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OR
HISTORY AND B106
Vol.1.
PHILADELPHIA!
PUBLICATION FUND OF
THE HISTORICAL, SOCIETY OF PEN
No. 8so SPRUCE STREET.
1877.
I
I
I
r
1
o
\
PREFACE.
In closing the first volume of the PBNNSYLVANii
OF History and Biography, the editors gladly s
selves of the opportunity it affords to express tl
for the hearty co-operation they have met witl
side; this has encouraged them in their task
their labors almost nominal.
The objects of the Magazine, as stated in the am
made with the first number, are to foster and c
I interest that has been awakened in historical mati
furnish the means of inter-communication betwe<
I kindred tastes. How far these ends have been ac
the volume now completed must attest ; to the c
to it, for their ability and research, belongs what
is bestowed.
The kind words which have greeted each nun
Magazine have assured the Trustees of the ]
Fund, that the object for which the money entrust
was subscribed, was being promoted, and they 1
ously allowed the number of pages first decided
considerably augmented. To continue the Mag^
present form, to add to its attractions, and at the
to lessen the demands made upon the Publication
the aims of those who have its management in ht
(
iv Prefdce.
money will be expended on the forthcoming volun
likely to be received for it ; but it is hoped that the
value of the material produced in the volume i8sue(
typographical excellence will bo commend the cnt(
the public, that the Fund will be materially incre
even greater expenditure warranted.
The organization of the Publication Fund, the li:
Bcribers to it, and the titles of the books already if
to be found at the end of this volume.
I
I
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
PAOB
The Diary of Robert Morton. Kept in Philadelphia while that city
was occupied by the British army in 1777 1
The Hessians in Philadelphia. A German officer's impression of oar
city. From the Correspondence of Professor SchlSzer, of Gtfttingen,
Yol. III. p. 149. Translated by Miss Helen Bdl .... 40
Pittsburgh and Uniontown, Pennsylvania, in 1782-83. Letters from
Ephraim Douglass to Gen. James Irvine. From the Irvine Papers
in the Historical Society 44
Major Andre's Parole. Original in possession of Mr. Simon Grati.
[From the American Antiquarian] 54
Edward Whalley, the Regicide. By Robert Patterson Robtns . 55
Baron Stiegel. By the Rev. Jos. Henry Dubhs^ of Lancaster, Pa. . 67
MiMOIRS PBBPARBD FOB THE GkNTBMNIAL CkLSBRATIOK OF THE AdOPTIOK
OF " The Rbsolutioks bbspectino Indbpbndbic ct."
John Hancock. By Charles Francis Adams 73
Patrick Henry. By William Wirt Henry 78
Henry Wisner. By Henry W. Bellows, D.D 80
Charles Humphrejrs. By A. A. Humphreys, Maj.-Oen. U. S. A. 83
Francis Dana. By Richard H, Dana, Jr 86
Silas Deane. By Charles J. Hoadley -. . 96
Edward Biddle. By Craig Riddle 100
General Artemas Ward. By Robert C. Winthrop .... 181
Major-General John Armstrong. By William M. Darlington, of Pitts-
burgh, Pa. 183
Colonel John Nixon. By Charles Henry Hart 188
Chief Justice William Allen. By Edward F. de Lancey . .202
Dr. William Shippen, the Elder. By the late Thomas Balch . 212
Robert Morris. Presented by Mrs. Armine Niacon Hart . 333
(V)
vi Contents of Volume L
FAQE
Francis Lightfoot Lee. By Samuel L, Clemens (" Mark Twain") . 343
Samuel Adams. By George A, Simmons 439
Jonathan Elmer. By L, Q. C, Elmer 443
Abraham Clark. By E. P. Buffett 445
Isaac Norris. By the late George W. Norris, M,D 449
Memorial Notice of the Rev. William C. Reichel. (With portrait.)
Bead by John W. Jordan, before the Historical Society of Pennsyl-
vania, November 13, 1876 104
Memorial Notice of the Rev. William M. Reynolds, D.D. Read by
. Townsend Ward before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Nov.
13, 1876 107
Descendants of Dr. William Shippen. Compiled by Charles R, Uilde-
bum 109
Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 112, 222, 354, 465
Notes and Qneries 113, 223, 355, 466
Jonmal of William Black, 1744. Secretary Oi" the Commissioners ap>
pointed by Governor Gooch, of Virginia, to nnite with those from the
Colonies of Pennsylvania and Maryland, to Treat with the Iroquois
or Six Nations of Indians, in reference to the lands west of the Alle-
gheny Mountains. Edited by R. Alonzo Brock, Secretary of the
Virginia Historical Society 117, 233,
Occupation of New York City by the British, 1776. Extracts from the
Diary of the Moravian Congregation 13?
The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, and Christina, Queen of V
Swedes, the Goths, and the Vends. A presentation of her portr
to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, April 16, 1877
Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. CommunicationF
Conrad Weiser to Christopher Saur, which appeared in the
1746-1749 in his newspaper printed at Germantown, entitled
High German Pennsylvania Historical Writer, or a Collection
portant Events from the Kingdom of Nature and the Churc
from his (Saur's) Almanacs. Compiled by Abraham H.
translated by Miss Helen Bell
An Unwritten Chapter in the History of the Siege of Bosto
butions of the Society of Friends of Philadelphia, for th«
the Boston Sufferers in the Winter of 1775-76 .
The Oath Taken by the Officers at Valley Forge .
Contents of Volume L vii
PAOB
Death of Major Anthony Morris, Jr. Described in a Letter written on
the Battle-Field, near Princeton, by Jonathan Potts, M.D. Anno-
tated by the Rev, Edward D. Neill, President of Macalcster Col-
lege, Minn ^ *^
Joseph Montgomery. By Wm. K Egle, M.D 217
Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. Burials, 1709-1760. Contri-
buted by Charles R, Hildehum 219, 350, 460
Book Notices 232, 475
Meeting of the Descendants of Col. Thomas White, at St. George's
Church, Spcsutiae, and Sophia's Dairy, June 7th, 1877. By the Rev,
William White Bronson 263
Washington's Encampment on the Neshaminy. By William J, Buck 275
The Massacre of Paoli. Historical Address of J. Smith Futhey, of
West Chester, Pa. Delivered on the Centennial Anniversary of that
event at the Dedication of the Monument to the Memory of those
who fell on the night of September 20th, 1777 285
The Wharton Family. By Anne H, Wharton .... 324, 455
Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvania. An Old Charter Party. Commu-
nicated by W. F, CorUt 330
General James Potter. By A, Boyd Hamilton ... . 346
William Penn. Eulogy on the Founder of Pennsylvania. Delivered
before the Penn Club, to Commemorate the One Hundred and Ninety-
Fifth Anniversary of his Landing. By Wayne Mac Veagh , , 361
Battle of Germantown. An Address delivered at Germantown upon
the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Engagement, October 4, 1877.
By Alfred C, Lambdin, M.D 368
Colonel Thomas White, of Maryland. By William White Wiltbank,
Read by him at the Meeting of the Descendants of Colonel White at
Sophia's Dairy, Maryland, June 7, 1877 420
Report of Council to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, May 7, 1877 477
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 482
Index 485
Subscribers to the Publication Fund of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania 495
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
Vol. L 1877 No. 1
THE DIARY OF ROBERT MORTON.
KEPT IN PHILADELPHIA WHILE THAT CITY WAS OOGUPISD BT THB
BRITISH ARMY IN 17tt.
Samuel Morton, the father of Robert Morton, whose diary
is here given, was a merchant of Philadelphia, the son of
James Morton, of Aberdeen, Scotland. In 1768 he married
Phebe, daughter of Robert and Mary Lewis, of Philadelphia.
Robert Morton was b. 10 mo. 30, 1760. His father died when
he was quite young, and in 1775 (7 mo. 12th) his mother
became the third wife of James Pemberton (see page 6).
On the 10 mo. 14th, 1784, Robert Morton married his step-
sister, Hannah, third child of James Pemberton and his first
wife, Hannah Lloyd. He died on the 17th of Augt., 1786,
in his 26th year. His wife died on the 4th of Sept., 1788.
The diary of Robert Morton was written when he was
between sixteen and seventeen years of age, and shows him
to have possessed a well-cultivated mind for one of his years,
a facility of expression, and much observation.
The events he records can nearly all be corroborated, and
the picture he gives of our city during the occupation of it
2 Tke Diary of Robert Morton.
by the British is, in some respects, the most graphic that has
come down to us ; especially interesting is the change of sen-
timent towards the English, on the part of those who at first
welcomed them, which appears to have resulted from the
conduct of the army, and it is to be regretted the MS.
does not continue until the retirement of the troops under
Sir Henry Clinton, that we might learn from the same
source what the state of feeling was at that time.
There can be no doubt that the sympathies of Morton and
the family with whom he was coimected were biased in favor
of the Royal cause so far as was consistent with their religious
convictions. This feeling had no doubt been stimulated by
the oppressive measures that a number of the prominent
members of the Society of Friends had been subjected to by
order of the Continental Congress and the Supreme Execu-
tive Council of Pennsylvania. Many of them had been
arrested on a groundless charge and sent to Winchester, Va.,
among whom were the husband of Phebe Pemberton and his
two brothers, John and Israel. A full statement of the facts
connected with this painful incident in the revolutionary his-
tory of our State will be found in Gilpin's interesting " Exiles
in Virginia," etc. etc., Phila. 1848.
DIARY.
Philada.^ September 16^A, 1777. — This afternoon about 4
o'clock, I, in company with my agreeable Friend Dr. Hutch-
inson,* set off on a journey to Reading, on business relating
to the Friends now confined there on their way to Winches-
ter in Virginia. We rode about 4 Hours in an excessive
hard rain, when we arrived at Thomson's Tavern,' about 20
miles from Philada., where ui)on Enquiry we found nothing
*Dr. James Hutchinson, a natiye of Bucks Co., Pa. B. 1753, d. 1798.
A nephew of Israel Pemberton. He served as a surgeon in the American
Army, and held many Important positions. In the zealous pursuit of his
profession, he fell a yictim to the yellow fever in 1798, having acquired, at
an early age, a reputation that gives his name prominence in the medical
annals of Philadelphia.
> Kow Norristown.
The Diary of Robert Morton. S
to our Satisfaction, the house being filled with militia. From
thence we went to Mrs. Toy's, in the upper Reading Road,
who, apologizing for her not being able to accommodate us,
directed us to an old Dutchman's, about J of a mile from
her house. Upon asking him for lodgings he at first hesi-
tated, thinking we were military oflieers, but upon scruti-
nizing us he found we made a difterent appearance, and in-
troduced us with many apologies for the meanness of his
house, the badness of his beds, and other excuses of the same
nature. We thanked him for his kindness, and kindly ac-
cepted of his mean tho' grateful Fare. In the morning we
crossed Skippack though very rapid, and proceeded on to
Perkioming, where we found it dangerous to pass owing to
the rapidity of the stream and the inconvenience attending
the swimming of our horses. We enquired the distance of
the head of the creek, and found it was about 20 miles, and
in our way had to cross many small creeks which were im-
passable at that time without great danger. Upon mature
deliberation we thought it most advisable to proceed to Paw-
ling's Ferry upon Schuylkill, which having raised above 8
feet perjiendicularly, and great number of trees and other rub-
bish coming down so fast, the Boatman would not go over.
Every safe means of proceeding on our journey being now
out of our power, and sensible that our consequence at Read-
ing would be inadequate to the risque we run, both of our-
selves and our horses, we determined to proceed home,
where we arrived about 6 o'clock Wed. Ev'g after an agree-
able journey and no other misfortune than a fall from my
horse, which hurt my left arm, which I hope shall soon be
recovered of. 17th and 18th included in the above.
Sept. 19/A. — This morning, about 1 o'clock, an Express
arrived to Congress, giving an acco. of the British Army
having got to the Swedes Ford on the other side of the
Schuylkill, which so much alarmed the Gent'n of the Con-
gress, the military ofBcers and other Friends to the general
cause of American Freedom and Independence, that they de-
camped with the utmost precipitation, and in the greatest
confusion, insomuch that one of the Delegates, by name Ful-
4 ITie Diary of liobert Morton.
Bom/ was obliged in a verj Fiilsom mauncr to ride oflf witli-
out a saddle. Thus we have seeu the men from whom we
have received, and from whom we still expected protection,
leave us to fall into the hands of (by their accounts) a barba-
rous, cruel, and unrelenting enemy.'
This afternoon we rec'd a letter from my Father, L P.,
informing us that Alex. Nesbit,^ who was one of the Guanls,
had arrived at Reading with advices from the Executive
Council of this State, from which they were apprehensive
we were to be deprived of a hearing, and sent off to Win-
chester immediately.
0 Philada. my native City, thou that hast heretofore been
so remarkable for the preservation of thy Rights, now
sufferest those who were the Guardians, Protectors, and
Defenders of thy Youth, and who contribute<l their share in
raising thee to thy present state of Grandeur and magniii-
cence with a rajddity not to be paralleled in the World, to be
dragged by a licentious mob from their near and dear con-
1 Nathaniel Folsom, of New Hampshire. He was a captain in tlie expe-
dition against Crown Point in 1755 ; was present when Baron Dieskau was
defeated. He was a member of the 1st Congress (1774), and of that of 1777,
and held many positions of public nature in his own State, amoni; which
were those of Judge, Member of the Committee of Safety, and Maj.-Gen.
He died May 26, 1790.— See Col of N. U, Jlittoncul Society, vol. v.
* John Adams, writing to his wife from York Town, Pa., on the 80th of
Sept., says: In the morning of the 10th instant, the Congress were ahirmed
in their beds by a letter from Mr. Hamilton, one of General Wiislilngtou's
family, that the enemy was in possession of the fords over the Schuylkill,
and of the boats, so they had it in their power to be in Philadelphia Inifore
morning. The papers of Congress belonging to the Secretary's otlice, the
War office, the Treasury office, &c., had, before this, been sent In Bristol.
The president and all the other gentlemen had gone that road, so I followed,
with my friend, Mr. Marchant of Rhode Island, to Trenton, in the Jerseys.
— Letters to Mrs. Adams, toI. ii. p. 7.
' Alexander Nesbit and Samuel Caldwell, both members of the light
horse of the City of Philadelphia, were detailed from that body to conduct
the prisoners to their place of exile. Mr. Nesbit was an early member of
what is now known as the ** First Troop of Philadelphia City Cavalry,"
and also of the "Friendly Sons of St. Patrick," from tlie history of which
society we learn ho was a highly respectable dry goods merchant, and
partner of General Walter Stewart. He died Sept. 1791.
The Diary of Robert Morton. b
nections, and by the hand of lawless power, banished from
their country unheard, perhaps never more to return, for the
sole suspicion of being enemies to that cause in which thou
art now engaged ; hadst thou given them even the form of a
trial, then thou wouldst have been less blameable, but thou
hast denied them that in a manner more tyrannical and cruel
than the Inquisition of Spain. Alas, the day must come
when the Avenger's hand shall make thee suffer for thy guilt,
and thy Rulers shall deplore thy Fate.
Sept. 20M. — Went with Charles Logan to his Plantation,
and returned about 5 o'clock ; my mother rec'd a letter from
my Father, giving a particular Acco. of his Journey to
Reading, and the Treatment they rec'd there,' being all con-
fined in one house, but kindly treated by their Friends, who
* "On going throagh the town, there appeared to be much enmity
amongst the people, and some stones were thrown at us .... On onr
getting into the Widow Withington's, a house provided for us, we found our-
selves made close prisoners. Guards were put around the house, and the
face of everything much changed. Our friends, Isaac Zane and James
Starr, coming to the door to speak to us, were violently pulled away, struck,
and stoned, the former of whom was considerably bruised and hurt.
'* Our friends were kept from us, Samuel Morris, who kindly sent us a
dinner and some wine, soon after our arrival, being the only person admit-
ted, for it did not appear any provision had been made for us." — See JouT'
ney to Virginia, Oil^in, p. 136.
The next day their friends were allowed to visit them, and amongst others,
came Alexander Gray don, then a paroled prisoner residing at Reading.
In his memoir he writes that Miers Fisher, one of the prisoners with whom
he was acquainted, told him " he did not look as if he had been starved by
those sad people the British," and he returns the sally by recording that
*' the prisoners were not much dejected, probably looking upon themselves
as martyrs to the cause of their country ; among the prisoners he found his
old fencing master Pike, whose affections clung so close to his native
England that it was considered best he should accompany the friends to
Virginia.*' " His laced hat and red coat," says Graydon, *' were to be seen
strikingly in contrast with the flat brims and plain drab-colored garments of
the rest of the assemblage ; nevertheless, from an internal similarity, this
seemingly discordant ingredient incorporated perfectly well with the mass
and friend Pike, as he was called, officiating in the capacity of a m^or
domo, or caterer at the inns they put up at, was a person of do small
consideration with his party."
6 The Diary of Robert Morton.
are residents there from this City, and as much hated and
despised by the deluded multitude.
Sept. 21st. — Nothing remarkable this day.
Sept. 22nd. — This morning I saw Benj. Bryan, who has
just returned from Thos. McKean, Esq's, Chief Justice of this
State, by whom I understand that the Executive Council
have deprived the Justices of executing part of their Offices,
by virtue of an Act of Gen'l Assembly passed last week, to
suspend the Granting of Writs of Habeas Corpus, to persons
who are taken up. on suspicion of being inimical to the
United States. He made many professions of his disappro-
bation of the unprecedented measure, and would willingly,
were it in his power, grant them a hearing, but as the
Council had prevented him, he would receive no jmyment
for the granting the writs. An instance worthy of imita-
tion. This morning they went about to the inhabitants
seeking for Blankets, Cloathes, &c. From some they rec'd a
little, but not generally so.^ They got one from us. My
mother rec'd a letter from my father, I. P.,' dated 20th inst.,
giving an acco. of the Prisoners moving from Reading on
their w^ay to the place of Banishment. The two armies
having moved up Schuylkill yesterday, it is thought the
British have crossed the river,* a heavy cannonade being
heard this evening it is supposed near to Potts Grove.
' On the 22d of Sept. 1777, Hamilton wrote to the President of Congres
''I left camp last evening, and came to thid city (Phila.) to superintend tl
collection of blankets and clothing for the army."
Hamilton's letter to the ladies of Philadelphia on this occasion ^
highly spoken of by Washington.
' James Pemberton, the fifth son of Isaac and Rachel Pemberton, war
in Philadelphia, 26th of 6 mo. (August), 1723. A successful and u
merchant, he devoted a great part of his time to objects of benevolo
charity. He was a director of the Pennsylvania Hospital, on(
founders of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, an active membe
Friendly Association for preserving peace with the Indians. H
prominent member of the Society of Friends, and was a memb
Meeting for SafTerings, from its commencement in Philadclphir
nntil the year 1808,when he resigned. — See Friends' Miscellany, v
* Howe crossed the Schuylkill on the afternoon and night of
morning of the 23d.
The Diary of Robert Morton. 7
Sept 23rrf. — Employed this day in making hay. In the
evening the inhabitants were exceedingly alarmed by an
apprehension of the City being set on fire. The British
troops being within 11 miles of the City, caused the dis-
turbance, and gave rise to those womanish fears which seize
upon weak minds at those occasions — Set up till 1 o'clock,
not to please myself, but other people.
Sept. 2ith. — ^This day 4 Row Gallics were set up at 4 cross
Btreets with 2 field pieces at Market Street Wharf to annoy
the enemy on their march thro this City, but they not
coming according to expectation, they fell down with the
tide about 12 o'clock. N. B. Yesterday, in the evening a
number of horses were taken out of the City to prevent
them from falling into the hands of the enemy.
Sept, 25th. — This morning the news arrived of the British
army being about 5 miles from the City. In the evening
they sent a letter to T. "Willing desiring him to inform the
inhabitants to remain quietly and peaceably in their own
dwellings and they should not be molested in their persons
or property. Set up till 1 o'clock patrolling the streets for fear
of fire. 2 men were taken up who acknowledged their inten-
tions of doing it.
Sept. 26th. — About 11 o'clock A. M. Lord Comwallis with
his division of the British and Auxiliary Troops amount'g to
about 8000, marched into this city, accompanied by Enoch
Story ,^ Jos. Galloway,* Andw. Allen, William Allen and
others, inhabitants of this city, to the great relief of the
inhabitants who have too long suflfered the yoke of arbitrary
> " Enoch Story, of Penna. In 1775, when he attempted to establish a
newspaper at Phila., a distinguished Whig said that he knew no more aboat
printing and composition than an old horse. When Sir Wm. Howe occapied
that city, Story was inspector of prohibited goods. In 1778 he was attainted
for treason, and went to England." — Sahin^a Loyalist
* An interesting notice of Joseph Galloway will be fonnd in the seventh
volume of the works of Franklin, edited by Sparks, from the pen of the late
J. Francis Fisher. It is also printed in ^e appendix of Littell's Graydon.
Sketches of Wm. and Andrew Allen will be found in Mr. Sabine's excellent
volumes.
8 TTie Diary of Robert Morton.
Power ; and who testified their approbation of the arrival of
the troops by the loudest acclamations of joj.^ Went with
Chas. Logan to Head Quarters to see his Excell'y Gen. Sir
Wm, Howe,* but he being gone out, we had some conver-
sation with the ofiicers, who appeared well disposed towards
the peaceable inhabitants, but most bitter against, and deter-
mined to pursue to the last extremity the army of the U. S.
The British army in this city are quartered at the Bettering
House,' State House and other Places, and already begin to
show the great destruction of the Fences and other things,
the dreadful consequences of an army however friendly. The
army have fortified below the town to prevent the armed
vessels in our River coming to this city — likewise have
erected a Battery at the Point, This day has put a period
to the existance of C!ontinental money in this city. '^ Esto
Perpetua."
Sept. 27th. — About 9 o'clock this morning 1 Ship of 34
guns, 1 of 18, 4 Sow gallies and a schooner came opposite to
the Batteries erected in this city, who fired upon them when
at a proper distance. The engagement continued for an hour
when the Frigate got aground and struck to the British
troops. The other ship immediately made sail and got off
with the 4 gallies, the schooner coming down was fired at
several times, when a shot struck her foremast and carried
it away, which bro't her to and run her aground, when a'
the men on board escaped. This execution was done b;
■ J. P. Norrifl told Watson (see vol. iL p. 256) : " I recollect seeing
division march down Second Street when Lord Cornwallis took posse
of the city — the troops were gay and well clad. A number of our ci
appeared sad and serious. When I saw him there was no huzzahinr
lady told Mr. Watson, " I saw no exultation in the enemy, nor ir
those who were reckoned favorable to their success."
' When Gen. Howe first entered the city, he made his quarts
house of Gen. Cadwalader, on 2d St. below Spruce. He aftorwar
to the house on the south side of Market St. east of 6th, whicl
was the residence of Washington, while President.
* The Bettering or Alms House stood on the south side of
between 10th and 11th Sts.
TJic Diary of Bobert Marion. 9
pieces of Artillery.^ This afternoon about 8 o'clock an en-
gagement happened near my Uncle's plantation, between 100
C. Troops and 80 British, the Con. troops gave way, their
loss unknown. 8 ofloicers and 1 private wounded, and 1
private killed on the side of the British, whom I see —
Sept. 2&th. — About 10 o'clock this morning some of the
Light Dragoons stationed near Plantation* broke open the
house, 2 desks, 1 Book Case and 1 closet besides several
drawers and other things, and ransacked them all. I ap-
ply'd to their oflaicer, who informed me that if the men were
found out they should be severely punished.
I have been informed that a soldier this day rec'd 400
lashes for some crime, which I do not know.
Sept. 29th. — Went with Dr. Hutchinson to Israel Pember-
' ''As soon as the British had taken possession of Philadelphia, thej
erected three batteries near the river to protect the city against such Ameri-
can shipping and craft as might approach the town. On the 26th of Sept.,
before the batteries were finished, Commodore Hazelwood, by the advice of
a council of officers, ordered two frigates, the Delaware and Montgomery,
each of twenty-four guns, the sloop Fly, and several galleys and gondolast
to move up to Philadelphia and commence a cannonade on the town, should
the enemy persist in erecting fortifications. The Delaware anchored within
five hundred yards of the batteries, and the other vessels took other stations
as were suited to their object At ten on the morning of the 27th the
cannonade began ; but on the falling of the tide the Delaware grounded. In
this disabled condition the guns from the batteries soon compelled her colors
to be struck, and she was taken by the enemy. A schooner was likewise
driven on shore, but the other frigate and small craft returned to their
former stations near the fort." The above note, from the writings of Wash-
ington (vol. V. p. 77), is appended to a letter of Washington's mentioning
the incident it illustrates, and giving a rumor of the day, that the crew of
the frigate Delaware had mutinied. Mr. Sparks continues : " The suspicion
that the crew mutinied was never confirmed, nor was there any such hint in
the British commanders describing the event." As Morton, an inmate of
the city, fails to mention the story, it probably had its origin within the
American lines. Marshall says " this repulse of the American fleet was ren-
dered material by its giving the enemy the entire command of the ferry, and.
consequently, free access to the Jersey shore, while it intermpted the com-
munication between the forts below and above Trenton, from whence garri-
sons were to have been supplied with military stores."— Jfariikafl's WoMng^
toriy vol. iii. p. 174.
' Now the site of the Naval Asylum, on the SchnylkilL
10 The Diary of Eoberi Morion.
ton's Plantation where we found a destruction similar to
that at our Plantation, 3 closets heing broke open, 6 doz.
wine taken, some silver spoons, the Bedcloaths taken off 4
Beds, 1 rip'd open, the Tick being taken off*, and other
Destruction about the Plantation. The oflaicers were so obli-
ging as to plant a centry there without application. Upon
our return home we pass'd thro' part of the camp and saw a
man hanging.
Sept. ^Qih. — This morning my mother and I went to Col.
Harcourt,^ Com. of the Light Dragoons, near our plantation,
to make intercession for the men who are apprehended for
breaking and ransacking our plantation and house. The
Col. upon my application, behaved very unlike a Gent'n by
asking me ^^ what I wanted" in an ungenteel manner, and
told me he could not attend to what I had to say, and said
that the trial was coming on and I must attend to prosecute
them. I informed him there was a lady who would be glad
to speak with him. He then came to my mother and h
haved in a very polite genteel manner, and assured her th;
he could not admit her application as the orders of tl
General must be obeyed, and that the soldiers were r
suffered to commit such depredations upon the King's '
jects with impunity. Some of the British troops can
my mother's pasture on 6th and 1st days last and took
2 loads of hay without giving a Rec't or offering Pay
We had a verbal acco't this morning of the Prisonei
seen on 4th day last at Carlisle on their way to Banis
It is reported that the Con. Troops have erected
batteries on the other side of the River to annoy an
their enemy. One at White Hill, one at Treiito'
nearer to the city.
Oct IsL — The man who was found guilty of r
Plantation rec'd punishment this day, which was
■ Col. Harconrt, sabfleqaentlj Earl Harcourt. While
16tli Dragoons, with a patrol of thirty men he captured '
at Basking Bidge, N. J., in Dec. 1776.
The Diaiy of JRobert Morton. 11
The man found coming out of Mary Pemberton's^ plantation
House is sentenced to be executed. M. P. has petitioned the
Gen'l for a mitigation of the punishment. The British are
erecting batteries from Delaware to Schuylkill on the north
side of the city. Great numbers of oflaicers and men belong-
ing to the Bow Gallies have deserted their posts at this time
of approaching danger ;' and, among the rest, to his eternal
disgrace and immediate death, if taken by the Con's, is Dr.
Dun, Jr., who, I am told, served as Surgeon Gen'l to the For-
tifications upon the River.
Oct. 2nd. — The Quarter M. Gen'l of the Light Horse took
1 load of hay from our Pasture, which he promises to give a
Rec't for the 2 loads taken before by order of the Quarter
Master, 2d Batt. Grenadiers, he has given me a Rec't for 100
lbs. which 2 loads Jacob declares was near 1000 lbs. 'Tis
said Lord Howe with the Fleet arrived in the River last
week.
Oct. Srd. — 10 of the Row Gallies men have deserted and
come up this morning, who gave an acco of the Forts at Bil-
lingsport^ and Red Bank being taken and a universal disaf-
' " C^eD. Howe, dnriDg the time he stayed in Philadelphia, seized and kept
fbr his own use Mary Pemberton's coach and horses." — Watson, ii. p. 285.
* Washington wrote (Oct. 7) : " It is to be lamented that many of the of-
ficers and seamen on board of the galleys have manifested a disposition that
does them little honor. Looking upon their situation as desperate, or probably
from worse motives, they have been guilty of the most alarming desertions.
Two whole crews, including the officers, have deserted to the enemy." — See
Sparks, vol. v. p. 84.
' This report was true only so far as Billingsport was concerned. Mar-
shall (vol. iii. p. 176) says (Sept 29) : " Col. Stirling with two regiments
was detached to take possession of the forts at Billingsport, which he accom-
plished without opposition ; the garrison, which was entirely of militia, having
spiked their artillery and set fire to the barracks, withdrew without firing a
gun. This service being effected, and the works facing the water entirely
destroyed, so that the attempts to cut away and weigh up the obstructions
to the passage of vessels up the river could no longer be impeded by the
fire from the fort. Col. Stirling returned to Chester, from whence he was
directed to escort a large convoy of provisions to Philadelphia," probably
that mentioned by Morton in his MS.
12 The Diary of Robert Morton.
fection among the men. Enoch Story is appointed to ad-
minister the oath of allegiance to those who come in and put
themselves under his Majesty's protection.* A foraging party
went out last week towds Darby and brought in a great
number of cattle to the great distress of the inhabitants.
A paper is handing about to be signed by the inhabitants
agreeing to take the old lawful money,* which I signed.*
The following report is this day prevalent concerning the
defeat of Gen'l Gates near Albany — Gen'l Washington on
last 1st day orderd a feu-de-joie to be fired in his camp by
w^ of rejoicing for a victory obtained by Gen'l Gates over
Burgoyne on the 18th* Ulto. A letter is come to town, the
postscript of which being wrote in Irish, gives an acco. of a
Battle being fought on the 18th of Sept. in which G^n'l
Gates was successful, that Gen'l Burgoyne returned on the
19th to bury his dead, which brot. on a general engagement
in which Burgoyne was successful, and that he was advanc-
ing towards Albany. A man is arrived in town who left
Albany since the 19th, and says that there was no acco. of
Burgoyne advancing when he left it. An intercepted letter
of Dr. Potts' is arrived in Town which says that he was
going to Albany to establish a Hospital for the sick and
wounded. From which Accot. if true, we may infer that
' A fact not mentioned by Sabin in The American Loyalists.
■ That issued nnder the colonial government ** sanctioned by the King."
' The list of those who signed this paper will be found in Westcott's His-
tory of Philadelphia, Chap. ccli.
^ Probably the 19th should be the date, as on that day Gates gained his
first important victory.
• Jonathan Potts, a native of Berks Co., Pa., graduated at the Philadelphia
College, 1771, appointed medical director of the N. Department, Jan. 1777.
•* I cannot close my letter," Gen. Gates wrote to the Pres. of Congress (Oct.
20, 1777), ** without requesting your Excellency to inform Congress of the
great care and attention with which Dr. Potts and the gentlemen of the
general Hospital have conducted the business of their department. It must
be that some honorary mark of the favor of Congress may be shown to Dr.
Potts and his subordinate associates." Dr. Potts was the first surgeon of
the Philadelphia City Troop. Several volumes of his MS. papers are in the
possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. — See also N. E. Hist,
and OenecU, Register, vol. zviii. p. 21, and Potts* Memorial,
The Diary of Robert Mortem. 18
there has heen an engagement, but which party is successful
is dubioiia
Oct. ith. — This morning early the picquet of the British
near Qermantown was surprised by the Americans, which
brought on a very severe engagement in which the British
lost 600 men killed and wounded and the Americans about
400 prisoners, their killed and wounded is uncertain, I went
this morning to the plantation, from thence to the middle
ferry, where I saw a number of the citizens with about 30
of the Light Dragoons on Foot watching the motions of the
enemy on the other side. I waited there about an hour
during which time there were several shots from both sides
without much execution, when 3 columns of the Americans
with 2 field pieces appeared in sight marching tow'ds the
River. The Dragoons were order'd under arms and an
express sent off for a reinforcement immediately, after
which the Americans fired a field piece attended with a
volley of small arms. I thought it most advisable to leave
the Ground, and rode off as fast possible. The Americans
afterwards came down to the River side with 2 Field Pieces,
which they fired with some small arms and run and left them ;
soon after they returned and brought them back without any
considerable loss, 1 man being wounded on their side and
none on the other.^ The British in the engagement of this
morn'g lost a Gen'l Agnew, Col. Bird, and 1 Lieut. Col.* be-
* These troops composed the extreme right of Washington's army.
They were Pennsylyania militia under the command of Gen. James Potter,
and the attack, or feint, made by them was to attract the attention of the
British, and prevent the sending of reinforcements to German town. The
movement is not often mentioned in accounts of the battle of Germantown,
though very favorable results were hoped from it Major Jno. Clark, Jr.,
wrote to Washington (Oct. 6, 1777) that one of his friends told him that "if
the troops had arrived at the middle ferry earlier 'twould have prevented
the enemy's reinforcement from the city joining the main body."
« The remains of Gen. Agnew and Lt.-Col. Bird lie in the burying
ground at the corner of Fisher's Lane and Main St., Germantown, the spot
being marked with a neat marble slab placed there by the late John P.
Watson. In Lossing's Field Book (vol. ii. p. 113, 2d ed.) will be found a
very interesting letter to the widow of Gen. Agnew, from his servant, giving
an account of his death.
14 The Diary of Hobert Morton.
sides an amazing number wounded ; the loss of the Americans
is undetermined, as they carryed off as many of their killed
and wounded as they could. It is reported that Gen'l Wayne
is among the slain.
Oct bth, — This morning I went to Germantown to see the
destruction, and collect if possible a true acco. of the Action.
From the acco's of the Officers and Sold'rs it appears that the
Americans surprised the picquet guard of the English, which
consisted of the 2d Batt. Grenadiers, some Infantry, and the
40th Regt., altogether about 500. The English sustained the
fire of the Americans for near an hour (their numbers un-
known), when they were obliged to retreat, the ammunition
of the Grenadiers and infantry being expended. The 40th
Regt. retreated to Chew's House, being about 120 men, and
supported the fire of the Americans on all sides. The Ame-
ricans came on with an unusual firmness, came up to the
Doors of the House, which were so strongly barricaded they
could not enter. One of the Americans went up to a window
on the N. side of the house to set fire to it, and just as he
was putting the Torch to the window he rec'd a Bayonet
thro, his mouth, which put an end to his existence. The
Americans finding the fire very severe retreated from the house.
A small party of the Americans which had gone in near the
middle of Germantown and had sustained the fire in the
street for some time, perceived the British coming up in such
numbers that they retreated. Gen'l Grey* with 5000 men pur-
sued them to the Swedes Ford, his men being much fatigued
and very hungry, and the Americans running so fast, that he
gave over the chase and returned to his old encampment. The
greatest slaughter of the Americans was at and near to
Chew's Place. Most of the killed and wounded that lay
there were taken off before I got there, but 8 lay in the fiel
' Subseqaently Earl Grey, the same officer who surprised Wayne at Pa«
and Baylor at TappaD. He was the father of the celebrated Churlcs Gr
afterwards Lord Howick and Earl Grey, well known for his earnest advo<
of the reform measares introdoced into the British Parliament in the (
part of the present century.
The Diary of Robert Morton. 15
at that time opposite to Chew's Place. The Americans were
down as far as Mrs. Mackenet's Tavern/ Several of their balls
reached near to Head Qur's, from all which Accos. I appre-
hend with what I have heard that the loss of the Americans
is the most considerable. After I had seen the situation of
Chew's House,^ which was exceedingly damaged by the Balls
on the outside, I went to Head Qur's,* where I saw Major
Balfour,* one of Gen'l Howe's Aid de camps, who is very much
enraged with the people around Germantown for not giving
them intelligence of the advancing of Washington's Army,
and that he should not be surprised if Gen'l Howe was to
order the country for 12 miles round Germantown to be de-
stroyed, as the People would not run any risque to give them
intelligence when they were fighting to preserve the liberties
and properties of the peaceable inhabitants. On our setting
oft* we see His Excellency the Gen'l att'd by Lord Cornwal-
lis and Lord Chewton,* the Q^n'l not answ'g my expecta-
tions.
Oct. 6th. — A heavy firing this morning down by Billings-
port ; I went to see the wounded soldiers now in this City,
some at the Seceeder meeting house, some at the Presbyte-
rian meeting house in Pine Street, some at the Play House,
* In 1765 Daniel Mackenet owned a lot of ground on the east side of the
Main Street above where the Market Honse stood, and it is probable the
tavern kept by his widow in 1777 stood there.
' The doors of Chew's honse, perforated with balls, can be seen in the
National Museum in Independence Hall.
* Howe's quarters were then at Stenton.
* Nisbet Balfour, a native of Edinburgh. A sketch of this oflBcer will be
found in Gents* Magazine, May, 1823. He served during a greater part of
the Revolution ; was wounded at Bunker Hill and Long Island. He com-
manded at Charleston, S. C, at the time of the execution of Col. Hayne,
for which act he has been censured. He was Maj.-Gen. in 1793, (Jen. 1803.
* Probably George Lord Chewton, subsequently fourth Earl of Walde-
grave, a great nephew of Horace Walpole. Gen. Fitzpatrick wrote to the
Countess of Ossory, from the head of Elk, Sept. 1777 : " Lord Chewton was
very ill during our voyage, and is yet hardly recovered ; his good nature is
heartily disgusted at these scenes of iniquity and horror, and he is impatient
for the winter, when he will probably return to England with Lord Cora-
wallis."
i
16 27l« Diary of Bobert Morton.
and somei and those the most, at the Penns'a Hospital,^
where I see an Englishman's leg and an American's arm
cut off. The American troops are mostly at 2 new houses
in Fourth Street near to the Presbyterian meeting house,
amt'g to about 80 and not so much attended to as might be.
The British have about 800 wounded in this city. A heavy
firing all this evening, supposed to be at the Forts down the
river. An acco. come of the fleets being in the River.
OcL 1th. — A certainty of the Fleets being below, 14 men
have deserted from the Row Gallies, who give an acco. of
their disabling a British Brig last ev'g, and that the men
belonging to the American Fleet would desert were it in
their power. News arrived this morning of 8000 men being
arrived at New York, and 5000 at Quebec. No further
intelligence of Burgoyne's movements. No certain acco. of
the Chevaux de Frise being as yet raised. The wounded
Americans in this city are removed to the State House.
Oct. 8th. — Admiral Howe is arrived at Chester. David
Sproat* is come to town, who reports that there is a letter in
the flecft from Gen. Clinton to Gen. Howe, giving an acco.
of Gen. Burgoyne defeating Gen. Gates, and that he is now
on his march to Albany. I went to see Doc. Foulke* ampu-
' The Seceders* Meeting House, on Spruce St. above Third ; the Pine
St. Presbyterian Church, situated on south side of Pine, between Fourth
and Fifth Streets ; the Play House was on the south side of South St. east
of Fifth fit. ; a portion of the walls of this building forms a part, we believe,
of the brewery now standing on the site. Mr. Westcott, in his History of
Philadelphia, mentions (in addition to the above) the following edifices,
which were used for hospital purposes: The First Presbyterian Church.
Market St. below third ; the Second Presbyterian Church at Third and Arch
Streets; Zion's and St. Michael's Lutheran Churches at Fourth and Fifth
and Cherry Streets ; and Commands sugar refinery.
« David Sproat; previous to the Revolution he was a merchant in Phila
delphia. He was commissary of naval prisoners. The mortality of persons
under his care at New York was very great, but it is impossible to state
facts which concern him personally with accuracy. He was attainted of
treason in Pennsylvania, and his estate forfeited. He died at his house,
Kirkcudbright, Scotland, in 1799, aged sixty-four jetin.— Sabine.
» " Dr. John Foulke was the earliest demonstrator and lecturer on human
anatomy in the Medical College of Philadelphia. He was polished and
The Diary of Bobert Morton. 17
tate an American soldier's leg, which he completed in 20
minutes, while the physician at the military hospital was
40 ms. performing an operation of the same nature. A
report that some of the Chevaux de Frise are raised.
Oct 9th. — A heavy cannonade last night and this morning.
The British are about to open Batteries to bombard the
Fort at Mud Island. Cap. Ewald call'd this morning with
a letter from my uncle, N. L., dated New Jersey, Dec. 12th,
1776, at which time many in Jersey were apprehensive that
the British would take possession of this city as soon as the
river was fastened by the ice, but Gen'l Washington's taking
the Hessians at Trenton turned the scale against them, dis-
concerted their measures, and prevented their coming that
winter. At the time of his coming into the house I was
not within, but being sent for, and presenting myself to him,
he handed me ye letter, and behaved in other respects much
like a gentleman. After a long conversation and he offering
to go, I invited him to dine with us, but he politely excused
himself and promised to wait upon us when he again comes
to the City, being stationed at the Widow Lewis' Planta-
tion.
Oct. 10th. — Nothing remarkable this day.
Oct. 11th. — A heavy cannonade this morning. A report
that the battery erected by the British on Province Island
was taken. Went with a number of Gent'n to Hollander
Creek's mouth, where we had a sight of the American Fleet
and 5 of the British lying a little way below the Chevaux
de Frise. From all appearances the British Fort was not
taken, as from the Acco's of numbers who were present at
the time of the American Boats landing at the Fort (the
acco's of their numbers are various and contradictory) and
the boats returning without their men and the Gondolas 2
hours afterwards firing upon the Fort, it is reasonable to
liberal, zealous and humane ; during the epidemic of yellow fever, he would
be absent from his home for several days at a time, devoting himself to
medical attendance on the sick in the infected district"— JfcwwiV of W.
Parker FoiUke.
2
18 The Diary of Robert Morton.
conclude tliat the Report is groundless and that the Fort is
not taken.
Oct \2th. — About 1 o'clock this morning, the inhabitants
were alarmed by the cry of fire, which happened at a stable
above the Barracks, supposed to have been occasioned by a
number of Hessians lodging in the Stable, but was happily
extinguished notwithstanding the inactivity of the inhabi-
tants, and a 3 story adjoining house which caught 3 Times,
in less than 2 hours. Went this afternoon to the middle
Perry at Schuylkill, where I see a man from Chester who
said that last night about 300 militia came into that town
and took off the Sheriff of Sussex, whom Governor McKinley^
some time since advertised with a reward of 300 Dol's.
Several Acco's at this ferry of the Americans approaching
this City, particularly one who said that they were within
7 miles and that his Brother was taken off.
Oct. 13M. — This morning about 1 o'clock there was the
most severe cannonade that has yet been heard, near Pro-
vince Island, supposed to be from the British ship, upon the
American ships and battery. I went down there this morning
and perceive the British ships to have altered their stations
and come up higher, the American fleet nearly in the same
place they were some time since. This ev'g I see a man from
Chester County who says that Gen'l Potter* with 1600
militia is now in Newton Township about 16 miles from
this City.
Oct 14^A. — This ev'g my mother rec'd a letter from my
Father, J. P. dated 1 and 6 inst. by which we find that the
prisoners had arrived at Winchester, that the people were
very much enraged at them and declared that they should
> Got. McKinlcy, of Delaware, was taken from his bed and made prisoner
by the British the night after the battle of Brandywiuc. The arreat of the
Sheriff of Sussex was probably an act of retaliation.
• Gren. James Potter, of the Pennsylvania Militia, of whom little is known.
" In order to prevent Gen. Howe from obtaining supplies for his army in the
well-cultivated district west of the Schuylkill, Gen. Potter with 600 militia
was ordered to scour the country between that river and Chester." — Smith's
Del, Co.
The Diary of Robert Morion. 19
not stay there long ; that they had petitioned Gov. Henry of
Vir. and the Congress for a Releasement from their confine-
ment and their return to their families.^ The British are
erect 'g a strong Battery upon Province Island, and they
suppose will be completed and opened this morning.
Oct Ibth. — A heavy firing this morning near to Province
Island. The American Fort is abandoned by a number of
their men who have carried a great deal of their Stores,
Baggage, &c. to Sedbank and the American Fleet is moved
further up the River. The Americans came down to the
middle Ferry upon Schuylkill and cut the rope about 4
o'clock this morning, which caused some platoon firing
between them and the Light Dragoons.
Oct. 16th. — Some bombs were this day thrown at the
American Fort, and it is reported set fire to their Barracks.
The Americans are fortifying at Red Bank. The British
at Wilmington have marched to take their Fort. Provis-
ions are very scarce. Good beef sells for 2/6 Mutton 2/6
Veal 2/ Butter 7/6. A prospect of starvation.
This day the English Battery burnt some of the Barracks
belonging to the American Fort.
Oct. nth. — No remarkable occurrence this day.
Oct. 18th. — Went to the mouth of Hollanders Creek this
morning, where I had a view of the American and 4 of the
British Fleets. The upper and lower British Batteries fired
several times at the Mud Island Fort, but I believe without
execution. The American Fort returned the fire. The
lower English Battery fired 3 Bombs. The American Fleet
lay nearly under Red Bank to be out of the way of the bombs.
The American Flag was this day hoisted at Red Bank. The
British troops that left Wilmington and were supposed
to have gone to take Red Bank y's ev'g came up as far as
Geo. Gray's Ferry and bro. a number of their sick and
wounded into Town. A smart platoon firing this ev'g
above Germantown.
Oct. IQth. — A firing this morning at the fort. Went this
> See Exiles in Ya., pp. 164, 167.
20 I%e Diary of Boberi Morton.
afternoon to the Plantation. When I had got as far as L
Pemberton's PUice, I see about 100 Hessians^ com'g down
the road on a foraging, or rather plundering, party. As
soon as they came to the corner of the road, their com. gave
them permission to take all the cabbage and Potatoes tliey
could find. Being afraid y't tlicy would take our cabbage,
I applied for a guard to the Ilouse and Garden, which was
immediately granted, and by that means prevented our cab-
bage from being plundered. After they had taken all Jno.
King's Cabbage and Potatoes they marched off. Bro't our
-cabbage home. It was surprising to see with what rapidity
they run to, and with what voraciousness they seized upon
Jno. King's Cabbage and Potatoes, who remained a silent
spectator to their infamous depredations.
Oct. 2Qth, — Went to the plantation to see about the pota-
toes, &c., and when I got to the corner of ye road I see
another party of Hessians com'g down with Horses, Carts,
bags, &c., to carry off Hay, potatoes, Ac. The com'r rode \x\\
to Jno. King's House, and I followed him. He said he was
come by orders of the General to take the Hay and I^otatoe8.
I told him who it belonged to, but to no purix)sc. By this
time a guard which Col. Harcourt had sent came up and
declared they should not take it. From thence they went
to J. Bringhurst's Place* where they took all the Hay and
most of ye Potatoes which belonged to the Tenant, to the
great distress of the family. I went a little further and see
a number of Hessians crossing over the bridge of boats lately
made for that purpose, with Bennett' of W — n, a prisoner.
14 of the Eng. flat bottomed boats came by the Che-de-Frise
' Gapt. HeDricbfl, the German officer who wrote the letters printed on page
40, must hare been stationed in the neighborhood of Pemberton's plantation.
s On the opposite side of the road from Pemberton's place and nearer
to Gray's Ferry.
