 
guts long ago. To confirm to you that we will see your 
request executed, we lay down this string of wampum in 
return for yours." 

The Delawares were given no opportunity to defend 
themselves. Indeed, as soon as Canassatego had finished 
the above address to the Governor, he turned to the Dela- 
wares, and, taking a belt of wampum in his hand, spoke as 
follows : 

" Cousins: Let this belt of wampum serve to chastise 
you; you ought to be taken by the hair of the head and 
shaken severely till you recover your senses and become 
sober; you don't know what ground you are standing on, 
or what you are doing. Our Brother Onas' case is very 
just and plain, and his intentions to preserve friendship; 
on the other hand your cause is bad, your head far from 



28 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

being upright, you are maliciously bent to break the chain 
of friendship with our Brother Onas. We have seen with 
our eyes a deed signed by nine of your ancestors above 
fifty years ago for this very land, and a release signed not 
many years since by some of yourselves and chiefs now liv- 
ing to the number of fifteen or upwards. But how came 
you to take upon you to sell land at all? We conquered 
you, we made women of you, you know you are women 
and can no more sell land than women. Nor is it fit that 
you should have the power of selling land since you would 
abuse it. This land that you claim is gone through your 
guts. You have been furnished with cloths and meat and 
drink by the goods paid you for it, and now you want it 
again like children as you are. But what makes you sell 
land in the dark? Did you ever tell us that you had sold 
this land? Did we ever receive any part, even the value 
of a pipe shank for it? You have told us a blind story 
that you sent a messenger to inform us of the sale, but he 
never came amongst us, nor we never heard anything 
about it. This is acting in the dark, and very different 
from the conduct our Six Nations observe in their sales 
of land. On such occasions they give public notice and 
invite all the Indians of their united nations, and give them 
a share of the present they receive for their lands. This 
is the behavior of the wise United Nations, but we find 
that you are none of our blood. You act a dishonest part, 
not only in this, but in other matters. Your ears are ever 
open to slanderous reports about our brethren. * * * 
And for all these reasons we charge you to remove in- 
stantly, we don't give you liberty to think about it. You 
are women, take the advice of a wise man and remove im- 
mediately. You may return to the other side of the Dela- 
ware, where you came from, but we don't know whether, 



The Powder in the Mine. 



29 



considering how you have demeaned yourselves, you will 
be permitted to live there, or whether you have not swal- 
lowed that land down your throats, as well as the land on 
this side. We, therefore, assign you two places to go, — 
either to Wyomin or Shamokin. You may go to either of 
these places, and then we shall have you under our eye, 
and shall see how you behave. Don't deliberate, but re- 
move away and take this belt of wampum." 

Conrad Weiser interpreted this into English, and Cor- 
nelius Spring turned the English into the Delaware tongue. 
While this rebuke was still smarting on the ears of the 
Delawares, Canassatego taking up another belt of wam- 
pum said to them : 

" This serves to forbid you, your children and grand- 
children, to the latest posterity, forever meddling in land 
affairs, neither you nor any who shall descend from you 
are ever after to presume to sell any land, for which pur- 
pose you are to preserve this string in your memory of 
what your uncles have this day given you in charge. We 
have some other business to transact with our brethren 
and therefore depart the Council and consider what has 
been said to you." 

The Delawares sullenly withdrew to brood over their 
insult. 




CHAPTER III. 

Shaping the Destiny of a Continent. 
Conrad Weiser. 




<5' 



OD, before whose eyes 
the future lays as an 
open book, and whose plans 
for the welfare of man are 
mapped out years in ad- 
vance, had set apart, from 
the beginning, the continent 
of America to be a land of 
freedom, where every one 
could worship him accord- 
ing to the dictates of his own conscience, and where each 
might dwell in his own home, surrounded by his family, 
unmolested and in p^ace. To rule and govern such a coun- 
try the Indian, its original discoverer, was unfit; no more 
fit, because the time was not ripe for it, was the Norseman 
who wandered to its shores in the year iooo. But, when 
the printing press was beginning to spread knowledge over 
the world, Christopher Columbus was permitted to redis- 
cover America, and settlement, of a lasting character, began. 

(30) 



Shaping the Destiny of a Continent. 31 

To the Spaniard was given the first opportunity to prove 
his fitness for the great work which lay before him, but, 
with his greed for gold, his cruel Inquisition, and unmerci- 
ful nature, he was speedily found wanting. There re- 
mained only, at the period of which we write, the two 
great rival nations of England and France facing each 
other, the former with its colonies stretched along the 
middle Atlantic Coast, the latter occupying Canada on the 
North, Louisiana on the South, and the Mississippi River 
in between. It was a great prize for which they were 
contending and France was resolved to gain it. A series 
of forts was already in progress to form the links of a 
binding chain which might encompass the English, and 
from which, as a support, its forces might advance and 
overwhelm the enemy. Both sides saw the advantage to 
be accrued and both knew the dangers and difficulties to 
be encountered. With such a vast extent of territory be- 
fore them, and but a limited number of troops at com- 
mand, the cooperation of the Indian became a necessity 
and to gain this every nerve was strained by each. 

Above all others the agent selected by Providence to 
bring to a happy conclusion the plans so wisely ordained, 
was Conrad Weiser, the German Palatine, a man who has 
done more for the welfare of the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania than any other one, and has received less credit for 
it; who, had he been of English blood, would, long since, 
have had grand monuments and lasting tablets reared to 
his memory, but who is just beginning to become known to 
the general public, and whose monument is but an humble 
slab in an orchard of his old homestead. 

Conrad Weiser, as familiarly known, but whose full 
name was John Conrad Weiser, born November 2, 1696, 
died July 13, 1760, was the son of John Conrad Weiser 



32 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

(1660-1746) and Anna Magdalena Uebele ( 1666- 
1709). For generations the family resided at Gross- 
Aspach, County of Backnang, Duchy of Wurtemberg, 
Germany, where father and son, of his ancestors, held the 
honorable office of " Schuldheisz," or chief magistrate. 
That it was a family of note and standing is evidenced by 
the fact that they bore the following escutcheon: " Per 
fesse, gules and argent, in chief a swan of the second, in 
base three roses of the first stalked and leaved vert," and, 
for a crest, " A swan as in the arms." Properly inter- 
preted it means a shield, the upper half of which was red, 
the lower half silver; in the upper half a silver swan, in 
the lower half three red roses with green leaves and stalks. 

As with many other families of good standing the reli- 
gious wars of Germany bore heavily upon them. In 
1693, the town in which resided John Conrad Weiser, Sr., 
with the rest of the Palatinate, was cruelly devastated by 
the French. These aggressions were followed by pestilence 
and famine; then came the terrible winter of 1708-09, 
when birds perished on the wing, beasts in their lairs, and 
mortals fell dead in the way. The spring of 1709 found 
30,000 Germans, who had abandoned their native land, 
washed, like a mighty wave, along the shores of England. 

Of these was Weiser, who, on June 24, 1709, with 
eight children (Margaret, Magdalena, Sabina, Conrad, 
George Frederick, Christopher Frederick, Barbara and 
John Frederick), his wife having but recently died on 
May 1, 1709, left Gross-Aspach, although then in middle 
life. His eldest daughter, Catharine, remained behind 
with her husband, Conrad Boss, with whom she had two 
children. 

As a man of means and honorable position it was but 
natural that he should become a leader of his people, and 



Shaping the Destiny of a Continent. 33 

take charge of the 4,000 emigrants who left for New 
York Province at the invitation of the Mohawk chiefs, 
then in the Indian embassy present at London. 

The hardships of that voyage, and the experiences of the 
hapless Germans in New York, have already been ably 
told by the Rev. Dr. Jacobs in a previous paper of this 
series. 

In the midst of their tribulations at Livingstone Manor, 
about the close of November, 17 13, Quagnant, or Gui- 
nant, a chief of the Maquas, or Six Nations, and a friend 
of Weiser, whom he had learned to know favorably dur- 
ing a visit to Albany on his mission of negotiation for 
Schoharie Valley, paid him a visit. Manifesting a fondness 
for the lad, Conrad, he requested permission to take him 
to his own people, to which the father consented, knowing 
him to be trustworthy. Here, Conrad says, he suffered 
much from the cold in the winter, and still more from lack 
of food in the following spring, because of the scarcity 
of provisions among the Indians. He was frequently 
obliged to secrete himself for fear of being murdered 
while they were intoxicated. He remained with them 
eight months during which time he became familar with 
their language and habits. 

In 1720 came his marriage to Anna Eve, a German 
Christian and not an Indian as some suppose, whose last 
name, unfortunately, is not known. The writer has in his 
possession what was a handsome inlaid box, her property, 
which she brought with her from the Fatherland. She 
was born January 25, 1700 and died December 27, 1778, 
and lies beside her husband, at the Tulpehocken home- 
stead. Her tombstone, being of rough-hewn sand stone, 
in time the lettering became indistinct, when an effort was 
made to recut the figures. In doing so unfortunate errors 
7 



34 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

were made which will account for printed discrepancies 
from dates above given. 

In 172 1 Conrad was already taking a conspicuous place 
in Provincial affairs and " was sent with a petition to the 
newly arrived Governor Burnet." For some ten years 
he stood between the Indians and English, as well as the 
English and Germans, in all matters of dispute, until, in 
1729, he left New York, removed to Pennsylvania, settled 
at Tulpehocken where he built the substantial stone house 
still standing, about one-half mile east of Womelsdorf, Pa. 

It was not intended, by Providence, that he should rest 
here idly and merely vegetate. In 173 1 his friend, the 
Indian chief Shikellimy, found him at Tulpehocken and 
prevailed on him to accompany him to Philadelphia, where 
Governor Gordon quickly learned to know and appreciate 
him. From the year 1732, when Washington was born, 
Conrad Weiser was the officially recognized Interpreter of 
Pennsylvania, and head of its Indian Bureau, so remain- 
ing until his death. He was constantly and actively en- 
gaged in the discharge of his duties. Many important 
treaties were arranged and ratified by him, and, through 
his wise and philanthropic policy, many bloody outbreaks 
were prevented. His entire record has ever been above 
taint and suspicion. 

His grave was visited, at various times, by Indians who 
always respected his memory, and many pilgrimages have 
been made to it by those, who, in after years, reaped the 
fruit of his labors and learned to appreciate his work, but, 
of all these, the most noteworthy, was that of President 
George Washington on the morning of November 14, 

*793- 

In the year 1741 he was commissioned as a Justice of 

the Peace for Lancaster County, continuing in service for 



Shaping the Destiny of a Continent. 35 

many years, and, after the erection of Berks County, 
1752, filling it within that territory also. He was the 
first judge of the Courts of Berks County, and president 
judge from 1752 till his death in 1760. 

On October 31, 1755 he was commissioned a Lieut. 
Colonel by Governor Morris, and placed in command of 
the frontier between the Susquehanna and Delaware 
rivers. Forts were erected and garrisoned by his troops, 
the First Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regiment; blood- 
shed was a thing of daily occurrence; details for the pro- 
tection of the people were constantly necessary; the sup^ 
plies of his troops and his large correspondence must re- 
ceive untiring attention ; more treaties were to be arranged, 
and all was done as he only could have done it; but, with 
his advanced years, the strain became too great, and, after 
peace had once more been an accomplished fact and his 
duty performed, the unassuming, but none the less great, 
hero and patriot went to his eternal rest and reward on 
July 13, 1760. 

As has already been said, the necessity for an Indian 
alliance was so apparent, if success were desired in the 
coming strife, that both English and French spared no 
efforts to that end. The latter had already practically 
secured the aid of the Shawanese, while the former, 
through Colonel Johnson, of New York, had gained the 
Mohawk tribe of the Six Nations, whose influence, how- 
ever, stopped there. The Delawares on the one hand, 
with the Cayugas, Onondagoes, Oneidas, and remaining 
tribes of the Iroquois on the other hand, were still waver- 
ing. Deadly enemies as they were it was impossible to 
make friends of both; one of the two must be an ally with 
the certainty that the other would become an enemy. 
How should the choice be made and who was wise enough 



36 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to make it. There was but one living man who not only 
had the ability to choose, but who had, in addition, the 
power to accomplish desired results from the choice. 
That man was Conrad Weiser. Friend to all, respected 
and trusted alike by all, on his word and decision hung the 
destiny of a great continent. Under Providence, he 
choose well. He knew the weakness of the Delawares, a 
conquered nation ; he knew the strength of the Six Na- 
tions. His prophetic eye looked into the future and saw 
there not a mere Indian war but a great struggle between 
two great nations; he knew this struggle must take place, 
mainly, in the territory commanded by the Iroquois, and, 
without their assistance, must fail in favorable result to 
the English. He was not blind to the fact that an alli- 
ance with the Six Nations meant, without a shadow of 
doubt, the hostility of the Delawares, the deluging of his 
own fair Pennsylvania in blood, and the death and de- 
struction, above all others, of those who were his own kith 
and kin. But he also knew that an empire was at stake, 
and, in full consciousness of the duty which lay before him, 
he closed his eyes to the dark vision pictured before them, 
and cast in his lot, as well as that of his adopted country, 
with the Iroquois. 

The choice made there remained to him the necessity 
for consummating its spirit. Naturally this only could be 
done by the performance of some act of favor, and, for- 
tunately, the opportunity lay before him to do so. It has 
been told how, in 171 1, the Tuscarora nation, then located 
south of the Ohio River and west of the Allegheny Moun- 
tains, entered into a conspiracy with several neighboring 
tribes to fall upon the Carolina settlers. The white men 
immediately availed themselves of the ancient feud be- 
tween the Northern and Southern Indians, and formed an 



Shaping the Destiny of a Continent. 37 

alliance with the Catawba and other Muskokee Indians. 
After severe fighting, fifty Carolinians and one thousand 
Indians drove the Tuscaroras out of their hunting 
grounds. The broken remnant of this once famous na- 
tion retired to Pennsylvania and New York, becoming the 
Sixth Nation of the great Iroquois Confederacy. From 
that hour the Iroquois hatred of the Catawba Indians be- 
came intense. Scarcely a season passed but several roving 
bands of painted warriors followed the mountain valleys 
toward the South to satiate their revenge with Southern 
scalps. As the Virginia settlements began to encroach 
upon the Iroquois war trails these bands of Northern 
warriors annoyed the settlers by picking up a living as they 
passed. The Virginians would not submit to this and 
passed their famous ranger law, which provided for a 
body of rangers who were authorized to arrest all armed 
bands of roving Indians, and take them before the nearest 
magistrate for further examination, and, until said In- 
dians could give a satisfactory account of themselves, they 
were to be lodged in the county jail. This law further 
provided that, if any Indians resisted or ran away, it would 
be entirely legal for the officers to kill them. The effect 
of such legislation, so different from the pacific govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania, was to plunge Virginia into endless 
trouble with the Iroquois. They were extremely careful 
of their behavior while passing through Pennsylvania, but, 
when they reached Virginia, took every opportunity to 
annoy the settlers. This friction, in time, reached an 
acute stage, bordering constantly on hostilities, and ever 
tending to drive the Iroquois into the arms of the French, 
who were but too ready to embrace them. 

Beyond this, when the Delawares had been turned out 
of the house by Canassatego in 1742, the shrewd Iroquois 



38 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

turned their attention to more important business. They 
claimed that both Maryland and Virginia were settling on 
land owned by the Six Nations, land that had never been 
sold to the white man. They then asked that the Gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania should intercede and demand pay- 
ment for damages. Turning to him they said: "That 
country belongs to us by right of conquest. We have 
bought it with our blood, and taken it from our enemies 
in fair war; and we expect as owners of that land to re- 
ceive such a consideration for it as the land is worth. We 
desire you will press him to send us a positive answer; let 
him (Governors of Virginia and Maryland) say yes or 
no; if he says yes, we will treat with him, if no, we are 
able to do ourselves justice, and we will do it by going to 
take payment on ourselves." This was virtually a decla- 
ration of war unless terms of their own making were 
complied with at once by Virginia and Maryland. To 
meet their views was no easy matter, but if their views 
were met, and peace could be made between them and the 
two southern states, the great Six Nations were gained for 
England and lost to France. Weiser knew this, and he 
who alone could solve the problem started out to do so. 
In January, 1743, with Thomas McKee, he started 
through the snow for Shamokin, where, at Shikellimy's 
house, after a generous distribution of match-coats, he suc- 
ceeded in getting the Indians to consent that a delegation, 
with Shikellimy at their head, be sent at once to Onondago 
to persuade the Six Nations to take measures to meet the 
Governors of Virginia and Maryland. Upon a second 
visit to Shamokin he learned that the deputies had re- 
turned and expressed the willingness of their people to 
have a conference. To arrange for this, once more 
Weiser departed, this time to Onondago, where it was de- 



Shaping the Destiny of a Continent. 



39 



cided to have a meeting in Lancaster of all parties at 
issue. 

The great treaty at Lancaster was held in 1744. Here 
all the vast knowledge and experience of Weiser was 
brought into requisition, and was indeed needed. After 
the usual talks, and feasting, presents were distributed at 
the right moment, and, finally, the desired and happy con- 
clusion reached. The Six Nations were placated and 
won; the Delawares were thrown over and lost. Truly 
the fuse to the powder was laid, the explosion now but 
waited the spark from the torch. 





CHAPTER IV. 

The Bulwark of the Province. 

ME have said that 
the selection of 
Conrad Weiser, for the 
work before him, was 
providential. 

Equally so was the se- 
lection of the men who 
were to be the bulwark 
of the Province from 
1755101763. Had they 
failed in their duty, and 
allowed the savage to pass 
their boundary, the progress of civilization and develop- 
ment in Pennsylvania would have been delayed a quarter 
of a century, the Revolutionary War might never have oc- 
curred, and the independence of the American Colonies 
never accomplished. Failure was impossible. To make 
it impossible the oversight of Providence was necessary. 
It was a work which demanded a virile people, and, in the 
light of the present, illuminating so clearly the past, and, 
even now, pointing to the fact that the destinies of the en- 

(40) 




The Bulwark of the Province. 41 

tire world are gradually being shaped by those who are of 
ancient Teutonic blood, of whom the Anglo-Saxon race 
form but a part, important though it be, is it to be won- 
dered that God chose the people of the German Rhine to 
defeat the savage onslaught of barbarism in Pennsylvania 
at the time of the French and Indian War? And it was a 
good choice. None were better fitted. Descendants of 
generations of warriors, whose fighting blood filled their 
veins, they, themselves, were veterans who had just passed 
through the ordeal of war with France; weary of battle 
and bloodshed, their homes destroyed, their friends and 
loved ones murdered or dead, they turned their faces to 
America to find a home where they might live in peace and 
for which their domestic natures longingly sought; they 
did not come either for gold or adventure; with conserva- 
tive characteristics, or, if you please, stubborn and obsti- 
nate, they were resolved that when this home was found 
neither poverty nor hardship, the power of the king him- 
self nor the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage, 
should drive them from it, and where they first planted 
their feet there they still remain; they were not traders, 
to cheat and defraud, but peaceful farmers against whom 
the red men had no wrongs to lay; they, too, in many in- 
stances fled from religious persecution, but they never 
brought with them the bigotry from which they themselves 
escaped; they were content to erect their churches, place 
beside them their school houses, and, having thus cared 
for the spiritual welfare of themselves and their children, 
were willing that their neighbors should enjoy, unmo- 
lested, the same privileges. 

It is not the purpose of this paper to give an extended 
account, or any account, of the German immigration into 
this province. That has already been done most ably. 



4 2 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



To prove, however, how thoroughly well fitted these peo- 
ple were for the work before them, we should be reminded 
that many of those, on whom the brunt of the struggle 
fell, were the men who came from New York Province 
and settled in the Tulpehocken Region. Recall, for a mo- 
ment, their sufferings in London and on the ocean, their 
terrible disappointment in their bondage at Livingstone 
Manor, their subsequent flight to the wilderness of Penn- 
sylvania, and we can understand what was their frame of 




mind when, at last, they had found the homes they wanted. 
The time came when the government of the Province 
would fain have dislodged them, but did not dare to do it, 
and when the Indian tried it he realized his error. What 
did they owe to England? In one sense nothing, and yet 
they became her adopted children, and were loyal to her, 
because they loved their homes. So, too, were they most 
loyal in the Revolution, and have been ever loyal since. 
They fought for both home and country. 

Then there were those who came to the frontier by way 



The Bulwark of the Province. 43 

of Philadelphia, as a port of entry. Many of these had 
their own individual and peculiar religious beliefs, because 
of which they were constantly persecuted in the land of 
their birth. Once in America, they sought the quiet to be 
found only on the outer edge of settlement. Having, for 
the first time, found a place where they might worship 
God, unmolested and in their own way, they did not pro- 
pose to be driven away by even the savage, though he were 
daubed from head to foot with war paint. 

The history of the French and Indian War, in the more 
settled part of eastern Pennsylvania, is practically the his- 
tory of the early German settlers in Pennsylvania. They 
did not do all the fighting, but they did most of it; of the 
homes destroyed theirs were by far the greater number; 
other lives were lost, and others carried away into cap- 
tivity, but not many. The strange anomaly of the whole 
record lies in the fact, which has already been stated, that, 
of all people, they alone always treated the red man with 
unfailing justice. They did far more than that. Where 
others went to him with a musket in one hand, and a bottle 
of rum in the other, they took the Bible. 

Among the many different settlers were the so-called 
Moravians. In the ninth century a sister of the King of 
Bulgaria being carried a prisoner to Constantinople, be- 
came a Christian, and through her means, on her return to 
her native land, a Christian church was established in her 
country, of which the King of Moravia and the Duke of 
Bohemia were members. A part of these churches were 
afterwards forced into the Roman Church, but a select 
few still refused to bow the knee to Rome. This little 
remnant, adhering to the pure and simple doctrines of the 
primitive church, suffered a variety of persecutions for 
several centuries, and at last were permitted to live in a 



44 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

wasted province on the borders of Moravia. Here they 
established a church in 1457, on what they deemed " the 
Rule and Law of Christ," calling themselves at first Fra- 
tres legis Christi, Brethren of the Law of Christ, and, 
finally, Unitas Fratrum, or United Brethren. They were 
a regular, sound and evangelical church a century before 
the reformation of Luther, and were in intimate com- 
munion with the Waldenses, who had been preserved un- 
corrupted from the days of the Apostles. Count Zinzen- 
dorf was not the founder of the Moravian church, but 
merely the protector of its members, when driven from 
their native land. They were allowed to settle in his 
village of Bethelsdorf. He assisted them to reorganize 
their church, and, after fruitless attempts to induce them 
to join the Lutheran Church, he became himself one of 
them, and their leader and guardian, especially in tem- 
poral matters. When in 1743 the Elector of Saxony ex- 
pelled the United Brethren, and the followers of Schwenk- 
feld, from his dominions, such of them as resided in the 
Count's village of Bethelsdorf (in upper Lusatia) since 
1725, resolved to go to Georgia, and the Count under- 
took to procure a free passage for them from the trustees 
of the Georgia colony residing in London. They estab- 
lished missions in Georgia, but, refusing to take up arms 
in defense of the colony, were obliged to leave, and sought 
an asylum in the peaceful domain of William Penn, about 
the years 1739 and 1740. Rev. George Whitfield, who 
had labored in conjunction with them in Georgia, had be- 
gun the erection of a large building in the " Forks of the 
Delaware " as a school for negro children, to which was 
given the name of Nazareth. At his request the brethren 
undertook to finish the building, though attended with 
great danger, as the Indians refused to quit the country 



The Bulwark of the Province. 



45 




^•s 



46 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

and threatened to murder them; they were compelled to 
leave it in 1740. 

Bishop Nischman, arriving in 1740, with a company of 
brethren and sisters, from Europe, they made purchase of 
the present site of Bethlehem. It was then wild and 
woody, at a distance of eighty miles from the nearest 
town, and only two European houses stood in the neigh- 
borhood, about two miles up the river. No other dwell- 
ings were to be seen in the whole country, except the scat- 
tering huts of the Indians. Rev. Chr. Henry Rauch 
assisted Bishop Nischman in his labors. 

Some time after, the Brethren purchased " the Manor 
of Nazareth " from Mr. Whitfield, finished the house, 
and " Nazareth became by degrees a very pleasant settle- 
ment." The Indians were reconciled, and permission was 
obtained from the Six Nations for the establishment of the 
mission. 

The Moravian Church has ever been a missionary 
church. At the close of the year 1741, Count Zinzen- 
dorf arrived in America, and in the ensuing summer of 
1742 visited Bethlehem. While here he made a mis- 
sionary tour among the villages of the red men in the 
neighborhood, accompanied by his daughter Benigna, and 
several brethren and sisters. His tour was extended to 
Tulpehocken, the residence of Conrad Weiser, and to the 
Shawanese and Delawares of Wyoming and Shamokin. 
He returned to Europe in 1743. It should be said at this 
time, that Conrad Weiser rendered most valuable assist- 
ance in the mission efforts put forth by the Brethren. He 
accompanied them on various trips, induced the Indians to 
receive them favorably, did much toward teaching them 
the language and customs of the aborigine, and used his 
influence with the Government to protect them on several 
critical occasions. 



The Bulwark of the Province. 47 

Bethlehem and Nazareth continued to prosper. The 
former became a central and controlling station from 
which the Brethren took their instructions from the elders, 
on their departure, from time to time, for the different 
outposts of the mission. Here many believing Indians 
were baptized, and some lie buried. In 1746 it was the 
refuge of the persecuted Indians from Shekomeko, an In- 
dian village bordering on Connecticut, near the Stissik 
mountain, among whom the pious Christian, Henry 
Rauch, had labored with much success. This small 
colony, settled in the immediate vicinity of Bethlehem, was 
called Frieden-Huetten, or Huts of Peace. Subsequently 
they were removed to the present locality of Lehighton, 
in Carbon County, and the mission called Gnaden-Huetten, 
or Huts of Grace. In 1746 this had become a very regu- 
lar and pleasant town. The church stood in the valley, 
on one side the Indian houses formed a crescent, upon a 
rising ground, and, on the other stood the house of the 
missionaries and the burying ground. Indians, from dif- 
ferent tribes were added to the number as fast as they were 
gained over. The missionaries tilled their own grounds, 
and every Indian family their plantation. 

This land on the Mahoning being impoverished, and 
other circumstances requiring a change, the inhabitants of 
Gnaden-Huetten removed to the north side of the Lehigh. 
The dwellings were removed, and a new chapel was built, 
in June 1754. The place was called New Gnaden-Huet- 
ten. It stood where Weissport now is. The dwellings 
were so placed that the Mohicans lived on one, and the 
Delawares on the other side of the street. The Brethren 
at Bethlehem took the culture of the old land on the 
Mahoning upon themselves, made a plantation of it for 
the use of the Indian congregation, and converted the old 



48 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

chapel into a dwelling, both for the use of those brethren 
and sisters who had the care of the plantations, and for 
the missionaries passing on their visits to the heathen. 

The labors of the Moravian missionaries extended 
from the upper Lehigh to the Susquehanna, and, even- 
tually, to the distant wilds of the Allegheny and Ohio 
rivers. In this self-denying work were engaged Rauch, 
Buettner, Senseman, Mack, Christian Frederick Post, 
Heckewelder, Zeisberger, Bishop Nischman, Bishop Cam- 
merhoff, Bishop Spangenberg, and others. So frequent 
were the visits of the missionaries and Christian Indians to 
the Susquehanna, that a beaten path was worn across the 
Nescopeck Mountains between Gnaden-Huetten and 
Wyoming. 

With the sole purpose of leading the heathen to their 
Saviour, the godly men engaged in this work little realized 
how much trouble and sorrow their labors were to bring, 
not only upon themselves but upon their converts as well. 





CHAPTER V. 



A Brief Digression. 




%■ 



HE writer cannot re- 
frain from digressing, 
at this point, for a few mo- 
ments, to refer to the oppro- 
brious epithets which have 
been, and even yet continue 
to be heaped upon the head 
of the Pennsylvania-Ger- 
man, merely because his 
tongue, in some cases, has 
failed to pronounce an alien 
language to suit the ideas 
of his English brother, who, 
not infrequently, limps in speaking his own mother tongue, 
and is often entirely ignorant of any other. 

Fortunately, we are rapidly approaching the day when 
the great and loyal services, which the early German set- 
tler in Pennsylvania rendered his adopted country, are 
beginning to be appreciated in their true light. As his 
heretofore hidden deeds and worth are continually brought 
to the surface it cannot be otherwise. 
8 (49) 



5° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Just prior to the French and Indian war this feeling of 
hostility to the German element of the Province became 
more especially apparent. It was partly due to the un- 
reasoning alarm which filled every one, an alarm which, 
after all, was indeed justified because the English ruling 
element, Quaker and otherwise, were but too well aware 
of their neglect in providing the necessary means of de- 
fence for the very people whom they maligned, and whose 
petitions for aid were even then ringing in their ears. 

The following extract from a letter written October 19, 
I 754> by tn e Rev. William Smith to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, furnished through the kindness of Dr. Julius 
F. Sachse, well illustrates what has been said: 

" As the French are daily encroaching behind us, and 
taking possession of the vast fruitful country upon the 
Ohio, they will be able to offer our Germans easy settle- 
ments, which these last will accept of, as they are ignorant 
people that know no difference between French and Eng- 
lish government, being wanton with liberty, uninstructed 
in the use of it, and placing all happiness in possessing a 
large piece of land. * * * The Indians are all going over 
to the French in these parts, because the latter, having 
possession by means of their forts, can protect them ; and 
whenever they come a little nearer, the Germans will sub- 
mit and go over also for protection, caring for nothing 
but to keep possession of the estates they have settled." 

Here is a letter written by an educated and generally 
respected man, who made it a point to pose as the friend 
of the Germans, who hob-nobbed with both Weiser and 
Muhlenberg to gain their favor, and yet who entirely 
failed to understand the people of whom he wrote or else 
did not hesitate to act towards them with duplicity. Is it 
to be wondered that Sauer was opposed to Smith and his 



A Brief Digression. 51 

educational plans concerning the Germans? May be not 
have been justified in his hostility? In the present light 
of history, showing us the sufferings of the Germans dur- 
ing the French and Indian War, and their unswerving 
loyalty to a power which was not always as loyal to them, 
how unjust the criticism of Dr. Smith which we have just 
read. So, forsooth, their only aim was to acquire lands, 
on which we know they desired to place their homes? Is 
not that the sole proper aim of mankind to-day? What 
is loyalty but the love of home, which causes man to fight 
for the government which protects him in the untram- 
meled enjoyment of this home? The mercenary adven- 
turer, who offers his sword for the mere love of warfare, 
is not a patriot. Dr. Smith had his own ideas of loyalty, 
but we of to-day do not rank, as among the patriots of this 
country, the man whose preference was the rather to re- 
main in allegiance to the King of Great Britain than to 
cast in his lot with his countrymen, who were groaning 
under the yoke of British thralldom and were endeavoring 
to cast it off during our Revolutionary War. On the con- 
trary, we do extol the Pennsylvania-German who was 
loyal to the English Crown, in spite of his sufferings from 
1755 to 1763, who was equally loyal to his country in 
1776, and who has been ever loyal to it since then. And 
we respect this loyalty of the Pennsylvania-German the 
more because it was inspired by a love of home. 

Dr. Smith was not alone in speaking of the " ignorant " 
Germans. Dr. Franklin, himself, even took occasion to 
refer to them, at one time, as " Palatine boors," but was 
manly enough, later on, to retract. The day is not dis- 
tant when the Pennsylvania-German Society may have a 
word to say about the part these " ignorant " Germans 
have taken in the educational development of this Com- 



52 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

monwealth. When such a day comes the writer of this 
prophesies that some will be surprised who now hold pecu- 
liar views on that subject. At this time it would be out 
of place to dwell further on the matter, but so much has 
been, and will be, said about Conrad Weiser that we can- 
not refrain from making public an act of his which shows 
the interest he, himself, took in the higher English educa- 
tion of his own family, and, likewise, of his people. This 
data was recently discovered by Dr. Julius F. Sachse, and, 
through his kindness, is given for the first time. 

The gradual evolution of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania is interesting. In 1749 a subscription was set on 
foot by a number of gentlemen of Philadelphia, among 
whom were Thomas Hopkinson, Tench Francis, Richard 
Peters and Benjamin Franklin, to establish an academy 
and charitable school, which was opened the following 
year, for instruction in the Latin and English languages, 
and mathematics. It was incorporated in 1753, and the 
proprietaries endowed it with money and lands amounting 
to £3,000. Lindley Murray, the grammarian, was a pupil 
of this college. Rev. William Smith was appointed Prin- 
cipal, Rev. Francis Allison Master of the Latin school. 
The institution soon grew into a college by an act of 
incorporation in 1755, under the title of the College, 
Academy and Charitable School of Philadelphia. Rev. 
Dr. Smith was elected Provost, and, the same year, de- 
grees were conferred upon six pupils, Rev. Mr. Duche, 
Rev. Dr. Samuel Magaw, Rev. James Latta, Dr. Hugh 
Williamson, Francis Hopkinson (signer of the Declara- 
tion of Independence), and Mr. Hall. In 1764 

the foundation of the first medical school was laid by a 
course of lectures on anatomy, delivered by Dr. William 
Shippen. His pupils numbered but ten. The next year 



A Brief Digression. 53 

Dr. John Morgan was associated with him as Professor 
of the Institutes of Medicine. Both of these gentlemen 
were graduates at Edinburgh. In 1768 Dr. A. Kuhn was 
appointed Professor of Botany; in 1769 Dr. B. Rush took 
the Chemical chair, and Dr. Thomas Bond delivered clin- 
ical lectures in the Pennsylvania Hospital. Thus was 
organized what has become one of the largest and most 
prominent medical schools in the United States. 

Dr. Smith, the Provost, was an able and learned man 
and had been very efficient in procuring funds for it in 
Europe; yet he was suspected of being not very favorable 
to a separation from Great Britain, and, being strongly 
attached to the Church of England, the more ardent 
Whigs, with some of the Presbyterians, who were Whigs 
to a man, determined to remove him from office, though 
against the judgment of the friends of the Institution. 
The old Provincial charter was abrogated, and a new 
institution, the University of Pennsylvania, was chartered 
by the State Legislature in 1779, and endowed with the 
property of the old college, together with the confiscated 
property of tories. Rev. Dr. John Ewing, the senior 
Presbyterian clergyman in the State, was chosen Provost. 
The old college was revived, for a short time, in 1789, but 
did not long continue, and was blended, in 1791, by legis- 
lative enactment, with the University. 

The original academy and college occupied the building 
on Fourth Street, between Market and Arch Streets, 
erected by Whitfield, and long known as the Old College. 
In 1802 the University purchased the edifice on Ninth, 
between Market and Chestnut Streets, erected for the use 
of the President of the United States, but never occupied 
as such. 

It was just after his return from England that Dr. 



54 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Smith presented a scheme for a Society for the " Educa- 
tion of Germans in America," and doubtless communi- 
cated with Conrad Weiser on the subject. To such an 
extent does Weiser seem to have been interested in it that, 
in 1754, he, personally, entered his sons Samuel and Ben- 
jamin as students in the old academy of that date. These 
names do not appear in the Biographical Catalogue of 
Matriculates published in 1894, nor in the first complete 
roll of students entered in the minute book, by order of 
the trustees, March 5, 1757, but are found in the two 
earliest college tuition books, up to and including the year 
1769, so there can be no mistake about the fact. Most 
likely, the outbreak of the French and Indian War had 
much to do with the interruption of their studies, or 
Weiser may even have come to the conclusion that Dr. 
Smith's scheme, so far as the Germans were concerned, 
was not entirely devoid of hollow pretense. 

Samuel Weiser, tenth child of Conrad, was born April 
2 3> 1735. His will was probated July 8, 1794- On 
May 28, 1760, he married Judith Levan. 

He served as captain in his father's regiment during the 
French and Indian War, on duty, principally, at Fort 
Henry. For a while he followed in his father's footsteps 
as Indian Interpreter, but his knowledge of the language 
was most too limited, and, besides, the necessity for such 
an office was rapidly passing away. He removed to Ma- 
hanoy Township of Northumberland County, Penna. 

Benjamin Weiser, fourteenth child of Conrad, was born 
on August 12, 1744. During the Revolutionary War, in 
1776, he was a captain in the German Regiment, com- 
manded by Col. Nicholas Haussegger. Later on he was 
pursued by the phantom of recovering on his sire's posses- 
sions in the State of New York, and, in a letter of April 2, 



A Brief Digression. 



55 



1788, to Governor Simon Snyder, refers to the progress 
he had made in his claim. After the war he resided at 
Selinsgrove, and is recorded as a Justice of the Peace for 
Snyder County on January 1, 1778. 

When the old White Horse Tavern, at Douglassville, 
Berks County, was remodelled in 1884, tne original mus- 
ter roll of the company of Captain Benjamin Weiser, mer- 
chant of Womelsdorf, dated October 3, 1776, was found 
in an old closet. It is of such interest and value that we 
cannot refrain from giving it to the public at this time. 



OFFICERS. 



Captain, 

First Lieutenant, 

Second Lieutenant, 

Ensign, 

Sergeants, 



Corporals, 



Drum and Fife, 



Adab Rosenmeisell, 
Michael Regel, 
Peter Schiffer, 
John Bishop, 
George Frick, 
Jacob Smith, 
Frederick Fresher, 
John Heiser, 
Christopher Weigel, 
Peter Toney, 
Martin Rishell, 
Abraham Price, 
John Christman, 



Benjamin Weiser. 

Jacob Bower. 

Frederick Yeiser. 

Jacob Kreamer. 

Charles Ghickner, 

Stewart Herbert, 

John Benkler, 

Joseph Miller. 

Nicholas Waldman, 

George Price, 

Conrad Rohn. 

William Marx, on furlough. 



PRIVATES. 
Jacob Mickley, 
John Maurst, 
John Derr, 
Eborhart Moyer, 
Casper Kealer, 
Vincent Williams, 
John Tudro, 
Frederick Spire, 
Frederick William, 
John Portner, 
Joseph Mast, 
Henry Seyfert, 
Adam Hull, 

John Razor. 



Michael Yiesley, 
Joseph Romig, 
William Wallman, 
Philip Werley, 
John Barnheisell, 
Conrad Freywitz, 
Baltzer Newfang, 
John Henry, 
Peter Lesher, 
Philip Killman, 
Benjamin Servey, 
John Snyder, 
Jacob Lorash, 









• ISI 


11 




KjKP?i 


flla 


/«fe&Sj 








llRfg 












#fe 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Explosion of the Mine. 




z 



HE spark to explode 
the mine which show- 
ered death and destruction 
everywhere around it, from 
1755 to 1763, came from 
the defeat of Braddock's 
Army. 

While the Pennsylvania- 
Germans, as such, were not 
identified with these opera- 
tions, yet the bearing which 
they had upon the welfare 
of the German settlers is so 
great, and so many of these people participated in the oc- 
currences of that vicinity a few years later, that a brief 
resume of the facts connected with the events in question 
is almost necessary to a clear understanding of the whole. 
The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, signed October 1, 1748, 
nominally closed the war between England and France, 

(56) 



The Explosion of the Mine. 57 

but failed to establish the boundaries between their respec- 
tive colonies in America. 

The effort to enlarge their boundaries was constantly be- 
fore both parties, and each ever feared that the other 
might succeed to its own detriment. 

The Ohio Company was an association formed in Vir- 
ginia, about the year 1748, under a royal grant, ostensibly 
to trade with the Indians, but that it was intended to be 
a great barrier against the encroachments of the French, 
is manifest. Its privileges and concessions were large and 
ample. 

To counteract these designs of the English, the Gov- 
ernor-General of Canada, the Marquis de la Galissoniere, 
in 1749 sent Celeron down the Allegheny and Ohio 
Rivers, to take possession of the country in the name of 
the King of France. His command consisted of 215 
French and Canadian soldiers, and 55 Indians of various 
tribes. As they went he buried, at various points, leaden 
plates, upon which were inscribed the date and name of 
place, to assert nominal possession. 

In 1752 the Marquis du Quesne became Governor- 
General of Canada, and, early in January, 1753, sent out 
an expedition, consisting of three hundred men, under 
command of Monsieur Babeer (Babier), who was suc- 
ceeded, about the end of May, by Monsieur Morin, who 
then arrived with an additional force of five hundred 
whites and twenty Indians. They built, on the site of the 
present city of Erie, the first fort, which was named 
" Presqu' Isle." Continuing to the site of the present 
village of Waterford, Erie County, Pa., they built a sec- 
ond fort, similar to the first but smaller, which was named 
LeBoeuf. The season being then late instead of erecting 
a third fort, as was intended, they garrisoned the two 
already completed and returned to Canada. 



58 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Viewing with alarm these occurrences the Governor of 
Virginia sent George Washington, late in 1753, to de- 
mand of the French an explanation of their designs, who 
was told that the matter would be laid before the Gov- 
ernor-General of Canada for reply, but that, in the mean- 
time the French would hold the country as ordered. 

In January, 1754, a company of militia was authorized 
by Virginia to cooperate with the Ohio Company in their 
occupancy of the territory. William Trent was commis- 
sioned captain, John Frazer, who had his trading house at 
Turtle Creek on the Monongahela, after being driven 
from Venango, was appointed Lieutenant, and Edward 
Ward as Ensign. They arrived at the Forks of the Ohio 
on February 17th, and proceeded to lay out the ground 
and to have some logs squared and laid. Their tenure, 
however, was short. In the absence of both Captain and 
Lieutenant, the French suddenly appeared in great force, 
on April 16, 1754, under Contrecoeur, and obliged sur- 
render. 

With the early spring the French again began opera- 
tions, and built their third fort at Lake Erie, in April, 
1754, which was named Fort Machault. The English 
usually referred to it as the French fort at Venango. It 
was not so large a work as either of the other two. 

This part of the operations of the French was, properly 
speaking, only the preparation for what they had in view; 
the real work was to be done at the confluence of the Alle- 
gheny and Monongahela rivers. Here they erected a 
fortification, which was strengthened from time to time as 
danger of attack increased. This was called Fort Du- 
quesne, in honor of their Governor-General in Canada. 

Orders were immediately despatched by the British 
cabinet, to the various Governors of the Provinces, direct- 



The Explosion of the Mine. 59 

ing them to resort to force in defence of their rights, and 
to drive the French from their station on the Ohio. 

The duty to carry on active operations against the 
French thus devolved upon Virginia. Washington, hav- 
ing been commissioned a Lieut.-Colonel by Governor Din- 
widdie, was sent, with one hundred and fifty men to take 
command at the Forks of the Ohio, finish the fort already 
begun there by the Ohio Company, and to make prisoners, 
kill or destroy all who interrupted the English settlements. 
With great difficulty, and against many obstacles, he suc- 
ceeded in reaching the Great Meadows, which became the 
subsequent locality of Fort Necessity. Learning that a 
detachment of fifty of the enemy were in his vicinity he 
immediately marched against them, attacked and defeated 
them, in the darkness of the morning of May 28th, 1754. 
His prisoners were taken to the Great Meadows and 
thence across the mountains. 

So soon as the news of this engagement had reached 
Fort Duquesne a strong party was organized to advance 
against Washington, who promptly enlarged his entrench- 
ments and erected palisades, naming his stockade " Fort 
Necessity." Of the fight which followed, against vastly 
superior forces, and the heroic defense which was made, 
followed by unavoidable capitulation, no more need be 
said, as it is a familiar recital. At daybreak, on the 
Fourth of July, the garrison filed out of the fort, with 
colors flying and drums beating, and one swivel gun. The 
English flag on the fort was struck and the French ensign 
took its place; and when the little army of Washington 
had passed over the mountains homeward, the lilies of 
France floated over every fort, military post and mission 
from the Alleghenies westward to the Mississippi. 

In anticipation of an early campaign, by the English 



60 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

and Colonists, the force at Duquesne was very largely in- 
creased during the late fall of 1754. At one time it is 
probable there were at least one thousand regular soldiers 
there with several hundred Indians of various tribes. 
The aggressive campaigns, however, which opened in 
1755 against Niagara and Crown Point, necessitated the 
retention in Canada of many troops, so that, at the time 
of Braddock's defeat, the garrison consisted of but a few 
companies of regulars, to which were added a considerable 
number of Canadians, and some eight hundred Indian 
warriors. 

Aggressive operations having been decided upon, on 
November 25, 1754, Major General Edward Braddock 
was commissioned General-in-chief of His Majesty's 
forces in North America. He sailed, on January 14, 
1755, from Cork for America, with the Forty- fourth and 
Forty-eighth Regiments of royal troops, each consisting 
of five hundred men, one of them commanded by Col. 
Dunbar and the other by Sir Peter Halket. He arrived 
at Alexandria, in Virginia, on the 20th of February. 
With the addition of provincials from Virginia and Mary- 
land, and two independent companies from New York, 
he finally crossed the Allegheny Mountains, between May 
27 and June 9, at the head of two thousand two hundred 
men, well armed and supplied, with a fine train of artil- 
lery, accompanied by some two hundred Indians. 

The rest of the sad story is not germane to our subject. 
Bringing with him exaggerated ideas of discipline, entirely 
inapplicable to the wilderness into which he was plunging; 
with feelings of superiority over the colonists, which pre- 
vented him from taking well meant advice based upon a 
full knowledge of existing conditions; advancing upon a 
campaign as though it were in the heart of civilized Eu- 



The Explosion of the Mine. 61 

rope, but one result lay before him. Braddock's Defeat 
has become a byword in the mouth of every American 
school child. Of the brave men who went into battle 
seven hundred and fourteen were killed; sixty-four, out of 
eighty-five officers were either killed or wounded; every 
field officer, and every one on horseback, except Colonel 
Washington, who had two horses killed under him and 
four bullets through his coat, was either slain or carried 
from the field disabled by wounds. The loss, on the side 
of the French, and their allies, was three officers, twenty- 
five soldiers, Canadians, or Indians, with about as many 
wounded. 

When the storm actually burst upon the Province of 
Pennsylvania it was found to be totally unprepared. This 
condition was not owing to lack of warning, nor for want 
of appeal and entreaty. So early as 1740 a petition was 
forwarded to the King himself, requesting him to see that 
the Province was placed in a proper state of defence. A 
discussion of the subject was kept up until 1744, the As- 
sembly constantly claiming that there was no need for 
such action, and the final result was, as may be anticipated, 
of no real value. The only thing actually done, by either 
Governor or Assembly, to save the helpless settlers, was 
an appropriation of £1,000 by the latter, on August 22, 
with which Fort Morris, at Shippensburg, and Fort 
Lowther, at Carlisle, were erected, and a supply of arms 
and ammunition purchased, chiefly for use in Cumber- 
land, York and Lancaster counties. 

It is true that on July 26, immediately upon the receipt 
at Philadelphia of the news of Braddock's defeat, Gov- 
ernor Morris convened the Assembly and asked for pe- 
cuniary aid. Two days later, this was granted him by 
a bill entitled, "An Act for raising Fifty thousand pounds 



62 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



for the King's use by a Tax of Twelve pence per pound 
and twenty shillings per Head, Yearly for two Years, on 
all the Estates real and personal, and Taxables within this 




Province." Here was the difficulty. A tax on all prop- 
erty included, of course, the estates of the proprietaries, 
which formed a very large part of the whole. To this 



The Explosion of the Mine. 63 

the Governor, acting in their behalf and by their instruc- 
tions, would not agree, claiming that the lands were not 
taxable, and, being unprofitable, should not in reason be 
taxed. The Assembly, with Benjamin Franklin as its 
leader, thought differently, and each accused the other of 
insincerity. 

During the lengthy discussion which followed, the blow 
of the savage actually fell, and, by November, the public 
feeling had arisen to so high a pitch that many petitions 
and addresses were poured in upon the Assembly. Those 
from the frontiers were sad beyond measure, beseeching 
and threatening by turns. One, from the citizens of 
Philadelphia County, was literally a demand for imme- 
diate action, not only in the matter of money but, espe- 
cially, in the establishment of a proper system of defence, 
while still another was from the Quakers, who cited their 
religious principles, claimed their willingness to give their 
full share of all that might be needed for the ordinary 
support of the Government, but pleaded for the defeat of 
any grant for purposes of war. Both parties, however, 
refused to cede a single point, until, at long last, on No- 
vember 24, a gift of £5,000 was received from the pro- 
prietaries, sent by them immediately upon hearing of the 
disaster to General Braddock, whereupon the Assembly 
at once passed an amended act granting £55,000 while 
exempting from taxation the proprietary estates. 

In connection with this, however, on November 25th 
the Assembly formulated and enacted a " militia law," to 
continue in force until October 30, 1756. As this largely 
took the appointing power out of the hands of the Gov- 
ernor another deadlock occurred, but, to the credit of the 
latter it must be said that, actuated by the sufferings of 
the people, he relinquished, for the time at least, his 



64 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

claims, and promptly approved the bill in its original 
form. 

Although these disagreements, between Governor and 
Assembly kept cropping out constantly, during the entire 
war, much to the detriment of the Province and to the 
hardship of the soldiers, yet, after the passage of the Act 
just named, a well-ordered system of defense was 
promptly put into effect, of which we will learn more 
hereafter. 

At the point which we have now reached it is well to 
bear in mind the fact that, by order of their masters, the 
Six Nations, the Delaware Indians were forced to occupy 
the territory some distance north of the Blue Mountains, 
stretching from the Susquehanna to the Delaware River, 
having been driven from their former homes. Their 
principal villages were at what was called Shamokin, near 
the present city of Sunbury, and were strung along to the 
east, at various points in the Wyoming district. Natu- 
rally hostilities started in the immediate vicinity of Sha- 
mokin. The opening shots, which were the precursors of 
the butchery that followed, are well described in a letter 
from Conrad Weiser, under date of October 28, 1755, 
which says: "Accounts from Paxton, October 20, that 
some Indians had begun hostilities on the Susquehanna, 
and had killed, or drove away all the inhabitants settled 
in the upper part of Cumberland County, at a place called 
Penn's Creek, about four miles south of Shamokin. 
Twenty-five persons, men, women, and children, killed, 
scalped and carried away on the 1 6th October; 13 killed, 
who were men and elderly women, and one child; the 
rest, being young women and children, carried away; a 
house burnt up. On the 23rd upwards of 40 of the in- 
habitants of Paxton Creek went up to bury the dead, 



The Explosion of the Mine. 



65 



but found it done ; they went on to Shamokin, to visit the 
friendly Indians there; stayed there all night, and in re- 
turning on the west side of the Susquehanna, in crossing 
the river on the morning of the 25th, at Mahanoy Creek, 
were fired upon by a number of Indians, that lay in the 
bushes. Lost several men — they killed four of the In- 
dians. These Indians spoke the Delaware tongue." 





CHAPTER VII. 

The Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres. 




js 



HE news of the Indian mur- 
ders up the Susquehanna 
spread fast. Conrad Weiser imme- 
diately alarmed the Tulpehocken 
neighborhood, whereupon the far- 
mers at once gathered together, 
armed with guns, swords, axes or 
pitchforks, whatever they chanced 
to possess, until some two hundred 
had rendezvoused at Benjamin 
Spicker's, near Stouchsburg, about 
about six miles above Womelsdorf. Then the Rev. Mr. 
Kurtz, the Lutheran pastor who resided about a mile 
away, delivered an exhortation and prayer, after which 
Weiser divided the people into companies of thirty, each 
under command of a captain selected by themselves, and 
at once took up his march towards the Susquehanna, having 
first sent some fifty men to possess themselves of the Swa- 
tara Gap, through which it was expected the enemy would 

66 



Swatara and Tnlpehocken Massacres. 67 

come, and with them a letter to Wra. Parsons who hap- 
pened to be at his plantation. 

Their numbers increased rapidly on the way, until they 
arrived at Squire Adam Read's, on the Swatara Creek, 
where they received intelligence of the surprise and kill- 
ing of the settlers, who, under the leadership of Capt. Mc- 
Kee, John Harris and others, had gone to Penn's Creek 




to protect the people there and bury the dead. This 
seems, very naturally, to have dampened the ardor of the 
party somewhat, who began to realize how little could 
be accomplished by them in their present condition, and 
how they were foolishly leaving their own families unpro- 
tected, so they wisely determined to return, their way 
back being materially hastened by the rumor that five 
hundred Indians had already made their way through the 
Swatara Gap, and killed a number of people. 

In the meantime the advance guard of farmers, with 
their motley array of arms, met Mr. Parsons, and he tells 
us, in a letter of October 31, to Mr. Peters at Philadel- 
phia, how he advised them to make a breastwork of trees 



68 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

at the Swatara Gap, with their axes, promising to pro- 
cure and send them a quantity of bread and ammunition. 
They got as far as the top of the mountain, where they 
fired their guns off in the air, alarming the whole neigh- 
borhood, and then came back again, firing the entire way 
to the great terror of the inhabitants. Other brave men, 
inexperienced and undisciplined, have done worse under 
less trying circumstances. 

Soon came the news of the murder of Henry Hartman, 
just over the mountains. As Mr. Parsons, with a party, 
were on their way to bury the body, they were told of 
two more who had recently been killed and scalped, and 
of others who were missing. Having decently interred 
the dead they returned. It was a terrible time; the roads 
were filled with persons fleeing from their homes, and 
confusion reigned supreme. In the absence of provincial 
forts, the settlers began the erection of stockades, watch 
towers, and the conversion of private houses into places 
of lefuge. Among these were Squire Adam Read's 
home, of which mention has been made, Peter Heydrich's 
home, near the Swatara Gap, which, later, became Fort 
Swatara, and at Dietrich Six's place near Millersburg, 
later the site of Fort Henry. 

Of Peter Heydrich it is related that when, on one occa- 
sion, the Indians appeared in considerable numbers, dur- 
ing the absence of his neighbors from their own houses, he 
took down his drum and fife and marched himself boldly 
into the woods or thickets, alternately beating the drum, 
blowing the fife, and giving words of command to an 
imaginary body of troops, by which means he managed to 
keep the savages away and also collect his neighbors. 

The one man, who seemed best able to cope with the 
emergency was Conrad Weiser, to whom, on October 31, 



Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres. 69 

1755, Governor Morris wrote the following compli- 
mentary letter. 

" Sir: I have the pleasure of receiving your favor of 
the 30th Instant, and of being thereby set right as to the 
Indians passing the mountains at Tolheo (Swatara), 
which I am glad to find was a false alarm. I heartily 
commend your conduct and zeal, and hope you will con- 
tinue to act with the same Vigor and Caution that you 
have already done, and that you have the greater au- 
thority, I have appointed you a Colonel by a Commission 
herewith. 

" I have not time to give you any Instructions with the 
Commission but leave it to your Judgment and discretion, 
which I know are great, to do what is most for the safety 
of the people and service of the Crown." 

At the earliest moment Weiser departed for Philadel- 
phia to have a consultation with the Governor. Although 
he returned as soon as possible it was only to meet with 
bad news. What happened cannot be better told than in 
the words of his report under date of November 19, 
1755, in which he says: 

"Honoured Sir: 

" On my return from Philadelphia I met in the town- 
ship of Amity, in Berks County, the first news of our cruel 
enemy having invaded the Country this Side of the Blue 
Mountains, to witt, Bethel and Tulpenhacon. I left the 
Papers as they were in the messengers Hands, and hasted 
to Reading, where the alarm and confusion was very great. 
I was obliged to stay that Night and part of the next 
Day, to witt, the 17th of this Instant, and sat out for 
Heidelberg, where I arrived that Evening. Soon after, 
my sons Philip and Frederick arrived from the Persuit of 



70 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the Indians, and gave me the following Relation, to witt, 
that on Saturday last about 4 of the Clock, in the After- 
noon, as some Men from Tulpenhacon were going to 
Dietrich Six's Place under the Hill on Shamokin Road to 
be on the watch appointed there, they were fired upon by 
the Indians but none hurt nor killed, (Our people were 
but Six in number, the rest being behind.) Upon which 
our people ran towards the Watch-house which was about 
one-half a mile off, and the Indians persued them, and 
killed and scalped several of them. A bold, Stout Indian 
came up with one Christopher Ury, who turned about 
and shot the Indian right through his Breast. The In- 
dian dropt down Dead, but was dragged out of the way 
by his own Companions. (He was found next day and 
scalped by our People.) The Indians devided them- 
selves in two Parties. Some came this way to meet the 
Rest that was going to the Watch, and killed some of 
them, so that six of our men were killed that Day, and 
a few wounded. The Night following the Enemy at- 
tacked the House of Thos. Bower, on Swatara Creek. 
They came to the House in the Dark night, and one of 
them put his Fire-arm through the window and shot a 
Shoemaker (that was at work) dead upon the spot. The 
People being extremely Surprised at this Sudden attack, 
defended themselves by firing out of the windows at the 
Indians. The Fire alarmed a neighbor who came with two 
or three more men; they fired by the way and made a 
great noise, scared the Indians away from Bower's House, 
after they had set fire to it, but by Thomas Bower's Deli- 
gence and Conduct was timely put out again, So Thos. 
Bower, with his Family, went off that night to his neigh- 
bour, Daniel Schneider, who came to his assistance. By 
8 of Ye Clock Parties came up from Tulpenhacon & 



Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres. 71 

Heidelberg. The first Party saw four Indians running 
off. They had some Prisoners whom they scalped im- 
mediately, three children lay scalped yet alive, one died 
since, the other two are like to do well. Another Party 
found a woman just expired, with a male Child on her 
side, both killed and scalped. The woman lay upon her 
Face, my son Frederick turned her about to see who she 
might have been and to his Companion's Surprize they 
found a Babe of about 14 Days old under her, rapped up 
in a little Cushion, his nose quite flat, which was set right 
by Frederick, and life was yet in it, and recovered again. 
Our people came up with two parties of Indians that Day, 
but they hardly got sight of them the Indians Ran off Im- 
mediately. Either our party did not care to fight them 
if they could avoid it, or (which is most likely) the In- 
dians were alarmed first by the loud noise of our People 
coming, because no order was observed. Upon the whole, 
there is about 15 killed of our People, Including men, 
women and children, and the Enemy not beat but scared 
off. Several Houses and Barns are Burned; I have not 
true account how many. We are in a Dismal Situation, 
Some of this murder has been committed in Tulpenhacon 
Township. The People left their Plantation to within 6 
or 7 miles from my house (located near the present town 
of Womelsdorf-Author) against another attack. 

" Guns and Ammunition is very much wanted here, my 
Sons have been obliged to part with most of that, that 
was sent up for the use of the Indians. I pray your 
Honour will be pleased, if it lies in your Power, to send 
us up a quantity upon any Condition. I must stand my 
Ground or my neighbours will all go away, and leave their 
Habitations to be destroyed by the Enemy or our own 



72 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

People. This is enough of such melancholy Account for 
this Time. I beg leave to conclude who am, 

Sir, 
Your very obedient 

" Conrad Weiser. 
" Heidelberg, in Berks 

" County, November 19th, 1755. 
11 P. S. I am creditably informed just now that one 
Wolf, a Single man, killed an Indian the same Time when 
Ury killed the other but the Body is not found yet. The 
Poor Young Man since died of his wound through his 
Belly. 

" To Governour Morris: " 

The excitement among the settlers can readily be im- 
agined, as well as their anger against the Indians. It so 
happened that, on his return from Philadelphia, Weiser 
was escorting several friendly Indians, on their return to 
Shamokin. The presence of these red skins at Tulpe- 
hocken came near being too much for the unreasoning 
people of the locality. It was with difficulty that Weiser 
succeeded in spiriting them away, and even in saving his 
own life. His experience, in that direction, is given in 
another letter to the Governor which followed imme- 
diately on the heels of his first one: 

" May it please the Governor: 

11 That night after my Arrival from Philadelphia, 
Emanuel Carpenter and Simon Adam Kuhn, Esq'rs, came 
to my House, and lodged with me. They acquainted me 
that a meeting was appointed (of the People of Tulpen- 
hacon & Heidleberg and adjacent places) in Tulpenhacon 
Township at Benjamin Spicker's early next morning. I 
made all the hast with the Indians I could, and gave them 



Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres. 73 

a Letter to Thos. McKee, to furnish them with neces- 
saries for their journey. Scarujude had no Creature to 
ride on. I gave him one. Before I could get down with 
the Indians 3 or 4 Men came from Benja. Spicker's to 
warn the Indians not to go that way, for the People were 
so enraged against all the Indians, & would kill them with- 
out Distinction, I went with them; so did the Gentlemen 
before named. When we came near Benjamin Spicker's 
I saw about 400 or 500 men, and there was a loud noise, 
I rode before, and in riding along the Road (and armed 
men on both Sides of the Road) I heard some say, why 
must we be killed by the Indians and we not kill them ! 
Why are our Hands so tied? I got the Indians to the 
House with much adoe, where I treated them with a small 
Dram, and so parted in Love and Friendship. Capt'n 
Diefenback undertook to conduct them (with five other 
men) to Susquehannah. After this a sort of a Counsel of 
warr was held by the officers present, the before named 
and other Freeholders. It was agreed that 150 men 
should be raised immediately to serve as outscouts, and as 
Guards at Certain Places under the Kittitany Hills for 
40 Days. That those so raised to have 2 Shillings a 
Day, & 2 Pound of Bread, 2 Pounds of Beaff and a Jill 
of Rum, and Powder & Lead. (Arms they must find 
themselves). This Scheme was signed by a good many 
Freeholders and read to the People. They cried out that 
so much for an Indian Scalp they would have (be they 
Friends or Enemies), from the Governor. I told them 
I had no such power from the Governor nor Assembly. 
They begun some to Curse the Governor; some the As- 
sembly; called me a Traitor of the Country who held with 
the Indians, and must have known this murder before 
hand. I sat in the House by a Lowe window, some of my 



74 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Friends came to pull me away from it, telling me some of 
the People threatened to shoot me. I offered to go out 
to the People and either Pasefy them or make the King's 
Proclamation; But those in the House with me would not 
let me go out. The cry was, The Land was betrayed and 
sold. The Comon People From Lancaster County were 
the worst. The wages they said was a Trifle and said 
some Body pocketed the Rest, and they would resent it. 
Some Body had put it into their Head that I had it in my 
Power to give them as much as I pleased. I was in 
Danger of being Shot to Death. In the mean Time a 
great smoke arose under Tulpenhacon Mountain, with the 
news following that the Indians had committed murder on 
Mill Creek (a false alarm) and set fire to a Barn, most of 
the People Ran, and those that had Horses Rode off with- 
out any Order or Regulation. I then took my Horse and 
went Home, where I intend to stay, and defend my own 
House as long as I can. There is no Doings with the 
People without a Law or Regulation by the Governor and 
Assembly. The people of Tulpenhacon all fled; till about 
6 or 7 miles from me some few remains. Another such 
attack will lay all the country waste on the west side of 
Schuylkill. 

" I am, 
11 Sir, 

11 Your most obedient." 

There was no intention, however, on the part of Weiser, 
to rest quietly and allow matters to take their own course. 
He promptly called together several of the prominent 
men of the locality for consultation. In the absence of 
any action by the government, worthy of mention, and 
without means of their own for defense, their first duty 
seemed to be to spur on the former to do something, and 



Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres. 75 

do it in a systematic way. Therefore, on November 24 
the following statement was forwarded : 

" Honoured Sir: 

" We the Subscribers thereof, being met together to 
think on means how to withstand our cruel Indian Enemy, 
thought fit to acquaint your Honour of the miserable 
Condition the Back Inhabitants of these parts are in : 

" (1st) Since the last cruel murder committed by the 
Enemy most of the People of Tulpenhacon have left their 
Habitation; Those in Heidelberg moves their effects. 
Bethel Township is entirely deserted. 

" (2d) There is no Order among the People; one cries 
one Thing, and another another Thing. They want to 
force us to make a Law, that they should have a Reward 
for every Indian which they kill; They demand such a 
Law of us, with their Guns Cocked, pointing it towards us. 

" (3d) The People are so incensed, not only against 
our cruel Enemy the Indians, but also (we beg leave to 
inform you Honour) against the Governor and Assembly, 
that we are afeared they will go down in a Body to 
Philadelphia and comit the vilest Outrages. They say 
they will rather be hanged than to be butchered by the 
Indians, as some of their Neighbours have been lately, 
and the Poverty that some are in is very great. 

" (4) Yesterday we sent out about Seventy men to the 
mountains to take Possession of several Houses, and to 
range the Woods along the mountain in Berks County, 
on the west Side of Schuylkill. The same Number are 
sent to the back Parts of Lancaster County, we Promised 
them two Shillings a Day, two Pounds of Bread, two 
Pound of Beaff, and a Jill of Rum a Day, and Ammuni- 
tion, and that for forty Days, or till we shall receive your 



76 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Honours Order. We persuaded ourselves Your Honour 
will not leave us in the Lurch; We must have done such 
a Thing or else leave our Habitation. If no worse; and 
all this would not do, we and others of the Freeholders 
have been obliged to promise them a Reward of four 
Pistoles for every Enemy Indian man they should kill. 
Many things more we could mention but we don't care to 
Trouble your Honour any Farther, do therefore conclude, 
and beg leave to Subscribe ourselves, 
" Honoured Sir, 
" Your very humble Servants, 

" Conrad Weiser 
" Emanuel Carpenter 
" Adam Simon Kuhn 
" P. S. I cannot forbear to acquaint your Honour of 
a certain Circumstance of the late unhappy Affair: One 

Kobel, with his wife and eight children, the eldest 

about fourteen Years and the Youngest fourteen Days, 
was flying before the Enemy, he carrying one, and his 
wife and a Boy another of the Children, when they were 
fired upon by two Indians very nigh, but hit only the man 
upon his Breast, though not Dangerously. They, the In- 
dians, then came with their Tomhacks, Knocked the wo- 
man down, but not dead. They intended to kill the Man, 
but his Gun (though out of order so that he could not 
fire) kept them off. The woman recovered so far, and 
seated herself upon a Stump, with her Babe in her Arms, 
and gave it Suck, and the Indians driving the children 
together, and spoke to them in High Dutch, be still we 
won't hurt you. Then they struck a Hatchet into the 
woman's Head, and she fell upon her Face with her Babe 
under her, and the Indians trod on her neck and tore off 
her scalp. The children then run; four of them were 



Swatara and Tulpehocken Massacres. 77 

scalped, among which was a Girl of Eleven Years of Age, 
who related the whole Story; of the Scalped, two are alive 
and like to do well. The Rest of the children ran into 
the Bushes and the Indians after them, but our People 
coming near to them, and hallowed and made noise; The 
Indians Ran, and the Rest of the Children were saved. 
They ran within a Yard by a woman that lay behind an 
Old Log, with two children, there was about Seven or 
Eight of the Enemy. 

"I am 

" Honoured Sir, 
" Your obedient, 

" C. Weiser 

" I intend to send a wagon down to Philadelphia for 
Blankets and other necessaries for the People, on their 
Guard under the mountain, and I hope it will be then in 
your Honour's Power to supply us." 

The Governor was fully aroused by these horrible 
atrocities, and endeavored to perform his duty. It would 
be unjust to him were we not, in concluding this record, 
to recite a portion of his letter of November 27 to General 
Shirley, as follows: 

" Dear Sir: 

"Since writing the Letter Herewith I have received In- 
telligence that the Indians have cross'd the Sasquehanna, 
and fallen upon the inhabitants to the Southward of the 
mountains at and near a place called Tulpilhockin, about 
sixty miles from here, where they had, when the express 
came away, Burnt several houses and killed such of the 
inhabitants as could not escape from them. The settle- 
ment they are now destroying is one of the finest in the 
Province, the Lands are very Rich and well improved. 



78 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

My Assembly have now been sitting ever since the 3d 
Instant, but have done nothing for the defence of the 
Province, nor raised any supplys. The Bill they have 
proposed for that purpose, being of the same kind of one 
I had before refused to pass and which they know I have 
no power by my Commission to pass it. Such a Conduct 
while the Country is bleeding, seems to me to merit the 
severest censure." 




*Vfc««^- 




CHAPTER VIII. 

Regina, the German Captive. 




v 



'HE events just related 
were but a part of the 
terrible occurrences in the 
Tulpehocken region during 
che fall of 1755. Among 
those hitherto unrecorded, is 
one told by the Hon. D. C. 
Henning, of Pottsville, who 
received it from Daniel Ney, 
a resident of Summit Station 
in Schuylkill County, and 
over eighty years of age at 
the time. Mr. Ney's great-grandfather was one of the 
early settlers of the locality. His grandfather and grand- 
uncle, Michael, were both youths at the time when the inci- 
dent occurred. One day, in the fall, the two brothers 
drove to the woods, along the mountain, with a team and 
skeleton wagon, to take home a load of fire wood for the 
winter, which they had previously cut and prepared. 
Michael rode on one of the horses while his brother was 
seated on the wagon. When they reached the place for 

(79) 



80 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

loading, two Indians sprang out from the bushes and 
each attacked his intended victim. During the scuffle that 
ensued the Indian, who had attacked Michael, was being 
worsted, and the other, who had attacked the relator's 
grandfather, seeing this, dealt his victim a stunning blow 
on the head, knocking him insensible for the time; he then 
went to the assistance of the other, and the two together 
killed Michael. Meanwhile the grandfather regained 
consciousness, but, finding himself unable to do anything, 
he feigned death. After the savages were satisfied that 
they had despatched Michael, they turned their attention 
to the other, but finding him, likewise, dead, as they sup- 
posed, they concluded to hide the bodies. They then 
scalped Michael, bound his hands and feet, stretched him 
on a pole, carried him away a little distance, and buried 
him in some leaves. The other, as soon as their backs 
were turned in this rude obsequy to the dead, crept away 
and was soon on his feet and running for his life towards 
home. So fearful was he that they had likewise killed 
all his people at home, and that the Indians might return 
to the house, that he hid himself away in some hay at the 
barn. After remaining there a long while he stole stealth- 
ily to the house, where, to his surprise and joy, he found 
the others all alive, but had a sad tale to tell them. The 
alarm was sounded, and the neighbors formed a posse, 
who found the body of Michael, but the Indians had fled. 
They followed their trail to the crest of the Blue Moun- 
tains, but the dangers attending the pursuit were too great 
for them to go any further. The wound inflicted on the 
survivor was a deep tomahawk cut on the head, but he 
was healed, lived to a ripe old age and left a large pos- 
terity behind him. 

As early as 1750 a small settlement of Germans was 



Regina, the German Captive. 



81 



made at Orwigsburg, Schuylkill County. They were prac- 
tically the first to occupy that locality. At the period of 
which we are writing sparse settlements had been made 
in the vicinity of the present town of Pine Grove, and else- 
where, both east and west. Among these was George 
Everhart, his wife and family of sons and daughters, who 
had cleared for himself some land, and built on it a home, 




near what is now Pine Grove. As the Indian depreda- 
tions spread eastward from the Swatara Gap they quickly 
reached him. Everhart was slain and scalped, together 
with his wife and all their children save little Margaret, 
then but six years of age, who was a witness to the brutal 
butchery that made her an orphan, friendless and home- 
less, for what they failed to accomplish with the tomahawk 
and scalping knife was wrought with the torch. Prob- 
ably the attractiveness of her person had spared her life, 
only to be led to a hopeless captivity. Happily, in time, 
she was rescued by Colonel Bouquet and returned to her 
friends. She was married, on February 8, 177 1, to John 
Sallada and became the ancestress of a large posterity. 



82 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The most pathetic of all tales is the comparatively well 
known one of Regina, the German captive, so called. It 
has been told in many different forms, and with many 
poetical embellishments. If for no other reason, it will 
bear telling again, and, in truth, the story of the Pennsyl- 
vania-Germans in the French and Indian War would be 
incomplete without it. 

Our knowledge of the case is obtained from the letter 
of the Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, which appears 
in the Hallische Nachrichten, and of which the following 
translation from the German has been made by the Rev. 
J. W. Early, of Reading, Pa. 

The Translation. 

Rev. Mr. Muhlenberg's Account of Remarkable Inci- 
dents in his Administration of the Pastor's Office. Hall. 
N., Vol. 2, pp. 445-493- 

The Twenty-sixth Incident (case), Hall. N., old ed., 
1029, Vol. 11, p. 479 ff. 

In February, 1765, a widow and her adult daughter 
from Rev. Kurtz's congregation came to (see me). This 
visit cheered me very much because of the peculiar circum- 
stances of the case. The widow spoken of was a native 
of the old and renowned Imperial City, Reutlingen, in the 
Duchy of Wuertemburg, and her deceased husband (was 
born) about twelve miles from Tuebingen. Before the 
war broke out in this country, they, with their small fam- 
ily of children, came hither and sought a home in the 
interior of Pennsylvania about one hundred miles from 
Philadelphia. The father was already advanced in years 
and too feeble to endure hard labor, but endeavored to 
instruct his children in the Word of God, because in the 
thinly settled country districts few schools are to be found, 
or none at all. 



Regina, the German Captive. 83 

Braddock's Defeat. 
In the summer of the year 1755 the English general 
Braddock with his army was defeated by the French and 
the hostile Indians in the wilderness, because the English 
fought according to European methods and the Indians 
after the American. Immediately thereupon the hostile 
savages invaded the remote districts of Pennsylvania and 
butchered the scattered and defenceless inhabitants, con- 
sisting mostly of poor German families, dragging their 
children through the trackless wilderness into captivity in 
their huts and caves. October 16, 1755, this fate also 
befell the above named Christian family, together with a 
number of our brethren in the faith. The mother, the 
widow now still living, and one of the sons, had gone to 
a mill a few miles distant, to secure the grinding of some 
grain ; the father, together with the oldest son and the two 
little daughters, remained at home. The savages sud- 
denly fell upon them (the house), slaying the father and 
the son in their usual barbarous manner. But they spared 
the two little girls, Barbara, twelve years of age, and 
Regina, going on ten, bound them, and dragged them aside 
into the forest, leaving several Indians to guard the chil- 
dren. Within a few days the others (Indians) continued 
to bring an additional number of captive children together. 

Flight of the Mother. 
After the mother and son returned home from the mill, 
and found everything burned and in ruins, they fled further 
inland (down) to Rev. Pastor Kurtz's congregation. The 
savages now having brought a good number of children, 
some of them set out with them (the children) towards 
their own country, not by the usually travelled paths, but 
through rough and unsettled sections, so that they might 



84 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

not be taken from them. The larger children were com- 
pelled to carry the smaller ones, who were strapped to their 
backs. Now they pursued their tiresome journey, bare- 
footed, over brushes, stones, briars, undergrowth (copse), 
through mire and swamps. Some children's feet were 
worn to the quick, laying bare the bones and tendons, so 
that they thought they must die because of the agony and 
the sufferings which they endured. But they were urged 
on mercilessly. In going through the brushes and thickets 
their clothing was torn into shreds and at last fell from 
them altogether. When they finally reached the country 
inhabited by the savages they were divided among them, 
one being given to a family here and another to another 
several miles further on. It is the custom among these 
people, if perchance parents are deprived of their children 
in war, that they are replaced by captives taken by them. 

End of Regina's Journey. 
When they had now proceeded about four hundred Eng- 
lish miles the younger ten-year-old daughter, Regina, was 
separated from her sister, Barbara, who had been handed 
over (to her family) and was compelled to go more than 
one hundred miles further, with a two-year-old child, which 
she was compelled to carry, strapped to her back. Finally 
Regina also reached the end of her journey, and, together 
with the child which she was carrying, was given over to 
an old ill-tempered Indian squaw, who had but one son 
as her support, to be her slave for life. But he (the son) 
oft times did not return home for a week or even a longer 
period, and so neglected (to provide for) his mother. In 
consequence of this the old woman demanded that Regina 
should provide sustenance, or be put to death. The little 
helpless infant also clung to Regina and looked to her for 



Regina, the German Captive. 85 

comfort. They were entirely destitute of clothing, and the 
supply of provisions was very scant. When the worthless 
son was not at home Regina was expected to see to every- 
thing if she did not wish to be scolded and beaten by the 
old hag (Woelfin). It was, therefore, necessary for her 
to drag together the wood by which they were warmed. 
When the ground was open she looked for and dug up 
all manner of wild roots, e. g., artichokes, garlic, etc., and 
gathered the tender bark of trees and vegetables to pre- 
serve the family alive. When there was frost in the 
ground she hunted all kinds of living creatures, such as 
wild rats, field mice, and other animals which she was able 
to capture, to satisfy the cravings of hunger. 

For Nine Long Years. 

For more than nine years, she, together with the other 
little girl, was compelled to continue in this mode of life, 
not knowing whether she should ever return again. 

Through the first terrible calamity, when she was de- 
prived of her father, mother, brothers and sister, she was 
naturally benumbed. In the long journey, with its attend- 
ant cruelties, the deprivation of all the necessaries and 
comforts at the hands of the savages — in continued fears 
and the very shadow of death, there was still room for 
reflection, and she could not do more than preserve an 
animal existence. When, however, this miserable mode 
of existence had become second nature, and the powers of 
the soul were again brought into activity, the prayers, the 
passages of Scripture and the sacred hymns which she 
had learned from her parents, became her chief delight. 
These divine truths were developed in her soul as a seed 
which begins to grow, sending its roots downward and 
the shoots upward, when the genial warmth of the sun 



86 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

causes the earth to produce life. Thus the Word of God, 
learned by her, gradually expanded into life, and in her 
tribulation brought peace, rest and comfort to her heart. 
The miserable mode of living was a good assistant and 
means of restraint to curb the sinful flesh and its growing 
desires and the Word of God implanted in her tender 
youth could so much the more readily promote the growth 
of the inner life. She stated that during the period of 
her captivity she had offered her prayers on bended knees, 
under the trees, numberless times, with the child beside 
her, uniting in the prayer. Upon almost every occasion 
during the later years she had a faint assurance and a 
gleam of hope that she would be released from captivity 
and brought back to Christian people. 

Two Consoling Hymns. 

Among other things the two following hymns had been 
and still were a constant source of comfort to her: viz., 
"Jesus Evermore I Love," and "Alone, and Yet Not Alone 
Am I." When finally, during the year just passed, the 
fierce savages were put to flight, and their homes attacked, 
especially by the prudent and brave Colonel Bouquet and 
his victorious army, and were compelled to sue for peace, 
and to deliver their Christian captives, Regina and her 
foster child were released with others. 

This was a remarkable event, viz., as a large number 
of captives were brought to Colonel Bouquet in the midst 
of the trackless wilderness, the larger part being without 
any clothing, a beneficent charity was manifested, not only 
by the Colonel himself, but also by his people, in that they 
cut off the flaps of their coats and waistcoats, and cut up 
their blankets and so on to cover the absolute nakedness 
of the poor creatures, it being in the midst of winter. 



THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY. 







Regina, the German Captive. 87 

Then the kindhearted Colonel Bouquet first brought the 
larger party of former captives from the country of the 
savages to the English forts on the Ohio River known as 
Ft. Pitt. There the same spirit of sympathy and human- 
ity was manifested by the (soldiers of) garrison. What- 
ever each one could spare of his scanty supply of food and 
clothing was bestowed upon these fellow-creatures to cover 
their nakedness, to protect them against the cold, and to 
satisfy their hunger. This manifestation of human sym- 
pathy and its effects were certainly pleasant to contemplate. 
For whoever could find anything superfluous in the line of 
clothing or covering brought it forward: e. g., flaps, capes, 
sleeves, pockets, collars, etc., not absolutely needed — extra 
lengths of blankets, shirts, or cravats, etc. The officers 
vied with the rank and file of common soldiers in cutting 
and sewing. First to clothe their male fellow-creatures 
and afterwards to close up and patch their own garments. 

Brought to Carlisle. 
From Ft. Pitt the crowd (army) of those rescued was 
finally brought into the province of Pennsylvania to a vil- 
lage named Carlisle. Notice was given in all the papers 
that whoever had lost friends, relatives, husband, wife or 
children, should be on hand and claim their own (by 
proper signs). Accordingly the above-mentioned poor 
widow with her only yet remaining son journeyed thither. 
She asked the Commissioners for her little daughter, Re- 
gina, describing her as she was when between nine and ten 
years of age. But she could find no one resembling her 
among the crowd. For Regina now was more than 
eighteen years of age, fully grown to womanhood, stout, 
with the bearing of an Indian, and speaking the language 
of the savages. The Commissioners asked the mother 



88 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

whether she could not designate some characteristic by 
which her daughter might be known. The mother re- 
plied in German: That her daughter frequently sang the 
hymn " Jesus I Love Evermore," and "Alone, and Yet 
Not Alone Am I in My Dread Solitude." 

Regina is Restored. 

Hardly had the widow said this when Regina sprang 
from among the others and repeated the Creed, the Lord's 
Prayer, and the hymns named. Finally the mother and 
daughter fell upon each other's neck shedding tears of 
joy. The mother with her daughter whom she had again 
found hastened to return home. The little girl for whom 
Regina had cared, kept looking on and repeated the 
things which Regina had repeated. But no one could be 
found who recognized her as their own child. Hence it 
was thought that probably her parents had been mur- 
dered. But she was not willing to leave her foster mother 
and clung affectionately to Regina so that she could not 
be kept back. 

Pleads for the Book. 

This happened at Carlisle, December 31, 1764. In 
February, 1765, the widow with her daughter came to 
me, saying that since her return her daughter had contin- 
ually pled for the book in which the Lord Jesus speaks so 
kindly to men and they were permitted to speak to him — 
meaning thereby the Bible and the hymn-book. For this 
purpose they had come this distance of i,ixty or seventy 
miles. A chest (or box) of Bibles had been sent in with 
the newly arrived ministers, Voight and Krug, and I cheer- 
fully gave them one, together with money for the purpose 
of a hymn-book. As soon as she had taken the Bible — 
with evident pleasure — I told her to open it and to read 



Regina, the German Captive. 89 

to me what first met her eye. She opened it at the First 
Chapter of Tobit and read the second verse intelligibly 
and impressively, viz., " The same was also taken prisoner 
in the time of Talmanasser (Emmeneser) King of Assyria, 
and although prisoner among strangers, yet did he not 
depart from the Word of the Lord." (This is a transla- 
tion of Muhlenberg's quotation from the German Bible 
and not a quotation from our English verse.) 

Regina's Wonderful Memory. 

To me it seemed remarkable that she who had not 
seen a German book for nine years, and had not read a 
single syllable during that time, yet had not forgotten 
how to read, but could do it as well as when she was taken 
from her parents and carried into captivity in her tenth 
year. She could still understand German pretty well but 
could not express herself in it because in regard to matters 
of every day life, the Indian language had now become her 
mother tongue. 

This again shows how necessary, profitable and advan- 
tageous are those schools in which the true Christian doc- 
trine and the example of Christ are impressed upon the 
minds of the young, and implanted in their hearts. Were 
the sainted Luther still living and should he hear that a 
child from Reutlingen, a free city, which in 1530 stood up 
so faithfully for the Augsburg Confession, had maintained 
its spiritual life through the pure Word of God in this far- 
distant wilderness, he would again heartily praise and 
glorify God, confidently and trustfully singing again: 
"The Word they shall still let remain, and not a spark 
have for it." 

The following four verses are taken from the touching 
hymn which united mother and child: 



90 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

"Allein und doch nicht ganz alleine, 
Bin ich in meiner einsamkeit, 
Dann vvaun ich ganz verlassen scheine, 

Vertreibt mir Jesus selbst die 'zeit, 
Ich bin bey ihm, und er bey mir, 
So Kommt mirs gar nicht einsam fur." 

" Komm ich zur welt, man redt von sachen, 
So nur auf eitelkeit gericht, 
Da muss sich lassen der verlachen, 

Der etwas von dem hummel spricht, 
Drum wiinsch ich lieber ganz allein, 
AIs bey der welt ohn Gott zu seyn." 

" Verkehrte konnen leicht verkehren? 
Wer greiffet pech ohn kleben an? 
Wie solt ich daun dahin begehren 

Wo man Gott bold vergessen Kann? 
Gesellschaft, die verdachtig scheint 
Und ofters nach dem fall beweint." 



" Wer wolte dann nun nicht erkennen 
Das ich stets in gesellschaft bin? 
Und will die welt mich einsam nennen 

So thu sie es nur immerhin, 
G'nug, das bey mir, waun ich allein 
Gott und viel tausend engel seyn." 



" Alone, and yet not all alone 

Am I, in solitude though drear, 

For when no one seems me to own, 
My Jesus will himself be near, 

I am with Him and He with me 

I therefore cannot lonely be." 

"Seek I the world? of things they speak, 

Which are on vanity intent, 
Here he is scorned and spurned as weak 

Where mind on heavenly things is bent, 
I rather would my lone way plod, 
Than share the world without my God." 



Regina, the German Captive. 91 

" With ease do perverts perverts make, 
Who handles pitch his hands will soil, 
Why then should I with those partake 

Who of His honor God despoil? 
Society which we suspect, 
We often afterwards reject." 

***** 

" Who will not with candor own, 
I have companions all I crave? 
And will the world still deem me lone? 

Then let it thus forever rave. 
Enough! I've God and angel's host, 
Whose number can its thousands boast." 



Because of the interest attached to this narrative, the 
location of the scene of the tragedy has been sought by 
various persons. It was generally supposed to have oc- 
curred on the northern confines of the present Lebanon 
County. 

At the request of the Lebanon County Historical So- 
ciety the writer of this read before its members, on April 
21, 1 90 1, a paper bearing upon the part, taken by what 
is now Lebanon County, in the French and Indian War, 
in the course of which mention was made of Regina. In 
December of the same year, the following item appeared 
in one of the daily papers: 

"A movement has been started in lower Schuylkill 
County for the erection of a monument to Regina Hart- 
man, the heroine of a pathetic story familiar to all. 

" The ruins of the Hartman home are one of the land- 
marks near Orwigsburg. Regina Hartman and her 
mother are buried in Christ Lutheran cemetery, near 
Stouchsburg." 

It was claimed that she was the daughter of John 
Hartman, born June 20, 17 10. 



9 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

This at once created somewhat of excitement among the 
good people in Lebanon County. Especially interested 
and active in the work of trying to get at the true facts 
of the case was Dr. S. P. Heilman, the efficient Secretary 
of the Lebanon County Historical Society. At his solici- 
tation the writer was requested to give his opinion on the 
subject, which he did in the following reply: 

Letter as to Location. 
" Dr. S. P. Heilman, Secretary, 

" Lebanon County Historical Society. 

"My Dear Sir: — I have read, with much interest, your 
favor of December 12, 1901, concerning the proposed 
memorial to be erected near Orwigsburg, Schuylkill 
County, to Regina Hartman, the Indian captive. 

" It is very difficult to express an authentic opinion on 
this subject as there is a dearth of all necessary data. The 
Hartmans were but a poor German family, of no promi- 
nence whatever. Had it not been that the widow was 
thrown in contact with the Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlen- 
berg it is quite sure their name would not have appeared 
on the page of history, despite their sad experience which 
only resembled that of many others who went down to 
unknown graves at the same time. 

" In the Hallische Nachrichten, page 1029, old edition, 
Muhlenberg tells how the widow Hartman, accompanied 
by her restored daughter, Regina, called on him, in Feb- 
ruary, 1765, to procure a Bible and hymn book. He was 
so struck with their pathetic story that he narrates, in de- 
tail, how they emigrated from Reutlingen, Wurtemberg, 
to America, and settled on the frontier some hundred miles 
from Philadelphia, at a place where they had neighbors 
of the same faith and nationality as their own. Here, on 



Regina, the German Captive. 93 

October 16, 1755, while the wife and one son had gone 
to the mill, the Indians murdered her husband and other 
son, destroyed the house by fire and dragged the daughters, 
Barbara and Regina, into captivity. Muhlenberg adds 
that the widow then 'came further down to Rev. Kurtz's 
congregation' (at Stouchsburg) , where she felt herself to 
be in safety. Then follows an account of the finding and 
restoration of Regina, with which we are all familiar. 

"As Muhlenberg's record comes from the lips of Mrs. 
Hartman herself we must consider it authentic. At the 
same time we must remember that he wrote thus to the 
Halle fathers not to narrate an historical fact but to state 
the spiritual condition of Regina who, with her mother, 
came weary miles to get the book which, as the girl ex- 
pressed it, gave God's words to us, and that other book 
which would tell her how to talk to God in return. No- 
where in his letter does he give the first names of either 
father or sons, nor does he tell definitely where they origi- 
nally located, except as given above. 

" There can be hardly any question that all the authentic 
writings which have appeared concerning Regina have 
come, directly or indirectly, from Muhlenberg's record. 
If so, the writers, of course, knew no more about the sub- 
ject than did Muhlenberg. It is said that Mr. Hart- 
man's first name was John, and that one of the sons was 
named Christian, but, before admitting this as a fact, I 
should want to be confronted with undoubted proofs. In 
the same way, Orwigsburg may readily say that the family 
came from its locality, but I am most curious to know on 
what unquestioned data this claim is based. 

" I am aware that the Rev. R. Weiser, in his interesting 
story, states that much of his data was obtained orally, 
having been transmitted by his grandmother to him when 



94 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

he was a little boy. His whole book, however, indicates 
that he has drawn very fully upon his imagination and, in 
no case, does any sufficient evidence seem to be adduced to 
cover various important statements made. 

" It is a fact that a small settlement of Germans was 
made near Orwigsburg as early as 1750, and that they 
were among the many sufferers during the French and 
Indian War. It may even be that a John Hartman was 
one of their number who was murdered at that time, and 
yet I cannot help but think that the weight of evidence is 
against their claim in this instance. 

" In the first place, Rupp, in his ' History of Berks and 
Lebanon Counties,' says that the family settled on the 
frontier of the present Lebanon County. We know that 
Mr. Rupp was a careful and accurate historian, and his 
statement is worthy of some credence at least, especially as 
no one else, up to this time, has proven otherwise. 

11 In the next place, we can say, positively, that there is 
no record of the hostile Indians having reached the locality 
of Orwigsburg until November, or even December, 1755, 
while many murders were committed in and around Swa- 
tara Gap during October, and Muhlenberg says the family 
were killed on October 16. 

" Then, again, we have a cotemporary record of the 
murder of Henry Hartman, in October, who lived just 
beyond the Swatara Gap. Those who went to bury him 
make no mention of his family, or a murdered son, and as 
they found his body lying on the floor of his home the 
house could hardly have been destroyed by fire. I do not 
claim that this was the father of Regina, although the date 
and name are strangely coincident, but certainly here did 
live a Hartman family who may have had namesakes 
near by. 



Regina, the German Captive. 95 

"And lastly, we are told that the widow fled 'further 
down' to where Rev. Kurtz had his congregation in the 
Tulpehocken region. This is exactly where all the refu- 
gees fled who came through the Swatara Gap. It was 
their natural refuge. Had the Hartman family lived near 
Orwigsburg they would have fled either through the Gap 
at Port Clinton, or have crossed the mountains at Fort 
Franklin, some ten or twelve miles towards the Lehigh 
River. In that case their natural refuge would have been 
either Albany township of Berks County, or Reading itself. 

"Of course, to a certain extent this is all conjecture, and 
yet, to my mind, it is good reasoning. It seems to me it 
leaves the balance of proof in favor of Lebanon County, 
and calls for undoubted facts and data from Orwigsburg 
before yielding the palm to them. It would be a source 
of great regret should they erect a monument to Regina 
Hartman too hastily, bringing possible reproach upon 
themselves, and causing a possible perversion of true 
history. 

" I would suggest that this matter be brought before the 
Lebanon County Historical Society, at its coming meeting, 
and that authority be then given its secretary to enter into 
correspondence with the proper persons at Orwigsburg 
with a view of ascertaining from whence they obtain such 
undoubted data as to warrant them in taking their pro- 
posed action. " Sincerely yours, 

" H. M. M. Richards." 

In accordance with this suggestion the matter was 
brought before the Lebanon County Historical Society, and 
its secretary requested to investigate in the direction men- 
tioned. Every effort was made to open up a correspon- 
dence on the subject with the authorities at Orwigsburg, 



96 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

but the efforts only resulted in failure, as no reply was 
received to any of the communications sent, nor could it be 
ascertained who was responsible for the statements made 
in the newspapers. 

To what was then written I take the liberty of adding 
that Muhlenberg distinctly says " the father was already 
advanced in years and too feeble to endure hard labor," 
which could hardly apply to a man like John Hartman, 
who was born June 20, 17 10, and would then have been 
but forty-five years of age. 

While no reply was received from Orwigsburg at the 
time, yet, on February 20, 1903, the following appeared 
in the Orwigsburg News, from the pen of the Rev. H. A. 
Weller, which is certainly deserving of careful attention. 
It must be admitted that, to refute what he says, would 
seem to be difficult, but we are willing to leave this most 
interesting subject to the public for its verdict, after the 
succeeding chapter has been read. 

"Editor Orwigsburg News: — Where did the tragedy 
which resulted in the pathetic historical story of 'Regina, 
the German Captive' occur? 

" This question of provincial local history has again been 
agitated by the claims published in one of the later num- 
bers of the valued publications of the Lebanon County 
Historical Society; and since I have seen no authentic gen- 
eral publication of the evidences which establish the locus 
of this history at Orwigsburg, it may be of interest if not 
of value to relate the same in your columns. 

"Disclaiming all desire for controversy or criticism; 
moved alone by a purpose to see historical facts established 
upon the best attainable evidences, rather than upon ' infer- 
ences,' we call attention to the historical error of said so- 



Regina, the German Captive. 97 

ciety arising, no doubt, from a confusion of names and 
places so far as relates to the residence of the family of 
Johannes Hartmann at the time of the massacre of mem- 
bers of his family, and the captivity of their little Regina. 
' This reply is challenged by an article on the subject 
from the pen of its estimable secretary, Dr. S. P. Heilman, 
published in the general publication of the Lebanon County 
Historical Society, and a supporting article in the same 
publication from the facile pen of that usually painstaking 
and considerate authority in matters of local history, Mr. 
H. M. M. Richards, in which the long ceded claims of 
Orwigsburg, Schuylkill County, Pa., as the place of the 
tragedy in the Hartman family, October 16, 1755, are 
called into question, and an attempt made by ' inferences ' 
and 'probabilities' to show that the occurrence to which the 
Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg from the lips of the 
mother of Regina Hartmann testifies in Hallische Nach- 
richten, 1029 (Mann's edition, Vol. II., p. 479) and from 
the pathetic incidents connected therewith, as related to 
him in boyhood days by his grandmother, the Rev. R. 
Weiser, in 1856, published an embellished narrative of 
'Regina, the German Captive,' took place in the vicinity 
of Swatara Gap, in Lebanon County, Pa. 