» Possibly Caleb P. Bennett, who died at Wilmington, Del., May 7, 1836,
while governor of that State. He held the rank of major, was in the battles
of Brandywine. Gkrmantown. Monmouth, and in the Southern campaign
We hare no record of his being taken prisoner, and are unable to conne
him with the person mentioned by Morton.
The Diary of Robert Morion, 21
this morning, which occasioned some firing. I went this
afternoon to see the British encampment, which extends in
nearly a line from Delaware to Schuylkill. The reason of
their leaving Germantown was because their lines were too
extensive for the number of ye men.* The troops appeared
in good spirits, good health and heartily desirous for the
* SargeDt, Id his Life of Andr6 (p. 117), says : The troops that entered
with Cornwallis had been quartered at the State House, the Bettering (or
Poor) House, &c., and had at once set to fortifying the rirer front against
our ships and galleys. The disposition made of the main army placed the
Hessians and grenadiers on Noble and Gallowhill, between Fifth and
Seventh Sts. ; the British grenadiers, Fourth, Fortieth, and Fifty-fifth, &c.,
on the north side of Callowhill, from Seventh to Fourteenth Sts. ; eight
other regiments were on the higher grounds of Bush Hill from Fourteenth
St. in about a line with Vine to the upper Schuylkill Ferry, near which was
a Hessian post ; while the Yagers were on a hill at Twenty-second St and
Pennsylvania Ave. Infantry corps were at Eighth, near Green Sts. and by
Thirteenth, on the Bidge Boad. The 16th Dragoons and three foot regi-
ments were by a pond between Yiue and Bace, and Eighth and Twelfth
Sts. ; and a body of Yagers at the Point house on the Delaware. When
winter came on, the men were quartered in the public buildings and private
houses, and in the old British Barracks in the Northern Liberties. The
artillery were on Chestnut from Third to Sixth Sts., and their park in the
State House Yard, now Independence Square. On the north side of the
town ten redoubts, connected by strong palisades, were erected from the
mouth of Conoquonoke Creek on the Delaware near Willow St. to the upper
or Callowhill St. Ferry. They were thus situated : Near the junction of
Green and Oak Sts., where the road then forked for Kensington and
Frankford; a little west of Noble and Second Sts.; between Fifth and
Sixth and Noble and Buttonwood Sts. ; on Eighth St. between Noble and
Buttonwood ; on Tenth between Buttonwood and Pleasant ; on Buttonwood
between Thirteenth and Broad ; on Fifteenth between Hamilton St. and
Pennsylvania Ave. ; at Eighteenth St. and Pennsylvania Ave. ; at Twenty-
First and Callowhill SU., and on the Schuylkill bank near the Upper Ferry.
These works were begun on the 1st of October. To a British officer
writing in October, our city did not present a very favorable appearance.
He says : *' I cannot say much for the town of Philadelphia, which has no
view but the straightness and uniformity of tho streets. Till we arrived I
believe it was a very populous city, but at present it is very thinly inhabited,
and that only by the canaiUe and the Quakers, whose peaceable disposition
has prevented their taking up arms, and consequently has engaged them
in our interests, by drawing upon them the displeasure of their conntry.
men."
22 The Diary of BoUrt Morton.
fleets getting up that they miglit pursue General Washington.
The most heavy firing at the fort y\ we have liad jet : On
Ist day, the 19th, Genl Howe came to his quarters at Jno.
Cadwalader's house in consequence of the Army contract-
ing their lines. The B. Camp is below Kensington. We
see a number of the Con. troops about \ mile from the British
Piquet, having exchanged several shots.
Oct. 2\st. — This morning about 2500 Hessians, under the
Command of Count Donop, crossed the River in order to
attack Red Bank, and marched from Cooper's Ferry tow'ds
Haddonticld. Xo firing this day at the fort.
Oct. 22nd. — Went to the Plantation this morning and
found that the British had taken 1 load of hay without
paying or giving a Rec't. A number of the British have
crossed the lower ferry in expectation of an attack with the
Continental Troops, and ket»ping a communication open with
Chester. The British liave taken 2 more loads of liay upoa
the same conditions as the first. Last 7th day I rec'd a
Rec't for the load of hay taken for the Light Horse, which
I omitted mentioning at that time. The Hessians having
taken all the Stores belonging to the A. Army at Haddon-
field, proceeded on tow'ds Red Bank.
Oct. 23rc/. — 5th day of the week. An acco. is just arrived
of Count Donop having attacked the fort at Red Bank, and
his being repulsed 3 times with the loss of about 300 killed
and wounded; and the great Count, who petitioned for the
command in order to signalize himself and his famous Hes-
sians, rec'd a fatal blow of which he shortly died. The
wounded are brot. to town, and a number of Grenadiers
and infantry gone over to make another etibrt. From this
instance we see the important effects of despising^ the Ameri-
can army, and of Red Bank not being possessed by the
British at the time they took Billingsport.* This morning
20 of the British ships moved nearer to the fort in order
to do more execution than they have yet been able to do.
» Lee's Memoirs, and the Travels of Marqnis de Chastellux, both contain
interesting accounts of the attack on the fort at Red Bank.
^
The Diary of Robert Morton. 23
After the British batteries, erected on Province Island, and
the British ships had been firing near 6 hours at the Mud
Island Fort, the Augusta, a new 64 Gun Ship, by some
means or other, caught fire and burnt near 8 hours and then
blew up; and the Zebra, a 16 gun sloop, likewise caught
fire, and about 8 o'clock in the afternoon likewise blew up,
to the great amazement of the inhabitants and the disap-
pointment of the soldiery, who having a number of troops
embarked to storm the fort, and which in all probability
would have surrended in | an hour and the beseiged fallen
victims to their vengeance. The Hessians this morning
broke open the Plantation house, but did no considerable
damages. The British that crossed Schuylkill yesterday,
have returned and broke up the bridge at Gray's ferry,
where they are erect'g a Pacine Battery to defend the pass
instead of carry'g it to the upper ferry, where its proximity
to ye camp would render it more conveniently protected and
where, from the situation of the ground, it would be impos-
sible to demolish it from the opposite side.
Oct 2Ath. — No firing this morning. The Hessians and
British Soldiers have taken above 50 Bus. of our Potatoes,
notwithstanding the gracious proclamation of his Excell'y
to protect the peaceable inhabitants in a quiet possession of
their property. The ravages and wanton destruction of the
soldiery will, I think, soon become irksome to the inhabi-
tants, as many who depended upon their vegetables, &c. for
the maintenance of their families, are now entirely and
effectually ruined by the soldiers being permitted, under the
command of their officers, to ravage and destroy their prop-
erty. I presume the fatal eflPects of such conduct will shortly
be very apparent by the discontent of the inhabitants, who
are now almost satiated with British clemency, and num-
bers of whom, I believe, will shortly put themselves out of
the British protection; I mean not to dictate to men of
whose superior abilities I have a just appreciation, but had
the necessities of the army justified the measures, and they
had paid a sufficient price for what they had taken, then
they would have the good wishes of the people, and perhaps
24 The Diary of Robert MorUm.
all the aBsistance they could afford; but contrary oondact
has produced contrary effects, and if they pursue their present
system, their success will be precarious and uncertain. It is
reported that Count Donop, after he had taken a view of the
American Fort, found it impossible to take it without great
loss ; but as his orders were peremptory, he must take it or
nobly fall in the attack. He del'd his watch and purse to
Lord Bute's natural son, and then bro. on the attack ; being
soon after wounded, he fainted and he died.
Oct 2bih. — Great part of this day employed at Plantation
taking down the fences to prevent the soldiery taking them.
A report is this day prevalent, that Gen'l Burgoyne with
4000 men, surrendered prisoners of War on the 15th inst.*
Oct. 2&th. — This day employed at Plantation taking down
the fences. About 8 o'clock P. M., a small party of the
Americans, chiefly militia, attacked a sentry of the British
upon the Hill opposite Ogden's house at the middle ferry,
which bro. on a smart firing between them and the British
Picket. It continued about 15 min., when a Regiment
marched over the Bridge to reinforce them. Upon their
appearance, the Americans marched off, and the firing ceased.
Oct. 21th. — Nothing remarkable this day.
Oct. 28<A. — Remarkably rainy weather, and nothing very
material except that the English had burnt the Town of
Esopus in New York Province.
Oct. 29th. — A firing at the fort about 1 o'clock.
Oct. SOth and Slsty and Nov. Ist. — These three days em-
ployed at the plantation taking up the posts and rails. A
report in town that Esopus,* in the Province of New York,
was burnt, and that a number of the inhabitants had fired
* If what we haye of Qeneral Barg^joe's sitaation be true, and that he
and his whole army are literally priBoners, I think neither the war nor the
Ministry can possibly last another campaign. — Gen, R, FiizpcUrick to
CounUM of O$sory, Philadelphia, Oct 26. 1777.
■ The burning of Esopas, or Kingston, N. Y., occurred on the 16th of
October, and, although an act of severity hardly warranted, was not attended
with the atrocities mentioned in the text. A full account of the event will
be found in the " Collections of the Ulster Historical Society/' toI. i. p. 109.
The Diary of Robert Morton. 26
upon the British troops from out of the windows, for which
reason the town was set on fire, and guards placed at all the
avenues to prevent the inhabitants from making their escajie,
which, if true, is an instance not to be paralleled in the
annals of any nation who have so long boasted of their
civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servi-
tude or death. The Americans have advanced to the borders
of Schuylkill on acco. of the British at the destruction of
their bridge being obliged to retreat to this side, which has
occasioned a smart firing from each side. Having mentioned
all that is necessary of my particular affairs, I shall now
take a review of the conduct of the great, and candidly
deliver my sentiments concerning their measures, and my
opinion of their success provided they pursue them. Pre-
vious to their taking this city, their Gen'l published a pro-
clamation warranting security and protection to those who
should quietly remain in their dwellings, and thereby give a
convincing proof of their attachment to his Majesty's govern-
ment. Relying on the General's candor and generosity, they
embraced the benefit of his proclamation, and remained
quietly in their dwellings, expecting him to afford them that
protection which the subjects of the British Empire are of
right entitled to, but alas! melancholy experience has con-
vinced them of the contrary, and the ruin of numbers has
stamped it with infallible certainty. After they had, with-
out much opposition, taken possession of the City^ they sent
a number of troops and took possession of Billingsport, and
at the same time might have possessed Red Bank with a
very inconsiderable loss had not their confidence dictated to
the contrary. The City being well fortified, they erecte<i
batteries on the Province Island, to silence the Mud Island
Fort,^ they fired to no purpose till the 23 ult., when 8 ships
* Gkn. Fitzpatrick, writing to the Countess of Ossorj from Philadelphia,
on the 26th of October, 1777, entered his complaint at the delay in the
capture of the forts on the Delaware as follows : *' We arrired at this place
above a month since, though we cannot possibly be said to be in possession
of it all yet, as the ships cannot get up the river, and in spite of all their
exertion, do not seem more likely to saoceed in that object than they were
three days after our arrival."
26 The Diary of Bobert Morton.
and the batteries engaged the Tort. After a few hours
firing, the Augusta, 64 gun ship, and a small sloop blew up.
The same morning ye Count Donop, with a body of Hessians,
attacked the Fort at Red Bank and was repulsed, with a
great number killed and wounded, himself mortally, and
now among the slain. Here we have an additional instance
of the experience of their confidence. As the last resource
they are building 2 Floating Batteries, to make another
attempt, and if that should fail, the consequences will be
dreadful. But as by their expectations heightened by their
confidence they will make great eftbrts, it is highly probable
they will take the fort and their shipping come to the city.
The Fort or bomb-battery was, by the last rain, so over-
flowed that the men were up to their middles in water. A
certain acco. arrived by one of Qen'l Burgoyne's captains
sent for the purpose, that on the 16th' ult., the army con-
sisting of 3500 men, 13,000 stand of arms, 40 pieces brass
cannon, and marched out with the honors of war and sur-
rendered themselves prisoners.
Nov. 2nd. — ^This afternoon I took a walk to see the camp,
and went by the way of Schuylkill where we see some of
the Americans on the other side. The soldiers appeared
clean and neat.
Nov. 8rd. — "So occurrence remarkable this day, a firing in
the eve'g. We rec'd a letter from Winchester giving an
acco. of the Friends, that they had a large room to dine in,
that they were all very healthy, and that they had rec'd no
answer to their address to Gov. Henry, and their remon-
strance to Congress.
Nov. ith, — An acco. of Burgoyne's surrender given out to
day in General orders. The terms of capitulation are, " That
the army should march out of their entrenchments and pile
up their arms on the Bank of the Hudson River, that tlie
men should march to, and encamp as nearly as convenient to
the Town of Boston, there to remain at the expense of
Congress till transports should be sent to carry them to G.
> The articles of capitnlation were signed on the 17th instant
The Diary of Robert itorion. 27
B.," agreed to on tlie 16th Oct. 1777. Burgoyne's army
ammo, to 1900 British/ 1600 Germans, Gates' Army to
16,000 men Con. and Militia. Tor the Particulars see Hum-
phrey's paper, Nov. 5th.
Nov. 5th. — Nothing remarkable this day. Have heard
that one of the floating batteries was launched yesterday.
They report that the Tort is to be attacked the beginning of
next week.
Nov, 6th. — No remarkable occurrence. Men employed at
Plantation cutting our wood.
Nov. 1th. — Nothing remarkable this day.
Nov. 8th. — A report prevails that the British have, by
orders evacuated Rhode Island. I went this morning to see
the floating batteries upon the banks of Schuylkill, one of
which had been launched the day before and was found very
leaky and insufficient for that purpose. They are now repair-
ing her, expecting to be ready to make the attack in a few
days. A proclamation is at last published to prevent the
soldiers plundering the inhabitants, and persons appointed
to patrole.
Nov. 9th. — No remarkable occurrence. 10th. Monday
Morning, a smart firing this morning at the Fort.
Nov. 11th. — Went to the mouth of Schuylkill and see the
firing between the Mud Island Fort and the British Batteries
upon Province Island. This ev'g 2 Brigs and 2 Sloops
came from the fleet with provisions for the Army and went
up Schuylkill.
Nov. 12^A, Fourth day. — This day a severe firing by which
the American Barracks was several times set on fire, but
soon extinguished. I went this ev*g down to Province
Island where I see the 2 Brigs, one called the Lord Howe
and the other the Betsy, and the 2 sloops. One of the float-
ing batteries has got to the mouth of Schuylkill and the other
at Everley's, preparing with all possible dispatch and we
may soon expect a general attack to be made upon the Fort.
■ Bancroft giyes the number at 5791, and 1866 prisoners preTionsly
captured.
28 Ihe Diary of HobeH Morton.
Nov. 18M.— A firing this day on the Fort 14^ Ditto.
Nov. 15th, 7th day of the week. — This morning about 11
o'clock the Vigilant and 6 more shipe of war came up and
attacked the fort together with the 6 gun, 2 do:, and other
batteries on Province Island. The Vigilant took her station
between the Province and Mud Islands and the other 6 ships
just above the Hog Island. The firing continued till 6
o'clock P. M., and then ceased, being returned but seldom
by the American Fort. The damage which the Fort sus-
tained by an almost incessant fire for 7 hours, which burnt
the Barracks, knocked down the Block Houses, dismounted
the cannon and otherwise rendered the Fort untenable,
obliged the besieged to evacuate and retire to Red Bank.'
The damage sustained by the British Ships and Batteries is
unknown, but the Vigilant was huld several times by the
Gondolas. Tlius by American perseverence and the Fort's
situation a British Army of 12,000 men and a fleet of 800
sail had been detained in their operations near 7 weeks bj* a
power far inferior to theirs and which has always appeared
contemptible in the eyes of men who have uniformly despised
the Americans as a cowardly insignificant set of People.
We rec'd a letter from my father by way of Wilmington
giving an acco. of their being enlarged and permitted to ride
6 miles from their Dwellings. The British Troops entered
the Mud Island fort this morning the 16th inst., and by the
appearance of the Fort apprehended the Americans must
have lost great numbers killed and wounded. Tliey found
a flock of sheep and some oxen in the Fort, besides 18 pieces
of Cannon.
Nov. 18/A.— This ev'g Lord Cornwallis with 2500 men
marched over the Bridge at the middle ferry, with intentions
as is supposed to attack the Fort at Red Bank. The next
morning on their march tow'ds Darby they surprised the
American Piquet, who retreated to the House called the
* An interesting account of the attack on Fort MiflQin may be found in a
litter, written by Lt. Col. John Lanrens, to his father, printed in Materials
for History, edited by Frank Moore, N. Y., 1861.
The Diary of Bobert Morton. 29
Blue BelP and firod from the windows and killed 2 Grena-
diers, some of the Grenadiers rushed into the House, bayo-
neted five, and the others would have shared the same fate
had not the ofiSeers interfered.
Nov. 19th. — This ev'g a Body of Hessians marched over
Schuylkill.
Nov. 20th. — A report this day that the Americans last night
set fire to the 2 floating batteries. A fireship, gondola, Armed
ship or boating battery, unknown which belonging to the
Americans, was this afternoon seen on fire between the
city and Gloucester point. The cause of her being fired
is unknown, she burnt for several hours and extinguished
without doing further damage. We, this morning, rec'd a
letter from my Father dated at Winchester the 12th inst.,
informing us that they had rec'd no intelligence from hence
these 6 weeks, expressing an earnest solicitude for our welfare
in this time of general calamity and distress ; but they had
rec'd an answer from Gov. Henry to their remonstrance by
which they apprehended they are not to be sent further, but
we imagine they have rec'd an answer by no means condu-
cive to their releasem't. They had seen a Baltimore paper
doubtless filled with gross misrepresentations and falsehoods
respecting our situation, which, added to their not hearing
from us for such a length of time, must have occasioned
alarming apprehensions concerning us. That on the 24 ulto.
the roaring of cannon had been heard within 100 miles of the
city ; that he had wrote 15 letters since their arrival at Win-
cliester, 5 only of which we have received, A firing heard
this evening supposed to be at Red Bank.
Nov. 21st. — This morning about 4 o'clock the inhabitants
were alarmed by a very severe firing, which proved to be
from the Delaware Frigate at the Gondolas as they passed
the town on the other side of the river. I walked down to
the wharf and see all the American Navy on fire coming up
with the flood tide, and burning with the greatest fury.
Some of them drifted within 2 miles of the town and were
* Sitnated on the Darby Road near Cobb's Creek, and atill standing,
with its ancient name jadiciously preserred.
80 The Diary of Bobert Morton.
carried back by the ebb tide. They burnt nearly 5 hours;
4 of them blew up. This manoeuvre is supposed to have been
occasioned by the British having taken Red Bank. The
Gondolas passed by in the fog. Lord C3orwalli8 being joined
in the Jerseys by 4000 men from the fleet, it is said is to pro-
ceed to Burlington, to cross the Delaware and come in the
rear of Washington's Army.
Nov. 22d. — Seventh day of the week. This morning about
10 o'clock the British set fire to Fair HilP mansion House,
Jon'a Mifllin's and many others amo'tg to 11 besides out
houses. Barns, Ac. The reason they assign for this destruc-
tion of their friends' property is on acco. of the Americans
firing from these houses and harassing their Picquets. The
generality of mankind being governed by their interests, it
is reasonable to conclude that men whose property is thus
wantonly destroyed under a pretence of depriving their
enemy of a means of annoying y'm on their march, will soon
Te converted and become their professed enemies. But what
is most astonishing is their burning the furniture in some
of those houses that belonged to friends of government,
when it was in their power to burn them at their leisure.
Here is an instance that Gen'l Washington's Army cannot
be accused of. There is not one instance to be produced
where they have wantonly destroyed and burned their
friends' property. But at the last action at Germantown
with the same propriety as the British, could have de-
stroyed B. Cliew's house, and then would have injured a
man who is banished in consequence of his kingly attach-
ment. On the other side they have destroyed most of the
houses along the lines, except Wm. Henry's, which remains
entire and untouched, while J. Fox's, Dr. Moore's, and several
others are hastening to ruin, so that if they want to make
any distinction, it is in favor of their oj^n, professed and
* Mrs. Logan in ber letter to Col. Garden states that there were seventeen
houses bamed on this occasion, others say twenty-seven. The Fair Hill
(Fairhill) mansion was owned by the Norris family and occupied by John
Dickinson, a portion of whose valuable library was destroyed.
The Diary of Robert Morton. 81
determined enemies. I went to the top of c. steeple^ and
had a prospect of the fires. A passage being made through
the chevaux de frize, several sloops came up to the city this
evening. Price of provisions in market on the day of the
fleet's coming to the city, Beef — ,Pork — ,Veal — , Butter — .
Nov. 23rf. — Several reports concerning Lord Comwallis*
expedition, but not to be depended upon. The kitchen at
Evergreen burnt by the carelessness of some Hessian soldiers
that were in it. The numbers of people who have by permis-
sion of Washington been going to Pennapack for these some
weeks past for flour at 40 sh. per cwt., c. m.,* are now stopped
by his order.
Nov. 2Uh. — Twenty or thirty sail of vessels came up this
morning from the fleet that the city now begins to receive.
People in expectation that Germantown will be shortly
burnt.
Nov. 2bth. — ^The fleet daily arriving in great numbers.
Burnt about one-half of a house near Gloucester belonging
to one Hogg, a person that is reported to be an American
Patriot. Lord Comwallis, with the detachm't under his com-
mand, arrived in town this ev'g and brought over 400 head
of cattle from the Jerseys.
Nov. 26th. — This morning I had an opportunity of seeing
68 sail of vessels coming to the city between this and the
Point. Lord Howe arrived in town this morning. It is
supposed that none of the larger vessels will come up to the
city. From all appearances I am of opinion that the Army
will not follow Gen'l Washington this winter. A report
that additional number of soldiers are to be quartered on the
inhabitants this winter. Rob't Ritchie of this city, merch't,
is apprehended and secured on suspicion of giving intelligence
to Gen'l Washington's Army.'
Nov. 21th, 28^A, 29th, 80^A.— These 4 days the fleet coming
up in great numbers. Some part of the army have marched
over Schuylkill, and reports are prevalent that the main part
' Christ Church. • ContinenUl money.
» Some accounts say the wife of Ritchie. See MarshaWi Remembrancer,
p. 169. PhUa. 1839-1849.
82 'Hie Diary of Hoberi MoHon.
of the army will soon move off. The Aniericans are moving
off their heavy cannon. Qen'l Washington, it is said, is
going to Virginia in a few weeks, and the command to
devolve upon Gen'l Gates. Great exertions are making,
both by the men and women of this city, to support the credit
of the paper money legally issued. The women are deter-
mined to purchase no goods witli hard money. Some of
those who agreed to receive paper money have refused it
for their goods, and among the rest some of our Society.
Dec. Isi^ 2ndj Srd. — Numbers of the Tleet daily arriving.
None of the large ships have yet come up. A contest has
subsisted in this City since the arrival of the fleet, concerning
the legal Paper Currency. The English merchants that came
in the fleet will not di8f)Ose of their goods without hard
money, alleging that no bills are to be bought, no produce
to be obtained, and no method can be adopted by which they
can send remittances. Numbers of the most respectable
inhabitants are using all their influence to support it, and
numbers of others who have no regard for the public good,
are giving out the hard money for what they want for
immediate use, thus purchasing momentary gratifications at
the expense of the Public, for if the circulation of this
money should be stopt, many who have no legal money but
paper, and have no means of obtaining gold and silver, will
be reduced to beggary and want, and those who arc so lost
to every sense of honor, to the happiness of their fellow
citizens, and eventually their own good, as to give out their
hard money, either for the goods of those who are new-
comers, or in the public market where it is now exacted for
provisions, will, by their evil example, oblige those who
possess hard money, to advance it and ruin the credit of the
other money for the present. The consequence of which
must be that we shall be shortly drained of our hard cash,
the other money rendered useless, no trade by which we can
get a fresh supply, our ruin must therefore he certain and
inevitable. This depreciation of the Paper Currency will
not only extend its baneful influence over this City, but over
all the continent, as the friends of government and others
The Diary of Bobert Morton. 83
have been collecting this legal tender for several mo's past,
expecting that in those places in the possession of the British
Army it will be of equal value with gold and silver. But
from the enemies of the British constitution among ourselves,
who give out their hard money for goods, from the almost
universal preference of private interest to the public good, and
from a deficiency of public virtue, it is highly probable the
paper money will fall, and those newcomers having extracted
all our hard money, will leave us in a situation not long to
survive our Ruin.* Reports prevail, I suppose with some
foundation, that the British Army are to march to-morrow.
By the packet which sailed the first of this month for
England, I wrote a letter to Dr. Fothergill in answer to one
he wrote my father, also to Jno. and R. Barclay, acknowld'g
' The transports brought to the city a nninber of merchants who seized
upon the most desirable vacant stores, and filled the papers with the adrer-
tisements of their wares. Christopher Marshall, who retired to Lancasterr
Pa., previous to the occupation of Philadelphia by the British, records in
his Remembrancer Feb. 28, 1778, News from Philadelphia, that there are
one hundred and twenty-one new stores, amongst which is one kept by an
Englishman, one by an Irishman, the remainder being one hundred and
eighteen Scotchmen or Tories, from Virginia. Westcott, in his History of
Philadelphia, gives a list of a number of these itinerant traders and the
stores they occupied, with two poetical effusions which appeared at the time
(relating to the trouble caused by their refusal to receive the paper money),
one entitled " Song by Flotilla" on the agreement to support the Old Paper
Currency, beginning —
Come, all ye good people, attend :
Pray, hear what a newcomer offers,
Pve all sorts of good things to vend,
If you will but open your coffers.
Here we go, up, up, up,
Here we iro, down, down, downward.
The other, by Joseph Stansbury, called " The Petition of Philadelphia
to Sir Wm. Howe," ends with the following lines :—
We pray the (General in a general way
Would grant redress, and that without delay ;
And vcUue give the paper we possess.
And then we'll sign the long since penned address.
84 The Diary of Robert Morton.
the rec't of theirs of ye Ist Jany. laat. Welsh, the Deputy
Barrack Master, seized upon the house at Chestnut Street,
late T. W.'s, for the 64th Regt. to put their baggage in it. I
applied to Mr. Robinson the Barrack Master, and he ordered
the house to be immediately del'd up.
Dec. 4/A. — 5th day of the week. This evening about 8
o'clock, the British Army under the com'd of his Ex'y Sir
Wm. Howe, marched out of the entrenchments and advanced
towards German town, leaving a few regiments to keep pos-
session of the City. Their advanced party arrived at Chest-
nut Hill about daylight, the rear of the army about leaving
Germantown. On their march they took an American
picket and a Brig. G^n'l Erwin of the P. Militia. A report
that they had an engagement on Chestnut Hill. The Conti-
nentals at Frankford, not hearing of the British advancing
till 12 o'clock, moved olF to Germantown, when they took
Christ'r Sower, Jun., who went with a division of the Army
to that place. 6/A. — Several of the inhabitants went out to
day and brought in provision. 7th. — No certain acco. of the
situation of the armies.
Dec. 5th. — No reports to be depended upon concerning the
armies.
Dec. 6th. — ^Nothing material.
Dec. 1th. — G^n'l Erwin* came in with a few Continental
troops as prisoners j^esterday morning. A heavy firing thia
day.
Dec. Sth. — Several reports about the armies, but this ev'g,
to the great astonishment of the citizens, the army returned.
The causes assigned for their speedy return are various and
contradictory, but ye true reason appears to be this, that the
army having marched up to Washington's lines near to
White Marsh, and finding him strongly posted, thought it
jnost prudent to decline making the attack. The Hessians
on their march committed great outrages on the inhabitants,
particularly at John Shoemaker's, whom they very much
abused. Bro't off about 700 head of cattle, set fire to the
> A sketch of Gen. Jamei Irvine, the officer here alladed to, will appear
in a fntnre namber of the Magazine.
The Diary of Robert Morion. 85
house on Germantown Road, called the Rising Sun,^ and
committed many other depredations, as if the sole purpose of
the expedition was to destroy and to spread desolation and
ruin, to dispose the inhabitants to rebellion by despoiling
their property, and to give their enemies fresh cause to alarm
the apprehensions of the people by these too true melancholy
facts. John Brown* of this city, is now confined in Lan-
caster gaol for carrying a verbal message to Rob't Morris
from Thos. Willing, the purport of which was, that if the
Congress would rescind independence, they should be put
into their situation in 1763. This is said to have come from
Gen'l Howe to T. W. R. Morris communicated it to
Congress ; they demanded the name of the person who bro.
the message, ordered him, thro, the council of safety, to be
imprisoned for his attempting to lull them into securitv by
these fallacious proposals. Flour excessively scarce at 23/9
pr Quarter of cwt. Beef 3/9, Mutton 2/3, Veal 8, Pork 2/8.
The poor are very much necessitated, are turned out of the
Bettering house, put into Fourth Street meeting house, the
Lodge, and the Carpenters' Hall. No prospect of the paper
money being established. Joseph Galloway, Esq., is appointed
Superintendent General' with three other citizens as magis-
> The Widow Nice's.
' A biographical sketch of Thomas Willing (with an accoant of his con-
nection with John Brown) will be printed in a fntnre issue of the Magazine.
' Regulations.
Philadelphia, December 8, 1777.
Under which the inhabitants may purchase the enumerated articles
mentioned in the proclamation of his Excellency Sir William Howe, K. B.,
General-in-Chief, etc. etc. etc.
1. No rum or spirits of inferior quality, are to be sold (except by the im-
porter) at one time, or to one Person, in any greater quantity than one hogs-
head, or in any less than ten gallons, and not without a permit first obtained
for the quantity intended to be purchased, from the inspector of the pro-
hibited articles.
2. Molasses is not to be sold (except by the importer) in any quantity
exceeding one hogshead, at one time, nor without a permit as aforesaid.
3. Salt may not be sold (except by the importer) in any quantity exceeds
86 The Diary of Robert Morton.
trates, to regulate the police of the City. Jos. Parker is
dead at Lancaster. A report that the British Army is to go
to Wilmington^ in a few days. Several boats have come up
with provisions, one to day with ab't 200 Hogs, some sheep,
fowls, Ac, from Dover.
Ike. 9M, 10th. — This Evg., Lord Cornwallis, with a division
of the Enemy, marched over Schuylkill.
Dec. 11th. — This morning, GenU Washington left his strong-
holds, which he demolisljed, and marched over Schuylkill to
watch Cornwallis' movements. A firing this morning on
the Lancaster lioad.'
ing one bashel at one time, for the uie of one family, nor without the permit
as aforesaid.
4. Medicines not to be sold without a special permit by order of the
8operintendent General.
By order of His Excellency Sir William Howe.
Joseph Galloway, Super iiUenderU General.
' Washington was of the opinion that the British would establish a fort at
Wilmington, for the purpose of countenancing the disaffected in the State
of Delaware, and drawing supplies from the surrounding country and the
lower part of Chester County. I'a. To j)revent this, he ordered Gen, Small-
wood to occupy Wilmington, and recommended President Geo. Read, of
Delaware, to call out the militia. — See Spttrks, vol. v. p. 190, 191, 196.
* Washington writes to the President of Congri'ss on the 14th inst., 1777,
from hcad-ipiarters near the (iulf : —
•* On Thursday morning we niuRhe<l from our old encampment, and
intended to pans the Schuylkill at MadiKon's [Matson*s] Ford, where a
barge had been laid acrosn the river. When the first division and a part
of the second had partsed, they found a body of the enemy, consisting,
from the best accounts we have been able to obtain, of four thousand men,
under Lord Cornwallis, possessing themselves of the heights on both sideA
of the road leading from the river and the defile called the Gulf, which, I
presume, are well known to some part of y<)ur honorable body. This
unexpected event obliged such of our troops as had crossed, to repass, and
prevented our getting over till the succeeding night. This manoeuvre on
the part of the enemy was not in consequence of any information they had
of our movement, but was designed to secure the pass whilst they were
foraging in the neighboring country. They were met in their advance by
General Potter, with part of the Pennsylvania militia, who behaved with
brarery and gave them every possible opposition, till he was obliged to
retreat from their superior numbers. Had we been an hour sooner, or had
the least information of the measure, I am persuaded we should have given
Hie Diary of Robert Morion. 87
Dec. \2th — Provisions scarce, people daily going out for it.
Hard to pass the paper money.
Dec. IZih. — ^Nothing material.
Dec. 14<A.— This Evg., Dr. D. Smith returned from Win-
Chester, to the great amazement of his friends and fellow-
citizens, having been confined better than 3 mos. He says that
the Lieutenant of the County told them they were at liberty
to go where they pleased. He, with the knowledge of his
fellow-prisoners, loft them on 2nd day last.^ This extraordi-
nary and unexpected affair may occasion the remainder
being more closely confined, or else have a discharge with a
permission to return home. It appears that no orders have
been given concerning them, since the election of our new
council, by the Assembly. The British Army, on their last
excursion to Abington and Chester County, plundered a
number of the inhabitants of everything they had upon
their farms, and abused many old, inoffensive men. Some
of them have applied for redress, but have not obtained it.
Dr. Hutchinson entered into the Am. Army, as a surgeon,
with 22/6 Con. money per diem. Paper money entirely
dropt, and not passable.
Dec. 15M, 16<A, 17/A, 18M, lM,and 20th.— 'K R returned this
week from his journey, and left Winchester the 8rd inst.,
came thro' York town, and says the friends are to be removed
to Stanton, owing to Owen Jones' selling \ Joes @ £22 10,
his Lordship a fortODate stroke, or obliged hiro to retnrn without effecting
his purpose, or drawn out all General Howe's force to support him. Oar
first intelligence was, that it was all out. Lord Coniwallis collected a good
deal of forage, and returned to the city the night we passed the rirer. No
discrimination marked his proceeding^. All property, whether of friends or
foes, that came in his way was seized and carried off." — Sparks^ toI. t.
p. 185.
' The journal of the exiles states the case as follows : 11th m., 8th, " Wm.
Drewet Smith soon afterwards rode out to take the air, as we expected, but
not returning as usual, we apprehend he has gone to Philadelphia."
' In the diary of Christopher Marshall we find the following [LancaMer
Co., Dec, llth, 1777 J : " By some letters intercepted, there appears to have
been a combination between the Friends sent into Virginia by the President
and Council, and some inhabitanta of Lancaster, in order to depreciate the
88 The Diary of RobeH Morton.
Continental, by which means the support of their cause is
injured. The American Army lay near the Gulph MilV
about 16 miles from the city. Rec'd a letter from Winches-
ter, of the 10th inst. Lord Cornwallis went to England this
week.
Dec. 21st^ 22nd. — This morning, the main body of the
Army marched over Schuylkill on a foraging party.
CoDtinental currency. Some of the letters are from Owen Jones, Jr., to
John Mercer (Musser), Matthias Slough, and Matthias Graeff. This dis-
covery has obliged the Board of War to send all the Quaker prisoners to
Staunton, in Augusta Co., Va., and Owen Jones to close confinement,
without the use of pen, ink, and paper, except in the presence of the
Lieutenant of the County or his deputy."
The letters spoken of by Marshall will be found in Pa. ArchtveSy vol. vi.
p. 53-56. The order of the Board of War was not carried into effect.
' Gulph Mills — situated on the west side of the Schuylkill, about thirteen
miles from Philadelphia, at the mouth of a creek of the same name.
Washington's army remained here from the 12th of Dec. 1777, until about
the 21st, when it removed to Valley Forge. It is possible that at one time,
Washington thought to make this place his winter quarters ; such, at least,
was the idea of Albigcnce Waldo, a surgeon, who writes in his journal,
Dec. 13th : ** The army marched three miles from the west side of the river,
and encamped near a place called the Gulph, and not an improper name,
neither. For this Gulph seems well adapted, by its situation, to keep as
from the pleasures and enjoyments of this world; or being conversant with
anybody in it. It is an excellent place to raise the ideas of a Philosopher
beyond the glutted thoughts and reflections of an Epicurean. His reflections
will be as different from the common reflections of mankind, as if he were
unconnected with the world and only conversant with material beings.
It cannot be that our superiors are about to hold consultations with spirits
infinitely beneath their order — by bringing us into these utmost regions of the
Terraqueous Sphere. No ! It is, upon consideration, for many good purposes,
since we are to winter here : 1st, There is plenty of wood and water ; 2d,
there are but few families for the soldiers to steal from— though far be it
from a soldier to steal ; 3rd, there are warm sides of hills to erect huts on ;
4lh, they will be heavenly-minded, like Jonah in the belly of a great fish ;
5th, they will not become homesick, as is sometimes the case when men live
in the open world, since the reflections which must naturally arise from
their present habitation, will lead them to the more noble thoughts of
employing their leisure hours in filling their knapsacks w^ith such materials
as may be necessary on the journey to another home."
This journal, giving an excellent picture of the army at this time, will be
found in the HiUoriccd Magazine for 1861.
The Diary of Robert Morton. 89
Dec. 23rd. — Nothing material this day.
Dec. 24^A.— This Ev'g, about 7 o'clock, 1 Brigade of the
Americans, with 3 pieces of cannon, attacked the British
lines. After firing 6 ps. they retreated.^
Dec. 2bth. — Lord Howe sailed for JSTew York a few days ago.
Dec.26th. — Nothing very material except very hard weather.
Dec. 21th, 28thy 29^A.— Exceeding cold.
Dec. SOth. — Last night severely cold. The navigation ob-
structed by the ice for the first time this season. The Army
returned on the 28 inst., after collecting a great deal of
Forage and taking a few prisoners. Some of the Transports
in the River have been drifting with the ice. One was cast
on the Jersey shore and plundered by the inhabitants, who
came down in great numbers to participate of the plunder.
One of the transports caught fire, was loaded almost with
powder, but was happily extinguished without doing much
damage.
' This attack was made hj the Pa. Militia, on the British outposts in
the Northern Liberties. — See Life of Oen, John Lacy^ by W. W. H.
Davis, p. 54. Marshall records (Dec. 28th, 1777) : " News of the day is that
Col. Ball, on the twenty-fifth instant, made an excursion into Foorth Street
in Philadelphia, with two thousand militia, and alarmed the city by firing
off some pieces of cannon into the air, whereby some of the balls fell about
Christ Church. He then made a good retreat back to his station, without
the loss of a man." — Remembrancer, p. 173.
See Exiles in Virginia, pp. 164 and 167.
40 The Hessians in Philadelphia.
THE HESSIANS IN PHILADELPHIA.*
A GBRMAN OFFICER'S IMPRESSION OF OUR CITY.
nU)M THE CORRESPONDENCE OF PROFESSOR 8CHLOZER OF OOTTIIfGENy
VOL. III. P. 149.
TRANSLATED BY MISS BBLKM BELL.
At Philadelphia on the Neck, Jan. 18, 1778.
I received on November 4, your short letter of the 26th
of May, directed to " Lieut. II in New York, or to
Captain H at Philadelphia."
My present opinions of America differ very much from
those which I expressed in my former letters. It is true that
I could not now picture to myself an earthly paradise with-
out thinking of a great jmrt of the Jerseys and Long Island,
but not of Pennsylvania! If the Honorable Count Penn
should surrender to me the whole country for my patent, on
condition that I should live here during my life, I would
scarcely accept it. And this is the promised land, the land
flowing with milk and honey, which so many before us have
praised ! You know already that as every North American
province has an e8i>ecial existence, and is governed according
to its own j)rinciple8, it must therefore be judged as differ-
ently. The packet boat goes to-morrow, and with it these
few and hasty observations on the country and climate.
Among 100 f)erson8, not merely in Philadelphia, but also
throughout the whole neighborhood, not one has a healthy
color, the cause of which is the unhealthy air and the bad
water. Assuredly this is not a consequence of the latitude,
' The writer of this letter was (.'aptain John Hcinrichs (Henrichs), of the
Hessian Yuger Corps. He was several times wounded during his service in
America, most severely at the capture of Fort Washington, where a ball
penetrated his breast. In 1784, he entered the infantry. He soon passed
over to the service of Prussia, was ennobled, and advanced to the rank of
Lieatenant General. He died in 1834. (See Oerman Auxiliaries.hy Yon
Eelking.) His corps was stationed in the southern part of the city, proba-
bly on the road to Gray's Ferry.
>
The Hessians in Philo/lelphia. 41
for Pennsylvania lies in one of the healthiest degrees, but
the woods, morasses, and mountains, which partly confine
the air, and partly poison it, make the country unhealthy.
Nothing is more common here than a fever once a year, then
eruptions, the itch, etc. Nowhere have I seen so many mad
people as here. Only yesterday, as I was dining with a
Gentleman, a third person came into the room, and he whis-
pered in my ear: Take care^ this gentleman is a madman.
Frequently the people are cured, but almost all have a quiet
madness, a derangement of mind which proceeds from slug-
gish, not active blood. One cause, perhaps, is that no food
here has as much nourishment as with us. The milk is not
half so rich, the bread gives little nourishment. There is a
noticeable difference in the quality of the produce which is
brought to market in Philadelphia, from the Jerseys and
from Pennsylvania.
The cold in winter and the heat in summer are quite
moderate, but the thunderstorms in summer, and the damp
reeking air in spring and autumn, are unendurable. In sum-
mer, mists fall and wet everything, and then in the afternoon
there is a thunderstorm. And in winter, when the trees are
frosted in the morning, it rains in the afternoon. Such phe-
nomena are common occurrences here.
Like the products of the earth, animals too are only half-
developed. A hare, a partridge, a peacock, etc., is only half-
grown. Wild game tastes like ordinary meat. One of the
few good consequences of this war is, that more forests will
be destroyed, and the air will become purer. A man from
this city, by the name of Hamilton,' alone lost 1500 acres* of
woodlands, which was cut down for the hospital, and he had
sufficient patriotism to remark recently in company, that it
was good for the country.
The fertility of the ground is so great, that it can be
planted and harvested twice a year ; but the com itself is not
as ^ood as ours. The greater part of America is rich in
minerals, particularly the tract where we oiierated last sum-
mer, on the Elk River, Brandywine Creek, Valley Hills, and
William ITiimilton, of the Woodlands. * Probably 150 acres.
42 The Hessians in Philadelphia.
on the Schuylkill. There is plenty of wood here; I bum
seven kinds of firs, besides the varieties of sassafras, cedar,
and walnut, in my chimney place and in the watch fires.
Besides, the land yields corn, wheat, oats, flax, hemp, Indian
corn, potatoes (which are not so good as those from Holland,
although this is their native land), turnips, and garden stuff"
of all kinds, though not so well grown as with us. The tree
fruits also are not unlike. The vine cannot ripen on account
of the before-mentioned mists. Pears are scarce, and apples
seldom have a good flavor.
You have doubtless heard, from the newspapers, of the
defences^ which cut up this country to such a degree, that
cavalry cannot manoeuvre even on the plains. The defences^
which are wooden enclosures of the fields, are only on
account of the cattle, for every one turns out his cattle,
horses, sheep, cows, etc., without a herdsman. As soon as a
field is harvested, the farmer turns his cattle into it, and
into each in turn, so that almost every field has its own
enclosure. This costs a great deal, but an old German
farmer, two miles from Philadelphia, assured me that it
would do him more harm to lose a foot of land by a hedge
and ditch. A still more important reason why there are no
hedges is, that they do not thrive here at all. The thorn
cannot grow on account of a certain insect, the name of
which I have forgotten, and the willow does not grow every-
where. Last week I saw at Hollanders' Creek, a newly
planted hedge of willows.
Hogs are quite as good here as the best in Holstein, for
there is good mast for them in the woods, and they feed
there the whole year. There are plenty of Guinea-fowls,
but not 80 many as in the Jerseys and Long Island. Turkeys
belong to the wild animals, and are in all the woods in flocks
like partridges. There are plenty of sheep, but as the
farmer drives them into the wood, he loses the wool ; how-
ever, he sells the skin for I85. York money. Ducks and
geese are as common and as good as ours, but no better.
You cannot conceive of the superabundant swarms of flies
here. Hares, woodcock, partridges, etc, are very abundant,
The Hessians in Philadelphia. 43
but they are not half so large as ours. There are still bears
and wolves in Tolpahaky,^ thirty-six miles from Philadelphia,
whence they are brought to Philadelphia ; the leg of a bear
is a great delicacy.
There is no scarcity of snakes. The great blacksnake has
been near the Schuylkill lately, quite near our quarters. A
countryman, cutting wood, was chased by one quite recently,
but a neighbor killed it with a stick. There is nothing,
however, more terrible than the big rattlesnake^ which is
from twelve to sixteen feet long, and which, as it is believed
here, kills by its glance, A countryman in my quarters lost
a relative of his in this way, some years ago. He had gone
hunting, and seeing a bear standing still, aimed at and shot
it ; scarcely had he reached the bear, when he too was obliged
to stand motionless, remained thus awhile, fell and died ; all
this was caused by a rattlesnake, which was perched in a
high tree. The nearest ones to Philadelphia are in Tol-
pahaky,' and there were some also between Elk Ferry and
Head of the Elk, where we encamped three days. So much
for the country. I will write of the people^ their civilization,
etc., in my next letter.
Perhaps the reason why the domestic animals are not half
so good as ours, is, because they are left out, winter and
summer, in the open air.
I wrote before, that no white glass is made in America,
but a manufactory was established at Mannheim^ in Penn-
sylvania, two years before the war. But it thrives as poorly
as the manufacture of china, and all other arts and manu-
factures, because the price of labor is so high.
Would you like to know where I live ? Turn to Burnaby 's
Description of his Travels : " From here to the city, the whole
way was lined with country houses, pleasure gardens,and fruit-
ful orchards." Among these "country houses, pleasure gar-
dens, and orchards," the highly esteemed Yager Corps have
their winter quarters, and where he says " on the Schuylkill,"
there I mount guard to-morrow. It seems to me as if this
sketch were plainer than many an engineer could draw it.
* Tulpehockon — more nearly sixty-six miles.
44 FitUburg and UnioiUoum.
PITTSBURG AND UNIONTOWN, PENNSYLVANIA,
IX 1782-83.
LSTTER8 FROM EPHRAIM DOUGLASS TO QBN. JAMES IBVINX.
FROX THE IRVINE PAPERS IN THE HISTORICAL 80GIKTT.
We cannot better preface the first of the letters here printed than by
referring the reader to that very interesting book entitled, " An Historical
Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, under Col. Wm. Crawford, in
1782/' by C. W. Butterfield. In it will be found accounts of the destruction
of Hanna's Town (July 13, 1782), sketches of Slover and Dr. Knight, and
the story of their sufferings and escape. The letter was written shortly
after the unfortunate termination of Crawford's expedition, at a time when
the whole western border of our State was open to the inroads of the
savages, llie letter from Uniontown will be entertaining to the residents
of Fayette County, and to all interested in the history of the western
section of the State.
Pittsburg, 26th July, 1782.
My Dear General : —
To assert that I feel as sensibly whatever aifects your
health as you do yourself were too extravagant to gain
belief, but that I feel whatever the sympathetic heart of a
sincere friend can suiFer from the distresses of one to whom
it is powerfully attached I will not hesitate to assert, and
much less blush to own; but I hope you were prophetic
when you bid me expect you would be well before your
letter reached me. My own health is as usual, neither to
be boasted of nor much to be pitied. My greatest misfortune
is the want of something to employ the restless, active mind
— even the savage consolation of wandering thro' the lone-
some but hospitable woods is denied ine by the frequency of
the Indians' visits to this wretched country ; for tho' I have
nothing but the regret of jjarting with my valuable friends,
and the common and natural aversion we all have to death,
to bid me dread it, I am unwilling to risque the possibility
of becoming a prisoner and the probable subject of their
horrid executions, when unattended by the alluring prospect
Pittsburg and Uniontown. 45
of advantage to myself, or the pleasing idea of rendering
service to my fellow-creatures and countrymen.