" In advancing these claims it is to be noted that the 
writer of the chief article for the Historical Society, espe- 
cially, bases his statements of fact largely upon admitted 
' inferences ' and ' presumed ' probabilities to establish evi- 
dence of an historical fact, a questionable practice always, 
to say the least, where history and its incidents are to be 
written. In this they have unfortunately fallen into the 
same error which some years since trapped some of the 
local historians of the vicinity of Bern, in Berks County, 
Pa., by an instinct of pardonable pride, to claim that the 



98 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Hartman tragedy was enacted near the Schuylkill Gap, in 
the Blue Mountains, southward from where is now Port 
Clinton, Pa., and which bore traces of probability as strong 
at least as those of the claimants for Lebanon County. 

" Wanting better historical evidence we might let the 
claimants from Berks and Lebanon Counties dispute this 
matter out, and their claims of probability were equally 
warranted by inferences with a slight advantage perchance 
to Lebanon, arising from the established fact that an In- 
dian massacre did occur in the vicinity of Swatara Gap 
about the same time (Penna. Archives) ; and Conrad 
Weiser mentions among others, the residence of a man 
named Hartman in that locality at the time, who could not 
be found after the massacre. 

"But why take valuable space in an attempt to refute 
claims of a mere 'probability' or to answer and debate 'in- 
ferences' which, for lack of better historical data, led the 
Historical Society to accept and publish the papers above 
referred to as establishing history? Suffice it to submit a 
simple statement of a few established facts, and note a few 
of the sources of information that have for years been 
accepted as sufficient evidence to establish the fact that this 
tragedy and its incidents really did occur in Schuylkill 
(then Berks) County, where Orwigsburg now is. 

"1. The report of Rev. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg 
(Hallische Nachrichten, 1029), that Johannes Hartmann 
and his family had made their home ' in northern Berks, 
about one hundred miles distant from Philadelphia.' 
This unsupported, might equally apply to the claims of 
the writers for Lebanon County. 

" 2. The statement of Rev. R. Weiser, in ' Regina, the 
German Captive,' that his grandmother, then residing at 
Womelsdorf, Pa., had often related the story of the trag- 



Regina, the German Captive. 99 

edy which befell the Hartmann family, and the pathetic 
incident of the captivity and return of Regina, which he 
later embellished and caused to be published; and always 
had his relator mentioned Orwigsburg as the place where 
the massacre occurred. This, unsupported, might well 
be confuted by Rev. Weiser's own later statement that he 
had no certain or circumstantial information as to the locus. 
" 3. The records of Zion's Church, in West Brunswick 
Township, one and a half miles distant southeastwardly 
from Orwigsburg, and spoken historically as ' Die Zion's 
Kirche, ueber den Blauen Bergen, on der Skoolkil in 
Berks ' (vid. Lutheran Observer, Vol. LIX, No. 2, p. 3), 
relate how in the ' fall ' of the year 1755 — the settlers 
having just finished building and dedicating their first ' log 
church ' during the summer — ' The wild heathen of the 
wilderness ' came upon the communities in this section with 
tomahawk, gun and fire, massacreing the people and laying 
their homes in ashes. It was at this time that their ' log 
church,' where Zion's Church now stands, was burned to 
the ground; and history speaks of the flight of those who 
could escape across the Blue Mountains in Maxatawny 
and Bern Townships, Berks County, as ' the skedaddle.' 
These ancient records have never been disputed, though, 
it is true, Muhlenberg made no report of the existence of 
this church to Halle, which is readily accounted for when 
the fact is considered that the pastor who assisted these 
early settlers was one of those not in affiliation with the 
work of the Pioneer of the Synod of Pennsylvania, and 
usually termed ' vagabond preachers who stir the water 
for the loaves and fishes.' Be this as it may, accurate and 
accepted accounts of the building, dedication, and destruc- 
tion of that first ' log church ' were recorded when after 
1 the skedaddle ' of the fall and winter of 1755, the sur- 



ioo The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

vivors of those horrors returned and rebuilt their church 
on the same spot; and this record, some of it only frag- 
mentary now, is still in the archives of the church. Unfor- 
tunately for our immediate purpose the membership rec- 
ord, if any existed in 1755, has been lost, but what is there 
is sufficient to all seekers for historical data to establish 
the fact that ' in the fall of the year 1755 ' a frightful 
massacre by the wild Indians was enacted in the immediate 
vicinity of the present town of Orwigsburg. 

" 4. In the printed memoirs of Father Daniel Deibert 
(born 1802), published at Schuylkill Haven, Pa., 1884, 
there is a succinct account of how his grandfather, Wil- 
helm Deibert (Deiver), who came with his parents to 
America, landing at Philadelphia, when Wilhelm was 
three years old, and resided with them later in their ' set- 
tlement ' in Bern Township, Berks County, Pa., together 
with his brother Michael Deibert, when they had grown 
up, came to Manheim Township (now Schuylkill County), 
and in the year 1744, ' took up ' 300 acres of land in the 
present North Manheim Township, on the road leading 
from Schuylkill Haven to Landingville, where are now the 
farms of Edward Peale and John Filbert, respectively, 
about two miles southwestwardly from Orwigsburg. 
How, afterwards, his own father, John, bought 144 acres 
of land in said township, at the place just westward from 
Orwigsburg, where is now the James Deibert homestead. 
Incidentally telling how when Daniel, the writer, was a 
child four or five years old, his father and mother were 
clearing land, and used to take the cradle along and the 
three children into the woods, and ' I, the oldest, would 
keep the locusts from the cradle where the baby rested.' 
(Let it be noted that this was next to or near the former 
Hartmann plantation.) At the age of twenty-one, says 



Regina, the German Captive. 101 

the writer, 'I worked for my Uncle George Deibert, for 
six dollars per month, living with him at the time; he was 
sick at the time and died while I was there. My grand- 
father Deibert was living with him at that time. He 
worked at weaving then. He told me many stories about 
the Indians, how they molested them when they first set- 
tled here.' 

And, now, quoting from this volume of the ' Story of 
the life of Daniel Deibert,' let another render the account 
of the family of Johannes Hartmann, at Orwigsburg: 
1 Nearly at the same time, or a few years earlier than my 
grandfather settled here in Schuylkill County, a German 
family by the name of Hartmann came from Europe and 
settled at the place where Orwigsburg now stands. The 
family consisted of the parents and four children, two boys 
and two girls. They were a pious and god-fearing family. 
They went to work and prospered well. One day, in the 
fall of 1755, Hartmann and his eldest son were to finish 
their sowing. Mrs. Hartmann and the youngest son went 
to the mill to get some grist done, but little they thought 
that this should be the last time that they should see each 
other in this world. At noon, when they were eating 
dinner, a band of Indians came, fifteen in number, and 
killed Hartmann and his eldest son; plundered the house, 
then set it on fire. The two girls they took along as 
victims. Towards evening when Mrs. Hartmann came 
home she found her buildings all in ashes. They burned 
the bodies of Hartmann and his son ; even the dog, they 
threw him into the flames and burned him. The two girls, 
as above mentioned, they took along, and another little 
girl, only about three years old, that they took along as 
victim from a family named Smith. They murdered the 
father of that family in the morning, the same day they 



102 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

came to Hartmann's; the girls they took along bare-foot, 
and soon their feet got sore that they could hardly walk 
any more; the oldest of the girls got sick and could go no 
farther, then they killed her with the tomahawk. The 
other two girls, they wrapped their feet with old cloth 
and took them along to their camp. Mrs. Hartmann was 
very much troubled about her husband and children ; some 
hunters found the body of the eldest daughter and buried 
her. She could comfort herself better over them that were 
dead than over the one she knew was among the Indians. 
She was a praying and God-fearing woman, and prayed 
God that He would restore the child to her again ; but the 
years passed on and sometimes she heard that children 
were taken from the Indians, then she went to see whether 
she could find her lost daughter. One time she went as 
far as Pittsburg, but all in vain. So nine long and dreary 
years passed away, and she prayed to God for her lost 
daughter. One day a man brought her a message that a 
great many children were taken from the Indians and they 
were in the care of Colonel Boquet at Carlisle. As soon 
as she heard it she expected to find her long lost daughter 
there, so she started for Carlisle; when she came there the 
children were all presented to her but she could not rec- 
ognize one that might be her daughter; so she spoke to 
some of them but got no answer, for they could only speak 
the Indian language. With a heavy heart she thought 
she had to go home again without her daughter. The 
Colonel asked her whether she could sing a German hymn 
they used to sing in their family at home. Then she com- 
menced and sang the hymn : "Allein und doch nicht ganz 
allein bin ich," meaning in English, "Alone and yet not 
all alone am I." Then a grown up girl sprang to her, fell 
around her neck and kissed her, and recognized her as her 



Regina, the German Captive. 103 

dear mother. No pen can describe the joy when they rec- 
ognized each other again. What a blessing it is when 
parents sing and pray in their families with their children. 
Near Landingville, at the farm now owned by Daniel 
Heim, the Indians also took a sister of Martin Woerner 
along ' as a victim,' etc. 

" Speaking of the ' skeedaddle ' of the settlers, Daniel 
Deibert says: ' My grandfather and his brother, Michael, 
had to flee over the Blue Mountains to their father's home. 
They buried their implements on the other side of the 
Schuylkill River in the woods, that the Indians could not 
get them ; but when they came back they did not find them 
any more, and they did not find them till the Schuylkill 
Canal was made, then they dug them out.' 

"Among the other accounts of Indian maraudings in 
those fearful years, 1755-65, Daniel Deibert also men- 
tions the murder of the family of John Finscher, a year 
later than the massacre of Hartmann and his son, George. 
This might not be germane here but for the establishment 
of the fact that it was to John Finscher's mill, at where 
is now Schuylkill Haven, that Mrs. Hartmann had gone 
with her little son, Christian, on that eventful day when 
Hammaoslu (the tiger's claw) led his savage band down 
upon the peace of her heart and home, and Pottowasnos 
(the boat pusher) carried the shrieking children into the 
forest journey of their awful captivity. (Vid. Penna. 
Archives, Vol. Ill, pp. 30 and 36, for account of Captain 
John Morgan and James Reed, Esq., in re the murder of 
Finscher Family.) 

" Captain D. C. Henning, in his ' Tales of the Blue 
Mountains' (1897), well said that 'the antiquarian of 
the future in following the trail of civilization and of em- 
pire on its westward way will linger long among these 



104 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

mountains of Schuylkill County and find a field for thought 
and wonderment,' and, we venture to add, not the least 
of the tales of the first thousand battle grounds that mark 
the wake of the irresistible campaign of the westward 
march will be that of the valley next beyond the Blue 
Mountains in Pennsylvania and its cross-valley — the 
Schuylkill — where the savage red-man, stirred to the quick 
by the memory of their chiefs being made drunken and 
cheated and taken advantage of in purchases of land, and 
aroused to a hope of redress when the proud Braddock 
had fallen in July, 1755, made a stand yet scarce recog- 
nized in history; and around the vicinity of that old ' Red 
Church ' (Zion's), the future historian will find the deeds 
enacted, like the massacre of Hartmann, and the nobility 
of fortitude born like that in the breast of Magdalena 
Hartmann, that roused lethargic pulses to quicken with 
the fire that relentlessly pursued and inch by inch drove the 
savage ' wild heathen of the forest ' beyond the confines 
of the State. And, it may have been prayers like those 
nine-year-long cries of a widowed mother, that caused 
heaven to prosper the world-famed battle cry of ' West- 
ward, Ho ! ' which rose lambent over the ashes of pioneers 
such as these in the valley ' ueber den Blauen Bergen an der 
Skoolkyll in Berks.' 

" It is not meet that I lengthen this paper; for my pur- 
pose is only to bid other historical searchers to examine the 
evidences; first, from the mouth of Magdalena Hartmann, 
by the pen of Muhlenberg, that the tragedy really oc- 
curred; second, not to cast aside the evidences of the mas- 
sacre which really occurred in this county about Orwigs- 
burg in 1 755—1 765, as authenticated by the records of the 
first church in the valley next beyond the mountains as 
well as the historical archives of the State; and, third, to 



Regina, the German Captive. 105 

inform themselves whether there may not be corroborative 
evidence like that of the Deiberts, who were the next door 
neighbors of Johannes Hartmann and his family, before 
they accept as conclusive of error the statement of a writer 
who while he asserts that he had no conclusive proof or 
circumstantial evidence, yet his grandmother (who, by the 
way, knew Magdalena Hartmann personally in her later 
years) had told him the story of Regina and the home in 
Orwigsburg. 

" Let the searcher for historic truth come and sit with 
us on the edge of the well that springs where stands the 
great old pine tree with its corona of a few branches high 
in the air, about a block or square northward from where 
the spire of St. Paul's Lutheran Church also points upward 
to the throne of Him who heard and answered Magdalena 
Hartmann's prayers for the safe return of Regina; and, 
as we sit, we will dip and drink deep a cooling draught 
from the crystal sparkling spring, while in vision entranced 
we look and see once again the ending search of nine long 
years, and behold the released captive Sawquehanna (White 
Lilly, Regina's Indian name) half dispirited by surround- 
ing strangeness come over the hills from Carlisle with her 
mother at one hand and her Koloska (the Short-legged 
Bear, Indian name of Susan Smith, her companion in cap- 
tivity) at the other, until rising over the crest of the last 
hill that overlooks this sacred spot, the conscious revela- 
tion bursts upon the memory-curtained mind, as with hand 
uplifted and face lit up, she cries: ' Washock! Washock!' 
the green tree ! the green tree ! where she and her sister 
and mother had spent many happy hours in early child- 
hood. Then the weary heart of the captive remembered 
and realized that it was at home with mother. And when 
the witchery of that historic spot with its halo of the story 



io6 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



of Regina shall hold us bound a moment longer ere it van- 
ishes, we shall be convinced that ' the wine of sacrifice was 
not poured in vain when it was poured to preserve that 
heritage that cost our forefathers and our motherhood the 
fearful price they paid for it.' 

" Cordially yours, 

" H. A. Weller." 





CHAPTER IX. 

The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 

♦fT* AVING told in full the 

wMmJ story of Regina, the 
German captive, as it has been 
given the public for many 
years, with all the pros and 
cons bearing upon its loca- 
tion, it might be supposed 
that no more could be said 
on the subject, and yet what 
follows is the most interest- 
ing part of the tale, as, for 
the first time, it gives us the real name of Regina, the 
real location of the family, and the true facts of the case, 
from the lips of one of the actors in the tragedy. 

The writer had from childhood heard that the family 
name of Regina was Hartman. In time this name became 
so familiarly impressed upon his memory that he no longer 
questioned its correctness. It is only another evidence of 
the fact, which has before this presented itself to him, that 
the historian has no right to take anything for granted. 
It is his business to ascertain the truth. While carefully 
searching the Pennsylvania Archives, quite recently, he 
was more than astonished, upon reading the narrative 
about to be given, to notice that it referred to Regina and 

(107) 




108 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

her sister, that the name was not Hartman at all, but, 
instead, Leininger, and that the family was located near 
the site of the present town of Selinsgrove, at the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna. It so completely upset all 
preconceived beliefs on the subject that an investigation 
followed at once. When this was carefully made, all was 
clear enough. Reference to Muhlenberg's letter will show 
that he does not give the family name of the widow and 
her daughter; in addition to that we know the massacre 
took place on October 16, 1755, the very day of the mas- 
sacre at Penn's Creek, the first which occurred anywhere, 
and some time before those of Swatara, Tulpehocken or 
Orwigsbnrg. 

THE 
NARRATIVE 

OF 

MARIE LE ROY 

AND 

BARBARA LEININGER 

WHO SPENT THREE AND ONE-HALF YEARS AS PRISONERS AMONG THE INDIANS, 
AND ARRIVED SAFELY IN THIS CITY ON THE SIXTH OF MAY. 

WRITTEN AND PRINTED AS DICTATED BY THEM 

PHILADELPHIA 

PRINTED AND FOR SALE IN THE GERMAN PRINTING OFFICE 

SIX PENCE PER COPY 

MDCCLIX 

It is needless to say that, in the light of this evidence, 
even the apparently accurate data of Rev. H. A. Weller 
cannot stand. Both Orwigsburg and Lebanon County 
will be forced to resign their claims, and we must all learn 
the story anew. 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 109 

We will only add that our narrative shows the interest- 
ing fact that Barbara was not tomahawked on her way to 
captivity, as has been stated and supposed, but that, once 
more, Muhlenberg is correct in saying that she " was com- 
pelled to go more than one hundred miles further," when 
the sisters were parted, and Regina lost all trace of her. 

Historical Note. 
At the Albany Treaty, July 6, 1754, the Six Nations 
conveyed to Thomas and Richard Penn a purchase, the 
northern limit of which was to start one mile above the 
mouth of Penn's Creek, where Selinsgrove now stands 
and run " north-west and by west as far as the Province 
of Pennsylvania extends." This line, protracted on the 
map, bisects Limestone Township, Union County, and, if 
run on the ground, would probably pass through the very 
tract of land taken up by Jean Jaques le Roy (father of 
Marie) , now owned by the heirs of Hon. Isaac Slenker, in 
that township. The Indians alleged afterwards (Weiser's 
" Journal of the Conference at Aughwick," September, 
1754) that they did not understand the points of the com- 
pass, and if the line was run so as to include the West 
Branch of the Susquehanna they would never agree to it. 
Settlers nevertheless pushed their way up Penn's Creek, 
and the Proprietaries, with their understanding of the line, 
issued warrants for surveys along Penn's Creek, in Buffalo 
Valley, and at least twenty-five families had settled on 
there as early as 1754. The Indians, emboldened by Brad- 
dock's defeat, July 9, 1755, determined to clear out these 
settlers, and did it so effectually, by the massacre related, 
that no settlers ventured upon the bloody ground until 
after the purchase of 1768. In 1770 when Jesse Lukens 
resurveyed the line of the le Roy tract he notes in his field- 



no 



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book that he passed le Roy's bake oven near the spring, 
on what is now the Slenker farm. The original narra- 
tive, now to follow, was given in German ; the translation 
is by Bishop Edmund de Schweinitz, of Bethlehem, the 
spelling of the Indian and other proper names, being re- 
tained according to the original. 





CHAPTER X. 

Narrative of Marie le Roy and Barbara 
Leininger. 

Jm^ARIE LE ROY was born 
X.II*/ at Brondrut, in Switzer- 
land. About five 1 years ago she 
arrived, with her parents, in this 
country. They settled fifteen miles 
from Fort Schamockin. 2 Half a 
mile from their plantation lived 
Barbara Leininger and her par- 
ents who came to Pennsylvania 
from Reutlingen, about ten years ago. 

Early in the morning of the 16th of October, 1755, 
while le Roy's hired man went out to fetch the cows, he 
heard the Indians shooting six times. Soon after, eight 
of them came to the house, and killed Marie le Roy's 
father with tomahawks. Her brother defended himself 
desperately, for a time, but was, at last, overpowered. The 
Indians did not kill him, but took him prisoner, together 

1 November 22, 1752, Rupp's Collection, page 297. 

2 i. e., Fort Augusta, now Sunbury. 

(Ill) 




ii2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

with Marie le Roy and a little girl, who was staying 
with the family. Thereupon they plundered the home- 
stead and set it on fire. Into this fire they laid the body 
of the murdered father, feet foremost, until it was half 
consumed. The upper half was left lying on the ground, 
with the two tomahawks, with which they had killed him, 
sticking in his head. They then kindled another fire, not 
far from the house. While sitting around it, a neighbor 
of le Roy named Bastian happened to pass by on horse- 
back. He was immediately shot down and scalped. 

Two of the Indians now went to the house of Barbara 
Leininger, where they found her father, her brother, and 
her sister Regina. Her mother had gone to the mill. 
They demanded rum; but there was none in the house. 
Then they called for tobacco, which was given them. 
Having filled and smoked a pipe, they said: "We are 
Allegheny Indians, and your enemies. You must all die !" 
Thereupon they shot her father, tomahawked her brother, 
who was twenty years of age, took Barbara and her sister 
Regina prisoners, and conveyed them into the forest for 
about a mile. There they were soon joined by the other 
Indians, with Marie le Roy and the little girl. 

Not long after several of the Indians led the prisoners 
to the top of a high hill, near the two plantations. 
Toward evening the rest of the savages returned with six 
fresh and bloody scalps, which they threw at the feet of 
the poor captives, saying that they had a good hunt that 
day. 

The next morning we were taken about two miles 
further into the forest, while the most of the Indians again 
went out to kill and plunder. Toward evening they re- 
turned with nine scalps and five prisoners. 

On the third day the whole band came together and 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 



"3 



divided the spoils. In addition to large quantities of pro- 
visions, they had taken fourteen horses and ten prisoners, 
namely, one man, one woman, five girls and three boys. 
We two girls, as also two of the horses, fell to the share 
of an Indian named Galasko. 

We traveled with our new master for two days. He 
was tolerably kind, and allowed us to ride all the way, 
while he and the rest of the Indians walked. Of this cir- 
cumstance Barbara Leininger took advantage and tried to 




escape. But she was almost immediately recaptured, and 
condemned to be burned alive. The savages gave her a 
French Bible, which they had taken from le Roy's house, 
in order that she might prepare for death; and, when she 
told them that she could not understand it, they gave her 



ii4 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

a German Bible. Thereupon they made a large pile of 
wood and set it on fire, intending to put her into the midst 
of it. But a young Indian begged so earnestly for her life 
that she was pardoned, after having promised not to 
attempt to escape again, and to stop her crying. 

The next day the whole troop was divided into two 
bands, the one marching in the direction of the Ohio, the 
other, in which we were with Galasko, to Jenkiklamuhs, 3 
a Delaware town on the west branch of the Susquehanna. 
There we staid ten days, and then proceeded to Punckso- 
tonay, 4 or Eschentowb. Marie le Roy's brother was 
forced to remain at Jenkiklamuhs. 

After having rested for five days at Puncksotonay, we 
took our way to Kittanny. As this was to be the place of 
our permanent abode, we here received our welcome, ac- 
cording to Indian custom. It consisted of three blows 
each, on the back. They were, however, administered 
with great mercy. Indeed, we concluded that we were 
beaten merely in order to keep up an ancient usage, and 
not with the intention of injuring us. The month of De- 
cember was the time of our arrival, and we remained at 
Kittanny until the month of September, 1756. 

The Indians gave us enough to do. We had to tan 
leather, to make shoes (moccasins), to clear land, to plant 
corn, to cut down trees and build huts, to wash and cook. 
The want of provisions, however, caused us the greatest 
sufferings. During all the time that we were at Kittanny 
we had neither lard nor salt; and sometimes we were 
forced to live on acorns, roots, grass and bark. There 
was nothing in the world to make this new sort of food 
palatable excepting hunger itself. 

* Chinklacamoose, on the site of the present town of Clearfield. 

* Punxsutawny, in Jefferson County. 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 115 

In the month of September Col. Armstrong arrived 
with his men and attacked Kittanny Town. Both of us 
happened to be in that part of it which lies on the other 
(right) side of the river (Alleghany). We were imme- 
diately conveyed ten miles farther into the interior, in 
order that we might have no chance of trying, on this 
occasion, to escape. The savages threatened to kill us. 
If the English had advanced, this might have happened. 
For, at that time, the Indians were greatly in dread of Col. 
Armstrong's corps. After the English had withdrawn, 
we were again brought back to Kittanny, which town had 
been burned to the ground. 

There we had the mournful opportunity of witnessing 
the cruel end of an English woman, who had attempted to 
flee out of her captivity and to return to the settlements 
with Col. Armstrong. Having been recaptured by the 
savages, and brought back to Kittanny, she was put to 
death in an unheard-of way. First, they scalped her; next, 
they laid burning splinters of wood, here and there, upon 
her body ; and then they cut off her ears and fingers, forcing 
them into her mouth so that she had to swallow them. 
Amidst such torments, this woman lived from nine o'clock 
in the morning until toward sunset when a French officer 
took compassion on her, and put her out of her misery. 

An English soldier, on the contrary, named John , 

who escaped from prison at Lancaster, and joined the 
French, had a piece of flesh cut from her body, and ate it. 
When she was dead, the Indians chopped her in two, 
through the middle, and let her be until the dogs came 
and devoured her. 

Three days later an Englishman was brought in who 
had likewise attempted to escape with Col. Armstrong, 
and burned alive in the same village. His torments, how- 



n6 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ever, continued about three hours, but his screams were 
frightful to listen to. It rained that day very hard, so 
that the Indians could not keep up the fire. Hence they 
began to discharge gunpowder at his body. At last, amidst 
his worst pains, when the poor man called for a drink of 
water, they brought him melted lead, and poured it down 
his throat. This draught at once helped him out of the 
hands of the barbarians, for he died on the instant. 

It is easy to imagine what an impression such fearful 
instances of cruelty make upon the mind of a poor captive. 
Does he attempt to escape from the savages, he knows in 
advance that, if retaken, he will be roasted alive. Hence 
he must compare two evils, namely, either to remain among 
them a prisoner forever, or to die a cruel death. Is he 
fully resolved to endure the latter, then he may run away 
with a brave heart. 

Soon after these occurrences we were brought to Fort 
Duquesne, where we remained for about two months. We 
worked for the French, and our Indian master drew our 
wages. In this place., thank God, we could again eat 
bread. Half a pound was given us daily. We might 
have had bacon, too, but we took none of it, for it was not 
good. In some respects we were better off than in the 
Indian towns; we could not, however, abide the French. 
They tried hard to induce us to forsake the Indians and 
stay with them, making us various favorable offers. But 
we believed that it would be better for us to remain among 
the Indians, inasmuch as they would be more likely to 
make peace with the English than the French, and inas- 
much as there would be more ways open for flight in the 
forest than in a fort. Consequently we declined the offers 
of the French and accompanied our Indian master to 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 117 

Sackum, 5 where we spent the winter, keeping house for 
the savages, who were continually on the chase. In the 
spring we were taken to Kaschkaschkung, 6 an Indian town 
on the Beaver Creek. There we again had to clear the 
plantations of the Indian nobles, after the German fashion, 
to plant corn, and to do other hard work of every kind. 
We remained at this place for about a year and a half. 

After having, in the past three years, seen no one of our 
own flesh and blood, except those unhappy beings who, 
like ourselves, were bearing the yoke of the heaviest 
slavery, we had the unexpected pleasure of meeting with 
a German, who was not a captive, but free, and who, as 
we heard, had been sent into this neighborhood to nego- 
tiate a peace between the English and the natives. His 
name was Frederick Post. We and all the other prisoners 
heartily wished him success and God's blessing upon his 
undertaking. We were, however, not allowed to speak 
with him. The Indians gave us plainly to understand 
that any attempt to do this would be taken amiss. He 
himself, by the reserve with which he treated us, let us see 
that this was not the time to talk over our afflictions. But 
we were greatly alarmed on his account. For the French 
told us that, if they caught him, they would roast him alive 
for five days, and many Indians declared that it was impos- 
sible for him to get safely through, that he was destined 
for death. 

Last summer the French and Indians were defeated by 

6 Sakunk, outlet of the Big Beaver into the Ohio, a point well known to 
all the Indians; their rendezvous in the French wars, etc. Post in his 
Journal, under date of August 20, 1758, records his experience at Sakunk, 
(Reichel). See Post's Journal, Pennsylvania Archives, O. S. Vol. 3, page 
527. 

"Kaskaskunk, near the junction of the Shenango and Mahoning, in 
Lawrence County. 



n8 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the English in a battle fought at Loyal-Hannon, or Fort 
Ligonier. This caused the utmost consternation among 
the natives. They brought their wives and children from 
Lockstown, 7 Sackum, Schomingo, Mamalty, Kaschkasch- 
kung, and other places in that neighborhood, to Mosch- 
kingo, about one hundred and fifty miles farther west. 
Before leaving, however, they destroyed their crops, and 
burned everything which they could not carry with them. 
We had to go along, and staid at Moschkingo 8 the whole 
winter. 

In February Barbara Leininger agreed with an English- 
man named David Breckenreach (Breckenridge) , to es- 
cape, and gave her comrade, Marie le Roy, notice of their 
intentions. On account of the severe season of the year, 
and the long journey which lay before them, Marie 
strongly advised her to relinquish the project, suggesting 
that it should be postponed until spring, when the weather 
would be milder, and promising to accompany her at that 
time. 

On the last day of February nearly all the Indians left 
Moschkingo, and proceeded to Pittsburgh to sell pelts. 
Meanwhile their women traveled ten miles up the country 
to gather roots and we accompanied them. Two men 
went along as a guard. It was our earnest hope that the 
opportunity for flight, so long desired, had now come. 
Accordingly, Barbara Leininger pretended to be sick, so 
that she might be allowed to put up a hut for herself alone. 
On the fourteenth of March Marie le Roy was sent back 
to the town in order to fetch two young dogs which had 
been left there; and, on the same day, Barbara Leininger 



7 Loggstown, on the Ohio, eight miles above Beaver. — Weiser's 
Journal. 

8 Muskingum. 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 119 

came out of her hut and visited a German woman, ten miles 

from Moschkingo. This woman's name is Mary , 

and she is the wife of a miller from the South Branch. 9 
She had made every preparation to accompany us on our 
flight; but Barabra found that she had in the meanwhile 
become lame, and could not think of going along. She, 
however, gave Barbara the provisions which she had 
stored, namely, two pounds of dried meat, a quart of corn, 
and four pounds of sugar. Besides, she presented her 
with pelts for moccasins. Moreover, she advised a young 
Englishman, Owen Gibson, to flee with us two girls. 

On the sixteenth of March, in the evening, Gibson 
reached Barbara Leininger's hut, and, at ten o'clock, our 
whole party, consisting of us two girls, Gibson and David 
Breckenreach, left Moschkingo. This town lies on a river in 
the country of the Dellamottinoes. We had to pass many 
huts inhabited by the savages, and knew that there were 
at least sixteen dogs with them. In the merciful provi- 
dence of God not a single one of these dogs barked. 
Their barking would at once have betrayed us and frus- 
trated our designs. 

It is hard to describe the anxious fears of a poor woman 
under such circumstances. The extreme probability that 
the Indians would pursue and recapture us, was as two 
to one compared with the dim hope that, perhaps, we 
would get through in safety. But, even if we escaped the 
Indians, how would we ever succeed in passing through 
the wilderness, unacquainted with a single path or trad, 
without a guide, and helpless, half naked, broken down 
by more than three years of hard slavery, hungry and 
scarcely any food, the season wet and cold, and many rivers 
and streams to cross? Under such circumstances to de- 



'*. e., 



South Branch of the Potomac. 



120 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

pend upon one's own sagacity would be the worst of follies. 
If one could not believe that there is a God, who helps 
and saves from death, one 'had better let running away 
alone. 

We safely reached the river (Muskingum). Here the 
first thought in all our minds was, O ! that we were safely 
across! And Barbara Leininger, in particular recalling 
ejaculatory prayers from an old hymn, which she had 
learned in her youth, put them together, to suit our present 
circumstances, something in the following style : 

bring us safely across the river! 

1 fear I cry, yea my soul doth quiver. 
The worst afflictions are now before me, 
Where'er I turn nought but death do I see. 
Alas, what great hardships are yet in store 
In the wilderness wide, beyond that shore ! 
It has neither water, nor meat, nor bread, 

But each new morning something new to dread. 

Yet little sorrow would hunger me cost 

If I could flee from the savage host, 

Which murders and fights and burns far and wide, 

While Satan himself is array'd on its side, 

Should on us fall one of its cruel bands 

Then help us Great God, and stretch out Thy hands. 

In Thee will we trust, be Thou ever near, 

Art Thou our Joshua, we need not fear. 

Presently we found a raft left by the Indians. Thank- 
ing God that He had himself prepared a way for us across 
these first waters, we got on board and pushed off. But 
we were carried almost a mile down the river before we 
could reach the other side. There our journey began in 
good earnest. Full of anxiety and fear, we fairly ran that 
whole night and all next day, when we lay down to rest 
without venturing to kindle a fire. Early the next morn- 
ing Owen Gibson fired at a bear. The animal fell, but, 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 121 

when he ran with his tomahawk to kill it, it jumped up 
and bit him in the feet, leaving three wounds. We all 
hastened to his assistance. The bear escaped into narrow 
holes among the rocks, where we could not follow. On 
the third day, however, Owen Gibson shot a deer. We 
cut off the hind quarters and roasted them at night. The 
next morning he again shot a deer, which furnished us 
with food for that day. In the evening we got to the 
Ohio at last, having made a circuit of over one hundred 
miles in order to reach it. 

About midnight the two Englishmen rose and began to 
work at a raft, which was finished by morning. We got 
on board and safely crossed the river. From the signs 
which the Indians had there put up we saw that we were 
about one hundred and fifty miles from Fort Duquesne. 
After a brief consultation we resolved, heedless of path 
or trail, to travel straight toward the rising of the sun. 
This we did for seven days. On the seventh we found 
that we had reached the Little Beaver Creek, and were 
about fifty miles from Pittsburgh. 

And now, that we imagined ourselves so near the end 
of all our troubles and misery, a whole host of mishaps 
came upon us. Our provisions were at an end; Barbara 
Leininger fell into the water and was nearly drowned; 
and, worst misfortune of all, Owen Gibson lost his flint 
and steel. Hence we had to spend four nights without 
fire, amidst rain and snow. 

On the last day of March we came to a river, Alloquepy, 10 
about three miles below Pittsburgh. Here we made a 
raft, which, however, proved to be too light to carry us 
across. It threatened to sink, and Marie le Roy fell off 
and narrowly escaped drowning. We had to put back, 

10 Chartiers' creek. 



122 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

and let one of our men convey one of us across at a time. 
In this way we reached the Monongahella River, on the 
other side of Pittsburgh, the same evening. 

Upon our calling for help, Col. Mercer immediately 
sent out a boat to bring us to the Fort. At first, how- 
ever, the crew created many difficulties about taking us 
on board. They thought we were Indians, and wanted 
us to spend the night where we were, saying they would 
fetch us in the morning. When we had succeeded in con- 
vincing them that we were English prisoners, who had 
escaped from the Indians, and that we were wet and cold 
and hungry, they brought us over. There was an Indian 
with the soldiers in the boat. He asked us whether we 
could speak good Indian. Marie le Roy said she could 
speak it. Thereupon he inquired, Why she had run away? 
She replied that her Indian mother had been so cross and 
had scolded her so constantly, that she could not stay with 
her any longer. This answer did not please him; never- 
theless, doing as courtiers do, he said: He was very glad 
we had safely reached the Fort. 

It was in the night from the last of March to the first 
of April that we came to Pittsburgh. Most heartily did 
we thank God in heaven for all the mercy which he showed 
us, for His gracious support in our weary captivity, for 
the courage which he gave us to undertake our flight, and 
to surmount all the many hardships it brought us, for 
letting us find the road which we did not know, and of 
which He alone could know that on it we would meet 
neither danger nor enemy, and for finally bringing us to 
Pittsburgh to our countrymen in safety. 

Colonel Mercer helped and aided us in every way which 
lay in his power. Whatever was on hand and calculated 
to refresh us was offered in the most friendly manner. 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 123 

The Colonel ordered for each of us a new chemise, a pet- 
ticoat, a pair of stockings, garters, and a knife. After 
having spent a day at Pittsburgh, we went, with a detach- 
ment under command of Lieutenant Mile, 11 to Fort Ligo- 
nier. There the lieutenant presented each of us with a 
blanket. On the fifteenth we left Fort Ligonier, under 
protection of Captain Weiser 12 and Lieutenant Atly, 13 
for Fort Bedford, where we arrived in the evening of the 
sixteenth, and remained a week. Thence provided with 
passports by Lieutenant Geiger, we traveled in wagons 
to Harris' Ferry and from there, afoot, by way of Lan- 
caster, to Philadelphia. Owen Gibson remained at Fort 
Bedford, and David Breckenreach at Lancaster. We 
two girls arrived in Philadelphia on Sunday, the sixth 
of May. 

And now we come to the chief reason why we have 
given the foregoing narrative to the public. It is not 
done in order to render our own sufferings and humble 
history famous, but rather in order to serve the inhabitants 
of this country, by making them acquainted with the names 
and circumstances of those prisoners whom we met, at 
the various places where we were, in the course of our 
captivity. Their parents, brothers, sisters, and other rela- 
tions will, no doubt, be glad to hear that their nearest kith 
and kin are still in the land of the living and that they may 
hence entertain some hope of seeing them again in their 
own homes, if God permit. 

Marie Basket is at Kaschkaschkung. She was taken 
prisoner on the Susquehanna, where her husband was 
killed. She has two sons. The younger is with his 
mother; the elder is in a distant Indian town. 

"Lieutenant Samuel Miles. 

12 Captain Samuel Weiser, tenth child of Colonel Conrad Weiser. 

"Lieutenant Samuel J. Atlee. 



124 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Mary Basket's sister, — her name is Nancy Basket, — 
is at Sackum. 

Mary, Caroline and Catharine Haeth, 14 three 
sisters, from the Blue Mountains. 

Anne Gray, who was captured at Fort Gransville, 15 is 
at Kaschkaschkung. We saw her daughter, but she has 
been taken farther west by the Indians. 

John Weissman, a young unmarried Englishman 
about eighteen years of age, is now at Moschkingo. He 
is said to have been captured on the South Branch. 

Sarah Boy, David Boy, Rhode Boy, Thomas Boy, 
and James Boy, five children. The youngest is about 
five or six years old; Sarah, the oldest, is about fifteen or 
sixteen years of age. Three years ago they were captured 
in Virginia. 

Nancy and Johanna Dacherty, two sisters, aged 
about ten and six years, captured at Conococheague, and 
now in Kaschkaschkung. 

Eve Isaacs, William Isaacs, and Catherine 
Isaacs. Eve is a widow and has a child of about four 
years with her. Her husband was killed by the Indians. 
William is about fourteen or fifteen years of age, and 
Catharine about twelve. They are Germans. Eve and 
her child, together with Catharine, are in Kaschkaschkung; 
William in Moschkingo. They were captured on the 
South Branch. 

Henry Seiffart, Elizabeth Seiffart, George 
Seiffart, Catharine Sieffart and Maria Seiffart, 
brothers and sisters, Germans, captured about thirteen 
months ago, at Southport, in Virginia, are now at Kasch- 
kaschkung and Moschkingo. 

"From Northampton county (Reichel). 

"Fort Granville, one mile west of Levvistown, on the Juniata. 



The Narrative of Barbara Leininger. 125 

Betty Rogers, an unmarried woman, with five or six 
brothers and sisters, of whom the youngest is about four 
years old, captured, three and a half years ago, on the 
South Branch. 

Betty Frick, a girl about twenty-two years old, cap- 
tured three years ago in Virginia, now in Kaschkaschkung. 

Fanny Flardy, from Virginia, married to a French- 
man. Her daughter, seven or eight years old, is at Kasch- 
kaschkung. 

Anna Brielinger, 16 wife of a German smith from 
Schomoko, now at Kaschkaschkung. 

Peter Lixe's two sons, 17 John and William, German 
children from Schomoko, now in Kitahohing. 

An old Englishman, or Irishman, whose surname we 
did not know, but whose Christian name is Dan, a cooper, 
captured on the Susquehanna, now in Kaschkaschkung. 
His wife and children are said to be in this country. 

Elizabeth, a young English woman, captured about 
a mile and a half from Justice Gulebret's 18 place, on the 
Schwatara. Her child which she took along is dead. 
Her husband and other children are said to be living some- 
where in this country. She is at Kaschkaschkung. 

Marie Peck, a German woman, captured two and a 
half years ago, in Maryland. Her husband and children 
are said to be living somewhere in this country. 

Margaret Brown, a German single woman, captured 
on the South Branch, in Virginia, now in the country of 
the Oschaschi, a powerful nation, living, it is said, in a 
land where there is no timber. 



ia Wife of Jacob Brielinger, whose improvement was on Penn's creek, 
two miles below New Berlin, in Union county. 

17 Peter Lick from Penn's creek, near New Berlin. 

18 Galbraith. 



126 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



Mary Ann Villars, from French Switzerland, a girl 
of fifteen years, was captured with Marie le Roy, has a 
sister and brother living near Lancaster. 

Sally Wood, a single woman, aged eighteen or nine- 
teen years, captured in Virginia, three and a half years ago, 
now in Sackum. 

Two young men, brothers, named Ixon, the one about 
twenty, the other about fifteen years old, at Kaschkasch- 
kung. Their mother was sold to the French. 

Mary Lory and James Lory, brother and sister, the 
first about fourteen, the second about twelve or thirteen 
years old, captured three years ago, at Fort Granville. 

Mary Taylor, an English woman, captured at Fort 
Granville, together with a girl named Margaret. 

Margaret, the girl captured with the foregoing. 

We became acquainted with many other captives, men, 
women and children, in various Indian towns, but do not 
know, or cannot remember their names. We are, how- 
ever, heartily willing to give to all such as have, or believe 
to have, connections among the Indians, any further infor- 
mation which may lie within our power. We intend to 
go from here to Lancaster, where we may easily be found. 




CHAPTER XI. 

The Moravian Massacres. 

*^*HE Moravians were deserv- 
^^ ing of especial commisera- 
tion. Not only did they suffer 
greatly from the attacks of hostile 
Indians, but their lives, and those 
of their converts, were in danger 
from hostile white men. 
It has been said already that their 
mission work was almost entirely among the aborigines, and 
became so successful that they were enabled to gather into 
small villages many converts. Just prior to the outbreak of 
the war unfriendly Indians made more or less frequent 
visits to their christianized brethren, and made every effort 
to gain them over to their cause. Being human, doubtless 
some were so gained and departed for the hostile ren- 
dezvous; others possibly left from fear. Some of these 
were, in time, recognized among the marauders, and im- 

(127) 




128 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

mediately the cry went forth that the Moravians were 
but training the Indians for French service and, by infer- 
ence, in league with the enemy. Then again, speaking a 
tongue foreign to that of their Irish and English neigh- 
bors, who were out of sympathy with them and their work, 
when massacre and death followed each other in rapid 
succession, and all were possessed with unreasoning fear 
or hatred, it is not to be wondered that, to their eyes, all 
Indians looked alike and they but sought how to exter- 
minate them; nor need it cause surprise to learn that those 
who harbored any of the race were looked upon with more 
than suspicion. 

Though written somewhat later than the period when 
occurred the outbreak, it is well to read, at this time, the 
letter of July 31, 1758, from Bishop Jos. Spangenberg to 
Richard Peters, Secretary of the Province, which certainly 
carries with it conviction : 

"Mr. Richard Peters: 

"Sir, — I humbly thank You for giving me an Account 
of Mr. Smith's Information, viz't, That he, being a Pris- 
oner in the French Countries, saw there the Moravian 
Indians go and come most every week, &c. 

" Give me leave to observe, first, that a Moravian In- 
dian is a Sideroxylon. Moravia is no Religion, but a 
certain country. But I suppose he means either some In- 
dians who once have lived at Gnadenhiitten, or he means 
Indians who were coming from Bethlehem. 

"If he calls them who once lived at Gnadenhiitten, 
Moravian Indians, he may have seen such amongst the 
French. For several Indians, who once lived at Gnaden- 
hiitten, went up to live at the Susquehannah, before we 
had any wars, and have been involved in them, some with, 
some against their will. 



The Moravian Massacres. 129 

" If he means Indians who came from Bethlehem, I 
suppose he was not mistaken either. For when Governor 
Morris issued a Proclamation, setting forth a Cessation of 
Arms on this side Susquehannah, numbers of Indians came 
to Bethlehem, stayed there some Time, went off again, 
and returned at Pleasure. The Brethren acquainted the 
Governor with it, not only by Letters, but also by Two 
Deputies, earnestly requesting and intreating that the said 
Indians might be ordered to be somewhere else. For 
Bethlehem was become a Frontier Place, and in continual 
Danger of being set on Fire and cut off cruelly by their 
very Guests. But the Government had weighty Reasons 
for leaving the Indians at Bethlehem, and when once they 
were removed to Easton for bringing them back again to 
Bethlehem. 

" But if Mr. Smith means by Moravian Indians those 
Indians Families who, when the war broke out, and our 
People were cruelly murdered on the Mahoney, fled to 
Bethlehem, and gave themselves under English Protection, 
which also was granted them, and who afterwards had 
their Houses at Gnadenhiitten burnt, their Provisions de- 
stroyed and their Horses carried away, he is certainly 
mistaken. For these very same Indians were, as well as all 
other men in Bethlehem, constantly employed in the Time 
of War, in Keeping Watch, &c, and kept about Bethlehem 
for fear of being hurted by others, or of frightening them. 
And when Peace was a making they were our Watchmen 
in the Harvest Time, or they set themselves to work, 
which is so notorious that, on Occasion, one could bring 
One Hundred Evidences to prove it. After Peace was 
made, they have ventured out a hunting again, but did 
not go further than just behind the Blue Mountains, except 
one or another of them were sent as Messengers from the 
13 



130 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Government. But with Respect to any Imputation that 
may ly on our characters, as if we were on any Account 
carrying on a political, or any other Correspondence with 
the French, I do declare that there is no such Thing; and 
if either Mr. Smith, or anybody else, is of Opinion that 
any one of us had a Hand in a Correspondence with the 
French, or that any one of us even had known of the 
Indians going to them, or coming from them, further than 
what we immediately have communicated to the Govern- 
ment of this Province, He is certainly mistaken. 

" I am, Sir, 
"Your most humble Ser't 

"Jos. Spangenberg." 

The missionary operations of the Moravians had ex- 
tended far beyond the immediate vicinity of Bethlehem. 
Not only had they established the mission of Gnaden- 
hiitten on the Lehigh River, but successful work was under 
way among the small remnant of Conestoga Indians, 
located peacefully on the land allotted them by the Govern- 
ment, a few miles distant from Lancaster, of whose sad 
fate we will hear more later on, also among the Indians 
about Shamokin, and, indeed, among all those in the 
Wyoming district. 

The outbreak of the war bore most heavily upon these 
converts in especial. The whites looked upon them with 
evil eyes, and the hostile Indians made every effort to entice 
them from their proper allegiance. In addition to peril 
of this sort came the need of the mere necessities of life. 
True to their Christian faith and duty, and regardless of 
danger to themselves, the Moravian missionaries pushed 
out into the wilderness to their aid, even when they saw 
the sky black with threatening clouds and knew that the 
storm might break at any moment. 



The Moravian Massacres. 131 

I now take the liberty of quoting the words of Bishop 
J. Mortimer Levering, taken from his " History of Beth- 
lehem," in giving an account of the occurrences which led 
to the sad massacre of the Moravians at Gnadenhutten, 
because they are the result of years of research among the 
valuable cotemporaneous documents on file in the Mora- 
vian Archives at Bethlehem. He says : 

" Zeisberger and Seidel pushed on, far up the Susque- 
hanna, to procure some food for this famishing little flock 
of ' straying sheep ' and the faithful shepherd who was 
watching them at the hourly risk of his life. They made 
this effort not only as an act of humanity, but to impress 
the Indians with the conviction that their needs would be 
cared for if they remained together with Post and listened 
to his counsel. In reply to the message from Bethlehem, 
suggesting that he had better abandon his effort on account 
of the great peril, Post wrote, the middle of July, that ' he 
did not propose to yield to the powers of darkness and 
the evil spirits to whom he was a hindrance, unless they 
expelled him by force.' 

" Having brought their few bags of corn safely to Post 
and the little band he was yet holding, Zeisberger and his 
companion continued their tour among the Indians at 
various places, in spite of the disturbed conditions of 
things. While on this tour they heard of the first savage 
outbreak, October 16, 1755, on Penn's Creeek, near Sha- 
mokin, where more than twenty persons were killed or 
captured. They turned their faces homeward the latter 
part of October, warned by Paxnous, who informed them 
of that first blow struck by the savages. From Gnaden- 
huetten, where they found everything quiet and peaceful, 
they proceeded to the Delaware Gap, having intended to 
traverse the region beyond, to the north and east, more 



132 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

extensively. There they encountered a large company of 
militia-men who were much agitated by the reports they 
had heard, and plied the missionaries with questions. 
They and people in the vicinity had also heard of the 
alleged letter from a French officer — a rascally forgery — 
published in the newspapers setting forth that the Mora- 
vians and their Indians were allies of the French, aiding 
their movements. This wicked trick, producing impres- 
sions that could not be followed up wherever the report 
spread with disproof or even authoritative denial, had 
borne its fruits among the people up the Delaware; and 
the impression of these calumnies was in the minds of 
some men who came to the Bethlehem mill from that 
neighborhood in the course of the autumn. 

"Zeisberger and Seidel reached Bethlehem in the night 
of November 2. They at once reported to Justice Hors- 
field all that they had learned about the beginning of hos- 
tilities by the savages, and their statements were imme- 
diately forwarded by special messenger to the Governor 
and Assembly; also the statements of George Biebing- 
hausen, who, the previous day, arrived from Allemaengel, 
not very far from Gnadenhuetten — a Moravian station 
in the present Lynn Township of Lehigh County — that 
the people there were panic-stricken by rumors of an 
Indian raid, and that thirty persons had fled from their 
homes and taken refuge together in the Moravian school 
and meeting-house. On November 14, Henry Frey and 
Anton Schmidt set out from Bethlehem for Shamokin to 
rescue the missionary and master-smith, Marcus Kiefer, 
who had not, like his two companions, the missionary 
Godfrey Roessler and the blacksmith Peter Wesa, made 
good his escape. These rescuers turned back at Tulpe- 
hocken, where all was in a state of terror, for they were 



The Moravian Massacres. 133 

assured that they would not be able to proceed. The 
panic at Allemaengel had not been without reason. Fol- 
lowing upon a second raid made by the savages at the 
beginning of November, at the great cove in the present 
Franklin County, the Tulpehocken neighborhood was vis- 
ited by skulking forerunners at this time, and on Novem- 
ber 16, the first outbreak east of the Susquehanna occurred, 
when murderous gangs swooped down upon the farmers 
on the Swatara and Tulpehocken Creeks, killing thirteen 
persons and destroying much property. Thus the reign 
of terror opened in the region in which the savage raids 
were to be generaled by Teedyuscung. He had risen to 
the honor — suspected by many to have been quite unau- 
thorized — of having himself called ' King of the Dela- 
wares.' The outrages west of the Susquehanna were 
under the direction of Shingas, ' the terrible,' a brother 
of Tamaqua. 

" On November 6 Henry Frey started again, accom- 
panied by the missionary John Jacob Schmick, for Wyom- 
ing, hoping to reach Shamokin by that route and find 
Kiefer. They returned on the thirteenth and reported 
him safe. He had gotten away from Shamokin, and, six 
miles from there, met two Indians whom Paxnous had dis- 
patched to the place to rescue him. One of them was the 
son of the old chief and the other was a son of the Mohican 
Abraham. He had, meanwhile, been protected by John 
Shikellimy, or Thachnechtoris, son of the famous chief, old 
Shikellimy. He escorted him safely to Gnadenhuetten, 
from which place they arrived at Bethlehem, November 
16. With the arrival of these three men from Shamokin 
began the flight from various directions and distances to 
Bethlehem as a city of refuge. At one of the evening 
services during those weeks, Spangenberg took occasion 



134 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to admonish two different kinds of people. On the one 
hand, he urged those who were becoming timid and uneasy 
to remain calm and clear-headed and to be ' strong in the 
Lord.' On the other hand, some who, with perhaps a 
slight symptom of bravado, were disposed to over-estimate 
their security and, without realizing the peril that really 
existed, to make light of the trepidation manifested by 
people of the neighborhood who came to Bethlehem, were 
admonished that they should appreciate the cause these 
scattered settlers had for being alarmed, sympathize with 
them and try to encourage them. 

" On November 20 came the first company of fright- 
ened people from the Saucon Valley, who had heard re- 
ports of the approach of hostile Indians. Some of them 
were given quarters for the night at the Crown Inn. That 
night guards were quietly stationed at three approaches 
to the town, not in fear of a surprise by Indians at this 
time, but as a precaution against a panic that might be 
created in the town by a possible inrush of terror-stricken 
people, sounding an alarm. The next day a company of 
persons who had been at Gnadenhuetten returned, bring- 
ing a letter from the missionary Martin Mack. He, with 
Shebosh and the missionaries Grube and Schmick, was 
stationed with the Indian congregation at its new quarters 
on the east side of the Lehigh, New Gnadenhuetten, where 
the more satisfactory tract of land had been purchased 
for the Indians. As previously stated, the other men and 
women connected with the industries of that settlement, 
and engaged in the study of Indian languages, occupied 
the mission houses of the original village on the west side. 
In that letter Mack wrote that the entire neighborhood 
was in a state of excitement on account of the French 
Indians, that many of the settlers had fled to Allemaengel 



The Moravian Massacres. 135 

and that some of those Indians were trying to create a 
panic and stampede among the Gnadenhuetten Indians, 
but that the most of the men were off hunting. He quoted 
in his letter the sayings of several of the sturdiest Christian 
men among the Indians at Gnadenhuetten, in reference to 
the critical situation, their expressions of trust in the 
Saviour, if the worst should come, and their declaration 
that they would cling together and, if so it must be, die 
together. This letter from Mack was read to the congre- 
gation at Bethlehem by Spangenberg on the evening of 
that day, November 21, and the next day was communi- 
cated to Parsons at Easton by Horsfield, as the first note 
of danger for the Forks of the Delaware. While this 
little band of converts were thus giving expression to 
Christian resignation and considering the likelihood of 
their being murdered by the ' French Indians ' when all 
efforts to draw them away proved fruitless, the latter were 
planning to not only do this, but also to wreak vengeance 
upon their missionaries, to whose influence they ascribed 
the steadfastness of the Gnadenhuetten Indians in with- 
standing every attempt to cajole, bribe or bully them into 
joining the conspiracy. At the same time, men from the 
Irish settlement were coming into Bethlehem with reports 
of how the people feared being suddenly fallen upon by 
those same inoffensive Indians at the mission; how some 
were planning to destroy the mission as a measure of self- 
defense, and how there was talk among some Jerseymen 
of even taking revenge by raising troops of rangers to 
move upon Bethlehem, the supposed harbor of French 
allies, white and Indian, and storage place of arms and 
ammunition for the savages. What human power of 
word or deed could rectify such an awful complication as 
this with hundreds of lives jeopardized in its mazes? 



136 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

How was it possible to convince such men in the panic 
of the time, with this belief about the Moravians firmly 
fixed in their minds for years, that they were completely 
and terribly mistaken. What was to save Bethlehem 
when the storm should break? Earnest, well-disposed 
men came and asked why is it that your people rest quietly 
and do not seem to be afraid? Tell us, and explain this 
mystery, if you have not an understanding with the French 
and with the blood-thirsty hordes in their service. Span- 
genberg simply answered : ' The people are quiet because 
they set their hope in their God, knowing no refuge under 
such circumstances but in Him; and as He has counted all 
the hairs on our heads, not one of them shall be permitted 
to fall without His will.' He felt that a time had come 
for the Moravians to supremely demonstrate that they 
believed what they professed and taught and to let God 
take care of the result. It is recorded how one went away 
convinced of the truth and begged permission to bring his 
family to Bethlehem if the time came when they must flee. 
" Even some who had been sure that the Moravians 
were on terms of understanding with the French and the 
murderous savages, were open to conviction to the con- 
trary, right in the panic of those days, when it was not 
easy to reason with excited men. The next day, Sunday, 
November 23, when, in storm and rain, scores of families 
were fleeing from their homes between Bethlehem and 
Gnadenhuetten, and not only expression of fear and dis- 
trust, but even maledictions were heard among persons 
gathered at Easton, who spoke of the Indians harbored 
by the Moravians, David Zeisberger, who was at the 
country-seat in the interest of certain peaceable Indians of 
Wyoming who desired same kind of a safe conduct to 
Philadelphia to deliver a message to the Governor, ren- 



The Moravian Massacres. 137 

dered an opportune service. He had an interview there 
with a number of men from New Jersey, who were among 
those who had been firmly persuaded of the treachery of 
the Moravians and their Indians, and had been drawn to 
Easton by the publication of Horsfield's message to Par- 
sons. Their comment upon his statements and explana- 
tions was : ' This is the first sensible account of the case 
we have heard, and even if the Brethren will not take up 
arms they can secure their own lives (against mobs of 
avenging white men) by giving out reliable information.' 
The policy of silence usually pursued by the Brethren 
mystified many. While, in the main, it was undoubtedly 
the best, it had its limits, and possibly they carried it too 
far. Plain, blunt men, such as those Jerseymen probably 
were, do not take kindly to an imperturbable silence when 
they are wanting to know the truth of a matter about 
which their minds are exercised. And yet, the sublime 
conviction that the case could best be left in the hands 
of God, for the results to work out and the truth to appear 
in His way, was vindicated in the end. 

" There was much anxiety at this time about that stout- 
hearted ranger of the missionary force, Frederick Post, 
who had been defying ' the powers of darkness ' in his 
lonely hut in the Wyoming wilderness; for now it was 
known that in that region those powers were holding grim 
carnival, and no white man could live there. He knew, 
however, when the moment had come beyond which it 
would be sheer folly for him to remain. He had acquired 
much of the Indian instinct and method in his movements. 
Suddenly, when two strange Indians with questionable 
motives were endeavoring to find him, he had disappeared 
without a word to any one as to where he was going. This 
was all that was known about him at Bethlehem — reported 



138 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

from trustworthy sources — until November 22, when it 
was learned that he had safely reached Dansbury, the 
Brodhead settlement, where at this time Jasper Payne was 
stationed. Payne was the last who administered in the 
little church built there under the special patronage of 
Justice Daniel Brodhead, who had died at Bethlehem in 
July. It was dedicated May 19, 1753. Payne and Post, 
like so many people of the neighborhood, had to flee from 
the place in December and the little church was burned to 
the ground by the savages. Post reached Bethlehem on 
November 25. 

" In the afternoon of that dismal, rainy Sunday, Novem- 
ber 23, upwards of seventy armed and mounted men from 
New Jersey suddenly arrived at the Crown Inn, not for 
the purpose of destroying Bethlehem, as the talk of some 
had been shortly before, but to offer their services in de- 
fense of the place and of the Irish settlement, as there 
might be need; very positive expectation of an intended 
attack by the savages having been awakened through the 
spread of Mack's letter beyond the Delaware. Justice 
Horsfield informed them that there was not thought to 
be any immediate peril at Bethlehem, and officially ar- 
ranged for them to remain at the Crown over night, in 
order to prevent the consternation that would be caused 
by their sudden appearance in the streets of Bethlehem. 
The nerves of invalids and of timid women were consid- 
ered and the greatest care was being taken to prevent all 
knowledge of the terrors of the time from reaching the 
children, both at Bethlehem and Nazareth. 

" November 24 was a day of noise and confusion such 
as had never been experienced at Bethlehem, with sights 
that seemed very strange in its quiet streets. All day 
armed men marched through from different parts of New 



The Moravian Massacres. 139 

Jersey and some of the lower neighborhoods of Pennsyl- 
vania, on horseback and afoot, with drums and flags, in- 
tending to scour the woods in the direction of Gnaden- 
huetten in search of hostile Indians. It was hoped that 
some detachments of the murderous hordes might be en- 
countered and repulsed and their further advance thus be 
checked. David Zeisberger, with the knowledge of the 
militia captains, mounted a horse and started for Gnaden- 
huetten ahead of the rangers, to deliver Horsfield's mes- 
sage to Mack in reference to the desired convoy to Beth- 
lehem, to inform the Indian congregation of this expedi- 
tion and instruct them to remain quietly in their houses, 
so that they would not be found outside in the woods and 
mistaken for savages. He was stopped on the way by a 
company of excited Irishmen, who took it for granted that 
he was bound for the hostile camps to give the alarm to 
the ' French Indians ' and frustrate the purpose of the 
militia-men, and thought that they had at last caught one 
of the Moravian traitors in the very act. Zeisberger's 
coolness and tact, which seemed never to forsake him in 
any emergency, together with that impressive power of 
conscious innocence which often turns the sentiments, even 
of the most bitter and excited men, served him well, as it 
had before and later did in far more critical straits. He 
was finally permitted to ride on, but the detention involved 
great peril for the Indian congregation. 

" Evening was coming on when he reached the mission. 
Having delivered his letters to Mack, he immediately 
turned his course to the river, to cross before it became 
quite dark, intending to rest over night at the establish- 
ment on the Mahoning, on the other side, after delivering 
his messages there. He had heard gun-shots west of the 
river as he approached the mission, but did not suspect 



14° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

anything amiss, for, with squads of militia now traversing 
the woods and occasionally firing signals to other bands, 
this was not a particularly startling sound that day. Sud- 
denly a piteous cry from the other shore came to the mis- 
sionaries on the east side who had just taken leave of 
Zeisberger. Shebosh instantly pushed a canoe into the 
water and directly returned, bringing Joachim Sensemann 
and George Partsch, with the horrible tidings that the 
savages had fallen upon the settlement, and, as they sup- 
posed, murdered the rest of the household. Then the 
rising flames began to light up the gloaming with a sick- 
ening evidence of the fiendish work that was being done. 
Zeisberger had meanwhile slowly made his way to the 
ford, and was crossing the stream. The nearer noise of 
the splashing water and the crack of the stones under his 
horse's hoofs prevented him from hearing the shooting 
and yelling of the savages, broken by the thick underbrush 
of the river-bank and the bluff beyond, which also con- 
cealed from him the light of the starting flames. Mack 
called to him several times at the top of his voice, but 
did not succeed in attracting his attention until he had 
reached the other side. A moment he paused and with 
dismay took in the awful situation, just as young Joseph 
Sturgis, who had escaped with a slight wound on his face, 
rushed gasping down the river. Turning about he forded 
back to the east side. There a consultation was held in 
the anxious suspense of the hour. The Indians, who gath- 
ered about Martin Mack in terror asking what they should 
do — many of the younger men were yet off on their fall 
hunt — were advised by him to quietly disperse and con- 
ceal themselves in the thick woods; for it was taken for 
granted that an attack upon the buildings on that side 
would soon follow. Sturgis had slipped away into the 
forest. 



The Moravian Massacres. 141 

"Zeisberger gathered what particulars could be given 
him by Sensemann and Partsch, and, with these and 
Mack's official message set out in the darkness to make 
his way with all the speed his tired horse could command, 
back to Bethlehem. His dreary midnight ride was broken 
by a brief interview with some of the militia rangers of 
the previous day whom he met on the road. He told 
them what had taken place, and their first impression was 
expressed in the declaration that this appalling fate of the 
Moravians at Gnadenhuetten proved their innocence of 
complicity with the savages in the interest of the French. 
Thus he could carry back, with his tale of woe, also the 
first evidence of good to come out of this great evil. He 
had not many details to report. The household of sixteen 
persons, fifteen adults and one infant, excepting two who 
were not well — Sensemann's wife, who had remained in 
the room set apart for the women, and Peter Worbas, 
single, who was in another building in which the unmar- 
ried men had their quarters — were gathered at the table 
in the general dwelling and guest-house, partaking of their 
evening meal. The barking of the dogs and a sound 
as of persons approaching the premises, led Sensemann, 
who was steward, to go out for the purpose of locking 
the doors of the main building in which the chapel was, 
and making things secure for the night. He saw no one, 
and entered the building. Hardly had he struck a light, 
when he heard a loud report of firearms. He, like Zeis- 
berger, thought the shooting was done by a company of 
militia who had passed several hours before, and were 
expected back to spend the night there, and paid no atten- 
tion to it. Having locked the door, he started to return 
to where the others were, when he was met by Partsch, 
who announced that Indians had rushed upon the house 



142 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

and were shooting at the inmates, and that he had escaped 
through a window. Sensemann proposed that they make 
an effort to rescue the women, and they turned towards 
the house, but it was entirely surrounded by the savage 
troop and they, being unarmed, could do nothing more 
than make their escape and sound an alarm at the mission, 
east of the Lehigh. The setting fire to the house followed 
after they fled and the presumption with which Zeisberger 
started for Bethlehem was that all, excepting these two 
men and young Joseph Sturgis, whom he had seen, had 
perished by the bullets or tomahawks of the murderers or 
in the flames. At three o'clock on the morning of the 
twenty-fifth he reached Bethlehem, aroused Bishop Span- 
genberg and told him the horrible story. Whether any 
others were immediately informed of it does not appear 
in the narratives. A messenger was sent to Parsons at 
Easton about two hours later. 

" In the early dawn of that sad November morning the 
people of Bethlehem were summoned by the ringing of 
the bell, to morning prayer as usual, this being the first 
thing each day. Spangenberg had, according to custom, 
opened the book of daily texts to see what the watchword 
of the day was, and he found a peculiar significance in it 
that gave him a starting-point from which to begin the 
service and the morning words to the people in the usual 
manner, preparatory to breaking the mournful news. 
'Joseph * * * made himself strange unto them and 
spake roughly unto them.' 10 And his brethren, not rec- 
ognizing him under the temporary disguise of this harsh 
exterior, said to Jacob their father, 'the man spake 
roughly unto us.' Thus, said Spangenberg, our Lord 
sometimes deals roughly with us and makes Himself 

18 Genesis 42: 7 and 30. 



The Moravian Massacres. 143 

strange, but we know His heart. 20 A peculiar impression 
was felt — an apprehension of something momentous — as 
he looked about the congregation, and his voice quivered 
with pent-up emotion. Then the announcement of the 
tragedy was made and tearful supplications went up to 
the darkly veiled throne of grace. Many a one's early 
meal was left untouched in Bethlehem that morning, and 
the day was one of mourning. Another thing Spangen- 
berg said at that morning service : ' Our neighborhood can 
now see that the Brethren are not allied with the French, 
for we have been in such danger for several days of 
being fallen upon by a mob that they have quite openly 
said, " before we move upon the enemy, we must not leave 
one stone upon another in Bethlehem." The Justice, our 
Brother Horsfield, has been a real martyr, for he could not 
convince all of the people that our remaining so quiet in 
the midst of the tumult that fills the whole land did not 
signify that we had an understanding with the French.' 

"Those slain on the Mahoning were verily martyrs, 
destined in the mysterious ways of God, who 'made Him- 
self strange unto them and spake roughly unto them,' to 
bear the convicting testimony to men who refused to be 
convinced by lesser proof. In some sense and degree, 
their blood was vicarious blood. It had to wash out the 
cruel calumny which excited prejudice, incapable of under- 
standing the Moravians, persisted in writing on the bul- 
letin board of public sensation, and it became the sprinkled 
blood on the lintels and door-posts of Bethlehem to stay 
the destroying hand of men, maddened by the fiendish 
atrocities perpetrated upon their homes, who might other- 
wise have taken vengeance upon the Moravians as friends 

20 " Der Mann stellt sich hart, aber wir kennen sein Herz." This last 
clause was the line of a hymn-verse accompanying the text in the book. 



144 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of the Indians. When the murderous hand of the sav- 
ages was to be lifted against Bethlehem, God stayed that 
hand, for He had chosen the place as a city of refuge 
to which many who escaped might flee from the fields, 
where one was taken and another left. The most obtuse 
mind could be expected to comprehend, when the massacre 
on the Mahoning became known, that the savages would 
not fall upon those who were secretly working with them, 
and murder them. They thus took revenge upon the 
Moravians for standing in their way with that settlement 
at the mountain gate-way, and foiling their attempts to 
secure the co-operation of those converts. After this, the 
repetition of the old slander — and, although common opin- 
ion among suspecting masses was suddenly and powerfully 
changed, it was repeated by some, even after this — could 
no longer be charitably ascribed to mere ignorance about 
the Moravians. It now became criminal malice. 

" In the course of the day, on that twenty-fifth of No- 
vember, one after another arrived from the scene of car- 
nage, like the messengers of Job coming in to tell of the 
ruin wrought where Satan's hand was permitted to fall. 
From one after the other, further particulars were learned. 
About seven o'clock the first fugitive arrived; Peter 
Worbas, who at first had watched the horrible scenes from 
the room of the single men in another building. Although 
ill, he had trudged the long distance to Bethlehem afoot. 
He could not tell much more than was known. He saw 
one of the women flee to the cellar, outside the house, and 
back into the ' sisters room,' pursued by a savage with 
uplifted tomahawk. He heard the heart-rending screams 
of an infant amid the crackling of the flames. For some 
time he was a prisoner, a guard being posted at the door. 
A shout from the other savages diverting the attention of 



The Moravian Massacres. 145 

his guard, he leaped from the window towards the Mahon- 
ing and fled. On the way to Bethlehem he heard of the 
escape of Sturgis. Anton Schmidt and Marcus Kiefer, 
who, at Shamokin, had become veterans in facing the 
dangers of savage surroundings, were soon dispatched to 
Gnadenhuetten to ascertain how matters stood there, and 
to take a message from Justice Horsfield to the militia 
gathered at that point, stating that provisions would be 
sent them if needed. Spangenberg, meanwhile, went to 
Nazareth to make the sorrowful announcement there, and 
institute the first steps towards guarding against a surprise 
by the savages. There, when he undertook to speak again 
of what had taken place, his composure forsook him. He 
broke down under the strain and for a while could only 
weep. 

" In the afternoon Sensemann came, bringing about 
thirty of the Gnadenhuetten Indians, all completely ex- 
hausted by their hard experiences. While making his way 
through the woods towards Bethlehem, he came upon this 
little band cowering in their place of concealment, and 
brought them along. All that Sensemann could relate was 
already known through Zeisberger. 

"Later in the day Martin Mack arrived with his wife, 
Grube and his wife, Schmick and Joseph Powell and his 
wife, who had been temporarily at the station on the east 
side, and more of the fugitive Indians. Mack was almost 
broken-hearted. Gnadenhuetten had been very dear to 
him. He had devoted himself to that mission from the be- 
ginning with all his heart, and he felt as a father towards the 
converts who were singularly attached to him. The colony 
of men and women who occupied the original buildings, on 
the west side of the river had trusted his counsel and lead- 
ership when the time of peril came. He had encouraged 

14 



146 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

them to stand quietly and manfully at their post. They 
had done so, and now they had fallen at that post, and he 
was spared. He was overwhelmed with sorrow. The 
entire Indian congregation of seventy persons gradually 
found their way to Bethlehem. Here they were sheltered 
in the ' Indian house ' and were cared for, regardless of 
the risk their presence might entail upon Bethlehem when 
the unreasoning excitement of some in whose eyes all In- 
dians were alike, was stirred anew by the discovery that 
they were housed there. It put a strain even upon the 
confidence and good will of some of the Bethlehem people, 
under the poignant grief they felt for the awful fate that 
had befallen their brethren and sisters on the Mahoning; 
all on account of Indians and at the hands of Indians; and 
under the growing dread of an attack upon Bethlehem, 
which might the more quickly be provoked by the presence 
of these people whom the savages were now bent upon 
killing, since they could not entice them. It even became 
necessary for Spangenberg, a few weeks later, to plead 
with such openly, to not permit aversion and bitterness to 
possess their hearts towards these poor creatures snatched 
as a brand from the burning; the remaining fruit of many 
labors, prayers and tears. 

" In the afternoon of November 26, Partsch and his 
wife Susanna reached Bethlehem. It was not known 
whether he had escaped or not after he and Susanna 
parted, and his wife was supposed to be, of course, among 
the victims. Young Sturgis came with them. They 
brought the fullest details of the horrible massacre. After 
Sensemann had gone out to lock the door, as related by 
him, the barking of the dogs increased, and footsteps were 
heard about the house. Sturgis, followed by several of 
the other men, arose from the table and opened the door, 



The Moravian Massacres. 147 

supposing that the expected militia men were coming. 
There, before the door, stood some of the murderous sav- 
ages ready for the attack. Instantly they fired, and Mar- 
tin Nitschmann fell dead, while a bullet grazed the face 
of Joseph Sturgis who was nearest to the door. Another 
volley quickly followed, and John Lesley, John Gatter- 
meyer and Martin Presser fell. Presser, as was discov- 
ered some months later, was not instantly killed, but was 
able to creep from the house and find his way to the woods 
nearby, where he succumbed to his wound. 21 

"Martin Nitschmann's wife, Susanna, was next wounded 
by a ball. She was seen to fall and her cry, ' O brethren ! 
brethren ! help me ! ' was heard. That was the last then 
known of her, and it was supposed that she had perished 
by a tomahawk or in the flames. She was evidently 
dragged out of the house when the remaining inmates fled 
to the garret, and, as was afterwards learned, she was 
taken captive by the murderers. 22 

21 April 29, 1756, Stephen Blum, who had carried an order from Gov- 
ernor to Captain Carl Volck, Commandant of Fort Allen, built where the 
New Gnadenhuetten of the Indians had been, on the east side of the 
river, the site of Weissport — Volck was a member of the Moravian con- 
gregation at Allemaengel — returned to Bethlehem and reported that the 
previous week the soldiers had found a corpse in a dense thicket at the 
" sand spring," not scalped but shot in the right side, and that the man 
had died lying upon his back with his hands folded. The Captain had 
the body buried by the militia, and sang as a committal service the verse: 
Sein' Augen, Seinen Mund, Den Leib fur uns verwund't, etc. (from the 
Easter Morning Litany). The body was identified by the clothing as 
that of Presser. 

22 July 19, 1756, her fate was publicly announced at Bethlehem when 
reliable information brought by Joachim, a baptized Indian, who had 
been up on the Susquehanna, confirmed previous reports. She was taken 
first to Wyoming by the savages, and almost perished from cold on the 
way. There several of the colony of baptized Indians, who had with- 
drawn the previous year from Gnadenhuetten, and were living there yet 
in the turmoil, recognized her as a Moravian sister. The first was Sarah, 



148 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" Those who succeeded in reaching the dormitory in the 
garret closed and secured the trap-door, so that their pur- 
suers could not force it open. This remnant of the house- 
hold were Gottlieb Anders, his wife Johanna Christina 
and their infant daughter Johanna; Susanna Louisa, wife 
of George Partsch; Anna Catherine, wife of Joachim 
Sensemann ; George Christian Fabricius, George Schwei- 
gert and Joseph Sturgis. Sensemann's wife sank down 
upon the edge of a bed and simply exclaimed, ' Dear 
Saviour, this is what I expected ! ' The wife of Anders, 
with her wailing infant wrapped in her apron and clasped 
to her breast, expressed only a mother's anguish for her 
child. There they passed an awful quarter of an hour, 
listening to the yells of the savage troop and the shots 
fired at random through the window, the roof and the 
floor. One and another of the prisoners screamed for help 
at intervals, in the faint hope that rescuers might approach 
and hear that they were yet alive. Then there was a lull 
in the shooting; the yells ceased for a brief space, and no 
one was seen by those who peered out of the garret win- 
dow. For the moment the attention of the demons was 
absorbed in their final most fiendish plan. Soon the crack- 
ling of the flames told the victims what they might now 
expect. Sturgis seized this opportunity to leap from the 
window, landed safely and got away. Susanna Partsch 

the wife of Abraham the Mohican, who threw up her hands in consterna- 
tion when she saw her. Another woman, Abigail, wife of Benjamin, was 
permitted to care for her wants in her own hut, until her brutal captor 
dragged her off to Tioga. There she passed her days in constant weep- 
ing and sank into a dazed condition of deep melancholy; Joachim saw 
her and spoke with her, and had definite information of her death at 
Tioga. The Indian who led the attack on the Mahoning and took posses- 
sion of her as his prize, was killed in August, 1757, by another Indian 
under the accusation of having acted as a French spy at the treaty in 
Eastern. 



The Moravian Massacres. 149 

immediately followed him and also escaped. The third 
and last to make the attempt was Fabricius, as appeared 
from the discoveries made the next day. The window 
was now again watched, and he did not escape. The re- 
maining four with the little child evidently perished in the 
flames. 

Susanna Partsch was unfamiliar with the surroundings, 
having been at the place a week only, and did not know 
which way to take in the darkness. She secreted herself 
for some time behind a tree, at an elevated spot near the 
main building, where she could watch the movements of 
the murderers. She saw them set fire to one building after 
another; first, the barn, then the kitchen and bakery, then 
the single men's dwelling, after that the store and last of 
all, with some difficulty, the main building containing the 
chapel — the Gemeinhaus. The store was first looted, then 
all eatables found in kitchen, bakery and spring-house were 
collected and the savages had a feast by the light of the 
conflagration. There were estimated to be about twelve 
of them. About midnight, as nearly as the trembling 
watcher could judge, they gathered up the plunder secured 
in the store and set out towards Wyoming. Then this 
almost distracted woman, left alone at the desolate place, 
made her way down to the river where she came to a large 
hollow tree within which she took refuge until daylight, 
when rescuers arrived. 

" Partsch had found his way during the night to a house 
in the Blue Mountains, where he fell in with Sturgis. 
Early in the morning they returned to the Mahoning with 
some rangers. He was nerved by a presentiment that his 
wife had escaped. When they got across the Lehigh, 
they suddenly came upon her, crouched in her place of con- 
cealment, almost benumbed with cold and fright. They 



150 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

went on to explore the scene of desolation. All the build- 
ings were burned down, and the charred remains of some 
who had there perished could be seen but not distinguished. 
Outside, in the square, they came upon the body of Fab- 
ricius, pierced with bullets, scalped and mutilated, and 
watched over by the only living friend that remained at 
the spot, his dog. The savages, after finishing their 
atrocious work, left a blanket with a hat and a knife stuck 
through them on a stump, as a defiant warning of more of 
the like to follow. Exhausted and sickened, Partsch and 
his wife and Sturgis set out on their sorrowful journey 
to Bethlehem. 

"Amid the deserted cabins on the east side, only Shebosh 
remained a while to watch for any members of the Indian 
congregation who might yet be hiding near-by and, seeing 
him there, might venture to approach. On November 
27, Anton Schmidt returned from the Mahoning where, 
with the assistance of some neighbors, he had hastily made 
a coffin in which he placed the body of Fabricius, with 
such charred remains of the others as he could collect, and 
buried it in a corner of the garden, where the little ceme- 
tery of the place had been opened." 23 



23 The foregoing narrative is compiled from a careful collation of all 
extant original accounts, correcting inaccuracies of some of the many 
printed accounts, supplying some points lacking in others, and giving all 
the authentic particulars that would be found by examining all of them. 
This massacre ended Indian mission work there. The place lay neglected 
until 1771, when it became the center of a white congregation, composed 
of members of the two defunct congregations and Sichem, Dutchess 
County, N. Y., the region of the original Indian mission which furnished 
the nucleus of Gnadenhuetten in 1746. In 1783 the first recorded formal 
attention was paid to the grave of these martyrs, when that white con- 
gregation gathered around it to observe the Easter matins. In 1786, the 
Rev. John Frederick Moehring, minister there, addressed the executive au- 
thorities at Bethlehem in reference to placing a memorial stone on the 



The Moravian Massacres. 



i5i 



spot — a thing spoken of before. Finally, on December 10, 1788, the slab 
that yet lies there, with its simple but impressive inscriptions was placed 
on the grave. The monument at the head of it was provided through the 
exertions of descendants of Martin and Susanna Nitschmann, and set in 
place, August 7, 1848, the centennial anniversary of the first Indian inter- 
ment at Gnadenhuetten. The credit for again rescuing the sacred spot 
from oblivion, more than thirty years after the dissolution of the white 
congregation of Gnadenhuetten, belongs mainly to the late Joseph Leibert, 
of Bethlehem, whose wife was a granddaughter of the Nitschmanns. 

With the biographical sketches of those martyrs appended to the Beth- 
lehem diary for November, 1755, is a parentation or elegy in Latin, by 
Christian Wedsted, the companion of the gifted Fabricius, who went with 
him to Gnadenhuetten, June 28, 1754, to study Indian languages. The 
composition is entitled: 

In Fratres Sororesque 

beatae memoriae 

quos ut sacrificium pro nobis 

Salvator noster Deusque, T. O. M. 

Sibi Mahoniae offerri passus est, 

Die XXIV, Nov., c | d | dec | v. 





CHAPTER XII. 

The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 




XL' 



'HE seat of the Mo- 
ravian Economy was 
at Bethlehem, whence ema- 
nated all their mission en- 
terprise. Their Christian 
work, however, was not 
confined to the savage alone ; 
they cared well for their 
own. There were the little 
ones, helpless and alone, to 
be looked out for; single 
sisters needed protection; 
single brethren had their own especial duties; the way- 
farer demanded their hospitality ; flour needed to be ground 
and provisions secured, and for all these things various 
localities were to be settled and buildings erected thereon. 
The whole formed an Economy, which was a veritable 
hive of industry. To tell how it was defended during the 
war I propose to deal with each separate place in detail. 

(•52) 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 153 

The remaining weeks of the year 1755, after the mas- 
sacre at Gnadenhuetten, were a period of much anxiety 
at Bethlehem, and those who were at the head of affairs, 
and responsible for the policy and measures adopted, were 
under a severe strain. Each succeeding day revealed, 
more clearly, the great peril in which the settlement, with 
the stations on the Nazareth land, stood, especially the 
most exposed outposts, Friedensthal and the Rose Inn. 
At these Moravian places the dam would have to be built 
to hold back the devastating flood, if it was not to rush 
down unhindered over the entire lower country. Between 
this point and Philadelphia there was not another place 
at which a sufficient population could be concentrated, 
with the same degree of order and self-possession, of unity 
and discipline, to make a stand and present a front against 
the savage on-rush. Above these places no power or even 
show of resistance remained. There was no rallying 
ground for the people, no spot at which there was even 
enough of a compact mass of buildings to suggest the 
centering of any strength. When the reign of terror 
opened along the Blue Mountains, the people, who es- 
caped, rushed, utterly demoralized and panic-stricken, 
down the country, and the Moravian places were the first 
at which there seemed enough prospect of being able to 
stand, to make it worth while to stop. Therefore, the 
extreme importance of baffling the savages at these points, 
which had now become the frontier posts, was realized. 
At Easton there was less, at that time, to inspire confi- 
dence among the panic-stricken refugees from the upper 
country, or to offer resistance. If the savages broke 
through the Moravian lines, there seemed to be nothing 
left, as some expressed it, but to " rush on before them 
into the sea, for the water was preferable to the toma- 



154 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

hawk, the scalping-knife and the torch." And yet there 
were, at the time of the outbreak, probably not fifty guns 
among all the Moravians at Bethlehem and Nazareth 
combined. Some of the Moravian wood-men and farmers 
went hunting occasionally, not for sport — they had no 
time for that — but to supplement their provision-store in 
seasons of scarcity; and guns were sometimes taken along 
on journeys through the forest to secure needed food. 
Beyond this they had no use for firearms. 

The people from the mountains who fled to the Mora- 
vians for refuge did not come supplied with arms and 
ammunition. They came empty handed, hungry, many of 
them half naked, men without coats or hats, women and 
children who had rushed from their beds at dead of night, 
many with only the clothing in which they slept and blan- 
kets or quilts hastily thrown around them, some bare- 
footed. These people knew, furthermore, that the Mora- 
vians were " not fighting people," that they deprecated 
warfare and would have nothing to do with military drill. 
It was the talk of the country, and many a jest on the sub- 
ject at their expense, had excited merriment around the 
fires of back-woods cabins, even while the wicked stories 
about their secreting arms and ammunition for the use of 
the " French Indians " were discussed, without appreciat- 
ing the inconsistency of laying these incongruous things to 
their charge at the same time. 

Though trained, as they were, to peaceful thoughts and 
employments, with the necessities of their neighbors before 
them, and all the facts, which have been stated, staring 
them in the face, their duties were apparent, and, without 
hesitation, they proceeded to perform them. 

For a description of the Moravian defenses the writer 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 155 

is especially indebted to the material collated by the late 
Rev. William C. Reichel. 

Nazareth Stockade. 

While at Bethlehem itself armed men were stationed at 
various outposts, and defenses of a certain character pro- 
vided, yet the main line of Moravian stockades and de- 
fenses occupied the more advanced position called the 
" Barony of Nazareth," comprising Nazareth, Gnaden- 
thal, or Vale of Grace, Christian's Spring, Friedensthal, 
or Vale of Peace, and the Rose Inn. 

At Nazareth the "Whitefield House" is the central 
point of interest, and the one directly applicable to this 
article, as it was this building which became the Nazareth 
Stockade. 

On May 3, 1740, George Whitefield, the founder of 
Calvinistic Methodism, agreed with William Allen, of 
Philadelphia, for 5,000 acres of land in the forks of the 
Delaware, the name given to all the country between the 
Lehigh and Delaware rivers, and including the whole 
county of Northampton. The price paid was £2,200 
sterling. On this was to be erected a school for negroes, 
and a Methodist settlement to be founded. The tract was 
called " Nazareth." The Delaware Indians, who had a 
village on the same land at this time, called it " Welag- 
amika," signifying "rich soil." 

Among the fellow passengers of Whitefield, from 
Georgia to Philadelphia in April, 1740, was Peter Boeh- 
ler, and the remnant of the Moravian colonists of the 
former Province. With him arrangements were made to 
erect the building. Taking with him the brethren, Boeh- 
ler at once started for Nazareth and went to work, but, 
by the first week in September, the walls of the school were 



156 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

no higher than the door sill, and £300 had already been 
expended. Various things prevented progress in the work, 
until the spring of 1741, when Whitefield became pecu- 
niarily embarrassed, and, during the same summer, con- 
sented to sell the entire tract to Bishop Spangenberg of 
the Moravian Church. The deed of sale was executed 
July 17, 1741. 

On December 2, 1741, Count Zinzendorf landed at 
New York. In the summer of 1742 he instituted pro- 
ceedings for the removal of the Indians on the property, 
but was not successful until the middle of December when 
the brethren found themselves, at last, the sole possessors 
of their two log-houses with garden adjacent, and the stone 
walls of the ill-fated and unfinished school. 

Meanwhile Zinzendorf abroad, in the summer of 1743, 
was busy fitting out a second colony of brethren and sisters, 
one portion of which he designed to locate at Nazareth. 
When intelligence of this fact reached Bethlehem, in the 
second week of September, masons were sent up imme- 
diately thereafter, on the eighteenth, to resume work on 
the "stone-house" (so-called), and hasten it to comple- 
tion. Two years, therefore, had fully elapsed since the 
trowel had last rung on the limestones of this now vener- 
able pile. By the close of the year the work was done, 
and, on the second of January, 1744, it was occupied by 
thirty-three couples, members of the colony that had been 
imported on the " Little Strength," Captain Garrison, in 
the previous November. The building contained eleven 
dwelling rooms, three large rooms or halls, and two cellars. 

In 1745, the first of the group of buildings, at the im- 
provement called by later generations " Old Nazareth," 
was built. Thither the adult inmates of the " Stone 
House" were gradually removed, and the building set 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 157 

apart for the children of the settlement, and for a " board- 
ing school for girls." 

On January 7, 1749, fifty-six infants, varying in age 
from fifteen months to five years, with their attendants 
and instructors (widows and single sisters) removed from 
Bethlehem into the " Stone House " which, henceforth, 
was called the " Nursery." 

The Indian War broke in rudely upon the quiet of the 
"home of little ones," and when the savages came down 
into the settlements in the autumn of 1755, it was thought 
prudent to remove the nurslings and the pupils of the 
boarding school to Bethlehem. 

It then became a place of refuge for settlers from the 
frontier. In December, 1755, sentry boxes were erected 
near the principal buildings of old Nazareth. They were 
made of green logs having the chinks filled with clay, and 
so considered as practically fire-proof. In each of these four 
men watched at night. While Capt. Isaac Wayne's com- 
pany were on duty at Nazareth these sentries were de- 
tailed from his command. In February, 1756, a stockade 
was erected around the cattle yard, and on May 26, 1756, 
was begun a trench for the palisades to be erected around 
the Whitefield House, and two log houses adjacent. This 
stockade was 236 by 170 feet and 10 feet high, being 
flanked by sentry boxes in which sentries were constantly 
on duty, not less than eight men constituting a watch. To 
celebrate the completion of their work, the brethren met, 
on June 4, in a Love Feast. The timber for this stockade 
was cut in April, prior to its erection. 

After the Indian War the Whitefield House was occu- 
pied by various families as a domicile, but has now been 
rescued from the decay incident to neglect, and become 
the headquarters of the Moravian Historical Society. It 



158 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

is a large antique edifice, built of limestone, with a hip 
roof, and has in front, between the stories, a brick band 
with crank-shaped ends, similar to those in many old 
houses in Philadelphia. This band marks the limits of 
Whitefield's labors. 

It stands in " Old Nazareth " which shows plainly the 
ravages of time. In 177 1 "New Nazareth" was laid 
out around Nazareth Hall, and grew apace until it became 
the principal place in the " Barony," now the borough 
of Nazareth. The Whitefield, or Ephrata, House is 
southeast from Nazareth Hall, and on what is now the 
southeast corner of Centre Street. Of this Rev. Reichel 
says: "There was a time, within our memory, when it 
stood back from the dusty street, and when its approach 
from the highway was by a stile, which, being crossed, led 
you under the shade of embowering trees to the carpet of 
green that spread out, invitingly, on the sunny side of its 
gray limestone walls." 

The massacre at Gnadenhuetten was quickly followed 
by those nearer the Delaware, to be related in turn. Then 
came the flight of the luckless inhabitants across the moun- 
tains, in all conditions of wretchedness. Then it was that 
the old Whitefield House opened its doors, and received 
the poor refugees, until on January 29, 1756, it held 253, 
many of them children. 

The gravity of the position, at the outbreak of hostili- 
ties, was so great that the Government felt constrained to 
give assistance to the Moravians in their defence of Naza- 
reth. The first regular officer stationed there was Capt. 
Wayne, of Chester County. The following orders were 
sent him by Governor Morris, on January 3, 1756, who 
was then at Reading and had just received news of the 
destruction of Gnadenhuetten and murder of Capt. Hay's 
soldiers: 






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The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 159 

" Cap. Wayne : You are upon your return from De- 
pue's to Halt with your Company at Nazareth, and there 
to remain until further orders, taking care all the while 
you are there to keep your company in good order, and 
to post them in such a manner as most Effectually to guard 
and secure that place against any attack; and if you should 
be past Nazareth when you receive these orders, you are 
then to return thither, and remain there, posting your men 
as above you are directed. 

" You are, as soon as you can, to augment your company 
with the number of twenty men, each man to find himself 
with a gun and a Blanket, for the use of which a reason- 
able allowance will be made by the Government. And, 
in making this augmentation you are to take care to keep 
an exact account of the time when each man enters himself 
with you, so that you may be enabled to make a proper 
return to me upon oath. 

" You are to inform the men of your company and such 
of the other company as you shall Joyn or have occasion 
to send to, that They shall receive a reward from the Gov- 
ernment of forty Pieces of Eight for every Indian they 
shall Kill & scalp in any action they may have with them, 
which I hereby promise to pay upon producing the scalps. 

"As there may be occasion for the immediate use of your 
Company in another part of the country, you are to Hold 
Yourself in readiness to march upon an Hour's warning." 

His stay at Nazareth was but short. Benjamin Frank- 
lin very shortly after took charge of the direction of affairs. 
The twenty men of McLaughlin's company, who came 
with him, were ordered to remain at Nazareth while 
Wayne's fresh troops were sent, as a convoy with provis- 
ions, to the soldiers who were busily erecting forts near the 



160 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Delaware River. Other troops were there at various 
times, but the organization of the brethren themselves was 
so complete as to do away with the necessity for them. 

The Stockaded Mill at Friedensthal. 

One mile northeast from the old stone Whitefield, or 
Ephrata, House, at Nazareth, stood the mill which the 
brethren had erected on the banks of the Bushkill Creek, 
and which they named " Friedensthal," or the " Vale of 
Peace." This was also stockaded and played its part in 
the terrible drama of the times. It was in what is now 
Palmer township of Northampton County. 

The matter of converting their grain into flour had be- 
come a serious matter to the brethren at Nazareth already 
in 1749. It is true a mill had been erected at Christian's 
Spring, in 1747, about one mile to the south of west from 
Nazareth, on the Monocasy Creek, of which the lower 
story was a grist and the upper story a saw mill, but this 
was of very limited capacity. Nearly all the grain, there- 
fore, had to be transported annually to Bethlehem at great 
loss of time and money. 

It was resolved, therefore, to erect a second mill, and, 
on October 28, 1749, John Nitschmann and Henry Antes, 
both from Bethlehem and men of experience, came to Naz- 
areth to select a desirable site. Failing to find what they 
wanted on the Monocasy Creek, within the precincts of 
the Barony, they turned their footsteps eastward and, 
coming to the banks of the charming stream, which the 
Van Bogarts from Esopus named " Bushkill," and which 
the Scotch-Irish called " Lefevre's Creek," after John 
Lefevre, whose meadows, distant a short mile to the south, 
were irrigated by its waters, they selected the spot which 
was afterwards named " Friedensthal." This tract, com- 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 161 

prising 324 acres, was also the property of William Allen, 
of Philadelphia. Negotiations with him for its purchase 
were finally concluded on January 3, 1750, the considera- 
tion being £324, lawful money of the Province. 

Immediately the brethren commenced to clear the land, 
and the mill building, under the supervision of Mr. Antes, 
was started. In the second week of August, 1750, this 
was completed and in running order. It was located on 
the left bank of the creek, about one hundred yards north 
of the spot on which its successor stands, and was a sub- 
stantial limestone structure with a frontage of 34 feet 
towards the south, and a depth of 48 feet and had four 
rooms. It was furnished with an overshot water-wheel 
and one run of stones, which were cut by Peter May in 
his quarry on the Neshaminy and were delivered at the 
"Kill" at a cost of £9 10s. currency. The mill irons 
were wrought at the iron works of Messrs. Wra. Logan 
& Co., Durham. 