My last contained some account of the destruction of
Banna's Town, but it was an imperfect one — the damage was
greater than we then knew, and attended with circumstances
different from my representation of them. There were nine
killed and twelve carried off prisoners — and, instead of some
of the houses without the fort being defended by our people,
they all retired within the miserable stockade, and the
enemy possessed themselves of the forsaken houses, from
whence they kept a continual fire upon the fort from about
twelve o'clock till night, without doing any other damage
than wounding one little girl within the walls. They
carried away a great number of horses and everything of
value in the deserted houses, destroyed all the cattle, hogs,
and poultry within their reach, and burned all the houses in
the village except two; these they also set fire to, but
fortunately it did not extend itself so far as to consume
them ; several houses round the country were destroyed in
the same manner, and a number of unhappy families either
murdered or carried off captives — some have since suffered
a similar fate in different parts — ^hardly a day but they have
been discovered in some quarter of the country, and the
poor inhabitants struck with terror thro' the whole extent
of our frontier. Where this party set out from is not
certainly known ; several circumstances induce the belief of
their coming from the heads of the Alleghena or toward
Niagara, rather than from Sandusky or the neighborhood of
Lake Erie. The great number of whites known by their
language to have been in the party, the direction of their
retreat when they left the country, which was toward the
Kittanning, and no appearance of their tracks, either coming
or going, having been discovered by the oflicer and party
which the General* ordered on that service beyond the river,
all conspire to support this belief, and I think sincerely to be
wished, on account of the unfortunate captives who have
fallen into their hands, that it may be true ; for the enraged
> General William Irvine.
46 Pittsburg and Uniontown.
Delawarea renounce the idea of taking any prisoners but for
cruel purposes of torture. All who fell into the hands of
any of the nations engaged at Sandusky were delivered over
to them and put to the most cruel deaths, except two who
made their escape ; Doctor Knight, whose history I have
already given you, and a considerable time since one Slover,
who gives this account. He was so near suffering, after
haviug been adopted into the Shawneze Nation, and living
several weeks among them, that on being delivered over to
the Delawares he was fixed to the stake and every prepa-
ration made for his execution. It w^as now evening, and a
heavy shower of rain falling he was respited till morning ;
in the night, when his keepers were asleep, he stole away
entirely naked, and by the help of a horse which he caught
and rode till he was worn down, arrived at Wheeling in six
days, an emphatic spectacle of human distress.
I can give you no hopes, nor indeed any account of the
proposed expedition against the Savages, other than that
there have been frequent meetings of some of the militia
officers, with very little eflfect. The General had intimated
his wish that they might be ready to set out by the first of
August, but, from the backwardness of their afiairs, and I
think I may venture to say dispositions, that will now be
impossible.
Oblige me in making my most respectful compliments to
Mr. Rush and his family. I am uncertain when I may
have the pleasure of seeing you and them, but I am well
assured that I will never cease to remember you with esteem
and gratitude.
I am. Dear General, sincerely
Yours,
EPHRAIM DOUGLASS
Being in a communicative strain I resume my pen at a
late hour of the night, to tell you (a) story, the novelty of
which, if (it) has nothing else to recommend it, will excuse it.
Some three months ago, or thereabouts, a party of Indians
made a stroke (as it is called in our country phrase) at a
station distinguished by the name of the owner of the place,
Pittsburg atid Uniontown. 47
"Wolthower's (or as near as I can come to a German name),
when they killed an old man and his sons, and captivated
one of his daughters. This massacre was committed so near
the fort that the people from within fired upon the Indians
80 successfully as to wound several and prevent their scalping
the dead. The girl was carried to within about six miles
of this place, up the Alleghena River, where her bones were
afterwards found with manifest marks on her scull of having
been then knocked on the head and scalped. One of the
Indians who had been wounded in tlie leg, unable to make
any considerable way and in this condition deserted by his
companions, after subsisting himself upon the spontaneous
productions of the woods for more than thirty successive
days, crawled into this village in the most miserable plight
conceivable. He was received by the military and carefully
guarded till about five days ago, when, at the reiterated
request of the relations of those unfortunate people whom
he had been employed in murdering, he was delivered to
four or five country warriors deputed to receive and conduct
him to the place which had been the scene of his cruelties,
distant about twenty-five miles. The wish, and perhaps the
hope of getting some of our unfortunate captives restored to
their friends for the release of this wretch, and the natural
repugnance every man of spirit has to sacrificing uselessly
the life of a fellow-creature whose hands are tied, to the
resentment of an unthinking rabble, inclined the General to
have his life spared, and to keep him still in close confine-
ment. He was not delivered without some reluctance, and
a peremptory forbiddance to put him to death without the
concurrence of the magistrate and most respectable inhabi-
tants of the district; they carried him, with every mark of
exultation, away. Thus far, I give it you authentic; and
this evening, one of the inhabitants returned to town, from
Mr. Wolthower's neighborhood, who finishes the history of
our pet Indian (so he was ludicrously called) in this manner :
that a night or two ago, when his guards, as they ought to
be, were in a profound sleep, our Indian stole a march upon
them and has not since been seen or heard of. I may,
48 Pittsburg and Uniontovm.
perhaps, give you the sequel of this history another day;
at present, I bid you good-night; my eyes refuse to light
me any longer.
PiTTSBUBOH, 4th of Aagnflt, 1782.
Dbab Sir: To continue my narrative^K)ur pet Indian is
certainly gone ; he was seen a day or two after the night of
his escape very well mounted, and has not since been seen or
heard of; the heroes, however, who had him in charge, or
some of their friends or connection, ashamed of such egre-
gious stupidity, and desirous of being thought barbarous
murderers rather than negligent blockheads, have propagated
several very different reports concerning his supposed execu-
tion, all of them believed to be as false as they are ridicu-
lous.
The Indians appear at length to have taken up the busi-
ness of killing us in good earnest — within this week they
made an attempt (happily a fruitless one) within a mile and
a half of this place, upon a number of people — whites and
slaves at work in the cornfield of a gentleman living in
town — ^they were pursued without success. Since this they
have been frequently seen in our neighborhood and have
killed several within a few miles of us. The General has
had so many alarming accounts by expresses from Washing-
ton county of the numbers and probable designs of the
Savages at or toward Wheeling, that this morning he marched
in person with so many of his regulars as he thought prudent
to take from the defence of this post in order to join a body
of Militia or volunteers assembled for the purpose. With
these he means to make a tryal of the spirit of the Indians,
and from the complexion of the commander and forwardness
of the troops, I think he will push them hard if they stay
his arrival. The number of the enemy is estimated at about
one hundred. The Gentleman who first viewed them and
made this computation was Major McCullogh, a militia
ofllcer of invincible spirit and acknowledged enterprise. On
his first discovery of them they had not yet crossed the
river— he returned to a neighboring fort from whence he
PiUsimrg and Uniontoum. 49
wrote letters to apprise the country and at the same time com-
municated it the County Lieutenants. Still desirous of keep-
ing a strict watch upon their motions, he returned towards the
jnver with his brother and some others accompanying him.
In his way he came upon the track of some of the enemy
who had crossed the river and having penetrated some dis-
tance into the country were now on their return ; in all pro-
bability they had discovered McCullogh's party, for having
with their usual artfulness made a double upon, and way-laid
their own track, they fired upon them undiscovered, and
the unfortunate M^or lost his life, justly regretted by all who
know his character; the rest of the little party fled, but not
till the brother of the unfortunate had shot the Indian who
Attempted to scalp him. About the same time two young
men were fired upon in a canoe almost within sight of
Wheeling, Milnes and Smith, the latter wounded in the flesh
of his thigh, the other's thigh broken by one of thirteen
balls that entered his body and limbs ; they were both alive
when the accounts came away. Every new day produces
events worse than the past, besides a thousand false and
groundless reports attended with all the evil consequences
to the defenceless and terrified inhabitants that the reality
of them could produce ; our settlements are almost every day
contracted and every new frontier more timid than the last.
I have determined to be down before the end of this month,
but in present state of alarming incidents I cannot prevail
upon myself to leave the country ; I wish to see the issue.
In the mean time I will endeavor to give you the best account
of our aflTairs that the confusion inseparable from a perpetual
state of alarm will permit me.
Take the trouble to tender my best wishes as usual, and
suflfer me once more to remind you of what is ever present
with me, that I shall never so far forget myself as to cease
under any circumstances to be,
Dear Sir,
Tour faithful friend
and humble servant,
EPHBAIM DOUGLASS.
4
50 Pittdmrg and Uniontoum.
Ukioittowk [ 1784].
My Dear Oeitebal : —
If my promise were not engaged to write to you, my incli-
natioDs are sufficiently so to embrace with alacrity any
opportunity of expressing the gratitude so justly due to your
valuable friendship, of declaring the sincerity of mine.
This Uniontown is the most obscure spot on the face of
the globe. I have been here seven or eight weeks without
one opportunity of writing to the land of the living ; and
though considerably south of you, so cold that a person not
knowing the latitude would conclude we were placed near
one of the Poles. Pray have you had a severe winter below?
we have been frozen up here for more than a month past,
but a great many of us having been bred in another state,
the eating of Homany is as natural to us as the drinking of
whisky in the morning.
The town and its appurtenances consist of our president
and a lovely little family, a court-house and school-house in
one, a mill, and consequently a miller, four taverns, three
smith-shops, five retail shops, two Tanyards, one of them
only occupied, one saddler's shop, two hatter's shops, one
mason, one cake woman, we had two but one of them having
committed a petit larceny is upon banishment, two widows
and some reputed maids. To which may be added a dis-
tillery. The upper part of this edifice is the habitation at
will of your humble servant, who, beside the smoke of his
own chimney, which is intolerable enough, is fumigated by
that of two stills below, exclusive of the other effluvia that
arises from the dirty vessels in which they prepare the
materials for the stills. The upper floor of my parlour,
which is also my chamber and office, is laid with loose clap-
boards or puncheons, and both the gable ends entirely open,
and yet this is the best place in my power to procure till the
weather will permit me to build, and even this I am subject
to be turned out of the moment the owner, who is at Een-
tuck and hourly expected, returns.
I can say little of the country in general, but that it is
very poor in everything but its soil, which is excellent, and
Pittdmrg and Uniontown. 51
that part contiguous to the town is really beautiful, being
level and prettily situate, accommodated with good water
and excellent meadow-ground. But money we liave not
nor any practicable way of making it ; how taxes will be
collected, debts paid, or fees discharged, I know not; and
yet the good people appear willing enough to run in debt
and go to law. I shall be able to give you a better account
of this hereafter.
Colonel Maclean^ received me with a degree of generous
friendship that does honor to the goodness of his heart, and
continues to show every mark of satisfaction at my appoint-
ment. He is determined to act under the commission sent
him by Council, and though the fees would, had he declined
it, have been a considerable addition to my profits, I can*
not say that I regret his keeping them. He has a numerous
small family, and though of an ample fortune in lands, has
not cash at command.
I have had no certain accounts from Fortpitt lately ; the
winter has been so severe that we have had no communica^
tion with any other part of the country either over the
mountains or on this side. Report some time ago did say
that one of the tame (for I cannot call him friendly) Indians
at Pittsburg had killed a man in the neighborhood of it,
and was in confinement for the crime, but the people of this
country have so great an aversion to those wretches, and are
so fond propagating a story to their disadvantage, that I do
not pretend to give you this for truth. I have not heard a
word of the Censors since I left Philadelphia; pray what
have they done? A rumor of war between Spain and
America has been circulating here, but whence it arose I
know not.
The general curse of the country, disunion, rages in this
little mud-hole with as much malignity as if they had each
pursuits of the utmost importance, and the most opposed to
each other, when in truth they have no pursuits at all, that
1 Alexander McLean was appointed Justice of the Peace for Fayette Co.,
March 19, 1784.
62 PUUburg and Unioniawn.
deserve the name, except that of obtaining food and whiakj,
for ruiiuent they scarcely use any. The animosities which
have at different periods arisen among them still subsist
when the original causes have been long since removed.
The people in this country may be divided into four different
classes, the friends to Pennsylvania, the advocates for Vir-
ginia, the favourers of a new government, and the enemies
to all, the tories, who were once in some degree formidable,
and yet, in some instances, have not prudence enough to
conceal the inveteracy of their hearts, and each of these dis-
criptions abhore each other as heartily as ever did Ouelph
and Ohibellines, or any other descriptions of men in the world.
The Commissioners, Trustees, I should siiy, having fixed on
a spot in one end of the town for the public buildings, which
was by far the most proper in every point of view, exclusive
of the saving expense, the other end took the alarm and
charged them with partiality, and have been ever since
uttering their complaints. And at the late election for
justices, two having been carried in this end of the town
and none in the other has made them quite outrageous.
This trash is not worth troubling you with, therefore I beg
your pardon, and am with unfeigned esteem,
Dear General,
Your very humble servant,
EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
February llth.>
The tardy departure of Mr. Parish, who is to favor this,
will give me time (to) write a journal. My Landlord is
come ; he tells me that the people at Kcntuck still continue
in their Forts or Stations, but more from the apprehension
of the Southern than western Indian ; those still continue to
do mischief occasionally ; he passed the bodies of three men
who had been murdered by them, on his way home, near the
crossing of Cumberland River.
* No doubt 1784 should be here supplied, as on the 6th of October, 1783,
Major Douglass was elected by Council, Prothonotary of Fayette Co., the
office ho no doubt held at the time the letter was written.
Pittsburff and Uniontoton. 58
It appears that the incroachments of the white people on
the settlements of the Cherokees, have been repeatedly com-
plained of^ and may be one cause of their continuing hos-
tilities. I am told that after I left Sandusky, the deputies
from these southern nations endeavored to dissuade the
western ones from resigning the tomahawk. By a man
lately from Weeling, I am infoimed that there has been one
man killed and another wounded by the Indians over the
river, at some distance from that place ; the story tells thus :
That those gentlemen, being in the Indian country, came on
one of their camps, when they were treated with great
hospitality by the owners; but falling in love with their
peltry, they watched the Indians' motions, and finding them
all absent a hunting, packed up their skins and marched
off. The Savages returning and finding what was done,
followed them ; the consequences of which, I have related.
I fear this will not be (the) last death we shall hear of in
that quarter, for I am told there are a number of families
settled opposite and below that place.
I understand that a Mr. Gulp, one of the disappointed
candidates in one end of the town, which I have already
described to you, remonstrated to Council against our late
election. I have not taken notice of it in my letter to
them as a body, because I have not a certainty of the fact ;
but in case he should, I will venture to tell you that, in my
opinion, the election was as fair and regular as is possible
for one to be here. He alleges his tickets were suppressed,,
it may be that some of them were, for I judge there were
very few gave in his name who had a right to vote ; and
the inspector and judges, knowing the qualifications of all
the voters, and to avoid the confusion that openly rejecting
them would necessarily have produced, took this method of
suppressing their votes who were not entitled to poll. I will
not so far intrude on you as to give his character at large,
but only remark that, had he been elected, he is as little
qualified for the duties as almost any man that could be found.
I am now on the point of quitting my smoke-house,
without the prospect of getting another nearly as convenient.
54 Pittsburg and Uniontovm.
I have no chance but a room in a sort of a tavern, or to
intrude on the goodness of Colonel Maclean, either of which
will be very disagreeable.
I have made an assertion to Council, that the tax was
not assessed in this county till after its separation from
Westmoreland ; and though this be literally true, I am now
in some doubt of the certainty of my idea at the time, as
well as of that which Council will probably affix to it.
My meaning was that the taking of the return was subse-
quent to the act of assembly, and I thought I had it the
best authenticated; but I have since made much enquiry,
and am not able to ascertain the precise time, but all agree
that it w^as nearly about that period — whether shortly before,
or immediately after, I cannot determine with certainty.
With my most respectful compliments to all your worthy
£etmily, I have the honor to be most respectfully. Dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
EPHRAIM DOUGLASS.
MAJOR ANDRE'S PAROLE.
OBIOINAL IK POSSESSION OF MB. SIMON ORATZ.
[From the American AntiquariaD.]
I, the Subscril)er, Lieutenant of his Majesty's Tth Regt. of Foot
or Royal Fuzileors, taken at St. John's, now being at Lancaster,
having perused the Resolutions of the Continental Congress of
the 8th and 16th of November and 16th and 18th of December
last, transmitted by their President to the Committee of Inspection
for the County of Lancaster, and having requested some Time to
make choice of a Place of Residence agreeable to the said Reso-
lutions, do hereb}'^ promise and engage upon my Parole of Honour,
that during the Time which shall be allowed me to make such
choice, I will not go into or near any Seaport Town, nor ftirther
than six miles distance from the said Borough of Lancaster,
without leave of the Continental Congress, and will carry on no
political correspondence whatever on the Subject of the Dispute
between Great Britain and the Colonies, so long as I remain a
Prisoner; and after having made such choice agreeable to the
tenor of those Resolutions, I will give and sign my Parole agree-
able to the Request and Directions of the Congress to the said
Committee, that they may transmit the same to the Congress.
JOHN ANDHfe,
LU R, Fux*ker9.
Lancasteb, February 23<f, 1776.
Edward Whalley^ the Regicide. 55
EDWARD WHALLEY, THE REGICIDE,
BY ROBERT PATTERSON ROBINS.
There has been much written and said concerning the life
of this most remarkable man, and especially with reference
to that part of it which was spent in this country, and not
a few have been the theories concerning the last resting-
place of one whose life was characterized by so much ad-
venture. A most valuable, although somewhat discursive
work by President Stiles, of Yale College, published in 1794,*
opened a discussion which is even now being carried on
with as much vigor and perseverance as characterized the
worthy doctor's attempts to clear away the then almost
impenetrable fog of mystery which surrounds the later years
of the Eegieide's life. Upon the many suppositions and
theories concerning this much-mooted point, I propose to
offer another theory, by endeavoring to adduce the evidence
which leads me to believe that the regicide Whalley lies
buried neither at New Haven nor Hadley, nor yet at Narra-
ganset, but that his later years were spent on the Eastern
Shore of Maryland, in the then county of Somerset, and that
there he died and was buried.
Before entering upon the discussion of the points referred
to above, a brief sketch of his career is necessary to preserve
the continuity of the narrative, and to supply information
to those who have not been able to obtain a history of the
previous life and military services of Cromwell's relative
and ally.
Major-General Edward Whalley was the second son of
Thomas Whalley of Kirkton, Nottinghamshire, and Frances
Cromwell, third daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell of Hinch-
inbrook (grandfather of the Protector), and was bom about
* A History of Three of the Judges of King Charles I., etc., by Ezra
Stiles, S.T.D., LL.D., President of Tale College.
56 Edward Whalley, the Regicide.
1615. Bred to mercantile life, though in what branch we
have no record, he pursued his avocations until the breaking
out of the war between King Charles I. and the Parliament,
when he gave up trade for arms, and embraced the side of
the Parliament. In August, 1642, he is recorded as Cornet
of the 60th regiment of horse, and his rise from that posi-
tion was rapid, until he occupied a post of high honor in
the army. In 1645, in reward of his gallant and distin-
guished bearing at the battle of Kaseby, he was made a
Colonel of Horse, and received other honors. "The first
civil war lasted for two years longer, and no regiment
was more busy than Col. Whalley's. We trace him at the
defeat of Goring's army at Langport (July 10, 1645), at the
sieges of Bridgewater (July 11-25, 1645), of Sherborne Castle
(Aug. 1-15, 1645), of Bristol (Aug. 21 to Sept. 11, 1645), of
Exeter (Feb. 1646), of Oxford (March, 1646), and of Banbury.
On May 9, 1646, the day on which his letter to the Speaker,
announcing the storming of Banbury Castle, was written
and received, the House voted him their thanks and £100
for the purchase of two horses."* In January, 1649, he was
one of the fifty-nine who signed the warrant for the execu-
tion of King Charles, and was present at the execution of
his unhappy sovereign. Continuing steadfast in his alle-
giance to his cousin, Oliver Cromwell, he was advanced by
him to the rank of Major-Qeneral, and was entrusted with
the government of the five counties, Lincoln, Nottingham,
Derby, Warwick, and Leicester. He was one of the repre-
sentatives for Nottinghamshire in the Parliament held in
1666-57, and a short time after was appointed by the Pro-
tector, Commissary-General for Scotland, and was called up
into the other house, in which he sat as "Edward, Lord
Whalley.''
" During the eight months' Protectorate which succeeded
the death of Oliver Cromwell, Whalley was the mainstay of
the Cromwell dynasty; but Richard's abdication came on
> Vide " Memoranda concerning Edward Whalley and William Ooffe/'
by Franklin B. Dexter. New Haven, 1876. .
Edward WhalUy^ the Regicide. 57
May 5, 1659, and the Long Parliament on reassembling
withdrew Whalley's commission as General, through fear of
bis influence with the army. In October, when the army
tried to seize the power, Whalley was sent as one of their
Commissioners to treat with his old comrade Monk; but
Monk refused to meet him, and presently the Restoration
was accomplished."
When it was no longer safe for any of those immediately
concerned in the murder of Charles I. to remain in England,
Whalley, together with his son-in-law, Gofte, who also had
played an important part in the bloody drama which had
been enacting for the past twenty years, embarked from
Gravesend in a swift-sailing vessel,^ bound for Boston, and
arrived in New England on July 27, 1660. Upon landing
in Boston, they proceeded immediately to Cambridge, where
they remained for seven months. When the act of In-
demnity was brought over, and it was found that they were
excepted from its benefits by name, and when Governor
Endicott summoned his council of Assistants to consult
about securing them, it became imperative for the judges
to retire to a more secluded place. Accordingly on February
26, they left Cambridge, and after a nine days' journey
arrived at New Haven, where they appeared openly as Mr.
Daveni>ort's guests for three weeks. But the news of a
Royal Proclamation for their arrest coming to New Haven^
on March 27, they went to Milford, and appearing openly
there, they returned the same night to New Haven, and
remained in concealment at Mr. Davenport's until May.
After many narrow escapes, they contrived to turn away
the Commissioners on a false scent, and for nearly four years
they remained at Milford. In 1664, four Rojnal Commis-
sioners arrived in Boston (towards the end of July), and
"on the 13th of October, 1664, the judges removed to
Hadley, near an hundred miles distant, travelling only by
night; where Mr. Russel, the minister of the place, had
previously consented to receive them. Here they remained
* Uncier tlie iiames of Edward Bichardion and WiUiam StephenMm.
58 Edward Wfiollry, tkt Btgicidt.
concealed fifteen or sixteen jeare, Terr few penons in the
colony being privy to it- The last account of Goffe is from
a letter, dated I^xnezer^ the name they gave their Beveral
places of abode, April 2, 1679/' (Stiles, p. 26.)
All the Xew England historians agree in fixing the death
of Whalley between 1674 and 1676, which is the first vital
difference between the narratives pablished np to this time
and the theory of the present essayist. Let os examine,
then, their authorities for this assertion.
A letter of Gofie's to his wife, in England, dated 1674, in
wiiich he says of Whalley, ''your old friend, Mr. R., ia yet
living, but continues in that weak condition of which I
formerly have given you account, and have not now mnch
to add." (See Stiles' Judges, pp. 118 and 119.)
Yet the same year we have him writing to Hooke, and
Baying, ^ I do not apprehend the near approach of his death
more now (save only he is so much older) than I did two
years ago." (See Dexter's Memoranda, p. 24.)
Yet the letter from GoflTe to his wife, together with the
discovery of a man's bones in the cellar wall of Mr. Ruflsel's
house, is the only evidence upon which this assertion (that
Whalley died in 1675 or '76) can be based. And there is no
reason to presume these remains to be those of Whalley any
more than those of Goife. As the matter stands, it is impos-
sible for any one to say more than that both of the judges
were living in 1674, an<l that there is no mention of Whalley
after this date ; that the bones found in Mr. Russel's cellar
may as well have been the remains of GofFe as of Whalley.
With regard to the theory that both of the regicides were
interred near the grave of Dixwell, in New Haven, a word
must now be said.
President Stiles, in citing this evidence, says (p. 170):
** When I first visited the E. W. stone, the moss of antiquity
being yet upon it, both by inspection and feeling the lacunse
with my fingers, I read the date 16^8, thinking it a mistake
of the engraver, without once thinking or perceiving that
the inverted i might be 5. But afterwards revisiting it, I
perceived that the inverted i was also 5. The moss being
Edioard Whalley^ the Regicide. 59
now thoroughly rubbed off, the 5 is more obvious than the
2^." Hero the President himself acknowledges what he after-
wards says must be either " error or deception." It is very
evident that all the conclusions of Dr. Stiles with reference
to the E. W. stone were forced judgments ; in other words,
that the theory that "Whalley and Goffe were buried in New
Haven was caused by the fact that two grave-stones with
unsatisfactory and contradictory inscriptions were found
Tuar the grave of Dixwell, the other regicide. And it does
not, moreover, seem to me that Dr. Stiles has proved satisfac-
torily that the M. G. stone is that of Goffe, and not that of
Governor Gilbert. He merely says, " It will ever be difficult
to persuade a New Haven man, and especially one of the
family of Gilbert, that so small and -insignificant a stone was
put up at the grave of so honorable an ancestor, and so dis-
tinguished a person in civil life as Governor Gilbert.'* And
then he proceeds to state that tradition had it that the
Governor's grave was among those taken down in 1754 when
the meeting-house was enlarged. If this be true, where
could there be a more proper place for the stone to be trans-
ferred to than near the graves of Governor Eaton and
Governor Jones ? And even should such a conclusion seem
foiK^ed, it could not be more so than that at which the Presi-
dent arrives, i.€., that M. G. means William Goffe, and 80
stands for 1680. Granting for the nonce that the M. G.
stone is that of Governor Gilbert, how insignificant becomes
the evidence that the E. W. stone is that of Whalley.
Indeed, I see no reason to doubt that this stone also belonged
to a citizen of New Haven, one Edward Wigglesworth, who
died in that place on the first of October, 1653. " I acknow-
ledge," says Mr. Dexter in his interesting "Memoranda,"
" that the 3 is more like an 8 ; but nobody except Dr. Stiles
ever suspected that the 5 was a 7." I do not see that there
can be any doubt that both these stones have obtained their
notoriety because of their proximity to the grave of Dixwell.
The curious resemblance between the lettering on the stones
and the initials of the regicides, I regard as nothing more
60 Edward WhalUy, the Regicide.
than a remarkable, although not unprecedented, coinci-
dence.
We have now to consider a tradition which Dr. Stiles
treats as of little importancey and which other writers on
this subject entirely ignore, viz., that in 1680, one of the
jadges left Hadlej, jonmeyed west and south, and finally
brought up in Virginia.
** It has always been in public fame," says President Stiles
(pu 179), ** that of the two judges at Hadley, one died there
and was buried in the minister's cellar, but which this was^
was never said; and that the other, to escape Randolph's
dangerous searches, disappeared, and was supposed to have
gone oft" to the west towards Virginia, and was heard of no
more. This I perfectly remember to have been the current
story in my youth. No one in conversation pretended to
designate which was which until 1764, when Governor
Hutchinson first published his history .... when
therefore, Mr. Prout and others used to si)eak of one going
oft* to the westward, no one before 1764 thought of its being
Gofte more than Whalley." In another place (p. 204), he
says, ** The story of one going off* to the westward, after the
other's death at Iladley, is spread all over New England,
and is as trite at Rhode Island at this day, as at New Haven
and Iladley." There Dr. Stiles leaves the matter, saying,
** on the whole, I consider it by no means certain, yet rather
probable, that they all three lie buried in New Haven."
Nor is there any reason to suppose the bones found in Mr.
Rnssel's cellar to be those of Whalley, any more than Gofie.
(See Mr. Dexter's Memoranda, p. 26.) So that the subject
is, at best, by no means settled.
But there follows upon this chaos a piece of evidence
which, to my mind, does much to resolve it into an orderly
series of events, and which reconciles many heretofore appa-
rently conflicting statements. This evidence is contained in
a document written by Thomas Robins 3rd, of Worcester
County, Eastern Shore of Maryland, in the year 1769, and
reads as follows : —
**As most men wish to know something of their ancestors
Edward Whalley^ the Regicide. 61
**and as I have from authentic documents and direct tradi-
"tion, collected a number of facts relative to my ancestor
" Edward Whalley, otherwise Edw. Middleton,* ye regicide,
"I desire to set down here ye facts concerning his life and
** death in Maryland.
"Edward Whaley was born in Northamptonshire, England,
" about 1615, & married Elizabeth Middleton: soon after he
"joined in ye rebelion, under Oliver Cromwell, & was one of
"ye judges yt condemned king Charles ye first, and at ye
" restoration of Chas. ye second (ano domini 1660), he fled
" to America with many of his misguided companions: he
" went to Connecticut, and there lived in concealment until
" ye reward offered by ye Crown of England made his resi-
"dence amongst ye Yankees unsafe, and he then came to
** Virginia in 1681, where two of his wife's brothers met him
" with his family : he then traveled up to ye province of
" Maryland and settled first at ye mouth of ye Pokemoke
" river, but finding yt too publick a place, he came to Sine-
*' puxent, a neck of land open to ye Atlantic Ocean, where
*' Col. Stephen was surveying, & bought a tract of land from
" him, and called it Genezar, it contained 22 hundred acres,
"south end of Sinepuxent, k made a settlement on ye
** southern extremity, and called it South Point, to ye which
"place he brought his family about 1687 in ye name of
"Edward Midleton;^ his owne name he made not publick
" until after this date, after ye revolution in England (in ye
*' yeare of our lord 1688) when he let his name be seen in
*' publick papers k had ye lands patented in his owne name.
" He brought with him from ye province of Virginia, six
"children, three sounes and three daughters. He had one
"daughter, ye wife of his companion Goffe, in England.
" His sonns were John, Nathaniel, and Elias, his daughters
" were Rachel, Elizabeth, and Bridges. Nathaniel Whaley
" married and settled in Maryland, John Whaley went to ye
" province of Delaware and settled, and his family afterwards
" removed away from ye province to ye south. Elias Whaley
' In both ike places in which this word occnrs, it is so blnrred and faded
as to be almost illegible ; MtcUetan seems, howeTer, to be what was written.
62 Edward Whalley^ the Regicide.
" married Sarah Peel, daughter of Col. Thomas Peel, k died
" leaving one darter, Leah Whally, and she married Thomas
^^ Robins 2d of ye name, k died leaving one son Thomas
"Robins 3d of ye name, ye deponant. Edward Whalley's
"darters all married, Rachel married Mr. Reckliffe, Eliza-
" beth married Willm Turvale, and Bridges married Ebenezer
"Franklin. Col. Whaley lived to a very advanced age, and
" was blind for many years before his death, he died in ye
"yeare of our Lord 1718, set. 103 years. His will and yt
" of his Sonne Elias, we have here in ye records. His de-
"scendants are living here in ye province but hold to ye
" established church, for ye which they ever pray ye divine
" protection. So died Whalley ye regicide. Had he re-
" ceived yt due to him, he would have suffered and died on
"ye scaffold as did many of his traitorous companions.
" ^r ivat rex
" THOMAS ROBINS, 3rd of ye name.
"July 8th, in the year of our Lord 1769."
This document forms a valuable addendum to the proofs
that one of the regicides did leave New England and visit
Virginia, and likewise fixes the fact on Whalley. Nor is it
improbable (as Dr. Stiles rather rashly concludes) that
Whalley could be able to make such a journey. Indeed,
there are many reasons which render this journey highly
probable without our having recourse to the evidence con-
tained in the above paper ; for example —
(1) The renewed persecution incident upon the arrival of
Edward Randolph, the King's Commissioner, in 1686.
(2) The advantage of a warmer climate in his then weak
condition of body.
(3) The more comparative safety of a Proprietary Govern-
ment over a Charter Province. When we add to these the
additional reason given us in the paper above cited, that his
wife and sons* were in Virginia awaiting him, the possi-
bility becomes almost a certainty.
' la a letter from Frances (Whalley) Gk)ffe, to her husband, dated 1662»
she says : " My brother John is gon across the sea, I know not wither."—
See Huichinion*9 Hi$L of Mcum., p. 534.
Edward Whcdlet/, the Regicide. 68
I must also draw attention to the following coincidences^
which are of themselves almost convincing proof.
(4) The sequence of events. Edward Whallej (or one of
the regicides, it matters not which) leaves New England in
1680. In 1681, Edward Middleton appears stealthily in
Virginia. Ue seems especially unwilling to be noticed, and
finding Virginia " too publick" (i. e. too many Churchmen
there), he leaves, and travels into Maryland. Here he settles,
first at the mouth of the Pokemoke River, but this also
proves "too publick,*' so he moves down to Sinepuxent.
Here he buys land and settles — all this time under an
assumed name. But^ after the Revolution of 1688, when
all danger to the regicides vanishes upon the accession of
William and Mary, he reassumes the name of Whalley, and
has his lands repatented.
(5) The assumed name, being, as nearly as one can ascertain,
that of the wife of Whalley, the regicide.
(6) The names of his children being names common in the
Whalley and Cromwell families.
In fact the whole paper actualizes what was before nothing
but a supposition. (It must be remembered that the paper
was written some quarter of a century before the publica-
tion of Dr. Stiles' Book, and consequently there could be no
information gleaned from that source.)
To sum up our evidence, we conclude —
(1) That there is no 'proof that Whalley died in New
England.
(2) That the bones found at Hadley may as well have been
those of Qoflfe as of Whalley.
(3) That modem writers on this subject have decided that
neither of the judges was buried in New Haven.
(4) That there has been in New England from 1680 a
tradition, that one of the judges left Hadley in 1680, and
journeyed west and south to Virginia.
(6) That in 1681 Edward Middleton appeared in Virginia,
and settled afterwards in Maryland ; that after 1688, he put
off the name of Middleton (the maiden name of the regicide's
wife) and resumed that of Whalley ; that some of his children
64 JEdward WhaUey, the Begicide.
bore the family names of the Whalleys and Cromwells.
That the presence in America of Jolm Whalley, son of the
regicide, is shown by the letter of Frances Gk>fie to her hus-
band ; and that the bearing of Middleton was that of one
who was in danger of his life, until (in 1689) all danger from
England was pest, when he reassumed boldly his own name.
These facts, together with many traditions (too voluminous
to cite here, where we have to do mainly with fact) leave no
doubt in my mind as to the identity of the Edward Whalley
of Maryland with the celebrated regicide.
THE WILL OF EDWARD WHALLEY, THE BEGICIDB.
FROM THE WILL-RKCORDB OF W0BCK8TKR CO., MD.
In ye name of God Amen, ye 2l8t day of Aprill Anno
Domini One, thousand seven hundred and Eighteen I Ed-
ward Wale of Somerset County in Maryland being sick and
weak of body butt of sound and perfect mind and memory
praise be therefore to ye AUmighty God for ye same and
knowing ye unsartanty of this life on Earth and being
desirous to settle things in order do make this my last Will
and testament in manner and form following yt is to say
first and principally I commend my soul to ye AUmighty
God my Creator assuredly believing that I shall receive full
pardon and free remission of all my sins and be saved by ye
precious death and merits of my blessed Lord & Redeemer
Christ Jesus and my body unto earth from whence it was
taken to be buried in such decent & christian manner as by
my Executors hereafter named shall be thought meatt and
convenient and as touching such wordly estate as ye Lord
in mercy hath lent me my will & meaning is yt ye same
should be employed and bestowed as hereafter by this will
is expressed and first I do hereby renounce frustrate & make
void all wills by me formerly made and declare and apint
this my last will and testament —
Emprimis, I give and bequeath unto my eldest son John
Wale ye plantasion where we here dwell att with two
Edward Whallej/, the Regicide. 66
hundred and fifteen acres of land and marshes hegenen att
ye creek side att ye mouth of a gutt yt runs into a side
pond where now ye pastor fence gines unto so running up
ye north side of ye fence yt now partes Jno and Nathll and
so running along a line of mark trees unto ye road and so
along ye west side of ye rotid unto ye head line and so along
ye line to ye creek and so down ye creek to ye aforesd. gutt
to him and his heirs forever. Item, I give & bequeath
unto my sun Nathll Wale all ye rest of ye land and marshes
yt lyeth between my brother Ratcliffe's line and ye bound
aforesd and so up to ye head line for two hundred and five
acres more or less to him and his heirs forever. Item, I
give and bequeath unto my son Elias Wale ye plantation
whereon I now live with three hundred and seventy acres
of land & marshes there belonging to him and his heirs
forever. Item, I give and bequeath unto my three sons,
Jno Nathll and Elias two hundred and twenty-five acres
of land called Cay's folly to be equally divided among ye
three to them and their heirs forever. I give and bequeath
unto my well beloved wife Elizabeth ye third of ye planta-
sion and land yt I now live upon during her life and ye
third of my personall estate to her and her disposing.
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Elias my grate
• • • .^ and form and a chist of drawers and one small
leather trunk. I give and bequeath unto my son Jno. two
steers of five years old and two heifers of two years old.
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Nathll Wale two
stears of four years old and two heifers of two years old.
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Elias Wale four
cows and calves k one heifer of three years old, and five
stearrs ye choys of all my stears y 1 1 have. Item, I give and
bequeath unto ray darter Elizabeth Turvile two heffers of
two years old and three stears one of seven years old and
two of three years old. Item, I give and bequeath unto my
son Elias Wale one feather bead and furniture of bead yt is
in ye end chamber and my grate pott and one small one and
> Illegibl«.
66 Edward Whallet/, the Befficide.
pott-raike. Item, I give and bequeath to my darter Bridget
Frankline one six yeare old steare. Item, I give and be-
queath unto my darter Racliell Ratcliff one cow and calf
and one steear of three years old and all ye other part of my
estate not before meucbanted to be equally divided when
my debts being paid unto my three sons and three darters
as John Nathll Elias Elizabeth Bridget and RachelL I also
leave my two sons Nath Walell and Elias Wale my hole
and sole Exectors of this my last will and testament being
contained in one sheatt of paper, where I set my hand and
seall this day and year above rettone.
his
EDWARD X WALR
mark
Signed & sealed in ye presence of us,
Edwo. Crapper
WiujAM BowEN, Junr.
RiCHo. Holland.
June ye 18th 1718 Came before me Edward Crapper k
Richd. Holland in their proper persons and made oath before
me upon ye Holy Evangelist that they saw ye testator sign
& declare ye above instrument as his last will & testament k
that he published pronounced & declared ye same so to be &
that at ye time of his so doing he was of sound and perfect
mind & memory to ye best of their knowledge.
Teste SAM. HOPKINS, Dept. Camssr.
[From the will recordu of WorccHter Co., Md.
G. T. BRAXTON, JUoorder af I>eedi.]
Baron Stiegd. 67
BARON STIEGEL.
BY THE BET. JOS. HENRT DUBBS, OF LANCASTER, PA.
The early German settlers of Pennsylvania were generally
poor, and laid no claim to aristocratic descent. A few of
their earliest clergymen, we know, were in the habit of
sealing their letters with armorial bearings ; but among the
people generally there was so strong a prejudice against
everything that savored of the tyranny of the fatherland,
that those who were entitled to this distinction soon laid it
aside. A special interest, therefore, attaches to the brief
career of the solitary German nobleman who attempted to
maintain the dignity of his rank in the wilds of Pennsyl-
vania.
Henry William Stiegel is said to have been a native of
the city of Manheim, in Germany. Of his early history we
know nothing, beyond the fact that he spent some time in
England, and there moved in excellent society. When he
came to America, about 1757, he is said, on excellent
authority, to have brought with him "good recommenda-
tions, and a great deal of money."
About 1758 Stiegel came to Lancaster County, and pur-
chasing one-third of a tract of 714 acres from the Messrs.
Stedman, of Philadelphia, laid out the town of Manheim,
according to a plan of his native city which he had brought
with him from the fatherland. He also built the Elizabeth
furnace, which he named in honor of his wife; though it is
said by one authority that the actual proprietors were Messrs.
Benezet k C!o., of Philadelphia.
In order to furnish labor for the inhabitants of his new
town, the Baron also erected extensive glass-works at Man-
heim. One of the aged inhabitants of the place has informed
the writer that " the main building was so large that it
would have been easy to turn around in it with a six-horse
team." The glass-works have long since disappeared, and
68 Baron Stiegd.
all that is left of them is the Baron's office, a neat building,
which is now occupied as a dwelling.
The magnificent mansion which Baron Stiegel built at
Manheim, of bricks imported from England, we regret to
say, has recently been entirely modernized, so that not a
vestige of its original grandeur remains. A writer in the
Reformed Church Messenger in 1868 thus speaks of its appear-
ance at that date : —
" There is a chapel in the house, where he was accustomed
to conduct divine worship for those in his employment.
The internal arrangements, the wainscoting, the cornices,
the landscape painting covering the walls of the parlor,*
representing scenes in the falconry, and the beautiful porce-
lain tiles adorning the fireplaces, are all in good taste, and
would be admired by good judges in our day. Everything
would tend to show that the Baron was a gentleman of
cultivation and refinement."
At some period of his career Baron Stiegel also built a
furnace and a summer residence at Schaefferstown,' Lebanon
County, These are said to have been strongly fortified for
fear of the Indians. At this place he made iron stoves
which bore the inscription : —
Baron Stiegel ist dcr Mann
Der die Ofen maclicn kann.*
It was a silly rhyme, but it was easily remembered by the
people, and probably served its purpose as an advertisement.
Many stories are related concerning the baron's extrava-
gance and love of display ; and there is no doubt that he
lived in a style which to his simple-minded Mennonite
neighbors appeared exceedingly imposing. It is said, for
instance, that he rode in a carriage drawn by eight fine
horses; but it is much more likely that he drove his "coach
* A fine piece of tapestry, a part of which has been presented to the
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, by Mr. Henry Arndt, the present
proprietor of the mansion.
« Elizabeth Furnace, six miles from SchaeflTerstown.
* That is, '' Baron Stiegel is the man who knows how to make stoTes.**
>
Baron Stiegd. 69
and four," as was done by Judge Allen and other wealthy
meu, and that tradition has simply doubled the number of
the horses. According to one account, he maintained a band
of music, which always accompanied him on his journeys ;
but another and more probable version of the story is that
there were among his workmen several excellent musicians,
who frequently sat on the balcony of his mansion and
regaled him with their music. All accounts agree that his
visits to his furnaces and his return to his residence were
always heralded by the firing of cannon.
It has generally been supposed that Baron Stiegel was a
mere adventurer, who wasted his money in unprofitable
speculations; but this is certainly a mistake. On the con-
trary, his enterprises were generally successful, and for a
time he made money rapidly. His glass-works at Manheim,
he says in one of his letters, brought him an annual income
of £5000.
Stiegel's error was one which has been committed by
thousands of others — ^he sought to get rich too rapidly. Not
satisfied with the extent of his estate, he purchased the entire
interest of the Messrs. Stedman in the Manheim tract, never
doubting that he could speedily meet all his obligations.
He would probably have accomplished his purpose if the
colony had continued prosperous, but just then troubles with
England began. In consequence of the tyrannical measures
of the British ministry, the commerce and manufactures of
the colonies were utterly prostrated, and such enterprises as
those of Baron Stiegel were necessarily among the first to
feel the blow. His creditors became clamorous, and though
he struggled manfully for several years, the final result was
utter and irretrievable ruin.
We have recently read a number of autograph letters
addressed by Stiegel, at this period, to his legal counsellor,
the Hon. Jasper Yeates, of Lancaster. In these letters he
pleads, in broken English, for counsel and aid in weathering
the storm. " Let them give me time," he says, " and I will
pay every dollar." He speaks of the successful efforts of his
wife to induce his creditors in Philadelphia to grant him an
70 Baron StiegeL
extension, and then exclaims : ^^ Can it be that my former
friends in Lancaster will drive me to ruin, when I have in-
creased the wealth of the country by at least £150,000 ?"
The following letter, which is the first of the series, will
give the reader a good idea of this correspondence : —
Manheim, AngQst 4th, 1774.
Dear Sir: You being just at trial and my aftairs requiring
dispatch prevented me to have the pleasure of speaking to you
myself, 1 am really at present in a distressful situation, being
Eersecuted by most every body. Your kind and friendly
ehaviour to me at court has assured me that you are my
real friend, and as at present I lay at the mercy of several
that I am afraid are not my friends, I would beg of you for
assistance in what is just. Mr. Geo. Ross, my attorney, is
so often from home and engaged in Publick AflTairs that I
have often suffered very hard. I desired Mr. Zantzinger to
speak to you concerning my affairs, but as he is a man of
much business he mig;ht have forgot, and as my present situ-
ation is very serious m consequence, I hope you will be kind
and take it in hand. I would have been at court myself, but
came only home last night so much fatigued and spent that
I can hardly move in trying to gather and collect what I
promised to pay this court, out could not succeed. I was
just able to get the money for the sheriff, and this I have
hereby sent by my clerk. Desire you will see it paid and
I'ustice done to me. It is at the suit of Joseph Standsbury.
! gave Nicholas Steele my wife's gold watch in pledge last
week to have the money at court, as I hear notwithstanding
there has been a great noise made and I very much ezpo6e£
I have further promised to pay your neighbor Eberhard
Michael £100, and several persons disappointing me that
owed me, and also for glass sent on orders for cash, I have not
been able to get it, but must have more time. I have no
doubt but shall have it in a few weeks. I desire you will
speak to him that he may not do anything ill-natured. I
was also to pay Mr. Singer £100. In the action Fred. Stone
was sued, as they say, for my sake, and have made a great
noise about laying the blame to me of his being in gaol, for
which I should be very sorry if it was so. I settlea it with
Mr. Singer, and he promised me on my paying £100 to take
my bond for the rest, before Mr. Michael, which shall be
done in a few weeks. The time and circumstance too short
towards this court. I shall not disappoint either of theni}
Baron Stiegd. 71
only muflt have a little more time and shall satisfy them
honorable. It is impossible for a man to do all at once.
Please to talk to them, it cannot make so much difterence
for a few weeks to them. Please God and I have my health
I will have it for them. As to some other actions against
me you will find on the docket, speak to Messrs. Ross and
Biddle, who generally appeared for me, that no judgments
may be obtained, as I am assured I can get over them all
this fall. They are too hard to add distress to my distress
and cost upon cost, when I am striving to collect it in and to
sell my produce. I beg therefore you will take pity of an
honest man that wants nothing but time to satisfy everybody
and maintain my cause. I could not send you a fee at
present, being too scarce, but shall satisfy you with honour
and gratitude. I shall expect by my clerk your favourable
answer, and I really am in great distress and uneasiness of
mind which add greatly to my distemper.
In the mean time I remain. Dear Sir,
Your much afflicted and distressed humble servant,
HENRY WM. 8TIBGBL.
All the letters of the series of which the above is a speci-
men were, with a single exception, written in the fall of
1774, and are of similar tenor. Stiegel's affairs grew more
and more desperate, and in October the correspondence sud-
denly ceases. About this time he was probably arrested for
debt and lodged in the jail at Lancaster, whence he was
liberated by special Act of Legislature, passed Dec. 24th,
1774. The latest of Baron Stiegel's letters which has come
under the notice of the writer is dated at Heidelberg, Berks
County, Aug. 13th, 1783. It is very brief, and refers to cer-
tain old debts which he was desirous of collecting.