On August 21, 1750, the new mill was inaugurated in 
its career of usefulness. The dwelling, or farmhouse, 
meanwhile, was still in the hands of the carpenters, being, 
in fact, not ready for occupancy until the spring of 175 1. 
It stood directly east of the mill, was built of logs, 32 x 20 
feet, was two stories high, and had four apartments. A 
flaring frame barn and three annexes, one for the horses, 
one for the cows, and one for the sheep, with a total 
frontage of 88 feet towards the south, and a depth of 30 
feet, eventually flanked the dwelling on the east. 

The following are the names of the Wurtembergers and 
others, with their wives, who were the tillers of the soil, 
herdsmen and keepers of the sheep : 

John Stall ( 1751) with Anna, his wife, from Oettin- 
gen, husbandman, subsequently, for many years, saw- 
miller at Bethlehem and host of " The Crown." 



162 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Ludwig Stotz, a Wurtemberger from Lauffen, hus- 
bandman, and Johanna, his wife. 

Peter Gotje (1754-1755), from Holstein, Cord- 
wainer, and Barbara, his wife (born 17 16 at St. Marga- 
retta, Holstein; died March, 1798). 

John Andrew Kremser, and Christina, his wife, some- 
time heads of the bureau of agriculture, and members of 
the Economy from 1753 to 1767; outliving it, therefore, 
by three years, when in February of 1767 the old Silesian 
husbandman died in harness in the farm house. He was 
the father of John Kremser, the landlord of the Naza- 
reth Inn, the second " Rose," in the last decade of the 
eighteenth century. 

Matthew Hancke, and Elizabeth, his wife, super- 
intended the farm between 1756 and 1763. In 1764 the 
Hanckes were settled at Gnadenthal (born 1707 in Upper 
Silesia, died January, 1785, at Nazareth). 

Other members of the Friedensthal Economy, husband- 
men and handicraftsmen, in the interval between 1754 
and 1764, were the following: 

Peter Mordick (1754), a Holsteiner, born 17 16, 
died May, 1783 (at Nazareth) , and Magdalene, his wife. 

Paul Fritsche, from Moravia, Carpenter, and Ro- 
sina, his wife. 

Matthew Witke, from Moravia, and Ann Mary, 
his wife. 

George Crist, from Moravia, and Ann Mary, his 
wife. 

George Volck (1758), of the Volcks of Allemangel, 
on the springs of Antelauna, in old Berks, but a native of 
Diiinstein, near the erst imperial city of Worms, and 

Tobias Demuth, a youth of sixteen summers, last from 
Allemangel. 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 163 

We have heard how the stream of refugees from the 
north and northeast flowed into and past Nazareth, and, 
like a river overflowing its banks, inundated that Barony. 
On January 29, 1756, there were at Nazareth 253, at 
Gnadenthal 52, at Christian's Spririg 48, at the "Rose" 
21, and 75 at Friedensthal. Of this number 226 were 
children. 

In the annals of Friedensthal Economy, the first arrival 
of fugitives is chronicled on the thirteenth of December, 
1755, and special mention made of a poor Palatine who 
had barely escaped from the hands of the murdering sav- 
ages near Hoeth's. It was late in the night when word 
was brought to him that Hoeth's had been cut off. There 
was not a moment to be lost, so taking his helpless wife 
upon his shoulders, as she lay in bed (she had but lately 
given birth to an infant) he fled for his life. On the 
twenty-first a fugitive brought the report to the farm that 
the following night had been fixed upon by the Indians 
for a simultaneous attack upon the five plantations on the 
Barony. Brother Nathaniel Seidle, of Bethlehem, who, 
so to say, was in command at the " upper places " since the 
breaking out of hostilities, with his headquarters at Christ- 
ian's Spring, thereupon took precautionary steps to avert 
a surprise, and, there being two companies of riflemen at 
Nazareth, he posted Lieut. Brown, of Capt. Sol. Jenning's 
company of Ulster-Scots, with eighteen men at Friedens- 
thal. There was, however, no need of their presence, or, 
possibly, because of their presence the enemy desisted from 
attack. 

On the fifteenth of January a company of refugees at 
Bethlehem set out for the mountains to look after their 
farms and cattle. Among them was Christian Boemper, 
a son of Abraham Boemper, of Bethlehem, silversmith, 



164 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

and son-in-law of Frederick Hoeth. With him was Adam 
Hold, his servant, a redemptioner. The party, and some 
soldiers who escorted them, fell into the hands of the 
Indians, near Schupp's mill, Hold alone escaping with a 
severe flesh wound in the arm, which eventually cost him 
the loss of that limb. The killed, according to Capt. 
Trump, were Christian Boemper, Felty Hold, Michael 
Hold, Laurence Knuckle, and four privates of his com- 
pany, then stationed at Fort Hamilton (Stroudsburg). 
Andrew Kremser, in a letter, dated Friedensthal, January 
22, alludes to this sad affair, and gives the following addi- 
tional information : " Yesterday there came to us three men 
from the mountain, whose parents are here with us. They 
report that the bodies of the eight were found and buried 
by the soldiers. Christian Boemper's body was stripped 
quite naked — of Culver they knew nothing. Our dogs 
make a great noise every night till 12 o'oclock, and run 
towards the island, which is very bushy; and not without 
ground, I am inclined to suspect." 

John Hold, here mentioned, was a native of Hanau on 
the French border, where he was born September, 1737. 
He was taken to Bethlehem, where, on January 29, Dr. 
John M. Otto amputated the arm. He recovered and, in 
January, 1767, removed to Christian's Spring. Despite 
the loss of his arm, he was an expert axeman. He was 
a short, thick-set man, and was always accompanied by 
two dogs when he went to Nazareth. He died in 1802. 

A person named Mulhausen, a Palatine, while breaking 
flax on the farm of Philip Bossert, in Lower Smithfield, 
was shot through the body by an unseen Indian, receiving 
a wound which, it was feared, would prove mortal. One 
of Bossert's sons running out of the house on the report 
of the gun, was shot by the enemy in several places, and 











%s 













w x 



o i 




The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 165 

soon died. Hereupon old Philip appeared on the scene 
of action, and exchanged shots with one of the attacking 
party, striking him in the small of the back, a reception 
that sent the savage off "howling." He himself, how- 
ever, received a flesh wound in the arm. At this juncture 
some of Bossert's neighbors came to the rescue and the 
five remaining Indians made off. Mulhausen was taken 
to Friedensthal mill for treatment, at the hands of Dr. 
Otto, but the poor man was beyond help, and, on the third, 
he breathed his last. 

On the ninth of March the commander-in-chief at the 
" upper places " called a council of war at Friedensthal, at 
which it was resolved to stand vigilantly on the defensive, 
and to stockade the place. As there was no time to lose, 
timber for the piles was commenced to be felled on the 
third day after the council, and, before the expiration of 
the month, the Friedensthalers, with the assistance of the 
young men of Christian's Spring, had completed the work. 
It enclosed the mill, the dwelling, the barn and the stabling 
over the way. 

On June 25, 1756, Commissary Jas. Young visited this 
stockade and reports as follows: 

"At 3 P. M. Sett out from the Wind Gap for Easton, 
ab't half way past by Nazareth Mill, Round which is a 
Large but Slight Stoccade ab't 400 ft. one way, and 250 
the other, with Logg houses at the Corners for Bastions." 

On August 24, 1756, the shingled roof of the dwelling 
took fire from sparks from the bake oven, and had not 
Lefevre's people lent helping hands the entire settlement 
would probably have been laid in ashes. 

The Rev. Reichel relates an interesting tradition given 
him by the venerable Philip Boerstler, whom he visited 
in the spring of 1871 : 



1 66 The Pennsyhania-Gerjjian Society. 

" There," said Philip, " at the base of that limestone 
ridge, which bounds the meadows on the south, ran a 
trail between Old Nazareth and Friedensthal, and on that 
trail one of our ministering brethren, in the times of the 
Indian War, escaped with his life from the deadly aim of 
an Indian's rifle as by a miracle. It was the custom of 
our brethren to make the tour of the settlements on the 
tract, dispensing words of cheer or ghostly comfort to 
men whose hearts were failing them amid the harrowing 
uncertainties in which they lived. Thrice had the passing 
evangelist been marked by the lurking savage in his covert 
on the ridge, and thrice did the painted brave pass his 
fingers across the notches in his tally, which reminded him 
that there was but one scalp lacking, of the needed twelve, 
to insure him a captainship in his clan. The love of 
glory fired the dusky warrior's bosom, but he hesitated to 
perpetrate the foul deed, for, in his intended victim, he 
recognized the man whom he had once heard speaking 
words of peace and mercy and forgiveness, in the turreted 
little chapel on the Mahoning. But, when the coveted 
prize was within his view for the fourth time, casting from 
him the remembrance of better things, and calling upon 
the Evil One to smite him a paralytic, should he quail in 
taking aim, the frenzied Delaware drew a deadly bead 
upon his brother, and almost saw himself a chieftain — 
when, lo! his rifle fell to the earth, and the brawny limbs 
and the keen sight lost their cunning for those of an 
impotent." "And what was the subsequent fate of this 
so marvelously thwarted savage? " I asked. " He became 
a convert," replied Philip, " and a helper at the mission." 
"And did you learn the evangelist's name?" I questioned. 
Said Philip, " It was Fries or Grube, I believe." 

The precautions taken to secure Friedensthal from a 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 167 

surprise on the part of the savages were kept up, uninter- 
mittingly, until 1758. 

In the third week of March, 1757, the stewards of the 
" upper places " were cautioned to keep vigilant watch — to 
reset the shutters on the houses, and to secure the gates 
of the stockade with strong fastenings. There was cer- 
tainly need of this vigilance for, on the twenty-fourth of 
March, the Delawares, who were residing in an apartment 
of Nazareth Hall (then not fully completed) reported 
finding, not a stone's throw from the house, suspended 
from a sapling in the woods, an Indian token, wrought 
from swan's feathers, such as served to mark the chosen 
site of a rendezvous for warriors, when about to strike a 
blow. 

By this time, however, it had been decreed that the 
setting of watches might no longer be done without the 
Governor's special leave. Warden Schropp accordingly 
wrote Governor Denny for the necessary permission, which 
was promptly accorded, and six commissions sent to cap- 
tains of watches, as follows : 

1. To George Klein and John Ortlieb, for Bethlehem. 

2. To Godfried Schwarz, in Christian's Brunn. 

3. To Abram Hessler, in Gnadenthal. 

4. To Nicholas Shaffer, in Nazareth. 

5. To Philip Trenston, in Friedensthal. 

6. To Henry Fry, to be chief captain, or overseer, of 
Christian's Brunn, Gnadenthal, Nazareth and Friedens- 
thal. 

In April the savages were again at work in the town- 
ships of Lehigh and Allen, and a petition for military pro- 
tection presented to the Governor, in behalf of the people, 
by Frederick Altemus, James Kennedy and others. So it 
came to pass that, in the first week of May, the mill was 



168 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

once more filled with fugitives. It was one of this number 
who brought the sad intelligence that Webb's place had 
been burned last Sunday, by some Indians led on by a 
Frenchman. Webb's wife, Abraham Miller's widow, and 
her son Abraham, were taken prisoners. This statement 
was confirmed, a few weeks later, by the lad, who had 
effected his escape. 

On August 22, of the same year, Warden Schropp re- 
ported to the Governor, " In Friedensthal mill they all 
have arms, and are constantly on the guard and watch by 
turns." 

At the time Commissary Young visited the stockade, in 
June, 1756, or, at least, in that month, Captain Inslee, 
Ensign Inslee, and twenty-four men, were stationed in the 
mill. 

With the peace of 1758 came tranquility until the out- 
break of the savages in 1763. Once more then were the 
palisades placed in position, and again did the brethren 
take up their arms and stand guard, only to lay them aside 
in a short time, never more to take them up. 

On the twentieth of April, 1771, the Vale of Peace 
passed out of the hands of the Moravian brethren into 
that of strangers, being sold to Samuel Huber, of War- 
wick Township, Lancaster County, for $2,000, Pennsyl- 
vania currency. 

About 1840 the demolition of the old mill was com- 
pleted, no vestige of it remaining except the well in the 
barnyard. 

The present mill was built in 1794 by Jacob Eyerie, of 

Nazareth. 

Gnadenthal. 

Next in age to old Nazareth itself was Gnadenthal, 
founded in 1745, one year after "the Nazareth farm," 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 169 

from which it was distant two miles, west by north. 
Nestling, as it did, in a hollow at the foot of the ridge 
which traverses the great tract from east to west, sur- 
rounded on all sides by evidences of the Creator's bounty, 
it was well called the " Vale of Grace." 

In the autumn of 1753, just prior to the times of which 
we are writing, there was a great gathering of the head 
men of the Moravian Church at Lindsey House, in the 
metropolitan suburbs of Chelsea, Kensington Division of 
the Hundred of Ossulstone, Middlesex O. E., for the 
purpose of examining into the financial circumstances of 
their society, which then was on the verge of disastrous 
bankruptcy. 

From the report, on that occasion submitted by the five 
representatives of the American Province of the Brethren's 
Unity, at the head of which stood Bishop Spangenberg, we 
glean the following facts as to the composition of the 
Gnadenthal settlement. 

Value. 

1. A Dwelling-house, with Brick walls and a tiled Roof 51 

feet long by 30 feet broad, two stories high besides the 
Garret Story, containeth 10 dwelling Rooms, 2 Halls, 
1 cellar £300 

2. A House with Brick walls, 36 feet long by 22 feet in 

Breadth, with 4 Rooms and 1 cellar 200 

3. A work-shop 10 

4. A walled Cow-house, 72 feet long by 50 feet in Breadth.. 180 

5. A Sheep-house 10 

6. A Cow-house, 50 feet long by 20 feet broad 25 

7. Horse Stables, 20 by 16 feet 10 

8. A second Sheep-house 30 by 20 feet 10 

9. A Milk-house and a Wash-house 10 

10. A Barn, 40 by 20 feet 10 

£765 



170 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

All the minor buildings gradually sprang up about the 
main and central buildings of the plot, from the turret of 
whose red-tiled roof a bell sounded faintly down the peace- 
ful vale, thrice on every day of the year, summoning its 
devout people to the services of the sanctuary. 

The outbreak of hostilities in the fall of 1755 found 
Gnadenthal a happy and prosperous settlement. The 
stream of fugitives from the frontiers began pouring into 
the " Barony " immediately after, until on January 29, 
1756, Gnadenthal, which had become literally a "Vale of 
Grace," was sheltering 52 of these sufferers within its hos- 
pitable walls. The need of defensive operations was at 
once apparent, and, on January 22, 1756, a stockade was 
commenced. The date of its completion, and its appear- 
ance, are not given, neither is there any record of its occu- 
pancy by Provincial troops. It was doubtless similar to 
that of Friedensthal, and was, unquestionably, guarded by 
its own people, assisted in time of need by detachments of 
the brethren from the neighboring settlement at Christian's 
Spring. 

We have already seen that, in 1757, Governor Denny 
issued, among others, a commission as captain of a watch 
to Abram Hessler in Gnadenthal. 

During these perilous times the farm, or grange, was in 
charge of John Nicholas Weinland, who removed thence 
from "The Rose," and assumed control in 1756. Mr. 
Weinland and Phillippina, his wife (a daughter of the 
patriarch George Loesch of Gernsheim, near Worms, in 
the Palatinate, who lived to be ninety-two years of age, 
and to see gathered around him fifty grandchildren and 
fifty great-grandchildren), came from Thuringenland, 
Saxe-Meiningen. He was a musician, as well as a farmer. 
It is related of him that, while on a visit to Bethlehem, 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 171 

his love of music induced him to enter a hall in which he 
heard some amateur musicians rehearsing. His intrusion, 
of course, arrested their attention, but, in his rustic garb, 
with whip in hand, he sat down, in no wise disconcerted. 
Shortly after one of the performers stepped down from 
the platform to twit the countryman, but the latter was 
too artless to see the point of his jokes. On being asked, 
Weinland replied that he loved music and sometimes prac- 
ticed it. This created merriment, and it was at once sug- 
gested that he give them a specimen of his skill. A violon- 
cello was handed him, a music stand placed in front of him, 
and on it the music laid, upside down. However, none 
abashed, our worthy farmer allowed the sheet to remain 
on the stand as it had been placed there, and then played 
it perfectly. 

Christian's Spring. 

The settlement at Christian's Spring comes next, in 
order of time, to that of Gnadenthal, which it adjoins on 
the southwest, being separated from its buildings by the 
ridge previously mentioned. It was begun in 1747. Here 
the waters of the Monocasy were made to turn the over- 
shot wheel of a grist and saw mill, and, after the erection 
of dwellings and stables, of a smith shop and a brewery, 
the settlement was complete. Men marveled much at the 
quaintness of its houses, quartered and brick-nogged, hip- 
roofed and tiled; they marveled much, too, at the quaint- 
ness of the brotherhood, which, for almost half a century, 
divided its time between the management of the mills and 
the raising of horses and cattle. It was named Albrecht's 
Spring at first, subsequently, however, Christian's Spring, 
in remembrance of Christian Renatus, a son of Count 
Zinzendorf. 

From the same report mentioned in connection with 



172 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Gnadenthal I find the following details concerning the 
buildings which composed this grange: 

Value. 

1. A House of 47 feet long by 30 feet in Breadth, two Stories 

high, with 5 Rooms, 1 Hall, 1 cellar and 1 Fore-house. .£200 

2. A new Brick house, 36 feet long by 28 feet, three Stories 

high, with 8 Rooms, 1 Kitchen and a Bake-House 200 

3. A Smith Shop, 40 by 21 feet 30 

4. A Saw-mill and Miller's house 150 

5. A coal-shop and Stable 5 

6. A walled Brew house, with a vaulted cellar and Grainary 

50 by 30 feet 230 

7. A Cow-house of quartering and Brick-nogged, 70 by 30 

feet 90 

8. A Barn, 75 feet long, 36 feet broad, 16 feet high 75 

£980 

A peculiarity about Christian's Spring was the fact that, 
during the interval between December, of 1749, and April, 
1796, this farm was the seat of an Economy of unmarried 
men known in Moravian parlance as "The Single Brethren's 
Economy at Christian's Spring." Therefore, during the 
Indian depredations, about nine-tenths of the inhabitants 
of the place were men, unburdened by the care and protec- 
tion of wives and little ones. This, at once, placed them 
in a position entirely different from that of the other set- 
tlements. They not only needed no especial protection for 
themselves, but were always in a position to go to the assist- 
ance of others, which they cheerfully did. I can find no 
record of the erection of a stockade at Christian's Spring. 
So many of its principal buildings being either of stone or 
brick, it became only necessary to set a watch and provide 
temporary shutters for the upper windows of the main 
buildings to insure against any possibility of capture, sur- 
prise or destruction by fire. 

Here, too, the ever hospitable doors of the Brethren 



The Moravian Economy and Defenses. 173 

were thrown open to accommodate the refugees of Jan- 
uary, 1756, of whom 48 were sheltered and cared for 
within them. 

At the outbreak of hostilities Brother Nathaniel Seidel, 
of Bethlehem (afterwards a bishop), was in command of 
the "Upper Places." He made his headquarters at 
Christian's Spring. It is related of him, on one occasion, 
that as he was starting for Bethlehem, on foot, and had 
gone probably a mile from the settlement, he detected three 
Indians in hiding who were trying to capture him. Being 
fleet of foot he managed to escape by dodging between the 
trees, and finally regained the Spring. 

It was at this place, also, that Zeisberger, the renowned 
Indian missionary, finished the compilation of his well- 
known Indian dictionary — from the letter W to the end. 





CHAPTER XIII. 

The Rose Inn. 

^*HE youngest sister of the 
^^ family was a bustling and 
cheerful public inn, with the 
beautiful name of "Rose. It was 
distant about one and one-fourth 
miles north by east from Old 
Nazareth. The story of its 
birth and existence is interesting. 
In 175 1 there came orders 
from the head men of the 
church in the old country, for the laying out of a vil- 
lage on some eligible spot within the limits of the Nazareth 
domain. It was to be like the Moravian village in Ger- 
many. Bishop Spangenberg accordingly selected, and had 
surveyed into a town plot, a parcel of one hundred and 
sixty acres, adjacent to the northern boundary of the 
modern borough of Nazareth. The survey was actually 
commenced on the third day of January, 1752, prepara- 
tions were made looking to the erection of dwellings on 
the opening of spring, and the name Gnadenstadt — " The 
City of Grace " — was given to the projected town. On 

(•74) 




The Rose Inn. 175 

January 10 Brother Nathaniel (Seidel) escorted the 
masons and carpenters, forty hands in all, from Bethlehem 
to Christian's Spring. They were received at Nazareth 
with sound of trumpets as a welcome. The masons were 
led to the stone quarry and the carpenters began to fell 
trees. At an early date a small log house was completed 
on the site of the new town, and then the further building 
of Gnadenstadt was indefinitely postponed. The inhabi- 
tants of Nazareth, whom it was proposed to transfer 
thither, were not willing to give up the poetry and freedom 
of an Economy for the prose and restrictions of a muni- 
cipium. The small log house stood vacant until in May, 
1760, when it was occupied by John George Claus, a 
native of Alsace, and Mary Catharine, born Kuehn, his 
wife. In the autumn of 1761 Gottlieb Demuth, from 
Radelsdorf, Bohemia (formerly an inhabitant of Geor- 
gia) , took up a lot a quarter of a mile south from the Inn, 
and blocked up a house. In this way the building of 
Gnadenstadt was gradually resumed, and the place grew; 
but in June, 1762, it received the name of Schoeneck, i. e., 
" Pretty Corner," and so it continued. 

One other building was originally erected, a rather im- 
posing looking frame mansion of two stories, our Inn, and 
as it was the first house of entertainment for the "Tract," 
or " The Barony," as it was called, its erection deserves 
more minute mention. 

On February 2, 1752, John Jacob Loesch and Carl 
Shultze, residents of Bethlehem, were instructed by the 
authorities " to draft an Inn or Tavern House, such as 
would be suitable to erect behind Nazareth for the conve- 
nience of the workmen of Gnadenstadt, and also for the 
entertainment of strangers, said house to be thirty-five by 
thirty feet, to be furthermore quartered, brick-nogged and 



176 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

snugly weather-boarded, with a yard looking North and 
a garden looking South." A site for this important ac- 
cessory was selected on a tract of two hundred and forty- 
one acres of land, which had been surveyed to the Mora- 
vians, some time previous, by Nicholas Scull, and which 
touched the head line of the Barony. Here the Inn was 
staked off, its cellar dug deep down into the cool slate, and, 
on March 27, the first stone of the foundation laid by 
Bishop Spangenberg, assisted by Warden Schropp, of 
Nazareth, Gottlieb Pezold, of Bethlehem, and others. 
Although work was carried on as actively as possible, yet 
it was autumn before the caravansary was completed. It 
contained seven rooms, one kitchen and a cellar. Subse- 
quently a stable of stone, thirty-two by twenty-six feet, and 
a spring house of logs, were built. It was first occupied, 
on September 15, by John Frederick Schaub, a native of 
Zurich, Switzerland, cooper, and Divert Mary, his wife, 
who covenanted to discharge the duties of a landlord 
blamelessly, in consideration of the payment to him, an- 
nually of £10, lawful money of Pennsylvania. 

Standing, as it did, on the great Minisink road that, 
since 1746, led from the farms and settlements dotting 
both shores of the Upper Delaware down to the populous 
portions of the counties, and to the great capital itself, its 
portals soon opened to many a weary traveler who speedily 
found rest and good cheer within. It was on August 6, 
1754, during the above incumbency, that the sign was 
charged with a full blown scarlet rose. Hence, and ever 
afterwards, the house was known as " Der Gasthof zur 
Rose"— "Die Rose"— "The Rose." 

Rev. Reichel very pleasantly says: "Now this floral 
appellation was bestowed upon the lonely hospice not be- 
cause its surcoat was dyed deep in Spanish red, not because 



The Rose Inn. 177 

it was hoped that, in its presence, the surrounding wilder- 
ness of scrub-oak and stunted pines would blossom like 
the queen of flowers, but in order to keep in lively remem- 
brance a point in history — in so far as when John Penn, 
Thomas Penn and Richard Penn released to Letitia 
Aubrey, of London, their half-sister, gentlewoman, the 
five thousand acres of land that had been confirmed to 
his trusty friend, Sir John Flagg, for her sole use and 
behoof, by William Penn, Sr., late Proprietary and Chief 
Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania, by the name 
of William Penn, of Worminghurst, in the County of 
Sussex, Esquire, it was done on the condition of her yield- 
ing and paying therefor One Red Rose, on the twenty- 
fourth day of June yearly if the same should be demanded, 
in full for all services, customs and rents." 

Schaub, his wife and son Johnny, the first child of white 
parents born at Nazareth, bade a reluctant farewell to 
"The Rose" on August 14, 1754. John Nicholas Wein- 
land, his successor, mentioned in connection with Gnaden- 
thal, administered its concerns until the eleventh of De- 
cember following. So it came to pass that the fury of the 
Indian War fell upon its neighborhood during the incum- 
bency of Albrecht Klotz, last from Tulpehocken, but a 
native of Hohenlohe, in the lower Palatinate, blacksmith, 
and Ann Margaret, born Rieth, his wife, born in Scoharie, 
a daughter of old Michael Rieth. Associated with him 
were Christian Stotz, from Laufen, Wurtemberg, farmer, 
and Ann, born Herr, his wife (they, with three children, 
had emigrated to the Province in 1750) , last from Gnaden- 
thal. They came in 1755, and attended to the farming. 
Joseph, a negro, from the Gold Coast, who, since March 
5, 1753, had been acting as hostler, returned to Bethlehem, 
with his Indian wife, Charity, at this critical period. 
16 



178 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

On November 1, 1755, sixty thousand people perished 
at Lisbon in the great earthquake. A curious and inter- 
esting extract from the Moravian Chronicles, over which 
scientists may puzzle, if they see fit, states that, in the early 
morning of the eighteenth of said month, there was heard 
on the Barony, with a star-lit sky overhead, a sound as 
of a rushing wind and of the booming of distant siege 
guns, and whilst the sleepers in their beds at the Inn 
rocked, as do mariners in hammocks out at sea, the doors 
in " The Rose " swung on their hinges and stood open. 

The part taken by our hostelrie in the Indian War was 
of a peculiar and two-fold nature. In the first place it 
was par excellence, a " house of refuge." At the northern 
and most advanced point of the Barony and on the high 
road communicating with the devastated regions, it be- 
came the gateway which admitted the harassed sufferer, 
and those he loved, to safety. On the other hand it was 
through this same gate the soldiers marched to protect 
their friends and repel the invader, and it was here they 
found for a while a comfortable resting place, either when 
on their way to the front, or upon their return from the 
scene of hostilities. It was but seldom its doors did not 
resound to the knock of the refugee, and possibly even 
less seldom they did not open to admit bodies of armed 
men. Indeed, its position of importance as a public house 
and, in addition, as an outpost of the Barony, demanded 
the frequent presence of a guard. When, on rare occa- 
sions, it did not shelter detachments of Provincial troops, 
brethren from Christian's Spring were detailed, in time 
of need, for that duty. So, then, besides being " a house 
of refuge " it was also " a fort." 

On November 25, 1755, upwards of sixty terrified men, 
women and children, from the districts on the north, adja- 
cent to the Barony, thronged through the doorway of the 



The Rose Inn. 179 

Moravian inn, clamorous for shelter and for protection 
from the murdering Indians. Among them were the 
Clevels, from the banks of the romantic Bushkill, the 
Steckers (whose seedling apple is in high esteem to this 
day), the Germantons, the Koehlers, the Klaeses, and the 
Kostenboders, all from the plains of upper Northampton. 
By December 17, 1755, according to an official enumera- 
tion, there were two hundred refugees billeted at Nazareth 
and in the Ephrata House, and one hundred at the other 
settlements on the tract. On January 29, 1756, as pre- 
viously mentioned, there were 253 at Nazareth and 196 at 
the other settlements, of which 226 were children. At 
this time 21 were quartered at "The Rose." It was as 
promiscuous an assemblage as ever had been gathered in so 
short a time, embracing, as it did, men of divers nationali- 
ties and creeds, and women of divers tongues. There were 
the Eisenmanns, the Geislys, the Hecks, the Hesses, the 
Heisses, the Heimanns, the HofTmans, the Hueds or 
Huths, the Kunkles, the Schielses, the Serfases, the Syl- 
vases, and the Weisers, all from Contented Valley; the 
Culvers and the Joneses from McMichael's Creek, the 
Brewsters, the Countrymans, and the Hillmans, from 
Dansbury — and many others. 

Its occupation as a military post covered the interval, 
especially, between November 26, 1755, and February 20, 
1756, a most trying period of the hostilities. On the 
evening of November 26 a company of Saucon rangers, 
under command of Capt. Laubach (the Laubachs were 
settled, prior to 1740, on a branch of the Saucon Creek, 
called Laubach's Creek to this day), halted at the inn, lit 
their camp-fires in the orchard, and bivouacked for the 
night. Having scoured the neighboring woods next day, 
to no purpose, on their return to " The Rose " there came 
intelligence of the enemy's presence in the gap in the moun- 



180 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

tain, whereupon they broke up camp at dusk, and, by the 
friendly light of the full moon, set out in pursuit. Mean- 
while, two detachments of mounted men had arrived. 
These, however, failed to recognize any necessity for their 
presence and so, after having dined, they departed. On 
December 14, Captains Jennings and Doll, at the head 
of their respective commands, passed " The Rose " en 
route for the scene of the last disaster at Hoeth's, under 
orders to search for and bury the dead. Five days later, 
on their return from this dangerous duty, they posted 
Lieut. Brown, with eighteen men, at the inn, for the de- 
fense of the Moravian settlements; and well it was they 
did so, for that very night there were indications of sav- 
ages lurking within gunshot of its doors. Captain Jen- 
nings was the same Solomon Jennings who, at sunrise on 
September 19, 1737, set out with Edward Marshall and 
James Yeates, from John Chapman's corner at Wrights- 
town, to walk for a wager, and to walk off lands for the 
Penns in the celebrated " Walking Purchase," but who, 
on arriving at a point two miles north of the Tohickon, 
about eleven o'clock the same morning, desisted from the 
contest. Falling back into the curious crowd that fol- 
lowed in the wake of the walkers, Jennings parted com- 
pany at the forks of Lehigh (at the head of the Bethlehem 
Iron Company's island), and struck into the path that 
led to his farm, situate about two miles higher up on the 
right bank of the river. Here he died, February 17, 1757. 
On December 21, Captain Craig, with a detachment of 
Ulster-Scots, from their seats on the Monocasy and the 
springs of Calisucks, arrived in order to assure himself 
of the safety of his Moravian neighbors, who, it was 
rumored, had been cut off by the enemy. Next followed 
Captain Trump and Captain Ashton with their companies 
of provincials, from the seat of justice in a remote corner 



The Rose Inn. 181 

of the county, hard by the Jerseys, their destination being 
Smithfield, and their errand the erection of a blockhouse 
within its limits. This was on December 26, and the last 
movement of the military past " The Rose " in the year 

1755. 

In the first month of 1756, however, the halls of the 

hostelrie again echoed to the tramp of martial feet, and 
perhaps never more loudly than during the occupation of 
the Nazareth tract by Captain Isaac Wayne, of Franklin's 
command, in the interval between January 5 and 15. In 
the ensuing weeks there was constant intercourse between 
Nazareth and the men of war in Smithfield, detachments 
of Trump's men coming down from Fort Hamilton to 
convey supplies of bread, baked at stated periods in the 
large family oven in the Barony, to their hungry comrades. 
But, on February 17, our good landlord, Albrecht Klatz, 
was perhaps more sorely tried than on any previous occa- 
sion, when he was obliged to billet sixty soldiers who were 
clamoring for bed and board at the already crowded inn. 
The following entries from the accounts of the tavern 

are very interesting : 

1756. 

January 26. To Smithy at Christian's Spring for sundry 

work £ 3 • 4 

February 5. To meals furnished Capt. Ashton's Company. 1. 4 

February 14. To 25 men's eating and drinking, in com- 
mand of Lieut. Anthony Miller 1.10 

February 18. To 31 men's breakfast of Capt. Trump's 

company 1 5-<> 

February 19. To meals furnished Capt. Arndt's company, 

in command of Ensign Nicholas Conrad no 

February 19. To meals and drams furnished Capt. 

Wetherhold's company 1 5 

February 23. To 700 lbs. bread delivered to Capt. W. 

Craig in Nazareth 4-7-6 

March 26. To 200 lbs. bread delivered in Nazareth to 

Capt. Wetherhold *• 5 

£14.10 



182 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Gottlieb Senseman was baker-general at Nazareth. 

After this the presence of the military at " The Rose " 
became less frequent, and gradually, though not uninter- 
ruptedly, its history's stream returned into its former more 
peaceful channel. Were it a part of this work it would 
be interesting to tell of its remaining landlords, as well as 
to dwell on a few of those who enjoyed its hospitality. 
The only remaining occurrence, however, which admits 
of notice, was the visit, on September 18 and 19, 1757, of 
Jacob Volck, Lewis Jung and three Indians, who had 
been sent by Teedyuscung to Joseph Kellar's place, to see 
if any of his liege subjects had been implicated in the cap- 
ture of the latter's wife near Tead's blockhouse, on Sep- 
tember 16. This was under the incumbency of Hartmann 
Verdriers, the fifth landlord, and his wife, Catharine, born 
Bender, who occupied it August 20, 1756. 

After various further alarms and guard mountings, 
various visits of Indians and authorities of the Province, 
during the efforts made to bring about a treaty of peace, 
and various vicissitudes, incident to all similar buildings, 
it finally came into the hands of its last landlord, John 
Lischer, who, with his wife, Mary Catharine, adminis- 
tered its affairs from April 20, 1765, until March 30, 
1772. With his retirement it ceased to be an inn, having 
been sold, in 1 77 1, to Dorst Alteman, a native of the 
Canton of Berne, Switzerland, but, prior to 1761, an in- 
habitant of Lancaster County. It then passed through 
various hands until the spring of 1858, when the old 
hostelrie was doomed to destruction. Its chimneys were 
torn down, its roof was removed, its floors torn up. Some 
of the boards, which survived the wreck, were used to 
cover the gables of the tenant house which then stood on 
its site. 




CHAPTER XIV. 

The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 

^"HE murderous forays of the 
^^ savages, which began in 
October, 1755, near their head- 
quarters at Shamokin,had spread, 
by December to the eastern lim- 
its of the province, when they 
reached the Minisink region and 
embraced that entire locality. 
On the night of December 10 
the Hoeth family was almost exterminated. They lived 
on the Poco Poco Creek, later known, because of this 
murder, as Hoeth's Creek, and now as Big Creek, a trib- 
utary of the Lehigh River above Weissport. The tragedy 
occurred in the near vicinity of where Fort Norris was 
afterwards built. 

By daylight of the next morning the Culvers, McMich- 
aels and other families were attacked, murders committed 
and property destroyed. They then made an assault on 
Brodhead's house, near the mouth of the Brodhead Creek, 
not far distant from where Stroudsburg now stands, but, 
fortunately, were beaten off. Among the sons, who aided 
in this defense, was, doubtless, the one who was afterwards 
distinguished in the Revolution, and in subsequent Indian 
wars, as General Brodhead. He had command of Fort 

(183) 



184 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Pitt about the year 1780, and, previous to that, had charge 
of a garrison on the West Branch. He was particularly 
noted for his intrepidity and success in heading small par- 
ties of frontier men against the Indians. 

On December 12, 1755, Justice Timothy Horsfield 
wrote the Governor from Bethlehem, inclosing " a faithful 
Translation of two Original German letters to the Rev- 
erend Mr. Spangenberg, which are just now come to hand, 
& which will inform your Honour of the particulars which 
I have to lay before you; Your Honour will thereby see 
what Circumstances we are in in these parts. I would 
also just mention to your Honour that the bearer brings 
along with him some pieces of arms which fail in the using, 
and which makes the people afraid to take them in hand. 
I pray your Honour will take it into your further Consid- 
eration & give us all the assistance that lays in your power." 

The following was one of the above letters to Bishop 
Spangenberg: 

"Nazareth, nth December, 1755. 

11 Mr. Bizman who just now came from the Blue Moun- 
tain, & is the bearer of this Letter will tell you that there 
is a number of 200 Indians about Brodhead's Plantation, 
they have destroyed most all the Plantations thereabouts, 
and Killed several families at Hoeth's. You will be so 
kind and acquaint Mr. Horsfield directly of it, that he may 
send a Messenger to Philadelphia & let all our Neighbors 
know what he have to expect, and that they may come to 
our assistance. " Nathaniel/' 

And this was the other: 

"An hour ago came Mr. Glotz and told us that the 10th 
Instant in the night Hoeth's Family were killed by the 
Indians, except his Son & the Smith, who made their Es- 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 185 

cape, and the houses burnt down. Just now came old Mr. 
Hartman, with his Family, who also escaped and they say 
that all the neighborhood of the above mentioned Hoeth's, 
viz't: Brodhead's, Culver's, McMichael's, & all Houses 
and Families thereabouts were attacked by the Indians at 
Daylight and burnt down by them. 

" Mr. Culver's and Hartman's Family are come to us 
with our Waggons & lodge partly here in Nazareth, partly 
in the Tavern. Our Waggons, which were to fetch some 
Corn, were met by Culvers 3 miles this Side his House, and 
when they heard this shocking news they resolved to return 
& to carry these poor People to Nazareth. They say also 
that the number of Indians is about Two Hundred. We 
want to hear your good advice what to do in this present 
Situation & Circumstances, and desire if possible your 
asistance. »« Graff." 

Upon arrival at places of safety the survivors of the 
massacre were called upon to make affidavit as to occur- 
rences in which they had been actors. 

One of them seems to have crossed over into New Jer- 
sey, where his deposition was taken at Phillipsburg, as per 
the following communication : 

11 Colonel: 

" Joseph Stout received one Express this morning by a 
young man from that place, where John Carmeckle & 
Brodhead lives back of Samuel Dupues, where they were 
attacked Yesterday about 1 1 o'clock, where the Barn & 
Barracks was on fire, & heard the Guns a firing (for Brod- 
head had Barracaded his House), & there was several 
People Killed, & I fled to Jno. Anderson for help; & as 
near as I could think there was an hundred Enemy that 



186 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

appeared to me, and was in White People's clothing — only 
a few Match Coats. 

"Sworn before me this 12th day of December, 1755. 

"Henry Cole." 
11 Col. Stout: 

" I desire you would come up directly with your Regi- 
ment till you and I see if we can Save our Country. Your 
Compliance will oblige your real friend 

"John Anderson. 
" Philips Burgh." 

The following deposition was taken before Wm. Par- 
sons, at Easton: 

"The 1 2th Day of December, 1755, Personally ap- 
peared before me, William Parsons, one of his Majesty's 
Justices of the Peace for the County of Northampton, 
Michael Hute, aged about 21 Years, who being duly sworn 
on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, did depose & 
declare that last Wednesday about 6 of the clock, after- 
noon, a Company of Indians about 5 in Number attacked 
the House of Frederick Heath, about 12 miles Eastward 
from Gnadenhiitten on Pocho Pocho Creek. That the 
family being at Supper the Indians shot into the House & 
wounded a woman ; at the next shot they killed Frederick 
Hoeth himself, & shot several times more, whereupon all 
ran out of the House that could. The Indians imme- 
diately set fire to the House, Mill and Stables. Hoeth's 
wife ran into the Bakehouse, which was also set on Fire. 
The poor woman ran out thro' the Flames, and being very 
much burnt she ran into the water and there dyed. The 
Indians cut her belly open, and used her otherwise in- 
humanly. They killed and Scalped a Daughter, and he 
thinks that three other Children who were of the Family 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 187 

were burnt. Three of Hoeth's Daughters are missing 
with another Woman, who are supposed to be carried off. 
In the action one Indian was killed & another wounded; 
and further this Deponent saith not. 

"John Michael Hute 

" Sworn at Easton, the day and Year said, Before me 

"Wm. Parsons." 

The next deposition, also made before Mr. Parsons, 
bears more directly upon the events which transpired near 
Brodhead's : 

"The 12th Day of December, 1755, Personally ap- 
peared before me, William Parsons, one of his Majesty's 
Justices of the Peace for the County of Northampton, 
John McMichael, Henry Dysert, James Tidd & Job Bake- 
horn, Jr., who being duly sworn on the Holy Evangelists 
of Almighty God, did depose and declare, that Yesterday 
about 3 of the clock, afternoon, two Indian Men came 
from towards Brodhead's House, who fired at these De- 
ponents and several others, who returned the fire and made 
the Indians turn off. And the said Deponents, James 
Tidd and Job Bakehorn, further said, that as they were 
going round the Stock Yard of the said McMichael, where 
they all were, they saw, as they verily believe, at least 4 
Indians on their knees about twenty perches from the 
Stock Yard, who fired at the Deponents. And these De- 
ponents further say that they were engaged in manner 
aforesaid with the Indians at least three Quarters of an 
hour. And these Deponents, John McMichael and Henry 
Dysert further say, that they saw the Barn of the said 
Brodhead's on fire about nine of the clock in the morning, 
which continued Burning till they left the House, being 



1 88 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

about 4, afternoon, and that they heard shooting and 
crying at Brodhead's House almost the whole Day, and 
that when they left McMichael's House the Dwelling 
House of said Broadhead was yet unburnt, being, as they 
supposed, defended by the People within it. And the 
Deponents, James Tidd & Job Bakehorn, further say, that 
they did not come to McMichael's House till about 3 in the 
afternoon, when they could see the Barn and Barracks of 
the said Broadhead's on fire. And these Deponents further 
say that they did not see any one Killed on either side, but 
James Garlanthouse, one of their company, was shot 
through the Hand & Arm ; and further these Deponents 
say not." "The mark of 

"Jno. McMichael. 
"The mark of 

"Henry H. Dysert. 
"The mark of 

"James X Tidd. 

" Job Bacorn. 
" Sworn at Easton the Day and Year aforesaid Before me 

"Will'm Parsons." 

The alarming condition of affairs bore heavily upon the 
little town of Easton. Too weak to care for themselves 
the following appeal was made by Mr. Parsons to James 
Hamilton and Benjamin Franklin, who had just been ap- 
pointed by the Governor to take charge of the defensive 
operations about to be inaugurated. 

"Easton, December 15th, 1755. 
"Honoured Sirs: 

" I make bold to trouble You once more, and it is not 
unlikely that it may be the last time. The Settlers on this 
side of the mountain all along the River side, are actually 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 189 

removed, and we are now the Frontier of this part of the 
Country. Our poor people of this Town have quite ex- 
pended their little substance & are quite wearied out with 
watching, and were all along in hopes the Government 
would have taken some measures for their Relief & for 
the security of the Town. But now seeing themselves as 
well as the Town neglected, they are moving away as fast 
as they can. So that if we have not help nor no orders 
from the Commissioners to use means to get help in a day 
or two, we shall every one of us be obliged to leave the 
Town & all we have in it to the fury of the Enemy, who 
there is no reason to doubt are lurking about within sight 
of us. Besides the Losses which I have reason to sustain 
in this general Calamity, I have expended what little stock 
of Cash I had, in Publick Services, so that I am obliged to 
send this by a private hand, not being able to pay a person 
to go express with it. Pray do something or give some 
order for our speedy relief, or the whole country will be 
entirely ruined. If you had but given Encouragements 
to some Persons that you could have confided in, for their 
Employing people just for our present Defence, till you 
could have agreed on a general Plan, all this part of the 
Country might have been saved which is now entirely lost, 
& the Enemy are still perpetrating further and further, 
and if immediate measures are not taken, they will very 
soon be within sight of Philad a . This is my real opinion 
for all the country is flying before them and no means are 
employed to stop them. 

" I am, Honoured Sirs, Your most obedient humble 
Servant. "Wm. Parsons/' 

On New Year's Day of 1756 an attack was made on the 
house of Henry Hess, the details of which are given in 



190 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

an examination of Henry Hess, a nephew, aged nineteen 
years, who had been taken prisoner and was one of those 
brought back by the Indians during the Conference at 
Easton in November, 1756: 

" This Examination saith that on New Year's day last 
he was at his Unckles, Henry Hess's Plantation in the said 
Township of Lower Smithfield, and that his Father, Peter 
Hess, Nicholas Coleman, and one Gotlieb, a laborer, were 
there likewise. That about nine o'clock in the morning 
they were surprised by a party of Twenty-five Indians, 
headed by Teedyuscung, among whom were several of 
those now in Town, viz. Peter Harrison, Samuel Evans, 
Christian, Tom Evans, that they Killed the said Nicholas 
Coleman and Gotlieb, and took his Father & himself Pris- 
oners, set fire to the Stable, hunted up the horses and took 
three of them. Then the Indians went over the second 
Blue Mountains, and overtook five Indians with two Pris- 
oners, Leonard and William Weeser, and a little after this 
they kill this Examinant's Father, Peter Hess, in his pres- 
ence, scalped him and took off all his cloaths. The In- 
dians, who were thirty in number, in ye evening before it 
was dark, stopped & kindled a Fire in the woods, first 
tying him and the two Weesers with ropes and fastening 
them to a tree, in which manner they remained all night, 
Tho' it was extremely cold, the coldest night as He thinks 
in this whole year. Some or other of the Indians were 
awake all night, it being as they said too cold to sleep. 
They seemed to be under no apprehension of being pur- 
sued, for they set no watch. As soon as day broke they 
set off traveling but slowly, and the next day they came 
to Wyomish, an Indian town on the Susquehannah, and 
finding no Indians there, this Examinant understanding 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 191 

afterwards that the Indians who used to live there had 
removed to Tacounich for fear of being attacked, they 
proceeded on their journey & came the next day to the 
Town where were about one hundred Indians, men, women 
& children. This Examinant further saith, that after 
the severe weather was abated, all the Indians quitted 
Tacounich and removed to Diahogo, distant as he thinks 
fifty miles, situate at the mouth of the Cayuga Branch, 
where they staid till Planting time, and then some of them 
went to a place up the Cayuga Branch near its head, called 
Little Shingle, where they planted corn, and lived there 
till they set off for this Treaty. During this Examinant's 
stay with them small parties of five or six warriors went 
to war, and returned with some Scalps & Prisoners which 
they said they had taken at Allemingle and Minisinks. 
This Examinant says further that they would frequently 
say in their discourses all the country of Pennsylvania did 
belong to them, & the Governors were always buying their 
lands from them but did not pay them for it. That 
Teedyuscung was frequently in conversation with a negro 
man, a Runaway, whose Master lived some where above 
Samuel Depuys, and he overheard Teedyuscung advising 
him to go among the Inhabitants, & talk with the negros, 
& persuade them to kill their Masters, which if they would 
do he would be in the woods ready to receive any negros 
y't would murder their Masters & they might live well with 
the Indians. This Examinant saith, that he saw some 
English Prisoners at different places up the Cayuga Branch, 
and particularly one Hunt, a Boy, as he thinks, of fifteen 
or sixteen years, who was taken near Paulius Kiln in Jer- 
sey, that he had not seen him after Teedyuscung's Return 

to Diahogo on his first journey." 

his 
Henry X Hess. 
mark 



192 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The examination of Leonard Weeser, mentioned by 
Henry Hess, aged twenty years, taken before the Gov- 
ernor on November 9, 1756, was to the following effect: 

"This Examinant says that on the 31st Dec'r last he 
was at his Father's House beyond the mountains, in Smith- 
field Township, Northampton County, w'th his Father, 
his Bro'r William & Hans Adam Hess; That Thirty In- 
dians from Wyomink surrounded them as they were at 
work, killed his Father & Hans Adam Hess and took this 
Examinant & his Brother William, aged 17, Prisoners. 
The next day the same Indians went to Peter Hess's, 
Father of the s'd Hans Adam Hess ; they killed two young 
men, one Nicholas Burman, ye other's Name he knew not, 
& took Peter Hess & his elder son, Henry Hess, and went 
off ye next morning at the great Swamp, distant about 30 
miles from Weeser's Plantation, they killed Peter Hess, 
sticking him with their knives, as this Examinant was told 
by ye Indians, for he was not present. Before they went 
off they burned the Houses & a Barrack of wheat, Kill'd 
ye Cattle & Horses & Sheep, & destroyed all they could. 
Thro' ye Swamp they went directly to Wyomink, where 
they stayed only two days & then went up the river to 
Diahoga, where they stayed till the Planting Time, & from 
there they went to little Passeeca, and Indian Town, up the 
Cayuga Branch, & there they stayed till they brought him 
down. Among the Indians who made this attack & took 
him prisoner were Teedyuscung alias Gideon alias Honest 
John, & three of his Sons, Amos & Jacob, ye other's name 
he knew not. Jacobus & his Sons, Samuel Evans & 
Thomas Evans were present; Daniel was present, one 
Yacomb, a Delaware, who used to live in his Father's 
Neighborhood. They said that all the country was theirs 
& they were never paid for it, and this they frequently 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 193 

gave as a reason for their conduct. The King's Son 
Amos took him, this Examinant, & immediately gave him 
over to his Father. He says that they cou'd not carry all 
the Goods, y't were given them when last here, & the 
King sent to his wife to send him some Indians to assist 
him to carry the Goods, & she ordered him to go with some 
Indians to the old man & coming where the Goods lay, 
ab't 18 miles on the other side of Fort Allen, he stayed 
while Sam Evans went to the Fort to tell Teedyuscung that 
said Indians were with ye Goods & this Examinant with 
them, & this being told ye white People, Mr. Parsons sent 
two soldiers to ye place where the Goods were & brought 
him down with them, and he has stayed in Northampton 
County ever since. This Examinant saw at Diahogo a 
Boy of Henry Christmans, who lived near Fort Norris, & 
one Daniel William's wife & five children, Ben Feed's wife 
& three children; a woman, ye wife of a Smith, who lived 
with Frederick Head, & three children ; a woman taken at 
Cushictunk, a Boy of Hunt's who lived in Jersey, near 
Canlin's Kiln & a negro man; a Boy taken about 4 miles 
from Head's, called Nicholas Kainsein, all of which were 
Prisoners with the Indians at Diahoga & Passeeca, and 
were taken by the Delaware Indians; that Teedyuscung 
did not go against the English after this Examinant was 
taken, Tho' His sons did; That the King called all the 
Indians together, & they made up ye number of Eighty 
Five, viz: from Diahoga and Passeeca, & another Indian 
Town ; That Provisions were very scarce ; That they went 
frequently out in parties ag't ye English; That he never 
saw any French or other Indians among them as he 
Knows of." his 

Leonard X Weeser. 
mark 
17 



194 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Two cotemporaneous letters have been found, bearing 
on the horrible scenes of which we have related but a few 
incidents, which, though brief, are of interest. One of 
them, dated December 18, 1755, says "that a party of 
Indians had gathered behind the Blue Mountains to the 
number of 200, and had burned the greater part of the 
buildings, and killed upwards of a hundred of the inhab- 
itants." 

The other, dated the twentieth of December, reads as 
follows : 

" The barbarous and bloody scenes which is now open 
in the upper parts of Northampton County, is the most 
lamentable that perhaps ever appeared. There may be 
seen horror and desolation; populous settlements deserted; 
villages laid in ashes; men, women and children massacred, 
some found in the woods very nauseous for want of inter- 
ment, some just reeking from the hands of their savage 
slaughterers, and some hacked and covered all over with 
wounds." 

To this latter epistle was annexed a list of seventy-eight 
persons killed, and more than forty settlements burned, 
which, most unfortunately, has gone astray and cannot, at 
this time, be recorded. 

Our tale of the slaughter which took place prior to the 
systematic operations for defense, undertaken by the Gov- 
ernment, cannot be better brought to a close than by quot- 
ing "A Brief Narrative of the Incursions and Ravages 
of the French & Indians in the Province of Pennsylvania," 
which was presented by the Secretary to the Provincial 
Council at its meeting held in Philadelphia on December 
29, 1755, as a succinct summary of events to that period. 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 195 

"Oct r 1 8th, 1755, a party of Indians fell upon the In- 
habitants on Mahanahy Creek that runs into the river 
Susquehannah about five miles' Lower than the Great Fork 
made by the Junction of the two main Branches of that 
river, killed and carried off twenty-five persons & burnt 
and destroyed their Buildings and improvements, and the 
whole settlement was deserted. 

" 23rd. Forty-six of the Inhabitants on Susquehannah 
went to Shamokin to enquire of the Indians there who 
they were who had so cruelly fallen upon and ruined the 
Settlements on Mahanahy Creek, but as they were repass- 
ing Mahanahy Creek on their return from Shamokin they 
1 were fired upon by some Indians who lay in Ambush, and 
four were Killed, four drowned, & the rest put to flight, 
on which all the Settlements between Shamokin & Hunter's 
mill for the space of 50 miles along the River Susque- 
hannah were deserted. 

"31st. An Indian Trader and two other men in the 
Tuscarora Valley were killed by Indians, and their Houses, 
&ca burnt, on which most of the Settlers fled and aban- 
doned their Plantations. 

" Novm r 2nd. The Settlem ts in the Great Cove attacked, 
their Houses burnt, six Persons murdered and seventeen 
carried away, and the whole broke up and destroy'd. 

" 3rd. Two women are carried away from Conegochege 
by the Indians, & the same day the Canalaways and little 
Cove, two other considerable Settlem ts were attacked by 
them, their Houses burnt, & the whole Settlements deserted. 
" 1 6th. A Party of Indians crossed the Susquehannah 
and fell upon the County of Berks, murdered 13 Persons, 
burnt a great number of Houses, destroyed vast quantities 
of Cattle, Grain, and Fodder, and laid waste a large extent 
of Country. 



196 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 21st. A fine Settlement of Moravians, called Gnaden- 
hiitten, situate in Northampton County, on the West 
Branch of the river Delaware, was attack'd, six of them 
killed, and their Dwelling Houses, meeting house, and all 
their Outhouses burnt to Ashes, with all the Grain, Hay, 
Horses, and upwards of forty head of fat Cattle that were 
under cover. 

" Decm r During all this Month the Indians have been 
burning and destroying all before them in the County of 
Northampton, and have already burnt fifty Houses here, 
murdered above one hundred Persons, & are still contin- 
uing their Ravages, Murders and Devastations, & have 
actually overrun and laid waste a great part of that 
County, even as far as within twenty miles of Easton, its 
chief Town. And a large Body of Indians, under the 
Directions of French officers, have fixed their head Quar- 
ters within the Borders of that county for the better secur- 
ity of their Prisoners and Plunder. 

" This is a brief account of the progress of these Sav- 
ages since the Eighteenth day of October, on which day 
was committed the first Inroad ever made by Indians upon 
this Province since its first Settlement, and in consequence 
here of all our Frontier Country, which extends from the 
River Patowmac to the River Delaware, not less than one 
hundred and fifty miles in length and between twenty and 
thirty in breadth but not fully settled, has been entirely 
deserted, the Houses and improvements reduced to Ashes, 
the Cattle, Horses, Grain, Goods, & Effects of the Inhab- 
itants either destroyed, burned, or carried off by the In- 
dians, whilst the poor Planters, with their wives, children 
and servants, who could get away, being without arms or 
any kind of Defence have been obliged in this severe sea- 
son of the Year to abandon their Habitations naked and 



The Outbreak Near the Delaware River. 197 

without any support and throw themselves on the Charity 
of the other Inhabitants within the interior Parts of the 
Province, upon whom they are very heavy Burthen. 

" Such shocking Descriptions are given by those who 
have escaped of the horrid Cruelties and indecencies com- 
mitted by these merciless Savages on the Bodies of the 
unhappy wretches who fell into their Barbarous hands, 
especially the Women, without regard to Sex or Age as 
far exceeds those related of the most abandoned Pirates; 
which has occasioned a general Consternation and has 
struck so great a Pannick and Damp upon the Spirits of 
the people, that hitherto they have not been able to make 
any considerable resistance or stand against the Indians. 

"All our accounts agree in this that the French, since 
the defeat of General Braddock, have gained over to their 
Interest the Delawares, Shawonese, and many other Indian 
Nations formerly in our Alliance, and on whom, thro' 
fear and their large promises of Rewards for Scalps and 
assurances of reinstating them in the Possession of the 
lands they have sold to the English, they have prevailed 
to take up Arms against us, and to join heartily with 
them in the execution of the ground they have been long 
meditating of obtaining, the possession of all the Country 
between the river Ohio and the river Susquehannah, and 
to secure that possession by building a strong Fort at 
Shamokin, which by its so advantageous situation at the 
Conflux of the two main Branches of Susquehannah (one 
whereof interlocks with the waters of the Ohio, and the 
other heads in the Center of the Country of the Six Na- 
tions) will command and make the French entire Masters 
of all that extensive, rich and fertile Country and of all 
the Trade with the Indians. And from whence they can 
at pleasure enter and annoy our Territories, and put an 



198 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



effectual stop to the future extention of our Settlements on 
that Quarter, not to mention the many other obvious mis- 
chiefs and fatal Consequences that must attend their having 
a Fort at Shamokin. 

" Note. — Some Fachines have been lately discovered 
floating down the River Susquehannah a little below Sha- 
mokin, by which, as the Indians were never known to use 
Fachines, it is conjectured the French have begun and are 
actually building a Fort at that most important place." 





CHAPTER XV. 

The Powell List of Sufferers. 

^fl* HANKS to the careful research 

IfeU and kind attention of Dr. 

Julius F. Sachse and Dr. John W. 

Jordan, of the Historical Society of 

Pennsylvania, and to said society for 

the use of its manuscript, the writer 

is able to make public the following 

most valuable list of refugees to the 

Moravian Settlements, in the winter of 1756, who were 

cared for by the brethren. The list itself is preceded by 

a letter of Bishop Joseph Spangenberg, of the Moravian 

Church, fully explanatory of it and vouching for its 

authenticity. 

The Letter. 

"Mv Dear Friend Anthony: Please to remember, that 
I once wrote you in that hard Winter, when more than 
six Hundred Men, Women and Children, in their utmost 

099) 




200 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Distress, came to the Brethren's Settlements, in the Forks 
of Delaware, to find there a Shelter, and some Relief in 
their Wants and Nakedness; Many of them having had 
their houses, Barns, Cattle and all burnt and destroyed 
by the Savages and just having saved their Life. 

" You was so kind, to communicate my Letter to some 
Friends, and they moved with Compassion, sent up some 
goods, Cloaths, etc., to relieve the said unhappy Sufferers; 
with Orders, that those, who had lost all they had at 
Gnadenhiitten should by no Means be excluded from par- 
taking of the said Charities. 

" I upon that, not being able my self to make the Dis- 
tribution thereof, went to one of the Magistrates of this 
County residing in Bethlehem, and desired him, to appoint 
some Persons of a noted good Character, and to give them 
the Charge of a prudent and faithful Distribution of the 
just mentioned Charities; such Things of that Nature 
requiring great Exactness, that they may appear just and 
right, when examined into, before all the World, so as 
they are done in the Eyes of the Lord. 

" Mr. Horsfield, upon this my Request, appointed 
Joseph Powel, Samuel's Brother, to take the said Matter 
into Hand with the help of some other Brethren, who 
were to assist him, and He was advised first, to inquire 
into the Circumstances of each Family, to take down the 
Number of their Children, to find out what Losses they 
had met with, and what were their Wants and Necessities; 
and then to look over the List of all the Goods He had 
received, and to make a proper Distribution, giving them 
most, who had lost most, and wanted most, and giving 
them less, who had something left unto them, and could 
help themselves yet. 

"He faithfully did so, to the best of his Ability (and 













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The Powell List of Sufferers. 201 

He is a Valuable Man) and kept an Account of all things, 
making Himself Debtor for all, He had received, and 
Creditor for all, He had given to the poor Refugees, 
taking at the same Time Receipts for all, He gave out; 
when this could be done; for in some Triflings it could 
not be. 

"When afterwards the said Joseph Powel was moving 
to Oblong, in Dutches County, Newyork Government, 
where He at present preaches the Gospel with Blessing; 
he had first all his Accounts enter'd into a Book, which He 
put into the Hands of a Magistrate of this County, to be 
inspected by any one, who has Reason to ask for it; viz: 
into the Hands of Timothy Horsefields, Esqr s . 

" Now I hear, that some unkind People have spoken 
ill of the Brethren, as if they had not dealt faithfully with 
the said Charities; and that some of the Friends have 
spoken in the same Way. It is pity. 

" If I remember right, this is not the first Time, that I 
let you know, how we have acted in the said Circum- 
stances; desiring you, to acquaint all the Benefactors with 
it. I hope, you have done so, but who can help against 
a wicked Tongue ? 

" However, my Dear Friend, give me Leave to ask 
one favour of you, viz. 

" Please to lay this my Letter before the Benefactors, 
who sent up the said Charities for the poor Refugees? 

" Please to ask them, for Goodness sake, to send up two 
or three Deputies, to inspect the said Accounts of Joseph 
Powels, and to examine them. 

" This I hope will be the best way to satisfy every Body, 
who is suspicious about it; when He hath a Mind to be 
satisfied with the Truth. 

"As for the Rest of the People, who don't care what 



202 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

they say wether right or wrong, wether true or false, 
wether good or bad; I think, we should beat the Air, in 
trying to set them to rights. 

" I have thought some Times; wether the said Accounts 
should not be published? But considering that the Names 
of poor honest people must be exposed to the public ( : and 
many poor honest people would rather suffer the greatest 
Hardships then see themselves in their Poverty exposed) 
in so doing, have thought it best, to leave it in Mr. Horse- 
field's hands, for the use of all, who want to see it. When 
once it comes in that way, that it is rather a Shame for a 
Christian to be rich, then to be poor (for our Master was 
poor in the World) I then will alter my Opinion. 

" Thy affectionate 
"Br. Sp." 
"Bethlehem, June 10 

"I757-" 




No. 3. 

1755 



Dec r 



MEAL. 



1756 
Jan^ 



5 
Febr* 12 



Received. 

From sundry People 
rec d in Nazareth 21 
Bush 3 Rye Meal 
at 37 ft) "3 Bushl 

make 

Sam 1 Folck in great 

Swamp 

Hanickel in Cushe- 

hoppen 



11. 



Frencon Township ^ 
Chr n Meyer 

Shippach ^ Valentin 
Hussiger 

Saccon Township ^ 
Bal e Lawr 

Lower D°. $ Gratius 
Lark 

The Friends in Wor 
cester 

The Friends in ^1 
Lower Saccon I 
Township ^ John f 
Nich 9 Full J 

Carried forward 



11. 



777 



150 



382 
736 
422 
217 



2239 



1705 



1756 
Jannr 



2148 



1757 



3944 



8626 



Febr? 



March 1 



Disbursed. 

To 25 Families in Num 
ber 105 in Bethlehem.. 
D° 

Peter Kofman 

D° 

D. M. Lane& Family 
D° 



28 



-9 



D°. 
D°. 
D°. 



II. 



5° 
4° 
48 

3-1 
109 

36 

45 
35 
4° 



11. 



W m Camel & Family 

Mar n Dewalt& D° 

Nich 8 Bexer 

Adam Gramlich 

Fr h Segle 

W m Stover 

Leonhard Beyer 

Peter Tull 

Dan 1 Mathew 

Anna Lindamon 

Henry Garster 

Peter Conrad 

Adam Gramlich 

Nick 8 Bexer 

John Bartley 

An a Barb a Freyeher. 

John Ecker 

D° 

Ulrich Rhode , 

David Maclen 

John Becker 

Marg. Saxon 

David Weisser 

An tt Cath a Nyhardt.. 

Jacob Haley 

Christ Jake 

D° 

Johanna Rone 

J. George Beck 

D° 



Jacob Nyhardt 

John Hen? Costen- 

bader 

Elias Humel 

Sus Rhode 

MicWKlass 

Jasper Plile 

Peter Adelman 

James Mally 

David Maclen 



Sundry People d d in 

Nazareth '313 

Ana Mar a Saxon 40 

D° 47 

D° 45 

D° 1 42 

40 
40 
40 
40 
60 
60 
20 
70 
40 

3" 
40 
40 

4" 
80 
IOO 
50 
15 
45 
50 
37 
40 
40 

74 
50 
50 

5° 

46 

4" 

60 

100 



437 



1974 



Carried forward 360 241 1 



No 14 



WOOLEN STUFF. 



1755 
Dec r 30 



Received. 



1756 
Jan'? 12 



-9 



From Friends in Philadel- 
phia 

1 Piece Half Thick 

3 Remnant of D° 

Printed Flanell 

RedD° 

Blue Linsev Woolsey.. 

Strip 4 D° ... 

Kersey 

Stuff." 

4 P 8 Red & 1 P oe blew 
Half Thick 

2 P 8 strip 4 1 P ce white 3 P 8 
red Flanell 

4 P 8 colourd Cotton 

1 P ce D° 

Narrow gray Cloth 

Stripd Flannell 



1 Piece Blew Strowds 

Coloured Cloth 

Narrow blew Cloth .... 

Flowred Flanell 

Sarge 

2P 3 blew half Thicks... 
1 P ce strip 4 Flannell 



yds 



202b 



Yd s 



1755 



3° 
9 

2# 

44 
150 

2 
6% 

630 

4 

3 

4 

2 
60 
35 



Dec r 3 1 



760^ 



1756 
Jan r r 



[Disbursed. 



To Georg Pulkhard & Wife 
half Thicks 

striped Linsev Woolsey... 

Ephraim Colver & 
Family blew Strip' 1 
Flannell 

Nap Cloth 

Strip* Flanell 

Stuff 

Blew Cotton Nap Cloth.... 

Red Flannel 

Red Half Thicks 

Printed Flanell 

Red D° 

Strip 11 D° 

wh ite D° 

Fr d Jones & Family blew 
strip 1 Flannell 

Blew half Thicks 

Narrow Kersey Cloth 

Blew Cotton Nap Cloth.... 

Blew Linsey Woolsey 

Half Thicks 

Stuff 

Red Flanell 

Printed D° 

Strip d D° 

white D° 



John Hillman Printed 
Flanell 

Red Blew & Strip 4 D°... 

Half Thicks 

Blew Cotton Nap Cloth 

Stuff 

Henry Countryman & 
Family 

Cotton Nap Cloth 

Half Thicks 

Red Half Thicks 

Red Flannell 

Strip 4 D° 

Printed D° 

Strip 4 Stuff 



David Brubaker & Wife 

Red Flannell 

Strip 4 D° 

Printed D° 

Cotton Nap Cloth 

half Thicks 

,0 lien COlger 1 Cotton 
JohAdHtiedh[NfpCloth 

Nich* Huedh J btutt 

Nich" Rhode Strowds 

Half Thicks 

Nich' Sholl & Family 
Half Thicks 

Flannell 

John Slagel Strip 4 Flan- 
nell 

White D" 

Red D° 

Nap Cloth 

George [asp* I Iise Cotton 
Nap Cloth 

Red Flannel 

Fred* Garmentown Half 

Thick* 

Mich 1 Keents & Fam" 

Red half Thicks 

white Flannel 



Yd* 



6/ 2 



1/2 
5X 
i% 

11 

6 

ioyi 

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3 

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iH 

l A 
VA 
8 

4X 
13/2 
11 

8X 

uU 

6 
139 

29X 

15 
17 

7 



6 

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8}4 

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238^ 

U 

1 
3 
3 

15'; 
9 

S% 

3 

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No. 16. 



GARMENTS. 



1756 



Disbursed. 



Brought forward 

Tan r r 14T0 Elias Hammil 

Joseph Keller 

David MagLane 

Indians blew and white flannal 

Christian Klein 

Johan Peterson 

Hartsbel Greear sundry old Cloth's & 

Frederick Braeker 

Anna Hootin, for her 2 Sons 

Jasp r Bleyly's Wife, an antient Woman 

25I Joh. Runkits & Family 

26 Salomon Davis & c 

Febr? 1 Georg Woolf 

2 Joh. Beck 

| Christian Jake & Family 

Jacob Haley 

Jacob Sickle sundry old Garments and 

Simon Rufner 1. Petticoate, Breeches and. 

Joh . Strawl 

Joh. Ecker & Family 

Nich 1 Klein 

Joh. Christian Andrea 

Edmond Dall 

Martin Trible 

Nich s Schneider and Family 

Jos. Kannaday d° 

Tho s Nail d° 

Frederick Germantown 

W m Cannaday 

David Housman 

Tho 9 Beer 

Dan. Matthews & Family 

Mich. Glass d° 

Mich. Fabian d° 

Joh 9 Bartol d° 

Peter Izenmon 

Georg Beck 

Jacob Sheal 

Sam 1 Shaw and Family 

Ludn?Jong d° 

Freder. West 

Mich. Cryen 

Jacob Kepple 

Mary Dewalt and Family 

Eva Funck 

Isach. Senseman 

Worbas 

Partsch 

Sturgeons 

Jasp r Payne 

Jos . Powel 

Nich 8 Rexer 

Adam Kramlich 

John Bartley 

Rich d Brosser 

Loren z Nulf e 

Joh. Becker 

David Wifer 

Joh. Georg Beck 

Theodora an Indian Girl •• 



99 
2 



iS 



136 



50 



157 



No. 16. 



GARMENTS. 



n < I co •=« ! w 1 w 

» 2 o S c- 2 



1755 



Disbursed. 



Decern b r 31 To Georg Pu Ik hard & Wife.. 
Ephraim Colver Si Family 
Fr 8 Jones d° 

John Hillman d° 

Henry Countryman d° 



1756 
Jan" 



'4 



David Bruster & Wife 

Joh. lac. Olgerden, Joh. Adam Huedh, Nich s Heath. 

Nich s Robt & Family 

Nich 8 Sholl d° 

John Slagel 

Frederick Germantown 

Mich. Shook 

Mich. Keents 

Phil Searfass & Family 

Georg Jasp r Hise 

Frederick Nagle 

Joh. Shitterlin 

Jasp r Devvalt 

Mich Cains 

Henry Dele 

Margr 1 Walker 

Jacob Hilckart 

Lowrance Hartman and Family 

Peter Hofman d° 

Freder. Nagle d° 

Peter Toll d° 

Ulrich Rhode 

Matthew Shaefer 

Mary Laycock 

Freder . Altemor s 

Joh. Kiegler 

Nich 8 Rhode ■ 

a poor Man who went to search for the Indians 

George Miller 

Henrich Hummel 

Joh. Lindermans Wife 

Peter Conrad and Family 

An Indian Woman 

Peter Daniel and Family 

Hannikel Mile 

W m Aouber 

Henry Bleilv 

Henry Gabe'r & Wife 

Joh. Henry Costenbader 

Jacob Neihard & Family 

Char 8 Benington A: Family 

Joh. Jerem 1 Ore& Wife.... 

Hannikel Michel d° 

Phil. Ilighman 

Henry France d° 

Walter Miller d" 



P n 

o 



Carried Forward. 



if. W 

f 5' 



2 1 99 5 1 So 



202'1 





ill 


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CHAPTER XVI. 

The Eckerlin Tragedy and Pennsylvania-German 

Mystics. 




z 



HE story of the suffer- 
ings and fate of the 
Eckerlin (Eckerling) broth- 
ers, Pennsylvania -German 
mystics, in the French and 
Indian War, is so unique as 
to deserve separate notice. 

The narrative, as given in 
"The German Sectarians of 
Pennsylvania," Vol. III., by 
Julius F. Sachse, Litt.D., is 
most interesting, and it is to 
him the writer is indebted for the data of which he has 
made use. 

The brothers, four in number, Samuel, Emanuel (died 
on January 15, 1781) , Israel (born 1705) and Gabriel, 
were Alsatians by birth, the sons of Michael Eckerlin, 
and were baptized and brought up in the Lutheran faith. 

(203) 



204 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The father was a reputable burgher of Strasburg, who 
followed the trade of cap-making, and was a man of good 
repute in both church and community. For some time he 
served as Rathsherr or Councillor. 

Towards the close of the seventeenth century a Col- 
legium Pietatis and Philadelphian Society was formed in 
Strasburg, the leading spirit of which was one Johann 
Heinrich Krafft, a shoemaker by trade but who now posed 
as a schoolmaster and expounder of mysticism. In this 
Michael Eckerlin soon became interested and a promi- 
nent member, to the neglect of his church services and 
duties. 

It was not long before Krafft was forced, by the author- 
ities to cease his ministrations, under penalty of expulsion 
from the city. His house was closed but Eckerlin was 
persuaded to stealthily resume the meetings in his own 
house, having been first induced to take to wife (being 
then a widower) the maid servant of Krafft, a woman of 
the Reformed faith who was strongly impregnated with 
the fanaticism of her late master. Under her tutelage he 
became so enrapt with the heterodox speculations that he 
even presided at the gatherings, in the absence of Krafft, 
and always offered up the opening prayer. When this 
became known to the authorities an official visitation was 
made to the Eckerlin house, by Pfarrer Iller who sur- 
prised the Collegium in full swing. A trial was held, 
and, on March i, 1701, both Krafft and Eckerlin were 
convicted. The former was banished, the latter was de- 
prived of his office as Rathsherr and ordered to abstain, 
in the future, from any such Conventicula under pain of 
similar expulsion. 

A few years later the Eckerlin family left Strasburg and 
journeyed to Schwarzenau, where Michael died, when the 



The Eckerlin Tragedy. 205 

widow and four sons, together with Samuel's wife, emi- 
grated to Pennsylvania, which place they reached some 
time during 1725. Immediately upon their arrival, the 
widow Eckerlin, who was a person of some means, sought 
the mystical " Hermits on the Ridge," and, upon their 
advice, bought a plantation near Germantown, of which 
she forthwith took possession. The building being some- 
what out of order, a stonemason, named Heinrich Miller, 
was called in to make the necessary repairs, and, before 
he had finished the work, Israel Eckerlin was indentured 
to him for a period of two years, without any written in- 
denture. His master was a God-fearing man and had 
experienced an awakening in this country. 

During the sojourn of the Eckerlin family upon their 
farm Michael Wohlfarth was a frequent visitor at their 
hospitable home. Israel states that, upon such occasions, 
his mother and Wohlfarth were apt to prolong their talks 
far into the night, the theme being the state of true 
Christianity. Shortly after one of these visits Israel and 
his master came to Conrad Matthias to do some work, 
when he advised both, if they wanted to better their spir- 
itual condition, to leave Germantown and go to Conestoga, 
where the people lived in great simplicity. This so pleased 
master and man that they journeyed to the Conestoga Val- 
ley in August, 1727, and there wrought at their trade. 
For a time they adhered to the Mennonites, whose sim- 
plicity of dress pleased them more than their mode of 
worship. Shortly after, the two men attended one of 
Beissel's meetings where they were surprised to find pres- 
ent an old Schwarzenau Dunker, Abraham Duboy, who, 
after the meeting, asked Beissel and Wohlfarth to adopt 
young Eckerlin, so that he should not be neglected. 
" Thus," Israel writes, " in this manner I came to the 
congregation." 



206 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

About 1730 the widow Eckerlin, and the youngest son, 
Gabriel, came to the Conestoga Valley, and were shortly 
after joined by Samuel and his wife Catharina. The 
widow died soon after her arrival. By 1733-34 all the 
brothers were at the settlement on the Cocalico, and were 
instrumental in organizing the devotees into a semi- 
monastic community. All four became active revivalists 
and exhorters, and, at the same time, combined a remark- 
able executive ability with commercial shrewdness. They 
were the real factors of progress in the institution. Israel 
became known as Brother Onesimus, Samuel as Jephune, 
Gabriel as Jotham, and Michael as Elimelech. The rec- 
ords of the Ephrata community show that Catharina, wife 
of Samuel (Jephune) "fell asleep in the Lord" in 1733, 
and that Michael Wohlfarth (Brother Agonius) died 
May 20, 1741. 

Upon the death of Agonius, Brother Onesimus became 
the first regular prior of the community, and second in 
authority. Interesting as it might be to do so, we dare 
not take the time to show how Beissel became jealous of 
the growing prominence of the Eckerlins and how he 
planned to accomplish their overthrow. It is enough to 
say that he succeeded, and that, on September 4, 1745, 
Onesimus, who had been deposed, with Jephune and 
Brother Timotheus (Alexander Mack), were forced to 
leave the Zion on the Cocalico, and journeyed, in a south- 
westerly direction, for four hundred miles, until they 
reached the New River in Virginia, where they settled. 
Three weeks later, Jotham, who had been made Prior in 
his brother's place, was also deposed from office, and lived in 
his cell in the convent Kedar as a common brother. On the 
fifteenth day of the tenth month Elimelech, who still held 
the office of the priesthood, was deposed from both Soli- 



The Eckerlin Tragedy. 207 

tary and Secular Congregation, and took up his home in 
the deserted Berghaus, where, on the twenty-third he was 
joined by Jotham, who had been ordered out of Kedar. 
On the twenty-seventh, some hours before break of day, 
Elimelech left Ephrata and took up a hermit's life about 
a mile above Zoar (Reamstown). When, on September 
4, 1745, Onesimus, Jephune (Alexander Mack) Ephraim 
(Jacob Hohnly), and several followers, left the Kloster, 
and journeyed towards Virginia, their object was to bury 
themselves in the wilderness and to keep their destination 
secret. The route they took led them to the valley of 
the New River, where they finally decided upon a site 
for their future home in what are now Montgomery and 
Pulaski counties. For neighbors they had, besides the 
Indians, merely a few pioneers, trappers and outlaws. 
Cabins were built without delay, and before the severe 
weather set in, the little village was completed. Upon the 
first Sabbath a devout service was held, and the place was 
named Mahanaim. 

Here they were joined by Jotham, and, later, reinforced 
by other accessions from both Ephrata and Germantown, 
with which places regular communications had been grad- 
ually opened up. Of the original party Timotheus was 
the first to return to Pennsylvania. It is related that, on 
a certain night, he had a vivid dream, in which it was 
revealed to him that the Indians were about to burn their 
hermitage, murder some and lead others into captivity 
(which was realized a decade later) . He left Mahanaim 
some time in 1747, or early in 1748, and was soon fol- 
lowed by Brother Ephram, who died in Philadelphia in 
1748. After a sojourn at Mahanaim of five years, One- 
simus and Jotham concluded to revisit the scenes of their 
former activity, Jephune remaining at the New River. 



208 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

It was on February 23, 1750, the little caravan, led by 
the two brothers, arrived in the Conestoga Valley. A 
halt was made at the house of one of the Sabbatarian con- 
gregation, and word of their arrival sent to the Kloster. 
A meeting of the brotherhood was at once convened in 
the great Saal by Beissel, and two of the brethren were 
sent as delegates to welcome them back to their old home, 
and offer them the hospitality of the Kloster. This was 
accepted, and they were received with great joy. So 
greatly were the two brothers moved by this cordial recep- 
tion that they not only decided to live with the brethren 
once more but also to deposit all their acquired property in 
the treasury of the community, and, shortly, started on 
their return to obtain Jephune's consent and arrange ac- 
cordingly. 

So anxious was Onesimus that he left the New River 
in advance of the others, reaching Ephrata on April 25, 
1750. Unfortunately, once more the old troubles broke 
out, and Jephune arrived in the fall, with the family goods, 
only to learn that his brother had again left the Kloster 
and had gone to the house of Jacob Sontag, one of the 
secular congregation. 

The determination was quickly reached to return to 
the wilderness, so, having disposed of their furs for other 
goods, the brothers wended, anew, their way to Virginia, 
this time selecting for their home a location some eight or 
ten miles below the present Morgantown, county seat of 
Monongahela County, West Virginia, near the mouth of 
a creek emptying into the Monongahela River, where they 
were enabled, the first year, to raise a crop of grain and 
culinary vegetables sufficient for their use, while the rifle 
of Gabriel and rod of Samuel furnished them with an 
abundance of meat and fish. Their clothing was made 



The Eckerlin Tragedy. 209 

chiefly from the skins of wild animals and easily procured. 

Here they lived, for some years, in the midst of the 
Delaware Indians, at peace with all the world. As Alsa- 
tians, conversant with the French language, they gave no 
thought to the active preparations of the French soldiers 
for war, nor to the forts which were building upon the 
western frontier; beloved by the local Indians, with whom 
Samuel was a great favorite because of the services which 
he rendered them as a surgeon and physician, they had no 
cause for fear from that source. Israel was busy, day and 
night, with his mystic speculations, while Gabriel was en- 
gaged in hunting and Samuel in curing the peltries, of 
which piles of bearskins served as their couch by night, 
while, in one corner of the cabin, was a mass of skins, 
which could not have been bought for a hundred pounds 
sterling. Their chief assistant was a redemption servant, 
one Johann Schilling, while Daniel Hendricks was the 
cook of the party. Regular visits were made by Samuel, 
the business man, to Winchester and other frontier towns, 
where, on several occasions he was apprehended and im- 
prisoned as a French spy, and was only released at the 
intercession of the Governor. 

As the Indian troubles increased and the horrors of a 
border war became more and more imminent, and as the 
settlement was near the warpath of the hostile Indians, 
their Delaware friends notified Samuel that it was unsafe 
for them to remain longer in their exposed position, so they 
moved their camp to a favorable location upon their tract 
on the Cheat River. This clearing became known as 
Dunker's Bottom. For some time they remained here 
unmolested. Towards the close of August, 1757, Samuel 
started upon one of his perennial trading trips to the Vir- 
ginia settlements, after the harvest had been gathered. 



210 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Upon his return he was stopped at Fort Pleasant, on the 
South Branch, where he was accused of being a spy and in 
confederacy with the Indians. In vain he explained and 
protested his innocence; it was only after an appeal to 
the Governor that he was released and allowed to start 
upon his homeward journey, accompanied by a squad of 
soldiers who were ordered to follow him to his camp on 
the Cheat River. 

When the little cavalcade was within a day's march of 
the Dunker Camp a tragic scene was enacted there. Led 
by a French priest a party of Indians surrounded the house. 
Being discovered by one of the servants, who gave the 
alarm, an attack, was made. Schilling and Jotham were 
quickly captured. Onesimus, who was engaged in writing 
a polemic to Ephrata, would neither defend himself nor 
attempt to escape, he having absolute faith in divine pro- 
tection. His faith, in this case, was of but little avail, as 
he was seized and met with the same fate as his brother. 
The other members of the household were killed and 
scalped, while the two brothers and Schilling were held as 
captives. The cabins were then pilfered and burned. 
Twelve, of the twenty-eight or more horses owned by the 
brothers, were loaded with plunder; the rest were killed. 

"As a matter of fact," says Dr. Sachse, " this raid upon 
the Eckerlin settlement was not a military nor political 
one, but was executed purely through religious motives, 
the object being the extermination of a heretical commu- 
nity within the bounds of the French territory. This is 
the only known case of religious persecution by the Roman 
Catholic clergy in provincial Pennsylvania." 

The sight that met Jephune and his party was a surprise, 
and ample proof of the truth of his assertions. The cabins 
were in ashes, a smouldering ruin; the half-decaying and 



The Eckerlin Tragedy. 211 

mutilated bodies of the murdered Dunkers, and the car- 
casses of the beasts, were seen strewn about; while the 
hoops on which the scalps had been dried were still there, 
and the ruthless hand of desolation visible everywhere. 

The soldiers buried the remains and Jephune, after 
taking a sorrowful farewell of the sad scene, ignorant of 
the fate of his brothers, returned with the party to the 
South Branch, no longer a prisoner or suspected spy. 

The fate of the three prisoners was, for a long time, 
shrouded in mystery. Nothing definite was known, though 
there were rumors that they were alive and held as pris- 
oners by the French clericals, either in Canada or France. 
While in this state of uncertainty Jephune left no stone 
unturned to learn of their fate and to secure their release 
if alive. It was not until after a lapse of three years and 
several months, after the escape and return of Johann 
Schilling, that the veil was partially lifted and the particu- 
lars of their fate became known. 

After their capture by the Indians, and the destruction 
of the settlement, the French leader of the party started 
for Fort Duquesne, making a wide detour for fear the 
English would overtake them and deprive them of their 
valuable prizes. It was not until the seventh day after 
the massacre that they arrived in sight of the fort, upon 
the opposite side of the river. During the march the 
two brothers were kept securely bound and were given but 
little to eat. Schilling was left free and well fed. All 
attempts to relieve the wants of his former masters were 
severely punished by the captors. 

Arriving at the end of their journey, they were first 
ordered to cut off their long beards. They were then 
stripped of their clothing, put into a canoe and headed 
for the fort. When near the shore they were thrown into 



212 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the water and pelted with stones by both the French and 
Indians on the shore. Both brothers were insensible 
when dragged out of the water. This the French fiends 
called their baptism. To further aggravate their suffer- 
ings, and to please the assembled French, one of the 
Indians scalped Jotham. 

Upon their delivery into the fort they were not entered 
as prisoners of war, but of the church, and as dangerous 
heretics. The commanding officer, being a soldier and 
of a more humane disposition, when he learned of the treat- 
ment, ordered his men to cease these barbarities so long 
as the prisoners were under his charge, and directed that 
they be left to him for the time being. Each Indian re- 
ceived a blanket and pair of leggings as his share of the 
raid. Schilling was kept by the savages as their slave. 

At the request of the clericals in the fort the two brothers 
were sent, under a strong guard, to Montreal, where they 
were placed in a Jesuit institution as dangerous heretics, 
all intercourse with the outside world being forbidden. 
Thence they were sent to Quebec, where they suffered from 
hunger, confinement and disease. Eventually, they were 
sent to France, where, it is said, they died as prisoners in a 
monastery. Others say they died at sea. According to 
the Chronicon: 

"They indeed arrived there (France) but both afflicted 
with a distemper which also transported them to eternity. 
The prior, Onesimus, when he felt his end approaching, 
had himself received as a member of an order of monks 
of the Roman Church, which is the more credible, as he 
had always entertained a particular esteem for friars. 
They gave him the tonsure and afterwards called him 
'Bon Chretien' (Good Christian). Soon after both 
brothers departed this life." 



The Eckerlin Tragedy. 213 

There is, however, nothing to prove the truth of the 
above statement. It was not until seven years after their 
capture that definite rumors reached Ephrata as to the fate 
of the two brothers. Jephune at once wrote a letter of 
inquiry to Benjamin Franklin, who was then in France, 
which letter is among the Franklin correspondence now in 
possession of the American Philosophical Society. 

Many cases are upon record where German settlers on 
the Virginia frontiers fell victims to the fury of the sav- 
ages. In the year 1758, a party of Indians penetrated 
the Mill Creek Country, nine miles south of Woodstock, 
and after committing some murders, carried off no less 
than forty-eight persons into captivity, all of whom were 
Germans. 

Beside the Eckerlins there was another member of the 
Ephrata Brotherhood whose earthly career was ended by 
the tomahawk of the savage. This was Heinrich Zinn, 
who left the Kloster shortly after the Eckerlins and went 
to the Valley of Virginia. He was living at the time with 
a family named Bingamann, near the present site of New 
Market. When the Indians attacked the house a deter- 
mined defense was made by Bingamann, who was both 
stout and active. He laid low two of the savages; accord- 
ing to another account he killed five. The barbarians suc- 
ceeded, however, in slaughtering his wife and children, 
together with the peaceful Zinn. Bingamann escaped, 
with several wounds from which he finally recovered. 

As the war clouds thickened during the Pontiac out- 
break, and the danger appeared threatening, the celibate 
colony, consisting of twenty-six persons, came to Pennsyl- 
vania and distributed themselves between Ephrata and 
Germantown. Among these refugees were the Kolbs and 
Luthers who became the surviving celibates of the Ephrata 
Kloster. 



214 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



After the Indian troubles were settled, and the danger 
over, a number of the Ephrata celibates and Germantown 
Dunkers returned to the Shenandoah. Others took up 
lots in the new town of Stovertown (Strasburg) and 
erected mills and potteries in the vicinity. 





CHAPTER XVII. 

The Preparations for Defense. 




m 



HEN we consider that abso- 
lutely no attempt was made 
to prepare in advance, for the sav- 
age outbreak which started in the 
fall of 1755, we can imagine in what 
a chaotic condition everything was 
when the blow once fell. The set- 
tlers, without arms or organization, 
defended themselves as best they 
could, but their best was of no prac- 
tical avail, and we have read of the 
slaughter and destruction which fol- 
lowed, as well as of the fugitives who, for a time, filled 
the country as they fled from the blackened ruins of 
their homes. 

Naturally, the first thought to suggest itself, as the most 
speedy remedy for the evil, was the hasty formation of 
independent companies for short terms of service. Ac- 
cordingly, many such companies were organized, some of 
which have already been mentioned. As their service was 

(215) 



216 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of so little value, and for so brief a time, no attempt will 
be made to dwell on the subject. Merely as a matter of 
interest we may say that, on the Susquehanna River, Cap- 
tain McKee was actively engaged; between the Susque- 
hanna and the Schuylkill rivers we find the territory covered 
by Captain Adam Read, living on the Swatara Creek, and 
Captain Peter Heydrick, near the Swatara Gap, besides 
the great work done by Conrad Weiser and his family; 
the two Captains Wetterholt ranged the district on both 
sides of the Lehigh River; around the Moravian settle- 
ments, and as far as the Delaware River, we find Captains 
Wayne, Hays, Jenning, McLaughlin and Van Etten. 
Many of these companies, however, were quickly reorgan- 
ized, and incorporated into the Provincial Regiment then 
formed, about which we will hear, more fully, later on. 

I have selected a couple sample "Articles of Agree- 
ment," entered into by members of these short term bodies, 
which I give, herewith, for the benefit of the reader. 

"Articles of Agreement of Captain McLaughlin's 
Company, 1755. 

"Easton, 29 Dec r , 1755. 
" Sir: 

"We the Subscribers do hereby engage ourselves to 
serve as Soldiers in His Majesty's Service under the Com- 
mand of Captain James McLaughlin, for the space of 
Two Months, and whoever of us shall desert or prove 
cowardly in time of action, or disobedient to our officers, 
shall forfeit his Pay. This agreement we make in Con- 
sideration of being allowed at the rate of Six Dollars per 
Months, Arms, Ammunition, Blankets, Provisions and a 
Gill of Rum per day for each man. The Blanket, Arms 
and Ammunition left to be returned when we are dis- 
charged from the Service." 



The Preparations for Defense. 217 

"Agreement Capt. Van Etten's Company. 

"Jany 12th, 1756. 

"We, the Subscribers, do hereby engage ourselves to 
Serve as Soldier's in his Majesty's Service, under the com- 
mand of Captain John Vanetta for the Space of one 
month, and whoever of us shall get drunk, desert, or prove 
cowardly in Time of Action, or disobedient to our Officers, 
shall forfeit his Pay. This agreement we make in Con- 
sideration of being allow'd at the rate of Six Dollars per 
month, Wages, One Dolar for the Use of a Gun and 
Blanket, to each man who shall furnish himself with them, 
and the Provisions and Rum mentioned in a Paper here- 
unto annex'd." 

This obligation was signed by nearly fifty soldiers, 
whose names, unfortunately, are not now obtainable. 

In justice to the fair name of Pennsylvania, than which 
no other state, province, or colony has ever been more 
patriotic or loyal, it is but right for us to remember, at 
this point, that much of the blame, which is due for the 
want of defensive preparation, and for the want of har- 
mony between the Executive and the Assembly, was not 
owing to a lack of sympathy for the hapless settlers, on 
the frontiers, but to the peculiar religious belief of many 
of those who made up the dominant part of the popula- 
tion, which caused them to abstain from participation, of 
any sort, in what pertained to war or bloodshed. Once 
the danger was really at hand, however, action was at once 
taken, late though it may have been, and a carefully pre- 
pared system of defense arranged. 

The better to understand what was needed for this pur- 
pose we must not overlook the peculiar nature of the hos- 
tilities which were actively carried on. Though called 
"The French and Indian War," so far as Pennsylvania 



218 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

was concerned, and especially the more closely settled por- 
tion of it, in which we are particularly interested, it was, 
more truthfully, an " Indian War" alone, and carried on 
entirely after the Indian fashion. The attacks were not 
made by disciplined troops in large bodies, or in any num- 
bers combined, but small parties of savages, from three 
to ten or twenty, would creep noiselessly past alert and 
watchful sentries, and suddenly fall upon their unsuspect- 
ing victims, just as suddenly disappearing after their hor- 
rible work had been completed, long before the alarm 
could be spread and the most active troops overtake them. 
This required a peculiar system of defense, necessitat- 
ing, practically, the inclosing of the populous part of the 
Province within one immense barricade, or fence. To 
that end a continuous line of forts was established, from 
ten to twenty miles apart, beginning near the Maryland 
boundary of Pennsylvania and extending as far north as 
•Lewistown, on the western side of the Susquehanna River, 
and along the Blue Mountains, from Harrisburg to 
Stroudsburg, on the Delaware River, to the east of the Sus- 
quehanna. Owing to the more scattered nature of the 
settled localities west of the river the stockades were not 
there placed with the regular continuity of those along the 
Blue Range, but, rather, in accordance with the needs of 
the people. 

All these forts were garrisoned by detachments of the 
Pennsylvania Regiment, and served as headquarters from 
which squads issued regularly to range the country. Along 
the mountain, between the Susquehanna and Delaware 
Rivers, these patrols were made daily, thus keeping up a 
constant intercourse between the various forts. 

In addition to the above, which was, in fact, a line of 
defense, and the purpose of which was to prevent the 



The Preparations for Defense. 219 

marauding parties of savages from penetrating into the 
settlements, Fort Augusta was established at Shamokin 
(Sunbury), as an advance post, to forestall the anticipated 
efforts of the French to occupy that commanding position, 
and as a nucleus, if need be, for offensive operations 
against the Delawares to the north of the Blue Mountains. 
As a base of supplies for this outpost Fort Halifax was 
built in Dauphin County, and, for the same purpose, 
to a great extent, Fort Hunter was located just above 
Harrisburg. 

Almost without exception these forts were composed of 
a stockade of heavy planks, inclosing a space of greater or 
lesser extent, on which were built from one to four log- 
houses as bastions to the stockade, which served as quar- 
ters, etc., for the troops, and, very frequently were occu- 
pied by refugee settlers who constantly fled to them for 
protection. The block-houses and stockades were pierced 
with loop-holes for musketry firing, and, in the case of 
the larger and more substantial defenses, where the stock- 
ades were of considerable height, a platform was built 
around the interior of the fence from which the firing took 
place. 

It would be but natural to infer, from a consideration 
of this well-planned system of defense, that safety was, 
at last, insured the hapless settler. As a matter of fact, 
this was far from the case. As we read of the harrowing 
scenes, which constantly occurred, we would be almost 
prompted to say that the people were but little better off 
than before. To be sure they did have these places of 
refuge, and without doubt the presence of the soldiers did 
have a restraining effect upon the Indians; it is equally 
true that no better system of defense could have been 
adopted, and there can be no question as to the bravery 



220 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of the troops, as well as to the conscientious performance 
of their duty, yet, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of 
the bravest sentinel, in spite of the most thorough ranging 
of the most capable officer, the savage noiselessly crept 
past and through the lines, to wreak vengeance, satiate his 
passions, and hurry away once more, leaving behind him 
but the blackened ruins of homes, with the dead bodies 
of their inmates for the soldiers to gaze upon when they 
reached the scene of action after using the utmost dispatch. 

This necessitated, then, the establishment and use of 
subsidiary places of defense, especially during the har- 
vest time when guards were needed to protect the farmers 
while gathering their grain. These comprised, generally, 
private houses, of a substantial character, which were suit- 
ably located, and around which there was often built the 
usual stockade. At times, when such buildings were not 
available, block-houses were erected by the people. All 
of these auxiliary defenses were likewise garrisoned by 
provincial troops, as occasion demanded. 

Even this did not, at times, meet all requirements. 
There were not enough soldiers obtainable for all places. 
With widely scattered plantations, in time of sudden forays 
there was no opportunity given to reach either an estab- 
lished fort, or even a subsidiary defense, so that the settlers 
were obliged to select, here and there from among their 
own homes, " houses of refuge," which were pierced for 
musketry, or otherwise arranged for defense. 

For the garrisoning of these various forts and houses, 
and for such other operations as were necessary, the Gov- 
ernment organized a regiment of troops, called the " Penn- 
sylvania Regiment," of which the Governor, himself, was, 
ex-officio, colonel and commander-in-chief. It was di- 
vided into three battalions, the First Battalion, com- 



The Preparations for Defense. 221 

manded by Lieutenant Colonel Conrad Weiser, consisting 
of ten companies and some five hundred men, who guarded 
the territory along the Blue Range, between the Susque- 
hanna and Delaware rivers; the Second Battalion, Lieu- 
tenant Colonel John Armstrong, eight companies, four 
hundred men, in charge of the district west of the Susque- 
hanna, and the Third Battalion, Colonel William Clapham 
(April, 1756), eight companies, four hundred men, which 
was called the "Augusta Regiment " because of its loca- 
tion in and about Fort Augusta. 

In the early history of the regiment the term of enlist- 
ment did not exceed one year, but this time was speedily 
lengthened to an enlistment of three years. As the war 
progressed, and more aggressive operations were under- 
taken, various companies and parts of the several bat- 
talions were transferred from one point to another, as 
will appear later on. 

The list of government forts, in the regular line of 
defense, is as follows : 

Fort Lowther, built 1753, Carlisle, Cumberland County. 

Fort Morris, built 1755, Shippensburg, Cumberland 
County. 

Fort Shirley, built 1755, Shirleysburg, Huntingdon 
County. 

Fort Granville, built 1755, Lewistown, Mifflin County. 

Fort Loudoun, built 1756, Loudoun, Franklin County. 

Fort Lyttleton, built 1756, Sugars Cabins, Fulton 
County (southern part) . 

Fort Augusta, built 1756, Sunbury, Northumberland 
County. 

Fort Halifax, built 1756, Halifax, Dauphin County. 

Fort Hunter, built 1756, Rockville, Dauphin County. 

Fort Manada, built 1756, Manada Gap, Dauphin 
County. 



222 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Fort Swatara, built 1756, Swatara Gap, Lebanon 
County. 

Fort Henry, built 1756, Millersburg, Berks County. 

Fort Northkill, built 1756, Strausstown, Berks County. 

Fort Lebanon, built 1756, Auburn, Schuylkill County. 

Fort Franklin, built 1756, Snydersville, Schuylkill 
County. 

Fort Everett, built 1756, Lynnport, Lehigh County. 

Fort Allen, built 1756, Weissport, Carbon County. 

Fort Norris, built 1756, Kresgeville, Monroe County. 

Fort Hamilton, built 1756, Stroudsburg, Monroe 
County. 

Fort Hyndshaw, built 1756, Bushkill, Monroe County. 

Each defense, whether regular or subsidiary, will be 
taken up separately, and its record given. Those along 
the Blue Range, which are especially germane to our 
subject, will be treated fully, while those north of the 
mountains, and west of the Susquehanna, will be touched 
upon more lightly. 

Various rolls are in the Pennsylvania Archives of the 
soldiers of the French and Indian War. A number of 
them refer to the militia of the " lower counties," Phila- 
delphia County in especial, who saw no active service. In 
other cases the provincial establishment is given from one 
year to another, thereby repeating names of officers. I 
have selected certain lists, which bear especially upon our 
subject and which, at the same time, give the reader much 
information in connection with it, which should serve to 
make clear the incidents and facts related herein. I be- 
lieve them to be all that may be needed for our purpose. 
They are given in the succeeding chapter. 




CHAPTER XVIII. 
Some Service Rolls of the War. 

Officers of the Provincial Service, 

1755- 
^* HESE refer especially to what 
\& I have called the short term 
independent companies. 

Lieutenant Colonels. 
James Burd, 
Benjamin Chambers, 
Conrad Weiser. 
Timothy Horsfield, 

Major. 
William Parsons. 

Captains. 
George Croghan, " at Aughwick." 
Alexander Culbertson, " Lurgan twp., Cumb. Co." 
Rev. John Steel, " at McDowell's Mill." 
Christian Busse. 
Hans Hamilton. 

Jacob Morgan, " Forks of Schuylkill." 
James Wright. 

William Trent, " mouth of Conegochege." 

(223) 




224 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Isaac Wayne, " at Nazareth." 

James McLaughlin. 

Frederick Smith, " at Tolehaio & Monody." 

Jonas Seely. 

Adam Reed, " on Susquehanna." 

John Van Etten, " Upper Smithfield, North'n Co. 

Craig, " Lehigh twp., North'n Co." 

Trexler, " Lyn & Heidleberg twp., North'n Co." 

Nicholas Wetherholt. ' 

Charles Foulk, " at Gnadenhutten." 

Jacob Orndt, " at Gnadenhutten." 

Thomas McKee, " at Hunter's Mills." 

James Patterson. 

Rev. Thomas Barton. 

Adam Hoopes (commissary). 

Dr. Mercer, " at Fort Shirley." 

Lieutenants. 

Davis, William Spearing, 

James Hyndshaw, James Hays. 

A List of the off'rs in the Province Pay, with the 
Dates of their Commissions (1756-7). 

Commissary General of Musters. 
Elisha Saltar, March 28, 1756. 
First Battalion. 
Lieutenant Colonel, Conrad Weiser, May 5, 1756. 
Major, William Parsons, May 14, 1756. 
Captain, Conrad Weiser (L. C), May 5, 1756. 
Lieutenant, Samuel Weiser, Capt. Lieut., July 3, 1756. 
Ensign, Henry Geiger, December 20, 1755. 
Captain, William Parsons, (M) May 14, 1756. 
Lieutenant, Jacob Wetterholt, December 20, 1755, left 
out in the new regulation, December, 1757. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 225 

Ensign, Martin Everhart, December 20, 1755, left out 
in the new regulation, December, 1757. 

Captain, Frederick Smith, November 14, 1755. 
Lieutenant, Anthony Mill, December 29, 1755. 
Ensign, Nicholas Conrad, December 29, 1755. 
Captain, Jacob Morgan, December 5, 1755. 
Lieutenant, Andrew Engle, January 5, 1756. 
Ensign, Jacob Kern, January 5, 1756. 
Cap tain, John Nicholas Wetterholt, December 21, 1755. 
Lieutenant, James Hyndshaw, January 12, 1756. 
Ensign, Daniel Harry, January 26, 1756; left out in 
the new regulation, December, 1757. 

Captain, Christian Busse, January 5, 1756. 
Lieutenant, Samuel Humphreys, January 25, 1756. 
Ensign, William Johnson, March 12, 1756. 

Captain, Jacob Orndt, April 19, 1756. 
Lieutenant, Philip Marsloff, April 27, 1756; left out in 
the new regulation, December, 1757. 

Ensign, Jacob Krieder, May 19, 1756. 

Captain, John Van Etten, May, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Samuel Allen, May 19, 1756. 

Ensign, Jacob Snyder. 

Sergeant, Color, John Van Etten, Jun. 

Sergeant, Leonard Derr. 

Captain, George Reynolds, May 17, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Philip Weiser, July 3, 1756. 

Captain, James Patterson. 

Lieutenant, Hugh Crawford. 

Ensign, Thomas Smallman. 

Captain, Charles Foulk. 

Lieutenant, Michael Beltz. 

Sergeant, John White. 

Sergeant, Dewalt Bossing. 

Corporal, Christian Weirick. 



226 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Privates. 
Michael Laury, Killian Long. 

Second Battalion. 

Lieutenant Colonel, John Armstrong, May n, 1756. 

Surgeon, Dr. Jamison; killed by the Indians near Mc- 
Cord's Fort, April, 1756. 

Commissary of Provisions , Adams Hoopes. 

Captain, John Armstrong, January, 1756; Lieutenant 
Colonel. Wounded at Kittanning, September 7, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Robert Callender, (Captain Lieutenant), 
January 16, 1756. 

Ensign, James Potter, February 17, 1756. 

Privates. 
Caruthers, Jas., wounded at K. 
Forster, Thomas, wounded at K. 
McCormick, John, killed at K. 
Power, Thomas, killed at K. 
Strickland, James, wounded at K. 
Captain, Hance Hamilton, January 16, 1756. 
Lieutenant, William Thompson, January 16, 1756. 
Ensign, John Prentice, May 22, 1756. 
Sergeant, William McDowell. 
Private, Kelly, John, killed at K. 
Captain, John Potter, February 17, 1756. 
Lieutenant, William Armstrong, May 10, 1756. 
Ensign, James Potter, April 17, 1756, wounded at K. 

Privates. 

Douglass, Andrew, wounded at K. 

Corkem, James, captured by the Indians, November, 
1756. 

Cornwall, William, captured by the Indians, November, 
1756. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 227 

McCafferty, Bartholomew, killed near McDowell's 
Fort, November, 1756. 

McDonald, James, killed near McDowell's Fort, No- 
vember, 1756. 

McDonald, William, killed near McDowell's Fort, No- 
vember, 1756. 

McQuoid, Anthony, killed near McDowell's Fort, No- 
vember, 1756. 

Captain, Hugh Mercer, 'March 6, 1756, wounded at K. 

Lieutenant, James Jayes, May 22, 1756. 

Ensign, William Lyon, May 22, 1756, resigned. 

Ensign, John Scott, July, 1756, wounded at K. 

Privates. 
Baker, John, killed at Kittanning. 
Burke, Thomas. 24 
Carrigan, Bryan, killed at K. 
Fitzgibbins, Richard, wounded at K. 
Kilpatrick, Dennis, killed at K. 
McCartney, John, killed at K. 
McGinnis, Cornelius, killed at K. 
Minskey, Emanuel. 24 
Morrow, Robert. 24 
Mullen, Patrick, killed at K. 
Pendergrass, Philip. 24 
Phillips, Francis. 24 
Taylor, John. 24 

Thompson, Theophilus, killed at K. 
Captain, George Armstrong, May 22, 1756. 
Lieutenant, James Hogg, May, 1756, killed at K. 
Ensign, Nathaniel Cartland, May 22, 1756; left out in 
the new regulation, December, 1757. 

24 Missing at the capture of Kittanning. 



228 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Privates. 

Anderson, James, killed at K. 

Appleby, George. 24 

Baker, William. 24 

Camplin, Thomas, wounded at K. 

Findley, William, wounded at K. 

Ferral, John, wounded at K. 

Grissy, Anthony. 24 

Higgins, James, killed at K. 

Hunter, William. 24 

Lasson, John, killed at K. 

Lewis, John. 24 

O'Brien, Edward, killed at K. 

O'Neal, Charles, wounded at K. 

Robinson, Robert, wounded at K. 

Stringer, Holdcraft, killed at K. 

Swan, Thomas. 24 

Captain, Edward Ward, May 22, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Edward Armstrong, May 22, 1756; killed 
at the capture and burning of Fort Granville, July 30, 
1756. 

Ensign, John Lowdon, April 19, 1756, "living at Sus- 
quehanna." 

Privates. 

Bratton, Ephraim, wounded at K. 

Chambers, Samuel. 24 

Daunahow, Lawrence. 24 

Myers, Patrick. 24 

Welch, William, killed at K. 

Captain, Rev. John Steel, March 25, 1756. 

Lieutenant, James Holliday, March 25, 1756. 

Ensign, Archibald Irwin, April, 1756. 

Private, Cannaberry, Terence. 24 

24 Missing at the capture of Kittanning. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 229 

Captain, Alexander Culbertson; killed by the Indians 
near McCord's Fort, April, 1756. 

Captain, Joseph Montgomery, October 5, 1756. 
Ensign, Thomas Smallman, May 22, 1756. 

Third Battalion. 

(Third Battalion (known as Augusta Regiment) . " In 
1756, I again entered the service as a Sergeant, in Capt. 
Thomas Lloyd's company, and at my arrival at John Har- 
ris' (now Harrisburg), where the Battalion which was 
intended to march against the Indians at Shamokin, ren- 
dezvouzed under the immediate command of the Gov- 
ernor of the Province, Robert Hunter Morris, I was se- 
lected to attend the Commander-in-Chief as Orderly-Ser- 
geant, in which capacity I continued until a day or two 
before the Governor left, when he was pleased to give me 
an Ensign's commission. As soon as the troops were col- 
lected and properly equipped, we marched for Shamokin. 
We crossed the Susquehanna and marched on the west side 
thereof, until we came opposite to where the town of Sun- 
bury now stands, where we crossed over in Batteaux. In 
building the fort at Shamokin, Capt. Levi Trump and 
myself had charge of the workmen, and after it was 
finished our Battalion remained there in garrison until the 
year 1758." — Miles manuscript.) 

Lieutenant Colonel, William Clapham, March 29,1756. 

Major, James Burd, April 24, 1756. 

Adjutant, Asher Clayton, May 24, 1756. 

Aid-de-Camp, Thomas Lloyd, April 2, 1756. 

Commissary of Provisions, Peter Bard. 

Waggon Master, &c., Robert Irwin, April 12, 1756. 



230 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Captain, William Clapham, March 29, 1756; Lieuten- 
ant Colonel. 

Lieutenant, Levi Trump, April 3, 1756. 

Ensign, John Mears, April 20, 1756. 

Captain, Thomas Lloyd, April 2, 1756; Aid-de-Camp. 

Lieutenant, Patrick Davis (Davies), April 4, 1756. 

Ensign, Samuel J. Atlee, April 23, 1756. 

Captain, Joseph Shippen, April 3, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Charles Garraway, April 15, 1756. 

Ensign, Charles Brodhead, April 29, 1756. 

Captain, Patrick Work, April 22, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Daniel Clark, May 1, 1756. 

Ensign, William Patterson, May 14, 1756. 

Captain, James Burd, April 24, 1756; Major. 

Lieutenant, William Anderson, May 10, 1756. 

Ensign, John Morgan, May 24, 1756. 

Captain, Elisha Saltar, May 11, 1756. 

Lieutenant, Asher Clayton, May 24, 1756; Adjutant. 

Ensign, Samuel Miles, May 24, 1756; to Lieutenant, 
August 21, 1756. 

Ensign, Alexander McKee. 

Captain, David Jameson, May 1, 1756. 

Lieutenant, William Clapham, Jr., August 20, 1756. 

Ensign, Joseph Scott, May 24, 1756. 

Captain, John Hambright, June 12, 1756. 

Lieutenant, William Plunkett. 

Ensign, Patrick Allison, June 25, 1756. 

Captain, Nathaniel Miles. 

Lieutenant, Bryan. 

Ensign, Johnson. 

Sergeant, McCurdy. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 231 

Men of Captain Jamison's Company Killed or 

Wounded Near McCord's Fort, April 2, 1756. 
(Franklin County, a few miles N. W. of Loudoun, Pa.) 

Barnett, John, killed. 

Campbell, James. 

Chambers, William, killed. 

Gutton, Matthew. 

Hunter, William. 

James, Henry. 

McDonald, John. 

Mackey, Daniel, killed. 

Pierce, James, killed. 

Reynolds, John, killed. 

Reynolds, William. 

Robertson, James (tailor), killed. 

Robertson, James (weaver), killed- 

Station of the Provincial Forces; June, 1756. 
Reading, Lieutenant Colonel Weiser's company. 
Fort at North Kill, Lieutenant Engle, Sergeant and 16 
men of Captain Jacob Morgan's company^ 

Fort Lebanon, Captain Morgan's militia detachment. 
Fort Henry, Captain Christian Busse. 
Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten, Lieutenant Jacob Meas 
with 25 men of Captain Chas. Foulk's company. 
Fort N orris, Captain Jacob Orndt and 21 men. 
{Hyndshaw Fort), Lieutenant James Hyndshaw, of 
Captain Wetterholt's company. 

Wind Gap, Ensign Daniel Harry, of Captain Wetter- 
holt's company. 

Nazareth Mill, Captain Enslee, Ensign Enslee and 24 

men. 

Lehigh Gap, north side, Sergeant and 8 men. 



232 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Fort Hamilton, Lieutenant and 15 men. 

Dupue's, Captain Wetterholt's company. 

Harris's, Sergeant and 12 men. 

Hunter's Fort, Ensign Johnson and 24 men. 
McKee's Store, Ensign Mears and 24 men. 
Fort Halifax, Captain Nathaniel Miles and 30 men. 

Captain Frederick Smith's Company. 

"In the Hole," at the Moravian House, 8 men. 

11 Fort tinder the Hill," 24 men. 

"Manity (Manada) Fort," Lieutenant Miller and 16 
men. Jacob Ellis and James Brown killed by Indians, 
August 6, 1756. 

Captain Christian Busse's Company. 
"At Bernard Friedli's, next to the Moravians," 10 men. 
"At Casper Snebelie's," 8 men. 
"At Daniel Shue's or Peter Kolp's," 6 men. 

Names of the Officers in the Pay of the Province 
of Pennsylvania, with the Dates of their 
Commissions, their Companies, and Where 
Posted; December, 1757. 
The Governor, Hon. William Denny, Colonel. 
Lieutenant, Asher Clayton, December 1, 1757; Captain 
Lieutenant. 

Alexander McKee. 
Ensign, Joseph Falsoner, December 7, 1757. 

(Late Clapham's company, Fort Augusta.) 
Captain, Conrad Weiser, December 1, 1757 ; Lieutenant 
Colonel. 

Samuel Weiser. 
Lieutenant, Samuel Allen, December 2, 1757. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 233 

Ensign, Edward Biddle, December 3, 1757. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, John Armstrong, December 2, 1757; Lieuten- 
ant Colonel. 

Lieutenant, James Potter, December 4, 1757. 

Ensign, Stiltzer, December, 1757. 

Martin Heidler. 

(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, James Burd, December 3, 1757; Major. 
Lieutenant, William Patterson, December 12, 1757. 
Ensign, Thomas Hays, December 2, 1757. 
Caleb Gray don, December, 1757. 
(Fort Augusta.) 

Captain, Hugh Mercer, December 4, 1757 ; Major. 
Lieutenant, Thomas Smallman, December 5, 1757. 
Ensign, Robert Anderson, December 5, 1757. 
(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Christian Busse, December 5, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Jacob Kerns, December 23, 1757 ; Adjutant. 
Ensign, George Craighead, December 8, 1757. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Hance Hamilton, December 6, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Jacob Snyder, December 13, 1757. 
Ensign, Hugh Crawford, March II, 1758. 
(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Thomas Lloyd, December 7, 1757 (February 

22, 1758). 

Lieutenant, Samuel Miles, December 14, 1757. 
Ensign, Adam Henry, December 6, 1757. 
(Fort Augusta.) 



234 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Captain, Joseph Shippen, December 8, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Joseph Scott, December 15, 1757. 
Ensign, Henry Haller, December 12, 1757. 
(Fort Augusta.) 

Captain, David Jamison, December 9, 1757. 
Lieutenant, William Reynolds, December 19, 1757. 

Ensign, Gardner, March 10 (1758). 

(Fort Augusta.) 

Captain, Jacob Orndt, December 10, 1757. 
Lieutenant, James Hays, December 3, 1757. 
Ensign, Joseph Quicksell, December 9, 1757. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Patrick Work, December 11, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Samuel J. Atlee, December 7, 1757. 
Ensign, Caleb Graydon, December 13, 1757. 
(Fort Augusta.) 

Captain, George Armstrong, December 12, 1757. 
Lieutenant, John Prentice, December 6, 1757. 
Ensign, Francis Johnston, December 15, 1757; trans- 
ferred. 

James Pollock, January 4 (1758). 
(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Edward Ward, December 13, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Henry Geiger, December 21, 1757. 
Ensign, Joseph Armstrong, February 22 (1758). 
(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, John Hambright, December 14, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Patrick Allison, December 16, 1757. 
Ensign, John Morgan, December 1, 1757. 
(Fort Augusta.) 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 235 

Captain, Robert Callender, December 15, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Thomas Hutchins, December 18, 1757. 
Ensign, John Philip De Haas. 

(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, James Patterson, December 16, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Nicholas Conrad, December 22, 1757. 
Ensign, Edmund Matthews, March 14 (1758). 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Levi Trump, December 17, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Charles Brodhead, December 8, 1757. 
Ensign, Jacob Morgan, Jun., March 12 (1758). 
(Fort Augusta.) 

Captain, Jacob Morgan, December 18, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Samuel Humphreys, December 11, 1757. 
Ensign, Joseph Armstrong, Jun., February 22 (1758). 

Daniel Harry, December 6, 1757. 
Sergeant, Robert Smith. 

Edmund Matthews. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, John Nicholas Wetherholt, December 19, 

1757* 

Lieutenant, James Laughrey, December 20, 1757. 

Ensign, John Lyttle, December 11, 1757. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Samuel Weiser, December 20, 1757. 
Lieutenant, James Hyndshaw, December 10, 1757. 
Ensign, John Kennedy, December 13, 1757. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, William Thompson, December 21, 1757. 
Lieutenant, William Lyon, December 6, 1757. 
Ensign, Thomas Hayes, December 2, 1757. 
(Westward of Susquehanna.) 



236 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Captain, Patrick Davis, December 22, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Andrew Engle, December 9, 1757. 
Ensign, James Hughes, December 4, 1757. 
William Work, March 15 (1758). 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Charles Garraway, December 23, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Alexander McKee, December 17, 1757. 
Ensign, James Hughes, December 4, 1757. 
(Eastward of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, William Armstrong, December 24, 1757. 
Lieutenant, William Blyth, December 24, 1757. 
Ensign, Francis Johnston. 

(Westward of Susquehanna.) 

Muster Roll of all the Men who have Enlisted 
for the Space of Three Years of the Com- 
pany UNDER THE COMMAND OF CAPTAIN 

John Nicholas Weatherholt, Sta- 
tioned in Heydelberg Township, 
Northampton County, for 
Months of March and 
April, 1758. 
(Name, age, where born, date of enlistment and occu- 
pation.) 
Captain, John Nicholas Weatherholt, 34, Ger., Decem- 
ber 16, 1755. 

Lieutenant, James Laughrey, December 20, 1757. 
Ensign, John Lytle, December 11, 1757. 
Surgeon, Jacob Streader, 33, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Drummer, Leonard Hayshill, 36, Ger., December 4, 

1757- 

Fifer, John Kaup, 25, Ger., September 1, 1757. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 237 

Sergeants, Cass, Peter, 26, Ger., September 1, 1757, 
shipper. 

Wassum, Conrad, 39, Ger., September 1, 

1757- 
Corporals, Acre, Henry, 23, Penna., September 1, 1757. 
Lutz, John, 25, Ger., September 1, 1757, 
tailor. 

Privates. 

Althain, Nicholas, 24, Ger., January 1, 1758. 

Billik, Frederick, 19, Penn'a, September 1, 1757. 

Bowman, Christian, 22, Ger., September 1, 1757. 

Brining, Philip, 27, Ger., September 1, 1757. 

Brown, George, 23, Ger., September 1, 1757, butcher. 

Buckhamer, John, 25, Ger., September 1, 1757. 

Crantlemeyer, Philip, 21, Ger., September 1, 1757. 

Creekery (Gregory), George, 16, Penn'a, September 1, 

1757- 

Dadson, Richard, 24, Penn'a, November 28, 1757. 

Deatenberger, Henry, 36, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Deatry, Nicholas, 18, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Dormeyer, Jacob, 23, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Everhard, Conrad, 23, Ger., October 13, 1757, weaver. 
Flaek, John, 25, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Fisher, Matthias, 20, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Fry del, Christopher, 24, Ger., February 7, 1758. 
George, Adam, 17, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Gips, Nicholas, 20, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Granshaar, John, 21, Ger., December 5, 1757, house- 
carpenter. 

Henry, George, 35, Ger., October 25, 1757. 
Husley, Jacob, 23, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Kline, John, 24, Ger., September 1, 1757. 



238 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Kline, Philip, 34, Ger., June 14, 1757. 
Koch, William, 25, Penn'a, September 6, 1757. 
Laughry, Dennis, 20, Ir., February 1, 1758. 
Lieser, Frederick, 19, Ger., June 21, 1757. 
Miller, Nicholas, 17, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Miller, Peter, 22, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Neifert, Jacob, 21, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Paul, Nicholas, 21, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Preis, John George, 21, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Reag, Peter, 37, Ger., September 1, 1757, baker. 
Reifel, Jacob, 23, Ger., September 1, 1757, carpenter. 
Road, Godfried, 26, Ger., September 6, 1757, blue-dyer. 
Road, Jacob, 23, Penn'a, September 6, 1757. 
Rost, Henry, 23, Ger., February 15, 1758. 
Sealner, John, 35, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Shenk, Jacob, 20, Ger., November 6, 1757. 
Shmaus, Conrad, 22, Ger., Sept. 1, 1757. 
Stahl, George, 23, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Steap, Peter, 22, Ger., September 1, 1757. 
Stouter, Casper, 25, Ger., September 1, 1757, fiddler. 
Weyerbacher, John, 30, Ger., September 1, 1757, tailor. 
Wurtenberg, Michael,, 22, Ger., December 1, 1757. 
Yoder, Jacob, 22, Penn'a, November 6, 1757, saddler. 
Zips, Joseph, 20, Ger., September 1, 1757, tailor. 

The Pennsylvania Regiment, Consisting of Three 
Battalions, the Honourable William Denny, 
Esquire, Lieutenant Governor of the 
Province of Pennsylvania, Colonel- 
in-Chief; 1758. 
Brevet I /untenant Colonel, Joseph Shippen. 
Commissary of the Musters and Paymaster, James 
Young. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 239 

Surgeon, John Bond, at Fort Augusta, May 11, 1758. 
Chaplain, Rev. Thomas Barton, June 11, 1758. 
Wagon Master, Robert Irwin. 

Deputy Wagon Master, Mordecai Thompson, of Ches- 
ter County. 

First Battalion. 

Colonel Commandant, John Armstrong, May 27, 1758. 

Lieutenant Colonel, Hance Hamilton, May 31, 1758. 
Patrick Work, March, 1759. 

Major, Jacob Orndt, June 2, 1758. 

Surgeon, John (Thomas) Blair, December 2, 1757. 

Chaplain, Charles Beatty, June 9, 1758. 

Adjutant, John Philip de Haas, April 30, 1758. 

Robert Anderson, December 5, 1757 ; to First 
Lieutenant April 30, 1758. 

Quarter Master, Thomas Smallman, May 5, 1758. 

Captain, The Hon'ble William Denny, Esquire. 

Captain Lieutenant, Samuel Allen, January 9, 1758. 

Ensign, James Hughes, December 4, 1757; promoted 
to Lieutenant March 17, 1759. 

Ensign, James Piper, from Captain Byers' Company, 
March 18, 1759 (late Smith's Company east of Susque- 
hanna) . 

Captain, John Armstrong, December 2, 1757. 

Lieutenant, James Potter, December 4, 1757 ; promoted 
to Captain February 17, 1759. 

Ensign, Fred'k Van Hombach, April 2, 1758. 
(West of Susquehanna.) 

Captain, Hugh Mercer, December 4, 1757. 

Lieutenant, Thomas Smallman, December 5, 1757; to 
Captain, vice Work, March, 1759 

Ensign, Robert Anderson, December 5,1757; promoted 
to Lieutenant, March 17, 1759. 



240 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Ensign, Andrew Wackerberg, March 19, 1757. 
Captain, Hance Hamilton, December 6, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Jacob Snaidor (Sneider), December 13, 
1757; resigned April 12, 1759. 
Ensign, Hugh Crawford, March 11, 1758. 
(At Fort Bedford, April 12, 1759.) 

Captain, George Armstrong, December 12, 1757. 
Lieutenant, John Prentice, December 6, 1757; to Cap- 
tain, vice Garraway, March, 1759. 

Ensign, John Lyttle, December 11, 1757. 
Captain, Edward Ward, December 13, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Henry Geiger, December 21, 1757. 
Ensign, James Pollock, January 4, 1758. 

Casper Stadtler, March 20, 1759. 
Captain, Robert Callender, December 15, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Thomas Hutchins, December 18, 1757. 
Ensign, John Philip de Haas, January 3, 1758. 
Captain, James Patterson, December 16, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Nicholas Conrad, December 22, 1757. 
Ensign, Edmund Mathews, March 14, 1757. 
Captain, John Nicholas Wetterholt, December 19, 

1757- 

Lieutenant, James Laughrey, December 20, 1757; re- 
signed March 17, 1759. 

Lieutenant, Robert Anderson, from Ensign, March 18, 

1759- 

Ensign, Joseph Armstrong, February 22, 1758. 

Jacob Orndt, March 21, 1759. 

Captain, William Thompson, December 21, 1757; re- 
signed February 17, 1759. 

Captain, James Potter, from Lieutenant, February 17, 
1759- 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 241 

Lieutenant, William Lyon, December 6, 1757; resigned 
March 17, 1759. 

Lieutenant, Edward Biddle, from Ensign, February 1, 

1759- 

Ensign, Thomas Hayes, December 2, 1757. 

Captain, Patrick Davis, December 22, 1757. 
Lieutenant, Charles Brodhead, December 8, 1757; to 
Captain, vice Busse, March, 1759. 

Ensign, William Work, March 15, 1758. 
Captain, Charles Garraway, December 23, 1757. 

John Prentice, from Lieutenant, March, 1759. 
Lieutenant, James Hyndshaw, December 10, 1757. 
Ensign, John Kennedy, December 13, 1757. 
Captain, William Armstrong, December 24, 1757. 
Lieutenant, William Blyth, December 24, 1757. 
Ensign, Conrad Bucher, April 1, 1758. 
Captain, Richard Walker, April 24, 1758. 
Lieutenant, John Craig, April 24, 1758. 
Ensign, Robert Crawford, April 24, 1758. 
Captain, David Hunter, April 25, 1758. 
Lieutenant, Andrew Finley, April 25, 1758. 
Ensign, William Hadden, April 25, 1758. 
Captain, John McKnight, April 26, 1758. 
Lieutenant, Davis McAllister, April 26, 1758. 
Ensign, Archibald Lochry, April 26, 1758. 

Troop of Light Horse. 
Captain, William Thompson, May 1, 1758. 
First Lieutenant, Robert Anderson, April 30, 1758. 
Second Lieutenant, John Lyttle, May 1, 1758. 

Second Battalion. 
("In the year 1758, the expedition against Fort Du 
Quesne, now Pittsburg, was undertaken, and our Battalion 
20 



242 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

joined the British Army at Carlisle. At this time Capt. 
Lloyd had been promoted to the rank of Lt. Col., but 
retained his company of which I had the command as 
Capt. Lieutenant, and was left some time in command of 
the garrison at Shippensburg. On my marching from 
thence with a brigade of wagons under my charge, at 
Chambers' about eleven miles from Shippensburg, the 
men mutinied, and were preparing to march, but by my 
reasoning with them and at the same time threatening 
them, the most of them consented to resume their march 
to Fort Loudon, where Lieut. Scott was with eight or ten 
months' pay. While the army lay at Ligonier, we were 
attacked by a body of French and Indians, and I was 
wounded in the foot by a spent ball. In November of this 
year (Nov. 25), the Army took possession of Fort Du- 
quesne, under the command of Gen. Forbes, a poor ema- 
ciated old man who, for the most part of our march was 
obliged to be carried in a horse litter. In the year 1759, 
I was stationed at Ligonier, and had 25 men picked out 
of the two battalions under my command, &c." — Miles' 
manuscript.) 

Colonel Commandant, James Burd, May 28, 1758. 

Lieutenant Colonel, Thomas Lloyd, May 30, 1758. 

Major, David Jamison, June 3, 1758. 

Joseph Shippen, December, 1758. 

Surgeon, John Morgan, December 1, 1757. 

Chaplain, John Steel, December 1, 1757. 
Hector Allison, March, 1759. 

Adjutant, Jacob Kern, December 23, 1757. 

Quarter-Master, Asher Clayton, June 8, 1758. 

Commissary, Peter Bard. 

Cadet, Joseph Hassey. 

Captain, James Burd, December 3, 1757 ; to Colonel. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 243 

Lieutenant, James Hayes, December 3, 1757; wounded 
at Grant's defeat near Fort Duquesne, September 14, 
1758; resigned November 13, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Caleb Graydon, from Ensign, November 

13. 1758- 

Ensign, Caleb Graydon, December 2, 1757; to Lieu- 
tenant, November 13, 1758. 

Ensign, George Price, March 17, 1759. 

Captain, Thomas Lloyd, December 7, 1757; to Lieu- 
tenant Colonel. 

Lieutenant, Samuel Miles, December 14, 1757. 

Ensign, Adam Henry, December 6, 1757. 

Captain, Christian Busse, December 5, 1757. 

Charles Brodhead, from Lieutenant, March, 

1759 (?)■ 

Lieutenant, Jacob Kerns, December 23, 1757 ; Adjutant. 

Ensign, George Craighead, December 8, 1757. 

Captain, Joseph Shippen, December 8, 1757. 

Lieutenant, Joseph Scott, December 15, 1757. 

Ensign, Henry Haller, December 12, 1757; reported 
" missing " at Grant's defeat near Fort Duquesne, Septem- 
ber 14, 1758. 

Captain, Patrick Work, December 11, 1757. 

Thomas Smallman, from Lieutenant, First 
Battalion, March, 1759. 

Lieutenant, Samuel J. Atlee, December 7, 1757; to 
Captain, vice Weiser, March, 1759. 

Ensign, John Baird, March 13, 1758. 

Captain, Jacob Orndt, December 10, 1757. 

Lieutenant, William Patterson, December 3, 1757. 

Ensign, Joseph Quicksell, December 9, 1757. 

Captain, David Jamison, December 9, 1757. 



244 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Lieutenant, William Reynolds, December 19, 1757; 
wounded at Grant's defeat near Fort Duquesne, Septem- 
ber 14, 1758; resigned March 17, 1759. 

Lieutenant, James Hughes, from Ensign, March 17, 

1759- 

Ensign, Francis Johnston, December 10, 1757. 

Captain, John Hambright, December 14, 1757. 

Lieutenant, Patrick Allison, December 16, 1757. 

Ensign, Martin Heidler, March 16, 1758. 

Captain, Levi Trump, December 17, 1757. 

Lieutenant, John Morgan, April 1, 1758. 

Ensign, Jacob Morgan, Jun., March 12, 1758. 

Captain, Jacob Morgan, December 18, 1757. 

Lieutenant, Samuel Humphreys, December 11, 1757. 

Ensign, Daniel Harry, December 6, 1757; resigned 
March 17, 1759. 

Ensign, Samuel Montgomery, March 17, 1759. 

Captain, Samuel Weiser, December 20, 1757. 

Samuel J. Atlee, from Lieutenant, March, 

1759- 
Lieutenant, William Clapham, January 9, 1758. 

Ensign, Edward Biddle, December 3, 1757; to Lieu- 
tenant, February 1, 1759. 

Ensign, Clayton, March 17, 1759. 

Captain, Asher Clayton, January 9, 1758; wounded at 
Grant's defeat near Fort Duquesne, September 14, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Alexander McKee, December 17, 1757. 

Ensign, Joseph Falconer, December, 1757. 

Captain, John Byers, April 27, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Ezekiel Dunning, April 27, 1758. 

Ensign, James Piper, April 27, 1758 ; to Ensign of Cap- 
tain Denny's Company, March 18, 1759. 

Captain, John Haslett, April 28, 1758. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 245 

Lieutenant, William Clinton, April 28, 1758. 

Ensign, Robert Bines, April 28, 1758. 

Captain, John Singleton, April 29, 1758. 

Lieutenant, John Emmitt, April 29, 1758, Chester 
County. 

Ensign, John Jones, April 29, 1758. 

Captain, Robert Eastburn, April 30, 1758; "Prisoner 
at Canada." 

Lieutenant, Josiah Davenport, April 30, 1758. 

Ensign, George Price, April 30, 1758 ; to Captain Burd's 
Company, March 17, 1759. 

Troop of Light Horse. 
Captain, John Hambright, May 2, 1758. 
First Lieutenant, Patrick Allison, May 2, 1758. 
Second Lieutenant, William Clapham, May 2, 1758. 

Third Battalion. 
Colonel Commandant, Hugh Mercer, May 29, 1758. 
Lieutenant Colonel, Patrick Work, June 1, 1758. 
Major, George Armstrong, June 4, 1758. 
Surgeon, Robert Bines, May 9, 1758. 
Chaplain, Andrew Bay, July, 1758. 
Adjutant, James Ewing, June 7, 1758. 
Quarter-Master, Thomas Hutchins, June 7, 1758. 
Sergeant-Major, Samuel Culbertson. 
Captain, Robert Boyd, May 1, 1758. 
Lieutenant, Daniel Boyd, May 1, 1758. 
Ensign, James Culbertson, May 1, 1758. 
Captain, John Blackwood, May 2, 1758. 
Lieutenant, William Johnson, May 2, 1758. 
Ensign, Thomas Godfrey, May 2, 1758. 
Captain, James Sharp, May 3, 1758. 
Lieutenant, Sir Collingwood Flemming, B't., May 3, 
1758. 



246 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Ensign, Samuel Lindsey, May 3, 1758. 

Captain, Adam Read, May 4, 1758. 

Lieutenant, John Simpson, May 4, 1758. 

Ensign, Hugh Hall, May 4, 1758, " of a reputable and 
good Family in Lancaster County." 

Captain, Samuel Nelson, May 5, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Nathaniel Patterson, May 5, 1758. 

Ensign, John Nelson, May 5, 1758. 

Captain, John Montgomery, May 7, 1758. 

Lieutenant, William Maclay, May 7, 1758. 

Ensign, John Haddon, June 6, 1758. 

Captain, George Ashton, May 8, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Cromwell Pierce, May 8, 1758. 

Ensign, Andrew Wilkey, to Captain Ward's Company, 
March 17, 1759. 

Captain, Charles McClung, May 9, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Patrick Craighead, May 9, 1758. 

Ensign, Matthew Patten, May 9, 1758. 

Captain, Robert McPherson, May 10, 1758. 

Lieutenant, James Ewing, May 10, 1758; to Adjutant, 
June 7, 1758. 

Ensign, Peter Meem, May 10, 1758. 

Captain, Paul Jackson, May 11, 1758; "Professor of 
the Latin tongue in the Academy." 

Lieutenant, John White, May 11, 1758. 

Ensign, Eleazer Davenport, May 11, 1758. 

Captain, John Bull, May 12, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Samuel Price, May 12, 1758. 

Ensign, Charles Van Warnsdorff, May 12, 1758 (sta- 
tioned at Fort Allen, June, 1758). 

Captain, William Biles, May 14, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Abraham Williamson, May 14, 1785. 

Ensign, Samuel Jones, May 14, 1758. 



Some Service Rolls of the War. 247 

Captain, Archibald McGrew, May 15, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Alexander McKean, May 15, 1758. 

Ensign, James Armstrong, May 15, 1758. 

Captain, Thomas Hamilton, May 16, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Victor King, May 16, 1758. 

Ensign, William McDowell, May 16, 1758; "Was a 
Sergeant in Capt. Hance Hamilton's Company, at the 
capture of Kittanning." 

Captain, Ludowick Stone, May 17, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Hugh Conyngham, May 25, 1758. 

Ensign, Samuel Montgomery, May 17, 1758. 
Charles Van Warnsdorff. 

Captain, John Clark, May 18, 1758. 

Lieutenant, Samuel Postlewaite, May 18, 1758. 

Ensign, George Ashton, Jun., May 18, 1758. 
New Levies — May, 1758. 
Captains: 

John Allison, 

Job Rushton, 

Thomas Smith, 

Alexander Graydon, 

James Hyndshaw, 

William Biles (Bucks County), 

Thomas Armour (York County). 
Lieutenants: 

Moses Irwin, 

George McCulloch, 

James Leeper, 

Benjamin Smith, 

Stephen Cochran, 

James Lewis. 
Ensigns : 

James Maxwell, 

John Kirkpatrick. 



248 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

The writer has felt that the number of these lists should 
not be unduly extended, and has, therefore, inserted those 
which, more especially, may aid the student of the French 
and Indian War in following the course of events. He 
has not attempted to make an exhibit of the names of those 
of German blood who were armed participants in the war, 
as that, in itself, would be quite an undertaking, and would 
extend far beyond the space allotted him. He merely 
wishes to add, in concluding this chapter, that many Ger- 
man names are to be found in nearly every company of the 
provincial service, whose rolls are given, showing that, 
even in the Pennsylvania Regiment, the Pennsylvania- 
German was an actor in all the scenes of the war, and 
that, outside of the mere occurrences in the eastern portion 
of the Province, he did his full duty in every other part of it. 





CHAPTER XIX. 
Fort Augusta. 




XL' 



HE most extensive de- 
fense erected by the 
Provincial Government 
during the French and In- 
dian War, was that at Sha- 
mokin, the site of the pres- 
ent city of Sunbury, and 
called " Fort Augusta." 
Located at the " Forks of 
the Susquehanna," one of 
whose branches rises in one of the lesser lakes of the State 
of New York, the other overlapping some of the branches 
of the Allegheny River, with both joining each other at a 
point which was then adjacent to the headquarters of the 
hostile Delaware Indians, it became a most commanding 
position to occupy. The French were quick to appreciate 
its strategic importance, and early organized an expedition 
to occupy the location. 

(249) 



250 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Warned of this fact, and urged by those Indians at 
Shamokin, who were still under the influence of the Six 
Nations, and, therefore, friendly to the English, to erect 
" a strong house " for their defense, as well as for the 
safety of the Province, Governor Morris, somewhat tar- 
dily took steps necessary for the purpose. After consid- 
erable delay in securing the consent of the Royal Commis- 
sioners, and in obtaining the needed funds from the Assem- 
bly, Colonel William Clapham was directed to recruit a 
regiment of four hundred men, proceed to Shamokin and 
there build a fort in accordance with plans furnished him. 

To anticipate somewhat it may be here said that, at the 
close of the war, the Indians stated to the English that a 
party of French and Indians left the lake country, in the 
fall of 1756, to establish themselves at Shamokin, bringing 
along three small brass cannon. Striking the head waters 
of the Susquehanna (West Branch), they descended by 
water to about the mouth of Loyal Sock Creek, where, 
landing, they sent a reconnoitering party to the top of the 
Blue Hill overlooking the forks and Fort Augusta, then 
partially built. Seeing the advancement of the fort, and 
the number of men guarding it, they considered it impru- 
dent to attack and so reported to the main body, who, 
after consultation, decided to return; as the water was 
falling, finding themselves encumbered with their cannon, 
they threw them in the deep pot hole, or eddy, at the upper 
end of the old time race ground island, which has been 
known as the " Cannon Hole " ever since. 

On April 7, 1756, Colonel Clapham was directed to 
make Hunter's Mill, six miles above Harrisburg, as the 
place of rendezvous for his regiment then forming. By 
June he had reached McKee's house up the Susquehanna, 
from whence he marched to Armstrong's, later the site of 
Fort Halifax. 



Fort Augusta. 251 

The following letter to Governor Morris will report 
more fully his progress: 

Camp at Armstrong's, June nth, 1756. 
Sir: I do myself the Pleasure to inform your Honor, 
that on Saturday last, I march'd from McKee's Store with 
Five Companys and Eighteen Battoes & Canoes loaded, 
and arrived here the next afternoon; at which Time, I 
receivd the Favor of your Honors Kind Letter. Before 
I left that Place, I detached Serjeant McCurdy w th Twelve 
men, to remain in garrison at Harris's, and receive and 
stow carefully whatever Provisions, Stores, &c, arrivd. 
I have also station'd a Party of Twenty Four Men, under 
the command of Mr. Johnson, at Hunters Fort, with or- 
ders to defend that Post and the Neighborhood, and to 
escort any Provisions that should come to him up to Mc- 
Kees Store. As we could not move with the whole Body, 
for want of a sufficient number of Battoes to transport the 
Provisions, Stores, and Tools, I have directed Major Burd 
to erect Bastions at opposite Corners, and to remain in 
camp at McKees Store, till we can remove all the Pro- 
visions and Stores up to this Place, and when he decamps 
to leave Mr. Attlee to defend the Post, and convey any 
Battoes that may afterwards be destined for this Place. 

The River is now very low, and daily falling insomuch 
that it was with great Difficulty we got the Battoes through 
the Shoals and Falls at Juniata Hill, most of them having 
grounded, tho' laden with no more than Four Barrels of 
Pork, and a few light Things ; there I was convinced from 
Experience, that the Battoe Service is what the Soldiers in 
general are utterly incapable of, and what very few of 
them have been accustomed to, I shall for this Reason, 
be obliged to hire a number of men better acquainted with 



252 



The Pennsylvania-German Society, 




No. I. Wru. 

No. Z.Orncv(sQuAKTCPS20t4vteet. 

NO. 3, COLONEL'S QUAK'tKi 18x30 rt£T. 
MO. +. flARRACKi 25 »30 f I ET 

rto. 5. flArtRACKJ •• • •• •• 

Mo. 6. - . •• • * • - 

/Yp. 7. •» •• »• » •• 
ho. 8. 561DIZRS »AfWAC)(S23*30FECT. 
Mo. 9. BARKAWiZS'Aontr. 
No. to. Maoazme. 



PI,AN OH FORT AUGUSTA. 



Fort Augusta. 253 

that Branch of Business, and shall want money and Rum 
for that Purpose. The money you left with me for con- 
tingent Charges, I have already paid to these I have hired, 
as they have wives and children to support at Home, 
which, if they are not paid weekly, will oblige them to 
quit the Service; the Vouchers for the payment of that 
money, I shall send your Honor by the next opportunity, 
half of the sum being left with Major Burd for that use, 
who is not yet come up. 

As I find this far the most convenient Place on the River, 
between Harris's and Shamokin, for a Magazine, on ac- 
count of its good natural Situation, its Situation above the 
Juniata Falls, the vast Plenty of Pine Timber at Hand, 
its nearness to Shamokin, and a Saw within a Quarter of 
a mile, I have concluded to erect a Fort here, according 
to the Plan inclosed, and for that Purpose, we have already 
cutt and squard 200, and hawld to the Spot 80 Logs, each 
about 30 feet long, and make some Progress in laying 
them ; but as our long Stay here may be attended w th many 
Inconveniencys, and men may be hird in the neighborhood 
at a reasonable Rate, sufficient, under the Guard of an 
officer and Thirty Men, to finish the Fort in a Fortnight 
after the Logs are all hawld, it appears more prudent to 
do so, than to retard the march of the Troops at this Sea- 
son ; on that account, I perceive we shall be obliged to cross 
the River about a mile and a half above this, so that any 
Place higher up on this side the River would be improper 
for a magazine. I have directed Henry to do everything 
with regard to the Pennsylvania arms, agreeable to your 
Instructions, and am well pleas'd to hear of the Arrival 
of the 200 English arms and Blankets at McKees Store, 
but I observe your Honor has barely calculated the arms 
for 400 men, whereas, exclusive of that number in the Reg- 



254 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

iment there are the Garrisons at Harris's, Hunters, and 
McKees, besides the officers and Volunteers who are with- 
out arms. 

We have now twenty Battoes finished, and two Canoes, 
which are all busily employ'd in bringing up the Provisions, 
&c, they have made Five Trips already up to McKees 
Store, and two to this Place, and are now absent on a third. 

Ten of the Ship Carpenters arrivd here yesterday from 
Harris's by my order, to which I was induced, by the fol- 
lowing Reasons, the want of a proper officer at Harris's 
to superintend them, and the necessity of Mr. Erwins 
Horses, which may supply Logs for the Fort and Timber 
for them at the same Time. I find Rum to be an article 
extremely necessary in this Service, have but a small Quan- 
tity of it in Store, and am in daily Expectation of a further 
Supply. 

On the 3d and 5th instant, I detached two different 
partys of Scouts to reconnoitre Shamokin and the Route 
thither, and on the Eighth, in the morning, was agreeably 
surprized to see a Canoe coming down the River with a 
red Flag, on board of which was an Indian chief of the 
Iroquois Nation, and his Son, charg'd with a message and 
Belt of Wampum from the Six Nations, for the Particu- 
lars of whose Intelligence, I refer your Honor to the 
Papers particularly relative to that Subject, and shall only 
add, that a Cayauga Indian was dispatch'd at the Time, 
with this Man, butt being deterr'd by the Reports of John 
Shikalamy and the Fellow who escap'd afterwards from 
McKees Son, remain'd at Choconatte above Wioming, and 
left his companions to prosecute the Journey without him. 

The courier who brings this was hir'd on Purpose, and 
detain'd by me till the Conference with the Indian was 
concluded. 



THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY. 




FORT AUGUSTA. 

REMAINS OF OLD MAGAZINE AND HEADQUARTERS OF COMMANDANT. 



Fort Augusta. 255 

Since our comeing here, we have daily the Satisfaction 
of seeing the People return to their deserted Habitations 
on the River, and have offered them all the Encouragement 
and assistance which Humanity and our Duty to the Ser- 
vice requires. 

I must beg leave to assure your Honor, that no motives 
shall influence me to deviate from that Regard which I 
owe to the good of the Service and your Honors Instruc- 
tions, and that I am very respectfully, 

Your Honors most obedient humble Svt. 
By the Colonels Command, Willm Clapham. 

T. Lloyd, aid de Camp. 

Progress on the new fort went along but slowly. On 
December 8 Colonel James Burd arrived and took charge 
of the work, at which time he found that nothing had been 
done for some while, and much was in an unfinished con- 
dition. So far as the weather permitted the work was 
pushed along constantly, but it was not until towards the 
close of the following year that all was accomplished. 

The defense speedily became too strong to be in danger 
of attack and capture. Its history, therefore, is more or 
less uneventful. On February 26, 1757, a party, sent to 
bring in stores, was surprised and two of their number 
killed; at various times scouting parties scoured the whole 
neighborhood, and even extended their investigations to 
a considerable distance, and, all the while, the usual rou- 
tine of work and duty was actively carried on. During 
the Revolutionary War Fort Augusta again became the 
center of great activity, but its interesting history of that 
period does not belong to this subject. It stood at the 
upper end of the now enterprising town of Sunbury, and, 
when completed, mounted at least twelve cannon and two 



256 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

swivels, quite a formidable armament for the time and 
place, together with seven blunderbusses. 

Fort Halifax. 

Fort Halifax was located at the mouth of Armstrong 
Creek about half a mile above the present town of Hali- 
fax, in Dauphin County. 

Of its shape and construction we have already had an 
account, in the letter just given from Colonel Clapham 
to the Governor. In his advance up the Susquehanna 
towards Shamokin he found it difficult and slow work to 
transport, in batteaux, his supplies of all descriptions. In 
addition, his march into a hostile country demanded a 
base of supply for the comparatively large number of men 
who accompanied him. For that purpose McKees Store 
was first occupied and stockaded and, further up, Fort 
Halifax was erected near the home of Robert Armstrong, 
one of the first settlers of the locality, who was found there 
by the Moravian missionaries when passing by in 1746. 
To the north of the creek lived, later, Simon Girty, the 
outlaw's father, who removed thence, with his family, 
after having been driven out of the Shearman's Creek 
settlement. 

At various times it was decided to abandon the use 
of Fort Halifax, not being needed as a place of defense 
and being of constantly less value as a magazine of sup- 
plies, which latter were taken direct to Fort Augusta from 
Fort Hunter, but it was kept up, in a desultory manner, 
until 1763 when it was finally dismantled. 

Fort Hunter. 
Six miles north of Harrisburg, at the junction of Fish- 
ing Creek and the Susquehanna River, surrounded by beau- 



Fort Augusta. 257 

tiful scenery, stood Fort Hunter, some two and one-half 
miles below the present romantic village of Dauphin, and 
about one-half mile above that of Rockville. 

Its situation " where the Blue Hills cross the Susque- 
hanna " gave it command of the passage around the same 
into the settled districts. When, therefore, the first raid 
of the savages was made, and the murders at Penn's Creek 
committed on October 16, 1755, the settlers of the vicinity 
at once made preparations to defend themselves and to 
stay the advance of the Indians. A stockade was erected, 
but its exact locality is unknown ; it may have been at Hun- 
ter's Mill itself, about five hundred yards up the creek from 
its mouth, where now stands the mill owned by Abr. Ream, 
or it may have been where stood the fort. The latter is 
more probable, and it is likely that the soldiers, who came 
to garrison the place, merely completed what had been 
already begun. 

The subject of our sketch was a blockhouse, surrounded 
by a stockade, standing on a narrow elevation of gravel 
and boulders about forty feet high, distant some one hun- 
dred and fifty feet from the Susquehanna River, which is 
here nearly seven-eighths of a mile wide. Its site is now 
occupied by a substantial stone house. In the rear of the 
barn, now standing, on the opposite side of the pike from 
the fort, were formerly erected barracks for the better 
accommodation of the soldiers forming the garrison, and 
recruits gathered from other points. A house and barn 
occupy the site of Hunter's house and barn. 

Its history begins with the order sent Adam Read, on 
January 10, 1756, to detach twenty-five men from his 
company, then guarding the frontier along the mountains, 
and send them, under command of a suitable officer, to 
Hunter's mill, which detachment, however, was relieved, 



2 5 8 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



1'% 



\ 










P£NN. Ct^^ 



Fort Augusta. 259 

towards the end of the month, by Captain Thomas McKee 
and thirty men, who was directed to either complete the 
fort then in existence or erect one at a more suitable place. 
The result was the defense which we are describing. 
With the organization and advance of Colonel Clapham's 
"Augusta Regiment," Fort Hunter became, at once, an 
important station. Here was the rendezvous of the 
troops ; here the batteaux were congregated ; here all sup- 
plies were collected; and, so long as the operations at Sha- 
mokin continued, so long was it a scene of great activity. 

On March 14, 1757, Lord Loudoun arrived at Phila- 
delphia, where he remained two weeks, in consultation with 
Governor Denny. As a result of the conference on the 
defense of the Province, at which were present Colonel 
Clapham, with Lieutenant Colonels Weiser and Arm- 
strong, amongst other things it was decided that four 
hundred men should be kept at Fort Augusta, and the 
works there completed ; that one hundred men should con- 
stitute the garrison of Fort Halifax, and that Fort Hunter 
should be demolished, only fifty men being retained there 
temporarily until the removal of the magazine of supplies, 
which was to take place as soon as possible. The long 
frontier of the Blue Range, between the Susquehanna and 
the Delaware, was to be defended by Colonel Weiser's 
Battalion and the forts reduced to three in number. 

This at once caused great consternation among the set- 
tlers, and brought from them an earnest appeal for its 
continuance, which was strongly endorsed by Commissary 
Young, who personally explained to the Governor and 
Council the excellent situation of Fort Hunter as com- 
pared with that of Fort Halifax, of which he said: " That 
it is a very bad Situation, being built beyond Two Ranges 
of Hills, and nobody living near it, none could be pro- 



260 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

tected by it; that it is no Station for Battoe parties, having 
no Command of the Channel, which runs close on the 
Western Shore, and is besides covered with a large Island 
between the Channel and Fort, so that numbers of the 
Enemy may, even in the day time, run down the River 
without being seen by that Garrison." 

The result was not only the continuance but the strength- 
ening of Fort Hunter. In July, 1758, Captain G. Price 
was left in it by General Forbes, during his advance, with 
orders to make still further repairs, and to place it in 
proper shape for use once more as a base of supplies. 

The record of this fort is not only that of a supply 
magazine and rendezvous, but it was, besides, a true place 
of defense whose garrison was constantly occupied in 
watching their savage foe. In the beginning of October, 
1757, a man was killed and scalped within twenty rods 
of Hunter's barn, of which incident Captain Busse, then 
in command, makes the following report: 

Hunter's Fort, the 3d October, 1757. 
May it Please Your Honour: 

In my Coming Back from Rainging allong the Frun- 
tears on Saturday the first Instant, I Heard that the Day 
Before, Twelve Indians wore seen not fare off from hear, 
as it was Leat, and not Knowing their Further Strength, 
I thought To Go at Day Braek nixt morning with as many 
Soldiers and Battowe-men as I could get. But In a short 
Time we Heard a Gun fire off, and Running Deirectly To 
the Spot, found the Dead Boddey of one William Martin, 
who went into the woods to Pick up Chestnuts where the 
Indians was lying in ambush. I ordered all the men to 
Run into the woods, and we Rainged till it Grew Quite 
Dark; the Continual Rain that Has Been Sins, Has Hin- 



Fort Augusta. 261 

dered my following them ; there was a number of the in- 
habitants Came Here to assist in following them, but the 
wether prevented. There ware onley 3 Indians onley Seen 
By Some people, who ware Siting Before the Dore of 
Mister Hunter, and they say, that all was Don In Less 
than four minutes ; that same night, I warned the Inhabi- 
tants to Be upon their Guards, and in the morning, I 
Rainged on this side the mounton the nixt Day. But my 
men Being few in Number, By Rason of their Being four- 
teen of them sick, I could Not be Long from the Gar- 
rison ; and it seems yet probable To me, that there is Great 
Numbers of the Enimy Indians on this River. The Town- 
ships of Paxton and Derry Have agreed to keep a Guard 
for Some Time in the frunteer Houses, from Monaday to 
Susquehannah, and Expects that your Honour will be 
pleased to Reinforse this Detachment. If thease Town- 
ships should Break up, the Communication Between Fort 
Augusta and the Inhabitants would Be Greatley Endain- 
gered. 

I am, with Greatest Respect, 
Your Honours, 
most obedient Humble Servant, 

Christian Busse. 

Captain James Patterson, who was later in command 
at Fort Hunter, sent, on January 10, 1758, to Governor 
Denny, the following interesting extracts from his Journal 
of duties, performed at that place from December 5, 1757, 
to date: 

Fort Hunter, Janry ye 10th, 1758. 

I took with 19 men & ranged from this Fort as far as 
Robinson's Fort (at Manada Gap), where I lodged, Keep- 
ing a guard of six men & one Corporal on centry that 



262 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

night. The sixth day I marched towards Hunter's Fort, 
ranging along the mountain foot very diligently till I came 
to the Fort that evening, my men being so afflicted with 
sickness I could not send out till the eighth day, Lieu't 
Allen, with 14 men, went to Range for three days. On 
the 1 2th day Lieu't Allen, with Eighteen men & one Ser- 
jeant ranged along the mountain about 14 miles from this 
Fort, where he met Cap't Lieu't Weiser and his party & 
returned back towards this Fort the next day & came to it 
that night. The fifteenth, Lieu't Allen, with 18 men, 
Kept along the Frontier till the 25th & came to this Fort 
that night. Hearing of Indians harbouring about Juniatta, 
on the 28th of December, I took 15 men with me up the 
Creek, and about 14 miles from the mouth of it I found 
fresh tracks of Indians on both sides of the creek & fol- 
lowed the tracks about four miles up the said Creek, where 
I lost the tracks, But I still Kept up the creek 'till I gott 
up about twenty-five miles from the mouth of said Creek, 
where I encamped that night. The Indians I found were 
round me all the night, for my Dogg made several attacks 
towards the Woods as if he saw the Enemy and still run 
Back to the Centry. On the 3rd of January I returned 
down the Creek in some canoes that I found on said Creek, 
and when I came about nine miles down I espied about 20 
Indians on the opposite side of the Creek to where I was. 
They seemed to gett themselves in order to fire upon the 
men that were in Canoes. I immediately ordered them all 
out but two men that let the Canoes float close under the 
shore, and kept the Land in readiness to fire upon the 
Enemy, as soon as they moved out of the place where they 
lay in Ambush, but I could see no more of them. On the 
5th day of January I came to this Fort. On the sixth day 
I sent a Serjeant & Corporal with 15 men along the Fron- 



Fort Augusta. 263 

tiers of Paxton and Maunadys, about fourteen miles from 
this Fort, and on the seventh day they returned back to 
said Fort. On their march one of the Soldiers espied two 
Indians Just by one of the Frontier plantations; the Sol- 
diers gave the Serjeant notice and the Serjeant Kept on his 
course, as if he had not Known anything of the Indians, 
till he gott some Bushes between the party & the Indians 
and then gott round the place where the Indians were seen, 
but they happening to see the party run off, when our party 
came to the place they saw the Tracks of the Indians plain 
where they run off. As I am recruiting to fill up my 
Comp'y again, and my recruits are not all qualified as yet, 
it is not in my power to send y'r Hon'r a Roll of my 
Comp'y, but expect in a few days to be in Capacity of 
doing it. As I am insensible there are Enemy Indians 
upon the Coast, I thought it fitting to send y'r Hon'r this 

Journal, & remain, 

Y'r Honour's Most obedient 
humble Servant 

James Patterson. 

The Harris Stockade. 

The nucleus, or central point, of all the defenses was 
the old log house which formed the home and trading post 
of John Harris, Sr., at the present city of Harrisburg. 

While more especially a trader he was also engaged ex- 
tensively in agriculture. It is said of him that " he was 
the first person who introduced the plough on the Susque- 
hanna," and, moreover, that " he was as honest a man as 
ever broke bread." In 1705 he built his log house on the 
lower bank of the river, about one hundred and fifty to 
two hundred feet below the spot where now repose his 
remains. A well, dug by him, still exists about one hun- 



264 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

dred feet east of his grave. It was covered over about 
1850, but its site was distinguished by a small circular 
mound of earth. It was the typical log cabin of the early 
settler, with its huge chimneys, though somewhat more pre- 
tentious in size, with which was connected a long range of 
sheds, which were sometimes literally filled with skins and 
furs, either obtained by himself in traffic with the Indians 
or stored there by Indian traders who brought them from 
the western country. 

Near this house stood a large mulberry tree to which 
he was bound by a party of drunken Indians, to whom he 
had refused more rum, and who were only prevented from 
burning him to death by a number of more friendly In- 
dians who had crossed the river, and, after a struggle, suc- 
ceeded in accomplishing a timely rescue. When he died 
in 1748, his remains were interred, at his own request, 
beneath the shadow of this memorable tree. The stump 
of this tree has been preserved, to the present time, in an 
inclosure near the bridge of the Cumberland Valley Rail- 
road opposite Mulberry Street. 

He was succeeded by his son, bearing the same name, 
John Harris, who was born in the old house in 1726, and 
was a most energetic and influential man. It was he who 
founded the city of Harrisburg, upon the site of what, 
for three-quarters of a century, was known as Harris' 
Ferry. About 1766-69 he built a large stone house on 
Front Street below Mulberry which supplanted the log 
structure. 

It was the old home, however, which occupied the scene 
during the occurrences of the war. When the massacre 
at Penn's Creek took place on October 16, 1755, Harris 
was prominently identified with the relief party which went 
to the front. We have already seen under what discour- 



Fort Augusta. 265 

aging conditions this party returned. Without any pros- 
pects of help from the government, and in daily expec- 
tation of the appearance of the enemy, he promptly cut 
loop-holes in the building, threw a substantial stockade 
around it, and otherwise placed it in condition for defense. 
During the entire war the Harris' Stockade was a place 
of continued activity. Its central position made it a con- 
venient rendezvous for governmental authorities, regi- 
mental officers and troops in general; it sheltered many 
sick who were sent to the rear; at times it held securely 
prisoners taken at the front; its capacious cellars and out- 
houses became storage rooms for the supplies of the bat- 
talions beyond, and there were but few, of any description, 
who, in their going and coming, did not have occasion to 
seek the shelter of its hospitable roof. 

Fort Lowther. 

This fort was located in Cumberland County. It stood 
" On High Street between Hanover and Pitt Streets, oppo- 
site Lot No. one hundred, and the house of the late Gen- 
eral Lamberton occupied a part of the ground, being in 
what is now the most populous part of the town." 

Cumberland County was originally settled by the Scotch- 
Irish, but these people gradually removed further west and 
were supplanted by the Germans, many of whom already 
occupied the territory during the French and Indian War 
and were equal participants in its struggles and horrors. 

Soon after the defeat of the Virginia troops, and the 
capitulation of Fort Necessity, July 4, 1754, the imminent 
danger of being surprised by the Indians was apparent to 
the settlers in the valley and Governor Hamilton was peti- 
tioned for protection. When the defeat of General Brad- 
dock followed, the next year, once more the Governor 



266 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 




^VE ORIGINALLY AROUND THE S 0f/ 



S.HANOVER 
STREET. 



WESTERN HALF 

OF 

PUBLIC SQUARE. 

LAI OUT IN 17SI, 



L 



rt. HANOVER 

«M *■ 

STREET. 



SITE AND PLAN OF FORT LOWTHER. 



Fort Augusta. 



267 




SITE OF FORT LOWTHER. 



268 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

(Morris) was petitioned to supply the necessary means of 
defense. The result was the tardy but eventual establish- 
ment of the chain of forts which included the one under 
consideration. 

It was at Fort Lowther that Governor Morris was sta- 
tioned on June 5, 1755, to be near Braddock's forces, for 
the rendering of such assistance as might be required, and, 
while here, he received the last letter ever written by that 
officer. 

The fort was gradually completed and continually 
strengthened, becoming a quite important position, being 
occupied not only by detachments of the provincial bat- 
talions but, frequently, by troops from the royal regiments, 
especially when, during the later years, offensive opera- 
tions were undertaken against the savages. 

Its history of massacres and destruction was similar to 
that of all the other frontier stations. Among the suf- 
ferers was one who revenged himself terribly upon the 
savages. He was a white man, known as Captain Jack, 
the "black hunter," the "black rifle," the "wild hunter 
of Juniata," the " black hunter of the forest." Some 
years before the outbreak of the war he entered the woods 
with a few enterprising companions, built his cabin, cleared 
a little land, and supplied his needs by fishing and hunt- 
ing. He was happy because he had no care. One even- 
ing, on his return home, he found his cabin burnt, his wife 
and children murdered. From that moment he forsook 
civilized man, lived in caves, protected the frontier inhab- 
itants from the Indians, and seized every opportunity for 
revenge that offered. He was a terror to the red man; 
a protector to the white. On one occasion, near Juniata, 
in the middle of a dark night, a family was suddenly 
awakened by the report of a gun. Rushing from their 



Fort Augusta. 269 

cabin, by the glimmering light of their chimney they saw 
an Indian fall to rise no more. The open door exposed to 
view "the wild hunter." " I saved your lives," he cried, 
then turned away and was soon buried in the gloom of 
night. He never shot without good cause. His look 
was as unerring as his aim. He formed an association to 
defend the settlers against savage aggressions, which, on 
a given signal, would unite. Their exploits were heard 
of in 1756, on the Conococheague and Juniata. He was 
sometimes called "the Half Indian," and Colonel Arm- 
strong, in a letter to the Governor, says : " The company 
under the command of the Half Indian, having left the 
Great Cove, the Indians took advantage and murdered 
many." He also, through Colonel Croghan, proffered his 
aid to Braddock. " He will march with his hunters," says 
the Colonel; "they are dressed in hunting shirts, moc- 
casins, etc., are well armed, and are equally regardless of 
heat or cold. They require no shelter for the night, they 
ask no pay." The real name of this mysterious personage 
has never been ascertained. It is supposed that he gave 
the name to " Jack's Mountain " an enduring and appro- 
priate monument. 

In 1764 more than four hundred unfortunate captives, 
who had been released by Colonel Bouquet, were brought 
to Carlisle where many of them were restored to their 
overjoyed relatives. 





CHAPTER XX. 

Fort Morris. 




r 



OLLOWING the line of de- 
fenses to the south we come 
to the next one located at the site of 
the present town of Shippensburg. 
Some confusion has existed with re- 
gard to this fort. The records speak 
of Fort Morris and, at other places, 
of Fort Franklin. It is claimed by 
some that two defenses existed close 
to each other, each of a different 
name, while others state that the two 
names both belong to the same place, 
which is probably correct. 

On November 2, 1755, Major James Burd writes from 
Shippensburg: "We have one hundred men working at 
Fort Morris, with heart and hand, every day. The town 
is full of people, five or six families in a house, in great 

(270) 



Fort Morris. 271 

want of arms and ammunition; but, with what we have 
we are determined to give the enemy as warm a reception 
as we can. Some of our people have been taken pris- 
oners, but have made their escape, and came into us this 
morning. . . ." 

It was built on a rocky hill, at the western end of the 
town. The brick school-house standing there, erected 
about i860, is within the boundary of the fort, the founda- 
tion of a part of which can still be traced. The walls 
were about two feet in thickness and were of stone taken 
from a quarry a few yards west of where it stood. They 
were very substantially built, of small stone joined together 
by mortar which became as hard as cement. In them 
were openings several feet from the ground. The roof, 
together with all the timber used in the construction of the 
building has been removed years before 1821. The por- 
tion of the wall, which remained at that time, was torn 
down in 1836 by a party engaged in a drunken frolic. 

On July 18, 1757, six men were killed, or taken away, 
near Shippensburg, while reaping in John Cesney's field. 
The following day, not far from Shippensburg, in Joseph 
Stevenson's harvest field, the savages butchered inhumanly 
nine men, carrying off three women and one boy. July 
27, Mr. McKisson was wounded, and his son taken from 
the South Mountain. A letter, dated Carlisle, Septem- 
ber 5, 1757, says three persons were killed by the Indians 
six miles from Carlisle, and two persons about two miles 
from Silver's old place. A much longer list of the names 
of slain and captured might be added. 

In the summer of 176 1, and later, many fled for shelter 
and protection to Shippensburg, Carlisle, and the lower end 
of the county. In July, 1763, 1,384 of the poor, distressed, 
back inhabitants took refuge at Shippensburg. Of this 



272 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

number there were 301 men, 345 women and 738 children, 
many of whom had to lie in barns, stables, cellars and 
under leaky roofs, the dwelling houses being all crowded. 
In the lower end of the county every house, every barn and 
every stable was crowded with miserable refugees, who, 
having lost their horses, their cattle, their harvest, were 
reduced from independence and happiness to abject beg- 
gary and despair. The streets and roads were filled with 
people ; the men distracted with grief for their losses ; and 
the desire for revenge more poignantly excited by the 
disconsolate females and bereaved children who wailed 
around them. In the woods, for miles on both sides of 
the Susquehanna, many families, with their cattle, sought 
shelter, being unable to find it in towns. 

Between Fort Morris, at Shippensburg, and the next 
provincial defense, Fort Loudoun, stands the present town 
of Chambersburg, whose connection with the war was too 
prominent to be passed over entirely. It seems to be a 
matter of dispute as to the time when the Chambers settled 
on the Conococheague. It is not probable that Joseph 
and Benjamin Chambers located at the Falling Spring 
earlier than 1730. They had previously built at Fort 
Hunter, on the Susquehanna, but, an accidental fire con- 
suming their mill on the Fishing Creek, they wandered 
westward, finally locating at the point named, erecting a 
log house, and eventually, a saw and grist mill. 

After the defeat of Braddock, for the further security 
of his family and neighbors, Colonel Benjamin Chambers 
erected, where the town of Chambersburg now stands, a 
large stone dwelling-house, surrounded by the water from 
Falling Spring, which, for protection against fire, was 
roofed with lead. The dwellings and mills were sur- 
rounded by a stockade fort, which, with the aid of fire- 



Fort Morris. 273 

arms, a blunderbuss and swivel, was so formidable to the 
Indian parties, passing through the country, that it was but 
seldom assailed, and no one sheltered by it was either killed 
or wounded. 

The savage depredations of the Indian soon became ter- 
rible. Benjamin Chambers, writing from Falling Spring, 
on Sunday morning, November 2, 1755, to the inhabitants 
of the lower part of the county of Cumberland, says : " If 
you intend to go to the assistance of your neighbors, you 
need wait no longer for the certainty of the news. The 
Great Cove is destroyed. James Campbell left his com- 
pany last night, and went to the fort at Mr. Steel's meeting- 
house, and there saw some of the inhabitants of the Great 
Cove, who gave this account, that as they came over the 
hill they saw their houses in flames." 

A few days after Great Cove had been laid waste, and 
forty-seven persons, out of ninety-three settlers, were killed 
or taken captive, the merciless Indians burnt the house of 
widow Cox, near McDowell's Mill, in Cumberland (now 
Franklin) County 7 , and carried off her two sons and another 
man. In February, 1756, two brothers, Richard and John 
Craig, were taken by nine Delaware Indians from a plan- 
tation two miles from McDowell's Mill. At the same 
time a party made marauding incursions into Peter's Town- 
ship. They were discovered, on Sunday evening, by one 
Alexander, near the house of Thomas Barr. Although 
pursued he escaped and alarmed the fort at McDowell's 
Mill. Early on Monday morning, a party of fourteen 
men of Captain Croghan's command, who were at the 
mill, and about twelve other young men, set off to watch 
the movements of the Indians. Near Barr's house they 
fell in with fifty, and sent back for a reinforcement from 
the fort. The young lads proceeded by a circuitous route 



274 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to take the enemy in the rear, while the soldiers attacked 
in front. The impetuosity of the soldiers, however, de- 
feated the plan. Scarce had they got within gun-shot 
when they fired upon the Indians, who were standing 
around the fire, and killed several of them at the first dis- 
charge. The savages returned fire, killing one of the sol- 
diers and compelling the rest to retreat. The party of 
young men, hearing the report of fire-arms hastened up, 
and, finding the Indians on the ground which the soldiers 
had occupied, fired upon them with effect, but, concluding 
the soldiers had fled, or were slain, they also retreated. 
One of their number, Barr's son, was wounded, and would 
have perished by the tomahawk of an Indian, had not the 
savage been killed by a shot from Armstrong, who saw 
him running upon the lad. Soon after, the soldiers and 
young men being joined by a reinforcement from the mill, 
again sought the enemy, who, eluding the pursuit, crossed 
the creek near William Clark's, and attempted to surprise 
the fort. Their design, however, was discovered by two 
German lads, coming from foddering their master's cattle. 
One of the lads was killed, but the other reached the fort, 
which was immediately surrounded by the Indians, who, 
from a thicket, fired many shots at the men in the garrison, 
who appeared above the wall and returned the fire as often 
as they obtained sight of the enemy. At this time, two 
men crossing to the mill, fell into the middle of the 
assailants, but made their escape to the fort, though fired 
at three times. The party at Barr's house now came up, 
and drove the Indians through the thicket. In their re- 
treat they met five men from Mr. Hoop's, riding to the 
mill, of whom they killed one and wounded another se- 
verely. The sergeant at the fort, having lost two of his 
men, declined to follow the enemy until his commander, 



Fort Morris. 275 

Mr. Crawford, who was at Hoop's, should return, and the 
snow falling thick, the Indians had time to burn Mr. 
Barr's house, and, in it, consumed their dead. On the 
morning of March 2, Mr. Crawford, with fifty men, went 
in quest of the enemy, but was unsuccessful in his search. 

In April, 1756, McCord's fort on the Conococheague, 
was burnt by the Indians, and twenty-seven persons were 
killed or captured. William Mitchell, an inhabitant of 
Conococheague, had collected a number of reapers to cut 
down his grain; having gone out to the field, the reapers 
all laid down their guns at the fence, and set in to reap. 
The Indians allowed them to continue for some time, till 
they got out in the open field, when they secured the guns, 
and killed, or captured, every one. On August 27, 1756, 
there was a great slaughter, wherein thirty-nine persons 
were killed near the mouth of the Conococheague Creek. 
Early in the following November some Indians were but 
a few miles from McDowell's Mill, where they killed four 
soldiers, carried off Captain James Corkem and one man, 
killed six of the inhabitants and captured six children. 

On April 23, 1757, John Martin and William Blair 
were killed, and Patrick McClelland wounded, who died 
of his wounds, near Maxwell's Fort; May 12, John Mar- 
tin and Andrew Paul, both old men, were captured; June 
24, Alexander Miller was killed, and two of his daughters, 
from Conococheague; July 27, Mr. McKissen wounded, 
and his two sons captured, at the South Mountain; August 
15, William Mauson and his son killed near Cross's Fort; 
September 26, Robert Rush and John McCracken, with 
others, killed and taken captive near Chambersburg; No- 
vember 9, John Woods, his wife and mother-in-law and 
John Archer's wife, were killed, four children taken and 
nine killed, near McDowell's Fort; May 21, 1758, Joseph 



276 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Gallady was killed, his wife and one child taken captive. 
On July 26, 1764, the Indians murdered a schoolmaster, 
named Brown, about three miles north of Green Castle, 
killed ten small children, and scalped and left for dead a 
young lad, x^rchibald lYlcCullough, who recovered and 
lived for many years. Bard, in his " Narrative of Cap- 
tivity," says, " It was remarkable that, with few excep- 
tions, the scholars were much averse to going to school 
that morning." The account given by McCullough is 
that two of the scholars informed Mr. Brown that, on 
their way, they had seen Indians. The master, however, 
paid no attention to what had been told him, but ordered 
them to their books. Soon afterwards two old Indians 
and a boy rushed up to the door. The master seeing 
them, begged the Indians to take his life and spare the 
children, but, unfeelingly, the two old Indians stood at the 
door while the boy entered the building and, with a piece 
of wood in the form of an Indian maul, killed the master 
and scholars, after which all of them were scalped. 





CHAPTER XXI. 

Frontier Forts. 

Fort Loudoun. 
^T'HIS fort was located 
vU about one mile dis- 
tant from the present town 
of Loudoun, in Franklin 
County. It was erected by 
Colonel Armstrong at the 
outbreak of the war, and 
situated about two miles 
southwest from Parnell's 
J Knob, on the east side of 
the West Branch of the 
Conococheague Creek, where Nathan Patton lived. The 
village of Loudoun stands about one mile west of the 
old fort. There are still some faint indications outside 
of the yard, showing where it was built. The first in- 
tention was to locate the defense at Barr's, near Mc- 
Dowell's Mill, but this place was abandoned because the 
soil was considered too strong and heavy. 

Before the wagon roads were made it was a great point 
of departure for pack-horse trains for Bedford, Fort Cum- 

(277) 




278 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



berland and Pittsburgh. Sir John Sinclair, quartermaster 
general of General Braddock, moved much of his supplies 
by that route, and had one of his principal magazines at 







Frontier Forts. 279 

McDowell's. After Braddock's defeat a large part of his 
dispirited and destitute troops returned by the same route, 
and were quartered at Shippensburg and Carlisle. Later, 
the Province of Pennsylvania built a broad wagon road 
from Fort Loudoun westward, which General Forbes, Col- 
onel Bouquet, and others used in their several expeditions. 

Such progress was made on the fort, that, on December 
22, 1756, Mr. Stevens wrote, " The public stores are safely 
removed from McDowell's Mill to Fort Loudoun — the 
barracks for the soldiers are built and some proficiency 
made in the stockade, the finishing of which will doubtless 
be retarded by the inclemency of the weather. Yester- 
day the escort of one hundred men returned from Lyttle- 
ton, who left the cattle, etc., safe there, and to-day will 
begin to dig a cellar in the new fort. The logs and roof 
of a new house having there been erected by Patton before 
the Indians burned his old one, we shall first appraise this 
house and then take the benefit of it, either for officers' 
barracks or a store house for provisions." 

The first intention of Colonel Armstrong was to call 
it " Pomfret Castle," but it was named after Lord Lou- 
doun, who arrived on the previous July 23rd, as general 
and commander-in-chief of all His Majesty's forces in 
North America. 

Fort Lyttleton. 
In Fulton County a private stockade was erected, in the 
beginning of the French and Indian War, on the farm 
latterly owned by James Kendall, on the spot occupied by 
the dwelling, two miles south of McConnellsburg; another 
in the southern end of the county, on the farm latterly 
owned by Major George Chesnut, which was used as a 
place of refuge; while Fort Lyttleton, one of the chain 



280 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of government defenses, was located in the northern end 
of the county. It stood at Sugar Cabins, some twenty 
miles south of Fort Shirley, at Aughwick; of it Governor 
Morris says, February 9, 1756, in a letter to General 
Shirley: "It stands upon the new road opened by this 
Province towards the Ohio, and about twenty miles from 
the settlements, and I have called it Fort Lyttleton, in 
honor of my friend George. This fort will not only pro- 
tect the inhabitants in that part of the Province, but being 
upon a road that, within a few miles, joins General Brad- 
dock's road, it will prevent the march of any regulars into 
the Province, and at the same time serve as an advance 
post or magazine in case of an attempt to the westward. 
For these reasons I have caused it to be built in a regular 
form, so that it may, in a little time and at a small expense, 
be so strengthened as to hold out against cannon." 

When the unfortunate capture and destruction of Mc- 
Cord's Stockade occurred, April, 1756, Hance Hamilton, 
then in command at Fort Lyttleton, wrote to Captain 
Potter, under date of April 4, 1756, at 8 o'clock p. m. : 

" These come to inform you of the melancholy news 
of what occurred between the Indians, that have taken 
many captives from McCord's Fort and a party of men 
under the command of Captain Alexander Culbertson and 
nineteen of our men, the whole amounting to about fifty, 
with the captives, and had a sore engagement, many of 
both parties killed and many wounded, the number un- 
known. Those wounded want a surgeon, and those killed 
require your assistance as soon as possible, to bury them. 
We have sent an express to Fort Shirley for Doctor 
Mercer, supposing Doctor Jamison is killed or mortally 
wounded in the expedition. He being not returned, there- 
fore, desire you will send an express, immediately, for 



Frontier Forts. 281 

Doctor Prentice to Carlisle, we imagining Doctor Mercer 
cannot leave the fort under the circumstances the fort is 
under." 

At about the same time, Captain Hamilton sent some 
Cherokee Indians, who were with him in the king's pay, 
to search along the foot of the mountains to see if there 
were any signs of Indians on that route. This party came 
upon Captain Mercer unable to rise; they gave him food 
and carried him to Fort Lyttleton on an improvised 
stretcher. 

Fort Shirley. 

In a line due north from Fort Lyttleton, distant about 
twenty miles, stood Fort Shirley, another provincial de- 
fense, in Huntingdon County, on or near the banks of 
the Aughwick Creek, flowing northward into the Juniata 
River, and not many miles distant from that river to the 
southward. Its location was within the limits of the 
present borough of Shirleysburg, on the east side of it 
about one-fourth of a mile from Aughwick Creek, where 
now stands the Shirleysburg Female Seminary. When 
Governor Morris made his inspection of the frontiers in 
December, 1755, to arrange a system of defense, he de- 
cided upon this spot because: " This stands near the great 
path used by the Indians and Indian traders, to and from 
the Ohio, and consequently the easiest way of access for 
the Indians into the settlements of this Province." 

Previous to the erection of the government fort, and 
so soon as the first outbreak of the savages had taken place, 
when death and destruction was everywhere, Captain 
Croghan had already built a stockade, the beginning of 
November, 1755, at Aughwick, and said: "I have about 
forty men with me here, but how long I shall be able to 
keep it, I really can't tell." It is altogether probable that 



282 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

this stockade was improved and enlarged, becoming the 
Fort Shirley of which we are writing. Captain Croghan 
continued in command of it until the latter part of March, 
1756, some little time after its completion. He was re- 
lieved by Captain Hugh Mercer. 

In July, 1756, the Indians from Kittanning, under 
Chiefs Shingas and Jacobs, captured and burned Fort 
Granville. Later in the season they prepared for new 
incursions and an attack on Fort Shirley. This, however, 
was prevented by the determination of the Government to 
strike the first blow. An expedition was organized, under 
Colonel John Armstrong, for the destruction of the 
enemy's headquarters, which rendezvoused at Fort Shirley 
and marched from thence, on August 30, 1756, against 
Kittanning, an account of which will be given in due time. 

Unfortunately, the location and construction of Fort 
Shirley prevented it from being easily defended. With 
regard to this matter Colonel Armstrong wrote to Gover- 
nor Morris, from Carlisle, on August 20th, as follows: 
"As Fort Shirley is not easily defended, and their water 
may be taken possession of by the enemy, it running at 
the foot of a high bank eastward of the fort and no well 
dug, I am of opinion, from its remote situation, that it 
cannot serve the country in the present circumstances, and 
if attacked, I doubt will be taken if not strongly garri- 
soned, but extremities excepted. I cannot evacuate this 
without your Honour's orders." 

On October 15, 1756, Governor Denny announced to 
the Council at Philadelphia that Fort Shirley had been 
evacuated by his order. 

Fort Granville. 
This fort stood about a mile west of the present Lewis- 
town, Mifflin County, immediately on the north side of the 



Frontier Forts. 



283 




284 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Juniata River, and westward from where the Kishaco- 
quillas Creek empties its waters into the Juniata about the 
distance of one mile. The course of the old Pennsylvania 
Canal, in time, ran through its site, practically obliterating 
it. We are told: "It was selected because it commands 
a narrow pass where the Juniata River falls through the 
mountains, which is so circumstanced that a few men can 
maintain it against a great enemy, as the rocks are very 
high on each side and less than a gun-shot from below." 

Some time prior to the war this locality was settled by 
Arthur Buchanan, his two sons and three other families. 
His first step was to call upon the Indians and signify his 
intention to purchase lands. Their head chief was Cap- 
tain Jacobs, so named by Buchanan because of his close 
resemblance to a burly German in Cumberland County, 
whose connection with the war will especially appear in 
the account of Colonel Armstrong's expedition against 
Kittanning. At first the Indians were unwilling to sell, 
but, being liberally plied with liquor, finally decided to 
do so. What was paid for the land has not been divulged, 
but it is more than probable that the price consisted of the 
contents of the rum keg, a few trinkets and some tobacco. 

On July 22, 1756, some sixty savages appeared before 
Fort Granville and challenged the garrison to a fight, 
which, however, was declined because of the weakness of 
the force. The Indians fired at and wounded one man, 
who had been a short way from the fort, but who man- 
aged to get into it safely; after this they divided into small 
parties, one of which attacked the plantation of one 
Baskins, near the Juniata, whom they murdered, burnt his 
house, and carried off his wife and children. Another 
party made Hugh Carroll and his family prisoners. 

On July 30, 1756, Captain Edward Ward, the com- 



Frontier Forts. 285 

mandant, marched from the fort, with a detachment com- 
prising a large part of the garrison, for Tuscarora Valley, 
where they were needed to guard the settlers while har- 
vesting their grain. The stockade was left in charge of 
Lieutenant Edward Armstrong. The Indians, knowing 
the weakness of the garrison, immediately surrounded the 
fort and began an attack upon it, which they continued, in 
their skulking manner, through the afternoon and follow- 
ing night, but without inflicting much damage. Finally, 
after many hours had been spent in their unsuccessful 
attacks, the Indians availed themselves of the protection 
afforded by a deep ravine, up which they passed from the 
river bank to within twelve or fifteen yards of the fort, 
and from that secure position succeeded in setting fire to 
the logs and burning out a large hole, through which they 
fired on the defenders, killing the commanding officer, 
Lieutenant Armstrong, and one private soldier, and wound- 
ing three others. 

They then demanded the surrender of the fort and gar- 
rison, promising to spare their lives if the demand was 
acceded to. Upon this, a man named John Turner, pre- 
viously a resident in the Buffalo Valley, opened the gates 
and the besiegers at once entered and took possession, cap- 
turing, as prisoners, twenty-two men, three women and a 
number of children. The fort was burned by Chief 
Jacobs, under orders of the French officer in command, 
and the savages then departed, driving before them their 
prisoners, heavily burdened with the plunder taken from 
the fort and the settlers' houses which they had robbed 
and burned. On their arrival at Kittanning, the Indian 
rendezvous, all the prisoners were cruelly treated, and 
Turner, the man who had opened the gate to the savages, 
suffered the cruel death by burning at the stake, enduring 



286 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the most horrible torment that could be inflicted upon him 
for a period of three hours, during which time red-hot 
gun barrels were forced through parts of his body, his 
scalp was torn from his head and burning splinters were 
stuck in his flesh, until, at last, an Indian boy, who was 
held up for the purpose, sank a hatchet in the brain of the 
victim and so released him from his agony. 

Colonel Armstrong, in writing to Governor Morris, 
from Carlisle, on August 20, 1756, gives the following 
statement of Peter Walker, an escaped prisoner: 

" This McDowell told Walker they designed very soon 
to attack Fort Shirley with four hundred men. Captain 
Jacobs said he would take any fort that would catch fire, 
and would make peace with the English when they had 
learned him to make gunpowder. McDowell told Walker 
they had two Indians killed in the engagement; but Cap- 
tains Armstrong and Ward, whom I ordered on their 
march to Fort Shirley to examine everything at Granville 
and send a list of what remained among the ruins, assures 
me that they found some parts of eight of the enemy burnt, 
in two different places, the joints of them being scarcely 
separated; and part of their shirts found through which 
there were bullet holes. To secrete these from the pris- 
oners was doubtless the reason why the French officer 
marched our people some distance from the fort before he 
gave orders to burn the barracks, &c. Walker says that 
some of the Germans flagged very much on the second day, 
and that the lieutenant behaved with the greatest bravery 
to the last, despising all the terrors and threats of the 
enemy whereby they often urged him to surrender. Though 
he had been near two days without water, but little ammu- 
nition left, the fort on fire and the enemy situate within 
twelve or fourteen yards of the fort under the natural 



Frontier Forts. 287 

bank, he was as far from yielding as when at first attacked. 
A Frenchman in our service, fearful of being burned up, 
asked leave of the lieutenant to treat with his countrymen 
in the French language. The lieutenant answered 'The 
first word of French you speak in this engagement, I'll 
blow your brains out,' telling his men to hold out bravely, 
for the flame was falling and he would soon have it extin- 
guished; but he soon after received the fatal shot." 

In addition to the above the following deposition was 
made, later, by John Hogan, another escaped prisoner, 
before Colonel Armstrong : 

" Cumberland County, June 1st, 1757, before me, John 
Armstrong, Esquire, one of his Majesty's Justices of the 
Peace for the county of Cumberland aforesaid, came John 
Hogan, late a soldier belonging to Capt. Edward Ward's 
company of Foot in the pay of the Province of Pennsyl- 
vania, who declares and says that on or about the first day 
of August he with several others was taken prisoner at 
Fort Granville by a party of French and Indians — consist- 
ing of one hundred Indians and fifty French — who took 
him and the rest of the prisoners to Kittanning, where they 
were about three hours, at which time John Turner, one 
of the prisoners, was burnt. They were then taken down 
the river to Fort Duquesne where they were a few hours ; 
the French and Indians not agreeing; when they proceeded 
to Logstown where he continued until he made his escape. 
And this deponent further says that the Indians sold a 
prisoner to the French for which they received a nine- 
gallon keg of brandy. The deponent states that he and 
George Hily, another prisoner, considered this a good time 
to escape, because it was customary for the Indians on 
such occasions to get drunk and have a frolic, which they 



288 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



did, whereupon they set off and brought with them Martin 
Borrowelly, another prisoner, and arrived at the south 
branch of the Potomac in three weeks from the time of 
their escape. Sworn at Carlisle the first day of June, 
1757, before 

" John Armstrong." 








CHAPTER XXII. 

The Story of Manada. 




IT 



Manada Fort. 

N returning to the defenses 
east of the Susquehanna 
we reach those along the Blue 
Range, where nearly all the set- 
tlers were of German blood. 

The first in order, from Fort 
Hunter, were the ones at Ma- 
nada Gap, some twelve miles 
distant. They were three in number, one of which only 
was erected by the Government. 

At this point in the Blue Range the mountains are 
broken up into a series of ranges, known as the First 
Mountain, the Second, Third, Fourth, Peter's Mountain, 
etc. Manada Gap is the narrow passage in the First 
Mountain where the Manada Creek, formed between it 
and the Second Mountain, has forced its way through, on 
its journey towards its larger sister, the Swatara Creek. 

(289) 



290 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Right at this entrance stands, to-day, the grist mill of Mr. 
Jacob Early, on the site of the old Robinson mill, which 
occupied land belonging, at one time, to Timothy Green. 
The original Robinson's Mill was a stone structure, which, 
at the outbreak of the war, had been pierced with loop- 
holes and served, admirably, as a place of refuge before 
the advent of provincial troops and a provincial fort. It 
was from this building, called " Robeson's Fort," that, 
one day, a lad standing at a corner window, while watch- 
ing some of the men dressing meat, noticed the approach 
of an Indian who was endeavoring to conceal himself 
behind a green bush, and who fled when discovered and 
fired upon. 