The baron's history subsequent to his failure is involved
in the greatest obscurity. There is a tradition, related by
Harris, in his " Biographical History of Lancaster County,"
that he was an active loyalist, and that his son raised a com-
pany for the royal service. " His company being severely
pressed for provisions, young Stiegel pledged his gold watch
to a farmer for a bullock ; and, whether the story be mythical
or not, his watch is yet said to be in the possession of a
gentleman in Lancaster County." With reference to the
72 Barcn Stiegd.
time and place of Baron Stiegel's death, our local historianB
are by no means clear or harmonious. Rupp^ simply says,
" He died a schoolmaster." Harris says, " He was somewhat
supported by the iron-masters who came into possession of
Elizabeth furnace. He died in great indigence, and, though
his place of burial is unknown, he is thought to be laid
somewhere east of Elizabeth furnace near the line between
Berks and Lancaster Counties." A writer in Frank Leslie's
" Illustrated News," a few years ago, insisted that " he died
some sixty years since in the county poor-house at Harris-
burg, a pauper ;" and finally a correspondent of a German
paper, published in Baltimore, 1867, declares that "just when
he had lost all hope, and was about to commit suicide at
"Womelsdorf, Berks County, he unexpectedly received a
letter from Philadelphia, enclosing five hundred dollars.
Whereupon he immediately left the neighborhood, and was
never heard of again."
There is nothing more remarkable in this whole history
than the fact that there should be such a conflict of authori-
ties concerning the occurrences of a period which can hardly
be said to be beyond the memory of the " oldest inhabitant.''
It is possible that some one of our readers may be in posses-
sion of information that will enable him to settle the dispute,
and to throw more light on the career of the eccentric Ger-
man baron. If our present sketch should suggest the publi-
cation of such information, it will have accomplished ita
mission.
1 History of lAocaater Oounty p. 348.
John HancocL 78
JOHN HANCOCK.
BT CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
A Mbmoib pbeparsd por TBI Centennial Celebration of the ADOPnoir
or *'Thb Resolutions respectino Independency/'
AT Independence Hall, July 1, 1876.
[The eontinuatioii of this series will be designated, as from the Oenteimial GoUection.]
John Hancock derived his descent from the Puritan fathers
in Massachusetts. When the first of the family came out
does not appear, but his son, the first recorded in the cata-
logue of the graduates of Harvard College, was born in 1670,
and issued from that Institution to fit himself for the minis-
try in 1689. He soon became pastor of the parish of Lex-
ington, a few miles from Boston, where he served with
great acceptance until his decease in 1752, in the eighty-
second year of his age. He left three sons, the eldest of
whom, inheriting his name and adopting the same profession,
issued from Harvard College in 1719, and became the pastor
of the parish of Braintree, also a few miles to the south of
Boston, where he remained for twenty-five years, until his
death.
In this town of Braintree, in the year 1737, was the third
John Hancock, the subject of this narrative, bom. His
name likewise appears in the catalogue as a graduate in
1754, though not marked by the same characters which
denoted his ancestors as of the Clergy. Far the contrary.
Instead of their modest italics, it stands in Capital Letters,
and is followed by a long series of civil and literary distinc-
tions, denoting one of the shining lights of his generation.
The cause of this deviation is easily explained. John
Hancock, of Lexington, had a son Tliomas, who did not go
to College, but established himself in the town of Boston,
as a merchant and trader. Fortune appears to have wonder-
fully favored him, for in a few years he got the name of
74 John Hancock.
being very rich. This son Thomas then took his nephew
John, who had early lost his father, into his counting-room,
and the result was a decided variation from the ancestral
calling.
The third John Hancock had entered upon his duties
faithfully and to the satisfaction of his uncle, and pursued
them for ten years successfully, when that uncle died. All
the property, barring some liberal donations to Harvard
College, was found to have been bequeathed to him. The
excitement in a small town, of not exceeding fifteen thousand
people, was prodigious. Governor Hutchinson, in his history,
reports the estate as estimated at seventy thousand pounds,
but whether in sterling or in the depreciated currency of
the Colony, he does not define. He likewise reports the,
malicious stories of the time to account for this great
accumulation, all which must be taken with great deduc-
tions for the force of his own passions. In any event, it is
conceded on all sides that John Hancock, the heir of his
Uncle Thomas, was universally regarded as the richest man
in Boston, and in the whole province. But this was not all.
He had succeeded in earning a favorable reputation for his
modesty, his genial manners, and his faithful attention to
business. To these popular qualities he soon joined a degree
of liberality to private and public objects, which fixed him
for the rest of his life as the idol of the people of Massachu-
setts.
The first proof of this was shown in his immediate election
to one of the places of Selectmen of the town. In two years
he was made a representative from that town in the General
Court of the province, thus placing him on a level with
James Otis, Samuel Adams, and Thomas Cushing, all vet-
erans in politics. Here he distinguished himself more as
Chairman of Committees maturing the measures of the
house, than as an Orator, and his reports added to the
weight of his reputation. As the conflict between the Gov-
ernor and the House became more vehement, he grew more
and more identified with the policy of resistance. He became
less and less attentive to his own afiTairs, whilst lavish of his
John Hancock. 75
money for the public. Every day fastened him more perma-
nently to the side of freedom. Then came the famous riot
of the fifth of March, which stirred up the popular hostility
to the British troops with such vehemence at the moment,
and the attempt to keep up the indignation by the observa-
tion of the annual recurrence of the day. Among the
thirteen orators who successively officiated on this occasion,
John Hancock appears as the fourth. His oration remains
as a production creditable to the principles and the patriotism
of the speaker.
The year succeeding this event, Hancock was selected as a
delegate to attend the meeting of the Congress at Philadel-
phia, in addition to the four chosen in the preceding year.
The proclamation of General Gage excepting him from am-
nesty, and the rumor of the attempt to seize him and
Samuel Adams at Lexington, contributed greatly to spread
his reputation all over the country. His polished manners
and agreeable address had their effect after he came to meet
the delegates from the Southern States, so that when it
soon happened that Peyton Randolph of Virginia, elected
President of the Congress, was imperatively called home, he
was at once summoned by a unanimous call to fill his
place. This was the position, above all others, for which he
was peculiarly fitted. It was also that which has given to
his name a lustre that can never be dimmed. His fine, bold
handwriting on the great paper creating an independent
Nation on the broad North American Continent cannot fail
to be transmitted forever to the eyes of the latest posterity,
Hancock was a man of society, genial, self-indulgent, and
perhaps rather a free liver. In the position he now occupied
there was naturally much confinement indoors, and more of
fatigue than opportunity for wholesome exercise. The con-
sequence was an access of the gout, which now began and
continued with him at intervals to the close of his career.
His health had declined so rapidly in two years that he
decided to resign his place in Congress, and accordingly took
his leave of that body in October, 1777. A resolution of
thanks was formally voted to him, though not without
76 John Hancock.
serious opposition from bis own New England brethren, wbo
were too stern to admit tbat the performance of duty could
claim any higher reward than the satisfaction of conscience.
The next event of political importance in Massachusetts
after the return of Mr. Hancock was the establishment of a
form of government by the people themselves in the room of
the obsolete royal charter, an obvious consequence of inde-
pendence. A convention of delegates was called and Mr.
Hancock appears to have been returned as one of them. But
it does not appear from the record of the proceedings that
he took any active part whatever. The probability is that
he was still suffering from illness. But on the adoption
of that instrument, when perfected and submitted to the
decision of the people, at the first election held for the choice
of the officers designated in it, he was chosen the first
Governor in 1780, and re-elected in each succeeding year
until 1785, when he again voluntarily withdrew.
The times were growing very dark. The Continental
Congress had lost what little of authority had ever belonged
to it, and the State Governments were in no situation to
supply the want. James Bowdoin had been elected in
Massachusetts, as Governor in the place of Hancock ; a man
of excellent character, and perfectly competent to the service
to which he was called, a service of no ordinary trial. For
the people were suffering severely from poverty consequent
upon the struggles for independence, and the absence of
confidence in any effective policy of restoration. Numbers
of small debtors stood in terror of the exnctions of the law
in the hands of persons not disposed to soften its severity by
any compromises. Presently these grievances made them-
selves visible by attempts to stop the process in the courts by
force. Then came signs of a formidable insurrection, in the
western section of the State. Governor Bowdoin lost not a
moment in making the necessary preparations to meet this
danger. By his energetic will, seconded by the solid support
of the independent class of citizens in Boston, an adequate
force was raised for the suppression of these disorders. Peace
was restored without the shedding of much blood. Nothing
John Hancock. 77
but praise can be awarded to him for the firm and yet
moderate policy under which he restored the public confi-
dence in the power of the government. Yet there has never
been an instance in the history of the country in which a
public man has been treated with more marked ingratitude.
The disaffected party, smarting under the pain of their defeat,
resorted to a method of vengeance as curious as it was
eflfective. On the return of the annual election for the Chief
Officers of the State, they put in nomination for Governor
the popular favorite John Hancock, and he was elected by a
large majority over the man whose labors had saved them
from the danger of absolute anarchy.
Yet it may be regarded as a fortunate result for the State,
and the United States, that John Hancock siiould have
assumed the chair, which he never left again until he died
in 1793. In the interval came up the gravest of all public
questions that have agitated America ; the formation of a
government adequate to the purpose of keeping the diflTerent
States of the Confederacy in one common bond of unity, and
yet energetic enough to cope with any disturbing force from
outside. The result of the labors of the Convention of 1787,
is the government under which we now live and prosper.
It is needless to enlarge upon the subject further than to
point out the fact that one of the most serious obstacles to
the ratification of the form of Government when submitted
to the consideration of the separate States, was removed by
the agency of John Hancock. In the convention of Massa-
chusetts, he had been chosen to preside over its deliberations.
There was much division of opinion on many points, and a
large if not preponderating resistance. A negative from that
State would probably have turned the scale in the convention
of others equally divided, and thus have defeated the
measure altogether. It was in one of these critical moments
that John Hancock rose from his seat and submitted a pro-
position of a conciliatory nature. This had probably been
carefully matured in a private council of leading men, but it
came supported with the strong position of the President,
without which it could scarcely have been carried. It is due
78 Patrick Henry,
to Mr. Bowdoin to say that it met with his earnest oo-opera-
tion. It was finally adopted by the Convention, and that
adoption turned the scale in favor of the Ck>n8titation else-
where. It makes a dignified conclusion to the career of an
eminent man, whose name can never be forgotten.
John Hancock died with harness on his back, 8th October,
1793, and great honors were paid to his memory.
PATRICK HENRY.
BT WILLIAM WIRT HENRT.
(Centennial Collection.)
Patrick Henry was born at Studley, Hanover CSo., Vir-
ginia, May 29th, 1736, and died at Red Hill, Charlotte Cd,
Virginia, June 6th, 1799. John Henry, his father, was a
Scotchman, the son of Alexander Henry and Jean Robertson,
nephew of the historian Wm. Robertson, and first cousin of
the mother of Lord Brougham. Sarah Winston, his mother,
was of Welsh blood, of good family, and of marked intellect
and piety. His father, a scholar, gave him a classical educa-
tion. Marrying at eighteen, he first tried farming, and then
merchandise, but without success, and finally came to the
bar in 1760. His fee books show a large practice from the
first, but he discovered his great eloquence first in December,
1763, in the " Parson's Cause." Amidst cries of treason he
then took the ground on which the Revolution was after^
wards fought, holding that "A King, by disallowing acts of
a salutary nature, from being the father of his people, degene-
rates into a tyrant, and forfeits all right to his subjects'
obedience." On 29th May, 1765, nine days after taking his
seat for the first time in the Virginia House of Burgessea,
he moved his famous resolutions against the Stamp Act, and
by his great eloquence carried them against the old leaders.
America was inflamed, and the Revolution commenced.
Patrick Henry. 79
From that time he led Virginia. He sat in the Congress of
1774 and of 75. He opposed, seemingly single-handed in
the debate, the plan of reconciliation brought forward by
Joseph Gtelloway, which would have prevented independence.
On his motion, March 23d, 1775, in the Convention, Virginia
was put into a state of defence. In May, 1775, he led the
Hanover Volunteers against Lord Dunmore, Governor of
Virginia, making the first forcible resistance to British
Authority in that Colony, He left Congress to accept a
commission as Colonel of the 1st Va. Regiment, in 1775.
In May, 1776, he was the great advocate of independence in
the Virginia Convention, and by his eloquence produced
unanimity in the instructions to her delegates to move it in
Congress. To him we are indebted for the article in the
Virginia Bill of Rights securing Religious Liberty, and for
the first Amendment to the Federal Constitution embodying
the same principle. Elected Gk)vernor of Virginia in 1776,
he was re-elected in 1777-78-84 and '85, declining in 1786,
and again elected in 1796 and declining to serve. His
great executive talents were invaluable during the Revolu-
tion. In 1778, at the suggestion of George Rogers Clark,
he set on foot the expedition to the Northwest, drew up the
instructions indicating the plan of operations, and induced
Clark to take command. By one brilliant campaign, a vast
empire was secured to the United States. He led the oppo-
sition to the Federal Constitution in Virginia, and procured
amendments which satisfied him apparently, but his predic-
tions were prophetic. Washington offered to make him
Secretary of State in October, 1795, and Chief Justice in
December, 1795 ; and Adams to send him as a Minister to
France in April, 1799. Private reasons made him decline.
He retired from public life in 1791, but was induced by
General Washington to oflTer for the Legislature in 1799, to
oppose the famous resolutions of 1798 and '99. He did not
approve, however, the Alien and Sedition Laws. Death
prevented him from taking his seat. He married twice,
his second wife being a granddaughter of Governor Spotts-
80 Henry Wisner.
wood. He was a pure man, a devoted patriot, and a devont
Christian. Though classed amongst the great orators of the
world, George Mason pronounced his eloquence the Bmallest
part of his merit.
HENRY WISXER.
BT HENBT W. BELLOWS, D.D.
(Centennial Collection.)
Henrt Wis!7er, the precise dates of whose birth and death
are unknown, was the son of Hendrick Wisner, who settled
in Orange County, Xew York, about 1714. He was the son
of Johannes Weasner, a Swiss subaltern, who emigrated to
America after the peace in Queen Anne's time. Henry grew
up with only ordinary advantages of education, but gave
evidences of strong talents and an insinuating address, and
was early made a justice of the peace. He married a Norton
from the east end of Long Island, and settled in Goshen,
New York. Acquiring property and weight of character,
ho was elected in 1759, and continued until 1769, a member
of the Colonial Assembly of New York. He was a member
of the first county committee to consider the grounds of
difficulty between Great Britain and her American Colonies,
and his zeal commended him so much, that he was sent a
delegate from Orange County, to the first Congress con-
vened at Philadelphia, in the autumn of 1774. In 1775, he
was appointed by the Provincial Congreas of New York one
of the delegates to represent the province in the second
Continental Congress. From 1775 to 1777, he was a member
of the Provincial Congress (subsequently convention) of
New York ; was one of the Commissioners to report the
first constitution of the State ; and under it, became a
Senator from the middle district, at the election of 1777,
and served until 1782.
On Wednesday, Sept. 14, 1774, he presented his credentials
Henry Wisner. 81
to the Congress assembled in Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia,
and was duly seated. The session was short, and its leading
feature (Oct. 14), the passage of " the non-importation agree-
ment," bears Henry Wisner's signature in characters as plain
and bold as the agreement itself was strong in its terms and
decisive in its tendency towards independence.
New York, at this time, was clearly anxious to maintain
peace, and doubtful of the policy of independence. In
December, the New York Convention had voted that five
only of the twelve delegates she had appointed, should con-
tinue at Philadelphia, and that any three or four should be
a quorum in the absence of the rest, to represent the colony.
On the 8th of June, 1776, Floyd, Wisner^ Livingston, and
Lewis wrote to their constituents, "your delegates here
expert that the question of independence will, very shortly,
be agitated in Congress. Some of us consider ourselves as
bound by our instructions not to vote on that question, and
all wish to have your sentiments thereon. The matter will
admit of no delay." The New York Congress declared,
June 10, that it had not given its delegates any authority
to declare the colony to be, and continue independent of
the Crown of Great Britain. On the 2d of July, Wisner,
Alsop, Floyd, and Lewis united in a letter, saying "the
important question of independence was agitated yesterday,
in a committee of the whole Congress ; and this day will be
finally determined in the house ; we have your instructions
and will faithfully pursue them." Excepting Alsop, they
did not like their position. Every other hesitating colony
had withdrawn its instructions, or left its delegates free to
follow the general feeling, strongly in favor of independence.
Wisner seems to have felt more keenly than the rest, the
awkwardness of the New York position, and he proved it by
adding to the joint letter, a special one of his own, in which
he says, " Since writing the inclosed, the great question of
independence has been put in Congress and carried with-
out one dissenting vote; I therefore beg your answer as
quick as possible, to the inclosed." The delegates from New
York had not voted. They were silent again on the formal
6
82 Henry Wisner.
adoption of the declaration July 4th. At last, on the 9th of
July, the Congress of New York, at White Plains, resolved
" that the reasons assigned by the Continental Congress, for
declaring the United Colonies free and independent," were
" cogent and conclusive," and that, while lamenting ** the
cruel necessity," it would, "at the risk of our lives and
fortunes, join with the other colonies in supporting it."
Thus the instructions were reversed, and on the engrossment
of the Declaration, it was signed by all the delegates then
present, fifty-four in number, including Floyd, Livingston,
Lewis, and Morris; Clinton and Wisner had left Philadel-
phia, and were not present on that occasion. This con-
cludes all that appertains to Mr. Wisner's relations to the
Declaration of Independence. His subsequent career in his
own State, patriotic, earnest, judicious, and most useful,
established his claim to a worthy place among the men who
founded our National Independence.
Though lacking a superior education, he was a man of
clear, strong mind, energetic and determined, efficient in
counsel, trusted by his fellow citizens, and the companion
and friend of the leading patriots of the country. He was
evidently ardent, and bolder than many of his associates ;
ready to take the initiative and abide the consequences. If
his name has disappeared from the records of churches and
the face of grave-stones ; if it does not appear, where it
belongs, on the Declaration of Independence, it was not
written in water, nor is it likely to be forgotten while many
patriotic and honorable descendants of it remain; least of all,
when history shows itself so busy, in this centennial year,
in hunting up the record of those whose hearts and lives
contributed a sensible support to the trembling tree of our
national liberty when it was first planted and in danger
from every breeze of selfish cowardice or calculating distrust.
Charles Humphreys. 88
CHARLES HUMPHREYS.
BT A. A. HUMPHREYS, MAJ.-OEN. U. 8. A.
(Centennial Collection.)
Charlbs Humphreys was born in 1712 at The Mansion
House, his father's residence, about seven miles west of
Philadelphia, in Haverford Township. His father, Daniel
Humphreys, of Porthwen, Merionethshire, Wales, came to
this country in 1682, and, repeating the quaint language of
the quarterly meeting of Merionethshire, bore here, as in his
native country, a reputation " that was, and is, of good savor."
In August, 1695, he, Daniel Humphreys, married Hannah
Wynn, daughter of Dr. Thomas Wynn, of Merion, another
daughter, Mary Wynn, marrying John Dickenson, the father
or grandfather of John Dickenson, author of ^^ The Farmer's
Letters."
The testimony is universal that Charles Humphreys was
held in high esteem for his talents, his integrity in private and
public life, his hospitality and courteous and dignified man-
ners. At the solicitation of his fellow-citizens he became a
member of The Assembly of the Province in 1763, and con-
tinued there until the summer of 1776. On the 22d July,
1774, the Assembly resolved that a Congress of deputies
from the several colonies should be held to adopt a plan
for redressing American grievances, ascertaining American
rights, and establishing union and harmony between Great
Britain and the colonies ; and appointed seven deputies to
the Congress, Charles Humphreys being one. The Congress
met in Philadelphia, Sept. 5, and adjourned in October, after
having passed unanimously —
I. A declaration of rights.
IL An address to the king, reciting the wrongs com-
mitted in his name, and enumerating the unconstitutional
Acts of Parliament, the enforcement of which in the colonies
produced great injury to private and public interests, and
84 Charles Humphreys.
great uneasiness and depression in the public mind, and the
king was petitioned to redress the grievances and restore
harmony, confidence, prosperity, and happiness.
III. An association of non-intercourse was entered into.
All these Resolutions and Acts were signed by the mem-
bers, including Charles Humphreys. Addresses were also
issued by the Congress.
The second Congress met on the 10th May, 1775, and of
this Congress also Charles Humphreys was a member. On
the 26th May, Congress resolved that, as the ministry were
attempting to enforce the unconstitutional and oppressive
measures of the British Parliament by force of arms, the
colonies should be immediately put in a state of defence.
They accordingly raised an army and a imyy, and money to
pay them, and on the 5th of July issued a declaration, setting
forth the causes and necessity of the colonies taking up arms.
The organization of a government was completed, fortifica-
tions were erected and military enterprises undertaken. On
the 9th November the Pennsylvania Assembly instructed
its members of Congress not to assent to any proposition that
might lead to a separation from the mother country. This
restriction was not withdrawn until the 8th June following.
On December 6th the proclamation from the Court of St.
James of Aug. '75, was met by a counter i>roclamation in
which the Congress, while acknowledging their allegiance
to the king, denied that they had ever owed any allegiance
to the Parliament, asserting that with arms in their hands
they opposed the exercise of unconstitutional powers to
which Crown nor Parliament was ever entitled. On the
7th June, '76, the resolutions of Independency were intro-
duced. In all the measures up to this time Charles Hum-
phreys had cordially united, taking an energetic part in
them, but dissented from the Resolution and Declaration of
Independency of the Crown, voting against both. In this
dissent he agreed with John Dickenson, Thomas Willing,
Edward Biddle, and Andrew Allen, members from Pennsyl-
vania. After having taken part in all the proceedings and
Acts of the Congresses previous to the Resolution and Declar
i
Charles Humphreys. 86
ration of Independence, I have been at a loss to understand
why Charles Humphreys did not unite in tlie final Act which
carried with it such great advantages in the contest, and I
have been led to suppose that it arose, in great part, from
conscientious scruples growing out of the oath (affirmation)
of allegiance to the Crown he had taken as a member of the
Colonial Assembly, a position he held continuously from
1763 to the 4th July, 1776, when he withdrew from the Con-
gress and Assembly. However that may be, the integrity
of his motives was never questioned. He lived in a simple,
upright community, and retained their respect and esteem
to the day of his death, which occurred in 1786. He left no
descendants.
The house in which he was bom, and in which the greater
part of his life was passed, was known then, and for a cen-
tury afterwards, as The Mansion House. It had a hipped
roof, was built partly of stone and partly of brick, the win-
dows irregularly scattered about, with small panes of glass
and leaden frames, which were still extant when I was a
youth. It was situated on a pretty stream known now as
Cobb's Creek. Close by on a hill overlooking it, is Haver-
ford Meeting House, the second built in Pennsylvania. On
this hill Lord Comwallis halted his command for the night on
the 11th of December, 1777, upon his return to Philadelphia
from his reconnoisance to Matson's Ford on the Schuylkill.
He made his head-quarters at the Mansion House. The
position occupied by his troops is a commanding one.
The Mansion House passed from the family about sixty
or seventy years ago, and was torn down a few years since.
86 Francis JJaiia.
FRANCIS DANA.
BT RICHARD H. DANA, JR.
(CenteDnial Collection.)
The civil struggle between the province of Massachusetts
and the mother country, from 1760 to 1775, trained and
brought forward the best abilities of the province, in politi-
cal and legal discussion, in a remarkable manner. In a
country which had no nobility or privileged class of any
description having leisure for public affairs, the lawyers natu-
rally came to the front. Tliey were nearly all Harvard Col-
lege men, and their public speeches, and the documents they
penned, were not more remarkable than the patience, wisdom,
and spirit they showed in their public actions. Among the
leaders in the earlier part 'of the struggle was Richard Dana.
He was born at Cambridge in 1699 ; graduated at Harvard
in 1718 ; married a sister of Edmund Trowbridge, whom
Chancellor Kent calls " the Oracle of the old real law of
Massachusetts." During the first part of his life, Mr. Dana
devoted himself to the practice of law, in which he became
distinguished. In the book of " American Precedents," in
Oliver's Precedents of Declarations, and in Story's Common
Law Pleadings, he is frequently cited as of the highest
authority. He was little past the age of sixty, when the
struggle became most critical, and he devoted himself, heart
and soul, to the cause of his country. His distinction as a
leader of the bar and a magistrate, his independent fortune,
his age, the dignity and severity of his manners, and espe-
cially his absolute moral courage and passionate devotion to
his cause, made him a leading figure on the patriot side.
He frequently presided at the famous town meetings held at
Faneuil Hall and the Old South Meeting House, and was
often upon the committees with the Adamses, Otis, Quincy,
Hancock, and Warren, in preparing the addresses to the
Francis Dana. 87
patriots throughout the country, and the appeals to the King
and Parliament. He reported the celebrated papers of Nov.
20, 1767, and May 8, 1770. His death in 1772, three years
before the outbreak, is spoken of in the letters of the patriots
of that day, as a great loss to their cause ; and President
Adams, in later days, speaks of him as one who, had he not
been cut off by death, would have furnished one of the im-
mortal names of the revolution. Perhaps the most dis-
tinguished act of his life was his administering of the oath
to Secretary Oliver. In the latter part of 1765, the com-
missions of stamp distributors had arrived, and it was gene-
rally understood that Secretary Oliver was to be the chief
commissioner. The leading patriots waited upon him and
demanded that he should refuse the office ; he promised to
do so, and the next day there appeared in the newspaper a
letter from him, which, however, was not quite satisfactory.
The " Sons of Liberty" again waited upon him, but in more
persuasive numbers, and invited him to attend them to the
Liberty Tree, where they were in the habit of holding their
open air meetings. It was an invitation he did not consider
it prudent to decline. There, under that tree, on the 17th
of December, 1765, Oliver signed the declaration — " I never
will directly or indirectly, by myself, or any under me, make
use of said deputation, or take any measures for enforcing
the stamp act in America, which is so grievous to the people,''
and made oath to it before Richard Dana, who put his name
to the jurat as magistrate, thereby subjecting himself to the
penalties of treason, according to the constructions of those
days.
In the Boston Post of June 1, 1772, appears a notice of
Richard Dana from which his chief characteristics may be
gathered. "He hated flattery; agreeably to the natural
severity of his manners, was a most inveterate enemy of
luxury and prodigality; a very steady, strenuous, and it
must be confessed, many times a passionate opposer of all
those, from the highest to the lowest, but especially the
former, who, in his judgment, were enemies to the civil and
religious rights of his country, and he very well understood
88 Francis Dana.
what those rights were." (See Washburne's Jud. Hist, of
Mass., Bradford's New England Biography, the Lives and
Letters of Josiah Quincy and John Adams.)
Feancis Dana, son of Richard, was born June 13, 1748 ;
graduated at Harvard in 1762, and studied law live years,
according to the custom of that time, with his uncle. Judge
Trowbridge, and came to the bar in 1767. This was at the
height of the civil struggle. Living with a father from boy-
hood until past the age of thirty, who was so zealous and
prominent a patriot, he naturally threw the force of his charac-
ter into the same cause. He joined the Sons of Liberty, and
John Adams's diary of 1766 speaks of the club in which
"Lowell, Dana, Quincy, and other young fellows were not ill-
employed in lengthened discussions of the right of taxation."
He became an active practitioner at the bar, but especially in
causes involving civil and political rights. The death of his
father in 1772 left him in possession of a competent fortune,
which he regarded only as increasing his opportunities ibr
service in the public cause. The next year, in concert with
John Adams, he acted in behalf of the Rhode Island patriots,
for the prosecution in the matter of Rome's and Motfatt's
letters. In 1774, when Qovenor Hutchinson was about
leaving the country, it was proposed that the bar should
present him a complimentary address. This led to a sharp
debate, in which Mr. Dana, though one of the youngest of
the members, opposed the address with great courage and
zeal. In 1773, he married a daughter of the Hon. William
Ellery, afterwards a signer of the Declaration of Indepen-
dence. In April, 1774, he sailed for England, partly to visit
his brother, the Rev. Edmund Dana, who was settled there ;
but chiefly to represent the patriots of Massachusetts among
their friends in England. He took confidential letters to Dr.
Franklin from Warren, the elder Quincy, Dr. Cooper, and
other leaders, and rendered all the service he could at that
time. His brother had married a daughter of Lord Kinnaird,
who was also a niece of Sir William Pulteney and Governor
Johnstone, and through them and their connections Mr.
Dana had especial opportunities of ascertaining the state of
Francis Dana. 89
English feeling, and the probable measures of the govern-
ment. He became quite intimate with Dr. Price, and con-
tributed materials for the work which the learned doctor
published in defence of the colonies. He remained in Eng-
land two years, and arrived in Boston in April, 1776,
bringing with him a decided opinion that all hope of an
adjustment with England on any terms which the colonists
could accept, must be abandoned.
From the time of his return, he was a member, by repeated
re-elections, until 1780, of the Massachusetts Council. In
November, 1776, he was chosen a delegate to the Continental
Congress — too late to affix his name to the Declaration of
Independence, but in July, 1778, he put his signature to the
Articles of Confederation. His course in Congress was dis-
tinguished, and although one of the youngest members, he
held many important and critical posts. In 1778 he was
placed at the head of a committee charged with the entire
reorganization of the continental army. Indeed, on his
return from England, he was not decided between the mili-
tary and civil service of his country, and there is still in the
possession of his descendants a service sword, which, among
like articles, he procured in London, with a view of joining
the army. It was, probably, with this intent, that imme-
diately upon his return, in April, 1776, he took a letter of
introduction to General Washington from John Adams, who
presents him as ^^ a gentleman of family, fortune, and educa-
tion, who has just returned to his country to share with his
friends in their dangers and triumphs. He will satisfy you
that we have no reason to expect peace from Britain."*
Early in January, in 1778, he was chairman of the com-
mittee to visit the army at Valley Forge, and remained there
during five months of that distressful season. While there,
he was engaged with Washington in concerting the plan
subsequently submitted by Congress to the commander-in-
chief, on June 4, 1778, "to be proceeded in, with the advice
and assistance of Mr. Reed and Mr. Dana, or either of them."
* Perhaps it was his immediate election to high civil office that deter-
mined him to that part of the field of public service.
90 Francis Dana.
It was in this year that the English Peace Commission
came to this country, charged with the duty of carrying out
the purposes of the Conciliatory Bills, as they were called,
of Lord North. On this commission was Governor John-
stone, whom, as an uncle of the Hon. Mrs. Edmund Dana,
Mr. Dana had known well, while in England. It was
probably in reliance on some such influence, that Governor
Johnstone addressed him a letter immediately upon his
arrival, expressing the hope of having his co-operation.
The letter contained no obnoxious proposal, as did that to
Mr. Reed of Pennsylvania, but Mr. Dana thought it his
duty to lay it before Congress. But the attempts of the
Peace Commission had been forestalled by measures in which
Mr. Dana had taken an active part. A committee had been
appointed by Congress, consisting of Mr. Dana, Mr. Drayton,
and Mr. G. Morris, to consider the subject, and on their
report, the conciliatory proposals of Lord North had been
unanimously rejected.
In 1779, an embassy was appointed to proceed to Paris, in
the hope of negotiating treaties of peace and commerce
with Great Britain, and to watch over our relations with
France. Mr. Adams was placed at its head, and Mr. Dana
was made secretary of legation, with certain contingent
powers. Mr. Adams and Mr. Dana sailed from Boston
November 13, 1779, in the French frigate Sensible. Fear
of the British cruisers led the frigate to take a southerly
course, and she landed her passengers at Ferrol, in Qpain ;
from whence they made a journey across the Pyrenees, in
the depth of winter, arriving at Paris early in February,
1780. They found no prospect of negotiation with Great
Britain, and their relations with Count Vergennes were not
cordial, and afterwards ripened into a severe controversy
between Mr. Adams and Count Vergennes, in which Dr.
Franklin did not sustain Mr. Adams. Mr. Dana, being in
Russia, was not a party to the controversy, but had been a
party to the facts out of which it arose. Mr. Adams, years
afterwards, in vindicating his course, says, " I had the advice
and approbation of Chief Justice Dana, then with me as secre-
Francis Dana. 91
tary of the legation for peace, to every clause and word of the
whole correspondence . . . Mr. Dana said, * The Count
neither wrote like a gentleman himself, nor treated me like a
gentleman, and it was indispensably necessary that we should
show him that we had some understanding and some feeling.' "
As affairs were not advancing at Paris, Mr. Adams left
France for Amsterdam, Mr. Dana remaining a few months
at Paris, then joining Mr. Adams in llolland, they being
jointly charged by Congress, with the duty of raising loans
in Europe. He again returned to Paris, where he soon
received the appointment of Minister to Russia, and pro-
ceeded towards St. Petersburg; having been detained by
Mr. Adams in Holland nearly three months. He went by
way of Frankfort and Berlin, and arrived at the Court of
Catherine in the latter part of the summer of 1781. The
relations of the Empress with both Great Britain and
France were, at this time, very critical. To have received
Mr. Dana in full form, as a minister plenipotentiary from
the United States, would have been a recognition of the
independence of the United States, and would have been
regarded by England as an act of war. The Empress also
expected to be asked to act as mediator between the three
powers. This position she would lose by recognizing our
independence. Consequently Mr. Dana was not received in
form, but he had constant intercourse with Count Osterman,
the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which was conducted with
the most friendly spirit. At the same time, Mr. Dana was
in constant correspondence with Congress ; with the Marquis
de Verac, the French Minister at St. Petersburg ; with Mr.
Robert R. Livingston, whom Congress had appointed Secre-
tary of Foreign Affairs ; and with Mr. Adams. Both Mr.
Adams in France, and Mr. Dana at St. Petersburg, doubted
the sincerity of the French Cabinet and its minister at St.
Petersburg, as respected our purposes with Russia and an
immediate peace with England.
Mr. Dana drew up a plan of a commercial treaty with
Russia in forty-one articles, going into details not only as to
commercial relations, but es{.>ecially those rights and duties
92 Francis Dana.
of individuals in time of peace, which are now classed under
the head of Private International Law. Mr. Dana con-
ceived that he had staid as long in Russia as appeared to
him compatible with the dignity of his country, and was
opposed to taking the steps that were evidently necessary
for the conclusion of the complete treaty, but thought it de-
sirable to secure a treaty of amity and commerce if possi-
ble. His health, which had never been strong, had suifered
under the extremes of the climate of St. Petersburg, and
this furnished another ground for his objection to remaining
there longer. Count Osterman informed him that Her
Imperial Majesty would give him an audience in due form
as minister, when the preliminaries for a peace between the
United States and Great Britain should be concluded, an
event which was expected to take place immediately. But
as Mr. Dana had determined to leave Russia, and had
obtained the permission of Congress for that purpose, and
as Congress did not think it worth while to enter upon
negotiations for a general treaty at that time, Mr. Dana did
not consider it a becoming course to remain in St. Petersburg
merely to await his formal reception, on which he would
immediately be obliged to go through the ceremony of taking
leave. He quitted St. Petersburg Sept. 4, 1783, and arrived
in Boston directly, by ship, in December following.
Within two months after his return to Boston, he was
again appointed a delegate to the Continental Congress. In
the summer of 1784, Congress took a recess of several months,
and appointed a committee of one from each State to con-
tinue in session, clothed with very considerable powers. Mr.
Dana was the member of this Committee for Massachusetts.
At the beginning of the year 1785, he left Congress for a
seat on the Supreme Bench of Massachusetts. He was ap-
pointed a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787,
which framed the Constitution of the United States. Very
unfortunately, he was unable to accept the appointment,
partly by reason of his health, which he had never fully re-
covered, and partly because his attendance would interfere
with his judicial duties; but in the Massachusetts Conven-
^
"^ Francis Dana. 93
tion of 1788, called to decide upon the adoption of the Consti-
tution, Judge Dana took a leading part in its favor. There
is no doubt that when the Massachusetts Convention met, a
mnjority was opposed to the Constitution, and this opposi-
tion was led by such men as John Hancock and Samuel
Adams, who were supported by Gerry, who had been a dele-
gate to the Convention which framed it. Mr. Rufus King,
also a delegate to that Convention, and Theophilus Parsons,
afterwards Chief Justice, showed great skill and wisdom in
recommending the Constitution to the Convention. After a
long struggle, with many vicissitudes, the weight of character,
intellect, {K>litical experience, and eloquence turned the scale,
and the Constitution was adopted by a small majority. This
was a turning point in the history of America, for if Massa-
chusetts had rejected the Constitution, no other considerable
State would have adopted it, as it was in none of them more
popular, and in several of them less so than in Massachusetts.
This was the last of Judge Dana's political services.
Three years afterwards, in November, 1791, he was ap-
pointed Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and during the fifteen
years in which he held that honorable post, he took no active
part in politics beyond being chosen a presidential elector in
1792, 1800, and 1808.
When Mr. Adams, in the first year of his administration,
found himself involved in great difliculties with the French
Government, it was determined to send a special embassy to
Paris, of three envoys, and for that purpose he appointed
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Francis Dana, and John Mar-
shall. It was a misfortune for the country as well as a matter
of regret with himself and his friends, that Chief Justice
Dana felt obliged, on account of his health, to decline this
appointment ; for had he accepted it, he would have stood by
Pinckney and Marshall in the position they took at Paris,
and our embassy would have presented to France, and to
their own country, a united front, which would have averted
the embarrassments and censures brought upon the country
by reason of the course taken by Judge Dana's successor.
Judge Dana resigned the post of Chief Justice in 1806, and
94 Francis Dana.
died in his mansion house at Cambridge in 1811, at the age
of 67. He was slight of figure, very erect, remarkably well-
featured, with a fair complexion, an eloquent mouth, an eye
of light blue, full of expression, capable of showing fire when
under excitement, and his whole countenance exhibiting
what may be called an illumination, when under the influ-
ence of emotion. His voice was musical and attractive iu
conversation, and in ordinary public speech, but when deeply
moved, especially if by moral indignation, it had, without
any explosion or increase of volume, something in it that
thrilled Qvery hearer, and brought to a dead silence the most
excited assemblies. In his dress, not only was he careful for
neatness, but, though never over-dressed, his habit had an air
of elegance. Mr. Sargent, in his "Dealings with the Dead,"
speaks of him as presenting something of the ideal of the
English gentleman of those times. He was doubtless what
may be called a high-strung man, sensitive as to manners
and conduct, and intolerant of anything underhand or mean
or rude, whether shown at the bar, in the Senate, the popu-
lar assembly, or in private intercourse. He lived through
the severest political conflicts, which entered deeply into pri-
vate life, and while his democratic party opponents sometimes
inveighed against him as proud, over-sensitive, and, what
is absurdly called in this country, aristocratic, no question
was ever made of his integrity, patriotism, courage, or public
spirit. Like his father, he had the highest degree of moral
and civil courage, and was never suspected of doing anything
for the sake of popularity or ofiicial position. As a lawyer,
he had been thoroughly well-grounded by his five years*
term of study under Judge Trowbridge, and he had, for
several years, a large practice until he entered upon public
life, about the time of the breaking out of the Revolution.
He saw but little of the bar for the intervening eleven years,
when he was placed upon the Supreme bench, but the expe-
riences of those years in a variety of high duties, developing
character to the utmost, and requiring constant recurrence
to the first principles of social and political science, were by
Francis Dana. 95
no means lost upon him as the head of the judiciary of his
State.
Judge Dana inherited a competency from his father, and
the greater part of the estate of his uncle, Judge Trowbridge,
as well as his library and papers. His mansion stood upon the
hill now called after his name, between the college buildings,
which formed the centre of the village of Old Cambridge,
and the bridge to Boston. He held veryjfirge tracts of
lands, and employed himself, in his interviv of leisure, in
superintending his farms, and in laying out streets and high-
ways through them, for the anticipated increase of population.
His house was a place of generous hospitality, and was fre-
quented by his friends, the leaders of the Federal party of that
day. Among his guests were also the more distinguished stu-
dents of the University, who were attracted, in a large degree,
by his reputation and the general air of dignity and kindli-
ness which surrounded his home, among whom were Allston,
the Channings, Buckminster, and the sons of prominent men
from the Southern and Middle States, and others, who after-
wards rising to distinction, have, in various ways, recorded
their sense of the advantages they derived from intercourse
with him and the visitors to be found at his house, and not
a few of them for the pecuniary aid they had received, when
straitened in their circumstances at college. He supported
through their college courses several men who became eminent
in different professions.
Francis Dana left several children ; one of his sons being
Richard H. Dana, the poet and prose writer, and one of his
daughters the wife of Washington Allston. He is buried in
the family tomb near the gate of the old churchyard in Cam-
bridge, opposite the main entrance to the University, where
lie several generations of those who preceded and came after
him.
96 aUas JJeane.
SILAS DEANE.
BT OHABLES J. HOADLXT.
(CentenDial CollectioD.)
Silas Deanb was bom in Groton, Connecticut, December
24, 1737. He was graduated at Yale College in 1768, and
after teaching school a short time, studied law. He settled
in Wethersfield, where he married, October 8, 1768, the
widow of Joseph Webb, a merchant of that town, whose
estate he settled, and he went into trade. His entrance into
public life was as a Representative of the town of Wethers-
field in the Lower House of the Connecticut General Assem-
bly, at the October session 1768, and he was chosen to the
same station in 1772, 1773, and 1774, and probably, also, for
both sessions in 1775, although prevented from taking his
seat by his attendance upon Congress in Philadelphia,
He took an active i)art in public affairs immediately before
the breaking out of the Revolution. He was chosen one of
the Colonial Committee of Correspondence in May, 1778, and
by that body was appointed a delegate to the first Conti-
nental Congress, where he served as a member of the com-
mittee to examine and report the several statutes afffecting
the trade and manufactures of the colonies.
In the spring of 1775, Mr. Deane was one of the principal
projectors of the expedition which resulted in the capture
of Ticonderoga, and in conjunction with five others, gave
his obligation to the colony treasurer, for the moneys bor-
rowed by them for that enterprise.
With his former colleagues, Messrs. Dyer and Sherman,
he attended the second Congress which met at Philadelphia,
May 10, 1775 ; they having been chosen as delegates, by the
House of Representatives, in the month of November pre-
ceding.
The journals of Congress show, that during his service in
Silas Deane. 97
that body from May, 1775, to January 16, 1776, Mr. Deane
was upon about forty committees, some of them standing
ones, and involving much labor and correspondence. Par-
ticularly, he was one of .the Secret Committee appointed
September 18, 1775, to contract for the importation and
delivery of arms and ammunition. He was also a member of
the Marine Committee, and purchased the first vessel for the
navy of the United Colonies. He had a facile pen, and his
correspondence of this period, published in the American
Archives, and in the second volume of the Collections of the
Connecticut Historical Society, exhibits him in a very favor-
able light. It is evident also, that he enjoyed the respect
and esteem of his associates. John Adams, who was a
member of a committee whereof Deane was chairman, speaks
of him, in a letter to his own wife, as " a very ingenious
man and an able politician."
At their October session 1775, the General Assembly of
Connecticut resolved that the choice of delegates to Congress
should be made annually, and made new appointments in
the places of Messrs. Dyer and Deane. However, the same
autumn Mr. Deane was nominated by the freemen, as a candi-
date for election to the oflSce of Assistant, or member of the
Council or Upper House of the Colonial Legislature, and the
nomination was repeated in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, and
1779. The General Assembly also renewed his appointment
as a justice of the peace in 1776 and 1777, during his absenee
fit>m the country.
The United Colonies entered upon the Revolution very
slenderly provided with warlike stores, nor could these be
procured at home ; so on the second of March, 1776, Deane
received from the Committee of Secret Correspondence, the
appointment of Commercial and Political Agent for the
United States, in Europe, and was instructed by them, to
purchase 100 pieces of brass cannon, and arms, and clothing
for 25,000 men, and ammunition proportionable, and to pro-
cure ships in Europe to transport the whole to America.
He bad previously contracted with the Secret and Commer-
cial Committee, to make a voyage to France, and buy a
7
98 Silas Deaiu.
quantity of goods for the public. The commission was of
the highest importance, and its execution attended with
danger and very great difficulties. He embarked without
taking leave of his family, save by letter, and arrived in
France in June, with but slight knowledge of the language
and manners of the people, without an acquaintance, and
without that best of all patrons and supporters, a fund ade-
quate to the purpose, and for months, he received no advices
from his constituents. However, he found in France a dis-
position friendly to the American cause, and was far more
successful in accomplishing the objects of his mission than
could have been reasonably expected. Through him those
arms were procured, without which, the campaign of 1777
would have resulted otherwise, and with him was made the
agreement of Lafayette and De Kalb, to serve in our army.
In December, 1776, he was joined by Dr. Franklin and
Arthur Lee, who, with himself, had been appointed by Con-
gress as commissioners at the Court of France, and with
them negotiated and signed the treaties of February, 1778.
In July, 1778, he returned to America, having been re-
called by Congress to acquaint them with the state of their
afiairs in Europe. His recall was brought about chiefly by
the malicious representations of Arthur Lee, falsely charging
him with having, by a fraudulent agreement with Beaumar-
chais, and contrary to the intentions of the French Govern-
ment, converted a gratuitous gift into a commercial operation.
William Lee and Ralph Izard also sided with Arthur Lee
against Franklin and Deane, and interfered in the affairs of
the French mission. Upon his departure, the King presented
him with his portrait set with diamonds on a gold snuff-box,
the Count de Vergennes wrote a highly complimentary letter
to him and another to the President of Congress, and Dr.
Franklin, who had lived intimately with him for fifteen
months, the greater part of the time in the same house, and
been a constant witness of his public conduct, gave, unasked,
this testimony in his behalf : " I esteem him a faithful, acti ve,
and able minister, who, to my knowledge, has done, in
various ways, great and important services to his country.
Silas Deane. 99
whose interests I wish may always, by every one in her
employ, he as much and as effectually promoted." In later
letters of Franklin are also found expressions of his confi-
dence in Deane's abilities and integrity, particularly in 1782,
when they no longer agreed in political sentiments, the for-
mer certified, upon the appearance of certain articles in the
newspapers importing that the latter had been guilty of
fraudulent practices while in the public service, that the
paragraphs in question, according to his best knowledge and
belief, were entirely false, and that he had never known or
suspected any cause to charge the said Silas Deane with any
want of probity in any purchase or bargain whatever, made
by him for the use or account of the United States.
Upon his arrival at Philadelphia, he found Congress so far
from anxious to hear the state of their affairs in Europe, that
he was unable to obtain an audience in six weeks. Insinua-
tions that he was a defaulter and peculator were scattered
about, but though he pressed to have his accounts examined,
the only way to determine the truth of such charges, his
exiemies prevented it, knowing well that the balance would
be found in his favor, and he was kept waiting on Congress
to no purpose until, in August, 1779, a resolve was passed to
appoint a suitable person to examine the accounts of com-
missioners and other agents in Europe, and Mr. Deane was
discharged from further attendance. He now returned to
France, but had the mortification to find that the person
appointed had declined to act. He remained in Paris until
the close of the summer of 1781, when he retired to Ghent,
where he could live at less expense, and remained there until
the peace, constantly soliciting to have his accounts audited,
but in vain ; nor were they settled until 1842, when a large
sum, though less than what was justly due, was paid to his
heirs.