Excellent in itself as a place of defense, the mill was 
too close to the mountain to be conveniently located as a 
place of refuge and protection for the settlers, whose dwell- 
ings were generally more distant from the Gap proper. 
Therefore, with the formation of a regular military estab- 
lishment by the Province, Captain Smith, who on January 
26, 1756, had relieved Captain Adam Read and his militia 
company, was order to take a detachment of his company, 
proceed to Manada Gap, and there either strengthen the 
old stockade of the settlers, or erect a new one, as he 
might see fit. This would indicate that the people had 
already made some progress on a stockade of their own, 
at a suitable place. It is more than likely that Captain 
Smith occupied and completed it. It stood on what is 
now the property of William Rhoads, at the west end of 
the field on which the house is built, and some three-quar- 
ters of a mile below the Gap. About one-half mile to the 
southeast is the Methodist meeting house, and, probably 
an equal distance to the southwest, the Manada Furnace. 
No trace of the fort remains, nor any knowledge of its 



The Story of Manada. 291 

appearance, but it doubtless consisted merely of one block- 
house surrounded by a stockade. 

The third defense, known as "Brown's Fort" was 
merely a private house, garrisoned by a squad of Captain 
Smith's company during the harvest season of 1756. It 
was a stone building which stood close to the foot of the 
mountain, on the main road between Fort Swatara, Ma- 
nada Fort and Manada Gap, about one and three-quarter 
miles east from Manada Fort. Part of the walls of the 
building are still in existence. 

Another location of interest in the neighborhood is the 
home of Adam Read. As Justice of the Peace he was 
very prominent; his house became the rallying point of 
the settlers in the early part of the war, at which time he 
was commissioned a captain, and guarded the frontier until 
relieved by the provincial troops. It stood on Read's 
Creek, just above its mouth, which empties into the Swa- 
tara Creek some one and a quarter miles southeast from 
the village of Harper's. It was at this latter place, where 
the Swatara makes a sharp bend to the north, that Adam 
Harper settled himself at an early period, at which was 
then the most western location in the county. He was 
surrounded by Indians, who had a string of wigwams 
hard by his home. He kept the first public house in all 
that region of country, and the place is still known as 
"Harper's Tavern." Not half a mile distant from it, 
in 1756, the Indians killed five or six persons. A woman, 
a sister of Major Leidig, was scalped by the Indians, but 
survived the barbarous act and lived for years afterwards. 

About two miles distant from Harper's, and one and a 
half miles south of the village of Mt. Nebo, caves are still 
to be found along the banks of the Swatara Creek which, 
local tradition unites in saying, were used by the settlers 
as places of refuge from the Indians. 



292 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



With this understanding of localities and locations we 
are prepared to read some of the incidents pertaining to 
the war. 



""■"•LA M^^imf '>iim\t ^ '» v 




%«/%#' /;// f 



0° 



&« 



,l 'UCl 



w\^ * 



t>' 



SITE OF FORTS AT MANADA GAP. 



In August, 1756, a soldier, named Jacob Ellis, belong- 
ing to Captain Smith's company, was stationed at Brown's 
Fort. He lived just within Manada Gap, and as his 
wheat was ripe he was anxious to harvest. Having pre- 
vailed upon his officer to give him an escort of ten men, 



The Story of Manada. 293 

during the early morning of August 6, they proceeded to 
his home and started to work. Unfortunately, they kept 
a poor lookout, so that, about 10 A. M., after they had 
reaped down the field and were about ready to begin at 
the head once more, they were surprised by three Indians, 
who had crept up to the fence at their backs, and who 
opened fire upon them, killing the corporal outright and 
wounding a soldier who was standing beside him with a 
gun in one hand and a bottle in the other, so that his left 
arm was broken in two places and his gun fell to the 
ground. Seeing that the men had piled their guns at a 
large tree half-way down the field, the Indians rushed into 
their midst, uttering terrible cries and war-whoops. The 
soldiers at once ran for their arms, and, as one of the 
savages, who had left his gun on the other side of the 
fence, was hastening to secure that of the wounded man, 
he was shot by three who stood behind the tree before he 
had an opportunity to kill his victim. Pandemonium 
reigned supreme for a short time, but the Indians finally 
fled, being outnumbered. One of them ran between two 
soldiers, both of whom fired at him but missed him ; another 
was wounded but also managed to get away. As they left 
the field they fired one gun and gave a halloa. 

The soldiers, having hid the man who was killed, went 
back to the fort and then found that James Brown who 
lived in the house, was missing. The lieutenant went 
from Manada Fort, with more men, and brought in the 
dead body but could find no trace of Brown. Adam 
Read, hearing the noise of the firing at his home, went 
up, with some neighbors, the next morning, to see if he 
could render any assistance. Captain Smith, being noti- 
fied of the occurrence, also came up from Fort Swatara the 
same morning. In the meantime the body of the missing 



294 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

man had been found. He was killed by the last shot fired 
by the Indians, and had been scalped. 

In October, 1756, Adam Read wrote to the Provincial 
Council the following letter, setting forth the condition 
of affairs at that time, and pleading for assistance: 

"Friends and Fellow Subjects: 

" I send you, in a few lines, the maloncholly condition 
of the Frontiers of this Country; last Tuesday the 12 of 
this Instant, ten Indians came on Noah Frederick plowing 
in his Field, Killed and scalped him and carried away three 
of his children that was with him, the Eldest but Nine 
Years old, plundered his House, and carried away every- 
thing that suited their purpose, such as Cloaths, Bread, 
Butter, a Saddle and good Rifle Gun &ca, it being but two 
short miles from Captain Smith's Fort, at Swatawro Gap, 
and a little better than two from my House. 

" Last Saturday Evening an Indian came to the House 
of Philip Robeson, carrying a Green Bush before him, said 
Robeson's Son being on the Corner of his Fort watching 
others that was dressing flech by him, the Indian per- 
ceiving that he was observed fled; the watchman fired but 
missed him; this being three-quarters of a mile from 
Manady Fort; and Yesterday Morning, two miles from 
Smith's Fort, at Swatawro, in Bethel Township, as Jacob 
Fornival was going from the house of Jacob Meyler to 
his own, was fird upon by two Indians and wounded, but 
escaped with his life, and a little after, in the said Town- 
ship, as Frederick Henley and Peter Stample was carrying 
away their Goods in waggons was met by a parcel of In- 
dians and all killed, five lying Dead in one place and one 
Man at a little distance, but what more is done is not come 
to my Eland as yet, but that the Indians was continuing 



The Story of Manada. 295 

their Murders. The Frontiers is employed in nothing 
but carrying off their Effects, so that some miles is now 
waist. We are willing, but not able without help; You 
are able if you be willing (that is Including the lower 
parts of the Country) to give us such assistance as will 
enable us to redeem our waist Land; You may depend on 
it that without Assistance we in a few days will be on the 
wrong side of you, for I am now a Frontier, and I fear 
that the Morrow Night I will be left some miles. Gen- 
tlemen, consider what you will do, and not be long about 
it, and let not the world say that we die as fools dyed. 
Our Hands is not tied, but let us exert ourselves and do 
something for the Honour of our Country and preserva- 
tion of our Fellow Subjects; I hope you will communicate 
our Grievances to the lower parts of our Country, for 
surely they will send us some help if they understand our 
Grievances. I wou'd have gone down myself, but dare 
not, my Family is in such Danger. I expect an Answer 
by the Bearer, if Possible. 

" I am, Gentlemen, Your very humble Servant, 

"Adam Read. 

" Before sending this away I have just rec'd information 
that there is seven Killed & five Children Scalped a Live, 
but not the Account of their names." 

The following interesting incident is related by Dr. Egle 
in his "History of Dauphin County": 

"The Barnetts and their immediate neighbors erected 
a block house in proximity to Col. Green's Mill (Robin- 
sons, now Earlys Mill on land of Timothy Green) on 
the Manada, for the better safety of their wives and chil- 
dren, while they cultivated their farms in groups, one or 



296 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

two standing as sentinels. In the year 1757 there was 
at work on the farm of Mr. Barnett a small group, one 
of which was an estimable man named Mackey. News 
came with flying speed that their wives and children were 
all murdered at the block house by the Indians. Prepa- 
ration was made immediately to repair to the scene of 
horror. While Mr. Barnett with all possible haste was 
getting ready his horse, he requested Mackey to examine 
his rifle to see that it was in order. Everything right 
they all mounted their horses rifle in hand, and gallopped 
off, taking a near way to the block house. A party of 
Indians lying in ambush rose and fired at Mr. Barnett, 
who was foremost, and broke his right arm. His rifle 
dropped; an Indian snatched it up and shot Mr. Mackey 
through the heart. He fell at their feet, and one secured 
his scalp. Mr. Barnett's father, who was in the rear 
of his company, turned back, but was pursued by the In- 
dians, and narrowly escaped with his life. In the mean- 
time Mr. Barnett'e noble and high spirited horse, which 
the Indians greatly wished to possess, carried him swiftly 
out of the enemy's reach, but, becoming weak and faint 
from the loss of blood, he fell to the ground and lay for a 
considerable time unable to rise. At length, by a great 
effort, he crept to a buckwheat field, where he concealed 
himself until the Indians had retired from the immediate 
vicinity, and then, raising a signal, he was soon perceived 
by a neighbor who, after hesitating for some time for fear 
of the Indians, came to his relief. Surgical aid was pro- 
cured, and his broken arm bound up, but the anxiety of his 
mind respecting his family was a heavy burden which 
agonized his soul, and not until the next day did he hear 
that they were safe, with the exception of his eldest son, 
then eight or nine years of age, whom the Indians had 



The Story of Manada. 297 

taken prisoner, together with a son of Mackey's about 
the same age. The savages on learning that one of their 
captives was a son of Mackey, whom they had just killed, 
compelled him to stretch his father's scalp and this heart- 
rending, soul-sickening office he was obliged to perform in 
sight of the mangled body of his father. 

" The Indians escaped with the two boys westward, 
and, for a time, Mackey's son carried his father's scalp, 
which he would often stroke with his little hand and say 
' my father's pretty hair.' 

" Mr. Barnett lay languishing on a sick-bed, his case 
doubtful for a length of time, but, having a strong consti- 
tution, he, at last, through the blessing of God, revived, 
losing about four inches of a bone near the elbow of his 
right arm. 

" But who can tell the intense feeling of bitterness 
which filled the mind and absorbed the thoughts of him 
and his tender sensitive companion, their beloved child 
traversing the wilderness, a prisoner with a savage people, 
exposed to cold and hunger and subject to their wanton 
cruelty? Who can tell of their sleepless nights, the anx- 
ious days, prolonged through long, weary months and 
years; their fervent prayers, their bitter tears, and en- 
feebled health? 

" The prospect of a treaty with the Indians, with the 
return of prisoners, at length brought a gleam of joy to 
the stricken hearts of these parents. Accordingly, Mr. 
Barnett left his family behind and set off with Col. Croghan 
and a body of five hundred ' regulars ' who were destined 
to Fort Pitt for that purpose. Their baggage and pro- 
visions conveyed on pack horses, they made their way over 
the mountains with the greatest difficulty. When they 
arrived at their place of destination Col. Croghan made 



298 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

strict inquiry concerning the fate of the little captives. 
After much fruitless search, he was informed that a squaw, 
who had lost a son, had adopted the son of Mr. Barnett 
and was very unwilling to part with him, and he, believing 
his father had been killed by the Indians, had become rec- 
onciled to his fate, and was much attached to his Indian 
mother. 

" Mr. Barnett remained with the troops for some time 
without obtaining or even seeing his son. Fears began to 
be entertained at Fort Pitt of starvation. Surrounded by 
multitude of savages, there seemed little prospect of re- 
lief, and, to add to the despondency, a scouting party 
returned with the distressing news that the expected pro- 
visions, which were on the way to their relief, were taken 
by the Indians. They almost despaired, — five hundred 
men in a picket fort on the wild banks of the Allegheny 
River without provisions. The thought was dreadful. 
They became reduced to one milch cow each day, for five 
days, killed and divided among the five hundred. The 
three following days they had nothing. To their great joy, 
on the evening of the third provisions arrived. Every 
sunken, pale, despairing countenance gathered brightness, 
but, owing to its imprudent use, which the officers could 
not prevent, many died. 

" While the treaty was pending many were killed by 
the Indians, who were continually prowling around the 
fort. One day Mr. Barnett wished a drink of water from 
Grant's Spring (this spring is near Grant Street, in the 
city of Pittsburgh, known to most of the older inhabi- 
tants) ; he took his 'camp-kettle' and proceeded a few 
steps, when he suddenly thought the adventure might cost 
him his life, and turned back; immediately he heard the 
report of a rifle, and, looking towards the Spring, he 



The Story of Manada. 299 

saw the smoke of the same, — the unerring aim of an 
Indian had deprived a soldier of life. They bore away 
his scalp, and his body was deposited on the bank of the 
Allegheny. 

"The treaty was concluded and ratified by the parties; 
nevertheless great caution was necessary on the part of the 
whites, knowing the treachery of many of their foes. 

" Mr. Barnett was most unhappy. His hopes concern- 
ing his child had not been realized, and he had been absent 
from his family already too long. Soon after the con- 
clusion of the treaty a guard, with the pack horses, started 
to cross the mountains, and he gladly embraced the oppor- 
tunity of a safe return. After injunctions laid upon Col. 
Croghan to purchase, if possible, his son, he bade him, and 
his associates in hardships, farewell, and, after a toilsome 
journey, reached home and embraced, once more, his 
family, who were joyful at his return. But the vacancy 
occasioned by the absence of one of its members still re- 
mained. He told them that William was alive, soothed 
their grief, wiped away the tears from the cheeks of his 
wife, and expressed a prayerful hope that, through the 
interposition of a kind Providence, he would eventually 
be restored to them. 

" Faithful to his promise, Col. Croghan used every en- 
deavor to obtain him. At length, through the instrumen- 
tality of traders, he was successful. He was brought to 
Fort Pitt, and, for want of an opportunity to send him 
to his father, was retained under strict guard, so great was 
his inclination to return to savage life. On one occasion 
he sprang down the bank of the Allegheny River, jumped 
into a canoe, and was midway in the stream before he was 
observed. He was quickly pursued, but reached the oppo- 
site shore, raised the Indian whoop, and hid himself among 



300 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the bushes. After several hours' pursuit he was retaken 
and brought back to the fort. Soon after, an opportunity 
offering, he was sent to Carlisle. His father, having busi- 
ness at that place, arrived after dark on the same day, 
and, without knowing, took lodging at the same public 
house where his son was, and who had been some time in 
bed. As soon as he was aware of the fact he asked 
eagerly to see him. The landlord entreated him to let 
the boy rest till morning, as he was much wearied by 
traveling. To this the father would not assent, replying, 
' If a son of yours had been absent for three years could 
you rest under the same roof without seeing him ?' The 
hardy host felt the appeal and led the way to the chamber. 
The sleeping boy was awakened and told his father stood 
by his bed. He replied in broken English, ' No my father.' 
At this moment his father spoke, saying, ' William, my 
son, look at me; I am your father!' On hearing his voice 
and seeing his face he sprang from the bed, clasped him 
in his arms, and shouted, 'My father! My father is still 
alive!' All the spectators shed tears, the father wept like 
a child, while from his lips flowed thankful expressions of 
gratitude, to the Almighty disposer of all events, that his 
long-lost child was again restored. 

" Early the next day the father and son were on the road 
homewards, where they arrived on the second day in the 
dusk of the evening. The rattling of the wheels an- 
nounced their approach; the mother and all the children 
came forth. She, whose frequent prayers had heretofore 
been addressed to the Throne of Divine Grace for the 
safety and return of her son, now trembled and was almost 
overcome as she beheld him led by his father and pre- 
sented to her, the partner of her sorrows. She caught 
him to her bosom and held him long in her embrace, while 



The Story of Manada. 301 

tears of joy flowed. His brothers and sisters clustered 
around and welcomed him with a kiss of affection. It 
was a scene of deep feeling not to be described, and known 
only to those who have been in similar circumstances. 
The happy family, all once more beneath the parental 
roof, knelt down and united in thanksgiving to Almighty 
God for all His mercies to them in protecting and restor- 
ing to their arms a beloved and long absent child. 

" The children scrutinized him with curiosity and amaze- 
ment. Dressed in Indian costume, composed of a breech- 
cloth around the waist, with moccasins and leggins, his 
hair about three inches long, and standing erect, he pre- 
sented a strange appearance. By degrees he laid aside the 
dress of the wilderness , which he greatly preferred, forgot 
the Indian language, and became reconciled to his native 
home. But the rude treatment which he received from 
the Indians impaired his constitution. They frequently 
broke holes in the ice on rivers and creeks and dipped 
him in to make him hardy, which his feeble system could 
not endure without injury. 

" Respecting the son of Mackey, he was given by the 
Indians to the French, and passed into the hands of the 
English, and was taken to England, came as a soldier in 
the British army to America at the time of the Revolu- 
tionary war. He procured a furlough from his officers 
and sought out his widowed mother, who was still living, 
and who had long mourned him as dead. She could not 
recognize him after the lapse of so many years. He 
stood before her a robust, fine-looking man, in whom she 
could see no familiar traces of her lost boy. He called 
her 'mother,' and told her he was her son, which she did 
not believe. 'If you are my son,' she said, 'you have a 
mark upon your knee that I will know.' His knee was 



302 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

exposed to her view, and she instantly exclaimed ' My 
son indeed!' Half frantic with joy, she threw her arms 
around his neck, and was clasped in those of her son. 'Oh, 
my son,' said she, ' I thought you were dead, but God has 
preserved you and given me this happiness. Thanks, 
thanks to His name ! Through long years I have 
mourned that sorrowful day which bereft me of my hus- 
band and child. I have wept in secret till grief has nearly 
consumed me, till my heart grew sick and my poor brain 
almost crazed by the remembrance. I have become old 
more through sorrow than years, but I have endeavored 
to "kiss the rod" which chastised me. My afflictions have 
not been sent in vain, they have had their subduing and 
purifying effect; heaven became more attractive as earth 
became dark and desolate. But I now feel that I shall 
yet see earthly happiness. Nothing in this world, my son, 
shall separate us but death.' He never returned to the 
British army, but remained with his mother and contrib- 
uted to her support in her declining years. 

' There was another interesting meeting, that of Mackey 
with the son of Mr. Barnett. They recapitulated the 
scenes of hardship through which they passed while 
together with the Indians, which were indelibly impressed 
upon the memory of both. They presented a great con- 
trast in appearance, — Barnett a pale, delicate man, and 
Mackey the reverse. The former sank into an early 
grave, leaving a wife and daughter. The daughter mar- 
ried a Mr. Franks, who subsequently removed to the city 
of New York. 

" Mr. Barnett, the older, after experiencing a great 
sorrow in the loss of his wife, removed to Allegheny 
County, spending his remaining days with a widowed 
daughter. He died in November, 1808, aged eighty-two 



The Story of Manada. 



303 



years, trusting in the merits of a Divine Providence. His 
eventful and checkered life was a life of faith, always 
praying for a sanctified use of his trials, which were many. 
His dust reposes in the little churchyard of Lebanon, 
Mifflin Township, Allegheny County." 






CHAPTER XXIII. 
On the Swatara. 

Fort Swatara. 

HFTER the massacre at 
Penn's Creek, on October 
1 6, 1755, the savages took a 
direct route to the Swatara Gap, 
as the easiest and most convenient 
place of access to the thickly set- 
tled regions south of the moun- 
tains. To save and protect themselves, as best they could, 
the settlers selected the home of Peter Heydrick and 
turned it into a place of defense and refuge. Like Adam 
Read Mr. Heydrick was commissioned as captain of a 
militia company, which garrisoned the improvised fort 
and ranged over the vicinity until relieved by the pro- 
vincial troops. 

The reader has already been told of the sad events 
which occurred in this locality during the fall of 1755. 

On January 6, 1756, Captain Frederick Smith, of Ches- 
ter County, was ordered to proceed, with his company, to 
Reading, there to be mustered into the provincial service 

(304) 



On the Swatara. 



305 



by James Read. This having been done, on the twenty- 
sixth of the same month he was ordered to the " gap at 
Tolehaio where Swehatara comes through the mountain, 
and in some convenient place there to erect a Fort, of the 



, STATE mO JO HARHISBU^Z 



SWATARA 



Mountains . 

V 




SITE OF FORT SWATARA. 

form and dimentions herewith given you, unless you shall 
Judge the Staccado, already erected there, conveniently 
placed, in which case you will take possession of it, and 
make such additional works as you may think necessary to 
render it sufficiently strong and defenceable." 



306 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

He found the stockade erected by the settlers to be well 
located and available for the purpose. It was therefore 
completed and strengthened, becoming the Fort Swatara 
of our sketch. 

It stood in what is now a field, at the end of the private 
farm road leading from the State Road to the farm of 
Joseph Behny, distant from the former some eighty yards, 
and from Inwood Station, at Swatara Gap, three-quarters 
of a mile southwest. It is about twelve miles east of 
Manada Gap. The farm was sold by Elizabeth Shuey 
to William Coppenhaver, and by him to Jacob Behney, 
whose home is near that of Joseph. It is on the left side 
of the road, with a spring at the southwest corner of the 
fort, and a fine run of water directly south of it, flowing 
east and west. It commands the roads to Harrisburg, 
Swatara Gap, and the country below. The defense was 
doubtless a single block-house surrounded by a stockade. 

In 1757 Fort Swatara furnished its proportion of the 
no men ordered by Colonel Weiser to act as guards at 
the Easton Treaty with the Indians. On February 5, 
1758, Adjutant Kern reports, at Fort Swatara, Lieutenant 
Allen with thirty-three men, and its distance to Fort Hun- 
ter, on the Susquehanna, as twenty-four miles. On Feb- 
ruary 9, James Young, Commissary of Musters, reports 
one company of forty-six men on duty. James Burd, 
during his tour of inspection, visited the fort, and has the 
following to say of it: 

"Sunday, Feby. 19th, 1758. 

"This day at 1 1 A. M., march'd for Fort Swettarrow, 
got to Crawford's 14 miles from Hunter's (Fort Hunter), 
here I stay all night, it rain'd hard. 

" Had a number of applications from the country for 
protection . . . 



On the Swatara. 307 

" 20th, Monday. 
11 March'd this morning at 1 1 A. M., mett a Serg't & 

12 men here, who march'd with me back to Swettarrow, 
this day it rain'd much, gott to Swettarrow Fort at 4 P. 
M., the roads extream bad, the soldiers march with great 
difficulty, found Capt'n Lieu't Allen & 38 men here per 
report; this is 1 1 miles from Crawford's. 

" 2 1 st, Tuesday. 
" Reviewed the Garrison this morning at 10 A. M., & 
found 38 men, Vis't 21 belonging to Cap't Leu't Allen, & 
17 detached from Capt'n Weiser's Co.; of Capt'n Allen's 

13 men for 3 years, no province arms fitt for use, no 
kettles, nor blankets, 12 lb. of poudder & 25 lb. of lead, 
no poudder Horns, pouches, nor cartouch boxes, no Toma- 
hawks nor Province tools of any kind, 2 months provision. 

" Some Soldiers absent & others hyr'd in their place 
which has been a custom here, the soldiers under no Dis- 
sipline. Ordered a Serg't & 12 men to be always out upon 
the Scout from hence to Crawford's, keeping along the 
blue mountain, altering their routs, & a targett to be 
erected 6 inches thick, in order to practice the Soldiers in 
Shooting. 

"This day 12 M. D., the country people came here, I 
promise them to station an officer & 25 men at Robertson's 
Mill, this mill is situate in the center between the Forts 
Swattarrow & Hunter, this gave the People Content. 

" March'd at 1 P. M., for Fort Henry . . ." 

Among the old residents and sufferers of the locality 
were Mr. Noacre or Noecker, who was shot dead in his 
field while ploughing, and one Philip Maurer, killed while 
cradling oats. The house of Martin Hess, about one mile 
southwest from the fort, was frequently used as a place 



308 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of refuge. On one occasion Matthias Boeshore, while 
retreating to it from the enemy, had just got inside of the 
door, seized his gun and turned upon his pursuers^ when 
he received a shot from an Indian, wounding him, for- 
tunately but slightly, the ball striking the flint of his 
musket and glancing off into his left side. 

Besides the Hess refuge there was used, for the same 
purpose, the Weidman house, at Lickdale, formerly Union 
Forge. The original old mansion still stands, but its 
former appearance has been completely changed by the 
weatherboarding placed over it. It is beautifully sur- 
rounded by a grove of trees, and stands about fifty yards 
back from the road. 

Still another refuge was the block house near Freder- 
icksburg, on the farm of John Groh, one of the first settlers 
of Bethel Township. It was sold to J. H. Lick and Joseph 
Gibber, the present owner. Some ten years ago it was 
torn down, and the logs used in the new building which 
stands nearly, if not quite, on the site of the old house. 
At the time it was torn down it was noticed that the loop- 
holes were blackened with powder, showing the active use 
to which it had been put. It is on the road from Jones- 
town to Fredericksburg, about three hundred yards from 
the latter place, and on the banks of a small stream. It 
was some thirty-two feet long, sixteen feet wide, and one 
story high, with an overhang garret having holes pierced 
in the floor, thus enabling its defenders to shoot downward. 

Even the churches of the locality had their share in the 
active history of the period, being used, at times, for de- 
fense and refuge. Of this number was the Moravian 
Church, located about three miles northwest from Fred- 
ericksburg, and five miles north from Jonestown, on the 
road leading from Fredericksburg to Lickdale, along the 



On the Swatara. 3°9 

mountain. The grave-yard, in which a number of persons 
murdered by the Indians lie buried, is about two hundred 
feet in rear of the barn. The barn and house, belonging 
to Josiah Shugar, which now stand on the property, were 
partly built of logs from the old church, which looked to 
be in an excellent state of preservation. It was torn down 
some twenty or twenty-five years ago. Another edifice 
of the same character was the old Swatara church (Lu- 
theran and Reformed), of which not a trace is left. It 
stood about two miles northeast of Jonestown, and about 
one-half mile north of the road from Jonestown to 
Bernville. 

It was near this latter building that a Mrs. Snavely 
(Schnaebele) had a thrilling experience, whose husband 
had been murdered by the Indians, and who had returned 
from the Tulpehocken region to see whether it would be 
judicious for her to bring her family back: 

"After proceeding about two miles eastward from her 
farm, and passing the old Swatara Church, a building 
long since razed and the graveyard destroyed, two Indians 
rushed forward to catch her horse. She applied the whip 
vigorously. . . . For a few minutes the race was for life. 
The Indians followed her so closely that one of them 
grasped the saddle cloth. But the horse being fleet of foot 
and urged by the terrible whoop of the Indians, she man- 
aged to escape." 

The town of Lebanon, being then comparatively well 
settled, was resorted to, as a place of safety, by hundreds 
of families who fled from the frontier settlements. Sixty 
families, at one time, had taken shelter in the house of 
John Light, still standing in the northwest section of the 
city, and known among the people there as the " old Fort." 
It is a dilapidated stone structure fast going to ruin, having 



310 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

an arched vault under the first floor (which is stone and 
earth) spacious enough to shelter, comfortably, one hun- 
dred people. It used to have a running spring in this 
cellar, which is now dried up. The house was used as a 
Mennonite meeting house, residence, fort, and, later, distil- 
lery, and now furnishes shelter for the goats and sparrows. 

Another place of refuge in Lebanon was the old Glo- 
ninger house, on West Cumberland Street. It was the 
home of George Gloninger, from whom have descended a 
family prominent in local annals. Built somewhere in the 
decade between 1740-1750, it was a good specimen of 
the architecture of those days. Somewhat altered, it be- 
came, later, a farm house, then a boarding house for 
Italian iron mill workers, and, finally, was utterly destroyed 
by fire on the afternoon of December 9, 1903. 

The Ulrich house of refuge was erected in 175 1, a 
quarter of a mile north of the Annville railroad station. 
The refuge itself was merely a vault, built into a hill-side, 
with an air-hole walled out. It has a stone with this 
inscription: 

"SO OFT DIE DIER DEN ANKEL WENT 
AN DEINEN TOD, OMENSCH GEDENK " 
I7SI 

(A free translation) 
" Whene'er this door its hinge does turn, 
May thought of death to thee return." 

Over it Mr. Ulrich's descendants erected a stone build- 
ing, which has been remodeled, but the refuge has remained 
intact. 

Another place of similar character was the Zeller home, 
erected in 1745 on land owned by Heinrich Zellers, and, 
recently, in possession of his eighth lineal descendant, Mr. 
Monroe P. Zellers, a musician of wide renown. From 



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On the Swatara. 311 

its inception it was intended for protection and refuge, 
and was built of solid masonry, ornamented, in part, with 
carved stone door-jambs and head-stones or lintels. It 
stood near the village of Newmanstown, in Lebanon 
County. 

It is related of the original Mrs. Zellers that she super- 
intended the construction of the house, while her husband 
was absent on an expedition against the Indians, and that 
her laborers were colored slaves. It is also said, of this 
same Christine Zellers, that, when alone one day, she saw 
three prowling savages approach, heading for a small 
opening into the cellar still in existence. She quickly de- 
sended the cellar steps and stationed herself at this window 
with an uplifted axe. Presently the head of the first In- 
dian protruded through the hole, when she quickly brought 
down the weapon with an effective blow. Dragging the 
body in, she disguised her voice and, in Indian language, 
called his companions to follow, which they did and were 
all dispatched in like manner. It is said to have been 
attacked during the time of hostilities. 

In addition to these buildings, the Moravian church, 
erected in 1750, a mile and a half east from Gloninger's, 
was occupied by refugees, the principal part of whom had 
fled from the Moravian settlements in Bethel Township. 

One John Spitler, son-in-law to Jacob Miley, was shot 
dead while fixing up a pair of bars, and his body cruelly 
mangled. Mrs. Miley escaped by taking refuge in the 
watch house at her father's, a few miles from Stumptown. 
This happened in May, 1757. Spitler's mangled corpse 
was interred in the Moravian graveyard at Hebron, near 
Lebanon. The following, touching his murder, is found 
in the records of the Hebron Church: 



312 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 1757, May den 16, wurde Johannes Spitler, Jr., ohn- 
weit von seinem Hause, an der Schwatara von moederi- 
schen Indianern ueberfallen und ermordet. Er war im 
acht und dreisigstein Jahr seines Alters, und verwichenes 
Jahr im April, an der Schwatara auf genommen. Seine 
uebelzugericht tette Leiche wurde den 17 ten May hieher 
gebracht, und bei einer grossen Menge Leute begleitet auf 
unsern hiesigen Gottesacker beerdight." 

In Bethel Township the people suffered greatly. In 
November, 1755, twenty persons were killed and some 
children carried off. " Shocking," says the Secretary of 
the Province, " are the descriptions given by those who 
escaped of the horrid cruelties and indecencies, committed 
by the merciless savages, on the bodies of those unhappy 
wretches who fell into their hands, especially the women, 
without regard to age or sex, these far exceeded those 
related of the most abandoned pirates." 

On June 8, 1756, at "The Hole," Swatara Gap, they 
crept up, unobserved, behind the fence of Felix Wuench, 
shot him through the breast, as he was ploughing; he cried 
lamentably and ran, but the Indians soon caught up to him, 
and, although he defended himself some time with his 
whip, they cut his head and breast with their tomahawks 
and scalped him. His wife, hearing his cries and the 
report of two guns, ran out of the house, but was soon 
taken by the enemy who carried her away with them, 
together with one of her own and two of her sister's chil- 
dren, after setting the house on fire, and otherwise destroy- 
ing property. 

A servant boy, who was at some distance, seeing this, 
ran to his neighbor, George Miess, who, though he had 
a lame leg, ran, with his son, directly after the Indians, 



On the Swatara. 3*3 

raising at the same time, a great noise, which so alarmed 
the Indians that they immediately ran off, leaving behind 
them a tub of butter and side of bacon. Mr. Meiss then 
went to the house, which was in flames, and threw down 
the fences in order to save the barn. The Indians had 
drunk all the brandy in the spring house, and took several 
gammons, a quantity of meal, some loaves of bread, and 
a great many other things with them. Had it not been 
for the courage of Mr. Meiss they would have attacked 
another house. They shot one of the horses in the plough, 
and dropped a large French knife. 

Shortly after committing the above murder the Indians 
killed a child of Lawrence Dippel's, a boy about four 
years old, who was found cruelly murdered and scalped. 
Another lad, about six years old, was carried off. 

On June 26, 1756, they surprised and scalped two men. 
Franz Albert and Jacob Haendsche, also two lads, Fred- 
erick Weiser and John George Miess, who were ploughing 
in the field of one Fischer, and shot two horses. 

In August, 1757, as John Winkelbach's two sons and 
Joseph Fischback, a provincial soldier, went out about 
sunrise to bring in the cows, they were fired upon by about 
fifteen Indians. The two lads were killed, one being 
scalped, the other reaching the house before he died. The 
soldier was wounded in the head. 

In May, 1757, the house of Isaac Snevely was set on 
fire and entirely consumed, with eighteen horses and cows. 
On May 17, five men and a woman were killed and scalped 
about thirty miles from Lancaster. In a letter to the 
Pennsylvania Gazette, from Hanover Township, dated 
August 11, it is stated that, on Monday, the eighth, 
George Mauerer was killed and scalped while cutting oats 
in George Scheffer's field. " There is now," says the same 



314 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

writer, " such a severe sickness in these parts — the like has 
not been known — that many families can neither fight nor 
run away, which occasions great distress on the frontiers. 
Had it not been for forty men, which the province has 
in pay in this township, little of the harvest could have 
been saved, and as the time for which they have been en- 
gaged is nearly elapsed, the inhabitants hope the govern- 
ment will continue them in the service, else the consequences 
will be dreadful." 

On Monday, May 22, Barnabas Tolon was killed and 
scalped in Hanover Township, " and we are," says the 
editor of the Pennsylvania Gazette, " well informed that 
one hundred and twenty-three persons have been murdered 
and carried off from that part of Lancaster (now Leb- 
anon) County, by the Indians, since the war commenced, 
and that lately three have been scalped and are yet living." 

On June 18, 1758, Squire Read writes to Edward Ship- 
pen that as Leonard Long was riding along the road, about 
a mile from Read's house, he was killed and scalped. Mr. 
Read, with some others, immediately went to the scene 
where they found the body lying in the road bleeding, but 
could not track the Indians. 

On June 19, 1757, nineteen persons were killed in a 
mill on the Quittapahilla Creek, and, on September 9, 
1757, one boy and a girl were taken from Donegal Town- 
ship, a few miles south of Derry. About the same time, 
one Danner and his son, Christian, a lad of twelve years, 
had gone out into the Conewago hills to cut down trees; 
after felling one, and while the father was cutting a log, 
he was shot and scalped by an Indian, and Christian, the 
son, taken captive into Canada, where he remained until 
the close of the war, when he made his escape. Another 
young lad, named Steger, was surprised by three Indians 



On the Swatara. 315 

and taken captive while cutting hoop-poles, but, fortu- 
nately, after remaining with the Indians some months, 
made his escape. 

Jacob and Henry Boman, brothers, both young men, 
having been taken captive were tied in a secluded thicket 
by the Indians, who left, it is presumed, to go to the Con- 
estoga Indians, intending to return, but, in the interim, 
a Mr. Shally, who was returning from Lancaster to Leb- 
anon, chanced to pass, and, upon their calling him, re- 
leased them, and they returned to their parents living near 
the present Palmyra. 

In Jackson Township, near Stouchsburg, was the house 
of Benjamin Spycker, where the farmers, under Conrad 
Weiser, rendezvoused in 1755. A short distance from 
the present Myerstown was the home of Philip Breiten- 
bach, also used as a house of refuge. Mr. Breitenbach 
was wont on many occasions of alarm, to take his drum 
and beat it on an eminence near his house, to collect his 
neighbors from work into the refuge. At one time the 
Indians pursued them close to the house when one of the 
inmates took up his gun and shot an Indian dead on the 
spot. 

About one mile northeast from Millerstown the first 
public house, in this region of the country, was kept by the 
grandfather of Adam Ulrich, the occupant in 1844. Mr. 
Ulrich also kept a small store and traded with the Indians, 
many of whom staid weeks with him. Adam Ulrich's 
father, when a boy, frequently played with the Indians 
in the thickets. It appears there was a burying ground 
near Ulrich's house. One evening, about 1756-57, Adam 
Ulrich's father and grandfather were feeding the cattle 
when they were surprised by the Indians ; they, fortunately, 
escaped and eluded their pursuit, whereupon the savages 
killed all the cattle by cutting out their tongues. 




CHAPTER XXIV. 
Fort Henry. 



© 



Fort Henry. 
NE of the most promi- 
nent government de- 
fenses along the Blue Ridge 
was Fort Henry, also called, 
at times, in the early part of 
its history " Busse's Fort," 
after its first commanding of- 
ficer, " The Fort at Dietrich 
Six's," from its location, also 
" Fort Henry at Tolihaio," 
using the name " Tolihaio " in a general sense to apply to 
all the country in the vicinity of the Tolihaio, or Swatara 
Gap. 

It will be remembered that, with the first terrible out- 
break, or massacre, which found all in such an unprepared 
condition, the settlers established " a watch house " at 
" Dietrich's Six's Place under the Hill on Shamokin Road." 
It it probable this was the home of Dietrich Six. The 

(316) 




Fort Henry. 



317 




SITE OF FORT HENRY. 



318 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

location was so excellent that the provincial government, 
upon taking charge of the defense, decided to build one of 
the larger forts on the spot. 

This property was on the old Shamokin (Sunbury) 
Road, three miles north of Millersburg, in Bethel Town- 
ship of Berks County. It was owned by Dietrich Six 
during the war and purchased from him by Frantz Urn- 
benhauer, from whom it came into the possession of George 
Pott, and was lately owned by James Batz. 

The fort stood in what is now a cultivated field, about 
twenty-five yards northeast from a shed, with stone base, 
standing by the roadside. It was on slightly elevated 
ground and commanded a splendid view of the approaches 
from the Blue Mountains, and of the valley to the west. 
At the foot of the elevated ground runs a little stream of 
water, originating at the spring back of the fort. Pieces 
of stone, belonging to the fort as well as pieces of common 
clay pipe stems and chips of flint are, even yet, occasionally 
ploughed up. 

In the distant past various Indian villages must have 
been located in the neighborhood. We are told the fort 
stood "under the hill on Shamokin Road." This hill, 
called " Round Top Mountain," rises abruptly from the 
plain about one mile east of the fort. So abruptly does 
it rise that it is almost impossible to scale the side facing 
the defense. Those who have attempted it, however, 
have found, about half-way up, an artificial plateau, about 
forty by one hundred and fifty feet, formed by taking out 
stones from the hill behind. These stones seem to have 
been broken to a small size, and were entirely different 
from the rock composing the remainder of the mountain, 
being much harder and making somewhat of a ringing 
sound when knocked together. The fact is interesting 



Fort Henry. 319 

because it is altogether probable that it was a quarry from 
which the aborigines obtained their arrow and axe heads, 
if not the flints for their muskets. Of the shape of the 
fort we know nothing definite. In our generation it has 
been, at best, but a heap of ruins, but we are assured from 
them that it was more pretentious in size than usual. The 
only description of any kind, which has been secured, was 
from a Mr. Daniel Hostetter, of Springsville, who, if now 
living, would be some seventy years old. Even this is of 
a rather vague character. He says most of the stone 
belonging to the fort was taken by the farmers for build- 
ing purposes, but, when he first saw it, the marks of the 
building were plain, and a portion of the wall remained. 
To him it seemed to be shaped like a half moon, and, in 
the center, was a house which evidently had a cellar under- 
neath. The walls of the fort were about three feet thick 
and some two hundred feet long. Mr. Hostetter adds 
that he " never saw such a place in his life and doubts if 
there be any other like it in the State." 

The first commanding officer of Fort Henry was Cap- 
tain Christian Busse, who, before the war, had been a 
doctor at Reading, Pa. 

Notwithstanding the terrible depredations committed by 
the Indians, the officers in command of the troops made 
every effort to prevent them, and their unceasing vigilance 
is well worthy of commendation. 

The following report of Colonel Weiser to Governor 
Morris, made in July, 1756, bears witness to this state- 
ment: 

"Honoured Sir: 

11 Immediately after my Return from Philadelphia, I 
sent Orders to the Captains Busse, Morgan and Smith, 



320 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to meet me at Fort Henry, on the 9th of this Instant, to 
consult together over certain measures, how to oppose the 
Enemy of Killing the People in Reaping and gathering in 
their Harvest. The Evening before, to witt, on the 8th 
of this Instant, Mr. Young arrived with your Honours 
Orders to me, I therefore set out next morning about 5 
o'clock for Fort Henry, in Company with Mr. Young, 
as farr as Benjamin Spyckers. I arrived at Fort Henry 
by 10 o'clock. Capt. Busse met me with an escort of eight 
men on Horse Back, about Six miles on this side of Fort 
Henry; about 12 o'clock the Captains Morgan and Smith 
arrived. I immediately made your Honours Orders known 
to them, and the following Deposition was made: That 
eight men of Capt. Smith's Company shall assist the 
People in the Hole (The place where twice Murder was 
committed) to gather in their harvest, and stay over Night 
in the Moravian House; Eight of his men to range west- 
ward of his Fort under the Hill, and if occasion require 
to be stationed in two Parties to guard the Reapers; Six- 
teen men are to be in and about the Fort to help and pro- 
tect the neighbours, but constantly 10 out of the Sixteen 
are to stay in the Fort; Nine men are to stay constantly in 
Manity Fort, and Six men to range Eastward from Manity 
towards Swataro, and Six men to range westward towards 
Susquehannah; Each Party so farr that they may reach 
their Fort again before Night. Capt'n Busse's Company 
stationed as follows: Ten men at Bernhard Tridels, next 
to the Moravians, Eight men at Casper Snebelies, Six 
men at Daniel Shue's or Peter Klop's. All these are west- 
ward of Fort Henry. Eastwards Capt. Busse is to Post 
four men at Jacob Stein's, Three men at Ulrich Spies, Six 
men at the widow Kendal, the Rest, consisting of nineteen 
men, to remain in the Fort. Cap't Morgan's Company, 



Fort Henry. 3 21 

as follows : Six men to range from the little Fort on the 
Northkill westward to the Emericks, and stay there if the 
People unite to work together in their Harvest, Six men 
to range Eastward on the same footing, Eight men to 
stay in that Fort, fifteen men are to stay in Fort Lebanon, 
Eight men to protect the People over the Hill in harvest 
Time, Ten men to range constantly Eastward or West- 
ward, and if the People return to their Plantations there- 
abouts, to protect those first that join together to do their 
work. ^ 

"All the aforesaid men are posted as much in a Range 
as was possible, and would sute the Settlement best. 

"Your Honour will observe that there is not Men 
enough left in the Forts to change or relieve the Men on 
Duty, but scarce sufficient to Keep the Forts, and send 
Provisions to the several Posts. 

" I did propose to the Captains to make a draft of about 
twenty-five men out of the three Companies, and send 
them over the hills to a certain Place on Kind Creek, to 
lie in Ambush there for the Enemy, for about Ten Days, 
but the large Frontier which they have to guard with their 
men, would not Admit of it at this Time, so I was there- 
fore obliged to give over that Point. 

"A great number of the Back Inhabitants came to the 
Fort that Day, and cried out for Guards. Their situa- 
tion is indeed desperate. About forty men from Tulpen- 
hacon have been out for their Protection, but they got soon 
tired, and rose Disputes and Quarrels in Order to get 
home again. 

" I hear that the people over Susquehannah will have 
Protection, cost what it will; If they can't obtain it from 
the English, they will send to the French for it. I believe 
(by what I hear) that some on this Side of the River are 



322 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of the same oppinion, at least there is such a Mumbling 
among the back Inhabitants. 

" I must mention to your Honour that when the People 
about Swatara and the Hole heard of Capt. Smith's being 
accused for neglect of Duty, they wrote a Letter to me in 
his Favour, which I send by Sammy Weiser, who can trans- 
late it if your Honour orders him to do it. I also send a 
Letter from Capt. Busse, which contains the Particulars 
of the last murder. I received it by the way coming from 
Philad'a, and stopt the Express (as it was only to me) in 
Order to save Changes. 

"As I had no Clerk for some time I wrote a General 
Letter yesterday to all the Commanding Officers Eastward 
from Fort Henry to Easton, with a Copy of your Honours 
orders inclosed. I could not send every one a Copy, but 
ordered them to take it themselves and send it forward 
immediately. 

" Just this moment my Son Sammy arrived from Fort 
Henry, and tells me that there had been an Engagement at 
Caghnckackeeky, wherein twelve on our side were Killed, 
and Six Indians; That our People Kept the Field and 
scalped the Indians, and that the Indians ran off without 
any Scalp. As bad news as it is, I wish it may be true. 

" I have at Present no more to trouble your Honour 
with, But Remain, „ Q . 

" Your very obedient and 
" humble Servant, 

11 Conrad Weiser. 
" Heidleberg, in the County of Berks. 
"July the nth, 1756. 

11 P. S. — I should have told your Honour that I keep a 
Serjeant, with nine private men of my Company at Fort 



Fort Henry. 323 

Henry, under Capt. Busse, with that Proviso that they 
shall stay in the fort, and defend it when the Capt's men 
are on their several posts or Ranging; the Capt'n must 
Keep a Ranging party all along; tomorrow another Ser- 
jeant marches from Reading with nine men, to relieve 
those of my Company that have been out two weeks." 

In June, 1757, Fort Henry was honored by a visit from 
Governor Denny, under peculiar circumstances. The 
Government had been notified of a threatened attack, in 
force, on Fort Augusta, at Shamokin, just at a time when 
the terms of enlistment of the troops, composing its gar- 
rison, had expired. No persuasion could induce more 
than forty men to reenlist. In the emergency it became 
necessary to order immediately three companies from Col- 
onel Weiser's regiment to the scene of action, while the 
Governor, in person, hastened from Lancaster into the 
County of Berks to encourage the raising of these one 
hundred and fifty-nine men. When he came there he 
found men enough but met with an unexpected obstacle. 
The country people, supported by their magistrates, and 
the leading men of the County, refused to serve under the 
provincial officers but insisted upon choosing their own. 
This, it seems, was put into their heads at Lancaster by 
some of the Commissioners and Assemblymen, and was 
but an echo of the strife between the Executive and the 
Assembly. Concerning the matter the Governor writes: 

" Intending to go to Fort Henry, the only Garrison my 
Time would allow me to visit, I desired Col. Weiser to 
acquaint the Leaders of these infatuated People, that I 
shou'd be glad they would come and speak with me at the 
Fort. Accordingly, about Fifty substantial Freeholders, 
well mounted and armed, joined the Escort, & attended 



324 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

me to Fort Henry, where I had an opportunity of unde- 
ceiving them. Convinced of their Error, they presented 
me a very respectful address, assuring me of their Desire 
to have a proper Militia Law, and that they were deter- 
mined under such a Law to serve and do their duty to their 
king and Country. Forty instantly were inlisted by Col- 
onel Weiser out of this neighborhood, and a magistrate 
about twenty miles off wrote me he had inlisted forty 
more." 

The withdrawal of these companies from a battalion 
already too weak in numbers for the onerous duties re- 
quired of it, left Colonel Weiser in a woeful plight. It 
is a matter of no surprise, therefore, to read the following 
plea from him to the Governor, under date of October 
i> 1757: 

11 1 humbly intreat your Honour to pity our Cause and 
give orders that the men belonging to the first Battalion 
of Pennsil'a Regiment, now at Fort Augusta, may all re- 
turn to their proper or former Stations. When this pres- 
ent trouble is over I will very gladly send a reinforcement 
again either to Fort Augusta or wherever your honour 
pleases. It is certain that the enemy is numerous on our 
Frontiers, and the people are coming away very fast, so 
that the Forts are left to themselves with the men in them, 
but no more neighbours about them." 

So urgent is the matter that, three days later, Colonel 
Weiser writes to Mr. Peters, the Governor's Secretary: 

"Sir: I did not think on the Post till he entered my 
doors, else I would have wrote particularly to the Gover- 
nor, tho' I have been very Buisy with writing to the Com- 
manding officers of the several forts under my care. It 



Fort Henry. 325 

is now Come so farr that murder is comited Allmost every 
day; there never was such a Consternation among the 
people, they must now leave their houses again, with their 
Barns full of Grain; five children have been carried off 
last Friday, some days before a sick man killed upon his 
bed, begged of the Enemy to shoot him through his heart 
which the Indian answered, I will, and did so. A girl, 
that had hid herself under a Bedstead, in the next room, 
heard all this, two more families were about that time 
destroyed. Inclosed is the Journal of last month of my 
Ensign at North Kill. Capt. Bussey lies dangerously 
sick at John Harris. I hear he is tired of everything; 
I have neither men nor a sufficient n'br of officers to 
defend the Country. If his Honour would be pleased to 
send me orders for to recall all the men belonging to my 
Battalion, from Fort Augusta, he would justly bring upon 
him the blessing of the most high. I can not say no more. 
I think meselfe unhappy, to fly with my family in this 
time of danger I can't do. I must stay, if they all go. 
I am now preparing to go to fort Henry, where I shall 
meet some officers to consult with, what may be best to be 
done. I have ordered ten men, with the Governor's last 
orders, to fort Augusta ; I shall overtake them this Even- 
ing at Fort Henry and give them proper instruction. For 
God's sake, dear Sire, beg of the Governor, press it upon 
him in my behalf, and in behalf of this distrest inhabitants, 
to order my men back from fort Augusta. I will give 
my reason afterwards, that I am in the right. I conclude 
with my humble respects to his Honour, 
"And remain, Kind Sir, 
" Your most humble servant, 

" Conrad Weiser." 



326 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

It is the letter of a man over-burdened in mind and 
body, and who certainly deserves our sympathy. It is a 
satisfaction to know that, on November 8, orders were 
sent by the Governor for the return of Capt. Busse's de- 
tachment to their former station. 

The sole instance, on record, of the participation of any 
Frenchman in the attacks along the Blue Range, occurred 
at Fort Henry. On October 12, 1757, the sentry was 
surprised to see what appeared to be a French deserter, 
or spy, approach the fort. An officer and two soldiers 
were immediately sent out to seize him and bring him into 
the enclosure. His name was found to be Michael La 
Chauviguerie, Jun., and his age seventeen. His father 
was a lieutenant of French Marines and commandant of 
Fort Machault, just building, some seventy-two leagues 
up the Allegheny River from Fort Du Quesne, and near 
the Lakes. The son had been given command of a party 
of thirty-three Indians, principally Delawares, who were 
sent out on a marauding expedition. As they neared the 
Blue Mountains he told the sad tale of prisoners taken 
and numerous deserted homesteads. One day, by acci- 
dent, he dropped a piece of bread, and, while looking for 
it, his party of Indians became separated from him, and 
he found that he was lost. After wandering around for 
seven days he was forced to surrender at Fort Henry to 
save himself from starvation. 

On February 21, 1758, James Burd arrived at Fort 
Henry, on his tour of inspection, where he found Capt. 
Lieut. Weiser, Adjutant Kern, and Ensigns Biddle and 
Craighead, doing duty with ninety men, whom he reviewed 
and found to be " under good command & fine fellows." 
Of the fort he says, " This is a very good Stockade Fort, & 
everything in good order, & duty done pritty well." 



Fort Henry. 3 2 7 

On June 19, 1758, Captain Busse notified Colonel 
Weiser that, at 8 A. M. of that day, the Indians took and 
carried away the wife of John Frantz, with three children, 
from their home on the Little Swatara Creek, about six 
miles distant from the fort. 

In the Pennsylvania Gazette of Decmber 18, 1755, it 

says: 

"We hear from Reading, in Berks County, that on 
Sunday last, about nine o'clock at night, the guard belong- 
ing to that County, about seventeen mile from that town, 
were attacked by some Indians, with whom they exchanged 
several fires, and put them to flight; that none of the guard 
were wounded, though one of them had the skirt of his 
jacket shot away, and that they supposed some of the 
Indians were badly burnt, as they heard a crying among 
them as they ran off ; but that the guard, having spent their 
ammunition, could not pursue them." 

On March 7, 1756, Andrew Lycan, who lived over the 
mountain, twenty-five miles below Sunbury, at or near the 
Wiskinisco Creek, was attacked by Indians. He had with 
him a son, John Lycan, a negro man, a boy and two of his 
neighbors, John Revolt and Ludwig Shut. As Andrew 
Lycan and John Revolt went out early that morning to 
feed the animals, two guns were fired at them, but they 
escaped unhurt, ran to the house and prepared for an 
engagement. The Indians then got under cover of a log 
house near the dwelling, whereupon John Lycan, Revolt 
and Shut crept out to get a shot at them, but were fired 
at by the Indians instead, and all wounded, Shut being hit 
in the abdomen. Andrew Lycan then noticed one of the 
Indians, and two white men, run out of the log house and 
get a little distance from it. Upon this the inmates of the 



328 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

house endeavored to escape, but were immediately pursued 
by the Indians, to the number of sixteen or more. John 
Lycan and Revolt, being badly wounded, were able to do 
nothing, and so went off with the negro, leaving Andrew 
Lycan, Shut, and the boy, engaged with the enemy, who 
pursued so closely that one of them came up with the boy, 
and was about to tomahawk him when Shut turned and 
shot him dead. At the same time Lycan shot another, 
whom he is positive was killed, saw a third fall and thinks 
others were wounded by them. Being now both badly 
wounded, and almost exhausted, they sat down on a log to 
rest themselves, while the Indians stood a little way off, 
looking at them. 

One of the Indians killed was Bill Davis, and two others 
they knew to be Tom Hickman and Tom Hayes, all Dela- 
wares and well known in those parts. All of the farmers 
escaped through Swatara Gap into Hanover Township, 
and recovered under the care of a doctor, but lost all they 
were worth. 

The Gazette of June 24, 1756, says: 

"We have advice from Fort Henry, in Berks County 
(Bethel Township), that two childen of one Lawrence 
Dieppel, who lives about two miles from said fort, are 
missing, and thought to be carried off by the Indians, as 
one of their hats has been found, and several Indian 
tracks seen." 

In relation to this affair the editor adds, on July 1 : 

" We learn that one of Lawrence Dieppel's children, 
mentioned in our last to be carried off, has been found 
cruelly murdered and scalped, a boy about four years, and 
that the other, also a boy, eight years old, was still missing." 

On November 19, 1756, Colonel Weiser writes to Gov- 
ernor Denny that the Indians had made another incursion 



Fort Henry. 3 2 9 

into Berks County, killed and scalped two married women 
and a lad fourteen years of age, wounded two children of 
about four years of age, and carried off two more. One 
of the wounded was scalped and likely to die, and the other 
had two cuts on her forehead, given by an Indian who had 
attempted to scalp her but did not succeed. There were 
eight men of Fort Henry, posted in different neighbor's 
houses, about one mile and a half off, who, when they 
heard the noise of the guns firing, immediately went 
towards it but came too late. 

Again, in its issue of July, 1757, the Pennsylvania 
Gazette gives this extract from a letter dated, Heidelberg, 
July 9 : 

"Yesterday, about three o'clock in the afternoon, be- 
tween Valentine Herchelroar's and Tobias Bickell's, four 
Indians killed two children; one of about four years, the 
other five; they at the same time scalped a young woman 
of about sixteen; but, with proper care, she is likely to 
live and do well. 

"A woman was terribly cut with the tomahawk, but not 
scalped, her life is despaired of. Three children were 
carried off prisoners. One Christian Schrenk's wife, being 
among the rest, bravely defended herself and her children, 
for a while; wresting the gun out of the Indian's hands, 
who assaulted her, also his tomahawk, and threw them 
away; and afterwards was obliged to save her own life — 
two of her children were taken captive in the meantime. 
In this house were also twenty women and children, who 
had fled from their own habitations, to take shelter; the 
men belonging to them were about one-half mile off, pick- 
ing cherries — they came as quick as possible and went in 
pursuit of the Indians, but to no purpose, the Indians had 
concealed themselves." 



33° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

In August, 1757, people were murdered by the Indians 
in Bern Township, and others carried off. At Tulpe- 
hocken a man named Lebenguth, and his wife, were killed 
and scalped. 

On September 9, 1763, a letter from Reading says: 

"A few of the Rangers who had encamped in Berks 
County, were apprized of the approach of Indians by 
their outscouts; the Indians advanced cautiously to take 
them by surprise ; when near, with savage yells they rushed 
forward, but the Rangers, springing on their feet, shot 
three in front; the rest fled into a thicket and escaped. 
The Indians were armed with guns and provided with 
ammunition. These Indians, it is supposed by some, had 
been on their way from the Moravian Indians, in North- 
ampton County, to the Big Island. Runners were sent 
to the different parties of Rangers with the information, 
and others sent in pursuit of those who fled." 

On September 10, 1763, five Indians entered the house 
of Philip Martloff, in Berks County, at the base of the 
Blue Mountains, murdered and scalped his wife, two sons 
and two daughters, burnt the house and barn, the stacks 
of hay and grain, and destroyed everything of any value. 
Martloff was absent from home, and one daughter escaped 
at the time of the murder by running and secreting herself 
in a thicket. The father and daughter were left in abject 
misery. 

A brief mention has already been made of the Frantz 
family, in Bethel Township. The Pennsylvania Gazette, 
of June, 1758, gives a more detailed account of the case, 
which, substantially, agrees with the traditional facts re- 
lated to the present writer by a descendant. It says: 



Fort Henry. 33 1 

"At the time this murder was committed, Mr. Frantz 
was out at work; his neighbours having heard the firing 
of guns by the Indians immediately repaired to the house 
of Frantz ; on their way they apprized him of the report — 
when they arrived at the house they found Mrs. Frantz 
dead (having been killed by the Indians because she was 
rather infirm and sickly, and so unable to travel) , and all 
the children gone; they then pursued the Indians some 
distance, but all in vain. The children were taken and 
kept captives for several years. 

"A few years after this horrible affair, all of them, 
except one, the youngest, were exchanged. The oldest of 
them, a lad of twelve or thirteen years of age, at the time 
when captured, related the tragical scene of his mother 
being tomahawked and shamefully treated. Him they 
compelled to carry the youngest. 

"The anxious father, having received two of his chil- 
dren as from the dead, still sighed for the one that was not. 
Whenever he heard of children being exchanged he 
mounted his horse to see whether, among the captured, 
was not his dear little one. On one occasion he paid a 
man forty pounds to restore his child, who had reported 
that he knew where it was. To another he paid a hundred 
dollars, and himself went to Canada in search of the lost 
one — but to his sorrow, never could trace his child. A 
parent can realize his feelings — they cannot be described." 

Fort Northkill. 
On January 25, 1756, Captain Jacob Morgan, in com- 
mand at Fort Lebanon, near the present town of Au- 
burn, was ordered to leave twenty men at his fort, and, 
with the remaining thirty of his company, proceed to some 
convenient point about half-way between his fort and Fort 



332 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



Henry " there to erect a stoccade of about 400 foot square, 
where he is to leave 20 men, under a Commiss'd officer 



Fort Northkill 




STRMJ5ST0WN 



SITE OF FORT NORTHKILL. 



and to return to Fort Lebanon, which he is to make his 
Headquarters and from that stoccade & from Fort Leb- 



Fort Henry. 333 

anon, his men are to Range and scour the woods both east- 
ward and westward." 

In choosing the ground he was directed to take care that 
there was no hill near it, which would overlook or com- 
mand it, from whence an enemy might annoy the garri- 
son, and also to see that there was a spring, or running 
stream of water, either inside of the fort or, at least, within 
command of their guns. 

It is apparent that this defense was built merely to oc- 
cupy the long gap between Forts Henry and Lebanon. 
Its site is about two miles distant from Strausstown, in 
Upper Tulpehocken Township, Berks County, and about 
half a mile from one of the branches of the Northkill 
Creek, from which it derives its name. It stood directly 
at the base of the mountains, and, even now, is still on the 
edge of the woodland. Its position, however, was good. 
It was but a short distance from the main State Road, and 
on slightly elevated ground, which gave it a full view of 
the cultivated valley lying all around it. A small stream 
of water, emanating from a spring, was close to it. At 
the time of the Indian troubles, as now, the land was cul- 
tivated almost up to the fort, but, even now, as then, its 
site stands on the edge of waste mountain land, and it is 
owing to its undisturbed condition that some trace of it 
can still be seen. This remnant is its cellar, which is still 
visible, although now nearly drifted full of forest leaves. 

It was but a single block house, surrounded by the usual 
stockade. Not very extensive, and hastily constructed, it 
was never intended for more than a station, which it was 
necessary to maintain between the two large forts. In 
the summer of 1757 preparations were made for the erec- 
tion of a more substantial place of defense, but it is 
doubtful whether this latter was ever constructed, for, in 



334 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the beginning of March, 1758, the stockade was already 
abandoned. It was distant eleven miles from Fort Henry, 
to the west, and equally distant from Fort Lebanon, on 
the east. 

Commissary James Young, when making his tour of 
inspection, in 1756, has this to say of its shape and appear- 
ance : 

" June 20th, at 2 P. M., I sett out from Reading, Es- 
corted by 5 men of the town, on horseback, for the Fort 
at Northkill; at l / 2 past 6, we came to the Fort, it is ab't 
19 miles from Reading, the Road very hilly and thick of 
wood; the Fort is ab't 9 miles to the westw'd of Schuylkill, 
and Stand in a very thick Wood, on a small Rising Ground, 
half a mile from the middle Northkill Creek; it is intended 
for a square ab't 32 ft. Each way, at Each Corner is a 
half Bastin, of very little Service to Flank the Curtains, 
the Stoccades are very ill fixed in the Ground, and open in 
many Places; within is a very bad Logg house for the peo- 
ple, it has no chimney, and can afford but little shelter in 
bad weather; when I came here, the Serjant who is Com- 
mander, was absent and gone to the next plantation, half 
a mile off, but soon came, when he had intelligence I was 
there; he told me he had 14 men Posted with him, all 
Detached from Capt. Morgan's Comp'y, at Fort Lebanon, 
5 of them were absent by his leave, Vist. two he had let go 
to Reading for three days, one he had let go to his Own 
house, 10 miles off, and two more this afternoon, a few 
miles from the Fort, on their own business; there was but 
Eight men and the Serjant on Duty. I am of opinion 
there ought to be a Commission'd Officer here, as the Ser- 
jant does not do his Duty, nor are the men under proper 
Command for want of a more Superior Officer; the woods 
are not Clear'd above 40 Yards from the Fort; I gave 



Fort Henry. 335 

orders to Cut all down for 200 y'ds; I inquired the reason 
there was so little Powder & Lead here, the Serjeant told 
me he had repeatedly requested more of Capt. Morgan, 
but to no purpose. Provisions here, Flower and Rum for 
4 weeks; Mr. Seely, of Reading, sends the officer money to 
purchase meal as they want it. — Provincial Arms and 
Ammun'tn at North Kill Fort, vizt: 8 G'd muskets, 4 
Rounds of Powder & Lead, pr man, 15 Blankets, 3 axes." 

The next day he left for Fort Lebanon, and, upon his 
arrival there, informed Captain Morgan that the sergeant 
in command at Northkill was derelict in duty and requested 
him to send a commissioned officer to relieve him, where- 
upon a lieutenant was detailed for that purpose, and started 
for the post, accompanied by two additional men, taking 
with them four pounds of powder and ten pounds of lead. 

On November 3, 1756, Lieutenant Humphreys, in com- 
mand, had quite a thrilling encounter with the enemy, 
which he thus relates : 

"Thursday, Nov. 4th, 1756. 
" Fort above the Northkill. 
"May it pleace the Colonel: 

" Yesterday we were alarmed by a number of Indians, 
who came and took a child away. Immediately upon hear- 
ing the News, I, with nine men, went in Pursuit of 'em, 
leaving a Number of Farmers to guard the Fort 'till we 
should return. But we found nothing 'till this morning, 
we went out again ; and, in our Return to the Fort, we were 
apprized of 'em by the firing of several Guns; when I or- 
dered my men to make what speed they could. We ran 
till we were almost out of Breath, and, upon finding Nich- 
olas Long's House attack'd by the Indians, the Farmers, 
who were with us to the Number of Twenty, deserted and 
fled, leaving the Soldiers to Fight. We stood in Battle 



336 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

with 'em for several minutes 'till there was about Sixty 
Guns discharged and, at length, we put the Indians to 
Flight. 

" We have one man wounded, and my Coat was shot 
through in four Places. The Number of the Indians was 
twenty. Our Number at first was twenty-four, But they 
all deserted and fled except seven. Two old men were 
killed before we came, one of whom was Scalped. Ten 
women & children were in the Cellar and the House was 
on Fire; But we extinguished it and brought the women 
and Children to the Fort. I desire the Colonel to send me 
a Reinforcement; for the men solemnly say they will not 
go out with the Farmers, as they deserted in the Battle and 
never fired a gun. The Indians cryed the Halloo during 
the Battle. 

"We have one of their Guns and a Blanket, which had 
two Holes with a Bullet in, and is Bloody. The Indians 
had all red Hats and red Blankets. 

"Sir, 

"This in Distress (wanting 

" Reinforcement) from 

" Yours to command 

" Samuel Humphreys. 

" May it please the Colonel to send by the Bearer, Adam 
Hayerling, as much Powder 'and Lead as you can spare." 

It is gratifying to know that Lieutenant Humphreys 
received at least a fair amount of credit for his gallant 
action. James Read, Esq., in writing, November 7, to 
Governor Denny, observes that, " By concurrent accounts 
from several Persons, whose character will not suffer me 
to doubt what they tell me, I am persuaded that Mr. 
Humphreys behav'd in a most laudable manner, and mani- 



Fort Henry. 337 

fested that calm courage and Presence of mind which will 
ever gain an Advantage over superior numbers, whose 
Leader is too precipitate and void of Discretion." Im- 
mediately upon receipt of this the Governor directed Cap- 
tain Morgan to " thank Lieutenant Humphreys and the 
men under him, on my part, for ye gallant Behavior in the 
later action ag't the Indians." 

After Lieutenant Humphreys the command of the fort 
devolved upon Ensign Harry. He, in turn, was relieved 
by an officer, whose name unfortunately is not given, but 
whose journal has been preserved, a copy of which here 
follows : 

"A Journal of Fort Northkill — 1757 
"June 13. Received Orders from Lieutant Colonel 
Weiser, to march from Reading with all the Company 
remaining there, (the rest being commanded to Fort Au- 
gustus). Accordingly I sat out from Reading by Break 
of Day, on the 14th. Arrived at Lt. Coll. Weiser's where 
I rec'd Orders to march with the Company or Detachm't, 
to Fort Henry, and from there take a Detachm't of 20 
Men, & continue 'till to Fort in Northkill. Accordingly 

on the 

"15th. In the morning took the said 20 men from Fort 
Henry of the New Levies and marched strait Way to the 
said Fort accompanied with Capt ns Busse and Capt ns 
Smith, as soon as I arrived I gave Ensign Harry (then 
Commander of said Fort) Notice of my Orders, and Sent 
off two men immediately to the colonels with a Report of 
the condition I found the fort in, & sent him a List of the 
new Levies who were detached from Captain Busse's Fort 
with me to this Fort. 

"16th. Capt ns Busse & Smith sat off ab't 10 o'clock with 



338 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

a Scout of 10 men, which Capt n Busse had ordered from 
his Company on the 15th. And Ensign Harry march'd 
out of the fort ab* 12 o'clock, (after delivering it to me), 
with his Men to Fort Lebanon, according to Orders. Pro- 
visions I found in the fort as follows, 51b Powder, 198 lb 
Flower, 10 Small Barrs of Lead, 15 lb of Beef and Pork, 
3)4 lb Candles. 

"17. I, with a Corporal & 20 Men, according to Or- 
ders from U Col 1 Weiser, went a scouting & ranging the 
Woods till to Fort Lebanon, where We arrived ab l 2 
O'clock in the Afternoon. We staid there all Night, 
being not able to scout any further, or return home because 
of a heavy Rain. 

"18. Sat off from Fort Lebanon in the morning being 
rainy Weather, and ranged the Woods coming back, as 
before, with the same number of men, & arrived at Fort 
on Northkill about 4 O'clock in the afternoon. 

"19. Gave Orders to Ser jt Pet r Smith to Scout to Fort 
Lebanon & to bring me Report the next Day of his Pro- 
ceedings. Accordingly He arrived on the 20th ah* 3 
o'clock in the afternoon, and made Report that He had 
done according to his Orders, and that He had made no 
Discoveries. Rec'd a Letter by him from Capt n Morgan, 
informing me that He had no News, &c. 

"21. Sent off Corporal Shafer to scout as before. 

" 22d. Minister Shumaker came & preach'd a Sermon 
to the Company. The scout arrived from Fort Lebanon. 
The Corporal reported that Nothing strange had come 
to his knowledge. A Scout of Capt" Busse's arrived 
about 1 1 o'clock, and ret d ab* 4 towards their fort, but 
upon the Indian Alarms they immediately ret d back to my 
fort and gave me Notice: In the midst of the Rain, & sent 
on the first Notice, Serj 1 Smith, with 18 men, and ordered 
them to divide themselves in two Parties. 



Fort Henry. 339 

"June 23d. Serj* Smith ret d and made Report that he 
arrived at Dietz's House about 10 o'clock in the Night, 
where they heard a Gun go off at Jacon Smith's about a 
mile from there. They immediately sat off again for said 
Smith's toward the Place where the Gun went off, and 
Surrounded the House (according to my Orders) . They 
searched all the House but found no marks of Indians. 
From there they marched to Falks House in the Gap, and 
surrounded it, but found no Indians. From there they 
went to the Mountain, and arrived there 2 o'clock in the 
morning, where Serj t Smith according to Orders, Waylay 
the Road in two Parties, and as soon as it was Day went 
back and buried the man that was killed, to wit, Peter 
Geisinger, who was shot, and killed the Day before. At 
Burying him, they heard 5 Guns go off ah* 2 miles from 
said Place, whereupon Sej* Smith Immediately repaired to 
the Place, & divided themselves in two Parties, (I had sent 
off Corporal Sheffer with 8 men on the 2 2d to their assist- 
ance.) Sej 1 Smith also makes Report that this Morning 
at 7 o'clock a Girl ab* 15 years, Daughter of Balser 
Schmidt, was taken Prisoner, by two Indians, whose 
Tracks they saw and followed, but to no Purpose. A 
Party of Capt n Busse's Company went along from this and 
remained with my men all the Time. 15 or 16 of the 
Inhabitants came to me and apply'd for assistance. I 
ordered out several Detachm ts to assist them. 

" 24. I sat off with 20 men from this to Capt n Busse's 
Fort along the mountain, & called at the Place where the 
Murder was committed. Went up as far as the Gap of 
the Mountain, but as I found no Tracts there, I thought 
the Indians would be on this Side the mountains, therefore 
I went up along the mountains without opposition, till to 
Capt n Busse's Fort, and as it rained very hard all Day and 
We went far about, We arrived there towards the Evening. 



34° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 25. Sat off in the morning with the same number of 
men, and scouted the Woods back near the same Way 
back, again, and arrived towards Evening in the fort, being 
rainy Weather. 

"26. Rec'd in the morning a Letter, for my positive 
Orders not to neglect my scouting towards Fort Lebanon, 
accordingly immediately called in my Detachm ts . This 
afternoon a Woman living ab 1 1 y 2 miles from here, came 
to the fort, and said she had seen an Indian just now in 
her Field, almost naked, & had a Gun, but said she did 
not stay to look long. I immediately sent off Serj 1 Smith 
with 2 Parties, consisting of ab 1 20 men. They searched 
the Place, and found nothing, but saw 2 Barefeet Tracks. 
They divided into small Parties, & Scoured the Woods till 
Evening & then ret d to the Fort, and as I had to Day but 
men sufficient to guard the fort, I sent out no scout. This 
evening Intelligence came to me from the Colonels, inform- 
ing me that He had notice from Capt n Orndt of 1 5 Indians 
going to fall on this Settlement or hereabouts. He or- 
dered me therefore immediately to Send Notice thereof to 
Capt n Busse's Fort, in order that it might be from there 
conveyed to Fort Swatara, accordingly I did. 

"June 27. Gave Orders to Serj 1 Smith to go scouting 
the Woods between this and fort Lebanon, and if Capt" 
Morgan thought that it was serviceable, to range some 
Way up Schuylkill, (as that Gap is their common Ren- 
dezvous) . 

" 28. A scout of Capt n Busse arrived in the Forenoon, 
& sat off again this afternoon. 

" 29. In the Evening there came two men to the Port, 
and reported that the Indians had invaded about 6 miles 
from this, ab l 9 o'clock this morning, I was somewhat 
concerned that I had no sooner Intelligence of it, however 
I immediately sent off 12 men under 2 Corporals. 



Fort Henry. 341 

" 30. About noon the 2 Corporals returned and made 
the following report. That Yesterday he could not reach 
the Place as they were tired, but staid at a House till nigh 
Break of Day, and then sat off again. He did not imme- 
diately go to the Place when the man &c. were killed, but 
went somewhat further down towards Schuylkill, thinking 
that the Indians had invaded lower down, but as it was 
not so, He took another Rout, towards the Place where 
the murder was committed and as he came there, he found 
the Man's Wife, (Fred. Myers) who had been at a 
Plough, and shot thro' both her Breasts, & was scalped. 
After that he went to look for the Man, whom they found 
dead & scalped some Way in the Woods. They took a 
Ladder & carried him to his Wife, where the Neighbor's 
came, and helped to bury them, after which they went 
towards the mountain, and scouted along the same & ar- 
rived here about 4 o'clock in the afternoon. It is reported 
by the Farmer's who saw the deceased shot while before, 
that he was mowing in the Meadow, and that his Children 
were about him, which makes them Believe that the Man, 
after he heard the Shot (which killed his Wife) he went 
to run off with only the youngest Child in his Arms, as 
the Man was Shot thro' the body, and the Child is 1 y 2 
year of Age and is scalped, but yet alive, and is put to a 
Doctors. The other three, who were with their Father, 
are taken Prisoners; One of them is a Boy ab* 10 years 
old, the other a Girl of 8 years, & the other a Boy of 6 
years. There was a Baby, whom they found in a Ditch, 
that the water was just to its Mouth. It was laying on 
its Back crying. It was taken up, and is like to do well. 
A Boy of one Reichard, of Eight years, was taken Pris- 
oner at the same time. This was all done within half an 
Hour, as some Neighbours had been there in that Space 
of Time. 



34 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

"July i. Serj* Pet r Smith ret d with the Scout, and re- 
ported that when he came to F l Lebanon, Capt n Morgan 
sent a Detachm 1 under Ensign Harry to the Gap of the 
Schuylkill. And that on the 28th last past, they ascended 
the Mountains, and when they came on the other Side, they 
found an encamping Place of the Indians, which, after 
Ensign Harry had surrounded with his Party, he sent off 
Serj' Smith with another Party to lay in ambush on the 
Indian Path all Night, but as nothing was to be heard of 
the Indians, they met again the next Day; The Indians, 
as he supposes, having left that Place the Day before. 
However, they found 2 Match Coats, one Spear, one 
Scalping Knife, some Virmilion, and 800 Blank Wampum, 
also great variety of Salves. The 29th they yet lay in 
Ambush in several Parties, but all to no Purpose. The 
Indians having, without Doubt, discovered them, in Case 
any was thereabouts. The 30th they sat off for the Hills, 
and arrived within a few Miles of this fort. And the 1 
July, they arrived Accordingly in the Fort. 

"July 2. Being rainy Weather I sent no Scout, but put 
the Men to work to repair the Stoccadoes. 

"3. Early in the Morning my Men were all gathered, 
& I ordered a Corporal to Scout with a Party to Fort 
Lebanon, & return part of the Way and encamp in the 
Woods upon a rising Ground that He might the easier 
discover a fire. 

" 4. In the Morning a Scout of Captain Busse's arrived 
& returned again in the Afternoon. The Scout from Fort 
Lebanon returned & the Corporal made Report, that he 
had ranged as directed but had made no Discoveries. 

" 5. Being a very rainy Day, could send no Scout. 

" 6. Sent Serj 1 Smith on a Scout to range on this Side 
the Mountains, towards Schuylkill. 



Fort Henry. 343 

" 7. A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived & set off again 
directly. In the afternoon my Scout ret d , but had no 
News. It rained hard, they lay in a House about 12 
Miles from here. 

" 8. Being appointed by his Honour the Govern r a Day 
of Fast, I sent no Scout, but had a Sermon read in the fort, 
where numbers of the Neighbours had assembled. A 
Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived & ret d directly. 

"9. Sent off Corp 1 Shefer with a Scout to Fort Leb- 
anon, who ret d on the 

"10. But brought on Intelligence. I rec'd Orders to 
repair to Reading, where I arrived this afternoon. 

"11. Returned again into the Fort, where Serj* Smith 
informed me a Scout of Cap" Busse's had arrived at the 
fort & ret d . That he had ranged the Gap about 2 Miles 
from this, and had been over the Mountains, but had dis- 
covered nothing. 

"12. A Scout of Captn Busse's arrived & ret d Imme- 
diately. Sent a Corporal and a Scout to Range to Fort 
Lebanon. 

"13th. My Scout from Fort Lebanon returned. The 
Corporal reported he had ranged as ordered, but had no 
Discoveries. 

"14. Captn Busse arrived this morning with a Party 
of Captn Smith's and his own, to the Number of ab* 28. 
I gave him 15 of my Men, in order to escort the Treaty 
at Easton. 

" July 15. It being a rainy Day I sent no Scout. 

"16. Continuing rainy Weather, I could send no Scout. 
In the Evening repaired some Stoccadoes, the Rain having 
held up. 

"17. The Water being high & the Bushes wet, I could 
send no Scout to Day. A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived, 
there being no Water between his & this fort. 



344 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

a i8. Sent a Scout along the Mountains. They arrived 
in the Evening & had no Intellig ce . 

"19. A Scout of Captn Busse's arrived and ret d directly. 
Sent Serj* Smith with a Scout to Fort Lebanon. 

" 20. Serj 1 Smith ret d & reported that he had been at 
Fort Lebanon & retd some Part of the Way & laid in the 
Woods, but had made no fire. They made no Discovery. 
A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived and ret d instantly. 

"21. Having laid out Part of my Men to protect the 
Farmer's & the Rest fatigued with Yesterday's Scout, I 
could send none to Day. 

"22. Sent a Scout along the Mountain who ret d without 
Discovering any Thing. 

" July 23 d . I went Scouting with a Party over the Moun- 
tains, and as it was very warm, I ordered the Men about 
Noon to rest themselves a Couple of Hours when We were 
over the Mountains, I then ordered them to march, and 
as We came to Schuylkill, I saw it was too high for the 
Men to wade through. I then got Horses, & towards 
Evening We got over Schuylkill. We arrived at Fort 
Lebanon towards Night, & was obliged to stay there that 
Night. 

" 24th. Returned, and as soon as We came over on 
this Side of the Mountains (it being yet early in the Day) 
I took quite another Rout thro' the Woods, but made no 
Discovery, so We arrived at the Fort in the Evening. I 
had not been there one half an Hour bef r three Farmers 
came and informed me that this Morning the Indians had 
taken a Boy of about 14 Years Prisoner, but had done no 
other Damage. I immediately sent off a party, but as 
it happened, the Boy being taken Prisoner in the Morn- 
ing, Night came on before my Men could get there. 

" 25. In the Morning I hear the Boy had escaped, and 



Fort Henry. 345 

that he made Report that there were 4 white Men & 4 
Indians with him, & that At Night he escaped, they had 
tied him and he was obliged to lay between them, but as 
they all got drunk, and fast asleep, he untied himself and 
ran off. He further says that when he was taken Pris- 
oner he made a noise, and that they struck him & told him 
to be silent. I imagine they saw me with my Men go over 
the Day bef r yesterday. The Indians were this Night ab* 
the fort, but it was very dark, theref r I did not sally out. 

" 26. This Morning sent out Serj* Smith, with 5 Men 
to search ab* the fort for Tracks, but he only found one 
which was in a muddy Place. But it being nothing but 
Stones, He could not follow the Tracts. It rained all 
Day very hard, therf r I could send no Scout. 

"July 27 th . Sent a Scout down on this Side of the 
Mountain. The Scout ret d in the Evening having no 
Intelligence. 

"28th. A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived and ret d ab* 
Noon ; Nothing Extraordinary happened. 

" 29th. Sent Serj* Smith with a Scout along the Moun- 
tains. He ret d having nothing particular. 

" 30th. A Scout of L* Philip Weiser, from Capt n Busse 
arrived. Having laid aside out several Detachments to 
assist the Farmers, I could send no Scout to Day. 

"31. Lieut. Weiser ret d from his Scout. I called in 
the Detachrr^s this Day, and sent out a Scout which ret d 
this Evening. 

"Aug 4 1 st. The Men being tired & their Feet in Blis- 
ters, I let them rest this Day. 

" 2 d . Sent a Scout along the Mountains with Orders to 
range to Schuylkill. 

" 3 d . The Corporal ret d from his Scout and reported he 
had ranged as ordered. 



346 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 4. A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived & ret d the same 
Day. The Inhabitants desiring Assistance to bring in 
their Harvest, I gave them some men & went altho' a 
scouting, but as I left few Men in the Fort, I ret d this 
Evening. 

"5. A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived & went off aft r 
they had rested awhile. Sent Serj 1 Smith with a Scout & 
ordered him to range the Woods on this Side the Moun- 
tain. He ret d and had nothing particular. 

" 6. Sent off a Scout. They went along on the foot of 
the Mountain & ret d the Evening without any Intelligence. 

"7 th . Being Sunday, I took a Party & went to Church 
with a party, as the Church lies near the Mountain & the 
Minister could not come without a Guard. 

" 8. The Centry fired at an Indian. The Indian stood 
behind a Bush ab 4 300 Yards off, and was viewing the fort. 
I went off with 18 Men and parted them in 6 Parties and 
went after the Indians, but could not come up with them. 
Went to clearing ab* the fort, it being thick with Bushes. 

" 9. Continued clearing & burning Brush so that on the 
South Side of the Fort, it is cleared a full Musket Shot. 
A Party of Captain Busse's arrived. 

"10. Sent off a scouting Party, who ret d and brought 
no Intelligence. This Night the Centry ab* an Hour after 
Dark perceived that a fire had been kindled to burn Brush, 
but was bef r Night gone out, began to burn afresh; upon 
which he called the Serjeant of the Guard, who perceiving 
the same ordered the Guard to fire, on which the Indians 
ran off. The Dogs pursued 'em & kept barking after 'em 
ab l half a Mile. I had the Men all under Arms; but 
everything being now quiet, dismissed 'em, ordering them 
to be in continual Readiness with their Accoutrements 
on. In ab l an Hour, the Indians ret d and took a Fire- 



Fort Henry. 347 

brand out of the Fire & ran off. They were immediately 
fired on, but in vain. 

"Aug. ii. Ensign Biddle arrived at the fort with the 
Detachment of our Company that were in Easton. 

"12. A Scout of Capt n Busse's arrived & retd directly. 

"13. This day I left the fort in Order to go to the Col s 
agreeable to his Orders. I left Ensign Biddle in the fort. 
Sent a Corporal to range towards Schuylkill, who ret d the 
same Evening & the Corporal reported that he ranged as 
directed and had made no Discoveries. A Scout of Capt n 
Busse's arrived, & retd the same Evening. 

"14. Being Sunday, Minister Shumaker came here, & 
the Soldiers being fatigued with continual Scouting, there 
was no Scout to Day. 

"15. Ensign Biddle sent a Corporal with a Scout to 
range Eastwards towards Schuylkill & return under the 
Mountains. The Scout ret d towards Evening & the Cor- 
poral made Report, he had ranged as directed and had 
no Intelligence. 

"16. Sent an express Serjeant with 15 Men to range 
Eastward along the Mountain. A Scout of Captn Busse's 
arrived & ret d immediately. In the afternoon, the Scout 
ret d . The Serj 4 made Report he had ranged as directed, 
but had no news. 

"17. Early this Morning Ensign Biddle sent Sej fc Smith 
with 10 men to escort Lieut. Col 1 Wieser, who was ex- 
pected here this Day. This Day Col 1 Weiser arrived, 
accompanied with Capt n Busse and myself, together with 
the said Escort. The Col 1 returned the same Day home- 
wards, after We had chosen a place where to build a New 
Fort. Ensign Biddle went along with Capt'n Busse. 

"18. Sent off a Scout to Fort Lebanon, and ordered 
them to range the Woods between here & that fort till 
Night. 



34^ The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

"19. The Scout ret d ab l 4 O'clock & informed that he 
had done according to his Orders. Capt n Morgan came 
with the Scout and ret d the same Evening. 

"20. Sent a Scout of 15 Men to range the Woods 
towards Schuylkill, into Windsor Township, & with Or- 
ders to call in some Detachments lying in said Township, 
according to Lieut. Col s Orders. 

"21. The Scout ret d with the Detachm^. The Cor- 
poral reported he had done according to his Orders, but 
had no News. The same Day Capt n Busse & Ensign 
Biddle arrived from Fort Henry. Captain Busse ret d the 
same Evening. 

" 2 2 d . Rece'd an Express from Lieut. Col 1 Weiser, with 
Orders to come to his House. In Pursuance of which, I 
sat off immediately, leaving Ensign Biddle in the fort. 

" 23 d . A Scout of Capt n Busse arrived. The Centry's 
heard the Indians distinctly whistle this Night in the fort 
Woods. 

" 24. Ensign Biddle, according to Orders, with a Scout 
of 20 Men, went over the Mountains to Captain Morgan's 
Fort. 

" 25. Lieut. Philip Weiser came here from Fort Henry, 
with a Scout. 

" 26. Ensign Biddle ret d from his Scout, having been 
at Captn Morgan's Fort, & from thence scouted over the 
Mountains into Allemangle & from thence along the foot 
of the Mountains till here. This Day I also arrived at 
the fort from L*. Col 1 . Weisers. 

" 27. Having Orders from L y . Col 1 . Weiser's to look 
out for a proper Place to build a new fort, this being so 
bad, I began to lay out one on a spot which had been bef r 
pitched upon by the Colonel and Cpt n Busse, But night 
coming, We could not finish. 



Fort Henry. 349 

11 28. Laid out the remaining Part of the fort. 

" 29. Had some Brush cut, round the new intended fort, 
till Evening. 

"30. Sent off a Scout towards Schuylkill. They ret d 
in the Evening, but made no return with the remaining 
party of the Men. I continued clearing & burning of 
Brush. 

"31. Sent off Sej fc Smith with a scouting Party, towards 
Schuylkill. He ret d but made no Discovery." 

It is probable that this officer was ordered away, with 
his command, in the beginning of September, because, in a 
letter of October 1, 1757, to Governor Denny, Colonel 
Weiser says that Captain Oswald, who commanded a com- 
pany of regular troops, from the Royal American Regi- 
ment, and who was then stationed at Reading, sent imme- 
diately two lieutenants, with forty privates, to the assis- 
tance of the people about Northkill, who were in distress, 
which would hardly have been done were the fort still 
garrisoned. 

That it was completely abandoned by March, 1758, is 
evidenced by the fact that, under this date, the settlers in 
the neighborhood implored the Governor for assistance 
because, as they said, " Your Petitioners are every moment 
dreading an attack from the Enemy, and find ourselves less 
secure than heretofore, from their attempts, as the Block- 
house at Northkill is destroyed and no Garrison Kept in 
those parts." 

In April, 1758, at Tulpehocken, a man by the name of 
Lebenguth, and his wife, were killed and scalped. At 
Northkill Nicholas Geiger's wife and two of his children 
were killed; and also Michael Ditzelar's wife was killed — 
these were all scalped. The Indians divided themselves 
into small parties, and surprised the settlers unawares. 




CHAPTER XXV. 

The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 




m 



HILE in nearly every 
instance the forts 
erected by the Provincial Gov- 
ernment occupied, or com- 
manded, the gaps which were 
natural passage ways through 
the range of mountains, yet this 
was not the case with Fort 
Henry, nor with Fort North- 
kill, which served as defenses 
for what was probably the most populous and important 
settlement south of the range. The most direct communi- 
cation of these people with the north was by the old Sha- 
mokin Road, which crossed the mountains not far distant 
from the locality of Fort Northkill. Naturally, the In- 
dians made frequent use of this on their marauding expedi- 
tions. On this road, at the top of the Blue Mountains, 
on one of its most conspicuous points, Dietrich Snyder 
had built for himself a one-story log house, about twenty 

(35o) 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 351 

by forty feet. From this a view of the surrounding coun- 
try could be had, and the approach of hostile parties easily 
discovered by the trail of burning houses in their tracks. 
The alarm being given by those on watch to the com- 
mander of Fort Northkill he was, thereby, enabled the 
better to prepare himself, and to be on guard for any 
emergency which might arise. That the building was oc- 
cupied for this purpose we have the authority of various 
old residents, who received their information from most 
authentic sources. 

Upon the death of Dietrich Snyder his wife still re- 
mained in the old house, and lived to be 115 years old. 
The property was then sold to a Mr. Miller, who tore 
down the building and erected a hotel in its place, which 
is still standing. The original block-house stood a short 
hundred yards directly north of the hotel. 

Fort Lebanon (and William). 

Not far distant from Fort Northkill, to the east, is the 
important gap in the mountain made by the Schuylkill 
River, where Port Clinton now stands. Some six miles 
north of Port Clinton is the town of Auburn, and about 
one and one-half miles east of Auburn stood Fort Leb- 
anon, distant eleven miles from Fort Northkill, by the 
route usually taken, which was along the northern base 
of the Blue Range, then across the mountain by the road 
past Dietrich Snyder's house. This fort, during the latter 
part of its history, was also called Fort William. The 
first mention made of it is in the order sent Captain Jacob 
Morgan, under date of January 26, 1756, which begins: 

"As you are Captain of a Company of foot in the pay 
of this Province, now posted in a fort in the forks of the 
Schuylkill, I think it necessary to give you the following 



35 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Orders and Instructions for your better government and 
direction, in the execution of the trust reposed in you." 
Then follows the order relative to the building of Fort 
Northkill. 

Fort Lebanon probably came into existence during the 
month of December, 1755. It stood on what was recently 
the farm of Lewis Marburger, on the north side of the 
road between Auburn and Pine Dale, about one and a half 
miles from each. In the olden time this road was not 
much more than a path, but still the line of communication 
between the east, west and south. Some sixty yards to 
the east is the road to Port Clinton, which there crosses 
Pine Creek by a bridge. The fort was about the same 
distance to the north of the creek. The ground is level 
and somewhat elevated, falling down to the creek from 
just below an oak tree, which marks the location of a 
spring where the soldiers obtained their water. About 
seventy-five feet west of the oak tree there still remains a 
part of the stump of a tree, where quite a number of bullets 
have been found, and which was probably used by the 
soldiers as a target. Pine Creek was formerly known as 
Bohundy Creek. Of the old fort nothing remains save 
a hollow place in the field, twenty feet north of the road, 
which marks the location of the cellar. 

Fortunately, in the Pennsylvania Archives we find a full 
description of this defense. 

"Description of Fort Lebanon, 1756. 

" Fort Lebanon, about 24 miles from Gnadenhiitten 
(Fort Allen at Weissport), in the Line to Shamokin 
(Sunbury) . 

" Fort, 100 Foot Square. 

"Stockades, 14 Foot high. 

" House within 30 X 20, with a large Store Room. 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 



353 









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354 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

"A Spring within. 

"A magazine 12 Foot Square. 

"On a Barren not much Timber about it. 

"100 Families protected by it within the new Purchase. 
No Township. Built in three weeks. Something consid- 
erably given by the neighbors toward it." 

Commissary James Young has this to say of it during 
his tour of inspection : 

"June 21st, 1756 — Accordingly we sett out for Fort 
Lebanon (from Fort Northkill) ; all the way from North 
Kill to Lebanon is an Exceeding bad road, very Stony 
and mountanus. About 6 miles from North Kill, we 
crossed the North Mountain, where we met Captain Mor- 
gan's Lieut, with 10 men. Ranging the woods between 
the mountain and Fort Leb'n ; we past by two Plantations, 
the Rest of the Country is chiefly Barren Hills, at noon 
we came to Fort Lebanon, which is situated in a Plain, 
on one side is a Plantation, on the other a Barren Pretty 
Clear of Woods all round, only a few trees about fifty 
yards from the Fort, which I desired might be cut down. 
This Fort is a square of ab't 100 ft well staccoded with 
good Bastians, on one side of which is a Good Wall 
Piece, within is a good Guard house for the People, and 
two other Large houses built by the Country people who 
have taken refuge here, in all 6 Families. The Fort is 
a little too much Crowded on that acc't; I acquainted Cap't 
Morgan that the Serjeant at Northkill did not do his Duty, 
and I believ'd it would be for the good of the Service to 
have a Com'd officer there, on which he ordered his Lieu't, 
with two more men to go and take post there, and sent 
with him 4 lbs. Powder & 10 lb Lead. Provincial Arms 
& Ammun'tn; 28 G'd Muskets, 10 wanting Repair, 9 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 355 

Rounds of Powder & Lead, 4 lb Powder, 24 lb Lead, 30 
Cartooch boxes, 40 Blankets, 1 Axe, 1 Wall Piece. 

" By Capt. Morgan's Journal, it appears, he sends a 
Party to Range the woods 4 or 5 times a week, and Guard 
the Inhabitants at their Labor. At 1 P. M. I muster'd 
the People and Examined the certificates of Inlistments 
which appear in the muster Roll, after which I order'd the 
men to fire at a mark, 15 of 28 hit within 2 foot of the 
center, at the Distance of 80 yards. Provisions here: 
Flower and Rum for a month; the Commissary sends them 
money to Purchase meal as they want it." 