In May and June, 1781, he wrote some private letters to
friends in this country, which were intercepted by the Brit-
ish and published in New York. They were written at a
time when the cause of America seemed to be desperate, and
his own distressed circumstances combined to depress him.
^
100 Hdtvard Biddle.
They were written with great freedom, and contained some
unpalatable truths. Thej were published at a time when,
by the surrender of Corn wal lis, the face of attairs was
changed. His enemies saw their advantage, and he fcmiid
himself looked on as little less than a traitor to his country
and to France. At this day these letters do not stand in
need of an elaborate defence ; they may be read without en-
tertaining a doubt of their author's patriotism.
In March, 1783, he went to England. There he published
the next year an address to his countrymen in vindication
of himself, written in excellent temper. He died in great
destitution at Deal, August 23, 1789, as he was on the point
of returning to America.
He was twice married. His first wife died October 18,
1767. By her he had one son. His second wife was a
daughter of Gen. Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London, and
grand-daughter of the Governor of Connecticut by that
name. She died June 9, 1777, while her husband was in
France, leaving no children. There is a portrait of Mr.
Deane in the Athenaeum Gallery at Hartford.
EDWARD BIDDLE.
BT GRAIO BIDDLE.
(CenteDDial Collection.)
Edward Biddle was the fourth son of William Biddle, a
native of New Jerecy, whose grandfather William was one
of the original Proprietors of that State, having left England
with his father in 1681. His mother was the daughter of
Nicholas Scull, Surveyor-general of Pennsylvania. Judge
James Biddle, President Judge of the first judicial district,
Commodore Nicholas Biddle, and Charles Biddle, Vice-Presi-
dent of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania,
were three of his brothers.
m" » • '
• • • • •
Edward BiddU. 101
On the 8d of February, 1758, being then sixteen years of
age, Edward Biddle was commissioned an ensign in the pro-
vincial army, and was present at the taking of Fort Niagara.
He subsequently resigned from the army, having attained
the rank of captain, and received for his services five thou-
sand acres of land. After the usual course of study, he
established himself as a lawyer in Reading, Berks Co., Pa.
He represented the county of Berks in the Assembly of
Pennsylvania continuously from 1767 to 1780. Having once
acquired the confidence of his German constituents, they
adhered to him with the unwavering fidelity so characteris-
tic of that sturdy and determined race.
A meeting of the freeholders of the county of Berks was
held in Reading July 2d, 1774, relative to the Boston port
bill, at which Edward Biddle was called to the chair. Reso-
lutions of the most decided character were passed, and
" the thanks of the assembly were unanimously voted to the
chairman for the patriotic and spirited manner in which he
pointed out the dangerous situation of all the American
Colonies, occasioned by the unconstitutional measures lately
pursued by the British Parliament, expressing at the same
time loyalty to our sovereign and the most warm and tender
regard for the liberties of America."
On the 15th of October, 1774, he was elected to succeed
Mr. Galloway as Speaker of the Assembly, which event is
thus referred to by Gordon in his History of Pennsylvania,
p. 478 : " At the first meeting of the Assembly of Pennsyl-
vania after the election of this year Edward Biddle, of Berks
County, was unanimously elected speaker. Mr. Galloway
had filled this respectable position for many years, having
succeeded Mr. Norris. Mr. Biddle had long represented
Berks County, and enjoyed the confidence of the House in
an eminent degree, being placed upon the most important
committees, and taking an active part in all current busi-
ness."
On the 2d of July, 1774, the Assembly of Pennsylvania
elected eight delegates to meet in Congress with any other
del^ates from the other Colonies. Mr. Gulloway, the
102 Edward BiddU.
Speaker, and Mr. Biddlo were two of the delegates. Mr.
Galloway became a delegate at the earnest solicitation of the
Assembly, and only on condition that the instructions as to
their conduct, drawn by himself, should first be passed by
the Assembly. They were of the most pacific character, and
enforced on them " to dissent from and utterly reject any
proposition that may cause or lead to a separation from our
mother country, or a change of the form of their govern-
ment."
On the assembling of this Congress on the 5th of Septem-
ber, 1774, the great subject which principally occupied their
attention was referred to a committee of two from each
colony, Galloway and Biddle being the Pennsylvania mem-
bers, who were directed " to state the rights of the colonies
in general ; the instances in which those rights are violated,
and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a
restitution of them."
The very able declaration reported by the conmiittee was
earnestly opj)Osed by Mr. Galloway, but met the approbation
of his colleague. On making their report of the proceedings
of this Congress to the Assembly, the course of Mr. Biddle
and those of his colleagues who had dissented from Mr. Gal-
loway was approved, and Pennsylvania has the credit of
being the first constitutional House of Representatives that
ratified the acts of the General Congress. Mr. Galloway and
Mr. Biddle were again appointed delegates to the new Con-
gress to be held on the 10th of May, 1775. Mr. Galloway
was, however, excused from serving. Mr. Biddle, on his way
from Reading to Philadelphia to attend Congress, fell over-
board from his boat into the Schuylkill River, and having
been obliged to sleep in his wet clothes, took cold, which,
being neglected, resulted in a violent attack of illness which
deprived him of the sight of one of his eyes, and left him a
confirmed invalid for the rest of his life.
Gen. Wilkinson says in his Memoirs (see p. 330): " I took
Reading in my route, and passed some days in that place,
where I had several dear and respected friends, and among
them Edward Biddle, Esq., a man whose public and private
Edward Biddle. 108
virtues commanded respect and excited admiration from all
persons ; he was Speaker of the last Assembly of Pennsyl-
vania under the Proprietary government, and in the dawn
of the Revolution devoted himself to the cause of his coun-
try, and successfully opposed the overbearing influence of
Joseph Galloway. Ardent, eloquent, and full of zeal, by
his exertions during several days and nights of obstinate,
warm, and animated discussion in extreme sultry weather,
he overheated himself, and brought on an inflammatory
rheumatism and surfeit, which radically destroyed his health,
and ultimately deprived society of one of its greatest orna-
ments, and his country of a statesman, a patriot, and a sol-
dier ; for he had served several campaigns in the war of 1756,
and if his health had been spared would, no doubt, have
occupied the second or third place in the revolutionary
armies."
On the occasion of his death the following notice of him
appeared in Dunlap's paper, attributed at the time to the pen
of Mr. James Read, then a member of the Supreme Execu-
tive Council: "On Thursday last, after a very lingering
illness, died at Baltimore, in the forty-first year of his age,
that great lawyer, Hon. Edward Biddle, of Reading, in this
State. In early life, as captain in our provincial forces, his
military virtues so highly distinguished him that Congress
designed him to high rank in the American army, which,
however, his sickness prevented ; his practice at the bar for
years having made his great abilities and integrity known,
the county of Berks unanimously elected him one of their
representatives in Assembly, who soon made him their
speaker and a delegate in Congress, and the conduct of the
patriot did honor to their choice. As a public character
very few were equal to him in talents or noble exertion of
them, so in private life the son, the husband, the father,
brother, friend and neighbor, and master had in him a pat-
tern not to be excelled. Love to his country, benevolence,
and every manly virtue rendered him an object of esteem and
admiration to all that knew him."
Bev. William C Reichd. 105
County, where his character and reputation were largely
increased. On his resignation, in 1868, he resumed teaching,
and for the last six years he filled the duties of Professor of
Latin and Natural Sciences in the Young Ladies' Seminary.
He had been ordained a Deacon in June of 1862, and a
Presbyter in May, 1864.
At an early age he developed talents of a high order, and
distinguished himself particularly by his proficiency in the
ancient languages, and by his thorough knowledge of the
German tongue ; he was familiar with the natural sciences,
and with botany in particular ; and had a decided gift for
drawing and painting. In fact, there were but few branches
of knowledge in which he could not excel, did he determine
to pursue them. To teach was his delight, and for upwards
of thirty years he stood at the head of the educators of his
church. In his manners he was singularly unpretending
and unostentatious, and it was only those who were inti-
mately acquainted with his varied talents and his great
fund of information who understood or appreciated his
character. It is, however, as an author and historian that
Professor Reichel is best known without the borders of his
church. His fondness for research and literary pursuits,
particularly those relating to the early history of the Mora-
vian Church in America, were encouraged and assisted by
members of this Society. He read thousands of pages of
manuscripts, principally written in the German language,
examined old books of accounts, and copied drafts of build-
ings and lands belonging to his Church, preserved in their
archives. In fine, he has done more to elucidate the early
history of the Moravian Church, and local antiquities, than
has been attempted by any of his predecessors or contempo-
raries. As a writer he is distinguished for his chasteness of
conception and purity of diction ; as a historian he is con-
scientious and thoroughly reliable; and none knew better
than he how to present his information in most attractive
form. He was a voluminous writer. In addition to the
articles contributed to The Moravian, the local press, and
quite recently, a sketch of Northampton County, prepared
106 Rev. WiUiam C. Reichel.
for Dr. Egle's IlluBtrated History of Pennsylvania, jnrt
published, Professor Reichel wrote the following works : —
A History of Nazareth Hall, based on the MSS. of the Bey. Leyin T. Rei-
chel, his uncle, pp. 162. Philadelphia, 1855.
A History of the Rise, Progress, and Present Condition of the Bethlehem
Female Seminary, with a catalogue of its pupils, 1765-1858, pp. 468.
Philadelphia, 1858. (Illustrated.)
Morayians in New Tork and Connecticut. A memorial of the dedication
of monuments erected by the Morayian Historical Society, to mark the
sites of ancient missionary stations in New Tork and Connecticut, pp.
185. Philadelphia, 1860. (Illustrated.)
Historical Sketch of Nazareth Hall from 1755 to 1869, with an account of
the reunions of former pupils, and of the inauguration of a monument at
Nazareth, June 11, 1868, erected in memory of Alumni who fell in the
late Rebellion, pp. 356. Philadelphia, 1869. (Illustrated.)
Memorials of the Moravian Church, yol. i. pp. 366. Philadelphia, 1870.
Wyalusing, and the Morayian Mission, at Friedenshuetten. Part y..
Transactions of the Morayian Historical Society, pp. 45. Bethlehem,
1871.
Names which the Lenni Lennape or Delaware Indians gaye to riyers,
streams, and localities, within the States of Pennsylyania, New Jersey,
Maryland, and Virginia, with their significations. Prepared from a MS.
by John Heckewelder. Part yi.. Transactions of the Moravian Historical
Society, pp. 55. Bethlehem, 1872.
A Red Rose from the Olden Time ; or, A Ramble through the Annals of
the Rose Inn, on the barony of Nazareth, in the days of the Proyinoe, pp.
50. Philadelphia, 1872.
The Crown Inn, near Bethlehem, Penna., 1745. A History, touching the
eyents that occurred at that Notable Hostelry, during the reigns of the
Second and Third Georges, etc., pp. 162. Philadelphia, 1872. (Map
and illustrations.)
The Old Sun Inn, at Bethlehem, Penna., 1758. Now the Sun Hotel An
authentic History, pp. 51. Doylestown, Pa., 1873.
A Register of members of the Moravian Church, and of persons attached to
said church in this country and abroad, between 1727 and 1754. Bj
Rey. A. Reincke. Illustrated with historical annotations by W. C. B.,
pp. 144. Part yii. of the Transactions of the Morayian Historical Society.
Bethlehem, 1873.
History, Manners, and Customs of the Indian Nations who once inhabited
Pennsylyania and the neighboring States. By the Rey. John Heckewel-
der. New and revised edition, with an introduction and notes, pp. 465.
Publication Fund of the Historical Society of Pennsylyania. Philadel-
phia, 1876.
He was also engaged in writing for this Society, a History
Rev. William M. Heynoldsy D.D, 107
of Bethlehem, for which he had been collecting materials
during the past fifteen years. This was to be followed by a
History of Northampton County.
On Saturday afternoon, October 28, his remains were in-
terred in the old cemetery at Bethlehem.
MEMORIAL NOTICE OF THE REV. WILLIAM M.
REYNOLDS, D.D.
Bead by Townsskd Wabd before the Historical Society of Pennsylvaoia
Nov. 13, 1876.
Mr. President: Our fellow member, the Rev. William
Morton Reynolds, D.D., of Oak Park, near Chicago, died
on Tuesday, the 5th of September, 1876. His illness ex-
tended through a period of twenty days ; and it was attended
by intense suffering, which he bore with the patience and
resignation befitting his faith.
Dr. Reynolds was born at Little Falls, in Fayette County
of this State, on the 4th of March, 1812. Regretting that
I know nothing else of his earlier years, I can only say, that
when he arrived at manhood, he entered the Lutheran
ministry, and was the Professor of Latin in Pennsylvania
College at Gettysburg for about eighteen years, when, in
1850, he resigned to accept the presidency of Capitol Uni-
versity at Columbus, Ohio. Subsequently to this he took
charge of a collegiate institution at AUentown in Pennsyl-
vania, and afterwards he accepted the presidency of the
Illinois State University at Springfield. About 1864, he
left the Lutheran ministry, and entered that of the Pro-
testant Episcopal Church, and was, at the time of his death,
the rector of the church at Oak Parks.
On the 18th of May, 1848, Dr. Reynolds was led to make
an address on " The Swedish Church in America." It was
delivered before the Historical Society of the American
liUtheran Church at Gettysburg, but it was not published
until the following year. Its preparation for the press in-
108 JRev. William M. Reynolds^ D.D.
volved considerable research, and during the interval, he
found the subject so much more important than he had at
first supposed it to be, that he announced in a note to the
address, his contemplated intention to translate the history
of New Sweden, by Israel Acrelius, Provost of the Churches
on the Delaware.
Dr. Nicholas Collin, of the church of Gloria Dei at Wicaco,
had, in 1799, begun the translation of this most important
work, but his labor extended only so far as a few chapters.
Du Ponceau, in 1834, had spoken of it as " much more com-
plete, and in every respect superior," to the work of Campa-
nias, but still it remained to us a sealed book, for it was in
Swedish ; a language little known among us. Dr. Reynolds*
declaration, that were- he able to obtain a copy, he would
study the language and translate it, led to one being bor-
rowed, and twenty-five years after that time, he handed
over to the trustees of the Publication Fund, his translation
completed. His translation was now submitted to a most
rigidly critical test. Our fellow member, Mr. Joseph J.
Mickley, a good Swedish scholar, read aloud in English,
from the original Acrelius, to the writer of this, who held
in his hand the translation by Dr. Reynolds ; every error,
and there were very few, was noted, as was also every
instance where a delicately modified expression might better
render the author's meaning, and of these there were hardly
more than one hundred. The suggestions were all accepted,
sometimes with further modification by the translator. One
case only occurred, of serious difliculty, and in this, after a
correspondence of several weeks, Dr. Reynolds was adjudged
by an educated lady from Sweden to be correct.
I have thought it due, Mr. President, to the memory of
this excellent man, who worked as scholars did in the olden
time, tliat a knowledge of such protracted, unselfish, and
valuable labor should be recognized and preserved by us.
Those who properly regard such labor come at last to know
that it is priceless, and that it renders illustrious the commu-
nity that fosters it.
Descendants of Dr. William Shippen.
109
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112 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
NOVEMBER PROCEEDINGS OP THE HISTORICAL
SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
The stated quarterly meeting of the Society was held on the evening of
Nov. 13, 1876, the President, Mr. John William Wallace, in the chair.
On motion, the reading of the minutes of the last meeting was dispensed
with.
Mr. Robert P. Robins read a paper on the life of Gen. Edward Whalley,
the regicide, which will be found in another part of the Magazine.
Dr. Edw. Shippen, U. S. N., offered a resolution tendering the thanks of
the Society to Mr. Robins for his interesting address.
Mr. Hector Orr expressed his regret at the absence of Mr. Angus McKay,
Commissioner of Queensland, who had intended to be present to communi-
cate to the Society information regarding the wonderful progress of that
island.
Mr. John W. Jordan announced the death of the Rev. Wm. 0. Reichel,
Professor of Latin and Natural Sciences in the Moravian Seminary at
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, and editor of the new edition of Heckewelder's
History of the Indian Nations, the volume lately issued by the Publication
Fund of the Society.
The death of the Rev. William Morton Reynolds, D.D., to whoee labors
the Society are indebted for the translation of the History of New Sweden,
by Acrelius, was announced by Mr. Ward. The remarks of Mr. Jordan and
Mr. Ward will be found elsewhere.
The Council reported that since the last meeting there had been received
512 bound volumes ;
552 pamphlets ;
7 maps ;
16 manuscripts ; and
39 miscellaneous articles.
The Society has also received from Mr. Jasper Teates Gonyngham, of
Lancaster, a large number of letters written to Judge Jasper Teates ; and
from Miss Fox sundry papers of Dr. Franklin, formerly in the possession of
Wm. Temple Franklin.
Dr. Elwyn called the attention of the Society to the statement lately
made, that *' the original fag of the American Union, first displayed by
Commodore Paul Jones on the Bon Homme Richard," was recently dis-
played in this city. He was induced to believe that this could not be the
original flag, and, in support of his view, read an original letter from John
Adams to Gov. Langdon, which went to show that the flag was used long
anterior to the time stated. A committee of three was appointed to con*
sider the matter.
114 Notes and Queries.
Thb Acadian Exiles. — The late Mr. Win. B. Reed, in an address delir-
ered before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, entitled "The Acadian
Exiles, or French Neutrals in Pennsylvania" (see Contributions to Amert"
can History, Phila. 1858), took exception to the statement made in the
notes of the London edition of Mr. Longfellow's poem of Evangeline, that
the government of Pennsylvania proposed to sell the Acadians, with their
own consent; but that when this expedient for their support was offered to
their consideration, it was rejected with indignation. After stating that Mr*
Longfellow had disavowed all knowledge of this aspersion on the Colonial
Government of Pennsylvania, and that the note nad been added to the
London reprint without the author*s consent, Mr. Reed says he found the
passage in Judge Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia, in the very words
used by the English aniiotator, and there — for no other authority or docu-
ment was cited — the responsibility must rest.
It is curious that so general a reader of American history as Mr. Reed
should not have known that the objectionable passage was quoted by Judge
Haliburton from Entick's " General History or the Seven Years* War," and
the whole passage and much other curious information on the subject is to
be found in *' Walsh's Appeal from the Judgment of Great Britain."
While referring to this subject, it will be well to note that the student of
this period of American history will find in the Nova Scotia Archives, pub-
lished at Halifax, N. S., in 1869, a number of papers and documents relating
to the removal of the Acadian French. This material was used by Dr. I.
W. Anderson, President of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec,
in a paper read before that society on the 19th of January, 1870, entitled
" Evangeline," and " The Archives of Nova Scotia ; or. The Poetry and
Prose of History," printed in part 7 of the Transactions of the society,
Quebec, 1870.
Thb Rekd Controversy. — The controversy regarding the intentions of
Gen. Joseph Reed, previously to the battle of Trenton, which was reopened
by the publication of the ninth volume of Bancroft's History of the United
States, in which Mr. Bancroft supported the charges brought against C^n.
Reed by a quotation from the unpublished journal of the Hessian Colonel
Count Donop, stating that Colonel Reed, having taken a protection from
the British, informed Gen. Mifflin that he would no longer serve in the
defence of his country, has received a quietus which will no doubt settle it
for all time to come.
Adjutant-General Wm. S. Stryker, of New Jersey, has brought to light
the report of Count Donop to his superior officer Gen. Grant, from which it
is evident that the Col. Reed alluded to in the Donop diary was Col. Chas.
Read of the New Jersey Militia, and not the adjutant of Washington's
army; and that the Gen. Mifflin spoken of by the Hessian colonel was Col.
Samuel Griffin, who commanded the Americans in the neighborhood of Mt.
Holly, at the time of the reported defection of Col. Reed.
So decided are the conclusions that result from an investigation of the
evidence submitted by Gen. Stryker, that we are at a loss to understand
how, with all the research that has been brought to bear on this period of
the history of the revolution, the truth remained so long obscured. Although
we know but little regarding Col. Chas. Read, his apostasv is a matter of
history recorded in more than one volume to be found on the shelves of almost
any historical library, public or private (see Pa. Archives, 2d series, vol. i.
page 496 ; Marshall's Remembrancer, page 129, Philadelphia, 1839-1849).
indeed, had not the investigations of the late Wm. B. Reed been influenced
by a spirit other than historical, it is likely he would have struck on the
truth, for, on page 92 of his pamphlet entitled President Reed, he writes
Notes and Queries. 115
in a note, " Were I disposed to make minute criticisms, I might express a
doabt whether, after all, the Col. Beed of the diary of the 2ist of December
was mj ancestor, for, according to Mr. Bancroft, there were other Colonel
Beeds. There was (page 246} * the New England Becd.' "
When the attention of Mr. Bancroft was called to the result of Gen.
Stryker's inyestigation, he at once, to use his own language, perceived the
bearing of the discoveries, and asked to be allowed the favor to oe the first to
annoonce them to the public, a privilege that was courteously granted ; and
in the centenary edition of Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. v.
Sage 479, the correction is made. Gen. Stryker has printed, fur private
istribution, a small edition of a pamphlet containing his investigation on
this subject.
(Daeriee.
BoBBBT HuNTBR MoBRis. — Frequent inquiries have been made if there is
in existence a portrait of this gentleman, one of the most renowned of the
Srovincial governors of Pennsylvania. Is there none among the family in
few York T Dauphin.
Gov. JoHK Pbnn. — It is stated that the portrait of John Penn in the
executive department at Harrisburg and in the rooms of the Historical So-
ciety of Pennsylvania is that of John Penn the poet, and not that of John
Penn the last of the provincial governors — who can tell ? If correct, it is
important that the matter be remedied, and the John Penn's portrait be
substituted. Dauphin.
[The catalogue of paintings, etc., belonging to the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania, thus describes the portrait of John Penn in that collection :
"John Penn, son of Thomas and Lady Juliana Penn, b. Feb. 23, 1760, d. — ,
1830." The original is b^ Pine in 1787, and was presented by John Penn
to his friend Edmund Physick, accompanied with the following note, Dec. 18,
1787 : *' lliis picture of one of a family in your connection, with whome your
probity a^d attachment have been so conspicuous, is presented as a testi-
mony of gratitude and regurd bv your sincere friend and obedient servant. —
John Penn." We are informed that this portrait was copied and presented
to the Historical Society, under the impression that it was that of Gov. John
Penn, and that the error was not discovered until some time afterwards.]
Tbsason 07 Charlks Leb. — I have heard that an answer to George H.
Moore's " Treason of Gen. Charles Lee" appeared shortly after the publica-
tion of that volume. Can any one state if such was the case, and if so, give
the title of the reply T A. W. S .
" Thb Cbisib."— Was the author of " The Crisis," a paper printed in
London in 1774, and reprinted in a 12rao. volume in New York in 1776,
ever discovered T Christopher Marshall, in his Bemembrancer (22d of
April, 1775), recorded that the news from London was that, on '' March 7th,
at noon, the two sheriffs and the hangman attended at the Boyal Exchange,
in order to bum a periodical paper called ' The Crisis, No. 3.' . . . As
soon as the fire was lighted before the exchange, it was immediately put out,
and dead dogs and cats thrown at the officers." On the 7th of May Mar-
shall writes that the news was *' that the printers of the piece called the
CriaiB were had before the ministry on account of finding out the author,
who, biding interrogated and pressed hard, declared that one of the writers
116 Notes aiid Queries.
was the Duke Gloncester. They immediately discharged them without any
farther confession." Had the Duke of Gloucester anything to do with the
matter ? •• Dr. Dryasdust."
Oew. Danikl Moroan. — It is stated in a number of biographical notices
of this officer that he was a native of New Jersey ; but we find the lat«
Winthrop Sargent, in his History of the Braddock Expedition, page 240,
claims him as a Pennsylvanian. W. W. H. Davis and Wm. J. Buck, in
their histories of Bucks County, make the same statement Gen. Davis
quotes as his principal witness one Michael Fackenthall, who died thirty
years ago, and was told by Mor^n that he was born in Durham Township,
bucks County, Pennsylvania. What are the claims of New Jersey T
M. P.
Daowortht. — In Marshall's Washington, 2d ed., p. 12, a Captain Dar-
worthy is referred to as having successfully contested precedence with GoL
Washington in 1756. Further information regarding him is desired by
W.
John Caret. — John Carey, attomey-at-law, Salem, N. J., married in 1774
Catharine Lawrence. I would be glad to receive any information in regard
to John Carey and his descendants. Brunhildb.
Davenport Familt. — Dr. B. F. Davenport, 761 Tremont Street, Boston,
is collecting for publication a history of tne Davenport family, and will be
glad to receive information on the subject.
Joseph Eirkbride. — Can any information be furnished regarding the
descendants of Joseph Eirkbride, who came to Pennsylvania in 1681 T His
first wife was Phoebe, daughter of Randall Blackshaw of Bucks County ;
second wife a daughter of Mahlon Stacy ; third wife Mary Fletcher, widow
of ^Yardley. H.
Phiuldelphia Doctors. — I wish to learn something about Dr. Chew, who
lived in Philadelphia in 1730 ; also of a Dr. Samuel Chew, of West River,
Maryland — if he originally came from Philadelphia or not; where Dr.
John E^rsley, Sr., and Dr. John E^rsley, Jr., were bom, and whom they
married ; the names of the father and mother of Dr. John Morgan, and
whom he married. G.
Sir Colltnowood Flemmino. — On page 581, vol. ii. 2d series, of Penna.
Archives, Harrisburg, 1876, we find the name of Sir Collingwood Flemming
mentioned as a lieutenant in the provincial service. On page 610 of same
volume he is returned dead. Is anything known of his history T
Rogers.
Ladt Christiana Gripfin. — Who was the wife of the Hon. Cyrus Grifllin,
of Virginia, sometime President of the Continental Congress? In the
records of Christ Church in this city she is styled *'Lady Christiana
GriflBn." TRiomnr.
MicHABL HiLLBOAs. — Has there ever been a biog^phical sketch made of
Michael Hillegas, one of the Continental Treasurers ? Stonr.
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
VoK I. 1877. No. 2.
JOURNAL OF WILLIAM BLACK,
1744.
SSCBETABT OF THE COMMISSIONERS APFGINTED BY GOVERNOR GoOCH, OF
TlBOINIA, TO UNITE WITH THOSE FROM THE COLONIES OF PbNNSTLYANIA
AND Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois or Six Nations
OF Indians, in reference to the lands west of the
Allegheny Mountains.
Edited by B. Alonxo Brock, Secretarj" of the Virginia Historical Society.
INTRODUCTION.
The following graphic portraiture of the social life of
our anceetors, of Colonial Days, is a verbatim transcript of
a manuscript journal, hitherto unpublished, kept by William
Slack, a native of Scotland, and apparently, at the era of its
writing, not long a resident of the colonies, and, it may rea-
sonably be inferred, from the vivacity of his style and the
gayety of his habits as recorded, then quite a young man.
It will be observed that the so-named "sociality" was a
cherished and habitual feature of entertainment. The
** cheerful glass" was not only indispensable at the domestic
board, but appears to have been an essential even at State
Clouncils ; it was the symbol of welcome, and its omission
-would have been considered a breach of the requirements of
9 ( 117 )
118 Journal of William Black.
hospitality. Much deferential courtesy marked official in-
tercourse, and the graces were not only cultivated, but
learning and the arts and sciences were duly appreciated,
whilst mechanism and manufactures were conducted on no
paltry scale and in no mean degree of excellence in the
childhood days of the colonies.
And though our goodly ancestors were nothing loath in
the mazy dance, and may now be considered as having been
perchance somewhat o'er-partial to the flowing bowl, yet
midst their pleasures, there appear to have been due con-
sideration of the useful and ample attention to graver things.
Not only trading vessels, but ships of war were built, and
that not unfrequently, as a launch is more than once men-
tioned in the following pages, which will be found also to
embody the names of some of the actors of those days.
Mr. Black appears to have accompanied as secretary, in
May, 1744, a commission composed of Colonels Thomas Lee
and William Beverley, appointed by Governor Gooch, of
Virginia, to unite with commissioners from the colonics of
Pennsylvania and Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois, or
Six United Nations of Indians,^ in reference to the lands
west of the Allegheny Mountains, which the Indians claimed
as having been conquered by their forefathers. These lands
were also claimed by the French, M. Joliet,'a peltry trader,
* The Iroquois were of the Huron type of aborigines ; they were superior
to all other native tribes of North America, whom they kept in terror of
their warlike abilities. — Oamean's Canadian, vol. i. 84.
The Iroquois, in 1666, consisted of nine tribes, comprised by two divisions
of four and five tribes respectively. They united together for common de-
fence for purposes of aggression. The "Six Nation Confederacy," in 1763,
comprised the Mohawks. Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Onondagas, Cayu^as. Senecas
(the Tuscaroras, who were from the south, having united with the original
Five Nations, the designation of the Six Nations was assumed), and various
tribes scattered over the region of the Ohio and around the lakes, numbered
more than 4000. — " Papers relating to the Iroquois and other Indian tribes."
Doc. Hist, of Ne^v York. E. B. O'Callaghan. M.D.. 4to., 1850, vol. i. pp. 13, 25.
* Joliet was a man of talent, who was educated in the Jesuits' College of
Quebec, probably for the church ; but who had gone into the peltry trade.
He had travelled much in the neighborhood of the lakes, and had gained
much knowledge of the Indian tribes. He received as a reward for bis
western discoveries, and for an exploratory voyage to Hudson's Bay, the
\
Journal of William Black. 119
and Pere Marquette, a Catholic friend,^ having, in 1673,
passed in a canoe from Quebec down the Mississippi to the
Arkansas River, thereby, according to alleged maxims of
laws of nations, acquiring a right to all the lands watered by
the Mississippi and its tributaries, or about one-half of the
Korth American Continent. These conflicting claims led to
the war between the French and English, in 1754, in which
General Washington, then Colonel in the Virginia Line,
figured. Upon such absurd foundations do nations ground
their claims!'
The commissioners were also instructed to adjust all diflfer-
ences and unpleasant relations existing between the Indians
and the colonists.'
A treaty was concluded in July, 1744, by which the
Indians, in consideration of £400 paid, and a further sum
promised, relinquished the country lying westward of the
frontier of Virginia, to the Ohio River.* The expense of
this treaty was paid out of the royal quit-rents.*
Island of ADticosti, on which he bnilt a fort, which, however, he afterwards
abandoned. He was also nominated hjdrographer -royal, and was enfeoffed
in a seignorj, near Montreal. A mountain near the river des Plaines, a
tribatary of the Illinois, and a town near Chicago, take their names from
him. — Oarneau*s Hist, of Canada, translated by A. Bell, Montreal, 1862,
2d edition, vol. i. p. 258.
1 Marquette died among the Illinois Indians, with whom he remained as
missionary. — Ibid,
• Irving's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 48.
• A conflict occurred in 1743, in West Augusta County, Va., between a
band of Shawanese Indians and a company of militia, under Capt. McDow-
ell, in which the latter and a number of his command were killed.— Harn-
8on, vol. i. p. 428.
" In the year 1744, by reason of some strife between the frontier people
and Indians of Virginia and Maryland, they aim to settle their dispute by
the medium of the Pennsylvania Governor, through a treaty, to be con-
vened at John Harris's Ferry (now Harrisburg), which was, however, not
held there but at Lancaster, where the affair was adjusted satisfactorily." —
Wataon'n Annah of Phtla., ed. 1857, vol. ii. p. 160.
< Campbell's Va., p. 433.
• Quit-rent, a tax of two shillings per hundred acres, was required annu-
ally by the Crown on all land patents, seven years after the dates of their
iasQe.— Henm'n^, vol. i. p. 228.
120 Journal of William Black.
It 18 to be regretted that the journal terminates, as it does
most abruptly, on the 15tli of June, at Philadelphia.
Mr. Black afterwards married a Miss Dent, of Maryland,
and it is probable that his acquaintance with her may have
commenced at this time, and have caused a dissolution of his
connection with the commission, and the closing of the jour-
nal. He located himself in JSIanchester, Virginia, and en-
gaged in mercantile pursuits ; he was highly successful in
business, and acquired a large and valuable estate. lie
owned the Falls Plantation, lying on James River, near
Richmond, numerous slaves, trading vessels, and other per-
sonal property. The first was plundered, and the vessels
were destroyed by the British, under the traitor Arnold, in
the expedition of 1781. One of his servants died about the
year 1854, at an advanced age, who distinctly remembered
Arnold's " Red Coats," from whom he escaped, after being
carried several miles down James River.^
The original of the journal is contained in a small duo-
decimo volume bound in undressed calf. The handwriting
is beautifully minute and regular, and yet withal remarkably
distinct. Mr. Black was a close observer, seemingly of
everything that came within his vision, and his style of nar-
rative, though quaint, is pleasing. His expressed sentiments
exhibit sensibility and refinement, and stamp him as pos-
sessing much nobility of character.
He is mentioned by a contemporary as being a hospitable
gentleman and a true patriot.*
The journal has been preserved in the family of the au-
thor, and has descended through the hands of succeeding
generations to its present proprietor — who is naturally the
great-grandson of Wm. Black f he is also a lineal descendant
of Wm. Clayborne, the Rebel, of Virginia History — Herbert
A. Claiborne, Esq., of this city, who has courteously permit-
» He was owned by Herbert A. Claiborne, Esq.
« MS. Journal of Col. B. Hill, 1777-81.
» His mother was Delia Hayes, the daughter of James Hayes, a Datiye of
England, and Ann Dent, the daughter of Wm. Black.
Journal of William Black. 121
ted it to be copied under the direction of the late Thomas H.
Wynne, Esq., whose long devotion to historical, archseolo-
gical, and kindred pursuits, evinced by zealous and untiring
research, will entitle him to the respect and grateful considera-
tion of his fellow-citizens of the Old Dominion.
Descendants of William Black.
1. William Black married Dent, of Maryland ; had issue.
2. Ann Dent Black, who married, first, Hardiinan ; had issue, one
daughter (Lucy K.), who married Greenhow ; who had issue,
two sons (James Greenhow and Samuel Greenhow), and two
daughters (Cora, who married Judge Abner Kllis of Vincennes,
Indiana, and Lucy K. (now dead), who married James C. McFar-
land. President of the Va. Bank at Charleston, Kanawaha).
2. Ann Dent Black married, second, James Hayes from England ; had issue
by him, one son and two daughters.
3. Dr. John Days, who married (his- widow and children are in
Fredericksburg, Va.).
3. Ann Dent Hays, who married McRae.
3. Delia Hays, who married Herbert Augustine Claiborne of Richmond,
Virginia ; and had issue.
4. John H. Claiborne, Major C. S. Army.
4. Herbert Augustine Claiborne, Jr., Counseller at law, and President of
the Mutual Fire Association Com|5any of Richmond, Virginia.
JOURNAL.
Thursday, May the 17tb.
This Morning at 9 of the Clock, in Company with the
Hon'ble Commissioners, and the Gentlemen of their Levies,
Colonel John Taylor, Jun'r,* Presley Thornton,* Warren
Lewis, Philip Ludwell Lee,* James Littlepage, and Robert
Brooke,* Esquires, I Embarked on Board the Margaret Yacht
' Colonel John Taylor was one of the first Council appointed under the
Virginia Constitution of 1776.— raw|>6c/r« Va., p. 651.
* Member of the House of Burgesses, from the County of Northumber-
land, until 1760, when he was appointed a member of the State Council.
He filled both offices with great credit. He died in 1769. — Bishop Meade^B
Old Churches and Families^ vol. ii. p. 143.
' Son of Thomas Lee, Commissioner.
* Presumed to be the brother of Richard Brooke, who was the father of
the Ute Hon. Francis T. Brooke, Judge of the Court of Appeals of Virginia.
122 Joximal of William Black.
lying off Stratford* on Potomac, and about 10 minutes after,
was under sail with a small Breeze of Wind at S. W. One
Jack Ensign and Pennon flying. After the Vessel had got
way, with the Trumj:)et we hailed the Company (who came
to the Water-side to see us on Board) with Fare-you-well,
who returned the Complement, wishing us a Good Voyage
and safe Return, for which, on the part of the Company, I
gave them Thanks with the discharge of our Blunderbuss.
As farr as I could observe the Gentlemen and Ladies on
the Sandy Bank, we had full Sails, but on loosing the Sight
of them, or on their retiring, we lost our Wind, which made
me conclude, the Gentle Gale we then had was nothing else
but the tender Wishes of the Women for their Husbands,
and the Affectionate Concern of the Mothers for their Sons,
Breath'd after us in Gentle Sighs. We was off the Table
of Poplars when becalm'd, when we sent the Barge ashoar
for Cherries, and in a little time the Wind Springing up at
E,, made two Tacks which brought Us into the Mouth of
Nominine Bay, where we had a change of Wind to S. W.
that carried us down as far as the Mouth of St. Mary's
River, where we Spoke a Sloop from Dorset* County, in the
Eastern Shoar, Load with Plank, in our way thither fir'd
a Gun and hail'd a Ship lying off Corbin's Creek } supposing
her a Vessel lately come in, and Exf»ecting some News ; but
on sending her Boat on Board Us, found her to be the
Hudson of Whitehaven, Capt. Joseph Ruddirick, ready to
sail for that Place, the Sailors, for their trouble got a Bottle
of Rum, and by them, sent some white Biscake as a present
to the Captain, and wishing them a Good Voyage, they put
off for their Ship, at 1 of ye Clock l\ M., we had Dinner,
when with Good Roast Veal, and Stuff'd Gamon, or with
Chickens, we satisfy'd a very keen Appetite, which seemed
to be not a little heightened by the little time we had
hreath'd in Another Element. About the Close of Day, and
a little helow St. Mary's, had a very hard Gale from S. S.W.
« Bailt by Thomas Lee, situated on the bluffs of the Potomac River, sup-
posed to have been named from Stratford, Middlesex, England.
• Dorchester.
Journal of William Black. 123
which obliged Us to take in our Fore-Sail, and Settle our
Main-Sail and Jibb; it blow'd fresh for half an hour, in
which time, most the Fresh-water Men retired, and betook
themselves to their Cabbins, some of them, not without
apprehensions of Fear, which was to be seen Pictured in
their Pale Countenances ; but tho' there was no Danger,
having a very sober and Careful Person for our Skipper, that
had everything Prepar'd in Case of a Sudden Squall, yet such
concern was very Excusable in those that had never been
any further on the Water than crossing a ferry, and very far
from the least Imputation of Cowardice. I am not so good
a Naturalist as to discover by what Secret Springs Fear has
its motion in us, but the Physicians say, there is no One
Passion that sooner Disthrones our Judgment, and even in
those of the best Settled Tempers : Soldiers (a sort of Men
over whom, of all others, it ought to have the least Power)
how often has it Converted Flocks of Sheep into Armed
Squadrons, Reeds and Bull Rushes into Pikes and Lances,
and even Friends into Enemies. I know some who would
be very much Discompos'd at a little ruflBing on the Water
when in a Boat, and yet that Person (I am sure) would
cut a Glove, or Resent an Affront with his Sword, without
Showing any Cowardly Fear. This Gust being over, we
had moderate Weather, but dark and Cloudy, the Wind
hawling to the Southw'rd, but not so much as to hinder us
lying our Course, about 12 at night Doubled Point Look-
out, standing up the Bay with young Flood, a Small but fair
Breeze, and a fine Serene Night.
On Board the Maroarrt, Friday, May the 18th.
With the Light of the Day I got up to the upper appart-
ment of our Wooden Convenience, leaving all below under
the Leaden Scepter of the drowsy God, when I found our-
selves abreast Patuxant River, with a fine leading Gale at
S. W., 46 Min. after 6, came up with Devils Island, it now
blow'd a fresh Topsail Gale, in one hour after, was off Poplar
Island, and 85 Min. after 8, was up with the Lower end Kent
Island, when we was obliged to Slacken Sail for the Bardge
124 Journal of William Black.
our Yacht had iu Tow. I forgot to say that off the Month
Patuxant, at the Desire of the CommissionerB, I saluted
Rousbie, Esq, (Collector of that River and iN'aval Officer
of the Bay, with a Discharge of our Blunderbush. Was
opposite West River at a Quarter past 9, the Wind still
freshening, the Seas run high, and now, son)e of the Levee,
whose Faces, for some time before, look'd a little white
Wash'd, and seem'd as if their Blood lay Freezing at their
Hearts, their Bruins turning Dizzy like a Uogg troubled
with the migrams, at last began to give but very unpleasing
accounts of what they eat for Breakfast. At 11 O'clock
A. M., Came to Anchor before the City of Annapolis, on our
coming into the Harbour, the Sailors belonging to some
Vessels then lying there, seeing us with 'Ensign, Jack, and
Pennon flying, and so many hands on Deck, Concluded we
were some Man of Warrs Tendar, come in order to Press,
and Immediately got to securing themselves the best way
they could, some Conveying themselves on Shoar, others
hiding them in the Hold and other parts of their Vessels,
the best way the little time and so sudden surprize could
allow them. After some time Spent in Shifting our Cloaths,
Ac, the Commissioners, &c., went on Shoar, and was very
Kindly Received at the Landing Place, by several Gentlemen
of Distinction of that Province, and Conducted to the first
Tavern in Town, where they welcomed the Commissioners,
and the Gentlemen of their Levee to Annapolis, with a
Bowl of Punch and a Glass of Wine, and afterwards waited
on us to the House of the Honorable Edward Jennings, Esq,
Secretary of the Province, where we Din'd very Sumptu-
ously. After Dinner, the Commissioner wrote to the Gover-
nor of Virginia the following Letter: —
To The Hon. William Gooch, Esq., Governor of Virga.
May it Please your Honour.
We Embark'd at Stratford yesterday in the forenoon, and
arriv'd here this day. The Commissioners for this Province
do not Design to move untill they have an Express to tell
them when the Indians will be at the Place of Treaty. They
have had some advice from their Agent at Philadelphia,
Journal of William Mack. 125
that the Indians are not yet Determined as to the time of
their being there; we did not think this Sufficient to stop
us, as we had your Honour's Commands to be there by the
last of this month. But as some notice of this came by an
Express from Mr. Jennings to us, before we left Virginia, a
Letter was wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania, to In-
treat him to cause Xotice to be left for us at the Principio^
Works, when the Indians were to be at the place, to the end,
that if we had time, we would receive his Commands at
Philadelphia before we met the Indians.
The Assembly are Sitting here, all we hear yet of them is,
that they are like to break up without doing anything to
the purpose, u]x>n a difference like to arise, about the manner
of giving 8d. a hhd. for furnishing tlie Country with Arms,
and the Commissioners tell Us they will not ^ive anything
towards the Expence of Treating wnth the Indians.*
We are with all* possible Respect and Duly,
Sir Your Honour's
Most Obed,, and Most Hble. Serv'ts.
THOMAS LEE,
W. BEVERLEY.
We have the opportunity Accidentally, by a Boat from
York that goes Directly.
' <*rincipio Iron Works, Cecil Co., Md.
• The tribes of the Six Nations were the most powerful confederacy of
Indians on the continent, and, to prevent any further difficulty with them,
it was determined to extinguish their claims to territory in Maryland, by
purchase. The governor recommended this subject for the consideration of
the Assembly, at the session of 1742. They concurred in his views, but a
contest immediately arose as to the power of appointing commissioners to
effect the proposed arrangement. The Assembly asserted their right to
select a portion, and named Dr. Robert King and Charles Carroll, to act in
conjunction with thoee appointed by the governor, and laid down certain
instructions for the guidance of their conduct. Governor Bladen considered
this as a usurpation of his powers, and refused to confirm their proceedings.
The House remained firm, and the negotiation was suspended. Having
failed to bring his opponents to subjection. Governor Bladen, at length, in
1744, appointed commissioners on his own responsibility, without reference
to the action of the Assembly, and a treaty was concluded by them with
the Six Nations, in conjunction with the representatives of Virginia and
Pennsylvania, at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania ; whereby, in consideration of
the payment of three hundred pounds current money, they agreed to re-
linquish all claim to any territory within the boundaries of Maryland. —
HcSherry'M Hist, of Md., p. 110.
126 Journal of William Black.
In the Afternoon, the Commissioners, attended by the
Gentlemen of their Levees, waited on his Excellency,
Governor Bladen,^ by whom they were received very Gra-
ciously, and after about an hour's Conversation, which passed
chiefly on the Embassy, they retired to Esq. Jennings's, where
they Lodged that Night, the other Gentlemen had Lodgings
provided them at other private Houses in the Town, where
we all Retir'd about 11 at night.
Annapous, Saturday f May 19th.
After Breakfast, the Gentlemen of the Levee Join'd the
Commissioners at Esq. Jennings's, in order to Accompany
them to the Governor's where they were to Dine, having
received an Invitation the Afternoon before; We were
Received by his Excellency and his Lady in the Hall, where
we were an hour Entertain'd by them, with some Glasses of
Punch in the intervals of the Discourse ; then the Scene was
chang'd to a Dining Room, where you saw a plain proof of
the Great Plenty of the Country, a Table in the most
Splendent manner set out with Great Variety of Dishes, all
serv'd up in the most Elegant way, after which came a
Dessert no less Curious; Among the Rarities of which it
was Compos'd, was some fine Ice Cream which, with the
Strawberries and Milk, eat most Deliciously. After this
Repast was over, (which, notwithstanding the great Variety,)
show'd a face of Plenty and Neatness, more than Luxury or
Profuseness, We withdrew to the Room in which we was
first Received, where the Glass was push'd briskly round,
sparkling with the Choicest Wines, of which the Table was
Replenished with Variety of Sorts; His Excellency, the
Donour of the Entertainment, is in his Person inclining to
the larger Size of Men, Straight and well-proportioned, a
Manly Face and Sanguine Complexion, seem'd Complaisant
and free, of a Good Deal of Humour in Conversation, he had
not a little Wit, and is allow'd to have a considerable Claim
to Good Sense, and every other Qualification Reqair'd to
> Thomas Bladen, Governor 1742-7.
Journal of William Black. 127
Compleat a Gentleman ; his Stature and Deportment is much
becoming, and adds not a little to the Dignity of his Office.