Near the fort, some fifty feet from the road, back of 
where now stands Jared Wagner's house, lived Paul Heim. 
During the Indian depredations it was used as a place of 
refuge, and was planked inside with heavy timbers. At 
one time Mr. Heim was instrumental in saving a family 
near him from being burned to death. The Indians had 
set the building on fire and fastened the door to prevent 
any one from getting out. Hearing of this, Mr. Heim 
jumped on his white horse, took his gun, and managed to 
draw the enemy off, or frighten them away. He then 
returned, and rescued the people before the house was 
destroyed. 

Living, as they did, to the north of the mountains, and 
in a comparatively sparsely settled district, the people were 
especially exposed to the depredations of their savage 
neighbors at the outbreak of hostilities. The only re- 
course left to them was to leave their homes, for the time 
being, and flee to the south. This will partly explain the 
comparative dearth of recorded murders, great as was the 
destruction which took place throughout the vicinity. One 
of the occurrences, however, is graphically described in the 
following letter from Captain Morgan to Governor 
Denny : 



356 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" November Fourth, 1756. 
" Hon'd Sir, Yesterday Morning at Break of Day, one 
of ye neighbours discovered a Fire at a distance from him; 
he went to ye top of another Mountain to take a better 
observation, and made a full Discovery of Fire, and sup- 
posed it to be about 7 miles off, at the House of John 
Finsher; he came and informed me of it; I immediately 
detach'd a party of 10 men (we being but 22 men in the 
Fort )to the place where they saw the Fire, at the said 
Finsher's House, it being nigh Skulkill, and the men anx- 
ious to see the Enemy if there, they ran through the water 
and the Bushes to the Fire, where to their disappointment 
saw none of them, but the House, Barn, and other out 
houses all in Flames, together with a Considerable Quan- 
tity of Corn; they saw a great many tracks and followed 
them, came back to the House of Philip Culmore, thinking 
to send from thence to alarm the other Inhabitants to be 
on their Guard, but instead of that found the said Cul- 
more's wife and Daugther and Son-in-Law all just Kill'd 
and Scalped; there is likewise missing out of the same 
House Martin Fell's wife and Child about 1 Year old, 
and another Boy about 7 Years of Age, the said Martin 
Fell was Him that was Kill'd, it was just done when the 
Scouts came there, and they seeing the Scouts ran off. 
The Scout divided in 2 partys, one to some other Houses 
nigh at Hand, & the other to the Fort, (it being within 
a mile of the Fort) to inform me; I immediately went out 
with the Scout again, (and left in the Fort no more than 
6 men) but could not make any discovery, but brought all 
the Familys to the Fort, where now I believe we are 
upwards of 60 women and children that are fled here for 
refuge, & at 12 of the Clock at Night I Rec'd an Express 
from Lieut. Humphres, commander at the Fort of North- 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 357 

kill, who inform'd me that the same Day about 1 1 o'clock 
in the Forenoon (about a Half a mile from his Fort) as 
he was returning from his Scout, came upon a body of 
Indians to the number of 20 at the House of Nicholas 
Long, where they had killed 2 old men and taken another 
Captive, and doubtless would have kill'd all the Family, 
they being 9 children in the House, the Lieut's party tho' 
7 in Number, fired upon the Indians and thought they 
killed 2, they dropping down and started up again, one 
held his Hand (as they imagined) over his Wound, and 
they all ran off making a hallowing noise; we got a 
Blanket and a Gun which he that was shot dropt in his 
Flight. The Lieut, had one Man shot through the right 
Arm and the right side, but hopes not mortal, & he had 4 
Shotts through his Own Cloathes. I this day went out 
with a party to bury the dead nigh here; we are all in 
high spirits here; if it would please his Honour to order 
a Reinforcement at both Forts, I doubt not but we should 
soon have an Opertunity of Revenging the loss, from 
" Honour'd Sir 
" Your most Humble Serv't to command, 
"Jacob Morgan." 

This wretched story would not be complete without a 
relation of what happened, later, to one of the actors in it, 
John Fincher, which serves to show the utter barbarity of 
the merciless savages who ravaged the frontier. Once 
more, in September, 1763, his home was visited by eight 
well-armed Indians, although within three-quarters of a 
mile of a party of six men of Captain Kern's company of 
Rangers, commanded by Ensign Scheffer. Being of 
Quaker belief, at the approach of the Indians he imme- 
diately went to the door accompanied by his wife, two 



35^ The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

sons and a daughter, invited them to enter in and eat, 
expressing the hope that they came as friends, and en- 
treating them to spare their lives. To this entreaty the 
Indians turned a deaf ear. Both parents and two sons 
were deliberately murdered, their bodies being found on 
the spot. The daughter was missing after the departure 
of the Indians, and it was supposed, from the cries heard 
by the neighbors, that she also was slain. 

A young lad, who lived with Fincher, made his escape 
and notified Ensign Scheffer, who instantly went in pur- 
suit of these cold-blooded assassins. He pursued them to 
the house of one Miller, where he found four children 
murdered, the Indians having carried two others off with 
them. Miller and his wife, being at work in the field, 
saved their lives by flight. Mr. Miller himself was pur- 
sued near one mile by an Indian, who fired at him twice 
in hot pursuit. Ensign Scheffer and his squad continued 
after the savages, overtook them, and fired upon them. 
The Indians returned the fire, and a sharp but short con- 
flict ensued, when the enemy fled, leaving behind them 
Miller's two children and part of the plunder they had 
taken. 

These barbarous Indians had scalped all the persons 
they murdered, except an infant about two weeks old, 
whose head they had dashed against the wall, to which the 
brains and clotted blood adhered as a silent witness of 
their cruelty. 

On June 24, 1757, Captain Morgan writes: 

"On Wednesday last we were alarmed by one of the 
neighbors that came to the Fort and acquainted us that 
one Jno. Bushy had seen an Indian at his house (which 
was about 3 miles from Fort Lebanon). I immediately 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 359 

went out with a party of men to the place where we found 
the tracts of three, but could not see any of them. 

" Yesterday morning about 8 of the clock, the son of 
one Adam Drum (whom the Indians had killed the night 
before in Allemingle, and took the Son Captive) found 
an opportunity to make his Escape, and came to the Fort; 
he inform'd me that the Indians (8 in number) had got 
a quantity of Liquor out of his Fathers House, and came 
to a Hill about 7 miles from the Fort, where they got a 
dancing, and made themselves drunk, he took the oppor- 
tunity and escaped to the Fort, the Indian followed him 
near a mile and half whom our men afterwards tract'd; 
so as soon as the young man came I sent out a party to 
the place where the man left them, but when they came 
there they only found an old pair of mogasins and a Deer 
Skin whom they had left, but the Indians were fled; they 
tract'd them as far as they could but night coming, obliged 
them to return home. I have this Day sent out a Party 
to intercept them in the way, to the Gap of the second 
mountain, (where Schuylkill comes through) being the 
place which I often found where they retreat back; the 
men will range about 2 days." 

Captain Morgan remained continuously in command of 
Fort Lebanon, until, at least, the cessation of hostilities in 
1759. Andrew Engel was his lieutenant at first, being 
succeeded by Lieutenant Humphreys and transferred to 
Fort Franklin. Jacob Kern, his first ensign, was relieved 
by Ensign Harry. 

By February, 1758, the name of the defense had been 
changed to Fort William, for what reason we do not 
know. 

Our record of it ends with the following: 



360 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

11 Monthly Journal for July, per Jacob Morgan, 

1757- 

" July the 1 st. Sent Corporall with 1 1 men on a Scout 
to Clingaman Hausaboughs, at Allemingle, who staid all 
Night, I sent Sej* Mathews with several men to Reading, 
to be Qualifyed & be supplied with necessaries. 

11 2 d . The Scout return'd from Allemingle, and reported 
they had made no discovery of the Enemy. 

" 3 d . Sent a party to range to Allemingle, same day 
came a Scout from Northkill Fort & return'd again the 
same day, bringing no news. 

11 4 th . Our men returned from Allemingle, and reported, 
that some of the inhabitants that were afraid, near the 
mountain, were removing downwards; Serj* Matthews 
returned with the men from Reading, the rest guarding 
at the Fort. 

" 5th, 6 th , 7 th . Was exceeding heavy rain, & the water 
very high. 

"8 th Being a day of Humiliation we app ed our selves 
thereto. 

" 9 th . Rainy weather, we could not Scout. 

"10 th . I sent out a party to range to Allemingle; this 
Day Serj* Matthews return'd from Colonel Weisers with 
orders for me to station 10 men in Windsor Township, & 
to keep 10 men in readiness to go to Easton. 

"1 ith. The Scout return'd back, I prepared the men in 
readiness according to orders, & sent some men to guard 
the Farmers in their Harvest. 

"12 th . I went with the 10 men to Windsor Township I 
stationed them there, where I found the most proper, In 
the Evening was very heavy rain & thunder, obliged me 
to stay all night; we sent some partys from the Fort to 
guard the farmers. 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 361 

"13 th . I returned in the morning to the fort, I received 
a Letter from Lieut. Colonel Weiser, to send 10 men to 
Easton to Guard at the Treaty; partys went to Guard the 
Farmers, & this Day, in my return, I met the Scout which 
I had posted in Windsor township, ranging about the 
farmers houses. 

"14 th . I sent Sej* Matthews with 9 men to Easton to 
the Treaty to Guard, & sent out some partys to range and 
Guard the Farmers, who did not return in the Evening by 
reason of the heavy rain and thunder, which fell in the 
Evening. 

"15 th . Being all Day very heavy rain, & the Creeks so 
high that Schuylkill rose perpendicular fifteen feet in about 
nine hours time, being considerable higher than ever was 
known in these parts; the Guards could not return, and 
we remained in the Fort, with only 8 men to Guard. 

"16 th . The rain continued but more moderate, our 
partys could not return, we staid in the Fort and Guarded 
as usual; the party ranging up Long Run among the 
vacant houses, they found old tracts but none new. 

"17 th . Some of our Guard returned, being relieved by 
others in their liew — the Creeks fell very much this Day. 

"18 th . I sent a party to Guard the farmers at their Har- 
vest, and left some at the neighboring houses, the rest to 
Guard at the Fort. 

"19 th . I likewise sent a party to guard who return'd in 
the Evening, the residue guarding at the Fort. 

" 20 th . I sent out two partys to range and Guard the 
Farmers, who both returned in the Evening. 

u 2i st . I likewise sent out a party to Guard, we were 
advertis'd by Jacob Shefer that an Indian was seen near 
his house, we having 2 men ranging there they saw nothing 
of their tracts, & believe it was a mistake. 



362 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 22 d . Sent out a party to range to the Fort, at North- 
kill, with Ensign Harry for Ammunition, who staid all 
night, the rest guarding at the Fort and farmers. 

" 23 d . The party from North Kill return'd with a Com- 
mand of Col 1 Weiser's men, with Lieut. Weiser himself, 
who staid here all Night; sent out a party to Guard the 
Farmers, who return'd in the Evening to the Fort. 

" 24 th . Lieu*. Weiser return'd with his Company, sent 
a party of ten men to relieve the party in Windsor town- 
ship ; the rest to Guard. 

11 25 th . The party return'd from Windsor township to 
the fort, when a party of them enlisted for three years. 

" 26 th . Sent Serg* Robert Smith with a Company of 
men to Reading to be Qualified, and being but a few at 
the fort could not range; have two Commands at the 
Farmers. 

" 27 th . I went down to Windsor among the men to 
see whether they kept good orders; I found everything 
very well, and enlisted more men and staid there all 
Night, the Command remaining at the Farmers. 

" 28 th . I returned back to the fort and found every- 
thing well; Serj 1 Smith, with his party, returned from 
Reading, the guard remaining still with the Farmers. 

" 29 th . Ensign Harry went out with a party to range 
among the farmers, and sent out two partys to Guard the 
Neighbours at their Harvest; they return'd without any 
discovery or signs of the Enemy. 

" 30 th . I went over the Hill to Windsor township, in 
order to send some men to Reading to be Qualifyed, I sent 
a Corporall with Sixteen men; I return'd in the Evening 
to the fort. 

31 st . The party return'd from Reading; we had partys 
at the neighbouring houses who remained there on Guard." 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 363 

Fort Franklin. 

How, after the Moravian massacre at Gnadenhiitten, 
Benjamin Franklin and James Hamilton were sent by the 
Governor to arrange a systematic line of defense from the 
Lehigh to the Delaware River, will be told, in detail, in 
the coming account of Fort Allen. 

When, at the end of January, 1756, this latter stockade 
was about complete, Franklin immediately sent Captain 
Foulk " to build another, between this and Schuylkill Fort, 
which I hope will be finished (as Trexler is to Join him) in 
a week or 10 Days." 

It was hastily built, and quickly completed, so that we 
need have no hesitation in saying that it came into exist- 
ence during the month of February, 1756. It was named 
Fort Franklin, in honor of Benjamin Franklin, even then 
prominently and actively engaged in caring for the welfare 
of his country. 

It is occasionally referred to as " The Fort above Alle- 
mangel," because of its location immediately across the 
mountain from Albany Township of Berks County. The 
name "Allemangel " was given Albany Township because 
of the arid condition of part of the land. It means "All 
Wants," or " Need everything." 

Commissary James Young, on his tour of inspection, 
visited Fort Franklin. 'His report concerning it gives us 
a very good idea of its appearance and location. He 
says: 

" Fort above Alleminga, — At y 2 past 3 P. M. (June 
21st, 1756) we sett out with the former Escort & 2 of 
Cap't Morgan's Comp'y (from Fort Lebanon) for the 
Fort above Alleminga, Commanded by Lieu't Ingle (of 
Capt. Morgan's Company, who was relieved by Lieut. 



364 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Sam'l Humphreys) : at l / 2 past 7 we got there; it is ab't 
19 miles N. E. from Fort Lebanon, the Road a Narrow 
Path very Hilly and Swampy; ab't half way we came thro' 
a very thick and dangerous Pine Swamp; very few Plan- 
tations on this Road, most of them Deserted, and the 
houses burnt down; ]/ 2 a mile to the westward of this Fort 
is good Plantation, the people retires to the Fort every 
night. This Fort stands ab't a mile from the North 
Mountain; only two Plantations near it. This Fort is a 
square ab't 40 foot, very ill staccaded, with 2 Logg-houses 
at opposite Corners for Bastions, all very unfit for De- 
fence; the Staccades are very open in many Places, it 
stands on the Bank of a creek, the Woods clear for 120 
yards; the Lieu't Ranges towards Fort Lebanon and Fort 
Allen, ab't 4 times a Week; much Thunder, Lightning, 
and Rain all Night. Provincial Stores: 28 G'd muskets, 
8 Wants Repair, 16 Cartooch Boxes, 8 lb. Powder, 24 
lb. Lead, & 12 Rounds for 36 men, 36 Blankets, 1 Axe, 1 
Adse, 1 Augur, 2 Plains, 1 Hammer, 2 Shovels, 9 Small 
Tin Kettles. 

"June 22 d . At 6 A. M. I ordered the People to fire at 
a mark; not above 4 in 25 hit the tree at the Distance of 
85 yards; at 7, mustered them, found 25 Present, 2 Sick, 
2 Absent on Furlough, 2 Sent to Reading with a Prisoner, 
and 5 at Fort Allen on Duty. Provisions, One Cask of 
Beef Exceeding bad, Flower and Rum for 3 Weeks. At 
8 A. M. We sett out for Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten." 

Fort Franklin was situated on a hill, a part of what was 
at one time the Bolich Farm, now owned by J. Wesley 
Kistler. It had a most commanding view of the entire 
country. It was distant from Snydersville, Schuylkill 
County, about three-fourths of a mile, on the north, and 



The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 365 

distant one mile from the base of the Blue Mountains on 
the south. It stood directly on the road across the moun- 
tains to Lynnport, the location of Fort Everett, but a few 
rods distant from the main road between Fort Allen, at 
Weissport, and Fort Lebanon, at Auburn. At the base 
of the hill is a fine creek of water, coming from the moun- 
tain and emptying into Lizard Creek, some one-half mile 
distant. Its distance from Fort Lebanon is some nineteen 
miles, and from Fort Allen some fourteen miles. We 
could wish, from the name it bore, that this fort might 
have been amongst the more important ones. Unfortu- 
nately, such was not the case. Poorly constructed in the 
first place, in the next place its location was in a part of 
the Province as yet but sparsely settled. Being north of 
the mountains the district was entirely open to the assaults 
of the savages. Already many of the plantations had been 
deserted; buildings and property had been destroyed, and 
their owners had fled across the mountains to Albany 
Township, or elsewhere, to find a more thickly settled 
region and greater safety. It is doubtful whether the 
defense would ever have been constructed save to fill in the 
long gap in the chain between Forts Allen and Lebanon. 
We are not then surprised to read what Colonel Weiser 
wrote November 24, 1756, after the conference with the 
Indians at Easton. He was then at Fort Allen. He 
says: 

"I took my leave of them (certain Indians) and they 
of me very canditly; Capt. Arnd sent an escort with me of 
twenty men to Fort Franklin, where we arrived at three 
o'clock in the afternoon, it being about fourteen miles dis- 
tant from Fort Allen. I saw that the Fort was not Tean- 
able, and the House not finished for the Soldiers, and that 
it could not be of any Service to the Inhabitant Part, there 



3 66 



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The Gap in the Blue Mountains. 367 

being a great Mountain between them. I ordered Lieut'n 
Engel to Evacuate it, and come to the South side of the 
Hills himself with Nineteen men at John Eberts Esq'r., 
and the Rest being Sixteen men more, at John Eckenroad, 
both places being about three miles distant from each other, 
and both in the Township of Linn, Northampton (Lehigh) 
County, until otherwise ordered. 

" 23rd. Left Fort Franklin. The Lieut., with Ten 
men, escorted me as far as Probst's, about Eight mile, 
where I discharged him, and arrived at Reading that 
Evening." 

From that time on the fort was occupied in a very desul- 
tory manner. If not actually abandoned it was more and 
more neglected. To such an extent was this true that the 
remaining settlers, for some still remained, felt obliged to 
present the following petition, which was read in the Pro- 
vincial Council on Saturday, May 7, 1757. The petition 
is of especial interest because of the names which it contains : 

"The petition of George Gilbert, Adam Spittleman, 
Henry Hauptman, Casper Langelberger, Nicholas Kind, 
George Merte, Henry Morbech, the widow of Mark 
Grist, Deceased, the widow of George Krammer, De- 
ceased, (which said Grist and Krammer have lost their 
Lives in the Defence of their Country lass fall) William 
Ball, Philip Annes, Jacob Leisser, Will'm Weigand, 
Anthony Krum, Philip Scholl, Jacob Keim, John Frist, 
Philip Kirshbaum, William Gabel, John Wissemer, George 
Wartman, Jacob Richards, Christopher Speeher, John 
Scheeffer, & George Sprecher, all Inhabitants of Berks 
County (now Schuylkill), within four miles of and about 
Fort Franklin, over the Blue Mountains : 

" Most Humbly Sheweth — 



368 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" That your Petitioners are informed that Fort Franklin 
aforesaid is to be removed to this Side of the said Moun- 
tains and a considerable way into Albany Township ; 

" That if in case the said Fort is to be Removed your 
Petitioners will be obliged to Desert their Plantations, for 
their Lives and Estates will then lye at Stake, and a greater 
part of this Province will lye waste and your Petitioners 
humbly conceives that it would be the Safest way to have 
the said Fort continued & rebuilt, as it is very much out 
of order and Repair. 

"Therefore your Petitioners humbly prays your Honour 
to take the Premises in Consideration and Issue such orders 
as will Prevent the Removal of the said Fort & order a 
Suffi't Number of men in it, and to grant your Petitioners 
such other relief as to you in your wisdom shall seem 
mete. . . ." 

This petition seems to have had some effect for the time 
being, as the fort was again occupied, temporarily, by a 
squad, probably a part of Captain Weatherhold's com- 
mand. In November, 1757, it furnished its quota for 
Colonel Weiser's guard at Easton, during the conference 
with the Indians. After that we hear nothing more con- 
cerning it. 

About two miles southwest of Snydersville stood Stein's 
Mill, now Stout's Mill, which was used as a place of ref- 
uge. In this vicinity the Indians had captured a Mr. Fies 
and his son. The bones of Fies were discovered a long 
time after, about one-half mile from his house, being rec- 
ognized as his by sundry buttons and a frying pan lying 
near by. The son was never heard of. 





CHAPTER XXVI. 

In Old Northampton. 

The Everett Stockade. 
-^^HIS defense was located very 
\& near the town of Lynnport, 
in Lynn Township of Lehigh 
County. During the Indian War 
the territory covered by the ad- 
jacent township of Albany, in 
Berks County, and Lynn Town- 
ship, in what was then Northampton County, from which 
Lehigh County was taken, was known as " Allemangel," 
as mentioned under the head of Fort Franklin. 

That part of the Province was already well settled and 
greatly in need of protection when hostilities began in the 
fall of 1755. To that end Benjamin Franklin commis- 
sioned Captain Nicholas Wetterholt, on December 21, 
1755, and placed the district in his charge. 

In the course of our narrative, from now on, we will 
come across the name somewhat frequently. There were 
two Provincial officers, of the same name, both Germans 
(Pennsylvania-Germans), both splendid soldiers and both 

(369) 



37° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

brave men. They both arrived in Philadelphia, October 
22, 1754, in the ship Halifax, from Rotterdam, together 
with a number of other German immigrants. Johann 
Nicholas Wetterholt entered the military service soon after 
he had become settled in his adopted country, as we have 
seen, receiving his commission as Captain in the First Bat- 
talion of the Pennsylvania Regiment on December 2 1, 
1755. In the year 1762 he resided in Heidelberg Town- 
ship of Northampton (Lehigh) County. His name ap- 
pears on the tax list of 1764, at the same place. 

Johann Jacob Wetterholt, his brother, was commis- 
sioned lieutenant on the same day. On April 19, 1756, 
he was stationed at Dietz (Teed's block-house), and as 
captain, on September 21 of the same year. He pos- 
sessed undaunted courage, and firmly believed he had the 
power of making himself invulnerable (Kugelfest), that 
is that he could not be killed by a gun shot. He bravely 
met his death, however, in 1763, as will appear later. In 
1762 he resided in Lynn Township, of the present Lehigh 
County; his widow still lived there in 1764, as per tax list. 

The two brothers had charge, practically, of the entire 
frontier, along the southern base of the Blue Range, from 
Fort Everett to the Delaware River. Because of this 
fact they were constantly on the move, and were not so 
permanently located in any one defense, as were some 
others of the commanding officers. We can the more 
readily understand, therefore, why the records will have 
more to say of them, as individuals, than they do of Fort 
Everett. It so happens, indeed, that the data which we 
have of this place are most meagre. 

The frequent absence of a garrison from the stockade 
resulted in a petition to the Governor, under date ot May 
4, 1757, praying that the soldiers might be kept in their 



In Old Northampton. 371 

midst, which was signed by forty-one Germans, whose 
names, unfortunately, do not appear, and which met with 
success, for the time being at least. In February, 1758, 
Adjutant Kern reports Capt. Wetterholt still on duty at 
Fort Everett, with forty-one men, distant from Fort Wil- 
liam twelve miles, and having twelve men stationed at 
"A Block House," ten miles from Fort Everett and twenty 
miles from Fort Allen. 

Fort Everett was visited by Jas. Burd, during his tour 
of inspection in February, 1758. His journal gives the 
following record: 

"26th Sunday. 

"Marches from hence (Fort William) at 10 A. M., 
went over the mountains to Mr. Everett's, where Captain 
Wetterholt is stationed, the snow exceedingly deep could 
make little way, at 3 P. M. arrived at Valentine Phile- 
prots, 20 miles, here I stay all night. 

" 27th Munday. 

" Marched this morning at 8 A. M. for Mr. Everett's, 
arrived at 9 A. M., 4 miles, ordered a Review of that part 
of the company that is here, found Cap't Weatherholt, 
Lieut. Geiger & 24 men, 3 being sick & absent, 3 months' 
Provisions, 5 pounds powder, no lead, each man has a 
pound of powder in his Cartouch box & lead in proportion, 
no Kettles, nor blankets, 25 Province Arms. 

"Ordered to Cap't Weatherholt 56 blankets, 25 lb. of 
powder & 50 bars of lead & 400 flints, Cap't Weatherholt 
to Scout to the Westward 10 miles & to the eastward 10 
miles, Lieut. Geiger from thence to his post in Coll. Arm- 
strong's Battalion. 

" Marched from hence to Fort Allen at 1 1 A. M. gott 
to the top of the Blue Mountain at 2 P. M., from hence 



37 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

saw Allamingle, it is a fine country, but the country on the 
North side of the mountain is an intire barren wilderness, 
not capable of Improvements. 

"Arrived at Fort Allen at J / 2 after 2 P. M. a prodigious 
Hilly place, and poor land, 15 miles from Mr. Everett's 
ordered a review of this Garrison tomorrow at 8 A. M." 

Fort Everett stood in what is now a level, ploughed 
field, about one-fourth of a mile north of Lynnport, Lynn 
Township, Lehigh County, distant about one hundred and 
fifty feet westward from the house of M. K. Henry, a 
tenant of Mrs. David Stein, and about two hundred and 
fifty feet from the creek, to the west of it, which flows past 
the Slate Works and empties into the Ontelaunee Creek. 
A spring, but a few feet south of where the fort was 
located, marks the position of what was then a well of 
water. It was a block-house, about twenty-five by thirty 
feet. It was erected on the property of John Everett, a 
man of prominence at the time, and of the same family 
as Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, whence he came. 
Whether, however, the building was the home of Mr. 
Everett, or whether the fort was a separate building, 
erected on his place, it is difficult to say. It is most prob- 
able that the latter was the case. 

The vicinity of Fort Everett was, by no means, exempt 
from its scenes of violence and death. 

Justice Timothy Horsfield writes to Governor Denny, 
from Bethlehem, on November 30, 1756, that "John 
Holder came here this Evening from Allemangle, and 
Informed me that last Sunday Evening, ye 28th Inst, three 
Indians Came to the House of a Certain Man Named 
Schosser, and Nockt at the Door, the People within called 
who is there? Answer was made, A good Friend; they 
within not opening the Door, they Nockt Again, they 



In Old Northampton. 



373 



within Answer'd, Who is There ? No answer being made 
from without, Then one of the men named Stonebrook, 




374 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Look't Out of the window, when an Indian Discharged 
a gun and kill'd him on the spot. They then Open'd 
the Door, the Woman & two Children Endeavoring to 
Escape, and the Indians pursued & took Both the children; 
One of the Men Fired at the Indians, and Saw One of 
them fall, when one of the Gairls he had possession of, 
made her Escape from him, but the other they took away; 
the Indian y't was fired at which fell cryed Out Very much, 
but in a Short time he got up & made off." 

The following interesting and characteristic letter to 
Major William Parsons, at Easton, is from the pen of 
Lieutenant Jacob Weatherhold, and is headed: 

"Northampton County, Lynn Township, July 9, 1757. 
"Honored Sir: 

" These are to Acquant you of A murder Hapened this 
Day at the Houce of Adam Clauce, in said Township of 
Lynn, whaire three or fore Nabors was Cutting said man's 
Corn; as they was Eating thaire Dinner they waire fell 
on By A Perty of Saviges, Indians, and Five of the Whites 
Took to there Heals, two men, two women, and one Gerl, 
and Got saf out of theire Hands. Was Killed and Scalped, 
Martin Yager and his Wife, and John Croushores, wife 
and one Child, and the wife of Abraham Secies and one 
Child of one Adam Clauce and the wife of John Couce- 
here, and the wife of Abram Secies was Sculpt and is yet 
Alive, But Badly wounded, one Shot Thro' the Sid and 
the other in the Thy, and two Children kild Belonging to 
said Croushere, and one to said Secies, and one Belonging 
to Philip Antone not Sculpt, and this Was Don at Least 
three miles within the out side Settlers, and 4 miles from 
John Everett's, and Philip Antone's wife was one that 
Took her Flite and came home and acquainted her hus- 



In Old Northampton. 375 

band, and he came and acquainted me, and I went Emea- 
ditely to the Place with Seven men Besides myself and 
Saw the murder, But the Indians was Gon and I Derectly 
Purs'ed them About 4 miles and Came Up with them in 
the thick Groves weaire wee met Nine Indians, and one 
Sprung Behind a Tree and took Site at me and I run 
Direct at him, and another one the side Flast at me, and 
then Both took to their Heals, and I shot one as I Goge 
Thro' the Body, as he fell on his face, But I Loaded and 
after another that was Leding A Maire, and ye meane 
time he Got up and Run away and I fired on the other, 
and I think I shot him in ye Buttux, and my Soldiers had 
oppertunity to shoot three times, and then they Got out 
of oure Site in the thick Groves, and Wee cold not find 
them No more, But I Got from them one maire and two 
Saddels, one Bridel and Halter, & one Bag with a Cag 
of Stil Licker in it, and cloths and one Brace Cittel and 
fore Indian Cake Baked in the ashes of wheat meal and 
to Aquat your further, that I have Several New Soldiers 
that has No Guns, and very Little Powder and Led, and 
I have sent this Express to you Hoping that you wold 
Help me with Arms and Ammenishan, and so I Remaine 
your friend and Umble Servent. 

"Jacob Wetherhold." 

Referring to this sad occurrence, Colonel Weiser writes 
Governor Denny from Easton, on July 15 : 

" In coming along thro' the Maxitawny, I heard a mel- 
ancholly Account of Ten People being Killed by the 
Enemy Indians. They passed by two or three Plantations 
on this side of the mountain before they attacked. A 
certain woman ran off towards her Place and told her 
Husband of the attack, who cut the Gears off his Horses 



376 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

then in the Plow, and rid as fast as he could to Lieut. 
Wetherholts, about three miles off. Lieut. Wetherholt, 
with a small Detachment, I am told Seven in number, 
came away immediately, and came to the Place where the 
murder was committed, where, by that time, a number of 
People had gathered. Wetherholts proposed to pursue 
the Enemy but none would go with him, so he took his 
Seven men & pursued the Enemy a few miles from the 
House & found the Place where they rested themselves, 
and in ab't three miles He overtook them in thick Brushes, 
at a very little Distance. It seems they saw one another 
at once. One of the Indians was before hand with Weth- 
erholts & aimed at him, but his Gun flashed. Wether- 
holt, a moment after, fired at the Indians, and thinks he 
hit him, but is not sure. Several Guns were fired by our 
People but did no Execution, and the Indians Guns miss- 
ing fire they ran off & left two Horses behind them, one 
belonging to the man they killed, laden with the best of his 
Household Goods." 

The Rev. Henry Melchoir Muhlenberg, D.D., in the 
Hallische Nachrichten tells the soul-stirring story of Fred- 
erick Reichelsdorfer, whose two grown daughters had 
attended a course of instruction, under him, in the cate- 
chism, and been solemnly admitted by confirmation to the 
communion of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, in New 
Hanover, Montgomery County. 

This man afterwards went with his family some distance 
into the interior, to a tract of land which he had purchased 
in Albany Township, Berks County. When the war with 
the Indians broke out he removed his family to his former 
residence, and occasionally returned to his farm, to attend 
to his grain and cattle. On one occasion he went, accom- 
panied by his two daughters, to spend a few days there, 



In Old Northampton. 377 

and bring away some wheat. One Friday evening, after 
the wagon had been loaded, and everything was ready for 
their return on the morrow, his daughters complained that 
they felt anxious and dejected, and were impressed with 
the idea that they were soon to die. They requested their 
father to unite with them in singing the familiar German 
funeral hymn, 

"Wer weisz, wie nahe rair mein Ende?" 
(Who knows how near my end may be?) 

after which they commended themselves to God in prayer, 
and retired to rest. 

The light of the succeeding morn (February 14, 1756) 
beamed upon them, and all was yet well. Whilst the 
daughters were attending to the dairy, cheered with the 
joyful hope of soon greeting their friends, and being out 
of danger, the father went to the field for the horses, to 
prepare for their departure home. As he was passing 
through the field he suddenly saw two Indians, armed with 
rifles, tomahawks and scalping knives, making towards 
him at full speed. The sight so terrified him that he lost 
all self command, and stood motionless and silent. When 
they were about twenty yards from him, he suddenly, and 
with all his strength, exclaimed " Lord Jesus, living and 
dying, I am thine!" Scarcely had the Indians heard the 
words "Lord Jesus" (which they probably knew as the 
white man's name of the Great Spirit) , when they stopped 
short, and uttered a hideous yell. 

The man ran, with almost supernatural strength, into 
the dense forest, and, by taking a serpentine course, the 
Indians lost sight of him, and relinquished the pursuit. 
He hastened to an adjoining farm, where two German 
families resided, for assistance, but, on approaching near 



378 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

it, he heard the dying groans of the families, who were 
falling beneath the murderous tomahawks of some other 
Indians. (Jacob Gerhart's home, where they killed one 
man, two women and six children. Two children slipped 
under the bed, one of whom was burned; the other escaped 
and ran a mile for assistance.) 

Having providentially not been observed by them, he 
hastened back to learn the fate of his daughters. But, 
alas! on arriving within sight, he found his home and barn 
enveloped with flames. Finding that the Indians had pos- 
session here too, he hastened to another adjoining farm for 
help. Returning, armed, with several men, he found the 
house reduced to ashes, and the Indians gone. His eldest 
daughter had been almost entirely burnt up, a few remains 
only of her body being found. And, awful to relate, the 
younger daughter, though the scalp had been cut from her 
head, and her body horribly mangled from head to foot 
with the tomahawk, was yet living. " The poor worm," 
says Muhlenberg, " was able to state all the circumstances 
of the dreadful scene." After having done so she requested 
her father to stoop down to her that she might give him 
a parting kiss, and then go to her dear Saviour; and after 
she had impressed her dying lips upon his cheek, she 
yielded her spirit into the hands of that Redeemer, who, 
though His judgments are often unsearchable and His 
ways past finding out, has nevertheless said, " I am the 
resurrection and the life, if any man believe in me, though 
he die yet shall he live." 

On the twenty-fourth of March following, ten wagons 
went to Allemangel (Albany) to bring down a family 
with their effects, and as they were returning, about three 
miles below George Zeisloff's, were fired upon by a number 
of Indians from both sides of the road; upon which the 



In Old Northampton. 379 

wagoners left their wagons and ran into the woods, and 
the horses, frightened at the firing and terrible yelling of 
the Indians, ran down a hill and broke one of the wagons 
to pieces. The enemy killed George Zeisloff and his wife, 
a lad of twenty, a boy of twelve, also a girl of fourteen 
years of age, four of whom they scalped. Another girl 
was shot in the neck and through the mouth, and scalped, 
notwithstanding all of which she got off. A boy was 
stabbed in three places, but the wounds were not thought 
to be mortal. They killed two of the horses, and five were 
missing, with which it is thought they carried off the most 
valuable goods that were in the wagon. 

In November, 1756, the Indians carried off the wife 
and three children of Adam Burns, the youngest child 
being only four weeks old. In June, 1757, they murdered 
one Adam Trump. They took Trump's wife and his son, 
a lad nineteen years old, prisoners, but the woman escaped, 
though upon her flying she was so closely pursued by one 
of the Indians (of whom there were seven) that he threw 
his tomahawk at her and cut her badly in the neck. This 
murder happened in the midst of a great thunder-storm 
which extended over the larger part of two counties. 

In March, 1756, the Indians laid the house and barn 
of Barnabas Seitle in ashes, and the mill of Peter Conrad, 
and killed Mrs. Neytong, the wife of Baltzer Neytong, 
and took his son, a lad eight years old, into captivity. 
Next morning Seitle's servant informed Captain Morgan 
of the injury done by the Indians, whereupon the Captain, 
and seven men, went in pursuit of the enemy but could 
not find them. On his return he met a person named 
David Howell, at whom these same Indians had fired 
five times, the last shot penetrating his arm. 

On March 24, the house of Peter Kluck, about fourteen 



380 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

miles from Reading, was set on fire by the savages, and 
the whole family killed. While the flames were still 
ascending the Indians assaulted the house of one Linden- 
man, in which there were two men and a woman, all of 
whom ran up stairs, where the woman was shot dead 
through the roof. The men then ran out of the house to 
engage the Indians, when Lindenman was shot in the neck, 
and the other through the jacket. Upon this Lindenman 
ran towards the Indians, two of whom only were seen, 
and shot one of them in the back, when he fled, and he and 
his companion scalped him and brought away his gun 
and knife. 

About the same time the Indians carried off a young 
lad named John Schoep, about nine years old, whom they 
took by night, seven miles beyond the Blue Mountains, 
where, according to the statement of the lad, the Indians 
kindled a fire, tied him to a tree, took off his shoes and 
put moccasins on his feet. They then prepared them- 
selves some mush, but gave him none. After supper they 
marched on further. The same Indians took him and 
another lad between them, and went beyond the second 
mountain, having gone six times through streams of water, 
and always carried him across. The second evening they 
again struck up fire, took off his moccasins, and gave him 
a blanket to cover himself; but at midnight, when all the 
Indians were fast asleep, he made his escape, and, by day- 
break, had traveled some six mlies. He passed on that 
day, sometimes wading streams neck-deep, in the direction 
of the Blue Mountain. That night he stayed in the woods. 
The next day, exhausted and hungry, he arrived by noon 
at Uly Meyer's plantation, where Charles Folk's Company 
lay (probably at or near Fort Franklin), where they 
wished him to remain till he had regained strength, when 



In Old Northampton. 381 

they would conduct him to his father. He was accord- 
ingly sent home. 

Stockade at Lehigh Gap. 

This stockade was at Lehigh Gap, immediately on the 
north side of the mountain. Its distance from Colonel 
Jno. Craig's store, at which is the Lehigh Gap post office, 
is about one-half mile. It stood on property originally 
belonging to Nathaniel Irish, adjoining that of Nicholas 
Opplinger, where Benjamin Franklin remained all night, 
when on his way to Fort Allen. It is now the farm of 
Charles Straub. The defense was on slightly elevated 
ground, at the foot of which a small run of water mean- 
ders down to the Aquashicola Creek. It commands the 
entrance to the Lehigh Gap, and was at the junction of 
the road to Fort Allen, at Weissport, on the north, and 
the road to Fort Norris, on the east. It was merely an 
ordinary block-house, surrounded by a stockade, built by 
the settlers, either in the latter part of 1755 or beginning 
of 1756, as a place of defense. Its position was so advan- 
tageous, however, that it was garrisoned by provincial 
troops, probably until 1758. 

In the course of his visit of inspection to the various 
forts, in June, 1756, Commissary James Young reached 
this point, and says : 

"June 22 — at 4 P. M. Sett out (from Fort Allen), 
at 6 came to Leahy Gap where I found a Serjeant and 
8 men Stationed at a Farm house with a small Staccade 
Round it, from Fort Allen here the Road is very hilly 
and Swampy, only one Plantation ab't a mile from the 
Gap ? I found the People here were a Detachment from 
Capt'n (Nicholas) Weatherholt's Comp'y, he is Station'd 



382 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



on the other side of the Gap, 3 miles from this with 12 
men, the rest of his Comp'y are at Depues and another 




«"3Aiy H9IH3-1 



Gapp 15 miles from this. ... the People Stationed here 
and on the other side the Gapp I think may be of great ser- 



/;/ Old Northampton. 383 

vice, as it is a good road thro' the mountain and very steep 
and high on each side, so may in a great measure prevent 
any Indians to pass thro' undiscovered if they kept a good 
guard, here the River Leahy Passes thro' the mountain in 
a very Rapid Stream." 

On February 5, 1758, Lieutenant Engel was in com- 
mand, with thirty men under him. 

Among the settlers who lived here during the war was 
a Mr. Boyer. His place was about one and a half miles 
east of the fort. With the other farmers he had gathered 
his family into the block-house for protection. One day, 
however, with his son Frederick, then thirteen years old, 
and the other children, he went home to attend to the 
crops. Mr. Boyer was ploughing and Frederick was 
hoeing, while the rest of the children were in the house, 
or playing near by. Without any warning they were sur- 
prised by the appearance of Indians. Mr. Boyer, seeing 
them, called to Frederick to run, and himself endeavored 
to reach the house. Finding he could not do so he ran 
towards the creek, and was shot through the head as he 
reached the farther side. Frederick, who had escaped to 
the wheat field, was captured and brought back. The 
Indians, having scalped the father in his presence, took 
the horses from the plough, his sisters and himself, and 
started for Stone Hill in the rear of the house. There 
they were joined by another party of Indians and marched 
northward to Canada. On the march the sisters were 
separated from their brother, and never afterwards heard 
from. Frederick was a prisoner with the French and 
Indians in Canada for five years, and was then sent to 
Philadelphia. Of Mrs. Boyer, who remained in the block- 
house, nothing further is known. After reaching Phila- 
delphia, Frederick made his way to Lehigh Gap, and took 



384 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

possession of the farm. Shortly after, he married the 
daughter of Conrad Mehrkem, with whom he had four 
sons and four daughters. He died October 31, 1832, 
aged 89 years. 

Trucker's (Kern's) Mill. 

The reader will recall that James Young, on his visit 
to the stockade in the Lehigh Gap, states: "I found the 
people here were a Detachment from Capt'n Wetherholt's 
Comp'y, he is Stationed on the other side of the Gapp, 3 
miles from this, with 12 men. . . ." This was in June, 
1756. On April 8, 1756, Governor Morris writes to 
Captain Weatherholt, "As there are Eleven of your men 
stationed at Trucker's Mill, I think it for the publick 
safety that they should be employ'd in ranging the woods, 
when the people of that township are inclinable to Joyn 
them and assist in such service; I do, therefore, order that 
the said men stationed at Trucker's Mill, when they are 
not employ'd in escorting Provisions or Stores, shall em- 
ploy themselves in scouring and ranging the woods; and 
I recommend it to the inhabitants to Joyn them from 
time to time for that purpose, and you are to take care 
that this, my order, be carry'd into full Execution." 

This station was the old, original, saw mill, in Slating- 
ton, which stood on the site of the present saw mill, on 
Trout Creek, some one hundred and seventy-five feet north 
of the bridge at Main Street. It belonged to the Kern 
family, and was built prior to 1755. It was subsequently 
removed to the place now occupied by the Slate (mantel) 
Factory. 

Nicholas Kern, the first settler, took up this land as 
early as 1737, on which he subsequently built his home. 
Upon his death, in 1748, the property was equally di- 



In Old Northampton. 



385 



vided, by will, between his widow, six sons and one 
daughter, who survived. All the family remained at the 
place until the youngest children had arrived at maturity, 



>.$-?- *3AI» H9IH31 




when some of them removed to the lower part of the 
county, where their descendants still reside. William and 
John remained at the homestead, taking care of the farm 
and mills which had been erected on Trout Creek. Wil- 



386 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

liam seems to have been of a jovial disposition, and given 
somewhat to joking. Because of this fact, he was called 
" Trockener," in German, signifying a joker or wit. This, 
in time, became corrupted to " Trucker," so that on the 
Evans map of 1755, as well as that of Edward Scull of 
1770, one of the Kern mills, the one in which we are inter- 
ested, was designated as " Trucker's Mill." It stood 
beside the only road then existing, an old Indian path, 
which crossed the Lehigh at a ford some five hundred feet 
above the bridge leading to Walnutport. It was known 
as the "Warriors' Path," and the ford designated as the 
"Warriors' Crossing." In 1761 a road was laid out, fol- 
lowing its line, which still exists in Slatington. 

What made the mill a place of especial importance was 
the fact that not only did it supply the neighborhood with 
lumber, but that it also furnished Franklin with the timber 
necessary in the erection of Fort Allen, as mentioned by 
him in a report which will appear later. 

Fort Allen. 

With the occurrence of the Moravian massacre at 
Gnadenhiitten the whole country became alarmed and 
aroused. At 8 A. M., November 24, 1755, Colonel An- 
derson, from New Jersey, and his company, left Bethlehem 
for Gnadenhiitten, accompanied by a number of settlers. 
On the twenty-sixth Captain Wilson and his company, 
from Bucks County, started for the mountains. 

By the middle of December the Governor reported to 
the Council that, in addition to this massacre, the Indians 
had already burnt fifty houses in Northampton County, 
murdered above one hundred persons, and were still con- 
tinuing their ravages. 

A thorough and systematic plan of defense was a matter 



In Old Northampton. 387 

of immediate necessity. Benjamin Franklin and James 
Hamilton, later to become Governor of the Province, were 
selected to execute such a plan, and, on December 18, 
arranged to start for Easton. On December 29, after 
their arrival at this place, they appointed William Parsons 
to be major of the troops raised in Northampton County. 

In the meantime, Captain Hays, with his company from 
the Irish settlement, in Northampton County, had been 
ordered up to New Gnadenhiitten. The troops were sta- 
tioned at the deserted village to guard the brethren's mills, 
which were filled with grain, and to keep the other prop- 
erty from being destroyed. 

A temporary stockade was erected, and all would have 
gone well had the soldiers been better versed in Indian 
tactics. From lack of this experience disaster followed, 
and, on January 1, 1756, a number of the men fell victims 
to an Indian stratagem. While amusing themselves skat- 
ing on the ice of the river, near the stockade, they caught 
sight of two Indians farther up the frozen stream. Think- 
ing that it would be an easy matter to capture or kill them 
the soldiers gave chase, and rapidly gained upon the 
Indians, who proved to be decoys skilfully manoeuvring to 
draw them into an ambuscade. After they had gone some 
distance a party of Indians rushed out behind them, cut 
off their retreat, and, falling upon them with great fury, 
as well as with the advantage of surprise and superior 
numbers, quickly dispatched them. Some of the soldiers, 
remaining in the stockade, filled with horror at this mur- 
der of their comrades, deserted, and the few remaining, 
thinking themselves incapable of defending the place, with- 
drew. The savages then seized upon such property as 
they could use and fired the stockade, the Indian houses 
and mills. 



388 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

On the same day the savages burnt seven farm houses 
between Gnadenhutten and Nazareth, and killed a number 
of people. 

Franklin immediately started for Bethlehem, from 
which place he writes, January 14, to the Governor, as 
follows : 

"Sir: 

"As we drew near this Place we met a number of wag- 
gons and many People moving off with their effects and 
families from the Irish Settlement and Lehi Township, 
being terrified by the defeat of Hay's Company, and the 
Burnings and murders committed in the Township on New 
Year's Day. We found this place filled with Refugees, 
the workmen's Shops and even Cellars being crowded with 
Women & Children; and we learnt that Lehi Township 
is almost entirely abandoned by the Inhabitants. Soon 
after my arrival here, the principal People of the Irish 
Settlement, as Wilson, elder Craig, &c, came to me and 
demanded an Addition of 30 men to Craig's Company, or 
threat'ned they would immediately one and all leave that 
country to the Enemy. Hay's Company was reduc'd to 
18 men (and those without Shoes, Stockings, Blankets or 
Arms) partly by the loss at Gnadenhutten, and partly by 
Desertion. Trump and Aston had made but slow Prog- 
ress in building the First Fort, complaining for want of 
Tools, which it was thought the People in those Parts 
might have Supply'd them with. Wayne's Company we 
found posted at Nazareth agreeable to your Honour's 
Orders. I immediately directed Hays to compleat his 
Company, and he went down to Bucks County with M'r 
Beatty, who promised to assist him in Recruiting. His 
Lieutenant lies here lame with frozen Feet, and unfit for 



In Old Northampton. 3 8 9 

Action; But the Ensign, with the 18 men, is posted among 
the present Frontier Inhabitants to give some Satisfaction 
to the Settlement People, as I refus'd to increase Craig's 
Company. In my turn, I have threatened to disband or 
remove the Companies already posted for the Security of 
particular Townships, if the People would not stay on 
their Places, behave like men, do something for them- 
selves, and assist the Province Soldiers. The Day after 
my arrival here, I sent off 2 Waggons loaded with Bread, 
and some axes, for Trump & Aston, to Nazareth, escorted 
by Lieut. Davis, and the 20 men of McLaughlin's that 
came with me; I ordered him to remain at Nazareth to 
guard that place while Capt. Wayne, whose men were 
fresh, proceeded with the Convoy. To secure Lyn and 
Heidelberg Township, whose Inhabitants were just on the 
Wing, I took Trexler's Company into Pay (he had been 
before commission'd by M'r Hamilton), and I commis- 
sion'd Wetterholt who commanded a Watch of 44 men 
before in the Pay of the Province, ordering him to Corn- 
pleat his Company. I have also allowed thirty men to 
secure the township of Upper Smithfield and commission'd 
Van Etten and Hindshaw as Captain and Lieutenant. 
And in order to execute more speedily the first Design of 
erecting a Fort near Gnadenhiitten to compleat the Line 
and get the Rangers in motion, I have rais'd another Com- 
pany under Capt'n Charles Foulk, to join with Wayne in 
that Service; and as Hays I hear is not likely soon to 
recruit his Company, I have ordered Orndt to come up 
from Rockland in Bucks County to Strengthen this Part 
of the Province, Convoy Provision, &c. to the company, 
who are and will be at work over the mountains, and quiet 
the Inhabitants who seem terrified out of their Senses." 
In addition to the above official report made by Franklin 



39° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

showing how he was gradually bringing order out of chaos, 
we are fortunate in having the following private account, 
in his autobiography, of what took place at Bethlehem, 
and how, in person, he went to Gnadenhiitten and super- 
intended the erection of Fort Allen : 

"While the several companies in the city and country 
were forming and learning their exercise, the Governor 
prevailed with me to take charge of our Northwestern 
frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide 
for the defence of the inhabitants by raising troops, and 
building a* line of forts. I undertook this military busi- 
ness, though I did not conceive myself well qualified for 
it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and a 
parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to 
whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising 
men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my com- 
mand. My son, who had in the preceding war been an 
officer in the army raised against Canada, was my aide- 
de-camp and of great use to me. The Indians had burned 
Gnadenhiitten, a village settled by the Moravians, and 
massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a 
good situation for one of the forts. In order to march 
thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief 
establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it 
in so good a posture of defence, the destruction of Gnaden- 
hiitten had made them apprehend danger. The principal 
buildings were defended by a stockade; they had pur- 
chased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New 
York, and had even placed quantities of small paving 
stones between the windows of their high stone houses, 
for their women to throw them down upon the heads of 
any Indians that should attempt to force their way into 
them. The armed brethren too kept watch, and relieved 



In Old Northampton. 39 1 

each other on guard methodically as in any garrison town. 
In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I men- 
tioned my surprise; for knowing they had obtained an act 
of parliament exempting them from military duties in the 
colonies, I had supposed they were conscientiously scru- 
pulous of bearing arms. He answered me, "That it was 
not one of their established principles; but at the time of 
their obtaining that act it was thought to be a principle 
with many of their people. On this occasion, however, 
they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but few." It 
seems they were either deceived in themselves, or deceived 
the parliament; but common sense, aided by present dan- 
ger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions. 
"It was the beginning of January, 1756, when we set 
out upon this business of building forts. I sent one de- 
tachment towards the Minisink, with instructions to erect 
one for the security of that upper part of the country; and 
another to the lower part with similar instructions ; and I 
concluded to go myself with the rest of my forces to 
Gnadenhiitten, where a fort was thought more immediately 
necessary. The Moravians procured me five wagons for 
our tools, stores, baggage, &c. Just before we left Beth- 
lehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their 
plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply 
of fire arms, that they might go back and bring off their 
cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammuni- 
tion. We had not marched many miles before it began 
to rain, and it continued raining all day. There were no 
habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arrived near 
night at the house of a German, where, in his barn, we 
were all huddled together as wet as water could make 
us. It was well we were not attacked in our march for 
our arms were of the ordinary sort, and the men could 



39 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

not keep the locks of their guns dry. The Indians are 
dextrous in their contrivances for that purpose, which we 
had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers 
above mentioned, and killed ten of them, the one that 
escaped informed us that he and his companions' guns 
would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain. 
The next day being fair, we continued our march, and 
arrived at the desolate Gnadenhiitten; there was a mill 
near, round which were left several pine boards, with which 
we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more neces- 
sary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our 
first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found 
there, who had been half interred by the country people; 
the next morning our fort was planned and marked out, 
the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five 
feet, which would require as many palisades to be made, 
one with another of a foot diameter each. Each pine 
made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one 
end. When they were set up, our carpenters built a plat- 
form of boards all around within, about six feet high, for 
the men to stand on when to fire through the loop-holes. 
We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the 
angles, and fired it as soon as fixed, to let the Indians know, 
if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and 
thus our fort (if that name may be given to so miserable 
a stockade) was finished in a week, though it rained so 
hard every other day that the men could not well work. 

"This kind of work, however contemptible, is a suffi- 
cient defence against Indians who had no cannon. Find- 
ing ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to 
retreat to on occasion, we ventured out in parties to scour 
the adjacent country." 





CHAPTER XXVII. 

Franklin's Detailed Account. 

♦If N a personal letter to Governor 
II Morris, under date of Janu- 
ary 25, Franklin gives the follow- 
ing detailed account of the building 
of the fort: 



" Fort Allen, at Gnaden- 
hutten, Jan. 25, 1756. 

" Dear Sir: 

" We got to Hays the same even- 
ing we left you, and reviewed 
Craig's Company by the way. 
Much of the next morning was spent in exchanging the 
bad arms for good — Wayne's Company having joined us. 
We reached, however, that night to Uplinger's, where we 
got into good Quarters. 

"Saturday morning we began to march towards Gnaden- 
hutten, and proceeded near two miles; but it seeming to 
set in for a rainy day, the men unprovided with great coats, 
and many unable to secure effectually their arms from the 
wet, we thought it most advisable to face about and return 

(393) 



394 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to our former Quarters, where the men might dry them- 
selves and lie warm; whereas, had they proceeded they 
would have come in wet to Gnadenhutten where Shelter 
and Opportunity of drying themselves that night was un- 
certain. In fact it rain'd all day and we were all pleased 
that we had not proceeded. The next Day, being Sunday, 
we march'd hither, where we arrived about 2 in the after- 
noon, and before 5 had inclosed our Camp with a Strong 
Breast work, Musket Proof, and with Boards brought 
here before by my Order from Drucker's Mill, got our- 
selves under some shelter from the Weather. Monday 
was so dark with thick Fog all day, that we could neither 
look out for a Place to build or see where Materials were 
to be had. Tuesday morning we looked round us, Pitched 
on a Place, mark'd out our Fort on the Ground, and by 
10 o'clock began to cut Timber for Stockades and to dig 
the Ground. By 3 in the afternoon the Logs were all 
cut and many of them hailed to the Spot, the Ditch dug 
to Set them in 3 Feet deep, and that Evening many were 
pointed and set up. The next Day we were hinder'd by 
Rain most of the Day. Thursday we rcsum'd our Work 
and before night were pretty well enclosed, and on Friday 
morning the Stockade was finished and part of the Plat- 
form within erected, which was compleated the next morn- 
ing, when we dismissed Foulk's and Wettcrholt's Com- 
panies and sent Hay's down for a Convoy of Provisions. 
This Day we hoisted your Flag, made a general Discharge 
of our Pieces, which had been long loaded, and of our two 
Swivels, and Nam'd the Place Fort Allen, in Honor of our 
old Friend (Judge William Allen, father of James Allen, 
who laid out Allentown in 1762, and also Chief Justice of 
the Province). It is 125 Feet long, 50 wide, the Stoc- 
adoes most of them a Foot thick; they are 3 Foot in the 
Ground and 12 Feet out, pointed at the Top. 









oo 


X 


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X ° 




Colonel Benjamin Franklin. 395 

"This is an Account of our week's work, which I 
thought might give you some Satisfaction. 

"Foulk is gone to build another (Fort Franklin), be- 
tween this and Schuylkill Fort (Fort Lebanon), which I 
hope will be finished (as Trexler is to Join him) in a week 
or 10 Days ; As soon as Hays returns I shall detach another 
Party to erect another at Surfos' (Fort Norris) which I 
hope may be finished in the same Time, and then I purpose 
to end my Campaign, God willing, and do myself the 
Pleasure of seeing you in return. I can now add no more 
than that I am, with great Esteem and affection, D'r Friend, 
" Yours affectionately 

" B. Franklin." 

The interesting account which we have had of Franklin's 
military experience would not be complete without hear- 
ing from his autobiography, how it came to an end. He 
says: 

" I had hardly finished this business and got my fort 
well stored with provisions, when I received a letter from 
the Governor, acquainting me that he had called the As- 
sembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of 
affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there 
was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the As- 
sembly, pressing me by their letter to be if possible at the 
meeting, and my three intended forts being now completed, 
and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms 
under that protection, I resolved to return ; the more wil- 
lingly as a New England officer, Col. Clapham, experienced 
in Indian War, being on a visit to our establishment, con- 
sented to accept the Command. I gave him a commission, 
and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and 
introduced him to them as an officer who, from his skill 
in military affairs, was much more fit to command them 



396 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my 
leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested 
a few days to recover from the fatigue I had undergone. 
The first night, lying in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, 
it was so different from my hard lodging on the floor of 
a hut at Gnaden-Huetten, with only a blanket or two." 

Colonel Clapham, only temporarily in command, was 
soon placed at the head of the regiment intended for the 
erection and occupancy of Fort Augusta. The last of his 
men left on April 19th. Captain Foulk then took charge 
of Fort Allen, and remained in command until relieved by 
Captain Reynolds, the latter part of June, 1756. This 
latter officer seems to have been either inexperienced in 
the handling of the rough men about him, or unable to do 
so. Among this class was his lieutenant, a man by the 
name of Miller, apparently of no principles, and without 
either desire or power to preserve discipline. The first 
exploit of this person, at Fort Allen, was in connection 
with Teedyuscung, who was the leader of the Delawares, 
under ordinary circumstances a typical Indian chief, brave, 
shrewd and dignified, but cursed with the red man's love 
of drink. Every effort had been made, in the spring of 
1756, to effect a meeting between him and the Governor, 
at Easton, in the hope of accomplishing something which 
might lead to peace. This was finally accomplished, and 
the conference was mutually satisfactory. The chief 
promised to return to his people and use his influence with 
them favorably, and further agreed to the release of the 
English prisoners then in his hands. 

Everything depended upon his speedy return, but no 
sooner had he reached Fort Allen, on his way back, when 
Lieutenant Miller took charge of him, plied him with 



Colonel Benjamin Franklin. 397 

whiskey until he became drunk, and cheated him out of 
sixteen deer skins which Teedyuscung had intended as a 
present for the Governor. What effect this had in delay- 
ing negotiations at this time, and how many lives were sac- 
rificed thereby, it is impossible to say. 

Not only did Miller engage in the nefarious business just 
narrated, but the liquor which he sold the Indians seems to 
have been dishonestly taken from the government stores. 
With such an example before them it is not to be expected 
that the men under him would behave much better. 
Neither did they, for, in the beginning of August, while 
the Indians were still there, on their way back from the 
conference, one of the non-commissioned officers, Corporal 
Weyrick, committed a disgraceful act of rank insubordina- 
tion, indeed one of actual mutiny. 

Captain Nicholas Wetterholt, then at Fort Hamilton, 
was at once ordered by Major Parsons to proceed to Fort 
Allen and place Weyrick under arrest, as well as Lieu- 
tenant Miller, who had made no effort to suppress the 
mutiny. Learning what was in store for him the latter 
declared he would not submit to arrest, but the arrival of 
Captain Wetterholt speedily put a different complexion on 
affairs. The lieutenant was sent to Fort Norris, in the 
safe keeping of Captain Jacob Orndt, while Corporal 
Weyrick was lodged in the Easton jail on the evening of 
August 16. 

The full account of the disgraceful transaction is given 
by Captain Wetterholt in the following report to Major 
Parsons : 

" Sir: 

" In the nightof the 5th of August, Christian Weyrick, 
a Corporal, began to quarrel with the Indians, and threat- 



398 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ened to drive them out of the Fort. The Lieut, pur- 
suaded him to forbear, but he seized the Lieut. & threw 
him on the Ground, and afterwards went to the Indian 
Squaws and behaved very indecently with them the whole 
night, and some of his comrades, One John White upbraid- 
ing him with it, he began to curse and attempted to tear 
him to pieces, when Philip Bortner stept out of the Guard 
Room and ask'd him if he was not ashamed to behave so, 
but he took him and threw him on the Bench, who calling 
out for help, Dewalt Bossing sprung between them, but 
he was not able to manage him ; Then came Michael Laury, 
he struck him several Blows upon the Head, and thereupon 
they were parted; then he took a Gun and drove about 
the Fort like a Beast and not like a man, and struck down 
two of them, afterwards he laid hold of his cutlass and 
went into the Captain's House and pointed it out at the 
window; Then he took a Gun and snapped it twice, but it 
would not go off; Then he took another Gun, and that 
miss'd Fire also; then he laid hold of a Third Gun, which 
Capt. Foulk took from him; Then he seized another gun 
and went out of the House, and said one of the 4 Reading 
town Soldiers, or John White, should die, and shott at 
him; then he called to his comrades and told them they 
should not leave him, they would storm the Fort, and no 
man should live that Day; then he ran into the Captain's 
House and threw the Benches about from Top to Bottom, 
but there was no Body in the House but the Lieut, the 
Clerk and the Serjeant, they warned him, but it all helped 
nothing; Then the Serjeant Bossing went to the Guard and 
told them to take him into arrest, but they would not; Then 
he went and broke Stones from the Chymny Back and threw 
them in at the window, and cursed furiously, and said he 
would kill one of the 4 Reading town Soldiers, or would 



Colonel Benjamin Franklin. 399 

stab or shoot Serjeant White; He behaved so violently 
that they were obliged to leave the Fort; He broke several 
Guns to pieces, and afterwards Michael Beltz, the Lieut., 
Christian Weyrick and Killian Lang, fetch'd water and 
put Rum in it, and washed their private parts therein. 
The 6th of Aug't the Ensign returned to the Fort and put 
things in better order. This is the Information from me, 
John Nicholas Widerhold, Captain. 

" N. B. I have already acquainted Coll'o Weiser with 
the affair." 

One result of this occurrence was the transfer of Cap- 
tain Reynolds from Fort Allen to the less important station 
of Fort Norris, and the ordering of Captain Jacob Orndt 
from Fort Norris to the command of Fort Allen, in the 
beginning of October, 1756. 

True to his promise, upon his arrival among his people, 
Teedyuscung tried to influence them favorably with regard 
to the English. He was so far successful that it was agreed 
to release the prisoners and attend another conference in 
Easton. Accompanied by a number of their hapless cap- 
tives the Indians started for that place, but were met by 
a rumor, as they approached Fort Allen, that the English 
intended to cut them off, and immediately stopped their 
journey, afraid to advance any further. The first duty, 
which confronted Captain Orndt upon his taking charge 
of Fort Allen, was to care for these Indians and see that 
they safely reached their destination. The conferences of 
1756 were followed by those of 1757 and 1758 until, 
finally, peace became an established fact. Some account 
of these various treaties and talks will be given later. 
During all this time Fort Allen was visited constantly by 
the representatives of the different tribes, on their way 
to and fro. 



400 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 




Colonel Benjamin Franklin. 401 

In March, 1758, Captain Orndt had the fort placed in 
thorough repair. Soon after he was promoted to major 
and the entire district placed under his charge. At this 
time he was directed to notify the people of the frontiers 
to assemble in large parties during their harvesting, and 
provide each party with sentries for protection. He was 
also directed to see that the friendly Indians wore a broad 
yellow band around their head or arms to distinguish them 
from the enemy, and, accordingly, requested the Governor 
to send a supply of the same to Forts Augusta and Allen 
for distribution. He was succeeded in the command of 
Fort Allen by Captain John Bull, immediately after his 
promotion. Even as late as June, 1780, the fort was still 
in existence, and then occupied by Lieutenant Colonel 
Kern and one hundred and twelve men. 

The site of Fort Allen, in Weissport, Carbon County, is 
now occupied by the " Fort Allen Hotel," which stands on 
the southwest corner of Bridge Street and Franklin Street, 
about one hundred and fifty yards east of the bridge across 
the Lehigh River to Lehighton. The old well is still in 
existence, although unused, and may be seen in the yard 
back of the hotel. 

Captain, and, later, Major Jacob Orndt, the commander 
of Forts Allen and Norris, was a good officer and brave 
soldier. We are fortunate in having secured from mem- 
bers of the family some data with regard to him, which 
we deem worthy of reproduction in the following chapter, 
as further evidence of the work done by loyal Pennsylvania- 
Germans for their country. 



^J^A^^^r^/^Cj^^J^J^j^ 





CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Some Arndt (Orndt) Family Data. 

^OHN ARNDT at present re- 
yj siding in the Borough of 
Easton, in the county of North- 
ampton, in the Commonwealth of 
Penna. who was one of the sub- 
scribers to this American edition of 
the Holy Bible do declare my wish 
and solemn desire that this valuable 
work consisting of two volumes shall, after my decease, go 
to and be considered the property of the eldest male branch 
of my posterity. With a most solom request that the same 
shall forever or as long as it will last go to and be con- 
sidered as the property of my eldest male descendant, or 
in failure as such to the eldest male descendant of any of 
my daughters. Hoping that my posterity will pay so 
much respect to my memory and wishes that they will not 
by sale or barter or neglect ever part with the book and 
thereby violate my most sincere expectations, for verifica- 
tion of this intention I have herein put my signature 
which is well known to my present existing acquaintances. 
This 4th day of July in the Year of our Lord 1807 

" John Arndt. 
(402) 



Some Arndt (Orndt) Family Data. 403 

"As the above is my intention it occurs to me that it 
will be very natural for some of my family or posterity to 
express a wish to know something of mine and their an- 
cestors. To comply with such a desire if it should ever 
eixst in anyone I will endeavor to inform them the tradi- 
tions that I recolect and some written documents that I 
now have by me where my ancestors emigrated from. 
Most of them were poor humble mechanics consequently 
lived in obscurity unnoticed by the bulk of mankind and 
if every one who is the temperory owner of this book 
will be at the trouble to make addition here to our posterity 
may be furnished with some sketch of genealogical in- 
formation. 

" The first ancestor I could hear from was Hanns Arndt 
a respectable farmer in the village of Warpen in the bail- 
wick (Ant) of Coswig in the principality of Anhalt Terbts 
in Germany. He was the father of Martin Arndt who 
inter-married with Maria a daughter of Hanns Sager a 
respectable citizen of Terbts. They had an only son 
named Martin Conrad Arndt who in early life expressed 
an inclination to travel for which leave was obtained from 
his parents and before he departed from home a writing on 
parchment was given to him dated at Terbets 13 March 
1678, which amongst other things certifys that he was 
born of good german blood and not of the Wenzischen 
what this distinction I was never informed of. This 
Martin Conrad it seems eventually settled himself then the 
Dukedon of Zweibenchen and in lawful wedlock he got 
two children, one a son named Berhard and a daughter 
that was married to a Mr. Conrad the Grandfather of 
Frederick Conrad one of our late representatives to Con- 
gress. Bernhard Arndt became married to Anna Maria 
a daughter to Andress Decker residing in Corborn in said 



404 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Dukedom and settled himself in the borough of Daum- 
holder in the Bailiwick (Ant) of Lichtenberg. In this 
marriage and settlement there is a circumstance that may 
appear very singular to a free born American citizen and 
under a belief that a short detail thereof may stimulate 
posterity ever give rational support to legal liberty with- 
out traveling into the wide fields of speculative and licen- 
tious proceedings which by the demagogues of the day are 
construed to be the rights of man. The village it seems 
where this Andres Decker was subject to a kind of villian- 
age or Vassalage, something similar to the fate of a 
Virginia slave or negro who is transferred with the soil, 
which his master owns when he chooses to sell the same, 
therefore when my grandfather the said Berhard Arndt 
could remove his wife from Corborn to Baumholder he 
was under the necessity of purchasing her Manumission 
for a sum not known to me. The instrument of the 
Manumission bears date at Tweybrucken the 12th day of 
Feb in the Year of our Lord 17 17. At Baumholder Ber- 
harnd followed the trade of a shoemaker, and as his earn- 
ings furnished but a scanty supply for his family he fre- 
quently expressed a wish or inclination to emigrate to 
America, but his wife constantly refused and put a nega- 
tive on his proposition, until to us a trifling circumstance 
occurred which was this. My Grandmother who was so 
adverse to give her consent to go to America had put a 
pig in her stable to raise and fatten for the express purpose 
to regale herself and children with a bountiful repast of 
meat diet, but before this took place one of the Princiesses 
of their Duke got married in consequence of which an 
extraordinary tax was prescribed to be laid on his subjects 
for the purpose of furnishing off the Princess and this was 
an extraordinary request or recquistion no provision had 



Some Arndt (Orndt) Family Data. 405 

been made for the payment thereof and no other means 
were at hand to discharge the tax, but the sale of the pig 
fattening in the stable, after this instance no further ob- 
jections were made to the proposed emigration to the land 
of liberty in America. Their preparations were made for 
the removal and at the end of April or the beginning of 
May in the year 1731 the family of my grandfather de- 
parted for their new country, consisting then besides the 
parents of two sons and one daughter. The eldest sons 
name was Abraham the second (my father) Jacob and 
Catherine. They came down the river Rhine and em- 
barcked at Rotterdam for America. On the voyage an- 
other son was born who they named Henry. They landed 
in Phila. paid their passage on for sometime settled in 
Germantown and from thence removed into (as I believe) 
the poorest soil of the then county of Phila. where my 
grandfather continued the occupation of a shoemaker and 
taught all his sons the same trade. And now as the chil- 
dren of my grandfather branched out into four different 
families I will confine myself to that of my grandfathers, 
only mentioning that Abraham married the amiable daugh- 
ter of Phillip Reed by her had issue of sons and daughters. 
Henry married a woman whose name was Bender and the 
daughter Catherine was married to a man named Leidig 
which in the event proved rather unhappy. Leidig is dead 
and she is a pauper on the township, at the same time 
having a daughter married to one Kolb who is able but 
not willing to support her. My father one of the sons of 
said Bernard as I mentioned before was born at Baum- 
holder on the 24 March 1725, and here he married Eliza- 
beth the daughter of Jacob Gieger, who had emigrated 
from Germany. She was born Ittlingen in the bailiwick 
of Bretton in the Upper Palatine on the 20 Sept. 1726. 



406 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

After marriage he purchased a farm in Rock Hill twp. 
in the county of Bucks, whilst he resided there the French 
war in 1755 broke out, when he quit the occupation of 
shoemaker and accepted a Captains commission in the pro- 
vincial service and with his company was stationed at what 
was called the frontier, to check the incursions of the sav- 
age Indians in the stockade forts then called Norris and 
Allen. In the end he was promoted to the rank and com- 
mand of Major and stationed at Fort Augusta (near the 
present Sunbury) and at the conclusion of that war when 
the Penna. troops were disbanded he was of course dis- 
charged from that military service. He then sold his 
farm in Bucks Co. and made a purchase of John Jones 
of a Mill and a farm on Bushkill Creek near Easton to 
and on which he and in the year 1760 removed his family 
consisting of five children besides the parents. I as the 
eldest was one, His daughter Elizabeth born the 29 Sept 
1750 who was married to Jacob Shoemaker and departed 
this life on the 4th day of July 1797 leaving issue sons 
and daughters. Margaret born 29 July 1752 who de- 
parted this life in an unmarried state on the 1 1 day of in 
the year 1768. Jacob a second son 14 May 1756 who 
became inter-married with Elizabeth one of the daughters 
of Zacharias Nyce of the Co. of Montgomery and Abra- 
ham a youngest son was born Jan. 31, 1759 and was 
married to Ann one of the daughters of William Henn of 
Morris Co. of the state of New Jersey. After my father 
settled on his new purchase he used much industry and 
economy in improving the same as to building and soforth, 
and kept a strict family discipline (In my opinion rather 
too severe) and had all his children instructed in the 
German Reformed Protestant Christian Religion. God 
seems to have blessed his endeavors so that eventually he 



Some Arndt {Orndt) Family Data. 4°7 

could help his children to begin a living in the world. 
When the dispute between Great Britain and their colonies 
and now United States of America commenced he took an 
early and active part on the side of the Americans, at an 
expense of a great part of his property occasioned by the 
depreciation of then emissions of paper Bills of Credit. 
Having thus established himself to be what in those days 
was called a good Whig he was elected by his fellow- 
citizens of the County to represent them, first in the Con- 
vention that framed the late Constitution of Pennsylvania, 
and afterwards as a member of the House of Representa- 
tives and also of the Executive Councill as by the public 
records will appear thus he continued to serve his Country 
and its cause until age and change of opinion in politics 
with the people made it desirable for him to retire from 
public to private life and enjoy the residue of his days as 
comfortable as could be expected. Thus he continued to 
reside at his Mill when after all his children had removed 
from him and kept their own families. My Mother de- 
parted this life on the 17th day of March in the year 1797 
aged 70 years 5 months and 27 days. He shortly came to 
reside with his daughter and her husband Jacob Shoe- 
maker and remained with them, until sometime after the 
death of his daughter when he removed to my family in 
Easton where he resided until his death which took place 
the 3rd of August 1805 aged 80 years 4 months and 10 
days. As to myself I was born on my fathers farm in 
Rockhill twp. in the Co. of Bucks on the 5th day of June 
in the year 1748 and was from thence with the family 
removed to my fathers new purchase near Easton there I 
kept to a hard and laborious life. In the year 1774 I 
paid my addresses to the amiable Miss Elizabeth Feit one 
of the daughters of John Feit of Greenwich twp in the 



408 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Co. of Sussex in New Jersey and became married to her 
on the 13 Dec of the same year. With her I lived as 
happily as could be expected to fall to the lot of man, but 
alas this felicity was of short duration. On the 15 Jan. 
1776, she was delivered of a female child which died the 
third day after its birth, and this was the first corpse that 
was interred in the family burying ground near the Mill, 
and then my good and much beloved wife soon after de- 
parted this life on the 31st day of the same month aged 
17 years 8 months and 27 days and was buried besides the 
body of our child. Being this left without a family of my 
own I continued the occupation of Miller in my fathers 
Mill and the month of June 1776 when the affairs between 
this country and Great Britain began to come to a serious 
crisis I then at the request of the Committee of this county 
I consented to take command of a Co. of Rifleman as their 
Captain. In what was then called the " Flying Camp." 
This acceptance to such a hazzardous undertaking was 
owing to several inducements. Patriotism was the lead- 
ing one. The next was that I would serve a grateful 
Country. In the last I was eventually convinced of my 
error for experience has taught me that there is no notion 
of such a thing as gratitude with the citizens of a Repub- 
lican Government. I marched that Co. according to 
orders to different places and among the others to Long 
Island where on the 27 day of August we partook in the 
disgrace of a defeat by the superior force and discipline 
of the British forces. There by the shot of a small cannon 
ball I got wounded in the left arm which ever after de- 
prived me of the use of the elbow joint. In the beginning 
of the year 1777 when the new Gov. of Penna. became 
organized I was by the Legislature thereof appointed 
Register of the Probate of Wills and Recorder of Deeds. 



Some Arndt (Orndt) Family Data. 409 

This appointment I accepted and was thereafter too deli- 
cate to solicit the pension I was entitled to on account of 
my being crippled. Thus I held said office with that of 
Justice of the Peace, the emoluments thereof at that time 
and during the war did not much more than compensate 
for the stationary that were needed for the use thereof. 
On the 12 day of August 1777 I became married a second 
time to Miss Elizabeth Ihrie one of the daughters of 
Conrad Ihrie. She was born in Forks twp. on the 6 day 
of April 1756, this as a second marriage proved as happy 
as could be expected. In this state we had the following 
named children Marie born March 6 1779, Susanna 2 
Feb 1781, Elizabeth 14 Feb 1783, Jacob 27 April 1785 
died August 6, 1806, Sarah 27 Feb 1787, John 21 May 
1789 died Oct 29 1806, George Washington 25 June 
1791, Annie 15 March 1794, Benj. F. 23 June 1796, 
Samuel 17 Aug. I continued to reside at the Mill until 
the 4 day of March 1796, on which day I removed my 
family to Easton into a house I purchased previously from 
my father-in-law Conrad Ihrie in which I continue to re- 
side now. Here I continued to administer to the office of 
Register of Wills and Recorder of Deeds and Clerk of 
the Orphans Court in the discharge of the duties of those 
offices I have the consolation to declare that my official 
conduct was approved by the generality of citizens the 
widows and the orphans and particularly my own con- 
science. In the general election of the year 1799 when the 
Gov. term of the late Thomas Mifflin Constitutionally ex- 
pired there were two candidates put in nomination by the 
citizens of Penna. for the high and important office of 
Governor of the State. The one was James Ross of 
Pittsburg the other Thomas McKean of Phila. Having 
had a personal acquaintance with both gentlemen in nomi- 



410 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

nation my opinion was that James Ross was of the two the 
best person and if elected would be Governor of all the 
citizens in the State, the other would be that of a giddy 
headed party only under the circumstances I was led to 
believe that as a citizen of a Free Republic I was un- 
doubtedly entitled to the freedom of choice. I did so and 
voted for James Ross, by doing so the event proved I was 
in the minority and had thereby in the opinion of the 
successful candidate committed an unpardonable crime. 
Which all past services entailed danger and wounds for 
the establishment of our independence and the blessings of 
a Republican Government and also the upright discharge 
of our official duties could not wipe out. This supposed 
Gov. McKean would sooner pardon a man guilty of mur- 
der or treason than him that did not vote for him. I 
consequently was marked out as one of the first victims of 
Democratic frenzy and zeal for the Giddy Party he had 
espoused and by dismission from all public employment as 
soon as he was settled in the chair of Government con- 
vinced me that all my Revolutionary and their services 
were rendered to an unjust and ungrateful country. I 
can in truth inform the reader of this that I have derived 
as much consolation as I had chagarin and disgrace from 
my adherants in all changes of public opinion to the good 
old Washingtonian creed to which I mean to adher to 
during life. 

11 Second Part. 

"It now becomes my (Geo. W. Arndt) duty in com- 
pliance with my fathers request (after having concluded 
his life) to continue the present history confining myself 
mostly to such events immediately interesting myself. 
My father adhered to his political principles unchanged 



Some Arndt (Orndt) Family Data. 411 

through his life agreeable to his declared determinations. 
After being dismissed from office by Thomas McKean 
the Gov. he devoted himself to shopkeeping for support, 
a business in my opinion ranking no higher than the mean- 
est proffession, but which he pursued until the Spring of 
1 8 13. He had long labored under bodily as well as 
mental affliction a depression of spirits, Hypocondria 
gradually working on his frame at length terminated his 
existance on the 6 day of May 18 14. Having attained 
the respectable age of 65 years 1 1 months and 1 day. 
George W. Arndt the writer of the foregoing paragraph 
early in the year 18 13 proceeded to settle on the estate 
lately occupied by his father and which afterwards be- 
came the joint patrimony of himself and his brother Ben- 
jamin, and therein with conjunction with his brother-in- 
law Charles Lombeart undertook the manufacturing of 
wollen cloth in connection with farming and milling. On 
the 27 of the same year he became married to Henrietta 
Byllbysby by whom he had the following children. Well- 
ington born Feb. 28, 1814, Jackson Feb. 12, 1815, Susan 
and Eveline twins born Oct. 11, 18 17, died Feb. 1, 18 18 
aged One year 3 months and 17 days. After an ill regu- 
lated pursuit of business for four years he was compelled 
to abandon it and in the year of 18 17 he removed his 
family to Easton and continued without definite employ- 
ment until July of the following year. He then deter- 
mined to emigrating to one of the western states in the 
hope of retrieving his fortunes, his patrimony having been 
wholly disapaited or insolved and accordingly set out on a 
tour with the intention of selecting a spot for the purpose, 
having passed through the countries bordering on the Ohio 
and Mississippi Rivers he finally arrived at the city of New 
Orleans where in a few days he was attacked by the un- 



412 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

healthfulness of the climate and after lingering nearly six 
months he died there on the 29 of June, 18 19. Aged 28 
years 4 days. Thus terminating an unimportant life 
marked with much indescresion and misfortune. 

" Capt. John Arndt. 

"A battle occured on the 27 of August which the Amer- 
icans were beaten and forced to retreat which they did in 
a masterly manner. On the 29 of August the Americans 
loss of killed was upwards to 1000 men. One of the com- 
panies was commanded by Capt. John Arndt of Forks 
twp. Mr. Arndt lost many of his men and he himself 
was severally wounded. Col. Peter Kichline was with 
Mr. Arndt and were taken prisoners. Capt. John Arndt 
after his release from confinement returned to Easton in 
Sept. 1790 and was appointed a Commessiary with David 
Deshler for the supplying the sick and disabled troops with 
the necessies of life. The services of John Arndt during 
the Rev. were mentioned in a publication in 1799 and says 
that it is well known that John Arndt turned out in 1776 
a time which tried mens souls and assisted in toil and 
danger against the British foe. Got wounded and crip- 
pled and declined soliciting for a pension which by law he 
was entitled to. Accepting an office in this county in the 
conduct of which he was know to of been the true friend 
of widow and orphan. In 1777 he was appointed Reg- 
ister of Wills Recorder of Deeds & etc and Clerk of the 
Orphans Court, and the most efficient of the Committee 
of Safety. In 1783 he was elected a representative in the 
Council of Censors to propose an amendment to the Con- 
stitution of Penna. In 1783 Dickenson College at Car- 
lisle was incorporated of which Mr. Arndt was appointed 



Some Arndt {Orndt) Family Data. 413 

one of the Trustees. He was chosen one of the electors 
of the President and Vice-President of United States and 
cheerfully gave his vote for the illustrious Washington. 
During the war he advanced money out of his own private 
funds toward the recruiting service thus practically illus- 
trating his devotedness to the cause. The exegencies of 
the State were then so great that actions testing the patriot- 
ism of the citizen favorable to liberty were called for con- 
tinually, their lives and fortunes were to be risked and 
John Arndt was not found wanting. The following is 
a letter from John Reed President of the Executive Coun- 
cil of the State of Penna. 

"'In Council Phila. April 2, 178 1. 
'"Sirs:— 

"'Your favor of the 25ult has been received and we 
are much concerned that the Treasurer of the County is 
unable to answer the draft and the more that it is not in 
my power to send you the money, the State Treasurer has 
not 10 pounds in the State Treasury. We hope you will 
have patience to bear with some difficulties and we will 
do all in our power to relieve you. 

" ' Yours 

" ' Jos. Reed, 

"'President.' 

"During the insurrection of 1779 by John Freas, Jar- 
rett Haaney and others his utmost exertions were used 
to preserve law and order. As a mineralogist and boti- 
nest he held no mean rank. His correspondance with the 
Rev. Mr. Gross and other clergymen show he was a pious 
man. In 1796 a law passed rendering it necessary that 
the County records should be at the County Seat or Town 



4H The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

which occasioned the removal from his Mill to Easton. 
On the election of Gov. McKean he was removed from 
office after which he devoted his life to mercantile pur- 
suits until his decease in 1814. 

" Jacob Arndt the father of John was born in Germany. 
His father named Bernhard. During the Indian wars 
he was in active service in 1755 as Capt. at Fort Allen 
near Mauch Chunk and in 1758 Major of the troop at 
Fort Augusta. His reports are found in Penna. Archives 
and other publications of transactions. During the war 
in 1760 Mr. Arndt purchased the Mill property about 
three miles above Easton on Bushkill Creek from John 
Jones and soon afterwards removed to the Mill. Easton 
was a very diminutive town when Mr. Arndt first visited 
it in 1760. He has engaged to meet Mr. Jones in Easton 
to receive the deeds of the Mill property when for that 
purpose he came to Easton and hitched his horse to one 
of the forest trees in the square and attended to his busi- 
ness and it did not appear to him that Easton was much 
of a place. In 1763 when the Pontiac Indian war com- 
menced he was elected a Capt. by his neighbors, who asso- 
ciated themselves together to protect themselves against 
the savages under the following agreement. We the sub- 
scribers as undersigned do hereby jointly and severally 
agree that Jacob Arndt shall be our Capt. for three months 
from the date of these presents and be always ready to 
obey him when he sees occasion to call us together in pur- 
suing the Indians or helping any of us that shall happen 
to be in distress by the Indians. Each person to find 
powder arms and lead at our own cost and have no pay 
but each person to find himself in all necesserys to which 
article covenant and agreement we bind ourselves in the 
penal sum of 5 pounds lawful money Penna, for the use 



Some Arndt {Orndt) Family Data. 



4i5 



of the company to be laid out for arms and ammunition 
unless the person so refusing to obey shall have a lawful 
reason. Given under our hand and seal the 13 Oct, 1763 
Signed by Jacob Arndt, Peter Seip, Michael Larvall, 
Amam Hay, Paul Able, and thirty four others. Mr. 
Arndt was elected with George Taylor, Peter Kickline, 
John Obely and Lewis Gordon to the Convention to the 
forming a Constitution of the State in 1774. In 1776 
He was a member of the Executive Council of Penna. In 
1796 he removed to Easton from his Mill. A copy of a 
letter from John Arndt to Dr. Gross Speaks of him re- 
specting his health in 1 803. ' It is tolerable for his age, but 
time has and continues to press bodily infirmities heavily 
upon him. His eye sight is almost entirely gone. His 
feet begin to get weak and cannot for a long time bear 
the weight of his body, but his appetite is good and for 
to live happily and content depends upon himself. He 
died in 1805.'" 






CHAPTER XXIX. 

Fort Norris. 

<^^H E next defensive station 
K& erected by the Government 
was some fifteen miles east of Fort 
Allen, between it and Fort Hamil- 
ton at Stroudsburg. 

It will be recalled that, on Janu- 
ary 26, 1756, Franklin reported 
that he expected, the next day, to 
send Orndt and Hays to build this fort, and hoped it would 
be finished in a week or ten days. It was named after 
Isaac Norris, Speaker of the Assembly, he who directed 
that there should be cast on the State House bell of 1752 
the words " Proclaim liberty throughout all the land to all 
the inhabitants thereof." When completed it was placed 
under command of Captain Jacob Orndt, who occupied 
it with his company of fifty men. 

Commissary of musters, James Young, on his tour of 
inspection, reached the place on June 23, 1756. His re- 
port about it reads as follows : 

" Fort Norris — At 1 1 A. M. Came to Fort Norris, 
found here a Serjeant Commanding 21 men, he told me 

(416) 



Fort N orris. 417 

the Ensign with 12 men was gone out this morning to 
Range the woods towards Fort Allen, the capt'n was at 
Philad'a since the 16th, for the peoples pay, and the other 
Serjeant was absent at Easton on Furlough Since the 20th. 
This Fort Stands in a Valley, ab't midway between the 
North Mountain, and the Tuscorory, 6 miles from Each on 
the high Road towards the Minisink, it is a Square ab't 80 
ft Each way with 4 half Bastions all very Compleatly 
Staccaded, and finished and very Defenceable, the Woods 
are Clear 400 y'ds Round it, on the Bastions are two 
Sweevle Guns mount'd, within is a good Barrack, a Guard 
Room, Store Room, and Kitchin, also a Good Well — Pro- 
vincial Stores, 13 g'd muskets, 3 burst Do, 16 very bad 
Do, 32 Cartooch boxes, 100 lb. Powder, 300 lb. Lead, 
112 Blankets, 39 Axes, 3 Broad Do, 80 Tamhacks, 6 
Shovels, 2 Grub Hoes, 5 Spades, 5 Drawing Knives, 9 
Chisels, 3 Adses, 3 Hand Saws, 2 Augurs, 2 Splitting 
Knives. 

"At 1 P. M. the Ensign with 12 men returned from 
Ranging, they had seen nothing of any Indians. I mus- 
tered the whole 34 in Number Stout able men, the En'sn 
has no Certificates of inlistments, the arms Loaded and 
clean, the Cartooch Boxes filled with 12 Rounds p'r man. 
Provisions at Fort Norris, a Large Quantity of Beef Very 
ill cured Standing in Tubs, a Quantity of Biscuit and 
flower, & ab't 50 Gallons Rum. 

"23 June, Fort Norris: — At 2 P. M. Capt'n Weather- 
holt came here to us, he had been on his way to Phil'a, but 
the Messinger I sent last night (from Fort Lehigh) over- 
took him 8 miles from his Station, he brought me his 
muster Roll of his whole Comp'y, and Certificates of In- 
listments, and proposed to go with me to Sam'l Depues, 
where his Lieu't and 26 men are Stationed, to see them 



4i8 



The Pennsylvania-German Society 




SITE OF FORT NORRIS. 



Fort Norris. 419 

Muster'd. I accepted of his Company. At 3 P. M. we 
sett out from Fort Norris on our way to Fort Hamilton." 

The reader will doubtless be struck with the excellent 
condition in which Mr. Young found everything at Fort 
Norris. This was not a matter of mere chance, but was 
owing to the fact that Captain Orndt was a most excellent 
and capable officer. The high esteem in which he was 
held by the Government is evidenced by his transfer to 
the important station at Fort Allen, after the acts of 
mutiny and insubordination which occurred in Captain 
Reynold's company, and his subsequent promotion to the 
rank of major. 

In October, 1756, the command of Fort Norris de- 
volved upon Captain Reynolds, who was succeeded, the 
latter part of May, 1757, by Lieutenant Engle, who was 
still there on February 28, 1758, during the inspection of 
Major James Burd. 

It stood near the place where occurred the Hoeth mas- 
sacre during the outbreak of hostilities. It was distant 
about four hundred yards from the Big Creek, formerly 
Hoeth's Creek, or Poco Poco Creek, some three-fourths 
of a mile from the present Meitner's Store, five-eighths of 
a mile from the house of Nathan Serfass, one and one- 
eighth miles in an air line from Kresgeville, Monroe 
County, and about three miles or more from Gilberts. 

In addition to the murders which took place during 
December, 1755, which have already been related, many 
other sad events occurred in the vicinity of Fort Norris, 
which adjoined the headquarters of the Minisink Indians. 
As they covered the whole territory between Fort Norris 
and the Delaware, and were closely identified with the 
defenses around Stroudsburg, they will be related under 
that head. 



420 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Defenses Near Wind Gap. 

Some fifteen miles from Fort Norris is the peculiar cut 
in the mountains called " Wind Gap." At the lower end 
of the town of the same name, called Woodley, stands the 
"Woodley House," on the site of the old Heller inn, a 
public house erected as early as 1752. About three miles 
south of this hotel we come to Miller's Station, on the 
Bangor and Portland Railroad, quite close to which is 
the junction of the roads leading, respectively, to Naza- 
reth, Easton, Stroudsburg, Ackermanville and the Wind 
Gap. The necessity for some protection and defense, at 
the spot where these important highways came together, 
was apparent. Accordingly, the home of Mr. Tead or 
Mr. Dietz was occupied by a detachment of Captain 
Nicholas Weatherholt's command, and it became known 
as "Deedt's Block House," " Tead's Block House," 
"Teet's House," etc. 

It stood about 350 yards east of the present railroad 
station, on low ground, which, about 75 feet distant to the 
south, rises to an elevation of some 50 feet. Near the 
base of the elevation is now a spring house, distant about 
125 feet from the site of the block house. In olden times 
this was ground of a more or less marshy character. 

Exactly when the soldiers first occupied it we are not 
told. On April 20, 1756, we know that Ensign Sterling 
was stationed there with eleven men. 

Commissary James Young, during his inspection of 
1756 enters this item in his journal: 

"25 June: — At 5 A. M. sett out from Depues for the 
Wind Gapp, where part of Capt. Weatherholt's Comp'y 
is Stationed, stopt at Bossarts Plantation to feed our 
horses, was inform'd that this morning 2 miles from the 



Fort Norris. 



421 



house in the Woods they had found the Body of Peter 
Hiss, who had been murdered and Scalped ab't the month 



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of Feb'y- At 1 1 A. M. Came to the Wind Gap, where 
I found Capt'n Weatherholt's Ensign, who is Station'd 



422 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

here with 7 men at a Farm house, 4 only were present, 
one was gone to Bethlehem, with a Letter from the Jerseys 
on Indian affairs, one was at a Farm house on Duty, and 
one absent on Furlough from the 15'th to the 22'd, but 
not yet returned, I told the officer he ought to Esteem him 
a Deserter as he did, found here 6 Provincial Muskets, 
all good, and 6 Rounds of Powder and Lead for Each, I 
told Cap'n Weatherholt to send a supply as soon as 
Possible. 

"At 3 P. M. Sett out from the Wind Gapp for Easton 
... at 6 came to Easton." 

It is probable that a garrison was not maintained regu- 
larly at this station but merely furnished as occasion de- 
manded. During the latter part of 1757 the people of 
the vicinity erected, for mutual protection, a block house 
of their own, which was used as a place of refuge, and 
stood at the top of the elevation, some seventy-five yards 
south from Tead's house. The direct occasion for the 
building of this refuge was because of the raid made by 
the Indians on the neighborhood in 1757. The greatest 
sufferer, during the attack, was Joseph Keller, who came 
to America from Germany in 1737. On September 15, 
1757, his family, consisting of his wife, and two sons, 
were carried captives to Canada, his oldest son, a lad of 
fourteen, being killed and scalped. Mrs. Keller was 
eventually released and restored to her husband. 

It was doubtless owing to these disturbances that a peti- 
tion was sent to Governor Denny by the inhabitants pray- 
ing that soldiers might again be stationed in their midst. 
In answer to this appeal Lieutenant Hyndshaw, of Cap- 
tain Garraway's Company, with Ensigns Kennedy and 
Hughes, and thirty men, was ordered to " Tead's Block- 
house," which was once more occupied, for a while, during 
February and March, 1758. 





CHAPTER XXX. 

Peter Doll's Blockhouse. 

®N his tour of inspection to 
Tead's Blockhouse, March 
i, 1758, Major Burd makes men- 
tion of a station at Peter Doll's 
Blockhouse, which was close to the 
southern base of the Blue Range, 
between Little Gap and Smith's 
Gap. 