His Lady is of middle Size, Straight made, Black hair, and
of a black CJomplexion much pitted with the smallpox, but
very agreeable, and seems to have a great Stock of Qood
Nature, as well as Wit ; she is a passionate Admirer of the
Game Whist, which she is reckoned to play admirably well ;
she is, by Birth, a French Woman, tho' not addicted to the
Foppery of that Nation in appeamnce. About 4 in the
afternoon, the Company broke up, and from thence went to
the Stadt-house, where the Assembly of that Province was
then Sitting, and in a Debate on a Division of a County ;
but Order and Decorum, which Justly Regulated is always
a great Addition to the Augustness, as well as Honour and
Credit, of any Public Body, was not to be Observed in this
House ; Nothing but a Confus'd Multitude, and the Greater
part of the meaner Sort, Such as make Patriotism their Plea,
but Preferment their Design, and that not for the Honour
but the Profit; nor is it to be so much Surprizing, as it
ought to be Regreted of (to see a Country managed, and the
Legislature in the Power of a party, the greater part of
which having no more Regard to Law or Justice, but so far
as it is productive of Good to themselves, most of them
preferring a Private Advantage to a public Good) when the
Method is Considered, which many of the Members of
Assemblies take to make themselves popular, which puts it
in the Power of Every Pretender that Enjoys Estate Enough
to Enable him to make a few Entertainments or Barbecues,
to be sent a Representative for his Country, without any
other Motive on his Side, than what he can make it turn to
his own Advantage, a little Self Interest and a Groat deal
of Ambition ; while the true Patriot, a Lover of his Country,
and a Real Honest man, is Rejected, such is the Effects of
Party Prejudice. It is Surprising what minute and Con-
temptable Causes Create Discontents, Disorders, Violence,
and Revolutions amongst Men, what a small Spring can
Actuate a Mighty and many-headed Multitude, and what
mighty Numbers one Man is Capable of Drawing into his
128 Journal of William Black.
Disgusts and Designs. It is the Weakness of the many,
when they have taken a fancy to a Man, or the Name of a
Man, they take a Fancy even to his failings, Adopt bis
Interest, Right or wrong, and Resent every Mark of Disfavor
shown him, however Just and Necessary it be; If a Man
makes them Drunk twice or thrice a Year, this Injury is a
Kindness which they never forget, and be is sure of their
hearts and their hands, for having so Generously Rob'd them
of their time, their Innocence, and their Senses. From this
the Commissioners return 'd to Mr. Jennings, wbile the Rest,
with Myself, went to visit the Situation of the Town ; it
consists of a great many Good Buildings, but very Irregular,
they cover "a good deal of Ground, which is Perinsulated,
the River running almost round it. Excepting a little Isthmus
joining it to the Continent ; the principal Buildings is the
Stadt-IIouses, the Council-house, and the Free School, three
very good Houses standing in the Middle of the Town, on
the top of a high Hill overlooking the Town ; the Foundation
of a very fine House Designed for the Governor was laying
on a Beautiful Spot of Ground On the East side of the Town,
towards the close of the day, We Returned to Mr. Jennings',
where his Excellency, the Governor, was pleas'd to wait on
the Commissioners, and pass'd the forepart of the Night;
the Company parted half an hour past 11, when I went home
to my Lodgings ; this day Cloudy, with "Wind at W.
Annapolis, Sunday the 20th.
This Morning about 7 O'clock, I got from my Bed, and
taking a turn to the Water side, had Intelligence of a
Schooner Just Arriv'd from York, that had brought a
Gentleman belonging to Barbndoes to Annop' and was Re-
turn Next Tide, which I Went and Communicated to the
Commissioners, on which they wrote the following Letter to
his Honour, Governor Gooch, which I carried to the Skipper
of the Schooner : —
To The Hon'ble William Gooch, Esq., Governor of Virga.
May it Please your Honour.
Annap'. May 20th, 1744.
The 18th, we had the Honour to Acquaint you of our
Arrival here by a York Boat, and that these CJommissioners
Journal of William Black. 129
are not dispoe'd to move untill they are Sure the Indians are
on their way ; some doubt they- will not come at all ; 'tis
said there has been some White Men Murdered off Pennsyl-
vania, and that the Indians are enquiring for tlie Murderers.^
The Intellijgence we have here, comes from the Secretary* of
Governor Thomas,^ as we are told; they have here great
Suspicions of Mr. Weiser/ and believe that they will not
Solelv Rely on him: . . We Submit it to your Honour,
whether it will not be proper for Us to have your Command
to have another, if we find it necessary, this we think we are
not at Liberty to do by our Instructions, which are Possitive
as to Weiser ; but if your Honour thinks proper to write us
by the Post to Philaaelphia, a Liberty to take another, we
shall either do it or not as we see Occasion.
We are very Kindly us'd by the Governor here, we wish
' " In 1744, Conrad Weiser was sent to Shamokin to inquire into the
marder of John Armstrong, an Indian trader, and his two servants, Wood-
worth Arnold and James Smith, alleged to have been committed by some
of the Shamokin band of Delawares. He delivered bis message 'to the
Delaware chief, Allnmapis, and the rest of the Delaware Indians, in the
presence of Shikellamj and a few more of the Six Nations.'" — Tah-gah-
jute; or, Logan and Cresap, by Brantz Mayer, note at the foot of page 43.
*' In 1744, Mussmnllin, an Indian chief, murdered John Armstrong and
his two men, on Juniata, and was apprehended by Captain Jack's party,
bat released after a confinement of several months in Lancaster prison." —
Watson's Annals of Phtla,, vol. ii. 109, ed. 1857.
' Richard Peters.
• Subsequently Sir Oeorge lliomas. Governor of the Leeward West India
Islands. Died in London in 1775. Blake's Biog. Die, Philadelphia, 185G.
He arrived in Pennsylvania in 1738. Watson, 1-274. Governor from 1738
to 1747.
* Conrad Weiser was an early and respectable interpreter, in which capac-
ity he officiated in nearly every treaty effected with the Indians in his day.
He with his father were among the first settlers of Schoharie, New York ;
who emigrated thither from Germany in 1712, under a proclamation of Queen
Anne of 1709, allowing settlers to take up land free, and to be exempted
from taxes. When N. Bayard, the Queen's agent, came afterwards to enroll
their names and to record their metes and bounds, they became alarmed and
offered resistance. Strife ensued, when, upon the invitation of Sir William
Keith, Gk>vemor of Pennsylvania, thirty-three families emigrated to that
State, and settled at Muilback or Millbrook. Conrad Weiser was commis-
sioned Colonel in 1756. He lived and died at Womelsdorf, a town situated
between Reading and Harrisbarg. — Watson's Annals of Fann^y ed. 1857,
vol. u. pp. 207, 258.
■H
180 Jounud of William Black.
indeed, we have had the favour of your Letter to him. "We
are with the Greatest Respect,
Your Honour's Most Dutiful & Obed't Ser'ts,
THOMAS LEE.
W. BEVERLEY.
The Commissioners and their Levee Kept their Kooms the
Forenoon, as Divine Service was not to be performed in Town
this Sunday, betwixt the hours of 12 and 1. We Join'd the
Commrs. at their Lodgings, and waited on them to the House
of the Honourable Tasker,* Esqr., where we Din'd in
Company with his Excellency the Governor, his Lady, and
some more Gentlemen of the City, and spent most part the
Afternoon, after which Return'd to Mr. Jennings's in the
Evening. Mr. Dulaney and two or three more Join'd XJ8»
where two or three hours was agreeably Spent, and the Com-
pany Ectir'd to their Respective Lodgings about 10 ; this
day clear, Wind at S. W.
Annapous, Monday, the 2l8t.
Rose half an hour after 6, took several turns in the Garden,
and at 9 O'Clock eat Breakfast at my Landlords, and there
Join'd the Company at the Billiard Table where the forenoon
was past over, after 12 waited on the Commissioners, at Mr.
Jennings, and with them went to the House of Ross^
Esqr., Clerk of the Council, where we were Invited the Day
before to Dinner, after a very Decent Entertainment in Com-
pany with the Young Gentlemen (leaving the Commissioners
Engag'd with other Company) I went to the House of Dele-
gates, and heard a Petition in Chancery Argued by Council,
it being before thrown out by the Judge of the Court, and
brought l)efore the Assembly to Confirm the Right of Lands,
for which considenition money was paid, and no sufScient
Conveyance made, although a Power of Attorney was to any-
practising Attorney to acknowledge the same fully. At Night
his Excellency the Governor and some other Gentlemen, for
the Entertainment of the Commissioners and the Gentlemen
of the Levee, gave a Ball in the Council Room, where moet
' BeDJamin TaRker, President of the Colony 1751-3.
Journal of William Black. 181
of the Ladies of any Note in the Town was present, and made
a very Splendent Appearance, in a Room back from that
where they Danced, was Several sorts of Wines, Punch, and
S^eet Meats, in this Room, those that was not Eiigag'd in
any Dancing Match, might either Employ themselves at
Cards, Dice, Back-Qtimon, or with a cheerful Glass: the
Commissioners amus'd themselves till about 10 O'clock, and
then went home to their Lodgings.
The Ladies was so very Agreeable, and seem'd so Intent on
Dancing that one might have Imagin'd they had some De-
sign on the Virginians, either Designing to make Tryal of
their Strength and Vigour, or to Convince them of their
Activity and Sprightliness. After Several smart Engage-
ments, in which no Advantage on either side was Observable,
with a Mutual Consent, about 1 of the clock in the Morning,
it was agreed to break up, every Gkntleman waiting on his
Partner home.
"Wind at N., and so very cold, that at the close of the
Evening it was observed to Snow.
Annapolir, Tuesday, 22d.
This Moniing about 7 I got up and with Mr. Bulling my
Landlord I took a Walk about two miles out of Town, re-
tum'd about 9 and after Breakfast, went to Mr. Jennings's,
where I spent the forenoon ; a little before 1 O'clock came
three more of our Company, and Join'd the Commissioners,
then we went to Dine with Cliarles Carroll,* Esqr., One of the
Council of the Province, where we staid till near 5 at which
time the Commissioners went according to a former promise
to Sup with his Excellency the Governor at his House, but
the Young Gentlemen having Engag'd themselves the day
before, to wait on some Young Ladies who was to meet at
Mr. Ross's House in the Evening, they went to the Governor's
and after making their Excuse, for So short a Visit, then Re-
turned to the Fair Assembly, where the Night was very
• Son of Daniel Carroll of King's Connty. Ireland, Charles Carroll came to
Maryland in 1686, and settled at Carrollton. He was the grandfather of
Charles Carroll of Carrollton. the Signer of the Declaration of Independence.
— Bio^. of Signers, by L. Carroll Judson, Phila., 1839, p. 132.
182 Joumtd of William JUack.
agreeably spent with Dancing, Singing, &c., about 11 O'clock
the Ball clos'd, and every man with his partner went to con-
duct her home ; but one of the Ladies it seems had ply'd the
Artillery of her Eyes so Dextrously, that she had no less than
a pair of Gallants to wait ujjon her Home, but whether the
Lovers had been making their Case Known to the Fair,
beseeching her to have (Compassion on them, and heal the
Wounds, which if she was not entirely unacquainted with
her own Charms (which very few Women are), she must be
very Sensible of what they suiFer'd, or if betwixt themselves
they were Disputing one Another's Title, my not being pre-
sent renders me uncapable of Judging, but it is a Strong
Proof that one or other was the Truth, since the Lady was
obliged to show them that she did not stand in need of a
Convoy, and with the help of her heels gave both the Slip,
leaving them to grope their way to where they Lodg'd;
another of our Gentlemen, after having seen his Miss safe,
Steer'd a Course as he thought for his own Port, but either
by the Darkness of the Night or with the help of Willis-ove-
the-Wisp, I can't say which, but betwixt both, he made a
Shift to get into a Swamp, when he made several turns, dou-
bles, and windings, before he got clear, and at last, had like
to have been Shipwrecked among a parcel of Tann-pitts,
stumbling into one of them that happily had but very little
Water in it, after he got himself disengag'd of these leather
pot«, he had the luck to Stumble into the Right path home :
he and I Lodging in the same Room, I hnppen'd to get there
a few minutes before him, when I was Surprised to see A
person come puffing and blowing, like a Grampus before a
Storm, and Shaking his Taila, like a Dog coming out of a
place where there was as much Mud as Water, it was now
after 12, as soon as he entered the Room, while he was un-
cjising himself from his wet Garments, he gave me the Hia-
tory of his Travelling Adventures, after which we got to
bed, where under the Dominion of the Drowsy God, and his
leaden Sceptre, we Remain'd Insensible till morning.
(To be continiiecL)
Occupatian of New York City by the British. 188
OCCUPATION OP NEW YORK CITY BY THE BRITISH,
1776.
XXTRAOTS FROM THE DIART OF THE MORAVIAN CONOREOATION.
[This record, printed in the " Moravian'" dnringthe year 1876, is of sufficient
interest to warrant its reproduction in a more permanent form, and we feel
aiaiired that it will be read with interest by those who have nut had the good
fortnne to meet with it. The notes and annot-ations are in most cases those
Aimiahed by the present pastor of the New York congregation, the Bev. A.
A. Belnke, who prepared them for the columns of the "Moravian;" those
ftumiahed by the editor are so designated. — £d.]
These extracts are from the diary of the New York Gong^gation, for 1776.
The principal excerpts have reference to the passage of the Enemy's fleet
up and down the Hadson River, the skirmishing on Long Island and Harlem
Plains, and the great fire in September. The original diary is in the hand-
writing of Bro. She wk irk, the pastor of the congregation.
As is well known, the City of New York — which in 1776 extended, on
the North, but a little beyond the present Post-office — was alternately in
possession of the British and Americans. The " Rebel" portion of Bro.
Shewkirk's flock underwent peculiarly lively experiences. Their names
are easily recognizable in the frequent flittings of certain members from the
city. The " Royalists" — good and true men none the less for their failure to
** discern bt>th time and judgment" — included the pastor and other brethren,
mostly of foreign birth and sympathies. The national proclivity of the
writer of the diary is apparent in his occasional strictures, &c., on the Rebel
army, and on certain members of his congregation. The extracts submitted
contain the entire " War" record of the diary of the year ; thej are given in
the style current at the time.
January, 1776.
Thursday 18th. — Last night and to-day Troops came in from
the Jerseys ; the troubles begin again.
MoTiday 29th. — ^The troubles in the town increased. Ten-
broeks' moved to Second River on Wednesday. They would
have gone on Tuesday, but the weather was too bad.
I Published at Bethlehem, Pa.
10
184 OecwpaMon of New York City by the British.
Febi^uary.
Sunday 4^A.— This afternooti Mr. Lee,' a General of the New
English* troops came to town ; as also the '' Mercury," a man
of war, with General Clinton. The men of war here took a
merchant ship coming in, &c. ; all which made many com-
motion in the town.*
Monday 5th. — Soldiers came to town both from Connecticut
and the Jerseys, and the whole aspect of things grew fright-
ful, and increased so from day to day. The inhabitants
began now to move away in a surprising manner. The
weather was very cold, and the rivers full of ice, which
proved a great obstruction to the People's moving. How-
ever, in the middle of the week it thawed fast, which seemed
also to answer the prevention of designs against the men of
war, the execution of which might have proved very fatal
to the city. One could not pass the streets without feeling
a great deal ; and at last we were obliged to encourage it
that our sisters and young People might retreat. At the end
of the week about 40 of our People were Moved. Hilah
Waldron, Sister Reed, Sister Bouquet, and Sister Shewkirk,
to Second River; and likewise Sister Runcey, with Peter and
his wife. Mamie and Esther Pell, and Venema to Middle
Town Point ; Sister Doeling, with her daughter, to Bruns-
wig; Sister Francis to Topan;* Jane Groves and her son,
' Qen. Chas. Lee. * England.
* Accoants of these troubles and of the excitement of the times will be
foand in Irving's Washington, vol. 2d, p. 167. The arrival of Sir Henry
Clinton and Gen. Lee on the same day " threw the whole city," wrote an
eye witness, ** into such a convulsion as it never knew before. Many of
the inhabitants hastened to move their effects into the country, expecting
an immediate conflict All that day and all night, were there carts going
and boats loading, and women and children crying, and distressed voices
heard in the roads in the dead of the night." Clinton professed to have
come only on a short visit to his friend Gov. Tryon. " If it is really so,"
wrote Lee, " it is the most whimsical piece of civility I ever heard ot."
It is reported that Lee said '* he would send word on board the men of
war, that if they set a house on fire, in consequence of his coming, be
would chain a hundred of their friends by the neck and make the bouse
their funeral pile. — Ed. « Tappan.
Occupation of New York City by the British. 185
with the Sherbrook's family; John and Samuel Van Vlecke'
families to Kipsy* bay, Sister Vroutje Van Vleck, with her
daughters, to a place near Ilella Gate on Long Island ; John
Cargyll's wife and children, Sister Everitt, Sister Ross and
her sister, to places on Long Island.
Wednesday 1th. — The discourse in the congregational
meeting was on the watch-word of to-day. All the watch-
words of next week, which is expected to be a week of
troubles in the city, were read; as they are particularly
suitable to our present circumstances. A deep emotion pre-
vailed, and we parted not without tears, not knowing how
long we may be separated ; but His Peace comforted us.
Sunday 11th. — This was a gloomy day. The carts went
all the day with the goods of the people that are moving ;
moreover, in the forenoon the Soldiers began to take away
all the guns from the Battery and the Fort, and continued
till late. This caused an hourly expectation, especially in
the afternoon, that the men of war would fire; however
they did not.* It did not at all look like a Sunday. In
some churches they had no service ; in others hardly any
People. In the forenoon we had a discourse from behind the
table, from the yesterday's watch- word ; " I the Lord do keep
it ; I will water it every moment, lest any hurt it," Ac. In
the afternoon was preaching on Lamentations III. 89-41 :
" Wherefore doth a living man complain, &c. Let us search
and try our ways," &c. Both times we had more hearers
than we expected.
Monday 12th. — His Majesty's ship, the " Mercury," with
Genl. Clinton, and the " Transport" with the soldiers left the
harbour yesterday, to proceed on their voyage southward.
The moving out of the town continues.
Saturday llth. — The whole week those of our people who
are yet in town were visited. This morning the " Pha3nix"
went out of the harbor, down to the watering place and the
hook. In the afternoon the "Asia," the ship with the
Governor* and the two Prices, moved also out of the east
river, and when she was opposite the White Hall she was
' Kip's. • See Irving, yoL ii. pp. 170-171. • Governor Tryon.— Ed.
136 Occupation of New York City by the British.
fast upon a rock. All was in agitation in cown; and it
seemed there was a thought of attacking her, Ac. ; but they
dropt it ; and with the high water the " Asia" got afloat and
lies now in the bay below the Island.^
Wednesday 2\st. — In the afternoon Sister Esther Pell came
to town from Middle Town Point. The boat she came in,
laden with wood, was stopped by the men of war, and was
sent back ; but the passengers were allowed to come to town,
Sunday 25^A. — In the forenoon only a discourse was kept on
the watch-word of to-morrow. In the afternoon a sermon was
preached on the day's gospel. Several of the New England
people were present. In the town the work at the entrench-
ments continued, and some branches of trade were likewise
working. At night Sister Shewkirk came back from Second
River,
Tuesday 21th. — Sister Vroutje Van Vleck came back from
Long Island.
March.
Wednesday ISth. — A packet from England arrived once
again, and brought an uncommon number of letters ; but they
came not on shore. The postmaster would not take them,
for fear that they might be seized without the postage being
paid. The people were not suflfered to go on board to fetch
them ; unless they took an oath to tell nothing that is done
in the city. A packet for Bethlehem, directed to Bro. Shew-
kirk, had been sent from England along with the government
despatches post-free, and was brought by Mr. Ross in the
King's Service, who had been on board privately.
Saturday 23d. — Bro. Henry Van Vleck finding no danger
of being stopt here, came also to town, with'Bro. Shewkirk
(who had gone to Second River to visit his scattered flock).
He did what business he could in a couple of days, and wherein
he was successful.
Tuesday 2Qth. — In the afternoon Bro. Henry Van Vleck set
out again on his return, tho' he has yet business to do in
diflferent places.
%
Occupation of New York City by the British. 137
April.
Sunday 7th. — ^Easter. To-day and last night the commotions
in the city b^n to be greater ; attacks have been made on
the little islands, and at the watering place.
Monday 8th. — Sister Kilbnrn who had got the officers, &c.,
oat of her house, got it cleaned and in order again. Tho'
these lodgers had been better than common soldiers, yet she
found her house and premises much injured.^ Sister Hilah
AValdron on the following days got likewise the soldiers out
of one of her houses, but she has suffered a great deal more.
Indeed it is beyond description, how these uncivilized, rude,
tind wild People, abuse the finest houses in the city.
Wednesday 10th. — Sister Kilburn, and Ten Broeks, and
Sklao Sister Runcey returned to Second River, and Bro. Poo-
ling to Brunswig.
Sunday 14^. — In the evening our Conrads had a sad affair
in their house. They, with their Sister, daughter, and Bro.
Durand, who was in town on a visit from Staten Island,
mrere together ; when some soldiers came in, asking to buy
things they don't sell. They went away again, but one
of them went up stairs unknown to them ; and when their
daughter who was apprehensive of such a thing went out
to bolt the back door, he came down blew out her candle,
and the old people coming to it, he gave a hard blow into
the faiae of the mother, tore her pocket off in a forcible
manner, and took a new cap from her father's head, and
went away ; and when the father went after him out of the
front door, there was another fellow. They beat Bro. C!on-
rad, and then made off.
Thursday 2Zrd. — John and Saml. Van Vlecks^ families
went to Stone Arabia above Albany.*
Tuesday BOth. — Sisters Kilburn and Hilah Waldron, and
Sister Boelens have got the soldiers out of their houses.
' "Oh, the houses of New York, if yon conld but see the insides of them!
Oeenpied by the dirtiest people on the continent. .... If the owners
eTer get possession again, I am snre they mnst be years in cleaning them,
unless they get new floors and new plaster the walls."— ^Zmon't Remem-
hrancer, vol. iii. p. 86.
' On the east side of the Hudson, opposite the mouth of the Mohawk.
138 Occupation of New York City by the Bnttah.
Mat.
Wednesday 1st — Sister McMenomy returned to Fishkill,
with tears, — to stay there awhile longer ; not finding how
to get bread here for the present.
Friday 11 th. — This day had been appointed a day of fast-
ing and prayer throughout the country ; therefore we had
preaching in the fore and afternoon. The Text, a. m., was
from Joel ii. 12, 13, 14. " Therefore also now, saith the Lord,
turn ye even to me with all your heart, and with fasting
and with weeping, and with mourning ; and rend your hearts
and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God ;
for He is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great
kindness, and repenteth Him of the evil. Who knoweth if
He will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind
Him ?" The text, p. m., was from Hosea xiv. 1-8 : " O Israel,
return unto the Lord thy Qod, for thou hast fallen by thine
iniquity," &c. Our Saviour gave grace, in this critical junc-
ture of affairs, to keep in the speaking to the subject of
the text, and to avoid in the application what might be
exceptionable. We had a pretty numerous auditory in the
afternoon; also some of the officers. All behaved with
attention. To-day the news came that the Provincials have
raised the Siege of Quebec, with the loss of their artillery,
baggage, and some hundreds of sick.
Thursday 2Srd. — Abr. Van Vleck, and Eliza Van Deursen
came from Second River ; Sister Ross from her place ; and old
Christiana from Brunswig; from the latter place Sister
Bowie too came back. This week we were also visited by
Sister Cornwall, who came to town for a couple of days.
June.
Thursday 13^A. — Here in town very unhappy and shocking
scenes were exhibited. On Munday night some men called
Tories were carried and hauled about through the streets,
with candles forced to be held by them, or pushed in their
faces, and their heads burned; but on Wednesday, in the
open day, the scene was by far worse ; several, and among
Occupation of New York City by the British. 189
them gentleman, were carried on rails ; some stripped naked
and dreadfully abused. Some of the generals, and especially
Pudnam and their forces, had enough to do to quell the riot,
and make the mob disperse.'
Friday lAth. — A printed letter from the Continental
Congress was distributed, which gave intelligence that for
certain, within ten days, the fleet from Halifax would be
bere,' and it was strongly recommended to make all possible
defence. In consequence of this, many more troops came to
ix>wn, and all was in alarm.
Sunday July 14/A. — It was a wettish day, and it looked as
if all was dead in the town. The English [Church of Eng-
land] churches were shut up, and there was services in none,
or few of the others ; we had not many hearer either.
Tuesday 16M. — Bro. Wilson who came to town last Friday,
— ^for he could be in peace no more at Second River, as the
<X)antry people will have the Yorkers to be in town, — asked
for a pass to go over on business ; but they would give him
none. This week they have begun to let no man go out of
the city. Last Sunday, a flag of truce brought a letter to
Washington ; but having not the title which they give him
here, it was not received. Yesterday a message was sent
down from here ; to-day an answer came, but was again re-
turned on account of the direction.'
Thursday 18M, was the day appointed when Independence
was to be declared in the City Hall^ here ; which was done
about noon ; and the Coat of Arms of the King was burnt.
An unpleasant and heavy feeling prevailed.'
> The city of New York, under Putnam's rule was, according to a letter
quoted in Irving, vol. ii. p. 205, the reverse of the picture here given, every-
thing being quiet and orderly. — Ed.
• It did not arrive until the 29th. Gen. Howe arrived on the 25th. — Ed.
' The letter was addressed to George Washington, Esquire; an account of
its return and of the interview with Col. Patterson, the British Adjutant-
general, will be found in the Life of Prea, Reed, vol. i. p. 204. — Ed.
* Then at the head of Broad Street
' There is no mention in the diary of the reading of the Declaration of
Independence to the troops by order of Washington, eight days previously
at the spot where the new post-office now stands ; nor of the palling down
140 Occupation of New York City by the British.
Saturday 20th. — About noon, a Qeneral Adjutant from
Lord Howe came, and had a short conversation with General
Washington, in Kennedy's house.' When he went away he
said, it is reported, to Washington and the others with him:
^^Sir and gentlemen, let it be remembered that the King
has made the first overture for peace ; if it be rejected, you
must stand by the consequences;" and thus — ^which seems
to have been the main errand — he departed. Much polite-
ness passed on both sides.
Monday 22nd. — Our Bro. Wilson looking at the ferry,
whither his negro was come with some goods from Second
River, was put under arrest by one Johnson, and treated
very basely by him, on account of a charge laid against him
by one Gordon, at the Falls,' about 12 miles from Second
River ; that he and his son had spoken against the American
cause ; were dangerous persons ; and had done much mischief
to their neighborhood, &c. Bro. Wilson appeared before the
Committee;* the chairman knew nothing of the charge.
Wilmot, one of the Committee, did, but they could prove
nothing ; and Wilson could easily clear himself. The result
was,— if he resided at Second River, they thought he should
stay there. Many persons were ordered to-day to quit the
town, because they were suspected.
Tuesday 23d. — Bro. Wilson got a pass, and went to Second
River to-day.
Monday 29th. — ^Bro. Wilson came from Second River ; he
had got a certificate of the Committee there, which cleared
him sufficiently of the late charge ; and the Committee here
gave him a pass to go to Pennsylvania. He brought letters
from Bethlehem, where he intends to go this week; and
returned to Second River this afternoon. He also brought
word that our people have got their goods that were taken
with the boat.
in the evening of that day, of the equestrian statne of King George the
Third, on the Bowling Green.— See Losnng'a Field Book of the Revolu^
tion, vol. ii. page 595.
' The present Washington Hotel, at the foot of Broadway.
• Passaic, now Patterson, N. J. • Sons of Liberty T
Occupation of New York City by the British, 141
1\usday SO^A.— John Cargyll came to town, as also Sister
Campbell; the latter to stay with her son John, whose
£unily is left at Fishkill.
Wednesday Slst. — lu the meeting of the communicants^
we called to mind the watchword on the first day of this
month ;— -there was a discourse on to-day's text ; — and then
in a prayer we thanked our dear Lord for having helped us
thro' this month; told Ilim the desires of our hearts for
ourselves, and our fellow members scattered here and there,
and commended ourselves to His &ithful love and care.
We felt well
AuansT.
Wednesday 2nd. — ^In the afternoon Bro. Shewkirk coming
from a walk beyond the £ope Walk, between the Bowery
and the East River, not &r from the camp which is there,
lie was accosted by an officer, and desired to see a sick man,
who was distressed in his mind, and who, as he thought, was
frantic. Bro. Shewkirk walked in with him. The sick,
who was an Ensign of the Connecticut troops, told him of
liis sickness ; that he had got a relapse : and as he did not
know whether he should get over it, he was frighten'd
because of his sins : having been a wild young man ; and that
he had had sometimes thoughts of making away with him-
self; Ac. Bro. Shewkirk spoke to him of our Saviour, that
he need not be unduly alarmed, but should rather acknow-
ledge the goodness of the Lord, who by His Spirit shew'd
him his state, with an intention to save him, Ac. ; and then,
upon the request of the sick, he prayed by him with much
freedom. A couple of officers, and some soldiers were
present.
Saturday 8rrf. — ^Towards evening Bro. Shewkirk went to
see the sick Ensign ; who soon desired him again to pray
with him. The Captain who yesterday desired Bro. Shewkirk
to see the sick was there ; and by and by another officer,
with one of their Chaplains came in. The conversation of
the latter with the officers turned upon war matters; the
sick repeated his desire to have a prayer made ; the Chaplain
142 Occupation of New York City by the British.
was a raw sort of a man, and the little he spoke to the
sick was in a rough manner ; he at last put it to Bro.
Shewkirk to pray, who did it ; spoke yet a little to the sick ;
and then left him.
31on(lay 6th. — In the afternoon Bro. Shewkirk, coming
thro' Stone Street, was desired by the woman of the house,
to step in to see a sick man, who seemed to be near his end ;
they had wanted a minister, and could get none. The sick
was also an Ensign of the Connecticut forces, one Mr. Evans.
He could not speak, but was tolerably sensible. Bro. Shew-
kirk, with freedom and emotion of heart, recommended him
to the grace and mercy of the Saviour of the world.
Tuesday 6th. — In the morning, Bro. Shewkirk went to see
the afore-mentioned Mr. Evans. He seemed to be somewhat
better, could talk, and said that he had heard and understood
the prayer last night. After some little conversation with
him, Bro. Shewkirk prayed, and called upon the name of the
Lord in his behalf. It does not appear that he has that
awakened sense of himself, which the other young man has.
Several came in while Bro. Shewkirk was there, and also his
Colonel, an elderly, clever man. In the afternoon Bro. Shew-
kirk went to see the other sick man, Mr. Goodman ; he read
to him the 53rd and 55th chapters of Isaiah, to his satisfac-
tion, and then prayed with him.
Wednesday 7th. — In the forenoon Bro. Shewkirk visited
Mr. Goodman, who seems to be on the recovery ; he read to
him the 14th and 15th chapters of St. John ; had some
pleasant conversation with him; and then, in a prayer,
recommended him to our Saviour's grace and care. In the
afternoon, Bro. Shewkirk went to see Mr. Evans, whom he
found near his end. He prayed over him with great freedom,
beseeching the Lord over life and death, for the sake of His
meritorious agonies and death sulFerings to receive this soul
in mercy. An awful feeling prevailed. The people of the
house, and a couple of soldiers were present. It appeared
from some signs and sounds the sick gave, as if he heard the
prayer. In the next room there was another sick young
soldier, whe desired Bro. Shewkirk to come to him ; he went
I
Occupation of New York City by the British. 148
to him, and spoke to him heartily, advising him what use
to make of his present illness.
Thursday 8^. — In the afternoon at 4 o'clock, Bro. Shew-
kirk, having heen invited to the funeral of the Ensign, Mr.
Evans, went there in expectation of another minister's oflBi-
ciating ; but there was no other minister present, and the
directing officer desire Bro. Shewkirk to make a prayer
at the house before they went away, and to speak a little
in the church yard. Accordingly, after the soldiers were
together, and the corpse was put in the street, Bro. Shewkirk,
standing on the stoop, made a short prayer ; upon which the
corpse was put on a bier, covered with a black cloth and
the Regimental pall, which was borne by four officers ; and
then in the usual military way, they proceeded to the old
Presbyterian meeting house and its graveyard ; there Bro.
Shewkirk made a short address to the people, and after the
corpse was interred, he concluded with — " The grace of our
Lord Jesus Christ," &c. The whole was conducted with
maoh order and solemnity.
Monday 12th, — Sister Shewkirk and Hilah Waldron re-
turned back to Second River. Sister Sabina Allen, with her
little boy Stephen, went to Long Island.
Tuesday 13/A. — In the evening was the interment of the
remains of Sister Jane Boelen. It was difficult to find six
brethren to be the carriers ; for which reason the servants
made part of them ; and Bro. Reed officiated for them on the
way. Many people cannot be expected to attend funerals in
these times. Those of our sisters that were yet in town
mostly attended, and the rest were of Sister Boelen's neigh-
bors. However, everything went orderly and to satisfaction.
In the chapel, a discourse was kept on Isaiah, 46 4 : — "Even
to your old age I am He," &c. Bro. Shewkirk visited Mr.
Goodman, but found him in a distressing situation, that all
his limbs trembled at times ; he G — thought it was deter-
mined by God that he should die an awful death, and that
shortly. Upon speaking to him, he grew more composed ;
and kept Bro. Shewkirk with him as long as he could. Some
144 Occupation of New York City by the British.
days after, he was brought home to his Father, in Connecti-
cut.
Wednesday Wth. — There was much alarm in the town, as
it was expected that the next morning an attack would be
made on the city by the Kiug's troops; which, however,
did not prove so.
Saturday 11th. — Towards night a proclamation was pub-
lished, in which all women, children, and infirm people
were advised to leave the city, with all possible speed ; as a
bombardment was expected ; those that were indigent, should
be assisted and provided for. This caused a new fright.
8ome of the sisters yet in town came to Br. Shewkirk to
advise with him about it.*
Sunday ISth. — Early in the morning the two men of war
and their tender, that had been up the North Kiver, came
back ; which caused again a sharp cannonading till they were
passed. Yesterday, a fortnight ago, they had been attacked
by the Row-gallies and a Privateer, which were obliged to
desist from their attempt; having been greatly worsted
by the men-of-war, and lost several of their men. Last
week they attacked them with fire-ships, but could not
obtain their end, and lost one of their captains ; they then
sunk vessels, and thought to be sure of having stopped their
passage ; however, they came back. It was a rainy morning,
with a north east wind. The fright seemed to be not as
great as it was when they went up ; and yet the balls hurt
more houses ; some men were likewise hurt.'
' On this day, WashiDgton was informed by a deserter, that a great many
of the enemy's troop had gone on board the transports ; that three days*
provisions had been cooked, and other steps taken, indicating an intention
of leaving Staten Island. To the New Tork Convention he wrote : " When
I consider that the city of New Tork will, in all human probability, very
soon be the scene of a bloody conflict, I cannot but view the great numbers
of women, children, and infirm persons remaining in it, with the moat
melancholy concern. When the men-of-war passed up the river, the shrieks
and cries of these poor creatures running every way with their children,
were truly distressing, and I fear will have an unhappy effect on the ears and
minds of our young and inexperienced soldiery." — SparJt^s, vol. iv. p. 49. £d.
' The Rose and the Phoenix. — See Irving' s Washington, vol. ii. p. 306. £o.
Occupation of New York City by the British. 145
PhiL Syphers' experienced a kind preservation. A nine
pounder came through the old German church in the Broad
Way, into the house they lived in, opposite the Lutheran
church, and into the room where they slept ; but they were
up and out of the room. The ball come through the window,
which it mashed to pieces, with part of the framework ;
went through the opposite wall near the head of the bed-
stead ; crossed the staircase to another room ; but meeting
with a beam in the wall, came back, and went a part through
the side wall, and then dropt down on the stairs. A thirty-
two pounder, supposed coming from the Powlis Hook battery,
fell into Sister Banvards' garden, just before her door. If
there was service kept, it was but in one church. Our
preaching in the forenoon was on Jer. 45 : 19 ; ^^ I said not
unto the seed of Jacob, seek ye me in vain," &c., and in the
evening from Matt. 6, 19, 20 : " Lay not up for yourselves
treasures on earth," &c.
August 19tL — Sister Bowie and her daughters with some
of their goods went to Newark. Sister Vroutje Van Vleek
and daughters went to an house up the Bowery. Sister Lep-
per, upon application, was to be helped to Flushing by the
Committee ; which Bro. Shewkirk did not approve of when
he heard of it; and as it happened, it did not come to pass.
Polly Sypher, with her child, went to Mr. Watt's house.
Tuesday 2Qth. — We got letters from Bethlehem. Towards
evening Bro. Wilson came from Second River.*
Wednesday 2\st. — In the evening, as but one Bro. and one
Sister came, the meeting (preparatory) for the communicants
fell out. Soon after a very heavy thunder storm came on.
It lasted for several hours, till after 1 0 o'clock ; an uncommon
lightning ; one hard clap after the other ; heavy rain mixed
at times with a storm like a hurricane. The inhabitants can
hardly remember such a tempest, even when it struck into
Trinity church twenty years ago ; they say it was but one
very hard clap, and together did not last so long by far.
Upon the whole it was an awful scene. Three oflScers, viz.,
' Supposed to be the creek near Newark, at present bearing that name.
146 Occupation of New York City by the British.
one Captain, and two Lieuts., were killed in one of the
Carape ; tliey were all Yorkers ; and one soldier of the Ifew
English People was likewise killed in a bouse in the square ;
several others were hurt, and the mast of one of the row
gallies mash'd to pieces.
Thursday 22d and Friday 2M. — The king's troops landed
on Long Island. The troops from here went over, one
Battalion after the other, and many kept on coming in ; yet,
upon the whole their number certainly was not so great as
it commonly was made. In the evening we had the congre-
gational meeting with the little company that was present.
We resolved to drop the Wednesday meeting for the present,
and to begin that on Tuesday and Friday at 6 o'clock.
Saturday 2ith. — In the afternoon, Bro. Shewkirk coming
through tlie Bowry,* was called into a house next to
Romains,' and desired to baptize a child, which the people
thought would not live till the next day ; they told that the
mother was a stranger here from Rawwell' in the Jerseys.
Considering the present time, when all things are in confu-
sion, and scarcely ministers in the town, he granted their
request; called upon the name of the Lord in behalf of the
infant, and baptized it by the name of William.
Monday 2Qth. — A good deal of firing was heard on Long
Island, and several skirmishes happened between the scout-
ing parties, wherein the Provincials sustained loss.
Tuesday 21th. — ^was a Fast and Prayer day in this Province;
which had been appointed by the Convention ; but here in
the city it was not and could not be observed. On the one
hand, there are but few inhabitants in the town, and the
soldiers were all busily employed ; on the other hand there
was much alarm in the city. Soon, in the morning, an alarm
gun was fired in expectation that the ships were coming up;
which however proved not so; but on Long Island there
1 This street began at Park Place, and included Chatham Street, reach-
ing, in its inhabited part, about as far as Chatham Square.
* Romeyn.
' Rahway.
Occupation of New York City hy the British. 147
was a smart engagement, in which the Americans sufi'ered
greatly. Two generals, Sullivan and Sterling, and many
other officers and soldiers were taken prisoners. All the
troops now went over ; those from King's Bridge came like-
wise, and went over the next morning.* As very few of our
j)eople came, we kept only a little meeting in the forenoon,
in which a short discourse was kept on Jer. 48, 17 and 18 ;
and concluded with a moving prayer, kneeling. This ("the
result of the battle] was an agreeable disappointment for all
honest men ; for what could such a fast signify, when men
want to pursue measures against the Word and Will of
God, Ac.
Wednesday 28M. — The different parties on Long Island
kept on to be engaged with one another; the firing was
plainly heard. Bro. Shewkirk met with a young man, who
waited on Ensign Goodman, and who was come back from
Long Island. He told him that he, and a small number of
his regiment — Huntington's — had escaped with their lives.
It had been a sight he should never forget ; such as he never
wished to see again. This young man is of a serious turn,
and religious more than common, and promises to be the
Lord's. In the afternoon we had extraordinary heavy rains
and thunder. From one of the Forts of the Continental
army on Long Island, two alarm guns were fired in the
midst of the heavy rain ; supposing that the regulars would
attack their line somewhere between Flatbush and Brook-
land ; all the men were ordered out though it rained pro-
digiously ; it was found, after some time, that it was a false
alarm. The sound of these alarm guns had just ceased,
when, immediately after, a flash of lightning came, followed
by a clap of thunder. It was awful. The very heavy rain,
with intermixed thunder continued for some hours till
towards evening. In the night the battling on Long Island
continued, and likewise
Thursday 29/A ; and in the afternoon such heavy rain fell
again as can hardly be remembered ; nevertheless the opera-
* See Oraydon's Memoirs (Pbila. edition, 1846), page 163.— Ed.
148 Occupation of New York City by the British,
tious upon Long Island went on more or less ; and behold,
in the night, the Americans thought it advisable to retreat,
and leave Long Island to the King's troops. They found
that they could not stand their ground, and feared to be sur-
rounded, and their retreat cut off. The great loss they had
sustained, the want of provision and shelter, in the extra-
ordinary Wet; the unfitness of many of their troops for
war, &c. ; undoubtedly contributed to this resolution.^
Friday 30^A. — In the morning, unexpectedly and to the
surprise of the city, it was found that all that could come
back was come back ; and that they had abandoned Long
Island; when many had thought to surround the king's
troops, and make them prisoners with little trouble. The
language was now otherwise ; it was a surprising change,
the merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they
were hardly heard for a couple of days. It seemed a general
damp had spread ; and the sight of the scattered people up
and down the streets was indeed moving. Many looked
sickly, emaciated, cast down, Ac. ; the wet clothes, tents — as
many as they had brought away — and other things, were
lying about before the houses and in the streets to dry ; in
general everything seemed to be in confusion. Many, as it
is reported for certain, went away to their respective homes.'
The loss in killed, wounded, and taken has certainly been
great, and more so than it ever will be known. Several were
drowned and lost their lives in passing a creek to save them-
selves. The Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland
people lost the most ; the New England people, Ac, it seems
are but poor soldiers, they soon took to their heels. At
night, the few that came or would come, had a meeting on
the texts; and the next day we ended this troublesome
month with the watch-word, " He that believeth shall not
make haste." " Grant me to lean unshaken, Ac."
> See 27ie Battle of Long Island, by Thomas W. Field, Brooklyn, 1869.
s Washington wrote to Congress regarding the militia : " Great numbers
of them have gone off, in some instances almost by whole regiments."
(To be continued.)
>
Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 149
THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENTS ON THE DELAWARE.
CHRISTINA, QUEEN OP THE SWEDES, THE GOTHS,
AND THE VENDS.
A Pbxbbntation of hkb Pobtbait to thk Hibtobigal Sogibtt or
Pennstlyamia, Apbil 16, 1877.
At a full meeting of the Society upon this interesting
occasion, there were present four young ladies of Swedish
birth, distinguished vocalists, Misses Inga Ekstrom^ Bertha
Erixon, Amanda Carlson, and Ingeborg Lofgren.
The President said: Our meeting this evening is peculiar;
I will not say that it has reference to the pre-historic time
of our State, but if I may be allowed to coin a word, I will
Bay that it relates to the pre-Pennian epoch. Many persons
out of Pennsylvania suppose that when William Penn came
to Philadelphia, the region was in as exclusive possession
of the Indians as on the day when Columbus landed on
St. Salvador. This is a great mistake. When Penn came
here, the Swedes had been in possession of the soil for near
half a century. They had here forts, laws, churches, and
many institutions of society. They came here under the
reign of Queen Christina of Sweden. I understand that the
Historical Society is to be presented this evening, by the
Trustees of the Publication Fund, who have done much
lately to bring to view the otherwise fast fading Swedish
annals of our province, with a portrait of that sovereign, and
I feel sure from the number of our Swedish members whom
I see in the assemblage, and especially from the presence of
the four young Swedish ladies whom you see on my right,
and whose delightful gift has charmed so many people over
the whole fiu» of the land, that the present is a most accept-
able one.
11
150 Swedish SeUleineyUs on the Delaware.
The ladies here gracefully acknowledged the President's
remarks, by coming forward and singing, with fine eftect,
'^Songfoglame'' (Singing Birds) — ^Lindbland.
Mr. Vice President Jones addressed the chair as follows : —
Mr. President: Our venerable fellow member, Mr. Richard
S. Smith, has been requested to make the presentation — ^but,
sir, I must so far interrupt the order of proceedings as to say
a word about Mr. Smith himself.
All present know him as a long honored citizen of Phila-
delphia ; few, however, present are old enough to know that
before the war w- ith England, he was the most useful repre-
sentative of this nation in a foreign land; that land, the
country over which Christina once was queen. This fiict
comes to most here, only traditionally.
The time when Mr. Smith was consul in Sweden was the
era of the great Napoleonic wars. The whole continent shook
with the tread of armies, and the very waves of the ocean
seemed chained, for the famous decrees of Berlin and Milan
and the British Orders in Council closed to neutral vessels,
all the ports of Europe, save only those of the Baltic. The
United States, not as yet drawn into the contest, had a vast
commerce with those northern ports, and Mr. Smith, with
rare judgment, detected in the mysterious appearance of a
cargoless American vessel which was to be hurried further
on to some Russian port, enough to satisfy him that war had
been declared by the United States against Great Britain.
In a private record by Mr. Smith, which I have seen, he
writes : —
"In the month of July, it was the law in Sweden that
every vessel arriving from America should come to anchor in
the quarantine harbor fourteen miles from the city, and being
boarded by the master of quarantine, the necessary manifest
of cargo, clearance, etc., were exhibited, and a memorandum
thereof made and immediately despatched by a boat to
the proper health officer at the city. Being anxious to be
promptly advised of every arrival, I made arrangements with
the man who navigated the boat between the station and the
152 Swedish Settlements on the Delaware.
assertion that he had a commission to perform for his owners,
and he would not go beyond that. I directed his attention
to a fleet of several hundred vessels lying in Wingo Boads,
distant a mile from the quarantine ground. I told him I
knew of over forty vessels (American) in that fleet waiting
English convoy, and of course, under the guns of British
cruisers. I told him he must be aware that the English had
great facilities in receiving and forwarding all important
information aftecting their interests, and that, doubtless, the
English Admiral would have the information within a day
or two, and it would be a lasting sorrow to him, to know
that one word in confidence to me, might have saved millions
to his countrymen, which otherwise, by his silence, would be
captured by an enemy. At this, he was much agitated, and
said he could not in that view of the case remain silent. He
said war was declared by an Act of Congress on the 17th day
of June, and that on the next day, Com. Rodgers had sailed
to look for British cruisers off* Halifax, and no doubt hos-
tilities had commenced.
" Having obtained this important information, with a strong
fair wind, I hurried back to the city, and hastily assembling
the Americans in my office, I astonished and startled them
by the news I had obtained ; some of them were captains of
vessels lying down in the roads under convoy, and were crazy
to get to their ships. The wind which had been so fiair to
bring me up to the city was now almost a gale against a
passage down. It was then suggested that we should all set
to work writing a circular, which I prepared, and that a
horse and carriage should be procured with which two or
three of the number should proceed to Marstrand, a seaport
a few miles to windward, from which, by boat, the fleet could
easily be reached, and the circulars delivered to the American
vessels, and warning them unless they weighed their anchors
and ran up the river above the Swedish batteries, they were
liable at any moment to British capture. All parties were
cautioned to keep strict silence in the city until these vessels
were secured. Happily, the expedition to Marstrand and
thence to the fleet was a success, and before the next morning.
154 Swedish Settlements on the Delaware,
turning, charged again, killing and wounding many of their
number before their French pursuers arrived."
Mr. President, I will say no more, and beg pardon for
having arrested Mr. Smith in what he was about to say ; but
the fact that this gentleman, now eighty-eight years of age,
was, sixty-seven years ago, the American Consul in Sweden,
and rendered, before the birth of most present, such eminent
service to our country, seemed to me to warrant the liberty I
have taken.
Mr. Richard S. Smith next arose and said : —
Mr. President, and Ladies and Gentlemen : The agreeable
duty has been imposed upon me by the Trustees of the Pub-
lication Fund of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, to
present, on their behalf, to the Society, a portrait of much
interest to the people of our State, for it is of a person most
intimately associated with the earliest days of the settlement
on the banks of the Delaware.
Until our Historical Societies were established, very little
was popularly known of this early Swedish colony. In
my boyhood, from 1803 to 1806, I was accustomed to fre-
quent the neighborhood of the Gloria Dei Church, for where
the late ^avj Yard was afterwards established, was the only
gravel bank of the river where the boys could venture to
learn to swim. We were told that this church was the
oldest one in Philadelphia, and that it had been built for the
accommodation of Swedes who had come to America. We
knew there were German churches also in Philadelphia, but
we were not told, nor were we aware that long before the
Germans came, the Swedes had already a colony and a govern-
ment.
In 1810, I went to Sweden with a ship and cargo, and
remained there over two years, and during that time I never
heard any mention made beyond the fact that a mission bad
early visited America and had built churches, and preached
the gospel here. On my return home in 1813, 1 was attracted
to the Swedes Church to hoar old Dr. Nicholas Collin preach
in his native tongue, which he did once a month, to a small
Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 155
congregation who still continued to understand that language.
In familar intercourse with that venerable gentleman, I first
learned that the Swedish colony had possession before the
arrival of William Penn.
The Annals of the Swedes by the Rev. Dr. Clay, in 1834,
drawn from the publications of this Society and from the
records of the Swedish church, brought the facts of the
Swedish settlement into notice, and the names of many of the
early settlers thus being given to the public, some fiimilies in
Pennsylvania have learned that their origin was from the
Swedes. Among others, I learned it, for there I found that
my mother's family, named Shute, originated from Johan
Schute, one of the original settlers named by Dr. Clay.
During the Centennial Exhibition, the Conmiissioners from
Sweden, and others of that nation, visited our beautiful Hall,
and they also attended the worship at the old Church " Gloria
Dei^^ at Wicaco. They, as well as the officers of this Society,
attended a most striking anniversary celebration that was held
there, and they were exceedingly gratified and proud of these
testimonials of the early and active labors of their ancestors
on our shores.
Before I formally present the portrait, permit a few words
from the Secretary, as to the person of whom it is a repre-
sentation.
The Secretary here spoke as follows : —
Mr. President: The portrait presented is of Christina,
Queen of the Swedes, the Goths, and the Vends, Grand-
duchess of Finland, Duchess of Esthonia, Carelia, Brehmen,
Vehrden, Stedtin, Pomerania, Cassuben, and Vaenden,
Princess of Riigen, Lady of Ingria and Vissmar, etc. It was
copied by Miss Elise Amberg, of Stockholm, from the ori-
ginal by David Beek, a pupil of Vandyke, in the National
Museum at Stockholm.
This monarch was bom at Stockholm on the 8th of Decem-
ber, 1626, and died at Rome on the 19th of April, 1689. At
the age of six years she inherited an illustrious crown, for it
was that worn by the great Gustavus Adolphus who had
156 Swedish ScUleiiiaits on the Ddaware.
triumphantly led the Protestant Powers of Europe in their
long and desperate struggle. The wars that continued under
the young Queen were, however, out of all proportion to the
resources of her kingdom ; yet she seemed for a time a not
imworthy successor to her father, the foremost man of his
age.
Guided by the famous Chancellor Oxenstiem, upon whom
devolved the care of the kingdom on the death of Gustavus,
the region on the Delaware River, which we ourselves inhabit,
that now known as the State of Delaware, and also Southern
New Jersey, were colonized from her dominions in 1638,
under the name of New Sweden. Queen Christina thus
became the first Christian monarch of this part of America.
The Swedish power continued until 1655, when it fell under
that of the Dutch who had for some time possessed the New
Netherlands, by which name the country round about
New York was then known. The Dutch held these &ir
regions of the Hudson and the Delaware, or, as they then
were called, the North and the South Rivers, until 1664,
when they passed by conquest to the English.
Christina abdicated her crown in 1654, and became a con-
vert to the church of Rome. She lived the greater part of
the remainder of her life an exile from Sweden. She pos-
sessed considerable native power, and was highly cultivated.
As may be supposed from its being the seat of the power,
almost dominant, the court of Gustavus and of his fair
daughter was sought by the learned of that day from every
quarter of Europe. Grotius and Descartes shone there among
a host of other intellectual luminaries.
It is eminently appropriate that the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania should have secure^l this portrait. Sweden and
its monarch first waked to our life the forests that till then
had known only the Indians. These have passed away, but
they and the Swedes have left, in the names of places, monu-
ments more enduring than those of brass, for Allegheny and
Juniata and Christina are not forgotten, but prove what Pal-
grave says, that "Mountains and rivers still murmur the
voices of nations long denationalized or extirpated."
Swedish Settlemavta on the Ddaware. 157
Mr. Smith, here resummg his observations, concluded by
saying : —
And now, Mr. President, and fellow members of the Society,
I l>6g your acceptance of this valuable historical gift.
The President, on behalf of the Society, received, with
appropriate remarks, the portrait of Queen Christina; upon
which the ladies sang in Swedish, " Northland," by Nylen,
which may thus be rendered in English : —
I know a land where round the arch of heaven,
The Northern Lights their awful splendors throw ;
Where helmeted in clouds the hills, storm-riven,
Keep watch around the vales that sleep below.
There many a torrent from the mountains pouring,
Sends echoing thunders to the distant vale ;
The Necken's wild harp, fitful, drowns their roaring,
And on the waters sleeps the moonlight pale.
The President, continuing, said: The name of Stills is
found among those of our early Swedish settlers, and is one
of the not very many names of them which come down to us,
and come down in form unchanged. For, some have, by a
very slight modification of a vowel or consonant, passed, I
think, into forms not distinguishable from those of our
British colonists ; and some, through female lines, or failure
of issue, have, in the course of near three centuries, disap-
peared altogether. That of StilW, as I say, remains, and in
this day has received new honor in the person of the accom-
plished Provost of the University of Pennsylvania.
No man among us is at all so capable to speak about these
ancient colonists who came here under Queen Christina, as
the Provost StilW ; and, if he will allow me, I will ask him
to say something to us on this interesting occasion, where,
with hereditary right, he is so naturally present.
Mr. Provost Stills then adddressed the meeting.
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I think that the
Historical Society is to be congratulated upon the acquisition
of a portrait of Queen Christina. It will serve not merely
158 Swedish Settleinents on the Delaware.
to recall an important epoch in our own local history, but
also, to emphatically mark the period when the principles of
European colonization on this continent, then quite novel,
were established. It is true that the Swedish colony settled
here in 1638, under the Queen Christina, was not the one
projected on so magnificent a scale by her father, Gu8ta^nl8
Adolphus. The colony remained a dependency of the Swedish
Crown for only seventeen years, its members were merely a
few Swedish peasants, not exceeding, even sixty years after
its settlement, a thousand in number ; it held within its
bosom the germ of some of our characteristic American ideas,
but it had little to do with their growth ; its inhabitants
were a God-feuring, simple-hearted, law-abiding race, who,
while they had, like all adventurers, dreams of a brighter
home beyond the seas (for they named the first land they saw
on Delaware Bay, Panidise Point), yet knew well that an
earthly paradise can only be found by dint of hard work and
self-denying virtue.
Yet, in the general history of American colonization, the
simple annals of these people are not without interest. It is
not uninstructive, for instance, to find them at that early
day, in opposition to the notions of public law then current
in Europe, firmly holding that a true title to lands here
should be based upon a purchase from the natives, followed
up at once by the occupancy of Eurojxuins ; it is pleasant to
think of them, patient, contented, prosperous, never sufi;ering
from that restlessness of spirit which has in this country
violated so many rights of neighborhood ; above all, they are
to be honored for their persistent devotion to their religion
and their church, that church which they and their children
were able to preserve, in its complete organization, for more
than one hundred and twenty years after the Crown of
Sweden had lost all power here, and which decayed only
when the language of her ministrations became a strange
tongue to her children.
The early Swedes, unlike the early settlers from other
countries, did not dwell in towns. They were simple farmers,
living on the shores of the Delaware, and of its many affluents
Swedish Sctilcnients on the Delaware, 159
on both sides of the river. Their labors soon made the wilder-
ness to blossom as the rose, and, although they found not,
as they had been promised, whales in Delaware Bay, nor a
elimate suited for the cultivation of the vine, or the producr.
tion of silk,* yet they gathered the abundant fruits of their
toil in thankfuhiess, living in peace and quietness, serving
God after the manner of their fathers, and, while jealous of
the honor and dignity of the Royal Crown of Sweden, fiill of
kindness and forbearance towards those who denied their
claim to the lands upon which they dwelt. There is, indeed,
a pastoral simplicity in the lives of these rugged children of
the North when transplanted to the shores of the Delaware,
which, to say the least, is not a common feature in our
American colonization. Their ideal of life seems to have
been a sort of modem Arcadia where,
" Far from the madding crowd's ignoble strife,
Their sober wishes never learned to stray ;
Along the cool, sequestered vale of life,
They kept the noiseless tenor of their way/'
It is, I think, to be regretted that while we possess the
portrait of Queen Christina, we have not those of her great
tather, Gustavus Adolphus, and of their illustrious Chancel-
lor, Oxenstiem. I firmly believe that these two men, in
their scheme for colonizing the shores of the Delaware, are
entitled to the credit of the first attempt in modem time^ to
govern colonies for some higher purpose than that of enrich-
ing the commercial and manufacturing ehisses of the mother
country.
The gloomiest chapter in modem history, it has always
seemed to me, is that which shows the result of the policy
adopted by nearly all the European nations towards those of
' Of course whale fishing as a pursuit is meant. At that time whales
were not uncommon, and even now an occasional one is seen. A Right
Whale, of the largest size, was not long ago caaght in Delaware Bay, and
its fine skeleton is among the rich collections of the Academy of Natural
Sciences. The vine can be cultivated, and silk produced, but whether with
profit is yet to be determined.
160 Swedish Settlcmc/its on the Delaware.
their subjects who emigrated to this continent. It was based
upon a desire to gratify the insatiable cupidity of the com-
mercial spirit which had been evoked by the discovery of
America, It was carried out persistently, with an utter dis-
regard of the rights of the inhabitants or subjects, or their
interests as colonists.
Far different was the policy which led to the Swedish
colonization of the shores of the Delaware. The colony was
project^ by a king, with all the resources of a powerful
State at his disposal, and his wish was to establish here an
empire upon a new basis, and not merely to provide another
home beyond the seas for a few hundred Swedish peasants.
It must be remembered that the Swedish emigrants were not
fugitives from the persecution and oppression of their rulers
at home, but that they were, on the contrary, fevored sub-
jects of their sovereign proposed to be sent out under his
express protection as the vanguard of an army to found a free
State, where they, and those who might join them, from
whatever nation they might come, might be secure in the
enjoyment of the fruits of their labor, and especially of their
rights of conscience. No doubt the expectation of extending
Swedish commerce was one of the motives which led to the
founding of the colony, but it seems always to have been a
subordinate one. If we wish to understand the real signifi-
cance of the scheme, its paramount and controlling impulse,
we must look upon the colony as the outgroAvth of the thirty
years' war, and its establishment as a remedy for some of the
manifold evils of that war which had suggested itself to the
capacious and statesmanlike minds of Gustavus Adolphus
and Oxenstiern. It seems true that it was designed not so
umch as a place of settlement for Swedish freemen, as a
refuge w^here Germans and Danes, who had been persecuted
for conscience sake, might live in peace under the protection
of the Champion of Protestantism and Swedish law.
It is true that this grand conception of the king and Oxen-
stiern was never fully carried out. This was due to causes
which neither of them could have foreseen or controlled, and
XI
Swedish Settlements on the Delavxire. 161
it in no wise lessens the claim which the memory of both these
great men has upon the gratitude of posterity.
A glance at contemporaneous history will serve to show
how novel and comprehensive were the views of colonization
held by the great Gustavus. Wo are told that in 1626, Usse-
linx obtained from the king a charter for a commercial
company with the privilege of founding colonies. The char-
ter provided that the capital might be subscribed for by
j)ersons from any country, and colonists were invited to join
the expedition from every part of Europe. In this invitation
the proposed colony was described as a benefit to the perse-
cuted, a security to the honor of the wives and daughters of
those whom war and bigotry had made fugitives, a blessuig
to the " common man," and to the whole Protestant world.
What then was the condition of the Protestant world in
1626, that it needed such a refuge beyond the seas ? I need
only remind you of the gathering of the storm in England
which, three years later, drove the Puritans across the ocean
to found the colony of Massachusetts Bay. The Protestants
in Gtermany and Denmark were at that time in the midst of
that storm, exposed to all its pitiless fury. The thirty years
war — a war unexampled in history for the cruel sufferings
which it inflicted upon non-combatants — ^w^as at its height.
The Protestants were yielding everywhere, nothing could
resist the military power of Wallenstein, who, supporting his
army upon the pillage of the miserable inhabitants of the
country, pressed forward to the shores of the Baltic, with the
avowed intention of making that sea an Austrian lake. The
great Protestant leaders, Mansfeld, Christian of Brunswick,
the King of Denmark, were dead, and their followers and
their funilies were a mass of dispersed fugitives fleeing to-
wards the north, and imploring succor. Gustavus had not
then embarked in the German War, but his heart was full of
sympathy for the cause in which these poor people were suf-
fering as martyrs, and I think it cannot be doubted that this
scheme of colonization occurred to him as a practical method
of reducing the horrors which he was forced to witness.
The fitith of the king in the wisdom of this scheme seema
162 Swedish Settlements on tlie Ddaxcare.
never to have wavered. In the hour of his complete triumph
over their enemies, he begged the German Princes, whom
he had rescued from ruin, to permit their subjects to come
here and live under the protection of his poweiful arm. He
spoke to them just before the battle of Lutzen, of the pro-
posed colony as " the jewel of his crown," and after he had
fallen a martyr to the cause of Protestantism on that field,
his chancellor, acting, as he says, at the express desire of the
late king, renewed the patent for the colony, extended its
benefits more fully to Germany, and secured the official con-
firmation of its provisions by the Diet, at Frankfort.
The colony which came to these shores ui 1638 was not
the colony planned by the great Gustavus. The commanding
genius which could forecast the permanent settlement of a
free State here, based upon the principle of religious tolera-
tion— the same principle in the defence of which Swedish
blood was poured out like water upon the plains of Germany
— ^had been removed from this world. With him had gone,
not perhaps the zeal for his grand and noble design, but the
power of carrying it out. It has been said that the principle
of religious toleration which was agreed to at the peace of
Westphalia, in 1648, which closed the thirty years' war, and
soon after became part of the public law of Europe, is the
comer-stone of our modem civilization, and that it has been
worth more to the world than all the blood that was shed to
establish it. With this conflict and this victory, the fame of
Gustavus Adolphus is inseparately associated ; but we ought
not to forget that when during the long struggle he some-
times feared that liberty of conscience could never be estab-
lished upon an enduring basis in Europe, his thoughts turned
to the shores of the Delaware as the spot where his cherished
ideal of human society, so far in advance of the civilization
of the age in which he lived, might become a glorious
reality.
The Swedish ladies next sang The Swedish Folksongs, A
Serenade, by Bishop, and closed with "Skynda po" (Haste
along) of Wahlin.
Notes on the Iroquois aiid Delaware Indians. 163
»OTES ON THE IROQUOIS AND DELAWARE INDIANS.
Communications prom Conrad Weiser to Christopher Saur, which
appeared in the tears 1746-1749 in his newspaper printed at
GbRMANTOWN, ENTITLED '* TuE HlOH GeRMAN PENNSYLVANIA
Historical Writer, or a Collection of important
Events from the Kingdom of Nature and the
Church" and from his (Saur's) Almanacs. •
COMPILED BY ABRAHAM H. 0A8BBLL.
TRAXSLATKD BT MI88 HBLBH BKLL.
TuLPEHOCKEN, December, 1746.
IPbibnd Cheistophbe Sauk :
According to your desire, I will give you herewith a short
"but true account of the Indians, their belief, confidence or
trust in the great Being, as I have myself, from my own
experience, learned during frequent intercourse with them
fix)m my youth up, namely from 1714 until this date.
If the word religion means a formal belief in certain written
Articles of Faith, such as, prayer, singing, churchgoing, bap-
tism, the Lord's Supper, or other well-known Christian ordi-
nances, or even heathen worship, then we can truly say : the
Indians, or so-called Iroquois, and their neighbors have no
religion, for of such a one we see and hear nothing among
them. But, if by the word religion we understand the
knitting of the soul to God, and the intimate relation to, and
hunger after the highest Being arising therefrom, then we
must certainly allow this apparently barbarous people a re-
ligion, for we find traces among them that they have a united
trust in God, and sometimes (although quite seldom) united
appeals to Him. It would be unnecessary to give detailed
proo& of this. I will give but one or two instances, which I
have from my own experience, and I have seen and heard
myself from them.
1. When in the year 1737, 1 was sent for the first time to
Onondago, at the request of the Government of Virginia, I left
home at the end of February quite inconsiderately to under-
164 Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians.
take a journey of 500 English miles through a wilderness,
where there were neither highways nor paths, neither men
nor, at that period of the year, even animals to be found to
stay our hunger. I had a German and three Indians with
me: when we had travelled about one hundred and fifty miles,
we came into a narrow valley, on both sides of which lay
terrible mountains covered about three feet deep with snow ;
in the valley itself the snow was about eighteen inches deep ;
now this valley was not above half a mile wide, but over
thirty miles long ; in the middle of the valley throughout its
length ran a rather large stream, very swift, and so crooked
that it ran continually from one side to the other and passed
away by the lofty rocks on which the mountains seemed to
be founded. Now, in order not to wade this stream too
often at that time of the year, as besides it was three feet
deep more or less, we tried to pass along the slope of the
mountains; now the snow, as I have said before, was about
three feet deep on the mountain and frozen hard, so that we
could walk over it on level ground ; but here we were obliged
to cut holes in the crust of snow with the small hatcheta
which we carried with us, so that our feet could hold, and
we clung to the bushes with our hands, and thus we climbed
on ; but the old Indian's foot slipped and he fell, and what
he was holding on to with his hand (namely, a part of the
root of a fallen fir-tree) broke oft', and he slid down, as if
from the roof of a house; but, as he carried a little pack on
his back held by a band across his breast, according to their
custom, it so happened that aft^^r he had gone about ten
paces, he was caught in a little tree as thick as an arm, for
his pack happened to hang on one side and he on the other,
held together by the carrying band ; the two other Indians
could not render any assistance ; but my German companion
Stoffel Stump went to his help, although not without evident
peril of his life. I too could not stir a foot until I received
help, and, therefore, we seized the firet opportunity to des-
cend again from the mountain into the valley, which was not
until after another half hour of hard work with hands and
feet. We bent a tree downwards where the Indian had
fiillen ; when we came again into the valley, we went some-
Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 165
what back, although not above one hundred paces, for we saw
that if the Indian had slipped but four or five steps further,
he would have Mien over a precipice one hundred feet high,
down upon pointed rocks ; the Indian stood with astonish-
ment, and grew pale as he saw the rocks, and broke out in these
words in his language: "I thank the great Lord and Ruler of
the world, that he had mercy on me and was willing that I
shall live longer." This he said with outstretched arms, very
earnestly and emphatically, which words I then put down in
my Journal thus ; this happened on the 25th of March, 1787,
as I have said.
2. The foUowmg 8th of April we were still on the journey,
and I was utterly worn out by cold and hunger and so long a
journey, not to mention other hardships ; a fresh snow had
&llen about twenty inches deep ; I found myself still nearly
three days' journey from Onondago in a terrible forest. My
strength was so exhausted that my whole body trembled and
shook to such a degree that I thought I should fall down and
die ; I went to one side and sat down under a tree, intending
to give up the ghost there, to attain which end I hoped the
cold of the night then approaching would assist me. My com-
panions soon missed me, and the Indians came back and found
me sitting there. I would not go any farther, but said to them
in one word : " Here I will die." They were silent awhile ;
at last the old man began: "My dear companion, take
courage, thou hast until now encouraged us, wilt thou now
give up entirely? just think that the bad days are better
than the good ones, for when we suffer much we do not sin,
and sin is driven out of us by suffering. But the good days
cause men to sin, and God cannot be merciful ; but, on the
other hand, when it goes very badly with us, God takes pity
on ufi." I was therefore ashamed, and stood up and journeyed
on as well as I could.
8. As I was journeying the previous year to Onondago and
Joseph Spangenberg^ and two others travelled with me, it so
' Properly Bishop Angnstns 6. Spangenberg, of Bethlehem. In his
religious enihnsiasm he adopted the name of Joseph, and his wife, Eva,
Miiimed the name of Mary.
12
166 Notes on the Iroquois and Ddaware Indians.
happened that about twenty-five miles above Schomockin one
evening an Indian came to us who had neither shoes, nor
stockings, nor shirt, nor gun, nor knife, nor hatchet, and in
short had nothing at all but an old torn carpet, together with
his rag. To the question whither he was going ? he answ^ered,
he wanted to reach Onondago. He was known to me, and I
asked him why he travelled so naked ? also why he was bO
thoughtless as to undertake a journey of three hundred miles
without the before-mentioned articles; he had indeed no
provisions with him, and could kill nothing on which to
live. lie answered he came from the enemy, they had been
obliged to flee after a fight and had lost everything (that was
certauily true, but he had squandered a part of his property
drinking with the Irish). To the question how he expected
to get through, he replied quite cheerfully: "That God
nourished everything that was to live, even the rattlesnakes,
although they are wicked animals, so also will he take care
of him and provide tliat he should reach Onondago alive. He
knew to a certainty that he would get through, God was
evidently with the Indians in the wilderness, because they
alone relied upon his timely care ; while the Europeans, ou
the contrary, always took bread with them." He was a bom
Onondager, and his name was Anontagkeka. The next day
he travelled in comjjany with us ; and the day after I had
seen him with a hatchet, knife, and tinder-box, as well as
with shoes and stockings. I sent him on before to the Indian
Council at Onondago to give notice of my coming, which ho
faithfully performed to my great advantage. We were three
nights longer on the way than he was.
4. Two years ago I was sent by the Governor to Schomoc-
kin, on account of the mifortunate occurrence of John Ann-
strong, the Indian trader, and Mizham Mihilon,^ the Indian
who was hung in Philadelphia. After my business was
settled, a great feast was prepared to honor me as the envoy
* It IB impossible to say how this Indian's name shoald be spelt, Musai-
meelin appears to be the form most frequently used. For sach yariation,
and also for the account of the murder of John Armstrong, see Col»
Records^ vol. iv. ; Pa, Archives, vol. i.
Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 167
of the Governor. There were over one hundred persons
present, who ate a large fat bear in great silence. After the
feast the oldest man made a fine speech to the people, in
which he proclaimed that notwithstanding the great misfor-
tune that three of their brothers, namely their white (brothers),
had been murdered by the Indians, yet on that account the
sun would not set (no war break out), but only a little cloud
go across it, but which has been already removed ; and who-
ever had done wrong must be punished, and the country
remain at peace ; and he exhorted his people to thankfulness
to Gk)d ; and thereupon he began to lead a tune like a h^min ;
the others all imitated him. There were no intelligible words
but only a tune, yet it was very fervent. But after the end
of this the old man said very earnestly : " Thanks, thanks be
to thee, thou great Ruler of the World, that thou allowest
the sun to shine again, and hast driven away the dark cloud.
The Indians are thine."
The remainder, concerning their superstitions, fiincies, offer-
ings, etc, I will write to thee another time.
I am
Your devoted
CONRAD WEISER.
P. S. — ^We see fix)m the above that the Indians invoke
€h)d, trust in God, thank and honor God ; but those who are
spoiled by the nominal Christians can drink and lie just as
well as other so-called Christians. And so they certainly have
a religion (worship of God), but they need the true conversion
thereto, like much worse Christians and their very ministers,
who consider themselves converted and want to convert others,
or consider their conversion imnecessary, for all their drinking
and lying. The rest about religion, conversion, the difterence
between a sermon and the word of God, etc., will follow in
future as it is transmitted.
CHRISTOPHER SAUR.
168 An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston.
AN UNWRITTEN CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY
OF THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
COKTRIBUTIOKS OF THE SOCIETY OF FrIKNDS OF PHILADELPHIA FOR THE REUBF
OF THE Boston sufferers in the winter of 1775-76.
In " The New England Historical and Genealogical Begister/' for Jnly,
1876, Mr. Albert H. Uoyt contributed a list of the "donations to the people
of Boston suffering under the Port-bill/' which forms an interesting supple-
ment to the correspondence of the committee appointed to receive such
donations, published in the 4th volume, 4th series, of the collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, and admirably edited by Mr. Richard
Frothingham. Both the correspondence of the committee and the list
furnished by Mr. Hoyt close about the time of the battle of Lexington, when
the privations in the neighborhood of Boston may be said to have been
caused more directly by the siege of that town than by the action of the
British Parliament ; in neither of these chronicles do we find reference to the
relief sent by the Society of Friends of Philadelphia, in the winter of 1775-76,
to be given to the sufferers in and around Boston, without regard to their
political or religious views.
The sum contributed by the Philadelphia Meeting for Sufferings was
£2540, mostly in gold. It was taken to Providence, R. I., by David Evans
and John Parrish, and there given to a committee of the Society of that place,
appointed for the purpose of visiting Boston to see to its proper distribution.
Three thousand and thirty families, consisting of six thousand nine hundred
and twenty-three persons, received aid from this fund. Of the families more
than eight hundred were those of widows. One of the committee was the
benevolent and excellent Moses Brown, and, although his letter giving an
account of his visit has once appeared in print,* as we do not notice any
mention of the incident of which it treats in Frothingham's Siege of Boston,
we have no hesitation in producing it again, printing from the original now
before us.
Providbkcb, Ist Mo. 2d, 1776.
Beloved Friend William Wilson:
Having this oppertunity by water, I thought of Informing
thee that we are generally in health, and to give thee a short
History, of a Journey I made with four others, a Committee
from our Meeting, to Distribute your Donations ; the Com*
» In ''The Frt'endr Philadelphia, ninth month 15, 1849.
An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 169
mittee appointed when our Friends David Evans and John
Parish were here, not going by reason of Sickness and other
hinderances. Our Meeting for Sufferances renewed it and we
set off for the Eastward the 13th Ultimo, reached Cambridge
the 14th and presented our Address to General Washington,'
(a copy of which David Evans took with him) he received us
kindly but declined permitting us to go into Boston, saying
he had made it a rule not to let any go in, unless it was a
Woman separated from her Husband or the like ; but how-
ever, Showed a readiness, to further the designed distribution
by proposing to send for some of our Friends to come out
upon the lines, and gave us orders for a Flag, for a Conferance
* The following address was the one prepared for the first committee
appointed ; it is donbtless the same as that used by Moses Brown and his
associates. — See The Friend^ 9th mo. 8, 1849.
**From our Meeting for Sufferings of the people called QuakerSy held at
Providence, 2l8t of llth month, 1775.
To General Washington :
" As visiting the fatherless and the widows, and relieving the distressed,
by feeding the hungry and clothing the naked, is the subject of this address ;
we cannot doubt of thy attention to our representation, and request in their
behalf.
"The principle of benevolence and humanity exciting our brethren in
Pennsylvania and New Jersey to contribute and send to our care a con-
siderable sum of money, to be distributed among such sufferers as are by the
present unhappy difficulties reduced to necessitous circumstances, without
distinction of sects or parties, provided they are not active in carrying on or
promoting military measures (so that our religious testimony against wars
and fightings may be preserved pure) ; and we being sensible there are many
such within as well as without the town of Boston— and being desirous of
finding those that are most needy there as well as without, desire thy favorable
assistance in getting into the town— that they may be visited and relieved
in such manner as the bearers thereof, Moses Farnum, Isaac Lawton, David
Buffum, Theophilus Shove, Jr., and Jeremiah Hacker, whom we have
appointed a committee for that service may think proper ; and when their
GhriBtian services are accomplished, to be allowed to return to their families
in safety.
" Sorrowfally affected with the present calamities, and feeling an engage
ment on oar minds so to demean ourselves, as becomes those who profess to
walk hombly and peaceably with all men. We are.
Thy Friends/'
170 An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston.
with them ; as the Small Pox was in Town by innoculation
generally, and only two of ns had had it, our not being
allowed to go in seemed but a small or no disappointment.^
"We sent General Howe a similar Address to that delivered to
General Washington with a Letter Informing him of our not
going in for the reason above Mentioned, and desiring his
permission, to let our Friends James Pramor* and Ebenezer
Pope meet us Upon the Lines, to whome we wrote under cover
to the General ; to which he answered by his Aidde Camp,
that our request could not be granted but that he would direct
the Sheriff to meet and Confer with us, at any hour we should
appoint : this at first seem'd rather close upon us, but sup-
posing he had his reasons for his Conduct as well as General
Washington we were easy and embraced his proposals, and
sending in my Name to an officer with whome I had some
acquaintance (Major SmalP a kind and humane man at least)
he, with the Sheriff meet us in the morning of the 16th ; but
the Evening before concluding the proper distribution uncer-
tain and being unacquainted with the Sheriff, wrote our
Friends of our disapointment in not Seeing them &c. ; And
instead of the Money sent in a Draft for £100 Only, after
a Conference opening the intention of the Donation, and
benevolent intention of Friends therein, without regard to the
promotion of Parties, as had been Misapprehended, and finding
1 <* The small-pox broke oat and spread alarm through the troops who
were generally inoculated. The British commanders considered this disease
alone as a sufficient protection against an assault from their antagonists."
Washington wrote regarding it (Dec. 14, 1875), ''The small-pox raged all
over the town. Such of the military as had it not before are now under
inoculation. This 1 apprehend is a weapon of defence they are using
against us."
' Obscure in the MS. — possibly Rainor. — 'See The Friend^ 9mo. 15th,
1849.
* John Small, the officer who is pictured in Trumbull's painting of the
battle of Bunker Hill in the act of endeavoring to save the life of the unfor-
tunate Warren. He saw considerable service in America previous to the
Revolution, and subsequent to it was a general in the British army. While
stationed in Philadelphia before the war he was a boarder in the old slate
roof house on 2d Street, when occupied by Mrs. Graydoo, the mother of
Capt. Alexander Graydon.
h
An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 171
a disposition in the Sheriff, to favor the Intention, we proposed
if they thought a further sum could be usefully applied,
agreeable to our purpose we would send it in, as we had it
with us, but they declining giving us any Opinion of the state
of the poor (only saying it was not so distressing as was
represented without) we rcfered the matter till we had
accounts out from our Friends,^ which thy kindly offered their
Assistance to procure, afler they had Distributed the sum sent
in and forward us out when done, which I now daily expect,
having on our return wrote them in and Spoke to the officer
Quartered at the advance works to forward by the first oppor-
nity. All around the Encampment is one Scene of Desolation,
fruit, Bange and other trees, fences &c. Some Buildings taken
Smooth away, the Town of Cambridge so crowded no Lodgings
to be had, that we were Oblieged to lay by the fire, Uncovered
but with our own Clothes, partly on the floor and partly on an
underbed of Straw, this trial, (new to mc), Secmd Necessary
to fit us for our Journey, by giving a Sympathy with those
we had to Visit who had not the comforts of life. We got to
Lynn on 7th day evening, being the 16th stay'd to Meeting
next day and went to salem. friends of both places generally
w^ell: 18tli, Visited Marblehead, Aasembled the Select men and
letting them into our Business of Visiting the poor, &c.;
devided into three Companies, a Select Man attending Each,
we went to House to House of the poor, seeing and Enquiring
their Circumstances and where need required and they were
within the Intention of the Donation we relieved, avoiding
those fiimilies that did not come within, as well as the
Guides could Liform us. We found great poverty to abound,
Numbers of widdows and fatherless, wood and provisions
greatly wanting among them, Some poor women had to back
the former two Miles. An Instance of this was a widow
* " The distress of the troops and inhabitants, in Boston, is great beyond
all possible description, neither vegetables, flonr, nor pnlse for the inhabitants
and the king's stores so very short none can be spared for them ; no fuel, and
the winter set in remarkably severe. Even salt provision is fifteen pence,
sterling per pcunnd.** — LeUer quoted in Frothtngham*8 Siege of Boston,
page 280.
172 An Unxoritten Chapter in the Bxstory of Boston.
woman with five Children and as shee told us and Indeed
appeared, daily looked to lie in with another had been out in
a Cold day more than that distance for what she could bring,
and had no bread in the House. She was one who we gladly
relieved, but thou will not conclude all were Objects of Such
Commiseration. She appeared a tender hearted woman In-
deed. She was Contrited into Tears at our Visit, in which
humble State we left the truly pittiable Object for whom I at
that Instant as at this time feele much, and when I have
reflected upon the divers Necessitous States, since have been
so affected as to Conclude, had I not been fiivored with an
unusual fortitude and guard upon the affections, the Service
we went through would have been too hard to be bom, but
through favor we were preserved through the whole in a good
Degree of Satisfaction, having Sometimes a word of Consola-
tion, Counsel and admonition occasinonally arrising. we
Visited this day and helped, between 60 and 70 families Mostly
widows and Children among whom the Donation hath hitherto
Principally fallen, not finishing there, we left it to be done by
Jeremiah Hacker and Samuel Collins, the next day being
the 19th divided into four Companies a Select man with Each,
Visited Salem and in the after Noon feeling a draught further
Eastward to Cape ann, four of us Vizt. Benjamin Arnold,
David Buffiim Thomas Lapham Junr. and my Self (leaving
Thomas Steer to finish at Salem) Set off leaving on the way
some relief, we got there next day being the 20th, at 10 o'Clock.
Assembling the Selectmen and Overseers and giving them an
account of our Errand we divided as before one of them
Accompanying, the town being Scattering and Seven or Eight
Miles amongst the Extremities we rode, the weather Very
cold and windy, however the calls of the poor were so Strong
that we bore it with patience, here it took us part of three
days with attention, the general State of the poor here Ex-
ceeded Marblehead about half the most welthy Inhabitants
having removed back in the Country Leaving the poor Un-
employed, they were very necessitous having before been poor
when the fishery was carried on, which being now wholy
An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 173
stopted, we here, nor with you, have very little Idea of their
Poverty, yet their Children seemed helthy, Crawling even
into the ashes to keep them warm, the wood. Usually coming
by water and now wholy stopt, they could keep but little
fires for want of wood, poverty and the want of teams in the
place Oblieged many to fetch it here as at Marblehead, two
Miles by Land, Bread, Com, very Scarce. 4S for Indian
com, no rye the last upward of 5S per bushel from Salem
Eastward. Some families no other bread but patatoes for
sometime, which with Checkerberry tea was seen the only food
for a woman with a Sucking Child at her Breast. I hope not
many so, though I may Say it hath been a Sort of a School to
us, for we never Saw poverty to compare with about 100
£Etmilies in this town who we Visited and relieved besides
many poor not within the Limits of our Donation.
By this time thou wilt conclude your Charities were in an
Acceptable time, many were indeed of that mind and Ex-
pressed, and Some feelingly, a Sense of Gratitude.
The name Quaker though little known in these parts, will
be remembered, and perhaps some may no more think it
reproach.
I have thought of John Woolman's remark in his Sickness,
of Affluence relieving in time of Sickness, this indeed was the
case of some, for the Lame, the Aged and the Infirm was par-
takers of your Liberality, an aged woman 96 or 97, Husband
upwards of 80, with a Maiden daughter the Support of her
aged Parents in times when Business could be had, received
with a Sense of gratitude which the Silent Tear bespok, of the
Contrition, Upon the whole I think you may be Satisfied and
United that so fiir is well. May a Sense of favors be upon us
that we have had it in our power and been possessed of a
Heart to administer to the distressed. I mean the donars
among you with our Selves here. I was at Point Shirly about
4 miles from Boston where there hath been three Loads of
People Landed from Boston, they were mostly dispersed but
found between 80 and forty families, who were relieved,
another friend, not having had the Small Pox attended at
174 An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston.
another place in Chelsea,* where was about 50 persons that
had been Cleaned by Smoking, most of which he made distri-
bution to. My love to friends, with a Communication of any
part of this letter that may be necessary and will be Expected.
MOSES BROWN.
' "Watertown, Nov. 27. On Friday last, General Howe sent three
handred men, women, and children, poor of the town of Boston, oyer to
Chelsea, without anything to subsist on, at this inclement season of the year,
having, it is reported, only six cattle left in the town for Shnbael Herves,
botcher-master-general, to kill."— See Frothingham'i Siege of Botiton^ note,
page 282.
THE OATH TAKEN BY THE OFFICERS AT VALLEY FORGE.
I
James Gientworthy Lieut, of 6th Pennya. Reg, do acknowledge
the UNITED STATES of AMERICA to be Free, Independent
and Sovereign States, and declare that the people thereof 0¥re no
allegiance or obedience to George the Third, King of Great-
Britain ; and I renounce, refuse and abjure any allegiance or obedi-
ence to him; and I do Swear that I will, to the utmost of my
power, support, maintain and defend the said United States against
the said King George the Third, his heirs and successors, and his
or their abettors, assistants and adherents, and will serve the said
United States in the office of Lieutenant which I now hold, with
fidelity, according to the best of my skill and understanding.
JAMES GLENTWORTH.
Swam at the Valley Forge Camp \
this nth day of May, 1778, before me }
STIRLING^ M. Gn
i
J)eath of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 17S
DEATH OP MAJOR ANTHONY MORRIS, Ja^
Dmobibbd in a Letter written on the Battlb-vibld, nbab Princeton,
BY Jonathan Fottb, M.D.
AWOTATBD BT THB BXY. BDWABD D. BBILL, TRXMIDXKT OV XACALBBTBR COLLKOB, KIBir.
The letter of Jonathan Potts, a copy of which is here
presented, is in the possession of Howard Edwards, of Phila-
delphia, whose great-grandmother was a sister of Anthony
Morris, whose death is therein related. As the writer of the
letter was a descendant of one of the first settlers of Philadel-
phia County, and it relates to an important skirmish in the
war of the American Revolution, it will not appear out of
place in a publication of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
Dr. Jonathan Potts was the grandson of Thomas Potts,
who, at the age of nineteen, in A.D. 1699, was married at
Germantown by Friends' usage, to Martha Kewrlis.* John
Potts, the Doctor's father, was bom in Germantown A.D.
1710, and was married April 11, 1734, by Friends' usage, to
Ruth Savage, of Coventry. He died in 1768, and in an
obituary in the Pennsylvania Gazette y is described as ''a gen-
tleman of unblemished honor and integrity, known, beloved,
and lamented." His mansion, built at Pottsgrove, is still
seen. Dr. Jonathan Potts was his seventh child, bom April
1, 1745, and educated at Ephrata and Philadelphia. In 1766
he and his friend Benjamin Rush went to Edinburgh, for
medical study. In May, 1767, he was married to Grace
Richardson, and in the summer of 1768 graduated at the Col-
lege of Philadelphia, as Bachelor of Physic, at the first
granting of medical degrees in America. In 1771 he received
the degree of Doctor of Medicine, at the same time that Ben-
jamin Duffield, who afterwards married his sister Rebecca,
obtained the Degree of Master of Arts, and delivered a poem
on Science. Dr. Potts conmienced the practice of his profes-
sion at Reading. With the deepest interest he watched the
' Now Corlief.
176 Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr.
discussions in Parliament relative to the American Colonies.
Ilis family was divided in sentiment. His brother John
clung to the Crown of England ; Isaac, a Quaker preacher,
was a neutral until he became acquainted with Washington
at Valley Forge ; but his brothers Samuel, James, Thomas,
and Joseph identified themselves with the struggle for inde-
pendence.* In 1775 he was Secretary and member of the
* Children of John Potts and Ruth Savage*
Thomas, born May 29, 1735. Was one of the original members of the
American Philosophical Society. Member of the Pennsylvania Assembly
of 1775. In 1776 was Colonel of a Battalion. Died in 1785, while a mem-
ber of the Legislature, in Philadelphia.
Samuel, bom Nov. 13, 1736. Member of Assembly 1767-17G9. Was an
Associate Jndge, and died July 3, 1793. Dnnlap's "Advertiser" said : " Not
a tear will be shed on his grave but will be from the bottom of the heart.**
John, born Oct 15, 1738. Studied law at the Temple, London. Became
a Judge in Philadelphia ; sympathized with the Mother Country ; went to
Halifax ; returned after the war.
Martha, bom March 31, 1739-40; became the wife of Thomas Batter,
and died Oct. 11, 1804.
David, bora April 4, 1741. A successful merchant in Philadelphia. Hit
country-house at Valley Forge was the head-quarters of General Washing-
ton. Died in 1798 at Valley Forge.
Joseph, born March 12, 1742. Merchant in Philadelphia. Died at his
residence near Fraukford, Feb. 4, 1804.
Jonathan, born 1745. See sketch. Died Oct 1781, at Beading, and
buried at Pottstown.
Anna, born July 1. 1747, was the wife of David Butter, and died in 1782.
Isaac, bora May 20, 1750. Weems and Jjossing state that he was the
person who discovered Washington at prayer in the woods of Valley Forge.
He died in 1803 at German town. A Philadelphia paper, speaking of his
death, said : '< Who, indeed, that has heard of the death of Isaac Potts,
knoweth not that a great man hath fallen in Israel f '
James, born 1752. Was a lawyer. In March, 1776, became Major of
John Gadwalader's Battalion. Died Nov. 1788, aged 36 years, and
buried at Pottsgrove.
Bebecca, born Nov. 3, 1753, married Dr. Benjamin Daffield, and she
the grandmother of the writer of this sketch. Died Feb. 8, 1797. Judge
Iredell, of U. S. Supreme Court, in one of his published letters to his wife,
writes : '* Some very melancholy scenes have taken place among oar friends
on Front Street. Our excellent friend Mrs. Daffield died the very moroing
of my arrival."
Jesse, born 1757, married Sarah Lewis.
BuTH, born 1758, married Peter Ijohra.
Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 177
Berks CJounty Committee of Safety. On June 9th, 1776, hie
was appointed Surgeon for Canada and Lake George. He
returned with Gat^s to Pemisylvania, and in the General
Orders of General Putnam, dated Philadelphia, Dec. 12, 1776,
all officers who were in charge of any sick soldiers were
" directed to make returns to Dr. Jonathan Potts, at Mr. John
Biddle's, in Market Street."
In less than a month after this order, he wrote the following
letter : —
lbttbr op dr. potts to owen biddle.
My D'r Friend :— *
Tho' the Acc't I send is a melancholy one (in one respect),
yet I have sent an Express, to give you the best Information
I can collect. Our Mutual friend Anthony Morris' died here
in three hours after he received his wounds on Friday mom-
ing.' They were three in ^Jfumber, one on his chin, one on
the knee, & the third and fiital one, on the right temple, by a
grape shot. Brave Man! he fought and died nobly, deserving
* Owen Biddle was a descendant of one of the proprietors of West Jersey.
He was a brother of Col. Clement Biddle, who was present at the battles of
Trenton and Princeton. On July 23, 1776, he was chosen a member of the
Pennsylvania Council of Safety, and lived on Market near Third Street.
The next year he was President of the Pennsylvania Board of War.
' Anthony Morris was the great-grandson of an early settler, also named
Anthony.
1. Anthony Morris, bom August 19, 1654. Mayor of Philadelphia, 1704.
Died Aug. 23, 1721.
2. Anthony Morris, born March 15, 1681-82, was his grandfather. He
was Mayor of Philadelphia in 1739, and died Sept. 23, 1762.
3. Anthony Morris, his father, was born Nov. 14, 1705, and died October
2, 1780.
4w Anthony Morris, bom Aug. 8, 1738 ; killed in battle near Princeton,
Friday, January 3, 1777.
* The skirmish took place early on Friday morning, the 3d of January,
and did not last a half hour. Gten. Washington ordered the Pennsylvania
Militia to support Mercer, and led in person two pieces of artillery under
Gapt. Thomas Moulder, to a position near Thomas Clark's house, about one-
fourth of a mile from the spot where Mercer engaged the enemy. With this
force was the First Philadelphia IVoop of Cavalry, about twenty in number,
commanded by Captain Samuel Morris, a brother of Anthony.
178 Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr.
a much better fete.* General Mercer ia dangerously ill indeed,
I have scarce any hopes of him, the Villains have stab'd him
in five different Places. The dead on our side at this Place
amount to sixteen, that of the Enemy to 23.* They have
retreated to Brunswick with the greatest Precipitation, and
from Accounts just come, the Hero Washington is not fiir
from them : they never have been so shamefully Drub'd and
outgeneral'd in every Respect. I hourly expect to hear of
their whole Army being cut to pieces, or made Prisoners.
It pains me to inform you that on the morning of the
> John Morris, Jr., in a letter written at Bristol, two days after the battle,
to Thomas Wharton, President of Pennsjlvania Council of Safety, says:
'' Please to inform my father that my brother S. C. Morris received no hort
in the battle, bnt that Antho' Morris received a woand with a bayonet in
the neck and a bullet in his leg/'
He was first buried in the graveyard of the Stone Quaker Meeting-Hoose,
near the battle-field, but his remains were subsequently brought to Phila-
delphia, and buried, at the request of his family, without military honors, in
Friends' burying-ground.
The following military order was, however, issued on January the 24th,
1777 :—
'* One Gapt., 2 Sub's, 2 Corp's, 2 Drum'rs &. 50 men from the garrison in
the Barracks, to parade at the City Tavern, at two o'clock this afternoon,
to escort the funerals of the late Coll. Hasclett k Capt. Morris. The rest
of the garrison off* Duty, to attend with side arms only. Coll. Penrose, Coll.
Irvine, Coll. McKey, to attend as bearers."
' The loss of American officers in proportion to the number of men engaged
was very great. General Mercer of Virginia, Colonel Hazlet of Delaware,
Capt. Neal of the Artillery, Capt. Fleming of Virginia, Capt Morris of
Philadelphia, Capt. Wm. Shippin of Philadelphia, a merchant of Gksrman
descent who kept a store near Market St. wharf, and Lt. Teates of Virginia,
were among the slain.
The Pennsylvania Journal of Feb. 14, 1777, sUtes that Yeates was only
twenty-one years of age, possessed of wealth, that he received fourteen stabs
and was knocked on the head with a musket after he fell, and that his dying
affidavit was forwarded by Washington to General Howe. A friend, in a
poetical tribute which appeared in the same paper, wrote —
" But oh ! again my mangled Yeates appears.
Excites new vengeance and provokes fresh tears ;
Behold my wounds I he says, or seems to say,
Remember Princeton on some future day ;
View well this body, pierced in every part,
And sure 'twill fire the most unfeeling heart."
\
Death of Anthony Morris j Jr. 179
Action, I was obliged to fly before the Rascals, or fall into
their hands, and leave behind me my wounded Brethren :^
would you believe that the inhuman Monsters rob'd the
General as he lay imable to resist on the Bed, even to the
taking of his Cravat from his Neck, insulting him all the
Time.
The number of Prisoners we have taken, I cannot yet find
out, but they are numerous.
Should be glad to hear from you, by the bearer; is the
Eeinforcement march'd ?
I am, in haste, your most obedient
humble Serv't,
JON'N POTTS.
Dated at the Field of Action, near Princeton,
Sunday Eyening, Jan'y 5th.
Dr. Potts, on the 8d of April, arrived at Albany as Director
Oeneral of the Northern Department. Among his letters in
possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is the fol-
lowing from Dr. John Bartlett, written from Moses Creek,
Head Quarters, July 26, 1777, at 10 o'clock of the night, rela-
tive to the death of Miss McCrea : —
' Barber'a Historicdl Collections of New Jersey has the following : " Mr.