Moore Township, of Northampton County, in which 
this defense stood, was equally unfortunate with other 
parts of the frontier, even if history, so far, has failed to 
make prominent its sufferings. In January, 1756, the 
Indians entered the township and committed a series of 
murders and depredations, firing the houses and barns of 
Christian Miller, Henry Diehl, Henry Shopp, Nicholas 
Heil, Nicholas Sholl and Peter Doll, killing one of Heil's 
children and John Bauman. The body of the latter was 
found two weeks after the maraud and interred in the 
Moravian burying ground at Nazareth. 

This, however, was but one of the many like occurrences 
which kept the settlers in a constant state of alarm for 

(423) 



424 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

more than a year and a half, during which time they en- 
deavored to defend themselves as best they could, or fled 
from their homes. 

The discouraging outbreak, which took place during 
the summer and early fall of 1757, gave rise to the fol- 
lowing petition : 

" To the Honourable the Governor and General Assem- 
bly, etc: 

" The Petition of the back Inhabitants, viz't, of the 
Township of Lehigh situate between Allentown and the 
Blue Mountains, in the County of Northampton, most 
humbly Sheweth ; 

" That the said Township for a few years past has been, 
to your knowledge, ruined and destroyed by the murder- 
ing Indians. 

"That since the late Peace (temporary cessation of 
massacres in the early part of 1757) the said inhabitants 
returned to their several and respective Places of abode, 
and some of them have rebuilt their Houses and Out- 
houses, which were burnt. 

" That since the new murders were committed some of 
the said inhabitants deserted their Plantations, and fled in 
the more improved Parts of this Province, where they 
remain. 

" That unless your Petitioners get Assistance from you, 
Your Petitioners will be reduced to Poverty. 

"That the District in which your petitioners dwell con- 
tains 20 miles in Length and eight miles in Breadth, which 
is too extensive for your Petitioners to defend without 
you assist with some Forces. 

" That your Petitioners apprehend it to be necessary for 
their defence that a Road be cut along the Blue Moun- 
tains, through the Township afores'd, and that several 



The Forks of the Delaware. 



4 2 5 



Guard Houses be built along this said Road, which may be 
accomplished with very little cost. 

"That there are many inhabitants in the said Township 
who have neither Arms nor Ammunition, and who are too 
poor to provide themselves therewith. 

"That several Indians keep lurking about the Blue 
Mountains who pretend to be Friends, and as several 
People have lately been captivated thereabouts, we pre- 
sume it must be by them. 

" May it therefore Please your Honours to take our 
deplorable condition in consideration, and grant us Men 
and Ammunition that we may thereby be enabled to de- 
fend ourselves, our Properties, and the Lives of our Wives 
and Children, Or grant such other Relief in the Premises 
as to you shall seem meet, and your Petitioners, as in Duty 
bound, will ever pray." 



Forks of Delaware, Oct'r 5TH, 1757. 



Peter Barber, 
Jacob Buchman, 
Jacob Aliman, Sen'r, 
Jacob Aliman, Jr., 
Adam Freisbach, 
Jacob Bricker, 
Michael Keppel, 
Peter Doll, 
John Kannady, 
William Boyd, 
Jacob Musselman, 
Jacob Letherach, 
Henry Frederick, 
Schobety, 
William Best, 
Jacoob Haag, 
Geo. Haag, 
William Detter, 
Nich's Schneider, 
Geo. Acker, 



Christian Miller, 
Christian Laffer, 
Henry Beck, 
Nich's Schneider, 
Peter Schopffell, 
William Beck, 
Henry Diehl, 
John Bethold, 
John Remberry, 
John Dorn, 
Fred Eissen, 
James Hutchinson, 
James Rankin, 
Paul Flick, 
Peter Walcker, 
Nich's Fall, 
Adam Kramler, 
Henry Lutter, 
Nicholas Roth, 
Nich's Heil, 



426 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Jacob Fry, Simon Trumm, 

Martin Sigel, Henry Lieud, 

Christian Andreas, John Detter, 

Bath'w Rivel, Adam Marsh, 

George Altmar, Peter Eissenman, 

Jacob Altmar, Peter Anton, 

Bernard Kuntz, George Meyer, 

Bernard Reiss, John Scheier, 

Samuel Pern, John Gress, 

Jean Pier, Christopher Feuchtner, 

George Wannemacher, Conrad Geisley, 

Valentine Waldman, Jacob Kropff, 

John Fried, Jacob Roth, 

Jost Triesbach, Jacob Death, or Rodt, 

Fred Altimus, Henry Flach, 

Philip Tromin, Henry Creutz, 

John Schlegel, Michael Rieb, 

Henry Schubp, Simon Triesbach, 

Fred. Nagel, William Kannady, 

"These are to certify that we have impowered Fred- 
erick Eissen to give in this, our Petition to the Honour'bl 
the Governor and the Assembly. 

" The foregoing and within writing was translated 
from the German Paper writing herto annexed, by me, 

"Peter Miller." 

This very proper and deserving petition seems to have 
met with prompt recognition and action. To a certain 
extent, at least, better communications were opened up 
along the base of the mountains, and several stations were 
selected to be garrisoned by provincial troops and used for 
defensive purposes. In this instance they were generally 
private residences, or buildings already in existence. 
Amongst them was the dwelling of Peter Doll, whose 
name appears on the petition just given, and who was 
amongst the sufferers in the raid of January, 1756. He 
was most likely the Johannes Peter Doll, who arrived at 



The Forks of the Delaware. 427 

Philadelphia in the ship " Samuel," and was qualified on 
August 30, 1737. On the original list his name is given 
as we have it, simply Peter Doll. His age was then 
twenty-four. 

We are unable to name the exact date on which the 
troops occupied this station, but Adjutant Kern, in his 
report of February 5, 1758, gives Lieutenant Snyder, of 
Captain Davis' Company, as on duty at P. Doll's Block- 
house, with twenty-five men. Under date of Tuesday, 
February 28, 1758, Major Burd says: 

"Arrived at Lieut. Ingle's at 4 P. M. (Fort Norris) ; 
ordered a Review Immediately . . . , arrived at Lieut. 
Snyders' Station at 7 P. M. (Peter Doll's Blockhouse), 
8 miles, ordered a review tomorrow morning, here I stay 
all night. 

"March 1st, Wednesday. 

" Reviewed this morning & found here Lieut. Snyder 
& 23 men, undissiplined, 15 lb powder, 30 lb lead, no 
blankets, 8 Province Arms bad. 

" Lieut. Humphreys relieved Lieut. Snyder this morn- 
ing, ordered Lieut. Snyder to his post over Susquehanna. 

" I am informed by the officers here, Lieut's Ingle & 

Snyder, that Wilson, Esq'r, a Majestrate in this 

County, has acquainted the Farmers that they should not 
assist the Troops unless the officers Immediately pay & 
that said Wilson has likewise informed ye soldiers they 
should not take their Regimentalls, as it only puts money 
in their officers pockets. I have found a Serg't confined 
here on acc't of mutiny, and have ordered a Regimentall 
Court Martiall this morning; at this Station there is two 
barricks, no stockade. 

" Marched from hence to Lieut. Hyndshaw's Station 



428 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 




The Forks of the Delaware. 429 

at 10 A. M., arrived at Nazareth at 1 P. M., here dined, 
8 miles. Sett off again at 2 P. M. arrived at Tead's at 
3 P. M., 6 miles." 

Peter Doll's Blockhouse stood on the road running 
along the base of the mountain, or near it, and along the 
Hockendauqua Creek. It was some three-eighths of a 
mile west from the mill now occupied by James Scholl, 
Sr., which stands at the intersection of the road to Kleck- 
nersville, distant from this place one and one-fourth miles. 
The whole locality was the scene of numerous murders 
and depredations. In the earlier times it was the site of 
many Indian villages, relics of which have been frequently 
discovered. 

Fort Hamilton. 

We now come to the Delaware River, in the vicinity 
of the present town of Stroudsburg, not then, however, 
in existence. It was this territory which the Minisink, 
or Monsey, tribe of the Delaware nation occupied, whence 
its name, which was adopted by the Dutch who first settled 
there, and in common use at the time of the Indian hos- 
tilities. 

When Franklin and Hamilton went to the front to 
organize a systematic plan of defense, the latter took 
direct charge of the construction of those forts which 
were to be located on or near the Delaware River, then 
not only a populous district but most important from a 
military standpoint. 

Immediately after his arrival at Easton, on December 
23, he wrote as follows to Governor Morris, reporting 
the lamentable condition of affairs, as he had learned of 
them: 



43° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" Easton, Monday Evening, Dec'r 25, 1755. 
"Dear Sir: 

"The Commissioners came to this Town on Saturday 
Evening, where we found the Country under the greatest 
Consternation, everything that has been said of the dis- 
tress of the Inhabitants more than verified upon our own 
view. The Country along the River is absolutely de- 
serted from this place to Broadhead's, nor can there be 
the least communication between us and them but by 
large Parties of armed Men, everybody being afraid to 
venture without that security, so that we have had no 
accounts from thence for several days. Broadhead's was 
stoutly defended by his sons and others, till the Indians 
thought fit to retire without being able to take it, or set 
it on fire, tho' they frequently attempted it, it is thought 
several of them were killed in the attacks, but that is not 
known with certainty. 

"We have now here upward of 100 men, being the 
Companies of Capt'n Aston, Captain Trump, and Capt'n 
McGlaughlin, and are impatiently expecting more from 
below, for the people here are not very numerous, & are 
besides very backward in entering into the Service, tho' 
the Encouragement is great, and one would think they 
would gladly embrace the opportunity of revenging them- 
selves on the authors of their ruin; but the terror that has 
seized them, is so great, or their Spirits so small, that 
unless men come from other parts of the Province, I 
despair of getting such a number here as will be sufficient 
to Garrison the Block Houses we propose to build over 
the Hills, whither we intended to have gone tomorrow, 
but that our Provision Waggons are not come up, and 
that we have not men enough for the above mentioned 
purposes. 



The Forks of the Delaware. 43 1 

"I understand that Aaron Dupui is still at home & 
that it is very unlikely that he will be able to leave his 
House in this time of Distress, to carry your message to 
Wyoming, so that I believe the Expectations of the Treaty 
will fall to the Ground, nor does any body either here 
or there believe we have a single Indian that may be 
called a Friend, nor do I see a possibility of getting that 
message conveyed to them from hence, even supposing 
they were friends; everybody is so afraid of stirring a 
step without a strong guard. 

" I heartily wish you were at Liberty to declare Warr 
against them, and offer large rewards for Scalps, which 
appears the only way to clear our Frontiers of those Sav- 
ages, & will, I am persuaded be infinitely cheapest in the 
end; For I clearly foresee the expense of defending our- 
selves, in the way we are in will ruin the province, and be 
far from effectual at last, principally for want of a Good 
Militia Law by which the men might be subjected to dis- 
cipline, for at present they enter themselves and then leave 
their Captains at their own humour, without a person in 
the officers to punish them for that or any other mis- 
behaviour. 

" I have commissioned several Captains here, who en- 
gage to raise men, but principally two, who have under- 
taken to range the country between the two Branches of 
this River, for the Security of the two Irish Settlements 
in the hope that those who had defected by the whole of 
those on the main Branch, may be induced to return to 
their Plantations, which after all I very much question, 
so very great are their apprehensions of the Indians. 

" I cannot say for certain when we shall leave this 
place, that depending on the coming up of the Provisions 
and our getting a sufficient number of men; many of those 



43 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

already here not being able to march for want of shoes, 
which has obliged us to send down for a Supply to Phila- 
delphia. 

" I have but a moments time to write, the Express being 
ready to depart. I shall from time to time keep you 
informed of anything that may be worth your notice, but 
at present nothing offers. 

" I am, with great Respect, Sir, Your most obed't 
Servant 

"James Hamilton." 

Immediately after this letter to the Governor on Christ- 
mas, Captains Trump and Ashton were dispatched to the 
place where Stroudsburg now stands, and ordered to erect 
the first of the line of defenses there contemplated. The 
work, however, progressed slowly, partly because of a lack 
of tools, which the people in the neighborhood failed to 
supply as had been expected, and partly because of the 
season of the year. It was finished, however, about Jan- 
uary 20, 1756, and named after James Hamilton, who 
succeeded Governor Denny as Governor of the Province, 
his commission being dated July 19, 1759, though not 
presented by him to the Council until November 17 of the 
same year. 

Upon the completion of Fort Hamilton Captain Trump 
was ordered to commence the erection of Fort Norris, 
and appears to have been relieved by Captain Craig, who 
is reported on duty April 20, 1756, with 41 men. 

Commissary James Young makes the following report 
concerning Fort Hamilton: 

"24 June 1756 — Fort Hamilton. At 4 A. M. sett 
out from Bosarts, at 6 came to Fort Hamilton at ab't 7 
miles from Bosarts, a Good Waggon road, and the Land 



The Forks of the Delaware. 



433 




434 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

better than any I had seen on the N'o side of the moun- 
tain. Fort Hamilton stands in a Corn Field by a Farm 
house in a plain and clear country, it is a Square with 4 
half Bastions all very 111 contriv'd and finish'd, the Stac- 
cades open 6 inches in many Places, and not firm in the 
ground, and may be easily pull'd down, before the gate 
are some Staccades drove in the Ground to cover it which 
I think might be a great Shelter to an Enemy, I therefore 
order'd to pull them down, I also order'd to fill up the 
other Staccades where open. . . . 

" I found here a Lieu't and Eight men, 7 were gone to 
Easton with a Prisoner Deserter from Gen. Shirley's 
Reg't." 

The corn field in which Fort Hamilton then stood is 
now in the western section of the town of Stroudsburg, 
just north of the old Stroud mansion standing on the north- 
west corner of Main and William Streets. 

How long Captain Craig remained in command we are 
not told. From him it passed under the charge of Cap- 
tain Nicholas Weatherholt, and in April, 1757, we learn 
that Captain John Van Etten was given command of it in 
addition to Fort Hyndshaw. Captain Van Etten then 
passes from the scene and Lieutenant James Hyndshaw, 
of Captain Weatherholt's Company, is in command of 
both forts on October 11, 1757, with seventy-two men 
under him. 

Gradually the fort seems to have become abandoned. 
During his tour, in 1758, Major James Burd turned aside 
in March to look at it and " found it a very poor stockade, 
with one large house in the middle of it & some familys 
living in it." 

During the entire winter of 1756 rumors and intima- 
tions were received that the Indians were preparing for 



The Forks of the Delaware. 435 

another attack on the settlers between Fort Norris and 
the Delaware River. After the threatening alarms came 
the dread reality in April, 1757. Various depositions of 
eye witnesses, to what occurred, have been preserved, and 
will now be given. 

" Deposition of Michael Roup. 

" The 24th day of April, one thousand, seven Hundred 
and Fifty Seven, appeared before me, William Parsons, 
Esquire, one of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for 
the County of Northampton, Michael Roup, of Lower 
Smithfield, in the said County, aged 52 Years, a Person 
to me well known and worthy of credit, and being duly 
sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, did 
depose and declare, That His Neighbour Philip Bozart, 
being at Fort Norris last Saturday week, heard a letter 
read there, which was dispatched by Major Parsons to 
acquaint the Garrison that he receiv'd Information that 
some Enemy Indians intended shortly to come and attack 
the inhabitants at and about Minisink and to desire them 
to be upon their Guard; which was soon made known to 
all the Neighboring Inhabitants. And this Deponent 
further saith, That on Friday Morning last John Lefever, 
passing by the Houses of Philip Bozart and this Depo- 
nent, informed them that the Indians had murder'd Casper 
Gundryman last Wednesday Evening; Whereupon This 
Deponent went immediately to the House of Philip Bozart 
to consult what was best to be done, their House being 
about half a Mile apart. That they concluded it best for 
the Neighbors to collect themselves together, as many as 
they could in some one House. And this Deponent further 
saith, that he immediately returned home and loaded his 



436 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

waggon as fast as he cou'd with his most valuable Effects 
which he carried to Bozart's house. That as soon as he 
had unloaded his waggon he drove to his Son-in-Law Peter 
Soan's House, about two miles, and loaded as much of his 
Effects as the Time and hurry wou'd admit, and took them 
also to Bozart's, where 9 families were retired; That a 
great Number of the Inhabitants were also retired to the 
Houses of Conrad Bittenbender & John McDowel; That 
Bozart's House is 7 miles from Fort Hamilton and 12 
from Fort Norris. And this Deponent further saith, that 
yesterday Morning about 9 o'clock the said Peter Soan 
and Christian Klein with his Daughter about 13 Years 
of age went from Bozart's House to the House of the 
said Klein and thence to Soan's House to look after their 
Cattle and bring off more effects. And this Deponent 
further saith, That about a half an hour after the above 
3 Persons were gone from Bozart's House, a certain 
George Hartlieb, who also fled with his family to Bozart's 
and who had been at his own House about a mile from 
Soan's, to look after his Creatures and to bring away what 
he could, return'd to Bozart's and reported that he had 
heard 3 guns fired very quick one after the other towards 
Soan's Place w'ch made them all conclude the above 3 
Persons were killed by the Indians. And this Deponent 
further saith, That their little company were afraid to 
venture to go and see what had happened that Day, as 
they had many Women and Children to take care of, who 
if they had left might have fallen an easy Prey to the 
enemy. And this Deponent further saith, That this 
morning 9 men of the neighborhood armed themselves, 
as well as they cou'd, and went towards Peter Soan's Place, 
in order to discover what was become of the above 3 Per- 



The Forks of the Delaware. 437 

sons. That when they came within about 300 yards of 
the House, they found the Bodies of the said Soan and 
Klein lying about 20 Feet from each other, killed and 
scalpt, but did not find Klein's Daughter. Soan was 
killed by a Bullet which enter'd the upper Part of his Back 
and came out at his Breast. Klein was killed with their 
tomahawks. The 9 men immediately returned to Bozart's 
and reported as above. That this Deponent was not one 
of the 9, but that he remained at Bozart's with the Women 
and children. That the rest of the People desired this 
Deponent to come to Easton and acquaint the Justice with 
what had happened. That the 9 men did not think it 
safe to stay to bury the Dead. And further this Depo- 
nent saith not. 

"The mark of 
11 Michael X Roup." 

In the above deposition mention was made of the murder 
of Casper Gundryman, who was doubtless the Andreas 
Gnudryman of whose death John Williamson gives this 
account. 

Deposition of John Williamson. 

"On the Twenty-Second Day of April A'o D'i 1757, 
Personally appeared before me, William Parsons, Esquire, 
one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County 
of Northampton, John Williamson of Lower Smithfield 
Township, in the said County, Yeoman, aged 48 Years, 
and being duly Sworn on the holy Evangelists of Almighty 
God, did Depose and Declare, That on Wednesday last, 
the 20th Instant, about Sun Sett, a certain Andreas Gun- 
dryman, a Youth about 17 Years of Age, went with two 
Horses and a Sleigh to fetch some Fire Wood, that lay 



438 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

about 80 perches from Fort Hamilton, to his Father's 
House, ab't 10 perches from the Fort. That while the 
Young man was out as aforesaid, He this Deponent and 
several other Persons, who all live about 10 perches from 
the Fort, heard two Guns fired; Whereupon, Henry Gun- 
dryman (Father of the above named Andreas) and Con- 
rad Friedenberg, one of the Garrison at Fort Hamilton, 
ran immediately upon hearing the Fireing towards the 
Place where Andreas was gone for the Fire Wood; some 
of the Soldiers and other Persons hearing him cry out, and 
seeing him run down the Hill towards the Fort. And 
this Dep't further saith, that about 300 yards from this 
Fort, they found the said Andreas Gundryman lying dead, 
and scalp'd quite to the Eyes. And this Deponent further 
saith, that he saw two Indians run up the Hill, from the 
place where Andreas lay dead. That the Indians did not 
hitt him with their Shott but as soon as they fired Andreas 
ran, and they pursued him with their Tomhocks and mur- 
dered him very barbarously, and as they went off sett up 
the Indian War Hallow. And this Deponent further 
saith, that early on the next morning the Father of the 
Deceased, with James Garlanhouse and one of the Sol- 
diers, went and fetch'd the Corps, and the Garrison and 
Neighbors burried it about 30 perches from the fort. 
And this Deponent further saith, that a certain Isaac 
Randolph, a Soldier, being sent the same Ev'ning the 
murder was committed to acquaint Capt. Van Etten, at 
Fort Hyndshaw, of what had happen'd, return'd to Fort 
Hamilton and reported that in his way he had seen 6 
Indians by a Fire, & ab' half way to Samuel Dupui's, 
which made him afraid to proceed further, and therefore 
he returned and reported as above. And this Deponent 





#■ 




The Forks of the Delaware. 439 

further saith, that he this Deponant that same Night went 
up to Fort Hyndshaw and acquainted Capt. Van Etten 
of what had happened, but saw no Indians in his Journey. 
And this Dep't further saith that the said Robert Ellis 
came to Fort Hamilton on Thursday morning, and re- 
ported that he had seen 3 Indians that same morning by 
a Fire on his Plantation, and when the Indians discovered 
him they left the Fire and went up a Hill. And this 
Deponent further saith that Capt'. Van Etten came on 
Thursday morning with as many Soldiers as could be 
spared from Fort Hyndshaw to Fort Hamilton and as- 
sisted at the Burial. And this Deponent further saith 

not. 

"John Williamson." 

Captain Van Etten, with his weakened and divided 
forces, had no light task before him. The neighbors, 
living about the fort, were gathered in and made to do 
duty with the soldiers. Notwithstanding all vigilance, 
however, the depredations, committed by the party of 
Indians then on their marauding expedition, did not cease 
with the events just related, as will be seen by the follow- 
ing deposition made by George Ebert, on June 27, 1757, 
which is especially interesting because in it we see the fate 
of some of those mentioned in the previous deposition of 
Michael Roup. 

" Personally appeared before me, William Parsons, one 
of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the County of 
Northampton, George Ebert (Son of John Ebert, late 
of Plainfield Township, in the said County, Yeoman, but 
now of Easton in the same County,) aged Sixteen Years, 
and being duly sworn on the holy Evangelist of Almighty 
God, deposeth and declareth That on or about the Second 



44° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Day of May last, He, this Deponent, with about Eighteen 
armed men, went with Two Waggons from Plainfield 
Township, to assist the Inhabitants of Lower Smithfield, 
who had a few days before been attacked by the Enemy 
Indians (and some of the Neighborhood murdered by the 
Savages) to bring off some of their best Effects. That 
about Noon of the same Day, they came to the House of 
Conrad Bittenbender, to which house divers of the Neigh- 
bours had fled; here one of the Waggons with about Ten 
Men, with this Deponant, halted to load their Waggon 
with the poor People's Effects; and the rest of the Com- 
pany with the other Waggon went forward about a Mile 
to the House of Philip Bozart, to which place others of 
the Neighbours had also fled, with such of their Effects 
as they cou'd in their Confusion carry there. That this 
Deponant and Conrad Bittenbender, Peter Sheaffer, John 
Nolf, Jacob Roth, Michael Kierster, a certain Klein and 
one man (whose name this Deponant hath forgot) w r ent 
about Two Miles into the Woods to seek the Neighbours 
Horses, whereof they found Six, and were returning with 
them to within half a mile of Bittenbender's House where 
they were attacked by Fifteen French Indians who fired 
upon them & killed Bittenbender, Jacob Roth, and John 
Nolf, as he believes, for that he saw Three fall, one dead, 
And took Peter Sheaffer, who received two flesh Shots, 
One in his Arm and the other on the Shoulder, and this 
Deponant, Prisoners; This Deponant received no Shot. 
And this Deponant further sayeth, That the Indians fre- 
quently talked French together; That they set off imme- 
diately with their Prisoners; That on the Evening of the 
next Day they fell in with another Company of about 
Twenty-four Indians who had Abram Miller, with his 
Mother, and Adam Snell's Daughter, Prisoners; The 



The Forks of the Delaware. 441 

Indians with their Prisoners marched in Parties as far as 
Diahogo; That at this Place the Indians separated, and 
about Eight, the foremost, took this Deponant and Abra- 
ham Miller with them, and they never saw any of the other 
Prisoners afterwards; That in their way on this side of 
Diahogo they saw Klein's Daughter, who had been taken 
Prisoner about a week before this Deponant was taken; 
That a Day's Journey beyond Diahogo they came to some 
French Indian Cabbins where they saw another Prisoner, 
a girl about Eight or Nine Years old, who told this Depo- 
nant that her Name was Catharine Yager,that her Father 
was a Lock Smith and lived at Allemangle, and that she 
had been a Prisoner ever since Christmas; That at this 
Place the Indians loosed the Prisoners, this Deponant and 
Abraham Miller, who they had bound every Night before; 
That finding themselves at Liberty, they, this Deponant 
& Abraham Miller, made their Escape in the night, and 
the next Day afternoon they came to French Margaret's 
at Diahogo, having been Prisoners Nine Days; That they 
stayed about four weeks with her, during all which Time 
she concealed them and supported them; That some 
French Indians came in Search of the Prisoners, where- 
upon Margaret told them it was not safe for them to stay 
longer, and advised them to make the best of their way 
homewards; That all the Indians at and on this side 
Diahogo were very kind to them, and help'd and directed 
them on their way; John Cook was particularly help full 
to them; That while they were at Diahogo they were in- 
formed that the Indians had killed Abraham Miller's 
Mother, who was not able to travel further, And J. Snell's 
Daughter, who had received a wound in her Leg by a Fall 
when they first took her Prisoner, but they heard nothing 



44 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of Peter Sheaffer; That in Three Days they arrived at 
Wyoming, by water, as Margaret had advised them; That 
at Wyoming the Indians directed them the way to Fort 
Allen, but they missed their way and came the road to 
Fort Hamilton, where they arrived last Sunday week. 
And this Deponant further sayeth, that the friendly In- 
dion told them that the Enemy had killed Marshall's wife 
at the first Mountain, And further this Deponant sayeth 
not. 

" the mark of 
11 George X Ebert." 

" N. B. — This Deponant saith that they understood by 
the French Indians That the'd Three Days further to go 
from the Place from whence They escaped." 

In addition to the murders already related it is said 
that two soldiers of the garrison were killed by a party 
of Indians in ambuscade, as they were walking among the 
scrub oaks on the brow of the hill, where the academy 
stood in 1845. 

It will be noticed that these raids were made by the 
so-called " French Indians," from the extreme western 
portion of the Province, and that the resident Delawares 
were inclined to be decidedly friendly, as a result of the 
peace conferences recently held with them. 

From whatever source the marauding parties came, the 
danger and distress of the people were none the less great. 
The immediate result of the murders was a petition to 
Governor Denny, appealing for better protection, signed 
by twenty-one persons (names not given) who called them- 
selves " the few remaining Inhabitants of the Township of 
Lower Smithfield, in the County of Northampton." 



The Forks of the Delaware. 443 

After this the inroads of the savages became less fre- 
quent, so much so that by the spring of 1758 it was decided 
to abandon Fort Hamilton, and Lieutenant Hyndshaw, 
then in command, was ordered to Tead's Block House, for 
reasons already given. Hearing of this contemplated 
action the settlers sent the following petition to Governor 
Denny: 

" The Petition of the Distressed Inhabitants of Lower 
Smithfield Township, in the County of Northampton, most 
Humbly Sheweth; 

" That your Honours petitioners are under some appre- 
hensions that the company of Soldiers, Commanded by 
James Hyndshaw, are to be removed from their present 
Station, and of our being left in a Defenceless posture; 
That your Petitioners have had Intelligence of a Body of 
upwards of Three Hundred French and Indians that are 
coming Down to Distress the Frontiers of this province, 
and as this part at present seems the most Defenceless, it 
is very probable that we shall be the first attacked; That 
your petitioners have at present but 12 men allowed by 
the province, which we Humbly apprehend Can afford us 
but little assistance ; and further, we Humbly conceive that 
in case we were attacked by so large a party we must inevi- 
tably fall an easy prey to our Cruel Savage Enemy, unless 
your Honour is pleased to afford us a Reinforcement, 
which we flatter ourselves we are assured of, your Honour 
Having Hitherto since your Succession to this province, 
exercised a very Fatherly Care over us, for which we 
return our most Hearty thanks; and further, we being 
well assured that next to Divine Providence your Honour 
is our protector, we Submit our Circumstances to your 
Superior knowledge to act for us, who as Loyall Subjects 



444 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

are Determined with your Honour's assistance to stand 
against any Enemy that may attempt to invade us, and 
your Honour's petitioners as in Duty Bound Shall ever 
pray." 

Aaron Dupui, William McNab, 

John McMichael, Edward Connor, 

Daniel Shoemaker, Robert Hanah, 

William Clark, Daniel Mcintosh. 

Samuel Dupui, Michael Shouer, 

Daniel Broadhead, John Williamson, 

Abraham Mullux, James Garlinghousing, 

Nicolas Miekle, John Higgins, 

Leonard Weeser, Isaac Flack, 

John Cambden, Enoch Freeland, 

Frederick Vanderliss, John Drake, 

James Hilman, Jeremiah Flemmer, 

John Hilman, Adam Snail, 

William Smith, Francis Delong. 
John McDoull, 

Fortunately, to a great extent the alarm was groundless. 
Arrangements were made for defense at Dupui's house, 
but, providentially, the cloud passed by without causing 
any destruction. 

Fort Hyndshaw. 

In addition to the erection of Fort Hamilton it was felt 
that some defense was necessary for the protection of the 
residents of Upper Smithfield Township. Accordingly 
John Van Etten and James Hyndshaw, both residents of 
the vicinity, were commissioned as Captain and Lieutenant 
respectively, and, on January 14, 1756, directed by Ben- 
jamin Franklin to take such steps as might be necessary 
to carry out the object in view. 

The erection of Fort Hyndshaw was doubtless a part 
of this work. Exactly when it was built we do not know. 
The first account we have concerning it is from Commis- 



The Forks of the Delaware. 



445 



sary James Young, who visited it during his round of 
inspection. He says, writing from the "Fort 10 miles 




above Depues, Commonly call'd Hyndshaw Fort": 
"June 24, 1756. — At 8 A. M. I sett out from Fort 



446 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Hamilton for Sam'l Depues where Cap'tn Waetherholt's 
Lieu't and 26 men are Stationed, when I came there his 
Muster Roll was not ready. I therefore proceeded to the 
next Fort 10 miles higher up the River, at 1 P. M. Came 
there, it is a good Plain Road from Depue's, many Plan- 
tations this way, but all Deserted, and the houses Chiefly 
Burnt. Found at this Fort Lieut. Ja's Hyndshaw w'th 25 
men he told me the Cap'tn with 5 men was gone up the 
River yesterday, and did not expect him back these two 
days, they had been informed from the Jerseys that 6 In- 
dians had been seen, and fired at the night before 18 
miles up the River. — Provincial Stores, 1 1 Good Muskets, 
14 Rounds of Powder & Lead for 30 men, 4 lb Powder, 
30 Blankets. 

"This Fort is a Square ab't 70 ft Each way, very 
Slightly Staccaded. I gave some direction to alter the 
Bastions which at present are of very little use, it is clear all 
round for 300 yards, and stands on the Banks of a Large 
Creek, and ab't l /± mi l e from the River Delaware, and I 
think in a very important Place for the Defence of this 
Frontier; at 3 P. M. I muster'd the people, and find them 
agreeable to the Lieu'ts Roll, Regularly inlisted. Find- 
ing here such a small Quantity of Powder and Lead, and 
this Fort the most Distant Frontier, I wrote a Letter to 
Cap'tn Arrend (Orndt), at Fort Norris, where there is 
a Large Quantity desiring he would deliver to this Fort 
30 lb Powder, and 90 lb Lead, and I promised he should 
have proper orders from his Superior Officer for so doing, 
in the meantime my letter should be his Security, in which 
I hope I have not done amiss as I thought it very neces- 
sary for the Good of this Service. 

" 24 June. — At 7 P. M. Came to Sam'l Dupues. . . ." 



The Forks of the Delaware. 



447 



The occurrences narrated under the head of Fort Ham- 
ilton apply also to the vicinity of Fort Hyndshaw. In 
addition there has been preserved the following journal 
of Captain Van Etten recording his doings in the neigh- 
borhood: 





CHAPTER XXXI. 

Journal kept by Captain John Van Etten, 1757. 

Of all the Proceedings and Circumstances of Affairs, 
together with all Busnis and Scouting Done by said 
Company, from the I st Day of December, 1756. 

" December y e I st , 1756. 
" 1. I went on Scout with the 
oldest Ser*, to see if there ware 
indians on the Cost, but discovr d 
none; we Returned safe to the 
fort. 

"2. After Releaving Guard Im- 
ploy d the men in hallind firewood. 
"3. Reliev d Guard and kept the men about the Gar- 
rison. 

"4. and 5. Paid some of the men, and for some pro- 
visions. 

" 6. Kept the men in their posts about the Garrison. 
" 7. I went on Scout with 2 men and made no Dis- 
covery; Return' 1 safe to the Fort at Night and found all 
in Good order. 

(448) 




Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 449 

" 8. and 9. The men Divided, one part standing on 
Sentery while the other Cut and Hall d firewood. 

" 10. I went out on Scout with one man and made no 
Discovery, and Return d safe to the fort. 

"11. The Lieu*, went on his Journey to Philadelphia, 
in order to get the pay for my men for 3 months ; the same 
Day, about 11 o'c I went out on Scout with 6 men and 
Traviled four milds out making no Discovery, Return d to 
the fort. 

" 12. Sunday and Rainey, we all staid at the Garrison. 

"13. In the morning, after Guard Relv d , I went out 
with six men on Scout and one Neighbour, and Traviled 
eight milds out and made no Discovery, and Return d to 
the Garrison all safe. 

" 14. After Guard Reliev d I went out with four men on 
Scout, and sent two men with Jacob Swortwood to Guarde 
him in fetching his Grane, where it might be thrash d . 

"15. I went with five men on Scout, and s d Jacob Swort- 
wood went again to his place with s d Guard, it being about 
four miles from the fort. At night, when I returned, tole 
me, that before he and s d Guard came to the field they 
saw a small Stack of Rye set out in a Large Shock of 30 
Sheves on a side, and places Left in the middle to Soot 
out at, and a bee hive set on the top. 

" 16. After the Guard Reliev d , I went with six men to 
the place, and order d two men with the Wagons to come 
sometime after when I had surrounded the field, then to 
come and take their Loads which was Done, but no Dis- 
covery of the Enemy. I wend then with two men through 
the woods and the rest of the men Guarded the Waggon, 
and we all returned safe to the fort. 

" 17. It snow d ; I made a pair of Mokesons for myself 
to Scout in. 



45° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 1 8. After the Guard Reliev d I went to Scout with 
six men, and went about Six milds from the fort and found 
the Snow in many places half Leg deep; we Discovering no 
Enemy, all Returned safe to the fort. 

" 19. It was Sunday, one of the Corporals with 4 men 
went on Scout but made no Discovery, and all Returned 
safe to the Fort. 

" 20. It Snow d , therefore we all kept the fort. 

"21. The Corporal with 5 men hall d firewood to the 
Fort, and I went with 3 men on Scout, and four milds out 
finding the Snow knee deep, but made no Discovery, and 
Returned to the fort after dark. 

" 22. After the Guard Reliev d we cleared of the Snow 
round the Fort, in order to go to work to build a block- 
house. 

"23. We all kept the fort. 

" 24. And to the end of the month, the Snow Render- 
ing it unfit for Work or Scouting, we cleared the Parade 
and kept the men to their Exercise twice a day, in which 
time I paid of the men. 

" January y e I st , 1757. 

" 1. Reliev d Guard and Exercis d the men, and kept the 
fort. 

" 2. Sunday, kept the fort. 

"3. Stormy weather. 

" 4. Kept the men to their Exercise. 

" 5. The same. 

" 6. Hall d firewood for the fort. 

" 7. Exercis d the men twice. 

" 8. Hall d firewood, having the advantage of the Snow. 

" 9. Sunday, all kept the fort. 

"10. I went on Scout with Six men, and Night on us 
we lodg d at Daniel Shoemakers. 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 451 

"11. Returned home to the fort. 

"12. I went on Scout with 4 men, made no discovery, 
and all Returned to the fort. 

"15. Hall d firewood for the fort. 

"17. I went on Scout with 5 men, Discovering nothing, 
Return 3 to the fort. 

" 19. I, with the Leu*, went on Scout with 6 men, and 
traviled 3 milds out, and Returned to the Fort, Discovering 
nothing. 

" 20. I went out on Scout with two men and made no 
Discovery; Return d safe to the fort. 

"21. Reliev d Guard and kept the fort. 

" 22. I went out with one man on Scout about 7 milds 
from the fort, Discover 3 nothing, and Returned safe to 
the fort. 

" 23. Receiv d order from Hon bl Cor 11 , Dated 16 Instant, 
that as soon as the Season would admit to Dissipline the 
men in the English Exercise, and to teach them the Indian 
method of war, the which was immediately observ d and 
daily practis d . 

" 30. Receiv d Orders from the Hon bl Cor 11 to Inlist men 
to fill up my Company, to consist of fifty men, Encluding 2 
Serj ts , 2 Corporals and a Drummer. 

" Febrawary y e 4th. 
"Then writ to Maj 1 ' W m Persons, Discovering the ne- 
cessity we ware in of Ammonission. 

" 6. Receiv d an answer with 29 lb of Lead. 
" 7. Keept the men to their Exercise as usual. 
" 9. Excessive bad weather. 
" 11. After Guard Reliev d hall d firewood. 
" 12. Snow, which made it unfit for Exercise. 
" 14. Kept the men to their Exercise. 



452 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 1 6. Hall d firewood for the fort. 

" 17. The men Exercis d twice. 

" 18. and 19. The same. 

" 20. Sunday, kept the Fort. 

"21. Went out on Scout with 4 men, but finding it so 
uncomfortable Traviling, and making no Discovery, Re- 
turn d to the Fort. 

" 22. and 23. The men kept to their Exercise. 

" 24. After Guard Reliev d hall d firewood. 

"25. Kept the men to their Exercise, and to the End 
of the month. 

"March the I st , 1757. 

"At Eight O'c Reliev d Guard and Exercis d the men 
twice. 

" 4. After Guard Reliev d , orderd the old Guard to Hall 
firewood for the fort. 

" 6. Sunday, Reliev d Guard at 8 O'c and then Exercis d 
the men. 

"7. After Guard Reliev d went out on Scout with ten 
men, Travil d about Six milds, made no Discovery, and 
Return d to the fort. 

" 9. Exercis d the men twice. 

" 10. Exercisd the men twice. 

11 11. After Guard Reliev d at 8 O'c, Hall d firewood for 
the fort. 

" 12. After Guarde Reliev d I went with Six men on 
Scout, and traviled about Six milds and made no Discovery, 
and all Return d safe to the fort. 

" 13. Sunday, Reliev d at 8 O' , and all kept Garrison. 

" 14. After Guard Reliev d went on Scout with 8 men, 
Discovering nothing Return d to the fort. 

11 16. After Guard Reliev d , hall d fire wood for the fort. 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 453 

" 17. Disslplind the men twice. 

" 18. After Guard Reliev d I went on Scout with 5 men, 
made no Discovery, and Return* 1 to the fort. 

" 19. Reliev d Guard, Dissiplind the men, and hall d fire 
wood. 

" 20. Relievd Guarde at 8 0' c , and all kept the fort. 

"21. Went on my Journey for Easton in order to attend 
Court, leaving the Charge of the Company w* the Leu*., 
and being Detaind by Reson of Bad weather I attended 
the whole term. 

"28. I Return 3 Safe to my Company at Fort Hynd- 
shaw, finding all thing in good order and my men in health. 

" 29. Relievd Guarde and Dissiplind the men twice. 

"30. After Guarde Reliev d went on Scout with 4 men, 
and others imploy d in hailing fire wood for the fort. 

April I st . 

"After Guard Reliev d I went on Scout with 4 men, and 
went about 4 milds, making no Discovery Returnd to the 
fort. 

" 2. Relievd Guard and Disciplind the men. 

" 3. Sunday, Reliev d Guard and kept the Fort. 

" 4. Dissiplin d the men twice. 

" 5. Reliev d Guard, then imploy the men in hailing fire 
wood. 

" 6. Dissiplind the men. 

" 7. Rec d an Order, dated March 28 th , from the Hon bl 
Cor 11 Wizer, commanding me immediately to Send an 
Atachment of men, 16 in number, to Relieve the Com- 
pany station d at Fort Hamilton. 

"8. Took possession of s d fort according to my orders, 
and the Company march d of Leaving the fort in my care. 



« 



454 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 9. A Coppy of a Letter from Maj r Will m Parsons, 
sent to then commander at fort Hambleton, I being there 
and no other. I open' 1 the same, and found it to be a 
Coppy from the original, sent by Jacob Snyder, Insign, 
being then Commander at fort Norris, with which I could 
not content myself, but went of immediately to Easton to 
see the Maj r . 

" 10. Then spoke with the Maj r at his own House, who 
order 11 that the Leu 4 ., with 25 men of my Company, should 
immediately march to Riddin to the Cor"s, there to Rec d 
further orders. 

"11. Return d home to fort Hyndshaw, Receiving the 
Original of the Maj' IS order by the way, and acquainted 
the Leu 1 , with the affair. 

" 12. Got the men ready for a march. 

" 13. Convey d the Leu*, with s d Company as far as fort 
Hambleton. 

" 14. The Leu*. march d with said Company about Eight 
O'Clock in the morning from Fort Hambleton, and I Re- 
turned to fort Hyndshaw. 

" 15. Dissiplind the men. 

" 16. Went to see the Maj' r . 

" 20. Return' 1 to Fort Hyndshaw, visiting Fort Ham- 
bleton on my way, and found all things in good order at 
both Forts. The Night following an Express came from 
fort Hambleton to me at fort Hyndshaw, with an accomp 1 
of a murder Committed about Sun set. 

"21. Went to Port Hambleton with 7 men, and found 
it to be one Countryman, a Lad of about 17 years of age, 
Kill' 1 and Scalp' 1 by the Indians, about 100 Rods from 
the fort Hambleton, which I took up and Buried the same 
day; Return' 1 safe with my men to fort Hyndshaw. 

" 22. Dissiplined the men twice. 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 455 

"23. Imploy d the men in hailing firewood to the fort. 

" 24. Sunday, all Kept the fort. 

"25. My Serj 1 Leonard Den, with 2 men of for sub- 
sistance to Sam 11 Depues, having got within about 2 milds 
of s d depues, s d Sej* was shot, the 2 men Return 3 and 
inform 3 me of it, where upon an allarm was beat, and the 
neighbours all gather 3 to the fort; myself with 7 men went 
of immediately and found him Kill 3 and Scalp 3 , and in- 
tirely Strip 3 and shamefully cut, that his bowls was Spred 
on the Ground, I immediately sent of 3 men to s 3 Depues 
for a Wagon, which being come we carried him to s 3 
Depues, where we kept guarde that night. 

" 26. Early in the morning we Buried him in a Christian 
manner, & all Return 3 to Fort Hyndshaw. 

" 27. Dissiplind the men, increasing our Sentinels as 
far as our week circumstance would allow. 

"28. Dissiplind the men, giving them such Causion as 
I thought needfull. 

" 29. and 30. Guarded the neighbours in their neces- 
sary busines, with all that could possibly Leave the fort. 

"May I st . 

" Sunday, all Kept the fort. 

" 2. Dissiplind the men at 8 0' c in the morning, then 
imploy 3 the men in hailing firewood for the Garrison. 

" 3. Dissiplin 3 the men at 8 0' c in the morning, then I 
went on Scout with 5 men, and traviled about 5 milds and 
Discovered nothing, and all Return 3 safe to the fort. 

" 4. Dissiplin 3 the men at 8 0' c in the morning, then I 
went on Scout with 5 men, & traviled about 6 milds, Dis- 
covering nothing; all Return 3 safe to the fort. 

"5. About Eight in the morning, word came to me that 
an Indian was seen about 3 quarters of a mild from the 



456 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

fort; I went out immediately in persuit of them with Eight 
men & one neighbour, and found it true by seeing his 
track, but could not come up with him ; but my men from 
the fourt saw him Running from us at a Considerable dis- 
tance from us, as they Likewise at the same time Could 
see some of my Company, as the few I left to Keep the 
fort affirm' 3 to me at my Return, but I seeing nothing of 
him Return d with my men safe to the fort. 

" The same day one of my men, coming from a field 
where I sent a Guard to Guard the neighbours at there 
work, saw three Indians coming down a mountain near s d 
field, he gave me notice, I immediately went out with s d 
man and 2 others in persuit of them, not thinking it proper 
to go very far, the Garison being left very weak. I stood 
on guard with 2 men, while one went to allarm the Guard 
that was in the field, then Returnd to the fort, Discovering 
nothing. 

" 6. At Eight of the Clock Dissiplind the men, after 
which some of my men, who had observ d the night before 
as they were on Sentury, that the Dogs Keept an unusual 
barking and running to a particular place, went to see what 
the occasion should be, and found that an Indian had stood 
behind a tree about 25 yards from the fort; being told I 
went to see and found it true, his tracks being visible 
enough to be seen; in the afternoon I went on Scout with 
4 men and a neighbour, but made no Discovery, and all 
Returnd safe to the fort. 

"7. The men call to their Exercise at the usual time, 
after which I went w th 4 men to a Smiths shop where we 
made an Instrument to take a Bullit out of my Horse, who 
was shot when Ser*. Den was Kill* 1 and all Return d safe 
to the fort. 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 457 

" 8. Sunday, assisted some of the neighbours with their 
Goods and families to the fort. 

" 9. Dissiplind the men, after which Guarded two of 
the neighbours in their necessary Bussiness, with what men 
could be Spaird, and continued the same to the 

" 15. Sunday, we all Kept the fourt. 

" 16. Tho weak handed, I went on Scout with 4 men, 
traviled about 4 milds, made no Discovery, and Return d 
safe to the fort. 

" 17. Dissiplind the men at 8 0' c in the morning, then 
guarded the neighbours with all I could Spair from the 
fort. 

" 18. Exercised the men twice, and all kept the fort. 

" 19. After Exercising the men, Guarded the neigh- 
bours with all that could be Spaird from the fort. 

" 20. The Corporal, with 3 men, went on Scout by my 
order, traviled about 3 milds, mad no Discovery, and Re- 
turn 3 to the fort. 

"21. Att 4 0' c , afternoon, Receiv d a letter from Cap*. 
Busse to send a Corp 11 , with 5 men, to meat him at Lest 
on the 22 day, to Guard him to fort Allin, which men 
Dispach d in half an hour. 

" 22. Sunday, we few which Remaind all kept the fort. 

" 23. About 10 o'clock in the morning I receiv d a Letter 
from Maj'r Parson, wherein he Desir d me to come to 
Easton to Rec e my pay, with the pay for my men ; I having 
then but 19 men Left me to keep the Fort, I took the Case 
together with my men into consideration, who all Beg d of 
me not to leave the fort, where upon I wrote to the Maj' r 
and Beg d of him to Consider our Circumstance, and Ex- 
cuse me untill the men Return d . 

" 24. Dissiplind the Men at Eight in the morning, and 
all kept the fort, being week handed. 



458 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 25. I went on Scout with 3 men, and traviled about 
3 milds in the mountains and Discover 11 nothing; Return* 1 
to the fort. 

" 26. Dissiplind the men, and all staid about the fort. 

" 27. Dissiplind the men twice. 

"28. At 2 ,c , in the afternoon, the men, who with 
Comisary Young, from Easton to fort Allen, Return* 1 all 
in Helth. 

" 29. Exercis* 1 the men, and all kept the fort. 

" 30. I went on Scout with 3 men, and traviled about 4 
milds, discover* 1 nothing and Return* 1 to the fort. 

"31. Dissiplind the men at 8 0' c in the morning, after- 
noon went on Scout with 4 men, went about 3 milds from 
the fort, Discover* 1 nothing and Returnd to the fort. 

"June y e I st . 

" The Corporal, with 3 men, went on Scout, and gave 
account of no Discovery on their Return. 

" 2. Five men sent to Sam 11 Depues for Subsistence, in 
the afternoon the fort allarm* 1 by hearing several Guns 
jfird, I immediately, with 3 men, went to find out the Rea- 
son, & found it to be some who unwittingly shot at fowle 
in the River. Our men all Return* 1 safe about Sunsett. 

"3. I sett of on my Journey for Philadelphia, about 4 
O' Clock in the afternoon, with 6 men as a Guarde, and 
came all safe to Fort Hambleton, and found everything in 
good order there. 

" 4. At 8 0' c in the morning Dissiplind the men, and 
gave strict orders to the Sergant to keep the men Exact to 
there duty, and about 4 0' c afternoon I persued my 
Journey. 

"5. I lay sick by the way within five milds of Easton. 

" 6. Came to Easton and paid my Respects to Maj r 
Persons. 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 459 

"7. Notwithstanding the 111 Surcomstance of Body I 
was in I persued my Jorney. 

" 8. About 4 in the afternoon I came to Philadelphia, 
and Deliver d the Express sent to Maj 1 ' Persons, just as it 
was sent to him to his Hon 1 ' the Governor, who Desir d me 
to wait on him at 12 0' c the next day. 

"9.I waited on his Honour as was requested, the an- 
swer from Mr. Petters was that my Busines should be 
done the next day at 9 0' c in the morning. 

" 10, 11 and 12. I waited, but it was not done accord- 
ing to Expectation. 

"13. About 3 0' c in the afternoon I left the Town. 

" 14. About two in the afternoon I came to Easton, I 
directly paid my Respects to Maj r Persons, who told me 
I should take a Supply of Ammonicion, where upon I 
provided Sacks and took 100 lb of powder, 100 lb of 
Lead, and a 100 Flints, and also Rec d a Coppy from his 
Honour, the Governors orders to Remove to fort Ham- 
bleton, and left Easton about 6 0' c and went about five 

milds. 

"15. Came safe to fort Hambleton with the Ammo- 
nicion, about 6 0' c afternoon, and found all things in good 

order. 

" 16. At Eight 0' c in the morning Displ d the men and 
ordered them all to shoot at a mark at Armes End, and 
some of them did Exceeding well then ; taking a Scort of 
men with me I went to Fort where we all arrived safe. I 
immediately call d the men to Arms, and Ordred every 
one to get their Cloaths, and what ever they had, together 
as quick as possible, and be Redy to march to for Ham- 
bleton. 

" 17 and 18. After Dissiplining the men as usual, we 
made everything Redy for our march. 



460 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

" 19. About 9 0' c in the morning we all march fl from 
Fort Hyndshaw, with all the Baggage, and all arrived safe 
at fort Hambleton, and met with no opposition, and found 
all things in good order there. 

" 20. At Eight in the morning call d the men under 
Arms, and after Exercising the men, order d out Six men 
on Samuel Dupues Request, to Guard him in taking his 
wife to the Doct 1 ', at Bethlehem, who tarried all night at 
s d Depues; the same day I went on Scout with 4 men and 
one neighbour to git acquainted with the woods, as also to 
See if any Discovery could be made of the Enemy, but 
made no Discovery and Return d to the fort. 

"21. At 8 0' c Exercis d the men, about 12 0'° the 
Guard, with s d Depue & wife, came to the fort; then order d 
a Guar d of ten men, who went of under the Care of a Cor- 
poral with s d Depue with orders, that after they had 
Guarded s d Depue as far as was needful, to Carry a Mes- 
sage from me to the Maj r , at Easton and to Return as 
soon as Dispatch could be made. 

" 22. Exercis d the men that Remand at the fort as 
Usual; nothing Extreordinary hapned, so all kept the fort. 

" 23. In the morning, near Eleven 0' c , the fort was 
allarm d by some of the neighbours who had made their 
escape from the Enemy, five of them in Company near 
Brawdheads house, seeking their horses in order to go 
to mill, was fir d upon by the Enemy, and said that one of 
them, John Tidd by name, was Kill d , whereupon I imme- 
diately Draughted out 9 men, myself making the tents, 
in as private a manner as possible, and as privately went 
back into the mountains in order to make a Discovery, giving 
Strict orders to those left to fire the wall peace to allarm 
us, if any attact should be attempted on the fort in my 
absence there, but Six men left at the fort, and coming in 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 461 

sight of s d house, on the back side Perceiv d a small smoke 
arise at s d House, then traviling about a Quarter of a mild 
in order to surround them, we heard four Guns, the first 
of which being much louder then the rest, Expected the 
fort was attacted, where upon we Retreeted back about a 
Quarter of a mild, and hering no more Guns, my Councel 
was to go to the House, but my pilot, who was well ac- 
quainted with the woods, thought it best to place ourselves 
in ambush, for they would come that way, he said; and 
as we ascended the mountain in order to place ourselves 
we saw the house in a blaze, and the pilot thought best to 
Retire a little nearer the house and the fort, where we 
might have a better view, and in the Retreet we heard 14 
Guns fir d as Quick after each other as one could count, 
then we plac d our selves in two Companies, the better to 
waylay them; the party that was nearest between the house 
and the fort soon saw 27 Endeavouring to git between 
them and the fort, I, with the other party saw 5 more 
comeing on the other side, we found that we were dis- 
cover d and like to be surrounded by a vast number, where- 
fore we all Retreted and got between them and the fort, 
then haulting they came in view. I then Calinged them 
to come, and fir d at them, and altho at a Considerable dis- 
tance, it was Generally thought one of them kill d , by ther 
Sqootting and making off, then we all Retir d to the fort; 
Immediately upon our Return, a Scout of 13 men from 
the Jarsey, who were in search of Edw d Marshals wife, 
who was kill'd some time ago, came to the fort, being 
brought there by seeing the smoke and hearing the Guns 
fir d , who all seem d forward to go after them, where I, with 
my nine men, went out with them, but having got some 
distance out they would go to the house to see whether 
the s d man was kill d . Being come, we found him Kill d 



462 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

and Scalp d , his Body and face Cut in an inhuman manner, 
Cattle also lying dead on the Ground, where upon they all 
went of and left me with my small number to take care of 
the Dead man; whereupon we took him up and Returned 
to the fort, in which time my men that went to Easton 
Return d to the fort. 

" 24. Att about nine in the morning, having made redy, 
I went with 1 8 men and buried the man, then went from 
the grave in search and found 15 Cattle, Horses and hogs 
dead, besides two that was shot, one with 5 bulks, the 
other with one, and yet there are many missing, out of 
which the Enemy took, as we Judg, the value of two 
Beaves and almost one Swine — in the Evening sent an 
Express by two men to the Maj rs . 

" 25. Disciplined the men, nothing Extraordinary 
hapned, all Kept the fort that night; the two men that 
went with the Express to Easton Returnd in safety to 
the fort. 

" 26. Early in the morning Rec d the Maj rs Letter, 
wherein he show d himself very uneasy that the men from 
Fort Norris had not Joyn d me, and Desir d me to send to 
fort Norris to know the Reason; and thinking it might be 
occasion d for want of Cariages to bring their Stores, Desir d 
me to indeavour to send a Wagon theather, accordingly as 
I was indeavouring all I could in compliance of the Maj rs 
Desire, about 3 0' c in the afternoon, Lieu* Hyndshaw 
came to the fort with ten men from Cap*. Weatherhold, 
and Six from Fort Norris, showing his order from Cor 11 
Weiser, for him to Command Fort Hamilton, and for me 
to abide with a small number of men at Fort Hyndshaw. 

" 27. At Eight in the morning call* 1 my men under 
Armes as usual, and Draughted out Eleven men and sent 
them under the care of a Corp 11 , with 3 neighbours, in 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 463 

search of some Cattle, which they fear d ware taken or 
Kill d by the Enemy, at which time the Lieu*, undertook 
to talk with me, and propos d to me that if I would Let 
him have Six out of the men I had with me, to Joyn the 
men he had from Cap tn Weaterhold, he would go to Fort 
Hyndshaw and stay there untill further orders, and Leave 
the Six men he brought from Fort Norris with me, which 
I could not Comply with, as not being in my power, having 
mov d to Fort Hamilton by his Honours, the Governors 
order, there to be reinforce d by a Detachment from Fort 
Norris, then to stay untill further orders, at which the 
Lieu*, went off with a Sej*, and a waiting man he brought 
w* him from fort Auguston, and left the 16 men he brought 
under no bodies care; the Scout which went out all Re- 
turn d safe to the fort, finding what they went in search 
of, all well. 

" 28. After Exercissing my men as Usual, I sent out a 
Scout of 12 men under the care of Serj*., who travild Six 
milds out, and all Return d safe to the fort, making no Dis- 
covery. I being not fully satisfied on the ace* of the men 
Left with me, whome I could do no less to then feed and 
Give them their proper allowance of Rum, wherefore I 
wrote to the Maj r , laying the Circumstance of the matter 
as plain as possible befor him, Desiring his advice what 
to do in the Case, the which I sent of in the Evening by 
the Serj*. and one man with him. 

" 29. After Exercising the men I sent of Six men, under 
the Care of the Corporal, with Six of those men which the 
Lieu*, left, who voluntarily went to assist and to Guard 
one Peter Snyder, in taking of some Cattle whome he had, 
fled of and Left some time ago, least they should be Kill d 
by the Enemy; in the Night the Serj*, w* the man that 
went w* him Return d safe from Easton, with a letter from 



464 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the Maj 1 *, wherein he advis d me to put the s d men on duty 
which was left w* me, and where as he Expected Cor 11 
Weiser to be hare in a few days, to keep the fort untill he 
came, also Desir d me to Endeavour to hasten Lieu*. Engles 
march to fort Hambleton. 

"30. I put the men left w* me on duty in the afternoon, 
the men that Guarded Peter Snyder all Returnd safe to 
the fort. 

"July 1. 

"In the morning Call d my men under Armes, Draughted 
out ten men whom I sent under the Care of the Serj*, with 
nine of those men the Lieu*, left at the fort, whome I 
orderd where and how far they should travil on Scout, the 
which they perform 3 and Return d about one, after noon. 
About one O'c, after noon, the Lieu*, came past the fort, 
stoping at John McMackills, soon after Came to the fort 
and show d an Order from Cor 11 Weiser, that I should 
Resign the Command of Fort Hambleton to him, upon 
which I Call d my men under armes, and as I was sending 
for the Lieu*, to Give up the Command to him, the Cen- 
tunal hearing musick, acquainted me with it; I Expecting 
it was the Cor 11 coming, delaid untill the Cor* 1 came, who 
weighing the Circumstances of things, continued me in 
possession of s d Fort. 
"A True Journal of All Transactions in Captain John Van 

Etten's Company from the Second Day of July. 

"July y e 2d, 1757. 

"At Eight in the morning the men called to armes, at 
which time the Cor" took a view of the men and their 
arms, and finding all in good order, after Giving Orders 
for the Regulation of the Company about 12 o'clock, the 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 465 

Cor 11 with his attendance marched off, after which we all 
kept the fort. 

"3. All Kept the Fort it being Sunday. 

" 4. After Disciplining the men a party of twelve men 
under the Command of a Serj* sent to Sam 11 Depues with 
a Team for Necessary Subsistance, and all Returnd safe 
to the fort in the evening according to orders. 

"5. Very Rainy Weather unfit for Scouting or Exer- 
cise, all keept the fort. 

" 6. At Eight in the Morning calld the men to their 
Exercise, and Gave the men necessary Council how to 
behave according to the Orders Given to me by the Cor 11 , 
at which time Complaind was made to me by some of the 
men that some of the Neighbours which Resided in the 
fort ware Lousey, by which means the whole Garrison 
would be in the same condition. I then Orderd the Corp 11 
with 3 men to assist him to make a search, and found that 
one Henery Countryman his family, and one John Hillman 
and his family ware Lousey, I ordred them out of the 
fort to their own house, it being but about 8 or 9 Rods 
from the fort, then Imployd the men to Clean the fort 
within Doors and without, which was accordingly done, 
also sent out a scout of four men with 3 neighbours who 
voluntarily went in hopes to find some Cattle they had 
missing to Return the same Day, which they did in the 
Evening all safe to the fort, making no Discovery of any 
Enemy. 

" 7. At Eight in the morning I calld the men to their 
Exercise then Devided the men into two Guards, Each 
Guarde to stand their Day, those that ware not on Guarde 
to be imploy'd in Scouting, Guarding the Neighbours and 
in things necessary to be done about the fort, and gave 
strict orders to those that ware on guarde that they should 



466 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

not Leave their post nor go from the fort, and that Every 
Sentunal should behave well on his post, about one o'clock 
after noon having occasion to go to John McMickles, saw 
John Jough Coming out of the woods with hooppolls on 
his Sholder, who was one of the Guarde, Immediately the 
Corp" came to s d house, I then went home, and finding 
the Glass ran out I examined the matter and found that 
the Sentunal had stood his proper time out and ought to 
be Reliev'd. I therefore calld the next man on the List 
and see to his Relieff myself, the men that ware not on 
Guarde I imployd in banking up the Earth against the 
Stockaders to prevent the waters Settling and running into 
the well which I found to be the Ocasion that the water 
was so bad in the well. 

" 8. At Eight in the morning Relievd Guard, after 
which I imployd the old Guard in clearing out the well. 

"9. After Guard Relievd, a scout of ten men with the 
Serj* went w* some of the Neighbours to Mr. Broadhead's 
place, who went on Necesary Busines and met no opposi- 
tion, and all Return'd safe to the fort. 

" 10. Sunday, a scout of 6 men went to Sam 11 Depues 
on Necesary Busines, on their Return said they heard a 
person whistle, which was supposed to be an Indian, but 
see nothing, all Returnd safe to the fort. 

"11. After Guarde Relievd, the Serj* with the old 
Guarde ten men Set out on Scout to travil South-East, and 
as far as to Return by night which was performd, Meet- 
ing no Opposition nor Discovering any Signs of the Enemy 
all returnd safe to the fort. 

" 12. At Eight in the morning calld the men to their 
Exercise and Relievd Guards, after which upon John 
McMickels Impertunity ordred ten men as a Guarde, 
where he was Cutting his harvest some Distance from the 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 467 

fort, with whom I went mySelf and placed them to the 
best advantage I could ordering none to fire his Gun except 
at an Enemy, and that 3 Guns should be an Allarm, they 
meeting no opposition all returned safe to the fort. 

"13. After the men exercised and Guard Repievd, it 
was my intent to Guard John Mc Mickle as the Day 
before but his Son in Law Coming from a Long Jorney 
or voiage Detained him from Labour, wherefore I then 
took the Old Guard consisting of ten men and three Neigh- 
bours, with whom I went on Scout Directing my course 
about 5 miles from the fort, and from thence west 2 miles, 
thence by Judgment northerly so as to come to the fort in 
which way we came by the Sepperates Meeting house, 
where we found the Enemy had Lodgd not long since, 
they Leaving a Bed of Fern even in the pulpit, But meet- 
ing no oposition all returned safe to the fort. 

" 14. At Seven in the Morning calld the men to their 
Exercise & Relievd Guard, I then went with John Mc 
Mickle and ten of my men as a Guard, to Guard said Mc 
Mickle and men Imployd at his harvest, posting five men 
a Small Distance from the field, which I thought best to 
discover the Enemy if any Should attempt to fall upon 
the people at work, the other five I posted in the field, 
about 3 o'clock afternoon I went w* the Corporal Round 
to the Sentunals as privately as we could and found them 
all on their guard. 

"15. It being very Rainey unfit to be out with arms we 
all kept the Fort. 

" 16. The Rain Continueing until near 12 o'clock I 
then went to John Mac Mickle and askd him wheather 
he was Redy to go to his harvest, But I saw no prepara- 
tion or Inclination for it, wherefore I went to the fort 
intending to go on scout with a part of the men after 



468 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Dinner, but before we ware redy four men came to the 
fort with an order from Cor 11 Weiser, dated June 14, 
1757, the Contents were as followeth, that he had Sent 
Orders to Lieu* Hyndshaw to attend the Treaty with the 
ten men of Cap* Weaterholts Company with him who 
ware then at Fort Hyndshaw, and Orderd me therefore 
without fail to send ten men from fort Hamilton to replace 
those Ordered away, where upon I immediately draughted 
out nine men, the Corp 11 making the tenth whome I sent 
off to the Lieu* the same day, as soon as possably they 
could make them Selves Redy which was in about half 
an hour after Receiving the Cor lls Orders Under the Cair 
of the Corp 11 with Orders to the Lieu*, to station them as 
he thought fit, the which he posted at Sam 11 Depues. 

"17. Sunday, seven of my small party of men left with 
me with four neighbours went on scout under the Com- 
mand of the Serj*, who Traviled South-westerly about six 
miles, then taking a Compass northerly all returned safe 
to the fort making no Discovery of any Enemy. 

" 18. At Eight in the morning I went with five men and 
guarded John McMickle at his harvest placing 3 Sentunals 
a small Distance from the field, and two in the field with 
the men at work, they meeting no Opposition all returned 
safe to the fort. 

" 19. Early in the morning one Garrit Bradhead ap- 
plied to me for a guard to which I told him I would do 
for him what Lay in my power with the few men I had, I 
then ordred five men under the Cair of the Serj* & went my 
Self with one man to accompany me to the fort, and placed 
the Sentunals in the best manner I could for Safty, Leaving 
orders with the Serj* that fireing 3 guns should be an 
allarm, and then returned to the fort, and tended guard 
unti' ye Second Double Sentury. 



Journal Kept by Captain John Van Etten. 469 

" 20. Guarded s'd Bradhead as the day Before, and all 
returnd safe to the fort. 

"21. In Compliance with the Cor lls order early in the 
morning I sent to Sam 11 Depues for the he had in keeping 
in order to send my message to the Cor 11 at Easton, who 
returnd with sd Mare safe in the Evening also 4 men 
Guarded John Drake at his harvest with orders to give an 
account of what hapnd, which was all was well, but as to 
their behaviour after their coming to the fort, I shall 
acquaint the Cor 11 of the matter." 

With this diary ends our history of Fort Hyndshaw. 
It is probable that it was abandoned as a defensive sta- 
tion even before Fort Hamilton, and with the gradual 
approach of peace, there only remained for it to stand 
as a silent memento of the terrible events of the past. 




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CHAPTER XXXII. 




Dupui's Fort. 

^HE oldest settlement in 
Vk Pennsylvania was, most 
likely, that at the " Minisink 
Flats," along the upper Dela- 
ware above the present town of 
Stroudsburg. Those who settled 
there came from New York 
Province, by way of the road, 
one hundred miles long, which 
had been opened from Esopus (now Kingston) to the Mine 
Holes on the Jersey side of the Delaware River near 
Stroudsburg. The settlers consisted, principally, of Dutch, 
with a sprinkling of Germans and other nationalties. It 
was by mere chance that the tide of German emigration 
from New York Province into Pennsylvania was diverted 
from the Minisink to the Tulpehocken region. A full ac- 
count of this interesting subject will be found in the pub- 
lications of the Pennsylvania-German Society, Vol. IX., 
Among those who came to this locality, somewhat later, 
was Samuel Dupui, a Huguenot Frenchman, who settled 

(470) 



Dupui's Fort. 471 

originally at Esopus, there married a Dutch girl, and, some 
time prior to 1725, came to the Minisink region. He 
purchased a large portion of the level lands on which the 
present town of Shawnee is situated, of the Minsi Indians 
in 1727, and likewise two large islands in the Delaware — 
Shawano and Manwalamink. Subsequently, in 1733, he 
purchased the same property of William Allen. Here, 
on the Delaware River, five and one-half miles from where 
the present town of Stroudsburg stands, Dupui built a log 
house, his first home, which was afterwards replaced by a 
stone house, of spacious size, and which he occupied at the 
outbreak of Indian hostilities in 1755. 

Prominently situated, as it was, just beyond the moun- 
tain, where it commanded the populous region above, as 
well as the district below, with the approaches to Easton, 
Bethlehem, etc., it was but natural to occupy the building 
at once, especially as its substantial character, in itself, 
made it an admirable place of defense and refuge. 

It stood about two hundred feet west by south from 
Mr. Robert Depuy's present farm house, on the road lead- 
ing from the main road to the ferry. From here the main 
road runs in a westerly direction to Stroudsburg, five and 
one-half miles, and the Delaware Water Gap, and in a 
northeasterly direction to Bushkill, by the river, where 
stood, formerly, Fort Hyndshaw. There was an old 
spring on its site, and numerous relics have since been found 
on the spot which corroborate the location given. 

As early as December, 1755, Captain Isaac Wayne was 
temporarily on duty at the place, but was soon relieved by 
Captain Nicholas Wetterholt, who remained in charge. 

This is what Commissary Jas. Young has to say about 
it, when he reached it on his tour of inspection : 

"June 24, 1756. ... At 7 P. M. Came to Sam'l 



472 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 




I) u pui's Fort. 473 

Depues, mustered that Part- of Capt'n Weatherholt's 

Comp'y that are Stationed here, a Lieu't and 26 men all 
regularly Inlisted for 6 months as are the rest of his 
Comp'y; Round Depues house is a Large but very Slight 
and ill Contriv'd Staccadc with a Sweevle Gun mounted on 
each Corner. M'r Depue was not at home, his Son with 
a Son of M'r Broadheads Keeping house. They e\- 
press'd themselves as if they thought tin- Province \v;is 
oblig'd to them for allowing this Party to be in (heir house, 
allso made use of very arrogant Expressions of the Com- 
missioners, and the People of Phil'a in General; they seem 
to make a mere merchandize of the People Stationed here, 
selling Rum at 8 d p'r Gill. — Provincial Stores, [3 ( ,\1 
Muskets, 3 Cartooch Boxes, 13 lb Powder, 22 lb. Lead." 
Mr. Young's criticism of the family is hardly fair, and 
was doubtless occasioned by some little occurrence not to 
his liking. When we remember that these people, and 
others, had been living for years on their plantations, 
many of them purchased fairly from the Indians, which, 
at considerable expense and labor, had been brought to a 
high state of cultivation, and were then suddenly con- 
fronted by the English from Philadelphia, who bluntly 
told them the lands were theirs and that they would either 
be obliged to purchase them over again or leave them, we 
can readily believe that they did not have the most cordial 
feling towards the English. Notwithstanding this fact, 
however, nowhere else is there found any harsh criticism 
against Mr. Dupui, but, on the contrary, many kind ex- 
pressions. I Ic may have sold rum to the garrison, but 
that was merely following what was then very customary, 
and it is hardly to be expected that he could keep the sol- 
diers supplied with that necessary of life for nothing. 



474 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

On March 2, 1758, Major James Burd likewise visited 
the place on a tour of inspection and reported it to be 
" a very fine Plantation, Situate upon the River Delaware, 
21 miles from Tead's & 100 miles from Phila'a, they go 
in Boats from hence to Phila'a by the River Delaware, 
which carrys about 22 Ton. This place is 35 miles from 
Easton and 38 from Bethlehem. There is a pretty good 
Stockade here & 4 Sweevells mounted & good accommo- 
dation for soldiers. 

u 3 'd Friday. 

" Revewed this Garrison and found here 22 good men, 
. . . Extreme cold. The Country apply for a Company 
to be Stationed here. Ordered Ensigne Hughes to his 
Post at Swettarrow." 

In June, 1758, Captain Bull, commanding at Fort Allen, 
having been notified of approaching danger, at once wrote 
Mr. Dupui as follows: 

"June ye 14th, 1758, at Fort Allen. 

"Mr. Samuel Depugh: 

" This is to let you know that there is this evening come 
to Fort Allen too white men from Wioming, one named 
Frederick Post, and one Thomson, who have been there 
with messages from the Government, who informs that 
there pass'd by Wioming a party of Indians, in number 
25, Being part of too hundred French Indians, on their 
way to the frontiers or Minisinks, these in hast from yours 
to Serve. 

"John Bull, Capt." 

Immediately Mr. Dupui wrote to Mr. Swain at Easton: 




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Dupui's Fort. 475 

"Smithfield, June 15th, 1758, at night. 

"Dear Sir: 

" Inclosed I send you Capt. Bull's letter to me from 
Fort Allen, with an acc't of Indians supposed to be on 
their way to this part of the Frontiers or Minisink, which 
is much to be feared, will prove most fatal to this part, 
as it is at present the most Defenceless, the Bearer of Mr. 
Bull's letter informs me that he saw 1 1 Indians between 
this and Fort Allen, but he Luckily made his escape, to 
this he says he is willing to be qualified, I hope D'r Sir you 
will be kind enough to take his qualification, and Trans- 
mit it to his Honour our Governor with a state of our 
present Defenceless Circumstances, interceding for us by 
imploring his hon'r to aid and assist us as much as in his 
power, as your influence I humbly apprehend is Great and 
yourself well acquainted with our Defenceless Situation, 
much mischief has been done in the Minisinks some time 
ago of which I believe you are by this time informed, last 
Thirsday the Indians began to renew their Barbarities 
by killing and scalping 2 men, and slightly wounding 
another, in the Minisinks, and this morning we heared 
the Disagreeable news of a Fort being taken at the upper 
end of the Minisinks, by a party of Indians supposed to 
be 40 in number, the white men it's said belonging to that 
Garrison were Farmers, and were out in their plantations 
when the Indians fired on them and Killed them, where- 
upon the Indians marched up to the Fort and took all the 
women and children Captive and carrying them away, and 
last night the Indians stole a ferry Boat at a place called 
Wallpack; and brought from the Jersey Shore to this side 
a large number of Indians, as appeared by their Tracks 
on the sand banks, so that we are in continual fear of their 



476 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

approach, I wish we may be able to Defend ourselves 
against them till it be his honour's power to assist us under 
God, he being our protector, and I make no Doubt from 
the Fatherly care his honour has been pleased to exercise 
over us since his succession to this province, But he will 
be willing to acquiesce with your reasonable and just senti- 
ments upon the whole, which believe me Dear Sir will 
always meet a grateful and adequate acknowledgment 
from your most Humble Servant. 

"Samuel Dupui." 

" P. S. — Should his Honour think proper to send men, 
he need not provide any further than their arrival here, I 
have provisions for them." 

With this letter ends our recorded history of Dupui's 
Fort, the last of the defenses employed against the Indians. 

Colonel Armstrong's Expedition Against 

KlTTANNING. 

The old Indian town of Kittanning was settled by the 
Delawares prior to 1730. Shingas, king of the Delawares, 
on whom Washington called, in 1753, at his residence near 
McKee's Rocks, occasionally resided with Captain Jacobs, 
at the Kittanning, on the left bank of the Allegheny, or, 
as it was then called, Ohio, which the Indians pronounced 
Oh-he-hu, or Ho-he-hu, meaning beautiful or handsome. 

Of Captain Jacobs we have previously heard. King 
Shingas, says Heckewelder, was " a bloody warrior, cruel 
his treatment, relentless his fury, small in person, but in 
activity, courage and savage prowess unexcelled." 

After Braddock's defeat, when the entire frontier lay 
open to the enemy, it became necessary to secure infor- 
mation as to the numbers, etc., of the savages. To that 



Dupui's Fort. 477 

end a Delaware, named Jo Hickman, was sent, by George 
Croghan, to the Ohio, who returned in January, 1756, 
and reported that " he had gone to Kittanning, an Indian 
Delaware town on the Ohio (Allegheney) , forty miles 
above Fort Duquesne, the residence of Shingas and Capt. 
Jacobs, where he found 140 men, chiefly Delawares and 
Shawanese, who had there with them above 100 English 
prisoners, big and little, taken from Virginia and Penn- 
sylvania. From the Kittanning he went to Loggstown, 
where he found 100 Indians and 30 English prisoners; 
that he returned to Kittanning, and there learned that 10 
Delawares had gone to the Susquehanna to persuade, as 
he supposed, those Indians to strike the English who might 
have been concerned in the mischief lately done in North- 
ampton " (the Walking Purchase, etc.). 

It was from these headquarters that the savages made 
their continual forays upon the settlers, west of the Sus- 
quehanna in especial. When these marauding expeditions 
culminated in the destruction of Fort Granville, at the end 
of July, 1756, with its accompanying murders, it was 
determined to break up these harboring places. To that 
end an expedition was authorized, under the charge of 
Lieutenant Colonel John Armstrong commanding the 
Second Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regiment. While 
it is true that the majority of his force was composed of 
Scotch-Irish and English, yet it also contained, in its ranks, 
many of German blood. Armstrong, with three hundred 
and seven men of his force, was at Fort Shirley, Monday, 
September 3, 1756, whence he set out on his campaign. 
The events which followed are clearly detailed in the 
official report now to follow. 



47$ The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Colonel Armstrong's Account of the 
Expedition. 

11 May it please your honor: Agreeable to mine of the 
29th ult., we marched from Fort Shirley the day follow- 
ing, and on Beaver Dam, a few miles from Frankstown, 
on the North. Wednesday, the third instant, joined our 
advance party at the Branch of Juniata, we were there 
informed that some of our men having been out upon a 
scout had discovered the tracks of two Indians, about 
three miles on this side of the Allegheny Mountains, and 
but a few miles from the camp. From the freshness of 
the tracks, their killing of a cub bear, and the marks of 
their fires, it seemed evident that they were not twenty- 
four hours before us, which might be looked upon as a 
particular providence in our favor, that we were not dis- 
covered. Next morning we decamped, and in two days 
we came within 50 miles of Kittanning. It was then ad- 
judged necessary to send some persons to reconnoitre the 
Town, to get the best intelligence they could concerning 
the situation and position of the enemy; whereupon an 
officer with one of the pilots and two soldiers, were sent 
off for that purpose. The day following we met them 
on their return, and they informed us that the roads were 
entirely clear of the enemy, and that they had the greatest 
reason to believe that they were not discovered, but from 
the rest of the intelligence they gave it appeared they had 
not been nigh enough to the Town, either to perceive 
the true situation of it, the number of the enemy, and what 
way it might most advantageously be attacked. We con- 
tinued our march, in order to get as near the Town as 
possible that night, so as to be able to attack it next morn- 
ing about daylight, but to our great dissatisfaction, about 



Dupui's Fort. 479 

9 or 10 o'clock that night, one of the guides told us that 
he perceived a fire by the roadside, at which he saw 2 or 
3 Indians a few perches distant from our front; where 
upon, with all possible silence, I ordered the rear to retreat 
about 100 perches in order to make way for the front, 
that we might consult what way we had best proceed with- 
out being discovered by the enemy. Soon after the pilot 
returned a second time, and assured us, from the best 
observations he could make, there were not more than 3 
or 4 Indians at the fire, on which it was proposed that we 
should immediately surround and cut them off, but this 
was thought too hazardous, for if but one of the enemy 
had escaped, it would have been the means of discovering 
the whole design; and the light of the moon on which 
depended our advantageously posting our men, and attack- 
ing the Town, would not admit of our staying until the 
Indians fell asleep. On which it was agreed to leave 
Lieutenant Hogg with 12 men, and the person who first 
discovered the fire, with orders to watch the enemy, but 
not to attack them until break of day, and then, if pos- 
sible, to cut them off. It was agreed (we believing our- 
selves to be about 6 miles from the Town), to leave the 
horses, many of them being tired, with what blankets and 
baggage we then had, and to take a circuit off the road, 
which was very rough and incommodious on account of 
the stones and fallen timber, in order to prevent our being 
heard by the enemy at the fire place. This interruption 
much retarded our march, but a still greater arose from 
the ignorance of our pilot, he neither knew the true situa- 
tion of the Town nor the best paths that led thereto; by 
which means, after crossing a number of hills and valleys, 
our front reached the River Ohio, (Allegheny), about 
100 perches below the main body of the Town, a little 



480 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

before the setting of the moon, to which place, rather than 
by the pilots, we were guided by the beating of the drum 
and the whooping of the warriors at their dance. It then 
became us to make the best use of the remaining moon- 
light, but ere we were aware, an Indian whistled in a very 
singular manner, about thirty yards in our front, at the 
foot of a cornfield; upon which we immediately sat down, 
and after passing silence to the rear, I asked one Baker, a 
soldier who was our best assistant, whether that was not 
a signal to the warriors of our approach. He answered 
no, and said that it was the manner of a young fellow's 
calling a squaw after he had done his dance, who accord- 
ingly, kindled a fire, cleaned his gun, and shot it off, before 
he went to sleep. All this time we were obliged to lay 
quiet and hush, till the moon was fairly set; immediately 
after, a number of fires appeared in different places in the 
cornfield, by which Baker said the Indians lay, the night 
being warm, and that these fires would immediately be 
out as they were only designed to disperse the gnats. By 
this time it was break of day, and the men having marched 
thirty miles, were almost asleep. The line being long, 
the three companies in the rear were not yet brought over 
the last precipice. For these some proper persons were 
immediately dispatched, and the weary soldiers, being 
roused to their feet, a proper number, under sundry officers, 
were ordered to take the end of the hill, at which we then 
lay, and march along the top of said hill at least one hun- 
dred perches, and as much further, it then being daylight, 
as would carry them opposite the upper part, or at least 
the body of the town. For the lower part thereof, and 
the cornfield, (presuming the warriors were there), I kept 
rather the larger number of the men, promising to post- 
pone the attack on that part for eighteen or twenty min- 



Dupui's Fort. 481 

utes, until the detachment along the hill should have time 
to advance to the place assigned, in doing of which they 
were a little unfortunate. The time being elapsed, the 
attack was begun in the cornfield, and the men, with all 
expedition possible dispatched to the several parts thereof, 
a party being also dispatched to the houses, which were 
then discovered by the light of the day. Capt. Jacobs 
immediately gave the war-whoop, and with sundry other 
Indians, as the English prisoners afterwards told us, cried 
that ' the white men were come at last, and that they would 
have scalps enough;' but at the same time ordered their 
squaws and children to flee to the woods. Our men with 
great eagerness passed through and fired into the cornfield, 
where they had several returns from the enemy, as they 
also had from the opposite side of the river. Presently 
after a brisk fire began among the houses, which from the 
house of Capt. Jacobs were returned with a great deal of 
resolution. To that place I immediately repaired, and 
found that, from the advantage of the house and port- 
holes, sundry of our people were wounded and some killed, 
and finding that returning the fire upon the house was 
ineffectual, ordered the contiguous houses to be set on fire, 
which was done by sundry of the officers and soldiers with 
a great deal of activity, the Indians always firing when an 
object presented itself, and seldom missed of wounding or 
killing some of our people. From this house, in moving 
about to give the necessary orders and directions, I was 
wounded by a large musket ball, in my shoulder. Sundry 
persons, during the action were ordered to tell the Indians 
to surrender themselves prisoners, but one of the Indians 
in particular answered and said he was a man and would 
not be taken a prisoner, upon which he was told he would 
be burnt ; to this he answered he did not care, for he would 



482 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

kill four or five before he died; and had we desisted from 
exposing ourselves, they would have killed a great many 
more, they having a number of loaded guns by them. As 
the fire began the approach and the smoke grew thick, 
one of the Indians began to sing. A squaw, in the same 
house, at the same time, was heard to cry and make a 
noise, but for so doing was severely rebuked by the men ; 
but by and by the fire being too hot for them, two Indians 
and a squaw sprang out and made for the cornfield, and 
were immediately shot down by our people. Then sur- 
rounding the houses, it was thought Captain Jacobs tum- 
bled himself out of a garret or cock-loft, at which time he 
was shot, our prisoners offering to be qualified to the 
powder-horn and pouch there taken off him, which they 
say he had lately got from a French officer in exchange 
for Lieutenant Armstrong's boots, which he carried from 
Fort Granville, where the Lieutenant was killed. The 
same prisoners say they are perfectly assured of the scalp, 
as no other Indians there wore their hair in the same man- 
ner. They also say they knew his squaw's scalp, and the 
scalp of a young Indian named the King's Son. Before 
this time, Captain Hugh Mercer, who, early in the action, 
was wounded in the arm, had been taken to the top of a 
hill above the town (to whom a number of men and some 
officers had gathered), from whence they had discovered 
some Indians cross the river and take to the hill, with an 
intent, as they thought, to surround us, and cut off our 
retreat, from whom I had sundry pressing messages to 
leave the houses and retreat to the hill, or we should all 
be cut off; but to this I could by no means consent, until all 
the houses were set on fire; though our spreading on the 
hill appeared very necessary, yet it did not prevent our 
researches of the cornfield and river side, by which means 



Dupui's Fort. 483 

sundry scalps were left behind, and doubtless some squaws, 
children and English prisoners, that otherwise might have 
been got. During the burning of the houses, which were 
near thirty in number, we were agreeably entertained with 
a succession of reports of charged guns gradually firing 
off, as the fire reached them, and much more so with the 
vast explosion of sundry bags, and large kegs of gun- 
powder, wherewith almost every house abounded. The 
prisoners afterwards told us, that the Indians had often 
boasted that they had powder enough for a two years' war 
with the English. With the roof of Captain Jacobs' 
house, when the powder blew up, was thrown the leg and 
thigh of an Indian, with a child three or four years old, 
to such a height, that they appeared as nothing, and fell 
in the adjacent cornfield. There was also a great quantity 
of goods burnt, which the Indians had received as a present 
but ten days before from the French. By this time I had 
proceeded to the hill to have my wound tied up and the 
blood stopped, where the prisoners, who had come to us 
in the morning, informed me that that very day two bat- 
teaux of Frenchmen, with a large party of Delaware and 
French Indians, were to join Captain Jacobs at Kittanning, 
and to set out early the next morning to take Fort Shirley, 
or, as they called it, George Croghan's Fort, and that 
twenty-four warriors, who had lately come to the town, 
were sent out the evening before, for what purpose they 
did not know, whether to prepare meat, to spy the fort, 
or to make an attack on some of our back inhabitants. 
Soon after, upon a little reflection, we were convinced these 
warriors were all at the fire we had discovered the night 
before, and began to doubt the fate of Lieutenant Hogg 
and his party. From this intelligence of the prisoners (our 
provisions being scaffolded some thirty miles back, except 



484 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

what were in the men's haversacks, which were left with 
the horses and blankets, with Lieutenant Hogg and his 
party, and a number of wounded people then on hand), 
and by the advice of the officers, it was thought impru- 
dent then to wait for the cutting down of the cornfield 
(which was before designed) ; but immediately to collect 
our wounded, and force our march back in the best manner 
we could, which we did by collecting a few Indian horses 
to carry off our wounded. From the apprehensions of 
being waylaid and surrounded (especially by some of the 
woodmen), it was difficult to keep the men together, our 
march for sundry miles not exceeding two miles an hour, 
which apprehensions were heightened by the attempts of a 
few Indians, who, for some time after the march, fired upon 
each wing and ran off immediately, from whom we received 
no other damage than one of our men being wounded 
through both legs. Captain Mercer being wounded, he 
was induced, we have reason to believe, to leave the main 
body with his ensign, John Scott, and ten or twelve men 
(they being overheard to tell him we were in great danger 
and that they could take him into the road by a nigh way) , 
and is probably lost, there being yet no account of him. 
A detachment of most of our men was sent back to bring 
him in, but could not find him, and upon the return of the 
detachment it was generally reported that he was seen 
with the above number of men to take a different road. 
Upon our return to the place where the Indian fire had 
been seen the night before, we met a sergeant of Captain 
Mercer's company and two or three others of his men, 
who had deserted us that morning immediately after the 
action at Kittanning. These men, on running away, had 
met with Lieutenant Hogg, who lay wounded in two dif- 
ferent parts of the body, near the road side. He then 



Dupui's Fort. 485 

told them of the fatal mistake of the pilot, who had as- 
sured us there were but three Indians, at the most, at the 
fire place, but when he came to attack them that morning, 
according to orders, he found a number considerably supe- 
rior to his, and believes they killed and mortally wounded 
three of them the first fire, after which a warm engage- 
ment began, and continued for above an hour, when three 
of his best men were killed, and himself wounded. The 
residue fleeing off, he was obliged to squat in a thicket, 
where he might have laid securely until the main body 
came up, if this cowardly sergeant, and others that fled 
with him, had not taken him away. They had marched 
but a shore distance, when four Indians appeared, upon 
which these deserters began to flee; the Lieutenant, not 
withstanding his wounds, as a brave soldier, urging and 
commanding them to stand and fight, which they all re- 
fused. The Indians pursued, killing one man and wound- 
ing the Lieutenant a third time in the belly, of which he 
died in a few hours; but having been placed on horseback 
some time before he rode some miles from the place of 
action. But this attack of the Indians upon Lieutenant 
Hogg was represented by the cowardly sergeant in an 
entirely different light; he tells us there was a far larger 
number of Indians there than appeared to them and that 
he and the men with him had fought five rounds ; that he 
had there seen the lieutenant and sundry others killed and 
scalped, and had also discovered a number of Indians 
throwing themselves before us, and insinuated a great 
deal of such stuff as threw us into much confusion, so that 
the officers had a great deal to do to keep the men together, 
but could not prevail upon them to collect the horses and 
what other baggage the Indians had left after their con- 
quest of Lieutenant Hogg and the party under his com- 



486 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

mand, in the morning, except a few horses, which a few 
of the bravest men were prevailed upon to collect; so that 
from the mistake of the pilot who spied the Indians at 
the fire, and the cowardice of the said sergeant and other 
deserters, we have sustained a considerable loss of horses 
and baggage. It is impossible to ascertain the exact num- 
ber of the enemy killed in the action, as some were de- 
stroyed by fire, and others in different parts of the corn- 
field; but, upon a moderate computation, it is generally 
believed that there can be no less than thirty or forty 
killed and mortally wounded, as much blood was found 
in the cornfield, and Indians seen to crawl into the weeds 
on their hands and feet, whom the soldiers in pursuit of 
others then overlooked, expecting to find and scalp them 
afterwards, and also several killed and wounded in cross- 
ing the river. On beginning our march back we had 
about a dozen scalps of eleven English prisoners, but now 
find that four or five of the scalps are missing, part of 
which were lost on the road, and part in possession of 
those men who, with Captain Mercer, separated from the 
main body, with whom, also, went four or five prisoners, 
the other seven being now at this place, where we arrived 
on Sunday night, not being even separated or attacked by 
the enemy during our whole march. Upon the whole had 
our pilots understood the true situation of the town, and 
the paths leading to it, so as to have posted us at a con- 
venient place, where the disposition of the men and the 
duty assigned to them, could have been performed with 
greater advantage, we had, by Divine assistance, destroyed 
a much greater number of the enemy, recovered a greater 
number of prisoners, and sustained less damage than we 
at present have; but though the advantage gained over 
our common enemy is far from being satisfactory to us, 



Dupui's Fort. 4 8 7 

yet must we not despise the smallest degrees of success that 
God was pleased to give, especially at a time of such gen- 
eral calamity, when the attempts of our enemies have been 
so prevalent and successful. I am sure there was the 
greatest inclination to do more, had it been in our power, 
as the officers, and most of the men, throughout the whole 
action, exerted themselves with as much activity and reso- 
luation as could possibly be expected. 

"Our prisoners inform us that the Indians have for 
some time talked of fortifying Kittanning and other towns; 
that the number of French at Fort Duquesne was about 
four hundred; that the principal part of their provisions 
came up the river from the Mississippi, and that in three 
other forts which the French have on the Ohio, there are 
not more men altogether than there is at Fort Duquesne." 

The destruction of the town of Kittanning, and the 
Indian families there, was a severe blow to the savage. 
Hitherto the English had not assailed them in their towns, 
and they fancied that they would not venture to do so. 
But now, though urged by an unquenchable thirst for ven- 
geance, to retaliate the blow they had received, they 
dreaded that, in their absence on war parties, their wig- 
wams might be reduced to ashes. Such of them as be- 
longed to Kittanning, and had escaped the carnage, refused 
to settle again on the east of Fort Duquesne, and resolved 
to place that fortress and the French garrison, between 
them and the English. 

On the fifth of January following, the Corporation of 
Philadelphia, on the occasion of this victory, addressed a 
complimentary letter to Colonel Armstrong, thanking him 
and his officers for their gallant conduct, and presented 
him with a piece of plate. A medal was also struck, 
having for device an officer followed by two soldiers, the 



4 88 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



officer pointing to a soldier shooting from behind a tree, 
with an Indian prostrate before him; in the background 
Indian houses in flames. Legend: Kittanning destroyed 
by Colonel Armstrong, September 8, 1756. Reverse 
Device: The arms of the Corporation. Legend: The gift 
of the Corporation of Philadelphia. 





CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Colonel Bouquet and the Royal Americans. 

♦ffN view of the scarcity of troops 
II available for the operations of 
the British Government the thought 
suggested itself, to those in author- 
ity, of relieving the situation by the 
enlistment of persons of alien blood, 
to serve especially in the Province of 
Pennsylvania, where most of such 
were to be found. 
Recognizing, at the same time, the aversion of the Ger- 
mans to serve under officers who could not speak their 
tongue nor understand their characteristics, it was most 
sensibly decided to commission, for this purpose, a certain 
number of experienced foreigners. 

The result of the decision thus reached is embodied in 
the following extract from a letter of March 13, 1756, 
from Secretary of State, H. Fox, to Governor Morris, 
which was read by him to the Council, at its meeting of 
June 29, 1756. 

"Whitehall, 13th March, 1756. 




" It having been represented that a Number of the For- 

(489) 



49° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

eign Settlers in America might be more willing to enter 
in the King's Service, if they were Commanded by officers 
of their own Country, an Act of Parliament has been 
passed, of which I send you, Inclosed, a Printed Copy, 
enabling His Majesty to grant Commissions to a certain 
number of German, Swiss and Dutch Protestants, who 
have served as officers or Engineers; and as they have 
already engaged, they will embark with all Expedition in 
order to assist in raising and Commanding such of the 
Foreign Protestants in North America, as shall be able 
and willing to serve with the rest of the Forces upon this 
Occasion ; and it is the King's Pleasure that you should 
give any of the said officers who may enter into your Gov- 
ernment, all the assistance in your Power in the Execution 
of this Service." 

The direct consequence of this act was the formation 
of the Royal American Regiment, now the Sixtieth Rifles 
of the British Army, consisting of four battalions of one 
thousand men each. Colonel Bouquet was placed in com- 
mand of the First Battalion, an adopted son of Pennsyl- 
vania, 25 who never failed to do it credit nor serve it faith- 
fully. We are told that his person was fine, and his bear- 
ing composed and dignified, perhaps somewhat austere, 
for he is said to have been more respected than loved by 
his officers. Nevertheless, their letters are very far from 
indicating any want of cordial relations. He was fond 
of the society of men of science, and wrote English better 
than most British officers of the time. Here and there, 
however, a passage in his letters suggests the inference 
that the character of the gallant mercenary was toned by 
his profession, and to the unideal epoch in which he lived. 

x Naturalized March 3, 1765, by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, 
in accordance with Act of Parliament. 



Colonel Bouquet and Royal Americans. 491 

Yet he was not the less an excellent soldier; indefatigable, 
faithful, full of resource, and without those arrogant prej- 
udices which impaired the efficiency of many good British 
officers. He had acquired a practical knowledge of In- 
dian warfare, and it is said that, in the course of the hazar- 
dous partisan service in which he was often engaged, when 
it was necessary to penetrate dark defiles and narrow 
passes, he was sometimes known to advance before his 
men, armed with a rifle, and acting the part of a scout. 

Henry Bouquet was born at Rolle, in the Canton of 
Berne, Switzerland, about 17 19. At the age of seven- 
teen he was received, as a cadet, in the regiment of Con- 
stance, and thence passed into the service of the King of 
Sardinia, in whose wars he distinguished himself as a lieu- 
tenant, and afterwards as adjutant. In 1748 he entered 
the Swiss Guards as lieutenant-colonel. When the war 
broke out between England and France, in 1754, he was 
solicited by the former to serve in America. No soldier 
of foreign birth was so distinguished or so successful in 
Indian warfare as he. His services, in that direction, will 
be treated more in detail presently. At the close of the 
war the Assembly of Pennsylvania and the Burgesses of 
Virginia adopted addresses of gratitude, tendered him 
their thanks and recommended him for promotion in His 
Majesty's service. Immediately after the peace with the 
Indians was concluded, the King made him brigadier- 
general and commandant in the Southern colonies of 
British America. He did not live long to enjoy his honors 
but died at Pensacola in 1767, "lamented by his friends, 
and regretted universally." 

This battalion of the Royal American Regiment, com- 
manded by Bouquet, was made up, almost entirely, of 
Pennsylvania-Germans. Therefore, his glories are their 



49 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

glories, his services are their services. Quite a number of 
the German Redemptioners presented themselves as re- 
cruits, so much so as to cause some little friction between 
the authorities and their masters. 

By 1763-64 a fair number of English provincials were 
to be found in its ranks, as well as those of German descent. 

Marriages of Soldiers. 

Irrespective of names found elsewhere it is interesting 
to note that among the marriage records of the Zion 
Lutheran Church of Philadelphia just published, for the 
first time, by the Pennsylvania-German Society, are found 
various names of soldiers of the French and Indian War, 
all, apparently, members of the Royal American Regi- 
ment, as follows: 

Anno 1757. 

Baker, Thomas (soldier). 

Badere, Barbara; m. February 8. 

Witness: Adam Smith, Capt. Lander, Bendin Horneg, 
Corp. Bakett, Friedrich Durr, Capt. Harter, Fried. Schatz, 
Capt. Harting, Charles Schokard. 

Conrad, Charles, soldier in Lieut. Meyer's Comp. 1st 
Bat. 

; m. February 15. 

Witness: Adam Smith, John Nash. 

Nash, John, soldier in Capt. Lander's Company, Lieut. 
Meyer. 

Meyle, Esther; m. March 5. 

Witness: Robert Hand (soldier), Charles Conrad, 
James Davis, John Vogel. 

Horn, Joseph. 

Ferdin, Mary; m. March 7. 



Colonel Bouquet and Royal Americans. 493 

Witness: Robert Hand (Sergt.), Lydia Cooke at Joseph 
Turner's, Mercy Kelly, John Nash. 

Hentz, Jacob, Col. Stanwik's (Command). 

Windles, Apalinna, free, served her time, and lived near 
Lancaster two years; m. March 12. 

Witness: Knobold Pfillipp, Nicolaus Damlon, both 
soldiers. 

Ox, George Leonhard (soldier). 

Flikein, Margreth, from Saxe Gotha; m. March 14. 

Witness: Carl Furshed (Sergeant), Johan Herzog, 
Philipp Chain. 

Weynie, George, soldier, in Capt. Gates' Independent 
Company. 

Smithin, Juliana, servant by Valentin Scales; m. March 
16. 

Witness: Valentin Scales, Niclaus Zimmerman, Jacob 
Hence. 

Leischnitz, Christian, soldier. 

Bettman, Christina, widow; m. April 3. 

Witness: Three Vorstehers, Jiirg. Sofferens, Joh. Jiirg 
Reit. 

Folke, Godfried (corporal). 

Rieman, Margreth; m. April 3. 

Witness: Three Vorstehers, Peter Bacher, Joh. Hartm. 
Raush. 

Kampf, Thomas (Sergeant). 

Plasirin, Cathrina; m. May 1. 

Witness: Plus. Kaber in my neighbor's house. 

Johannes, Peter, soldier in Gavin Cochrane. 

Utzin, Cathrina; m. May 9. 

Witness: John Mackintosh, William Fischer, Barbara 
Messingere. 

Vogel, Johannes, 1 battalion, Capt. Lander's company. 

Vakin, Anna Marg., widow; m. May 13. 



494 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Witness: Jurg Fr. Volprecht, Johan Adam Fuchs, Jacob 
Eninger, Fried Osborn. 

This new regiment, originally composed almost en- 
tirely of German and Swiss Protestants, was first called 
the Sixty-Second, or the Royal American Regiment of 
Foot. On enlistment for three years the men were obliged 
to take the oath of allegiance and to become naturalized 
subjects of Great Britain, but were required to serve only 
in America. At the disbandment of Shirley's and Pep- 
perell's regiments in 1756, which were numbered the 
Fiftieth and the Fifty-first, the title was changed to the 
Sixtieth, or Royal American Regiment of Foot. 

Its services were varied, numerous and most honorable. 
For distinguished conduct and bravery in 1759, under 
Wolf at Quebec, it was granted the motto " celer et audax." 
The scope of this narrative will only permit us to add, 
with regard to it, that, in 1758, the First and Fourth Bat- 
talions, under Bouquet, served in the army of General 
Forbes at the capture of Fort Duquesne, and, in 1763, 
the First Battalion, under Bouquet, was in the Pittsburg 
campaign of that year, and participated in the fierce battle 
of Bushy Run. 

In its ranks, besides Colonel Bouquet, and those of less 
prominence already named, was another of the distin- 
guished sons of Pennsylvania, the Rev. Michael Schlatter, 
Chaplain of the Fourth Battalion, from 1756 to 1782, 
who participated, with his regiment, in the Forbes cam- 
paign of 1758. 

He was born at St. Gall, in Switzerland, July 14, 17 16. 
His father, Paulus Schlatter, was a book-keeper, but be- 
longed to an old and influential family. His mother, 
Magdalena Zollikofer, was descended from a distin- 
guished family which had produced a number of eminent 



Colonel Bouquet and Royal Americans. 495 

ministers and devotional authors. Having, for some time, 
attended the gymnasium of his native place, and received 
special instructions from Professor Wegelin, he went to 
Holland, and, on December 27, 1736, matriculated at the 
University of Leyden ; subsequently he studied in the Uni- 
versity of Helmstedt, in the Duchy of Brunswick. In 
1744 he became vicarius at Wigoldingen, canton of 
Thurgau, Switzerland, where he was doubtless ordained. 
Having proffered his services as a missionary to Pennsyl- 
vania, they were accepted, and he was sent to America by 
the Reformed Synod of Amsterdam, landing at Boston, 
after a dangerous voyage, on August 1, 1746, from 
whence he speedily left for Philadelphia. His faithful 
service in the Reformed Church, throughout Pennsylvania 
and adjoining territory, has already been ably given in 
detail by the Rev. Joseph H. Dubbs, D.D., LL.D., in 
Part X., Vol. XL, of these publications. He became the 
first Superintendent of Public Schools in Pennsylvania, 
but resigned his position in 1757 to become a chaplain in 
the Royal American Regiment. At the beginning of the 
War for Independence he again filled the same position 
in the British Army, but, in a short time, espoused the 
American cause, and, in September, 1777, when the British 
held Germantown, he was imprisoned and his house near 
Chestnut Hill ransacked. Notwithstanding he had proven 
himself so good a patriot he remained in the enjoyment 
of a pension from the British Government until his death, 
at Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia, in October, 1790. 

He was married to Marie Henrika, eldest daughter of 
Henry Schleydorn, one of the most eminent members of 
the Lutheran Church in Philadelphia, by whom he had 
nine children. Two of his sons served in the Revolu- 
tionary Army, and died in consequence of the sufferings 
then endured. 




CHAPTER XXXIV. 

General Forbes Expedition Against Fort 
Duquesne. 

MITH the advent of Wil- 
liam Pitt, Earl of Chat- 
ham, as Prime Minister of Eng- 
land, came a new order of things. 
All former lethargy was shaken off, 
and preparations made, at once, for 
general offensive operations. 

Besides the force to be sent from 
England, he called upon the differ- 
ent colonial governments to raise as 
many men as possible, promising 
to send over all the necessary munitions of war, and 
pledging himself to pay liberally all soldiers who en- 
listed. Pennsylvania promptly equipped two thousand 
seven hundred men, while the neighboring provinces also 
contributed large quotas. Three expeditions were deter- 
mined upon, and the most active measures taken to carry 
them out. 

The western expedition, intended for the reduction of 

(496) 




General Forbes' Expedition. 497 

Fort Duquesne, was placed under the command of Gen- 
eral John Forbes, an officer of great skill, energy and 
resolution. His forces consisted of provincials from 
Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland and North Carolina, 
with 1,200 Highlanders of Montgomery's 77th Regiment, 
and the Royal Americans, amounting in all, with wagons 
and camp followers, to between six and seven thousand 
men. 

He waited at Philadelphia until his army was ready, 
and it was the end of June, 1758, before they were on the 
march. In the meantime the troops from Virginia, North 
Carolina and Maryland had been ordered to assemble at 
Winchester, Virginia, under Colonel Washington, and 
the Pennsylvania forces at Raystown, now Bedford. 

The advance of the main force, under Colonel Bouquet, 
arrived at Raystown early in July, preceding General 
Forbes, who was attacked by a painful and dangerous 
malady which prevented him from getting further than 
Carlisle, and from reaching Raystown until towards the 
middle of September. 

Before the army set out on its way through the wilder- 
ness, from this verge of civilization, the question arose 
as to the route which should be pursued. The Virginians, 
with Washington as their active and zealous speaker, ad- 
vocated a march of thirty-four miles to Fort Cumberland, 
in Maryland, thence to follow the road which had been 
made by Braddock; the Pennsylvanians urged the hewing 
of a direct road through the forest. It was finally deter- 
mined, upon the opinion of Sir John Sinclair, Quarter- 
master General, who had accompanied Braddock, and of 
Colonel Armstrong, to whose opinion Forbes and Bouquet 
paid great deference, as well as from reasons which ap- 
peared to be convincing to Bouquet and himself, that the 



498 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

course should be direct through Pennsylvania, which meant 
that a new road must be made. By August 1, 1758, a 
large force was employed in opening up this road for the 
passage of the army. 

To make a passage-way, however imperfect, was an 
undertaking of great difficulty. Bouquet's men pushed 
on the heavy work of road-making up the main range of 
the Alleghenies, and, what proved far worse, the parallel 
mountain ridge of Laurel Hill, hewing, digging, blasting, 
laying fascines and gabions to support the track along the 
steep side of declivities, or worming their way, like moles, 
through the jungle of swamp and forest. Forbes de- 
scribed the country to Pitt as an " immense uninhabited 
wilderness, overgrown everywhere with trees and brush- 
wood, so that nowhere can one see twenty yards." In 
truth, as far as eye or mind could reach, a prodigious forest 
vegetation spread its impervious canopy over hill, valley 
and plain, and wrapped its stern and awful waste in the 
shadows of the tomb. 

By the first of September communication was " effect- 
ually done to within forty miles of the French Fort," and 
nearly all of Bouquet's Division, consisting of about 2,500 
men, were encamped about the Loyalhanna where, under 
Colonel Burd, of the Pennsylvania Regiment, was begun 
the erection of a stockade and fortified camp, which devel- 
oped into Fort Ligonier. 

While awaiting, at this point, the arrival of the general, 
who was still very ill, and, because of the nature of his 
disease — inflammation of the stomach and bowels — had 
to be carried on a litter swung between two horses, there 
occurred the unfortunate affair of Major Grant's defeat, 
the most disastrous episode of the campaign. 

Major James Grant, of the Highlanders, had begged 



General Forbes' Expedition. 



499 



permission from Bouquet to allow him to make a recon- 
noisance in force towards the enemy's fort. Permission 
was given him to do so, but with special orders not to 
approach too near if there should be any indication of 
resistance, and, in no event, to run the risk of a combat, 
if it could be prevented. 

The first Fort Kit. 1758. 

A PLAN or the fort raft tzb ryiEN 

BUILT IN DttEMBER IfSS WITHIN 400 Y ARDS 
OF FORT 0(1 QUESNE 

A SOLDIERS BARRACKS 

B. OFFICERS HOUSE SECTION THRUWH a b 

C STORES OF PROVISION 

0. DITTO FOR INDIAN CMOS. 




MON ONGEHELA 



RIVEK 4DD YARDS WIDE 



= S=rF 



180 FEE' FOR THE PLAN 
-jo'rfEt FOB IME PROFITS 



THE ABOVE PLAN ft? (SK PLAN OF FORT AUGUSTA) 



He left the camp on the ninth of September, with a 
force of 37 officers and 805 privates. Without being 
discovered by the enemy, which was most remarkable, he 
succeeded in reaching the hill which overlooked Fort 



500 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Duquesne, on the third day. Basing his expectations on 
an utter ignorance of the methods of his enemy, of the 
qualities of most of his own men, and of the strength of 
his opponents, he, most imprudently, prepared his plans 
to draw the enemy out, flattering himself that he could 
readily defeat them. It so happened that, a day or two 
before, the French had received reinforcements from the 
Illinois. 

In the early morning of the fourteenth, while the fog 
yet lay on the land and river, he sent a few Highlanders 
to burn a warehouse standing on the cleared ground. By 
this means he hoped to draw out the enemy, while at the 
same time, he ordered the bagpipes to play and the reveille 
to be beaten for his own men. . . . The roll of the drums 
was answered by a burst of war-whoops, and the French 
came swarming out, many of them in their shirts, having 
just leaped from their beds. They came together, and, 
for about three quarters of an hour, there was a hot fight 
in the forest. At length the horrors of such warfare, to 
which the Highlanders were not at all accustomed, the 
frightful yells and hideous appearance of the barbarians, 
their overpowering number and their own ignorance of 
such a method of fighting,completely overcame them. They 
broke away in wild and disorderly retreat. . . . Their only 
hope was in the rear-guard of Virginians, under Major 
Lewis, who had been kept back so that they might not share 
the honor of victory. Lewis pushed forward immediately 
upon hearing the sound of battle, but, in the woods, missed 
the retreating Highlanders. Bullitt, and his Virginia com- 
pany, stood their ground and kept back the whole body 
of French and Indians until two thirds of his men were 
killed. They would not accept quarter. The survivors 
were driven into the Allegheny, where some were drowned, 



General Forbes' Expedition. 501 

while others swam over and escaped. . . . Grant was sur- 
rounded and captured, and Lewis, who presently came up, 
was also made prisoner, along with some of his men. . . . 
The English lost 273 killed, wounded and prisoners. The 
remainder succeeded in getting back safely to the camp at 
Loyalhanna. 

The French did not pursue their advantage with such 
zeal as might have been expected, but seemed to be sat- 
isfid with taking as many prisoners as possible. With a 
full knowledge of the movements of the English army 
they decided to attack the troops under Bouquet, at Loyal- 
hanna, before the arrival of the main body. In the mean- 
time they harassed the English in every way conceivable 
until October 12, when, at 1 1 A. M., to the number of 
about 1,200 French and 200 Indians, commanded by M. 
de Vetri, they appeared before the camp. Upon the firing 
of their guns, Colonel James Burd, then in command, sent 
out two parties to surround them, which, as the firing 
increased, were reinforced until they numbered some 500 
men. They were forced back, however, into the camp, 
and a regular attack ensued which lasted a long time, about 
two hours, finally resulting in the defeat of the enemy. 
During the night a second attack was made with like re- 
sult. The loss to the English was 12 killed, 18 wounded, 
31 missing of whom 29 were on grass guard when the 
attack was made. 

Meanwhile the road-making progressed as rapidly as 
possible, under the directions of Colonel Bouquet, but 
under most disadvantageous conditions. We are told the 
" autumnal rains, uncommonly heavy and persistent, had 
ruined the newly-cut road. On the mountains the tor- 
rents tore it up, and in the valleys the wheels of the wagons 
and cannon churned it into soft mud. The horses, over- 



502 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



worked and underfed, were fast breaking down. The 
forest had little food for them, and they were forced to 




Fort Pitt and \is environs. 

January 1759. 
RtriiUNcts TOTMt above Smtch of Fort Du Quuhl.now Pittsburgh. 

WITH THl ADJACENT tOUNYRY 

1 ttONONOCHlU RiVtR 

2 Fort DuQuim or Pittsiukom 
2 The SmauFort. 

4 Alluhlny Rivlr 

5 A LLLbMMV Indian Town. 

b SMANAftNS 

7 YoUfrHIOOMINY RlVlR. 

8 Omio OR AlU*«NY RlVlR 



S Loos Town, 

10 BtAVtR CRttK. 

11 KuSKUSKlM CHIIPTOWS OfTHtSIX 
NATIONS 

1) Shiniois Town. 

13 AUUOUfPA 
H SENNAKARS. 



drag their own oats and corn, as well as the supplies for 
the army, through two hundred miles of wilderness. In 



General Forbes' Expedition. 503 

the wretched condition of the road, this was no longer pos- 
sible. The magazines of provisions, formed at Raystown 
and Loyalhanna to support the army on its forward march, 
were emptied faster than they could be filled. Early in 
October the elements relented; the clouds broke, the sky 
was bright again, and the sun shone out in splendor on 
mountains radiant in the livery of autumn. A gleam of 
hope revisited the hearts of the English. It was but a 
flattering illusion. The sullen clouds returned, and a chill, 
impenetrable, veil of mist and rain hid the mountains and 
the trees. Dejected nature wept and would not be com- 
forted. Above, below, around, all was trickling, oozing, 
pattering, gushing. In the miserable encampments the 
starved horses stood steaming in the rain, and the men 
crouched, disgusted, under their dripping tents, while the 
drenched picket-guard, in the neighboring forest, paced 
dolefully through black mire and spongy mosses. The 
rain turned to snow; the descending flakes clung to the 
many colored foliage, or melted from sight in the trench 
of half-liquid clay that was called a road. The wheels of 
the wagons sank in it to the hub, and to advance or retreat 
was alike impossible." 

General Forbes did not succeed in reaching Loyalhanna 
until November 1, 1758. The weather had become cold, 
and the summits of the mountains were covered with snow. 
At a council of war, held immediately after his arrival, it 
was determined to advance no further that season. This 
determination, however, was suddenly changed as the re- 
sult of information obtained from various sources touch- 
ing the actual condition of affairs at Fort Duquesne. It 
was learned, conclusively, that the French were wanting 
provisions, that they were weak in number, and that the 
persistent efforts of the indefatigable and brave Moravian 



504 



The Pennsylvania-German Society. 



missionary, Frederick Post, towards alienation, had be- 
come successful, and that the Indians had left them. It 
was, therefore, concluded to proceed. 

til 







as 



*ffifi£ 



Colonel Washington had so earnestly requested the priv- 



General Forbes' Expedition. 505 

ilege of leading the army, with his Virginians, that his 
request was granted; and he and his men under Colonel 
Armstrong, with the Pennsylvanians, were intrusted with 
that duty. 

As the advance of the army he set out to open the way. 
On the twelfth of November, about three miles from the 
camp, his men fell in with a number of the enemy, and, 
in the attack, killed one man and took three prisoners. 
Among the latter was one Johnson, an Englishman, who 
had been captured by the Indians in Lancaster County, 
from whom was derived full and correct information with 
regard to the state of affairs at Fort Duquesne. 

On this occasion occurred a most memorable affair in 
connection with the experiences of the army at Fort Ligo- 
nier. The following is a literal transcript of the article 
bearing upon it, as narrated by Washington himself to 
Colonel David Humphreys, a member of his military staff 
in the latter part of the Revolutionary War, who was pre- 
paring a sketch of his life. 

"The enemy sent out a large detachment to reconnoitre 
our camp, and to ascertain our strength; in consequence of 
intelligence that they were within two miles of the camp 
a party commanded by Lieut. Colo. Mercer, of the Vir- 
ginia Line (a gallant and good officer) was sent to dis- 
lodge them, between whom a severe conflict and hot firing 
ensued, which lasting some time and appearing to approach 
the camp, it was conceived that our party was yielding the 
ground, upon which G. W. with permission of the Gen'l 
called (per dispatch) for volunteers and immediately 
marched at their head, to sustain, as was conjectured, the 
retiring troops. Led on by the firing till he came within 
less than half a mile, and it ceasing, he detached scouts 
to investigate the cause, and to communicate his approach 



$06 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

to his friend Colo. Mercer, advancing slowly in the mean- 
time. But it being nearly dusk, and the intelligence not 
having been fully disseminated among Col. Mercer's corps, 
and they taking us for the enemy, who had retreated, ap- 
proaching in another direction, commenced a heavy fire 
upon the relieving party which drew fire in return, in spite 
of all the exertions of the officers, one of whom, and sev- 
eral privates, were killed and many wounded before a stop 
could be put to it, to accomplish which G. W. never was 
in more imminent danger, by being between two fires, 
knocking up with his sword the presented pieces." 

On November 13 Colonel Armstrong was sent out to 
the assistance of Washington, with 1,000 men. These 
two bodies of provincials cooperated together in the front; 
sometimes detachments of the one would be passed on the 
road by detachments of the other, and so again as the 
occasion required. The army progressed slowly; the 
weather was rainy; the road miserably bad. A number 
of friendly Indians were kept out as scouts; and every pre- 
caution was taken to guard against surprise. 

The force for this purpose specially consisted of 2,500 
men, picked out. That the men might be restricted as 
little as possible in their movements they went without 
tents or baggage, and with a light train of artillery, ex- 
pecting to meet the enemy and ready to determine the 
result by a battle. 

On the seventeenth of November Washington was at 
Bushy Run. On the eighteenth Armstrong is reported 
within seventeen miles of Fort Duquesne, where he had 
thrown up intrenchments. General Forbes himself fol- 
lowd on the seventeenth, from Fort Ligonier, with 4,300 
effective men, having left strong garrisons and supplies 
both there and at Raystown. On the twenty-fourth 



General Forbes' Expedition. 



507 



Forbes encamped his whole army about Turtle Creek, 
ten or twelve miles from Fort Duquesne. Here word 
was brought, by the Indian scouts who had advanced to 
within sight of the fort, that the Fench had abandoned 




A - Barracks. already built. B-Commandants Houst, not built. 
C- Storehouse- D-Powde-R Ma&aiine-s. E- Casement complete. 
F - Store house for flour etc. G-wellsintwo of WHICH are pumps. 
H- Fort DuQUfcSNE 1.1. Horn work to cover french barracks. 
K First Fort Pitt de stroyed. N. Sallyport. 

PLAN OF FORT PITT— 1761. 

the place and that the structure was on fire. This report 
was soon confirmed. A company of cavalry, under Cap- 
tain Hazlet was sent forward to extinguish the fire and 
save as much as possible, but they were too late. Prepa- 



508 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

rations had been made by the French to withdraw when it 
was seen that they could offer no resistance. They had 
made ready to destroy their works, and, after setting fire 
to everything that would burn, they withdrew with the 
rest of their munitions and cannon, some going down the 
Ohio, and the commandant, with the most of his forces, 
going up the Allegheny to Fort Machault. The whole 
of the English hurried forward, and, on Saturday, No- 
vember 25, 1758, took possession of the site of Fort 
Duquesne, and thenceforth the place was held by those of 
Saxon blood. On the ruins of the former French fort 
there immediately rose the English Fort Pitt. 

Colonel Bouquet, the Hero of Pontiac's War. 

With the destruction of Fort Duquesne, the departure 
of the French, and the treaty of peace made with the In- 
dians themselves, it was felt that the woes and hardships 
of the settlers were at an end. This was confirmed when, 
in 1762, a general peace was concluded between Great 
Britain, France and Spain, which was universally consid- 
ered a most happy event in America. Armies were dis- 
banded, forts abandoned and garrisons reduced in number, 
everywhere, when suddenly, in 1763, like a bolt out of a 
clear sky, came the so-called Pontiac Indian War. 

For boldness of attempt and depth of design, the Kiya- 
suta and Pontiac War, so named by the frontier inhabi- 
tants, was perhaps unsurpassed in the annals of border 
warfare. Schemed by such renowned chiefs as Kiyasuta, 
head of the Senecas, and Pontiac, of the Ottowas, the 
numerous tribes lying within the reach of their influence 
were easily commanded for the prosecution of any new 
project. Not only in possession of these grand facilities 
to engage numerous warriors for the present purpose, 



General Forbes* Expedition. 509 

they availed themselves of additional means to secure a 
powerful confederacy by calling to aid their eloquence in 
representing the necessity which existed for the defense 
of their own rights, and the repelling of the encroach- 
ments of the English colonies, which they represented as 
having finally in view the hostile displacement, or exter- 
mination, of every western tribe, from the region they 
now occupied. With such means to stimulate them to 
action, while the recompense of their services, by the acqui- 
sition of spoil, and the more inviting reward of the renown 
of the warrior, were related to them in the most seductive 
colors, it need not be wondered that the plan of these cun- 
ning chieftains was immediately approved, and a zealous 
interest manifested. 

The grand scheme projected by these Napoleons of the 
western wilderness seems to have been to arouse the tribes 
severally of the country, and all those they could reach by 
their eloquence, to join in striking a decisive blow on the 
frontiers, and, as it were, throw terror into the very heart 
of the colonies, and thereby effectually, and forever, re- 
pulse them from encroachments into the valley of the 
west. A certain day was set apart, it seems, for making 
the general assault, while the scheme was to be kept in 
profound silence, that they might come upon their victims 
in an unguarded hour. All the forts were to be simulta- 
neously attacked, as well as the settlements, and all indi- 
viduals whom they could reach, and thus, with one fell 
blow, as it were, raze to the earth everything bearing the 
mark of their doomed enemies. A season of the year 
was chosen when the attention of the people would be 
given to their crops, at which time the havoc and destruc- 
tion might be so much the greater. 

In arranging the time of attack, at a grand council held 



5*o The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

by all the tribes a bundle of sticks was given each tribe, 
each bundle containing as many rods as there were days 
till the day when the general attack should be made. One 
rod was to be drawn from the bundle every morning, and 
when a single one remained it was the signal for the out- 
break. It so happened that the friendliness of a Dela- 
ware squaw prompted her to extract several rods from the 
bundle of her tribe, in the hope that such action might dis- 
arrange the whole plan. The result was a premature 
attack upon Fort Pitt, whereby the settlers obtained some 
slight advance warning. In every other direction, how- 
ever the attack was made simultaneously, and, at once, the 
frontier settlements of Pennsylvania, with the neighbor- 
ing provinces of Maryland and Virginia, were once more 
overrun by scalping parties of the Shawanese and Dela- 
ware tribes in particular, which marked their way with 
blood and devastation wherever they went. 

Almost every fort along the lakes and the Ohio was 
instantly attacked. Those that did not fall under the first 
assault were surrounded, and a resolute siege commenced. 
In a short time, so vigorous were the savages, that eight 
out of eleven forts were taken — Venango, Le Bceuf, 26 
Presqu' Isle, with the chain of stockades west of the Ohio; 
Fort Pitt, Detroit and Niagara alone maintained their 
position. 

Fort Pitt was in a most precarious condition, as well as 
Fort Ligonier. In 1763 the English settlements did not 
extend beyond the Alleghenies. In Pennsylvania, Bed- 
ford might be regarded as the extreme verge of the fron- 

M Ensign Price, the commander of Fort Le Boeuf, succeeded in cutting 
his way through to Fort Pitt with his small garrison of a dozen Royal 
Americans, all Pennsylvania-Germans as their names indicate — Fisher, 
Nash, Dogood, Nigley, Dortinger and Trunk. 



General Forbes' Expedition. 5 11 

tier. From Bedford to Fort Pitt was about one hundred 
miles; Fort Ligonier lay nearly midway between. Each 
of them was a mere speck in the deep, impenetrable for- 
ests. Tier after tier of mountains lay between them, and 
they were connected by the one narrow road winding along 
hills and through sunless valleys. Little clearings ap- 
peared around these posts; among the stumps and dead 
trees, within sight of the forts, the garrison and a few 
settlers, themselves mostly soldiers, raised vegetables and 
a little grain. The houses and cabins, for the most part, 
were within the stockades. The garrisons were mainly 
regulars, belonging to the Royal American Regiment, 
whose life was most monotonous. 

That Fort Pitt might the more readily be overcome it 
became necessary to capture Fort Ligonier, from which 
its supplies of all descriptions were drawn. In the latter 
part of May, 1763, Captain Ecuyer, in command of Fort 
Pitt, wrote Colonel Bouquet that the Indian outbreak ap- 
peared to be general, and that the savages were already 
committing depredations at his post. He was speedily 
surrounded by the enemy. 

At the same time the Indians appeared before Fort Lig- 
onier and began operations against it. The following ex- 
tracts from the letters of Lieutenant Blane, its comman- 
der, will show what occurred, though, when his affairs 
were at the worst, nothing was heard from him, as all his 
messengers were killed. On the fourth of June he writes : 
" Thursday last my garrison was attacked by a body of 
Indians about five in the morning; but as they only fired 
upon us from the skirts of the woods, I contented myself 
with giving them three cheers, without spending a single 
shot upon them. But as they still continued their popping 
upon the side next the town, I sent the sergeant of the 



512 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Royal Americans, with a proper detachment, to fire the 
houses, which effectually disappointed them in their plans." 

On the seventeenth he writes to Bouquet: 

" I hope soon to see yourself, and live in daily hopes of 
a reinforcement. . . . Sunday last, a man straggling out 
was killed by the Indians, and Monday night three of them 
got under an out-house, but were discovered. The dark- 
ness secured them their retreat. ... I believe the com- 
munication between Fort Pitt and this is entirely cut off, 
having heard nothing from them since the thirtieth of 
May, though two expresses have gone from Bedford by 
this post." 

On the twenty-eighth, he explains that he has not been 
able to report for some time, the road having been com- 
pletely closed by the enemy. 

"On the twenty-first," he continues, "the Indians made 
a second attempt in a very serious manner, for near two 
hours, but with the like success as the first. They began 
with attempting to cut off the retreat of a small party of 
fifteen men, who, from their impatience to come at four 
Indians who showed themselves, in a great measure forced 
me to let them out. In the evening, I think above a hun- 
dred lay in ambush by the side of the creek, about four 
hundred yards from the fort; and just as the party were 
returning pretty near where they lay they rushed out, when 
they undoubtedly would have succeeded, had it not been 
for a deep morass which intervened. Immediately after, 
they began their attack; and I dare say they fired upwards 
of one thousand shot. Nobody received any damage. 
So far, my good fortune in dangers still attends me." 

By some means Blane got word to Captain Ourry, in 
command at Bedford, of the fall of Presqu' Isle and two 
other posts, who, knowing the straits in which Blane and 



General Forbes' Expedition. 513 

his men were, sent out from Fort Bedford, a party of 
twenty volunteers, all good woodsmen, who managed to 
reach Ligonier safely. 

Almost bereft of troops, and resources of every descrip- 
tion, General Amherst, the commander-in-chief of the 
British forces, found himself in a terrible quandary. In 
one particular, however, he had reason to congratulate 
himself, and that was in the character and ability of Col- 
onel Bouquet, the officer who commanded, under his or- 
ders, in Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland, and upon 
whom, in this emergency, depended the safety of these 
colonies. 

With the remnant of his Royal Americans, not already 
garrisoning the defenses at the front, Bouquet at once 
began taking active steps for the relief of the western 
posts — Fort Bedford, Fort Ligonier and Fort Pitt. It 
being apparent, however, that the two companies of his 
own regiment, at hand, were insufficient, Amherst ordered 
the remains of the Forty-second ("Black Watch" High- 
landers), and Seventy-seventh (Montgomery's High- 
landers), to march June 23, 1763, under the command 
of Major Campbell, of the Forty-second, to Bouquet. 
The first consisted of 214 men, including officers, and the 
latter of 133, officers included. Two days after Amherst 
writes to Bouquet: 

"All the troops from hence that could be collected are 
sent you; so that should the whole race of Indians take 
arms against us I can do no more." 

With his little force, almost a forlorn hope, he pushed 
forward immediately, reaching Carlisle at the end of June. 
Here he found every building in the fort, every house, 
barn and hovel, in the little town, crowded with the fami- 
lies of settlers, driven from their homes by the terror of 



514 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

the tomahawk. He heard one ceaseless wail of moaning 
and lamentation, from widowed wives and orphaned 
children. 

On Sunday, July 3, 1763, an express from Captain 
Ourry, at Fort Bedford, rode into Carlisle, with the dis- 
astrous news of the fall of Presqu' Isle and the other out- 
posts. He told his ill-omened story to the crowd which 
surrounded him, while watering his horse, and added as, 
remounting, he rode towards Bouquet's tent, " The In- 
dians will be here soon." The consternation and excite- 
ment now rose to such a pitch that the colonel saw it would 
be impossible for him to rely upon the people for the gath- 
ering of such supplies as were still needed for his advance. 
On the contrary, the voice of humanity demanded that he 
should distribute to the sufferers some portion of the mate- 
rial he had already collected. However, in eighteen days 
after his arrival at Carlisle, by the prudent and active 
measures which he pursued, added to his knowledge of the 
country, and the diligence of his employees, the necessary 
convoy and carriages were secured, and the army pro- 
ceeded. 

The force under his command did not exceed 500 men, 
of whom the most effective, outside of his handful of 
Royal Americans, were the Highlanders of the Forty- 
second Regiment. The remnant of the Seventy-seventh 
Regiment, with him also, had just returned from West 
Indian service, and were so enfeebled by their exposure to 
its climate as to be fit only for garrison duty. 

His immediate concern was for Fort Ligonier. He 
knew the loss of this post, as a base of supplies, would be 
most disastrous to his army, as well as the entire province. 
He determined to risk sending a small detachment to its 
relief. Accordingly, thirty Highlanders were chosen, 



General Forbes' Expedition. 515 

who, furnished with guides, were ordered to push forward 
with the utmost speed, avoiding the road, traveling by 
night on unfrequented paths, and lying close by day. 
They reached Fort Bedford in due time, where they found 
that Captain Ourry had already sent a party of twenty 
backwoodsmen to reinforce Lieutenant Blane, but, after 
resting several days, they again set out. Coming near to 
Ligonier they found the place beset by the Indians, but 
managed to make themselves known, and, under a running 
fire, entered the fort safely. 

On the twenty-fifth of July the army reached Bedford, 
where Bouquet was fortunate in securing thirty backwoods- 
men to accompany him. He remained three days in camp 
to rest his men and animals, then, leaving his invalids to 
garrison the fort, struck out into the wilderness of woods. 
Following the rugged path, which he, himself, had made 
in the Forbes expedition, on August 2, he reached Ligo- 
nier, the Indians vanishing as he approached. 

This absence of the enemy, and the secrecy of their 
movements, was, to the experienced leader, an ominous 
thing. The garrison, having been completely blockaded 
for several weeks, could give no information as to the 
savages. They had heard nothing from the outside world 
during the trying weeks they were hemmed in. Bouquet 
well knew, however, that the Indians were watching every 
movement made by his army, even though they, them- 
selves, were not detected. He therefore determined to 
leave his oxen and wagons at Fort Ligonier, and to proceed 
only with his packhorses and some cattle. 

Thus relieved, on July 4 he resumed his march, taking 
with him 350 packhorses, upon which were loaded the 
flour and supplies, and a few cattle. The first night they 
encamped at no great distance from Ligonier, for he had 



516 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

so timed his march as to reach by the next day, a desirable 
place on the route called Bushy Run, or, as it was then 
known, Byerly's Station. 

On the morning of the fifth, the tents were struck at an 
early hour, and the troops began their march through a 
country broken with hills and deep hollows, covered with 
the tall, dense forest, which spread for countless leagues 
around. By one o'clock they had advanced seventeen 
miles, and the guides assured them that they were within 
half a mile of Bushy Run, their proposed resting place. 
The tired soldiers were pressing forward with renewed 
alacrity, when, suddenly, the report of rifles from the front 
sent a thrill along the ranks, and, as they listened, the 
firing thickened into a fierce, sharp rattle, while shouts 
and whoops, deadened by the intervening forest, showed 
that the advance guard was hotly engaged. The two 
foremost companies were at once ordered forward to sup- 
port it, but, far from abating, the fire grew so rapid and 
furious as to argue the presence of an enemy at once 
numerous and resolute. At this the convoy was halted, 
the troops formed into line, and a general charge ordered. 
Bearing down through the forest, with fixed bayonets, 
they drove the yelping assailants before them, and swept 
the ground clear. But, at the very moment of success, 
a fresh burst of whoops and firing was heard from either 
flank, while a confused noise from the rear showed that 
the convoy was attacked. It was necessary to fall back 
instantly to its support. Driving off the assailants, the 
troops formed in a circle around the crowded and terrified 
horses. Though many of them were new to the work, 
and though the numbers and movements of the enemy, 
who were yelling on every side, were concealed by the 
thick forest, yet no man lost his composure, and all dis- 



General Forbes' Expedition. 



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PL,AN OF BATTLE AT BUSHY RUN. 



518 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

played a steadiness which nothing but an implicit confi- 
dence in their commander could have inspired. Now 
ensued a combat of a nature most harassing and discourag- 
ing. Again and again, now on this side and now on that, 
a crowd of Indians rushed up, pouring in a heavy fire, 
and striving, with furious outcries, to break into the circle. 
A well-directed volley met them, followed by a steady 
charge of the bayonet. They never waited an instant to 
receive the attack, but, leaping backwards from tree to 
tree, soon vanished from sight, only to renew their attack 
with unabated ferocity in another quarter. Such was 
their activity that but few of them were hurt, while the 
British, less expert in bush-fighting, suffered severely. 
Thus the fight went on, without intermission, for seven 
hours, until the forest grew dark with approaching night. 
Upon this the Indians gradually slackened their fire, and 
the exhausted soldiers found time to rest. 

It was impossible to change their ground in the presence 
of the enemy, so the troops were obliged to encamp upon 
the hill where the combat had taken place, though not a 
drop of water was to be found there. Fearing a night 
attack, Bouquet stationed numerous sentinels and outposts 
to guard against it, while the remainder of the men lay 
down upon their arms, preserving the order they had main- 
tained during the fight. 

The condition of the wounded was most deplorable, 
and might well awaken sympathy. About sixty soldiers, 
besides several officers, had been killed or disabled. A 
space in the center of the camp was prepared for their 
reception, which was surrounded by a wall of flour bags 
from the convoy, affording some protection from the bul- 
lets which flew on all sides during the fight. Here they 



General Forbes 9 Expedition. 519 

lay, on the ground, enduring the agonies of thirst, and 
waiting, passive and helpless, the issue of the battle. 

With the earliest dawn of day there arose around the 
camp a general burst of those horrible cries which form 
the ordinary prelude of an Indian battle. Instantly, from 
every side at once, the enemy opened their fire, approach- 
ing under cover of the trees and bushs, and shooting with 
a close and deadly aim. As on the previous day they 
would rush up with furious impetuosity, striving to break 
into the ring of troops. They were repulsed at every 
point, but the British, though constantly victorious, were 
beset with undiminished perils, while the violence of the 
enemy seemed every moment on the increase. The troops, 
fatigued by the long march and equally long battle of the 
previous day, were maddened by the torments of thirst, 
"more intolerable," says their commander, "than the 
enemy's fire." They were fully conscious of the peril in 
which they stood of wasting away by slow degrees, while 
the Indians, seeing their distress, pressed them closer and 
closer. 

Meanwhile, the interior of the camp was a scene of con- 
fusion. The horses, secured in a crowd near the wall of 
flour bags which covered the wounded, were often struck 
by the bullets, and wrought to the height of terror by the 
mingled din of whoops, shrieks and firing. They would 
break away by half scores at a time, burst through the 
ring of troops and the outer circle of assailants, and scour 
madly up and down the hillsides, while many of the 
drivers, overcome by the terrors of a scene in which they 
could bear no active part, hid themselves among the bushes 
and could neither hear nor obey orders. 

It was now about ten o'clock. The troops were fast 
giving out. If the fortunes of the day were to be re- 



520 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

trieved the effort must be made at once, and, happily, the 
mind of the commander was equal to the emergency. 
Could the Indians be brought together in a body, and 
made to stand their ground when attacked, there could 
be little doubt of the result. To effect this object Bouquet 
determined in increase their confidence, which had already 
mounted to an audacious pitch. The companies of infan- 
try, forming a part of the ring, which had been exposed 
to the hottest fire were ordered to fall back into the interior 
of the camp, while the troops on either hand joined their 
files across the vacant space, as if to cover the retreat of 
their comrades. These orders given at a favorable mo- 
ment, were executed with great promptness. The thin 
line of troops who took possession of the deserted circle 
were from their small numbers, brought closer in towards 
the center. The Indians mistook these movements for a 
retreat. Confident that their time had come, they leaped 
up on all sides, from behind the trees and bushes, and, with 
infernal screeches, rushed headlong towards the spot, pour- 
ing in a heavy and galling fire. The shock was too vio- 
lent to be long endured. The men struggled to maintain 
their posts, but the Indians seemed on the point of break- 
ing into the heart of the camp, when the aspect of affairs 
was suddenly reversed. The two companies, who had 
apparently abandoned their position, were, in fact, des- 
tined to begin the attack, and now sallied out from the 
circle, at a point where a depression in the ground, joined 
to the thick growth of trees, had concealed them from the 
eyes of the Indians. Making a short detour through the 
woods, they came round upon the flank of the furious 
assailants, and fired a close volley into the midst of the 
crowd. Numbers were seen to fall, yet, though com- 
pletely surprised and utterly at a loss to understand the 



General Forbes' Expedition. 521 

nature of the attack, the Indians faced about with the 
greatest intrepidity, and returned the fire. The High- 
landers, however, with yells as wild as their own, fell on 
them with the bayonet. The shock was irresistible, and 
they fled before the charging ranks in a tumultuous throng. 
Orders had been given to two other companies, occupying 
a contiguous part of the circle, to support the attack when- 
ever a favorable moment should occur, and they had there- 
fore advanced a little from their position, where they lay 
crouched in ambush. The fugitives, pressed by the High- 
land bayonets, passed directly across their front, upon 
which they rose and poured upon them a second volley, no 
less destructive than the first. This completed the rout. 
The various companies, uniting, drove the flying savages 
through the woods, giving them no time to rally or reload 
their empty rifles, killing many and scattering the rest in 
hopeless confusion. 

While this took place at one part of the circle, the troops 
and savages had still maintained their respective positions 
at the other, but, when the latter perceived the total rout 
of their comrades, and saw the troops advancing to assail 
them, they also lost heart and fled. The discordant outcries 
which had so long deafened the ears of the English soon 
ceased altogether, and not a living Indian remained near 
the spot. About sixty corpses lay scattered on the ground, 
among whom were found several prominent chiefs, while 
the blood which stained the leaves of the bushes showed 
that numbers had fled wounded from the field. The sol- 
diers took but one prisoner, whom they shot to death like 
a captive wolf. The loss of the British in the two bat- 
tles, surpassed that of the enemy, amounting to eight 
officers and one hundred and fifteen men. 

Having been for some time detained by the necessity of 



522 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

making litters for the wounded, and destroying the stores 
which the flight of most of the horses made it impossible 
to transport, the army moved on, in the afternoon, to 
Bushy Run. Here they had scarcely formed their camp, 
when they were again fired upon by a body of Indians, 
who were soon repulsed. On the next day they resumed 
their progress towards Fort Pitt, distant about twenty-five 
miles, which, though frequently annoyed on the march by 
petty attacks, they reached on the tenth, without serious 
loss. It was a joyful moment both to the troops and to 
the garrison. 

The battle of Bushy Run was one of the best contested 
actions ever fought between white men and Indians. In 
the province the victory excited equal joy and admiration, 
especially among those who knew the incalculable difficul- 
ties of an Indian campaign. The Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania passed a vote expressing their sense of the merits of 
Bouquet, and of the services he had rendered the province. 
He soon after received the additional honor of the formal 
thanks of the King. 

In many an Indian village the women cut away their 
hair, gashed their limbs with knives, and uttered their 
dismal howlings of lamentation for the fallen. Fort Pitt 
was effectually relieved, and the spirit of the savage com- 
pletely broken, even though his depredations did not in- 
stantly cease. 

Return of Killed and Wounded in the Two 
Actions. 

Forty-second, or Royal Highlanders. — One captain, one 
lieutenant, one sergeant, one corporal, twenty-five privates, 
killed, one captain, one lieutenant, two sergeants, three 



General Forbes' Expedition. 523 

corporals, one drummer, twenty-seven privates, wounded. 

Sixtieth, or Royal Americans. — One corporal, six pri- 
vates, killed; one lieutenant, four privates, wounded. 

Seventy-seventh, or Montgomery Highlanders. — One 
drummer, five privates, killed; one lieutenant, one volun- 
teer, three sergeants, seven privates, wounded. 

Volunteers, Rangers and Pack-horse Men. — One lieu- 
tenant, seven privates, killed; eight privates, wounded; five 
privates missing. 

Names of Officers. 

Forty-second Regiment. — Captain -Lieutenant John 
Graham, Lieutenant Mcintosh and Lieutenant Joseph 
Randal, of the rangers, killed. 

Forty-second Regiment. — Captain John Graham and 
Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, wounded. 

Sixtieth Regiment. — Lieutenant James Dow, wounded. 

Seventy-seventh Regiment. — Lieutenant Donald Camp- 
bell and Volunteer M. Peebles, wounded. 

Total. — Fifty killed, sixty wounded, five missing. 








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CHAPTER XXXV. 



The Peace Conferences with the Indians. 





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TERE is still much 
truth in the old prov- 
erb that " the pen is mightier 
than the sword." In read- 
ing of the battles and blood- 
shed of the French and In- 
dian War it is but natural 
that they should impress 
themselves upon our minds, 
and that we should, in turn, 
get the feeling that peace was 
conquered through war. As a matter of fact, so far as Penn- 
sylvania, and especially the eastern part of the province, was 
concerned, the cessation of hostilities was due, almost en- 
tirely, to diplomacy, and to a diplomacy in which two 
Pennsylvania-Germans were largely concerned, without 
whom, the writer does not hesitate to say, the results de- 
sired could not have been attained. 

Had this result depended upon conquest by force of 
arms the terrible scenes, of the fall of 1755 and spring 

(524) 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 5 2 5 

of 1756, would have continued, without intermission and 
with increasing horror, until 1759. Indeed, there might 
not have been peace even then had the French, and their 
Indian allies, made material gains in Pennsylvania. To 
the reader it must have been apparent, long since, that the 
provincials were barely able to act on the defensive and 
stem the encroachments of the savage. To be sure Arm- 
strong's expedition gave temporary relief in some quarters, 
and Forbes' expedition seemed to meet with even greater 
success, but we must not forget that the success of the latter 
was not due to any victorious engagement, but altogether 
and solely because a Pennsylvania-German Moravian mis- 
sionary had succeeded in alienating the Indians from the 
French, and causing them to desert their former allies. 

The war had hardly begun when the far-seeing and 
experienced Conrad Weiser saw the advantages to be 
gained by diplomatic efforts and peace overtures. Fortu- 
nately, his views were entirely in accord with those of the 
dominant Quaker element, whose principles were of peace 
and not of war, and who were entirely willing to give 
material sums of money to accomplish the desired result 
in this way, while they were most unwilling to contribute 
a farthing towards the necessary expenses of the war. 
The government, at once, fell heartily into the project. 

In view of the peculiar relations which the Delaware 
tribe still occupied with the Six Nations, it was felt that 
the first step to be taken would be to bring a certain pres- 
sure to bear upon the former through the latter. Accord- 
ingly, by the aid of Sir William Johnson, in New York, 
the chiefs of the Six Nations were prompted to send messen- 
gers to the Delawares and Shawanese, reminding them that 
they were their vassals, asking why they had taken up arms 
against their friends, the English, and ordering them to 



526 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

cease hostilities. This was done in the beginning of 1756. 
To add to the effect which this would have upon them, 
and to set in motion the necessary machinery for placating 
the hostile tribes, on April 26, 1756, the Governor sent 
Newcastle, Jagrea and William Lacquis, friendly and 
trustworthy native emissaries, to Diahoga and Wyoming, 
the headquarters of Teedyuscung, the chief of the Dela- 
wares, or as he better became known, the king of the Dela- 
wares, and Paxinos, king of the Shawanese, to tell them 
that the Six Nations forbade their going to war, and offer- 
ing to make peace. 

These messengers returned on June 3d, with most favor- 
able reports, whereupon, on June 8, the governor sent 
back Newcastle to Teedyuscung, asking him to come to a 
conference, at the home of Weiser, or any other place he 
might select. This effort was furthered by Sir William 
Johnson, who, on July 1 1, arranged matters with Teedyus- 
cung and Paxinos, whereby they agreed to be governed by 
the orders of the Six Nations, and to make peace. 

On July 18 Newcastle reached Bethlehem, accompanied 
by Teedyuscung, and, on July 28, the first conference was 
held, when Teedyuscung, whose heart was with the English 
rather than the French, was gained over, and consented to 
act, with Newcastle, as the governor's agent in Pennsyl- 
vania for the arrangement of peace and restoration of 
captives. 

Under the head of Fort Allen we have seen how the 
Delaware chief loitered on his way back, having fallen into 
the unscrupulous hands of those who took advantage of 
his weakness for drink. 

It was not until October 11, 1756, he again reached 
Easton, bringing with him a number of unhappy captives, 
and accompanied by some sixteen Delawares and two 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 527 

Shawanese, as well as representatives of the Six Nations. 
On November 8, 1756, the second peace conference took 
place, and everything progressed nicely until it was noticed 
that Teedyuscung was keeping back some complaint, over 
which he had been brooding, and which, apparently, ex- 
erted a great influence over him for bad. Through 
Weiser's skillful questioning it developed that the one 
great wrong which the Indians felt, and the one sore spot 
which remained, was the old question of land deeds, and 
especially that which pertained to the "Walking Pur- 
chase." While hesitating to do so, in the presence of rep- 
resentatives from the Six Nations, the Delaware chief 
could not help but refer to the manner in which they had 
ordered his people to surrender their lands to the English ; 
he complained of the fraudulent acquisition of their prop- 
erty by the government, and even intimated that the deeds, 
of which the governor spoke, were not genuine, or that 
they did not contain such clauses as were declared to be in 
them. It was a critical period in the conference, and the 
wisdom of Weiser alone prevented a catastrophe. By his 
advise, the governor expressed surprise at the charges 
made, promised to examine into the matter carefully, 
which, of course, would take time, and to redress all 
wrongs. A breathing spell having been thus gained, and 
present friction allayed, various gifts were distributed to 
the placated Indians who departed, promising to spread 
the doctrine of peace throughout the other tribes, and then 
meet the governor once more, bringing with them other 
prisoners still in their hands. 

Unfortunately, at this time the small-pox was prevalent 
and Newcastle fell a victim to it. 

Sir William Johnson, in the meantime, continued the 
good work at his end of the line, and, on February 16, 



528 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

1757, wrote that a delegation of the Six Nations had been 
sent to use their influence with the Delawares and Shawa- 
nese for the immediate restoration of the remaining pris- 
oners, and to remind them of their promise made, in the 
spring of 1756, to lay down the hatchet and have peace. 
This letter was read by George Croghan, Johnson's repre- 
sentative, to the large number of Indians, gathered at 
Lancaster in May, 1757, comprising Tuscaroras, Mo- 
hawks, Cayugas, Nanticokes, Oneidas, Onondagoes, Sen- 
ecas, Delawares and Conestogas, all of whom were waiting 
the arrival of Teedyuscung. On May 9 the governor 
reached Lancaster, and a conference, of a general char- 
acter, was held, at which he spoke kind words to the In- 
dians, but, seeing that they were becoming impatient at 
the non-arrival of the Delaware king, and learning that 
the latter would not be able to came promptly, he dis- 
missed them, with the understanding that another confer- 
ence would be called so soon as it was possible for all the 
Delawares and Shawanese to get together, at which the 
Six Nations would also be represented. 

On May 21a message was sent to Teedyuscung, asking 
him to come, but it was not until July that he appeared in 
the vicinity of Fort Allen, with a large following, so large, 
indeed, as to create much alarm, as well among the settlers 
as the Indians, who had been told that the former had 
planned to cut them off, and would only consent to advance 
when they had been given safe conduct, and were assured 
that the rumor was incorrect. In due time they reached 
Easton, where the government, in turn, had a guard of 
over one hundred men, from Colonel Weiser's Battalion, 
to prevent any possible treachery. The party consisted 
of some 400 Indians, of which 159 were Delawares, 1 19 
Senecas, the remainder of the Six Nations. The confer- 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 529 

ence lasted from July 21 to August 7, 1757. The promi- 
nent figure in it was Teedyuscung, the Delaware king, who 
stated that he was empowered to speak and act for ten 
nations, and that they were prepared to take up the con- 
sideration of the points in dispute at the previous confer- 
ence. He demanded a sight of the original land deeds, 
and proudly declared that his people had now earned the 
rights to be called "men," and that he, himself, no longer 
wore the petticoats of a woman, but, by the consent of 
his "uncles," the Six Nations, his skirts had been cut off, 
and he stood before them " a man," the king of the Dela- 
wares, and the representative of a united ten nations. It 
was the grand speech of a noble man, but it caused a frown 
to come to the face of many a delegate from the Six Na- 
tions who sat about him. 

The demand for a sight of the land deeds brought con- 
sternation to the governor, but, once more, the advice and 
judgment of Weiser came to his aid. In due time the 
deeds were produced and examined, lengthy, but satis- 
factory, explanations followed, presents were given the 
Delawares and promises made, and certain lands, then 
occupied by them, between the Susquehanna and Delaware 
Rivers to the north of the mountains, were set aside for 
their use. The conference ended most happily and peace 
seemed assured. 

It only remained to secure the final consent of some of 
the extreme westerly tribes. To that end the active coop- 
eration of the Moravian missionary, Frederick Post, was 
secured, whose tireless labors, in the midst of the greatest 
difficulties and personal danger to himself, finally met 
with success. The alienation of the Indians from the 
French was completely effected, resulting in the destruction 



53° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

of Fort Duquesne and total abandonment of the hard- 
fought field by the enemy. 

From the nature of the conferences held with the In- 
dians, whereby but one step could be taken at a time, and 
but a part of the hostile tribes gained at each meeting, it 
can be understood how the business of making peace, diplo- 
matically, took time. As each tribe was gained, how- 
ever, so many less were the marauding parties, and so 
much less was the destruction committed. Every effort on 
the part of Teedyuscung, after the conference of 1756, 
was with the sincere purpose of bringing the war to an 
end, so far as his people were concerned. From the testi- 
mony given by returned prisoners we have seen how they 
were then kindly treated by the eastern Delawares, and 
were told that the scalping parties, which still deluged the 
frontiers with blood, consisted, mainly, of so-called" French 
Indians " from the western part of the province. 

By 1758 all the hostile Indians were doubtless impressed 
by the victories which the English had gained over their 
foe. This, together with the great advances made at the 
various peace conferences already held, assured the rati- 
fication of a general peace, on the part of all the tribes 
which still remained hostile. At the great conference 
held in Easton from October 8 to October 26, 1758, a 
great number of Indians were present, representing all 
the tribes, the result of which was universal peace, so far 
as the hapless settlers of Pennsylvania were concerned, 
until the sudden and terrible outbreak of Pontiac's War in 
1763. At this meeting Teedyuscung was, once more, the 
central figure. 

If it were more within the scope of this paper and space 
would allow, it would be most interesting to discuss the 
details of these different conferences, and the phases which 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 531 

they assumed from time to time. The history which we 
are writing, however, would not be complete without more 
full reference to four of the prominent actors in the scenes 
which have been spread before us, without whom the whole 
transaction would have been barren of results. Two of 
them were Indians and two white men. Of the former 
the most prominent Indian had been under the influence 
of the Pennsylvania-German Moravians, and who can say 
that this had no bearing on his future actions. 

The first Indian was Newcastle, or Captain Newcastle 
as he is named at times. He was a member of the Six 
Nations, by whom he was called " Cashrowaya," or " Ka- 
nuksusy." When a child he had been formally presented, 
by his parents, to William Penn, at New Castle. In Au- 
gust, 1755, Governor Morris publicly conferred on him 
the name of Newcastle, in remembrance of that event, 
addressing him, on the occasion, in these words: 

" In token of our affection for your parents, and in ex- 
pectation of your being a useful man in these perilous 
times, I do, in the most solemn manner, adopt you by the 
name of Newcastle, and order you, hereafter, to be called 
by that name." He confirmed his words with a belt of 
eight rows. 

Newcastle was truly loyal to the English. It was only 
by his aid that the preliminary conferences with the hos- 
tile Indians became possible, and that Teedyuscung was 
brought to an interview with the governor in 1756. He 
died, in the midst of his usefulness, of smallpox, in No- 
vember of that year. 

The other Indian was the Delaware chief, or king, 
Teedyuscung, a truly great man. 

Tadeuskund, or Teedyuscung, was the last Delaware 
chief east of the Allegheny Mountains. Even before he 



53 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

was raised to the high position, which he occupied, he had 
signalized himself as an able counsellor in his nation. In 
the year 1749 he joined the Christian Indian congrega- 
tion, and the following year, at his earnest desire, was 
christened by the name of " Gideon." Before that he 
had been known as " Honest John." It was not until 
1754 that his nation called upon him to assume a military 
command, and to take the place of their great, good, be- 
loved and peaceable Chief Tademe (commonly called 
Tattemi), who, some time before, had been murdered in 
the Forks Settlement by a foolish young white man. His 
elevation to this position was ratified by the Six Nations, 
as claimed by Teedyuscung himself when asked the ques- 
tion at the conference in June, 1756. 

The great chief was a man of noble impulse and filled 
with a patriotic feeling for his own people. His one 
great aim was to make right the wrongs which he felt had 
been done them, both by the English and the Six Nations, 
especially in the matter of land purchases, and to elevate 
his nation to the proud position once occupied by the great 
Lenni-Lenape, so that they might no longer sit under the 
opprobrious epithet of "women," but once more stand 
before their old masters, the Six Nations, as " men," and 
equals. 

To this end, he unhesitatingly assumed the role of the 
most prominent figure at all the conferences held with 
the Governor, which was actually thrust upon him by cir- 
cumstances almost beyond his control. It was by his dig- 
nity, ability and shrewdness, on these occasions, that he 
practically succeeded in the accomplishment of the hopes 
which were nearest his heart, and did, indeed, raise his 
tribe to a position which they had not occupied for many 
years. 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 533 

Back of his patriotic love for his own people there lay 
a true regard for the English, unaccompanied by any sim- 
ilar feeling for the French. He had lived amongst them, 
eaten with them, and it was from the lips of the Moravian 
missionaries he had heard preached the gospel of Christ 
to which he became a convert. With such sympathies, it 
was but natural for him to willingly lend his aid to the 
plans of the government to bring about peace, and this 
assistance was willingly and honestly given. 

Unfortunately, human nature was as weak then as it 
is now. The faithful labors of Teedyuscung resulted in 
the birth of enemies against him. As he stood, at the con- 
ferences, surrounded by scores of chiefs from other nations 
and tribes, who could not fail to realize his ability, and 
could not help but see the prominence he had attained and 
the attention which was shown him, anything but friendly 
feelings filled many savage breasts. The representatives 
of the Six Nations saw their former vassals slipping away 
from their authority, and made up their minds that he 
must be gotten rid of; his frequent visits to the governor, 
and to the people called Quakers (to whom he was much 
attached, because they were known to be friendly to the 
Indians) excited much jealousy among some of his own 
nation, especially the Monseys, who believed that he was 
carrying on some underhand work, detrimental to the 
nation at large, on which account, as they wished the con- 
tinuation of the war, they became his enemies; even the 
English, for whom he was doing so much, doubted his 
sincerity because he was not sooner able to bring together 
the incongruous elements, whose united assent to peace 
was necessary. 

From the precarious situation in which Teedyuscung 
was placed it was easy to forsee that he would come to an 



534 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

untimely end, and that he could not long escape the fate 
intended him. The opportunity came with the outbreak 
of Pontiac's war, in the spring of 1763. At this time he 
was quietly living in the Minisink region, above Strouds- 
burg, which he had made his home, and where he was 
born, when, in October, 1763, a party of warriors, from 
the Six Nations, paid him a visit, with a smile of friend- 
ship on the face and enmity in the heart. After lingering 
around for several days, when, doubtless, much liquor 
was drunk, they succeeded in treacherously setting fire to 
his house at night, which, with the veteran himself, was 
burnt to ashes. 

To shield themselves, the Indians, who had committed 
the dastardly deed, blamed it on the white settlers from 
Connecticut. The result can readily be imagined. Be- 
loved, as the chief was by many of his people, their wrath 
was kindled intensely by his death, and, especially, by the 
manner in which it occurred. Parties at once started on 
the warpath, and committed the depredations which will 
be narrated in the succeeding chapter. 

Besides his title of " King of the Delawares," he was 
called, by many people, the " War Trumpet," while pass- 
ing and repassing, to and from the enemy, with messages. 
In his person he was a tall, portly and well-looking man, 
endowed with good natural sense, quick of comprehension, 
and very ready in answering questions put to him. He 
was proud, thought much of his rank, and was fond of 
having a retinue with him when attending the various con- 
ferences. His greatest weakness was a fondness for strong 
drink, the temptation of which he could not easily resist, 
and would sometimes drink to excess. This unfortunate 
propensity probably gave the opportunity for his cruel and 
untimely death. 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 535 

Although grave and dignified, he seems to have been 
somewhat of a wit. A tradition states that one day he 
met a blacksmith named Wm. McNabb, a rather worth- 
less fellow, who accosted him with, " Well, cousin, how 
do you do?" "Cousin, cousin," repeated the haughty 
red man, "how do you make that out?" "Oh, we are 
all cousins from Adam," was the reply. "Ah!" retorted 
Teedyuscung, " then I am glad it is no nearer." 

The family of Teedyuscung, in 1756, consisted of his 
wife, Elizabeth, and three sons, Tachgokanhelle, alias 
Amos, who married Purgtis, a Jersey Delaware, and sister 
of the wife of Christian Frederick Post, the missionary; 
Kesmitas, and John Jacob. Prior to this date the whole 
family had become members of the Christian Church. 
Half brothers of the chief were Joe Evans, San Evans and 
Young Captain Harris, all of whom figure in the French 
and Indian War. 

The two other men of note, in the peace conferences, 
were Pennsylvania-Germans. 

Head and shoulders above every one else stood Conrad 
Weiser. No one, at this day, can fully realize the prob- 
lem then before him. On the result of all these gather- 
ings hung either growing peace or continued war. The 
least misstep meant disaster. Filled with a feeling of 
wrong committed against them, unexpected situations were 
constantly cropping out, which had to be met, and unex- 
pected questions were constantly asked, which had to be 
answered. At times the whole condition of affairs was 
most acute, and how could it be otherwise when we con- 
sider the discordant elements which entered into the meet- 
ings. None save he who had a thorough knowledge of 
the savage nature, language and customs, and who had a 
full knowledge of the entire condition of affairs in general, 



536 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

could possibly handle the situation, and avoid falling into 
the many pit-falls by which he was surrounded. The only 
man to meet all these requirements was Weiser, and, under 
Providence, the Province of Pennsylvania owes him a 
further debt of gratitude in that he, more than any one 
else, was instrumental in bringing peace to it. 

Hardly less entitled to praise and thanks was the little 
known, and less heard of, Moravian missionary, Christian 
Frederick Post, whose life of labor and love was mostly 
spent among the aborigines on the outer limit of civilized 
settlement. However friendly disposed Teedyuscung, and 
those under his direct control, there were the more western 
tribes who still clung to the French. Unless they could 
be alienated from them the capture of Fort Duquesne 
seemed almost a physical impossibility; without the fall 
of this fortress, and the departure of the French, peace 
was equally remote. The work of bringing about this 
alienation was entrusted to Post, the only man capable of 
accomplishing it, because of his connection with the In- 
dians, and their esteem for him. How well he did it we 
have already seen in our record of General Forbes' expe- 
dition in 1758. We have read how, abandoned by his 
savage allies, the French commander was forced to flee 
as he saw the British army approach, with their dying 
general, whom the Indians called the " Head of Iron." 
Mr. Frank Cowan, the poet of southwestern Pennsylvania, 
tells the story in one of his songs, of which we give a verse : 

" The Head of Iron, from his couch, 

Gave courage and command, 
Which Washington, Bouquet and Grant 

Repeated to the band; 
Till, hark! the Highlanders began 

With their chieftain's words to swell, 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 537 

'To-night, I shall sup and drain my cup 

In Fort DuQuesne — or Hell ! ' 
But the man of Prayer, and not of boast, 

Had spoken first, in Frederick Post." 

To show the estimation in which this noble man was 
held by the authorities, and as an interesting record of his 
later life, we quote the words of a pass-port given him 
in 1767. 

"Passport for C. Frederick Post, 1767. 

"The Honourable John Penn, Esquire, Lieutenant 
Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Province of 
Pennsylvania, and the counties of New Castle, Kent and 
Sussex, in Delaware. 

"To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting: 
" Whereas, Mr. Christian Frederick Post has been fre- 
quently employed by this Government in messages of great 
Importance to the several Nations of Indians, as well dis- 
tant as bordering nations, in which he always acted faith- 
fully and gave entire satisfaction, and particularly by his 
care and prudence in the execution of a message sent in 
ye year 1758, to all the Tribes of the Indians then at war 
with His Majesty, was very instrumental in disposing them 
to quit the French, and join themselves to the King's Army, 
then marching under General Forbes to Fort DuQuesne, 
by means whereof the French Garrison blew up and de- 
serted that Fort, and whereas, the said Christian Post has 
been regularly ordained a Deacon in the church of the 
Unitas Fratrum, known and distinguished by the name 
of the Moravian Church, and in that Quality of Deacon, 
hath had several commissions from former Governors of 
this Province to go amongst and preach the Gospel to ye 
Indians in alliance w'th his Majesty, as well Six Nations as 



538 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Delawares, and other Tribes of Indians, And whereas, the 
s'd Chris. Frederick Post hath now informed us that he is 
just arrived from the Musquito Shore, where he has been 
for some time resident, and has obtained a regular invita- 
tion, as well from the English inhabitants living on ye 
Musquito Shore, as from the principal Indians on that 
Coast, to return to them, and to become their minister 
for ye preaching of ye Gospel, and the administration of 
ye Sacraments, and the said Chris. Frederick Post hath, 
in my presence, subscribed his assent and consent to the 
Liturgy of the Church of England, and expressed his 
entire approbation of the Province's forms and cere- 
monies used in the established church, and hath further 
declared that he will conform thereto as far as is prac- 
ticable in such a country, with such people as he is called 
to minister amongst, and he is purposed to return to ye 
Musquito Shore, and try, under God, what he can do to 
promote their salvation. 

"And whereas, it hath been made appear to me, as well 
by letters as by ye testimony of academy in this city, and 
by the Rev. Mr. Peters, Rector of the United Churches 
of Christ Church & St. Peters, in this city, & of the Rev'd 
Mr. Smith, Provost of the College & Academy in this city, 
that ye s'd Chris. Frederick Post is agreeable & hath 
received presents and other Encouragement from ye hon- 
ourable Society for ye propagation of ye Gospel whilst he 
was among ye Musquito Indians. 

" Now Know ye, that in consideration of the Benefits, 
and from ye Esteem he is in, w'th me and sundry others 
to whom he is known in this and the neighbouring Prov- 
inces, I do most heartily approve of ye desire to assist him 
in this, his weighty and pious Resolution, and do now affec- 
tionately recommend him to the King and good offices of 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 539 

all his Majesty's Governors, Magistrates and officers, both 
Civil and Military, in places thro' which he may have 
occasion to travel, and particularly to his Excellency, ye 
Governor of Jamaica, to whom he proposes first to go, 
and who knows these his purposes, to the end that he may 
have & receive his Excellency's approbation and protection 
in ye good work he has undertaken. 

" Given under my hand and ye Great Seal of said Prov- 
ince, at Philadelphia, this 21st April, 1767." 

Christian Frederick Post died in Germantown, April 
29, 1785, and, on May 1, his remains were interred in 
the "Lower Graveyard," of that place, the Rev. William 
White, then Rector of Christ Church, conducting the 
funeral services. His tombstone is near the gateway, to 
the right. But little is known of him prior to his arrival 
in America. His birthplace seems to have been Konitz, 
a town at the southern end of the Muskonderfer Lake, in 
the present West Prussia. The year of his birth — 17 10 — 
is on record, but not the exact date. No data are in 
existence concerning his parentage. 

The Outbreak of 1763 in Eastern Pennsylvania. 

Pontiac's outbreak, in itself, would have caused hardly 
a ripple of excitement east of the Susquehanna River. 
When, however, their great chief Teedyuscung had been 
so foully put to death, in their wrath and desire for ven- 
geance the Delawares took advantage of the hostilities, 
begun by Pontiac, to dig up the hatchet themselves and 
once more spread death, misery and destruction all about 
them. As usual the innocent Pennsylvania-German fron- 
tiersmen were again the chief sufferers. Under the cap- 
tions of the various forts and defenses various incidents of 



54° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

murder and massacre, pertaining to this period, have 
already been enumerated. 

In the neighborhood of Northampton County, however, 
there was added reason why the blood of the Indian should 
have been stirred up to hostilities. One occurrence, which 
is of sufficient interest to entitle it to a separate chapter, is 
narrated in " Heckewelder's Account of the Indian Na- 
tions," as follows: 

"In the summer of the year 1763, some friendly In- 
dians, from a distant place, came to Bethlehem to dispose 
of their peltry for manufactured goods and necessary im- 
plements of husbandry. Returning home, well satisfied, 
they put up the first night at a tavern (John Stenton's) 
near the Irish Settlement eight miles distant from Beth- 
lehem. The landlord not being at home, his wife took 
the liberty of encouraging the people who frequented her 
house for the sake of drinking, to abuse those Indians, 
adding that she would freely give a gallon of rum to any 
one of them that would kill one of these black devils. 
Other white people from the neighborhood came in during 
the night, who also drank freely, made a great deal of 
noise, and increased the fears of those poor Indians, who — 
for the greatest part understood English — could not but 
suspect something bad was intended against their persons. 
They were, however, not otherwise disturbed; but in the 
morning, when after a restless night they were preparing 
to set off, they found themselves robbed of some of their 
most valuable articles they had purchased, and on men- 
tioning this to a man who appeared to be the bar-keeper, 
they were ordered to leave the house. Not being willing 
to lose so much property, they retired to some distance in 
the woods, when, some of them remaining with what was 
left them, the others returned to Bethlehem and lodged 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 541 

their complaint with a justice of the peace. The magis- 
trate gave them a letter to the landlord, pressing him 
without delay to restore to the Indians the goods, that had 
been taken from them. But, behold! when they deliv- 
ered that letter to the people of the inn, they were told in 
answer, that if they set any value on their lives they must 
make off with themselves immediately. They well under- 
stood that they had no other alternative, and prudently 
departed without having received back any of their goods. 
Arrived at Nescopeck, on the Susquehanna, they fell in 
with some other Delaware Indians, who had been treated 
much in the same manner, one of them having his rifle 
stolen from him. Here the two parties agreed to take re- 
venge in their own way for those insults and robberies for 
which they could obtain no redress, and this they deter- 
mined to do as soon as war should be again declared by 
their nation against the English." 

As a proof of the truth of this narrative Heckewelder 
adds a note: 

" This relation is authentic. I have received it from the 
mouth of the chief of the injured party, and his statement 
was confirmed by communications made at the time by two 
respectable magistrates of the county. Justice Geiger's 
letter to Tim. Horsfield proves this fact." 

About the same time as this unfortunate occurrence, 
another one of a similar character took place, which is 
given in Loskill's " History of the Missions of the Indians 
in America," as follows: 

"In August, 1763, Zachary and his wife, who had left 
the congregation in Wechquetank — on Poca Poca (Head's) 
Creek, north of the Blue Mountains, settled by Moravian 
Indians — (where they had belonged, but left some time 
previous), came on a visit, and did all in their power to 



54 2 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

disquiet the minds of the brethren respecting the intentions 
of the white people. A woman, called Zippora, was per- 
sauded to follow them. On their return they staid at the 
Buchkabuchka (this is the name the Munsey's have for 
the Lehigh Water Gap — it means ' mountains butting op- 
posite each other') over night, where Captain Wetterholt 
(Nicholas) lay with a company of soldiers, and went un- 
concerned to sleep in a hay loft. But in the night they 
were surprised by the soldiers. Zippora was thrown down 
upon the threshing floor and killed; Zachary escaped out 
of the house, but was pursued, and with his wife and little 
child put to the sword, although the mother begged for 
their lives upon her knees." 

The presence of Captain Wetterholt at Lehigh Gap 
was probably owing to the fact that he was on his way 
either to or from Fort Allen, at Weissport, where a body 
of soldiers, under his command was still stationed. His 
lieutenant, at this time, was a man named Jonathan Dodge, 
who seems to have been a most precious scoundrel, who 
committed many atrocious acts against his fellow-soldiers, 
also against the inhabitants of Northampton County, but 
particularly against the Indians. 

In August, 1763, four Indians came to his fort, from 
whom he took four rifles and frontier deer-skins, weighing 
thirty-one pounds. After the Indians had left he took 
twenty men and pursued them, and ordered his men to fire 
a volley at them. These were friendly inoffensive Indians, 
who had come from Shamokin on their way to Bethlehem. 

On September 9, Jacob Warner, a soldier, made the 
statement that he and Dodge were searching for a lost 
gun, when, about two miles from Fort Allen, they saw 
three Indians painted black. Dodge fired upon them and 
killed one; Warner also fired upon them, and thought he 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 543 

wounded another, but two of them escaped; the Indians 
had not fired at them. The Indian was scalped, and the 
scalp sold to some person in Philadelphia who gave eight 
dollars for it. These were also friendly Indians. 

On October 4, Dodge was charged with disabling Peter 
Frantz, a soldier; for striking him with a gun, and order- 
ing his men to lay down their arms if the captain should 
blame him about the scalp. 

In a letter of this date, Captain Nicholas Wetterholt 
wrote to Mr. Horsfield: 

" If he (Dodge) is to remain in the company, not one 
man will remain. I never had so much trouble and uneas- 
iness as I have had these few weeks; and if he continues in 
the service any longer, I don't propose to stay any longer. 
I intend to confine him only for this crime." 

On October 5 Captain Wetterholt placed Lieutenant 
Jonathan Dodge under arrest " for striking and abusing 
Peter Frantz," and sent him in charge of Captain Jacob 
Wetterholt, Sergeant Laurence McGuire, and some sol- 
diers, to Timothy Horsfield, at Bethlehem. We are not 
told the result, but merely know that on October 7 the 
party left Bethlehem on their way back to Fort Allen. 
That the same evening they arrived at John Stenton's 
tavern and lodged for the night. Unsuspicious of danger, 
Captain Wetterholt failed to place sentrys about the build- 
ing. During the night, the Indians unperceived and un- 
suspected, approached the house. What happened at 
break of day, on October 8, is thus related: 

" The Capt. designing early in the morning to proceed 
for the fort, ordered a servant out to get his horse ready, 
who was immediately shot down by the enemy ; upon the 
Captain going to the door he was also mortally wounded, 
and a sergeant, who attempted to draw the Captain in, was 



544 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

also dangerously hurt. The lieutenant then advanced, 
when an Indian jumping on the bodies of the two others, 
presented a pistol to his breast, which, he putting aside, it 
went off over his shoulder, whereby he got the Indian out 
of the house and shut the door. The Indians then went 
around to a window, and, as Stenton was getting out of 
bed, shot him; but, rushing from the house, he was able 
to run a mile before he dropped dead. His wife and two 
children ran into the cellar; they were fired upon three 
times, but escaped uninjured. Capt. Witherholt, notwith- 
standing his wound, crawled to a window, whence he killed 
one of the Indians who were setting fire to the house; the 
others ran off, bearing with them their dead companion." 

The wounded were taken to Bethlehem where Captain 
Wetterholt died the next day, at the Crown Inn, and so 
passed away a brave and energetic officer who deserved a 
better fate. 

This was but the beginning of the revenge which the 
savages had determined to take. An extract from a Beth- 
lehem letter of October 9 says : 

" Early this morning came Nicholas Marks, of White- 
hall Township, and brought the following account, viz : 

" That Yesterday, just after dinner, as he opened his 
door, he saw an Indian standing about two poles from the 
house, who endeavored to shoot at him; but, Marks shut- 
ting the door immediately, the fellow slipped into a cellar, 
close to the house. After this said Marks went out of 
the house, with his wife and an apprentice boy, (This ap- 
prentice boy was the late George Graff, of Allentown, then 
fifteen years of age. He ran to Philip Jacob Schrieber 
with the news of these murders. He was Captain of a 
company in the Revolutionary War. In 1786 he resigned 
as Collector of the Excise, and was Sheriff of Northamp- 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 545 





















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546 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

ton County in the years 1787-8-9. For three years he 
was a member of the Legislature, then holding its sessions 
in Philadelphia, from December 3, 1793 to December, 
1796. He lived many years in Allentown, where he died 
in 1835, in the 88th year of his age) in order to make his 
escape, and saw another Indian standing behind a tree. 
They then saw the third Indian running through the or- 
chard; upon which they made the best of their way, about 
two miles off, to Adam Deshler's place, where twenty men 
in arms were assembled, who went first to the house of 
John Jacob Mickley, where they found a boy and girl 
lying dead, and the girl scalped. From thence they went 
to Hans Schneider's and said Mark's plantations, and 
found both houses on fire, and a horse tied to the bushes. 
They also found said Schneider, his wife and three chil- 
dren, dead in the field, the man and woman scalped; and, 
on going further, they found two others wounded, one 
of whom was scalped. After this they returned with the 
two wounded girls to Adam Deshler's, and saw a woman, 
Jacob Alleman's wife, with a child, lying dead in the road 
and scalped. The number of Indians they think was about 
fifteen, or twenty. 

" I cannot describe the deplorable condition this poor 
country is in, most of the inhabitants of Allen's Town 
and other places are fled from their habitations. Many 
are in Bethlehem, and other places of the Brethren, and 
others further down the country. I cannot ascertain the 
number killed but think it exceeds twenty. The people 
of Nazareth, and other places belonging to the Brethren, 
have put themselves in the best posture of defence they 
can; they keep a strong watch every night, and hope, by 
the blessing of God, if they are attacked, to make a good 
stand. 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 547 

11 In a letter from the same county, of the 10th instant, 
the number killed is said to be twenty-three, besides a great 
many dangerously wounded; that the inhabitants are in the 
utmost distress and confusion, flying from their places, 
some of them with hardly sufficient to cover themselves, 
and that it was to be feared there were many houses, &c. 
burned, and lives lost that were not known. And by a 
gentleman from the same quarter we are informed that it 
was reported, when he came away, that Yost's mill, about 
eleven miles from Bethlehem, was destroyed, and all the 
people that belonged to it, excepting a young man, cut off." 

After the deplorable disaster at Stenton's house, the 
Indians plundered James Allen's house, a short distance 
off; after which they attacked Andrew Hazlet's house, 
half a mile from Allen's, where they shot and scalped a 
man. Hazlet attempted to fire on the Indians, but missed, 
and was shot himself, which his wife, some distance off, 
saw. She ran off with two children, but was pursued and 
overtaken by the Indians, who caught and tomahawked 
her and the children in a dreadful manner; yet she and 
one of the children lived until four days after, and the 
other child recovered. Hazlet's house was plundered. 
About a quarter of a mile from there the Indians burned 
down Kratzer's house, probably after having plundered it. 
Then a party of Indians proceeded to a place on the Lehigh, 
a short distance above Siegfried's Bridge, to this day 
known as the " Indian Fall " or Rapids, where twelve 
Indians were seen wading across the river by Ulrich Sho- 
walter, who then lived on the place recently owned by 
Peter Troxel. Showalter was at that time working on 
the roof of a building, the site of which being consider- 
ably elevated above the river Lehigh, he had a good op- 
portunity to see and count the Indians, who, after having 



548 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

crossed the river, landed near Leisenring's Mountain. It 
is to be observed that the greater part of this township 
was then still covered with dense forests, so that the In- 
dians could readily move from place to place without being 
seen. They were not noticed by any one, save Showalter, 
until they reached the farm of John Jacob Mickley, where 
they encountered three of his children, two boys and a 
girl, in a field under a chestnut tree, where they were gath- 
ering chestnuts. The children's ages were: Peter, eleven; 
Henry, nine; and Barbara, seven; who, on seeing the 
Indians, began to run away. The little girl was over- 
taken, not far from the tree, and knocked down with a 
tomahawk. Henry had reached the fence, and, while in 
the act of climbing it, an Indian threw a tomahawk at his 
back, which is supposed to have killed him instantly. Both 
of these children were scalped. The little girl, in an in- 
sensible state, lived until the following morning. Peter, 
having reached the woods, hid himself between two large 
trees which were standing near together and surrounded 
by brushwood, where he remained quietly concealed, not 
daring to move for fear of being discovered, until sure 
that the Indians had left. Hearing the screams of the 
Schneider family he knew his way was clear and ran, with 
all his might, by way of Adam Deshler's house, to his 
brother, John Jacob Mickley, to whom he communicated 
the melancholy intelligence and with whom he took up 
his abode. 

Thoroughly alarmed by these depredations the people 
of the county formed themselves into a military company, 
and wrote the governor for arms and ammunition. The 
following names of members of this company are recorded : 

George Wolf, CaMain, John Martin Dourr, 

Abraham Rinker, Lieutenant, Peter Ruth, 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 



549 




55° The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Philip Koogler, France Keffer, 

Peter Miller, Jacob Morr, 

Frederick Schakler, Martin Frolick, 

Leonard Abell, George Laur, 

Tobias Dittis, Daniel Nonnemaker, 

Lorenz Stauck, Peter Shab, 

Simon Brenner, Abraham Sawitz, 

Jacob Wolf, John Schreck, 

Simon Lagundacker, George S. Schnepp, 

George Nicolaus, Michael Readcot. 
David Deschler, 

The danger, however, passed as quickly as it came. 
The Indians came to wreak vengeance for their wrongs, 
and that accomplished they returned. 

The Irish Settlement. 

Adjoining the scene of the above massacres, and par- 
ticipating in them, was the Irish Settlement, of which men- 
tion has been made heretofore. As early as 1728 John 
Boyd, who had married Jane Craig, went with Colonel 
Thomas Craig from Philadelphia and settled at a place 
on the Catasauqua Creek, known later as the Craig Settle- 
ment. This became, by 173 1, the nucleus of a Scotch- 
Irish colony, whence came George Wolf, the seventh gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania. In time the Germans gradually 
pushed out and supplanted their neighbors of other blood, 
and now occupy the territory. 

At daybreak, on Saturday morning, October 8, 1763, as 
the Indians were stealthily making their way towards John 
Stenton's inn, they chanced to meet Jane, the wife of James 
Horner, living near by, who was on her way to a neighbor's 
for some coals with which to light her morning fire. Fear- 
ing she would betray them, and raise an alarm, they dis- 
patched her with their tomahawks. Her body lies at rest 
in the graveyard of the Allen Township Presbyterian 



Peace Conferences with the Indians. 



55i 



church, with that of General Brown, another distinguished 
son of the settlement. The inscription on her tomb is as 
follows : 

" In memory of Jane, wife of James Horner, who suf- 
fered death by the hands of the Savage Indians October 
Eighth, Seventeen Hundred and Sixty-three, aged fifty 
years." 

A more detailed account of the Irish Settlement would 
be interesting did it have any further bearing on our 
subject. 





CHAPTER XXXVI. 
The Paxtang Boys. 




© 



UR history of the 
French and Indian 
War would be incomplete 
without some reference to 
the " Paxtang Boys." It 
is a fittingly sad ending to 
a sad subject, and too truly 
illustrative of the savagery 
which had become instilled 
into the breasts of the white 
men, as well as the red, 
after years of massacre and 
butchery. Its valuable con- 
nection with our subject rests not in the fact that the Penn- 
sylvania-Germans took an active part in the occurrences 
which are to follow, but in the fact that they had nothing 
whatever to do with them, and that their record is free 
from any stain which might have rested upon it in case of 
any such participation. 

(55^) 



The Paxtang Boys. 553 

By January, 1757, public services began to be performed 
at Bethlehem, in the Indian language, by the Moravians. 
On June 10, 1757, the first house was built at Nain, for 
the accommodation of the Indian Brethren who would not 
remove to Wyoming, but the war retarded the progress 
of the buildings, and it was not until the autumn of 1758 
that Nain was completed, and the Indians removed thither. 
The settlement increased so fast that, in 1760, is became 
necessary to establish a new station at Wequetauk, beyond 
the Blue Mountains. 

In 1763, when the frontiers were again overrun by 
scalping parties of western Indians, some of these parties 
occasionally skulked about the Moravian Indian towns, 
and this circumstance, together with the simultaneous mas- 
sacre of the Stenton family, and others about the Irish Set- 
tlement, revived the old jealousies between the Scotch- 
Irish settlers of the Kittatinny Valley and the Moravian 
Brethren. 

The Irish declared that no Indians should dare to show 
themselves in the woods, or they would be shot dead imme- 
diately; and that if only one more white man were mur- 
dered in this neighborhood, the whole Irish Settlement 
would rise in arms and kill all the inhabitants of Weque- 
tauk, without waiting for an order from the government, 
or an order from a justice of the peace. The Indians at 
Wequetauk were obliged to quit the place and take refuge 
at Nazareth. The same threatening messages were sent 
to Nain. The day after the Stenton massacre, October 9, 
1763, about fifty white men assembled on the opposite side 
of the Lehigh, with a view to surprise Nain in the night, 
and murder all the inhabitants. A neighboring friend, 
however, representing the danger and difficulty of such an 
attempt, in strong terms, the enemy forsook their inten- 
tions and returned home, while the brethren praised God 



554 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

for this very merciful preservation. Still, the congrega- 
tion at Nain was blockaded on all sides. The murders of 
the New England people at Wyoming increased the fury 
of the white people. The inhabitants of Nain no longer 
ventured to go to Bethlehem on business. No Indian 
dared to collect wood, or to look after his cattle, without 
a white brother to accompany him, or a passport in his 
pocket. 

About November 8 the Moravian Indians were ordered 
by the government to repair to Philadelphia for protection, 
where they were lodged in the barracks. The Indians from 
the mission at Wyalusing also went there, for the same 
reason. 

Wequetauk was burnt by the white people, and, in the 
night of November 18, some incendiaries endeavored to 
set fire to Bethlehem. The oil mill was consumed, and 
the fury of the flames was such that the adjoining water- 
works were saved with difficulty. 

Besides their missionary work amongst the Delawares 
and Six Nations, the Moravians were also actively inter- 
ested in the spiritual welfare of the remnant of the Con- 
estoga Indians. This was now but a small tribe, consist- 
ing in all of some dozen or twenty families, who dwelt on 
the Conestoga flats east of Turkey Hill, a few miles below 
Lancaster. They sent messengers with corn, venison and 
skins to welcome William Penn, and a treaty of amity 
was concluded between him and them, " to endure as long 
as the sun should shine or the waters run into the rivers." 
This chain of friendship was often brightened, from time 
to time, and, as the whites began to settle around them, 
Penn assigned them a residence within his jurisdiction, on 
the manor of Conestoga. Here they enjoyed many years 
of peaceful residence, in friendly intercourse with the peo- 



The Paxtang Boys. 555 

pie of Lancaster, until the sad catastrophe which exter- 
minated the tribe. 

The village of the Conestogas is noted, in early colonial 
history, as the scene of many important councils between 
the Proprietary governors and the aborigines. William 
Penn is said to have visited them once ; James Logan was 
here in 1705; Governor Evans in 1707, with a retinue of 
officers; Governor Gookin in 17 10 and 171 1; and Gov- 
ernor Keith in 1721. 

The feeling which existed amongst the Scotch-Irish 
against the Moravian Indians, in Northampton County, 
extended to the Susquehanna. On the night of December 
14, 1763, a number of armed and mounted men, from the 
townships of Donegal and Paxton, most of them belong- 
ing to the company of frontier rangers of those townships, 
concerted an attack on the Indians at Conestoga, for the 
purpose, as they alleged, of securing one or more hostile 
Indians who were harbored there, and who were supposed 
to have recently murdered several families of the whites. 
The number of the Paxton men is variously estimated from 
twenty to upwards of fifty. Few of the Indians were 
home, the men probably being absent either in hunting or 
trading their baskets and furs at Lancaster. In the dead 
of night the white men fell upon the village ; some defence 
was doubtless attempted by the few male Indians present 
(Dr. Franklin says there were but three men, two women 
and a young boy) , but they were overpowered and all fell 
victims to the rifle, tomahawk and knife of the frontier 
men. The dwellings were burned to the ground. 

The citizens and magistrates of Lancaster, who were 
shocked at the horrible outrage, with commendable human- 
ity gathered the scattered individuals of the tribe, who 
remained, into the stone workhouse at Lancaster, where 



556 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

under bolt and bars, and the strict supervision of the 
keeper, they could not doubt but the Indians would be safe 
until they could be conveyed to Philadelphia for more 
secure protection. 

But the Paxton men were satisfied with nothing short 
of the extermination of the tribe, alleging that one or two 
of the hostile Indians were still among those protected by 
the civil authority at Lancaster. Concealing themselves 
at night, near the town, they waited until the next day, 
December 27, when the whole community was engaged in 
the solemnities of the sanctuary, when, riding in at a gallop, 
the band seized upon the keeper of the workhouse and over- 
powered him, then, rushing into the prison, the work of 
death was speedily accomplished; the poor Indians, about 
fourteen in number, were left weltering in gore, while the 
Paxton men rode out of the town in the same haste with 
which they had entered it. The alarm was immediately 
raised, but, before the citizens could assemble, the mur- 
derers were beyond their reach. In consequence of this 
affair, the Moravian Indians from Wyalusing and Nain, 
who had come to Philadelphia for protection, were re- 
moved to Province Island, near the city, and placed under 
the charge of the garrison. 

The Paxton men, elated by their success, assembled in 
great numbers, early in January, threatening to march to 
Philadelphia in a body and to destroy the Indians there. 
The people of the city were greatly alarmed, and several 
companies of foot, horse and artillery were formed to 
repel the expected attack. The Paxton men, who had 
approached the Schuylkill on their march, finding such a 
force prepared to receive them, returned home. 

A proclamation was issued by the governor, expressing 
the strongest indignation at the outrages committed at 



The Paxtang Boys. 



557 




558 The Pennsylvania-German Society. 

Conestoga and Lancaster, and offering a reward for the 
arrest of the perpetrators; but such was the state of feeling 
in the townships where resided the guilty persons that no 
one dared bring the offenders to justice, although they 
mingled openly with their fellow-citizens. 

The press of the day teemed with pamphlets, letters, 
appeals and caricatures, many of which are still preserved. 
While some of these present calm and forcible arguments 
on their respective sides, others exhibit the most rancorous 
malignity, and others show that their age was not a whit 
behind our own in the scurrility of its political writers. 
After the Indians were killed, all parties busied themselves, 
as usual in such cases, to ascertain who was to blame. The 
governor was blamed for not having removed the Indians 
long before to Philadelphia, as he had been repeatedly 
warned to do. The Quakers and Moravians were blamed 
for fostering murderous Indians, and sheltering them from 
merited vengeance. The magistrates of Lancaster were 
charged with remissness of duty, since they might have 
applied to Captain Robinson, then stationed at the bar- 
racks in Lancaster with his company, for a guard; but the 
magistrates say they did apply to him, and he denied their 
request. The citizens of Lancaster, too, and the keeper 
of the workhouse, were charged with collusion and con- 
nivance with the Paxton men ; but they indignantly denied 
the charge. And the whole Presbyterian Church, it was 
plainly insinuated, was, if not aiding and abetting in the 
massacre, ready, at all events, to shield the guilty from 
punishment and extenuate the crime. 

"The insurgents," says Gordon, "were not the ignorant 
and vulgar of the border counties — persons more likely to 
yield to their passions than to respect the laws of their 
country and of humanity. They were of such consideration 



The Paxtang Boys. 



559 



that, whilst the public voice and the press execrated the 
cruelty and illegality of their conduct, they forbore to 
name the guilty individuals. Nor did the latter remain 
silent, and shrink from reproach without an attempt at 
self-defence. They urged the repeated murders perpe- 
trated by the Indians, and their convictions of the union 
of the neutral with the belligerent tribes." 

It must certainly be admitted that the border-men had 
good cause to be enraged against the Indians, yet, after 
reading all the evidence, which " The Paxtang Boys " have 
collected and adduced in extenuation of their action, the 
conviction still remains that it was an outrage deserving 
of all condemnation.