Joseph Clark states that General Mercer was knocked down about fifty
yards from his bam, and after the battle was assisted by his two aids into
the hoose of Thomas Clark, a new honse abont one and a quarter miles from
the College." Miis Sarah Clark and a colored servant nursed him. On the
12th of January he expired in the arms of one of Washington's aids, Major
Lewis.
The Pennsylvania Evening Post has this notice : " Last Sunday evening,
died near Princeton, of the wounds he received in the engagement at that
place on the 3d inst, Hugh Mercer, Esquire, Brigadier-General in the Con-
tinental Army. On Wednesday his body was brought to this City, and on
Thursday buried on the South side of Christ Church yard, attended by the
Council of Safety, Members of Assembly, Gentlemen of the Army, and a
number of the most respectable inhabitants of the City."
For years a plain marble slab, with the inscription '' In memory of General
Hugh Mercer, who fell at Princeton, January 3, 1777," marked the grave.
In 1840 the remains were removed to the Laurel Hill Cemetery, and a monu-
ment placed over them.
180 Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr.
" I have this moment returned from Fort Edward, where
a party of hell-hounds, in conjunction with their brethren, the
British troop, fell upon our advanced guard, inhumanly
butchered, scalped, and stripped four of them, wounded two
more, each in the thigh, and four more were missing.
" Poor Miss Jenny McCray,^ and the woman with whom
she lived, were taken by the savages, led up the hill to where
there was a body of British troops, and then the poor girl
was shot to death in cold blood, and left on the ground, and
the other woman not yet found.
" The alarm came to camp at two P. M. I was at dinner.
I immediately sent off to collect all the regular surgeons, in
order to take some one or two of them along with me to
assist, but the devil of a bit of one was there to be found, ex-
cept three mates, one of whom had the squirts ; the other two
I took with me. There is neither amputating instrument,
crooked needle, or tourniquet in all the camp. I have a
handful of lint and two or three bandages, and that is all," etc.
On the 16th of November, 1777, Dr. Potts left Albany on
a furlough to visit his family, and while at Reading, Pa., waa
appointed by Congress, Director General of the Hospitals of
the Middle Department. In 1780 he was Surgeon of First
City Troop of Philadelphia ; but did not live to see the inde-
pendence of his country achieved.
At the age of thirty, he died in October, 1781, at Reading,
and was buried at Pottsgrove, leaving a wife and family. His
executors were his brother Samuel and his old friend General
Thomas Mifflin.
1 Jane McOrea.
L
General Artemas Ward. 181
GENERAL ARTEMAS WARD.
BY ROBERT C. WINTHROP.
(Centennial Collection.)
Governor Thomas Hutchinson, in the Sd volume of his
History of Moissaehitsetts Bay (p. 194), after describing his own
defeat in the choice of Councillors, in May, 1768, on the
ground that being already Lieutenant-Governor and Chief
Justice he was considered a pensioner of the Cro\ni, says :
"This turned some who had voted for the Lieutenant-
Governor, and gave a majority of votes to Mr. Ward" Hut-
chinson then appends the following foot-note to the name of
Mr. Ward : " He was afterwards Commander-in-Chief of the
newly-raised forces in Massachusetts Bay, Ac, and was suc-
ceeded by Mr. Washington." If nothing else were added to
this record, it would be enough to secure the name of General
Ward from being forgotten. The chosen successor of Hut-
chinson as a Councillor of Massachusetts ; the predecessor of
Washington in the command of the first army of the Revolu-
tion !
Artemas Ward was the son of Colonel Naham Ward, one
of the early settlers of Shrewsbury, Mass., where he was him-
self bom on the 27th of November, 1727. He was graduated
at Harvard College in 1748. Having chosen the law for his
profession, he was one of the Justices of the Common Pleas
for the county of Worcester, in 1762, and became Chief Jus-
tice in 1776. But he was by no means absorbed in profes-
sional or judicial labors. He was a Major in the Provincial
Militia as early as 1755, and in 1758 he was Lieutenant-
Colonel of Colonel Williams's Regiment for the invasion of
Canada, and was in the expedition against Ticonderoga, under
General Abercrombie, in which Lord Howe, to whom Massa-
chusetts erected a monument in Westminster Abbey, was
killed. In 1759 he was made Colonel. But in 1766 his com-
18
182 General Arietnas Ward.
mission was revoked, on account of the opposition to arbitrary
power wiiich he liad openly manifested. On the same account,
too, his election as Councillor was negatived by the Royal
Gk)vemor.
On the 19th of May, 1775, he was commissioned as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Provincial Army of Massachusetts,
and took command the next day. lie w^as, of course, in com-
mand of the army around Boston at the time of the battle of
Bunker Hill, and probably gave the order for Prescott's Regi-
ment to throw up the redoubt. Tliat, however, was a secret
expedition, and no record of the order was preserved, if any
was made. Ward himself undoubtedly misconstrued the
British movements on the 17th of June, 1775, and considered
them only a feint to draw off the remaining troops from Head-
Quarters, and to give opportunity for destroying the stores
and cutting off the communications of the Provincials. But
it was not owing to any imagined inertness on that day that
he soon afterwards ceased to be chiefly responsible for the
military proceedings in Massachusetts. The Continental
Congress at Philadelphia had ali'eady decided to have au
army of their owti, and had appointed Washington to com-
mand it two days before the battle of Bunker HUl took place.
They also appointed Ward to be First Major-General of the
Continental Army.
It would have been unnatural if he had exhibited no sus-
ceptibility on thus being superseded on his own soil. But he
at once accepted the appointment, and took post on the right
of the Continental Army at Roxbury. When Washington
had succeeded in driving the British forces out of Boston on
the 17tli of March, 1776, and had himself proceeded to New-
York, General Ward was left by him in command of the
Eastern Department. He liad been suffering, however, from
serious infirmities of health, and he tendered his resignation
in April ; but, at the request of Washington, and of CongrefiB,
he continued in service to the close of the year.
The services of General Ward to his commonwealth and
his country were by no means confined to military life. He
was for sixteen years a Representative of his native town in
John Armstrong, 188
the Legislature of Massachusetts, and in 1786 he was Speaker
of the House of Representatives of that State.
In 1779 he was appointed a member of the Continental
Congress, and was repeatedly elected a member of the Federal
Congress after the establishment of independence.
He died on the 27th of October, 1800, aged 73.
A monument at Shrewsbury, after giving the dates and
details of his career, has the following tribute to his memory
and character: —
" Firmness of mind and integrity of purpose were charac-
teristic of his whole life, so that he was never swayed by the
applause or censure of man, but ever acted under a deep sense
of duty to his Country, and accountability to his God. Long
will his memory be precious among the friends of Liberty
and Seligion."
MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN ARMSTRONG.
BT WILLIAM M. DARLINGTON.
or PITTSBUaHH, FA.
(Centennial Collection.)
Jomff Armstrong was bom in the north of Ireland in the
year 1720. He emigrated to Pennsylvania some time between
the years 1745 and 1748, and settled in the Kittatinny Valley,
west of the Susquehannah River, then the frontier of the pro-
vince. He was well educated, and by profession a surveyor.
In 1750, when Cumberland County was formed, Messrs. Arm-
Btrong and Lyon by direction of the Proprietaries laid out
the town of Carlisle. It was resurveyed by Air. Armstrong
according to its present plan in 1762. In 1763 his office in
Carlisle with all his books and papers therein was destroyed
by fire ; a great public loss severely felt for many years after-
wards in the adjustment of boundaries of tracts of land in the
large district in which he was the public surveyor. In 1754
be was sent by Gtovemor Morris on a mission to the colony
184 John Armstrong.
of Connecticut in relation to the illegal purchase of lands
within the Province of Pennsylvania from the Indians by an
association of persons, in the former colony, known afterwards
as the Susquehannah Company or Wyoming Settlers. In
1755, at the request of General Braddock, the authorities of
Pennsylvania agreed to open roads from Carlisle to the Three
Forks of the Youghiogheny River, or " Turkey Foot" (near
the present town of Confluence on the Pittsburg and Baltimore
Railway), and also to AVills' Creek (now Cumberland), for the
purpose of more expeditiously furnishing supplies from the
inhiibited parts of the province to the army of Braddock
marching against Fort Du Quesne. Mr. Armstrong was the
surveyor and one of the commissioners selected for this dan-
gerous duty, which he satisfactorily performed.
In consequence of the defeat of Braddock, the greater part
of the Indians in the English interest went over to the French.
The frontier settlements were destroyed or deserted, many of
the settlers killed or carried into captivity. Companies were
organized throughout the province for defence, and in that
of Cumberland County, commanded by Joseph Armstrong,
John Armstrong enrolled himself as a private. In January,
1756, he was commissioned captain of a company in the
second battalion of Provincial troops, and on the 11th of May
was made its Lieutenant-Colonel. Colonel Armstrong urged
as a defensive measure, which was afterwards adopted, the
erection of a chain of block-houses, extending through the
Cumberland Valley from the Susquehaimah to the Maryland
line. Forty miles above Fort Du Quesne, on the east side
of the Allegheny River, the Indian villages of Kittanning,
with their cornfields, occupied a fertile plain extending from
the river to the base of a range of lofty and densely wooded
hills. From the time of the migration of the Delawares
westward from the Susquehannah, in the years 1727 to 1729,
Kittanning was their chief town, and a great resort of the
white traders from the east, until the descent of the French
from Canada, under Celeron de Bienville in 1749. After
the defeat of Braddock, bands of warriors continually issued
from this hive, and taking the path leading southeastward
John Armstrong. 185
across the lofty mountain ridges and deep valleys (in the
present counties of Armstrong, Westmoreland, Cambria, Blair,
Iluntingdon, Mifflin, and Fulton), fell with relentless fury on
the settlements in the Juniata and Cumberland Valleys. In
the sunmier of 1756, Colonel Armstrong and Governor ^lorris
concerted a secret expedition against Kittanning. In the latter
part of August, troops to the number of three hundred and
seven men, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, under Captains
Hugh Mercer, Ward, Hamilton, Potter, and Steel, and com-
manded by Colonel Armstrong, assembled at Fort Shirley,
the extreme frontier post (now Shirleysburg, in Huntingdon
County), from whence they marched on the 80th inst., taking
the Kittanning Path. At daybreak on the 8d of September,
they surprised and attacked the Indian town, which after a
eharp conflict was burned, and the chief warrior. Captain
Jacobs, and about forty other Indians killed. A number of
white persons were released. The loss of the whites amounted
to seventeen killed, nineteen missing, and thirteen wounded ;
among the most severe of the latter were Colonel Armstrong
and Captain Mercer (afterwards the distinguished General
Mercer of the Revolution). For the success of this expedition,
Colonel Armstrong was awarded the highest praise. The
corporation of Philadelphia presented him with their thanks,
a piece of plate, and a silver medal, and to each of the officers,
a medal and a sum of money. During the year 1757, he was
actively employed in directing the defences of the frontier.
In 1758, he was prominently engaged in the memorable and
successful campaign of the army under General Forbes, which
resulted in the conquest of Fort Du Quesne, where Pittsburgh
now stands. The Pemisylvania troops numbered near three
thousand men, the greater part forming the advance division
under the command of^ Colonel Armstrong.*
In 1768, the Indian War, usually called Pontiac's War,
broke out. During its progress Colonel Armstrong collected a
force of three hundred volunteers from the valleys of Bedford
and Cumberland, and marched from Fort Shirley on the 30th
of September against the Indian towns on the west branch of
* Commissioned Colonel May 27, 1758.
186 John Armstrong.
the Susquehanimh. Tlie Bavagea escaped, but their towns at
Great Island and Myanaquie/ with great quantities of pro-
visions, were destroyed.
On the 12th of July, 1774, a meeting of the citizens of the
county of Cumberland was held at Carlisle, at which spirited
resolutions were passed, expressing sympathy with the op-
pressed people of Boston, and appointing a county committee
of correspondence ; of this committee, Colonel Armstrong was
a prominent member. His name also appears at the head of
a committee in a letter addressed to Benjamin Franklin,
President of the Committee of Safety, sitting at Philadelphia,
expressing the desire and ability, if authorized, to raise a
complete battalion in Cumberland County. On February 29,
1776, of the six brigadier generals elected by Congress, Colonel
Armstrong was the first. He was at the same time directed
to repair to South Carolina and take command of the forces
in that colony. He arrived at Charleston, in April, and
assumed command of the troops there assembled, to defend
that city from the threatened attack by the British fleet under
Sir Peter Parker, which appeared off the Carolina coast on
May 31. On June 4, Major-General Charles Lee, commander
of the Southern Department, arrived and took the command.
He retained Genenil Armstrong, with eighteen himdred men,
at Haddrell's Point, about a mile from the Fort on Sullivan's
Island. Its commander. Colonel Moultrie, was placed by
General Lee under the inmiediate orders of General Arm-
strong. The British fleet bombarded the fort for ten hours
on the 28th of June, and were completely defeated. They
attacked no other point. Thenceforward the fort was called
Fort Moultrie, in honor of its gallant commander.
On the 4th of April, 1777, General Armstrong resigned his
commission in the Continental service, and on the day follow-
ing, lie was appointed first Brigadier-General of the State of
Pennsylvania. On June 5th, the Supreme Executive Council
of the State appointed and commissioned him Major-General
and Commander of the State troops. General Washingtoa
' At the junction of Kettle Creek with the west branch of the Sosq
haDnah.
John Armstrong. 187
wrote to General Armstrong on the 4th of July expressing
** his pleasure at this honorable mark of distinction conferred
upon him by the State."
During the summer of this year, he was actively engaged
4iirecting and erecting and maintaining defensive works at
IBillingsport and other points on the Delaware River, and in
jfrequent conferences with the State Council, at Philadelphia,
On September 11th, at the Battle of Brandy wine, the State
droops under his command were posted at the Ford, two miles
"fcelow Chad's, but had no opportunity of directly engaging in
~Ahat memorable conflict. After the retreat of the American
.^rmy, his division was employed along the Schuylkill River
"throwing up redoubts. At the Battle of Germantown, on
October 4th, General Armstrong was ordered by the Com-
3nander-in-Chief to attack with his forces the Hessian troops
<Jovering the left flank of the enemy — ^as a diversion ; a service
gallantly and successfully executed.
On the 19th of the same month, he was ordered to Phila-
delphia, to take command of the militia in case of an invasion.
On the 20th of November, 1778, he was elected by the
<ieneral Assembly of Pennsylvania, a member of Congress for
the years 1779 and 1780. He was again elected for the same
oflice for the years 1787 and 1788; with this last service his
public career closed.
In the summer of 1779, a stockade fort was erected at
Xittanning by a detachment of troops under Lieutenant-
Colonel Stephen Bayard, who named it " Fort Armstrong,"
^y order of Colonel Brodhead commanding at Fort Pitt, and
Xn the year 1800 a new county was there formed, and also
^amed Armstrong in honor of the general. The present
Handsome and flourishing town of Kittanning is the county
^oat. His youngest son, who bore his name, was secretary of
"^Var under Madison*
General Armstrong was a member of the Presbyterian
denomination, and was most prominent in establishing the
^rst church built in Carlisle in 1757. His death occurred in
tliat town, on March 9, 1795, and there in the old burying-
^^Tound his remains repose.
188 John JSixOTfL
COLONEL JOHN NIXON.
BT CHARLES IIENRT HA&T.
(Centennial Collection.)
When I accepted the mvitation, I had the honor of receiving
in October, 1875, from the Committee on the Restoration of
Independence Hall, to prepare a memoir of the life of John
Xixon to be presented at the meeting of American Uteratiy
requested to assemble in Independence Chamber on July
2, 1876, the centennial anniversary of the adoption of the
" Resolutions respecting Independency," I was doubtful if I
should be able to fulfil my engagement, so little was known
of his public services. That ho was a merchant highly
esteemed; the second president of the Bank of Xorth America,
and had read and proclaimed publicly to the people for the
first time the Declaration of Independence, were the only
prominent facts known even to his descendants. It seemed as
if the limited "two pages of fool's cap" could not be supplied.
But careful and laborious investigation among published and
unpublished archives, revealed incident after incident throwing
light upon his important career, until at last when the rough
material was sifted and shaped into its present form, the im-
probable two pages had been duplicated a dozen times. It is
presented in its extended size, so that those who come after us
may be made fully acquainted with the life and services of
one of the country's early and pure patriots.
John Nixon, who read and proclaimed publicly to the people
for the first time the Declaration of Independence, was bom
in the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1733. The exact date
of his birth is uncertain, but on April 17, 1734-85 (0. S.),
when two years old, he was baptized at Christ Church by the
rector. His father, Richard Nixon, is believed to have been a
native of Wexford, County Wexford, Ireland, but if so, when
he came to this country is unknown. That he was a bom
John Nixon. 189
Irishman has been sought to be established from the taucX, that
his son, the subject of this memoir, was, as will be seen later,
a member of "The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick," a social
society formed in 1771, whose prerequisite to membership was
being descended from an Irish parent in the first degree, or to
have been a native of Ireland, or a descendant of a former
member ; but, as a mother is a parent as well as a father, she
might have been the one of Celtic birth and not he. This
view is strengthened by the fact that there is an heirloom in
the family, in the shape of an old and very large sea -^
chest with these initials on the top in brass nails, G. S«
a not uncommon method with the early emigrants *
to this country for denoting and memorizing the period of
their departure from their homes, and the arrangement of the
letters would show that the initial of the surname was " N/'
while "G" and "S" represented respectively the Christian
names of the emigrant husband and wife.
The earliest mention we have of Richard Nixon is the record
of his marriage to Sarah Bowles at Christ Church, by the
Eev, Archibald Cummings, on January 7, 1727-28 (0. S.). He
was a prominent merchant and shipper, and in 1738 purchased
the property on Front Street, below Pine, extending into the
Delaware River, afterwards known for nearly a century as
Nixon's Wharf. In 1742, he was chosen a member of the
Common Council of Philadelphia, which position he continued
to hold until his death. Pending the French and Spanish
War, which was ended by the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, con-
cluded on the 7th of October, 1748, FrankUn urged upon the
citizens to associate together for the purposes of defence, and
two regiments of "Associators" were accordingly formed, one
for the city and the other for the county, which were divided
into companies, one for each ward and township, and of the
Dock Ward Company, in the City Regiment, Richard Nixon
was chosen captain. The Dock Ward at this time was, and
continued up to the present century, the most important and
influential ward in the city. He was a prominent member of
Christ Protestant Episcopal Church, Philadelphia, and one of
the vestrymen during the years 1745, 1746, and 1747. He
190 John Nixoru
had four children, all of whom were baptized there, and three
of them who died in infancy were buried in its ground, where
he himself fomid a restuig place also on the 6th of December,
1749 (0. S.). Uis personal property after his decease was
appraised at £20,000, a no inconsiderable sum in those days.
His wife survived him many years, dying July 25, 1785, at
the advanced age of eighty years, and was buried at Christ
Church, where reposed the remains of her husband.
John Nixon, the only child who survived his father, and
the subject of this notice, early took a leading interest in
public affairs. In March, 1756, at the age of twenty-three,
during the excitement of the French War, he was chosen by
a majority of votes of the freemen of Dock Ward, Lieutenant
of the Dock Ward Company, " in the stead of Mr. Thomas
Willing, the late lieutenant of said company, who was pleased
to resign his commission." This company was a sort of home
guard, and doubtless the same as the one formed in 1747,
of which his father was the first captain. He succeeded to
the business of his father, at the old place on Front Street,
with Nixon's wharf in the rear, adjoining the warehouses of
Willing & Morris, the most considerable merc*hants in the
province or indeed in the colonies. His first transaction of
which we have any knowledge is one which, with the light
of modern ideas, is not calculated to be looked upon with
favor. We find him in March, 1761, with Willing, Morris, &
Co., and other prominent merchants of the city, signing and
presenting to the Assembly of Pennsylvania, a remonstrance
to a petition that had been presented the previous month by
citizens of Philadelphia against the importation of slaves, and
in consequence of which a l}ill had been prepared laying a duty
of £10 per head on each negro brought from abroad. The
importers, in their remonstrance to the bill, represented that
the province was suffering great inconvenience for want of
servants, and "an advantage may be gained by the introduc-
tion of slaves, which will likewise be a means of reducing the
exorlntant price of lal)or and in all probabilities bring our
commodities to their usual prices." They represent that they
have "embarked in the tnide" of importing negroes through
192 John Nixon.
are too familiar to permit of repetition here, but they kept
the Colonies in a state of constant ferment, and in no plac-e
was this more the case than in Philadelphia, where in all the
measures of these trying times John Nixon took an active
part. The inhabitants of Boston, being anxious to know how
far they would be sustained by other portions of the C!olonies
in their eflfort to withstand the tyranny of the British Crown,
sent Paul Revere to Philadelphia with a circular letter, dated
May 13, 1774, requesting the advice of the citizens of Phila-
delphia upon the bill closing the Port of Boston. Imme-
diately upon its receipt on May 20th, a town meeting was
called, and held at the City Taveni, and resolutions were
passed appointing a committee of correspondence, with direc-
tions to answer the letter from Boston, and assure the people
of that town " that we truly feel for their imhappy situation,
and that we consider them as suffering in the general cause."
Of this committee Mr. Nixon was a member, and on the fol-
lowing day met a portion of the committee, who prepared,
signed, and sent " Tlic letter from the Committee of the City
of Philadelphia to the Committee of the City of Boston,"
which contained the key-note of the Revolution in these
w^ords: "It is not the value of the tax, but the indefeasible
right of giving and granting our own money (a right from which
WE CAN NEVER RECEDE), that is the qucstiou."
On the 18th of June a meeting of citizens was held in the
State House Yard, at which Thomas Willing and John Dick-
inson presided, when it was resolved that the Act closing the
Port of Boston was unconstitutional, and that it was expedient
to convene a Continental Congress. A committee of corre-
spondence was appointed, directed to ascertain the sense of
the people of the province with regard to the appointment of
deputies to a general Congress, and to institute a subscription
for the relief of the sufferers in Boston. Mr. Nixon was made
the third member of this committee, the first and chairman
being John Dickinson. The authority of the committee being
doubtful, they recommended that at the next general election
a new permanent committee should be regularly chosen, which
was accordingly done, and he was again duly returned. He
John Nixon. 193
was a deputy to the General Conference of the Province,
which met at Carpenters' Ilall, July 15, 1774, and remained
in session until the 22d, with Thomas Willing in the chair and
Charles Thomson for its clerk. The important action of this
body was the adoption of resolutions condenming in strong
terms the recent acts of Parliament, and recommending the
calling of a congress of delegates from the different colonies.
Mr. Nixon was also a delegate to the Convention for the
Province of Pennsylvania, held at Philadelphia from the 23d
to the 28th of January, 1775, which, among other things,
unanimously endorsed and approved the conduct and proceed-
ings of the late Continental Congress — the famous first Con-
gress of September 5, 1774.
The open strife between the mother country and her
colonies had now fairly begun, and on the 19th of April,
1775, the first conflict of the Revolution took place at Lexing-
ton and Concord. It was not until the night of April 24th
that the intelligence of these fights reached IMiiladelphia, and
the sensation caused by the news was intense. A meeting
was held in the State House Yard, at which it was computed
that eight thousand people were present. One brief resolution
was passed, in effect that the persons present would ''associate
together to defend with arms" their property, liberty, and lives
against all attempts to deprive them of their enjoyment. Tlie
committee of correspondence elected the previous autumn be-
came in this emergency an authority not contemplated at its
formation. The members entered at once upon the task, and
desired that all persons having arms should give notice, so
that they might be disposed of to those wishing them. The
"Associators" immediately began to enroll themselves into
companies, and drills were held daily, and sometimes twice in
the day. The companies were formed into three battalions ;
and the " Third Battalion of Associators," consisting of about
five hundred men, and known as the " Silk Stockings," was
officered by John Cadwalader, Colonel ; John Nixon, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel ; Thomas Mifflin and Samuel Meredith, Majors.
The first known appearance of these " Assoeiators" in public
was early in May, when the ofiicers met the southern dele-
194 John Nixon.
gates to the Continental Congress about two miles from town,
and escorted them into the city. A few days later a similar
compliment was paid to the delegates from the Eastern States.
Samuel Curwen, the loyalist, who was in Philadelphia at the
time, has preserved an account of this reception in his diary.
He writes: "The cavalcade appeared first, two or three
hundred gentlemen on horseback, preceded by the newly
chosen city military officers, two and two, with drawn swords,
followed by John Hancock and Samuel Adams in a phaeton
and pair." The Congress duly met on Tuesday, May 10th,
and on the 15th of June, upon the motion of Thomas John-
son, Jr., of Maryland, George Washington was chosen unani-
mously Commander-in-Chief of the Army raised and to be
raised, and his first appearance in public in his military
capacity was made five days later, when upon the commons
near Centre Square he reviewed the City Associators, number-
ing about two thousand men. On the following day he set
out for Cambridge, escorted for some distance by the City
Troops.
A "Committee of Safety for the Province of Pennsylvania"
having been appointed by the Assembly in June, 1775, John
Nixon was made a member on its reorganization, October 20,
1775, and continued an active and prominent member of the
body until its dissolution, July 22, 1776, on the formation of
the Council of Safety with David Rittenliouse at its head,
and out of the two hundred and fifty-eight meetings which
were held between October 20, 1775, and July 22, 1776, he is
recorded as being present at one hundred and ninety-seven.
Of this Committee of Safety, Franklin was President and
Ilol)ert Morris Vice-President, but, owing to their being
al)sont so often from the meetings by reason of other public
duties, application was made to the Assembly for authority
to choose a chairman pro tern, at any time when there was a
quomuti^ and the president and vice-president absent, which
was granted, and under this authoritv Mr. Nixon was chosen
the first chairman, November 20, and at all subsequent meet-
ings, when he was present and the president and vice-president
absent, he was selected to fill the chair. He was Chairman
John NixoTL 195
of the Committee on Accounts, and all orders for the payment
of money for public purposes were drawn upon him. In
May, 1776, upon information being received that the enemy's
vessels were coming up the Delaware, he was requested by
the committee to go down to Fort Island and take charge of
the defences there, and in July, he was placed in command
of the guard ordered to be kept in the city, which was com-
posed of four companies, one from each battalion. It was in
the month of July also that he performed that act which
entitles him peculiarly to a commemorative notice in this
centennial year.
The resolution for Independence, which had been offered in
CJongress on the 7th of June by Richard Uenry Lee, was
finally adopted on the 2d of July, one hundred years ago, and
on the following 4th the reasons for that Independence as
set forth in Jefferson's immortal Declaration were agreed to.
On the 5th, which was Friday, Congress passed the following
resolution : —
^^Besolvedy That copies of the Declaration be sent to the
several Assemblies, Conventions and Councils of Safety, and
to the several commanding officers of the Continental Troops,
that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the
Head of the Army."
A copy of this resolution was sent the next day by the
President of Congress to the Committee of Safety, whereupon
it was
^^ Ordered, That the Sheriff of Philad'a read or cause to be
read and proclaimed at the State House, in the City of Phila-
delphia, on Monday the Eighth day of July instant at 12
O'clock at noon of the same day the Declaration of the Repre-
sentatives of the United Colonies of America, and that he
cause all his officers and the Constables of the said city to
attend the reading thereof.
''Besdved, That every member of this Committee in or
near the city be ordered to meet at 12 O'clock on Monday to
proceed to the State House where the Declaration of Indepen-
dence is to be proclaimed."
The chronicler, Christopher Marshall, records a "warm sun-
196 John Nixon.
shine morning" for Monday, July the Eighth. The CJommittee
of Inspection met at eleven o'clock in the Hall of the Philo-
sophical Society on Second Street, and went in a body to the
Lodge, where they joined the Committee of Safety. The two
committees then went in procession to the State House, where,
standing on the platform of the observatory which had been
erected by the American Philosophical Society to observe the
transit of Venus, June 3, 1769, John Xixon read and pro-
claimed, to a great concourse of people, in a voice clear and
distinct enough to be heard in the garden of Mr. Norris's
house on the east side of Fifth Street, the Declaration op
Independence publicly for the first time. It is recorded
that it was received with heart-felt satisfaction, and that the
company declared their approval by their repeated huzzas.
Thomas Dewees was at this time Sherift' of Philadelphia, and
as he had the alternative of reading it himself or causuig it to
be read, Mr. Nixon was selected, doubtless from his prominence
as a citizen and as a member of the Committee of Safety.
There is now deposited in Independence Hall a broadside copy
of the Declaration, printed at the time, which was found
among some papers of John Xixon, and is possibly the very
one from which he I'ead and proclaimed it on the eighth of
Julv, 1776.
Towards the close of July, the Philadelphia Associators
were called into active service. New Jersey was threateneil,
and the several battalions marched to Amboy in its defence.
Their service lasted about six weeks, when they returned to
the city, and remamed until December, when they were called
for again, this time to serve immediately under the com-
mander-in-chief. At Washington's suggestion all the Asso-
ciators of the City and Liberties were formed into one brigade
under the command of Colonel Cadwalader, whereupon Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Xixon succeeded to the command of the third
battalion, and on the lOtli, the city troops, twelve hundred
strong, were in full march for Trenton. Washington, in writ-
ing to the President of Congress from Trenton Falls, under
date of December 13, 1776, says: "Cadwalader with the
Philadelphia militia occupies the ground above and below
John Nixon. 197
the mouth of Xeshaminy River as far down as Dunks' Ferry,
at which place Colonel Xixon is posted with the Third Bat-
talion of Philadelphia." Ilere Washington directed redoubts
to be thrown up, and, if the enemy attempted to cross, a stiind
was ordered to be made against them, and on the 22d, he
issued an order to Cadwalader specifying '* Colonel Nixon's
regiment to continue where it is at Dunks' Ferry." This ferry
was the important post to guard on tlie Delaware, as it was
fordable, and it was the point assigned for the crossing of one
body of the troops on Christmas night to attack Donop and
the Hessians near Mount Holly, while Washington crossed
higher up the river. How, owing to the floating ice at this
point, only a few officers got across, and how Washington
took the enemy by surprise and gained a signal victory over
them without the aid of these troops, are well known to all,
for with this event is connected one of the much controverted
points in our history — ^the disaffection of Joseph Reed.
It becomes necessary to advert to this subject in this place
for the reason that in the controversy which ensued between
Reed and Cadwalader, and which called forth the celebrated
pamphlets bearing their names. Colonel Kixon was an actor.
On page 24 of General Cadwalader 's "Reply to General Joseph
Reed's Remarks," appears this certificate : —
" I do hereby certify that in December, 1776, while the
militia lay at Bristol, General Reed, to the best of my recol-
lection and belief, upon my enquiring the news, and what he
tho't of our affairs in general, said that appearances were very
gloomy and unfavorable; — ^that he was fearful or apprehensive
the business was nearly settled, or the game almost up, or
words to that effect. That these sentiments appeared to me
very extraordinary and dangerous, as I conceived, they would,
ai thai time^ have a very bad tendency, if publicly known to
be the sentiments of General Reed, who then held an appoint-
ment in the army of the first consequence.
JOHN NIXON.
FhHadelphta, March 12, 1783."
14
198 John NixoTL
That Joseph Reed at this time contemplated transferriiig
his allegiance from the Continental Congress to the British
King the light of historical research leaves no room for doubt.
On the 1st of January, 1777, the time limited to accept the
privileges of Howe's proclamation would expire, and if the
Battle of Trenton had proved a defeat to Washington instead
of a brilliant victory, Joseph Keed would have accepted its
provisions and committed openly the treason he meditated in
his heart. It was Washington's success and not Reed's
unswerving patriotism that saved him. These conclusions at
least ai*e reached after a careful and diligent examination of
the subject from all available standpoints.
The Philadelphia Associators remained with Washington
until late in January, and took a gallant part in the Battle
of Princeton on the second. In a letter written by Reed to
Thomas Bradford from head-quarters at Morristown, dated
Januaiy 24, 1777, he says : " General Cadwalader has conducted
his command with great honour to himself and the Province,
all the field officers supported their characters, their example
was followed by the inferior officers and men, so that they
have returned with the thanks and praises of every general
officer in the army. * * * It might appear invidious to
mention names where all have behaved so well, — ^but Colonel
Morgan, Colonel Nixon, Colonel Cox, your old gentleman
[William Bradford], and Majors Knox and Cowperthwaite,
certainly ought not to pass unnoticed for their behaviour at
Princeton.'* This campaign is the only active service in
which we know the Philadelphia Associators to have been
engaged, except wintering at Valley Forge in 1778.
All means of supplying the army having failed, a new plan
was established in the spring of 1780 by the formation of an
institution called " the Bank of Pennsylvania for the purpose
of supplying the army of the United States with provisions
for two months." The plan was that each subscriber should
give his bond to the directors of the bank for such sum as he
thought proper, binding himself to the payment thereof in
specie in case such payment should become necessary to fulfil
the engagements and discharge the notes or contracts of the
John Nixon. 199
bank. The securities thus given by ninety-three persons
amounted to £315,000, Pennsylvania money, Robert Morris
and Blair McClanachan being the largest contributors at
£10,000 each, while John Nixon and many others subscribed
each £5000. The bank was opened July 17, 1780, in Front
Street, two doors above Walnut, and was governed by two
directors and five inspectors ; the first director being John
Xixon and the second George Clymer. The entire amount
secured was called for, and the last instalment was paid in
November. In May of the following year Robert Morris,
then Superintendent of Finance, submitted to Congress "A
Plan for establishing a National Bank for the United States of
North America," and on the 31st of December, " The President,
Directors, and Corporation of the Bank of North America"
were incorporated. This was the first incorporated bank in
the United States ; and it is of interest in this connection and
may not be generally known, that for this reason, when the
National Banking Act of February 25, 1863, went into opera-
tion, which provided that all organized banks accepting its
provisions should adopt the word " National" in their title,
the Bank of North America was permitted specially to accept
the provisions of the Act without changing its original title,
so that, although a national bank, its title is simply '* The
Bank of North America." Thomas Willing was the first
president of this bank; and upon his appointment to the
presidency of the Bank of the United States on its formation,
Mr. Nixon, who had served as a director from January, 1784,
was elected in January, 1792, to succeed him, and continued
in the office until his death, on the 31st of December, 1808,
at the age of seventy-six years.
Mr. Nixon held many positions of public and quasi public
importance. In January, 1766, upon the Assembly of the
Province passing a bill for the " Regulation of Pilots plying
on the River Delaware," he was selected with Abel James,
Robert Morris, and three others to officiate as Wardens of the
Port of Philadelphia ; and the next year was appointed one
of the signers of the Pennsylvania Paper Money, emitte<i
by authority of the Act of May 20, 1767. In November,
200 John Nixon.
1776, Francis HopkiiiBon, John Nixon, and John Wharton
were coiLstituted by Congress the Continental Navy Board ;
and in December, 1778, the Supreme Executive Council of
the State confirmed John Nixon, John Maxwell Nesbitt, and
Benjamin Fuller as a Committee to settle and adjust the
accounts of the late Committee and Council of Safety ; while
in August of the following year he was appointed by Congress
one of the Auditors of Public Accoimts, whose chief business
was to settle and adjust the depreciation of the Continental
Currency.
He was treasurer of the " Society for the Encouragement
of American Manufactures and the Useful Arts," established
in 1787, and one of the founders of the " Philadelphia Society
for the Promotion of Agriculture," formed in February, 1785.
In 1789, upon the reorganization of the College, now the
University of Pennsylvania, he was elected one of the Board
of Trustees ; and in the same year, under the Act of March
11, 1789, incorporating " The Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens
of Philadelphia," he was elected <jne of the fifteen aldermen,
to serve for seven years. It must be remembered that the
position of alderman at that period was very different from
the oflice of the same name at the present day. Then it was
one of honor and not of reproach, and the duties, similar to
those of the present select council, with certain judicial func-
tions attached. In the gnind Federal procession on the 4th
of July, 1788, celebrating the adoption of the Constitution of
the United States, Mr. Nixon represented Independence *' on
horseback, bearing the stafl' and cap of Liberty ; under the
cap a white silk flag, with these words, * Fourth of July,
1776,' in large gold letters."
Mr. Nixon was a man fond of social enjoyment, and as early
as 1760 was a member of the celebrated Fish House, — "The
Colony in Schuylkill," and in 1763, we find him one of the
Mount Regale Fishing Company, which met at Robinson's
Tavern, Falls of Schuylkill, every other Thursday from June
to October, and was composed wholly of men of wealth
and fashion — the leaders of Society in that day — aa may bo
seen from the names of Shippen, Chew, Hamilton, Francis^
John Nixon. 201
McCall, Lawrence, Swift, Tilglimau, Allen, Hopkinson, Will-
ing, Morris, and Kixon. He was also an original member
of " The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick" composed of persons
having Irish blood, and was present at the &mous dinner
given to Washington on New Year's day, 1782. To the
Pennsylvania Hospital he was an early and repeated con-
tributor, and served as one of the managers from 1768 to
1772.
After the reorganization of the land office in 1792, Mr.
Nixon purchased largely of lands in the outlying counties
of the State which, like most of such adventures, proved
unsuccessful. At the time of his death, he was the senior
member of the firm of Nixon, Walker, & Co., shipping mer-
chants, composed of himself, his only son Henry Nixon, and
Mr. David Walker. His residence was on Pine Street below
Third Street, adjoining that of the Rev. Robert Blackwell,
Rector of St. Peter's Church, while Fairfield on the Ridge
Road, immediately north of Peel Hall the site of the present
Girard College, was his country seat. Mr. Nixon was married,
October, 1765, in New York, to Elizabeth, eldest child of
George and Jane [Currie] Davis, and had five children, four
daughters and one son ; Mary, wife of Francis West ; Eliza-
beth, wife of Erick Bollman ; Sarah, wife of William Cra-
mond ; Jane, wife of Thomas Mayne Willing ; and Henry,
who married Maria, youngest daughter of the Honorable
Robert Morris. Mrs. Nixon died August 31, 1795, at the
age of fifty-eight, and was buried in St. Peter's Church-yard,
at the comer of Third and Pine Streets, Philadelphia, where
she reposes in the same grave with her husband.
In appearance, Mr. Nixon was a fine, portly man, with a
noticeably handsome, open countenance, as may be seen from
his portrait by Gilbert Stuart, painted late in life, in posses-
sion of his grandson, Mr. Henry Cramond.^ His maimers were
dignified and rather reserved, while he was noted for kindness
of heart, high sense of honor, sterling integrity, and firmness
' A miniiitiire painted by Peale in 1772 is in poflsession of his grand-
daaghter Miss West.
202 Chief Justice Williarn Allen.
of decision. In the early days of the revolutionary struggle,
Mr. Nixon shared the conservative views of his fellow towns-
men and copatriots Robert Morris, Thomas Willing, and.
John Dickinson, but after the edict of separation had been
amiounced, none were more eager or earnest in the cause.
He was a strenuous opponent of the old constitution of the
State, and a firm adherent of the party formed to effect its
change. The closing item of his will shows the sentiment
of the man better than any other words can portray them.
" Having now, my children, disposed of my estate m a manner
that I hope will be agreeable to you all, I request and earnestly
recommend to you to live together in terms of the purest love
and most perfect friendship, being fully pursuaded that your
happiness and that of your respective fitmilies will, in a great
measure, depend on this. These are my last words to you,
and I trust that you will have them in particular and long
remembrance."
CHIEF JUSTICE WILLIAM ALLEN.
BT EDWARD F. DE LANCET.
(GeDteuuial Collection.)
No Pennsylvanian of his day stood higher in public esteem
than William Allen, and no name is more intimately connected
with the " Old State House," or Independence Hall, both in
its origin, and in its history, and with Philadelphia itself,
than his.
Bom in 1703, the son of William Allen, a successful Phila-
delphia merchant, wealthy, well educated, and of command-
ing intellect, he accepted judicial office at the earnest request
of the most eminent men of the colony.
His father died in 1725, while his son was in Europe, leav-
ing him a large fortune, which he so well managed that when
he resigned the chief justiceship in 1774, he was probably
Chief Justice William Alien. 203
the richest man in Philadelphia.* The salary of his office he
refused to appropriate to his own use, and always gave it
away in charities.
He it was, who, on the 15th day of October, 1730, made the
£j8t purchase of the ground on which Independence Hall now
stands for a " State House" for Pennsylvania. He paid for it
^vith his own money, and took the deeds in his own name, at
the request of Andrew Hamilton, chairman of the committee
to procure a site, and subsequently the architect of the edifice
erected thereon. When all the difficulties of the enterprise
^w^ere removed a few years afterwards, he conveyed the pro-
perty to the appointed authorities, and was re-imbursed by
the Pi-ovince.
In 1735, William Allen was made the mayor of the city,
and in the next year, 1736, when the "State House" was
nearly completed, he inaugurated its "banqueting hall" by
^ving therein a great feast to the citizens and all strangers
in the city, — a feast described in a contemporary account, as
^^the most grand, the most elegant entertaimnent that has
iDeen made in these parts of America."
Bred a merchant, and the son of a merchant, he was largely
engaged in commercial and manufacturing enterprises in
IPennsylvania, especially in iron furnaces, in several of which
iie had a large interest. And, like all the men of wealth in
"that day, he acquired and held large tracts of land. His estate
lay chiefly in what is now the anthracite coal region of Penn-
sylvania, and from him the thriving city of AUentown derives
its name. He also possessed extensive lands in New Jersey.
Governor Thomas, writing to the Bishop of Exeter, on the
23d of April, 1748, relative to some funds the Bishop had
raised to aid the German Palatines, says, " if I might be per-
mitted to advise, the money raised for this purpose should be
lodged in a safe hand in London subject to the draft of Mr.
' His father's will, dated 30 May, 1725, proved September 30, 1775, is
recorded in the Register's office of Philadelphia. The Penn proprietary
estate was of coarse larger, bnt at the date mentioned, the chief justice could
probably command more ready money than the Penn family, one of whom,
the last governor, was one of his sous-in-law.
204 Chief Judke Waiiam AOen.
William Allen, a considerable merchant, and a very worthy
honest Gentleman in Philadelphia, that he might see it regu-
larly apply'd to the uses intended."*
For many years Mr. Allen sat as a member of the Penn-
sylvania Assembly. In 1737, he was appointed justice of a
special court organized for the trial of some cases of atrocious
arson. In 1741 he was made recorder of Philadelphia, then
an office of great responsibility.
During his entire career, he ever upheld by personal exer-
tions, and with the most liberal pecuniary aid, whatever the
interests, or the needs, of Pennsylvania, or America, required.
Xotably was this the case in the old French War of 1755-
1762, a time when aid rendered was aid indeed.
In 1751, William Allen was appointed chief justice of
Pennsylvania, and held the office till 1774, the long period
of twenty-three years. The Supreme Court of the Province
was held in the west room of Independence Hall, directly
opposite that in which Independence was voted, and the Con-
tinental Congress sat.
In that chamber presided Chief Justice Allen, with a
dignity, learning, impartiality, and intellectual force, equalled
by few, and exceeded by none, of those great jurists who have
ever adorned the ermine of Pennsylvania, and made immortal
the renown of her supreme judiciary. There, too, is now
preserved with care, the very bench upon which he sat, when
before him pleaded the gifted fathers of that illustrious bar,
which, a little later, gave a national fame to " Philadelphia
lawyers," which is still, after the lapse of a century, most
brillia;itly maintained.
No law reports were published at that day, and none of hia
decisions are now accessible, except the few that Dallas col-
lected after the revolution from lawyers' notes and prefixed to
the first volume of his reports, the first ever issued in Penn-
sylvania.
Appreciating the pleasures of literature, and the need of
learning to the well-being of a state, he joined heartily in
1 Historical CollectioDs, American Colonial Ghorch, vol. ii. PenDfljlFaoia*
p. 257.
Chief Justice William AUen. 205
educational measures with Franklin, and gave him effectual
aid, in founding that "College at Philadelphia," which is now
BO well known, as " The University of Pennsylvania."
He was prominent among those gentlemen of Philadelphia
who were the first Americans to originate an expedition to
the Arctic regions to discover the Northwest Passage — a field
in which a New York merchant,* a century later, acquired
great credit. To Pennsylvania, and to William Allen and his
friends, is due the high honor of first projecting and endeavor-
ing, by American enterprise, to effect the solution, in the
middle of the eighteenth century, of that great geographical
problem, which still defies the science of the world.
The following extract from a letter of Chief Justice Allen
to Gtovenior Penn, on this subject, shows at once the breadth
of mind of the man, and his great appreciation, in a public
point of view, of what he well terms " the noble design."
Phila., Nov. 18, 1752.
SiE : As I am quite assured that every thing that regards
the interest and reputation of the provmce ot Pennsylvania
will ever be regarded by you, I therefore beg leave to solicit
your favor in behalf of myself and many others of the mer-
chants of this place. Notwithstanding the repeated attempts
of gentlemen in England to discover the Northwest Passage
\i'itnout success, yet there has appeared among us a spirit to
undertake that noble design, which, if effected, will redound
to the honor of your province, and the advantage of us, the
undertakers.
By the inclosed paper, over which if you will be pleased to
cast an eye, you will perceive that last year we had intended
to put our design into execution, but by the extremity of the
winter and other accidents, it was postponed till next spring,
at which time, as we have bought a vessel and all other mar
terials, and engaged navigators and mariners, we shall proceed
in the a&ir, and dispatch the vessel from here the latter end
of March ; and are in great hopes by avoiding the mistakes
of former attempts, and pursuing, as we think, more proper
measures, to be able to effect the discovery of the passage, or,
at least, put it out of doubt whether there is one or no.^
A lover of the arts he was Bh early friend and patron of
' HeDry GrinDell.
' MS. letter io Library of Penna. Hist. Society.
206 Chief Justice WiUiam AUen.
Benjamin West. And he lived to see his judgment verified
by the great success of his young friend in England. This
produced an intimacy between West and the Allen fiamily,
which lasted till the death of the former while President of
the Royal Academy. There is still preserved, among the
Chief Justice's descendants in England, a splendid picture by
West, of a family fete in the grounds of Governor John Penn's
magnificent seat of "Lansdowne," upon the Schuylkill —
those exquisite grounds now embraced in the magnificent
Park, occupied by the grand Centennial Exposition of 1876
— which contains portraits of the Governor and his wife,
Ann, the eldest daughter of Chief Justice Allen, whom he
married on the Slst of May, 1766, of all the Allen fiamily,
and of West himself. The latter was present on the occa-
sion, and the bexiutiful, joyous, scene so impressed him, that
he painted the picture to preserv^e its remembrance, and
presented it to the Governor, saying, as he did so, " that he
had never executed a better painting." These facts were told
the writer by Mr. John Penn Allen, the governor's nephew,
one of the twin sons of Andrew Allen, when showing him
the picture at his house in London in 1867.
In his family relations Chief Justice Allen was very happy.
His wife, whom he married on the 16th of February, 1733,
old style, was Margaret Hamilton, daughter of Andrew
Hamilton, and sister of James Hamilton, both of whom were
eo highly distinguished in the annals of Pennsylvania, By
her he had four sons, John, Andrew, William, and James,
and two daughters, Ann, the wife of Governor John Penn,
the last Proprietary Governor of Pennsylvania, as above stated,
and Margaret, the younger, married on the 19th of August^
1771, to James deLancey of New York, the eldest son of
James deLancey, the Chief Justice, and then the Governor of
New York, and himself, from his father's death on July 80,
1760, to the Revolution the head of that fiamily, and the
political party in New York known by its name.
John Allen, the eldest of *he sons of Chief Justice Allen,
and James Allen, the youngest, both died before their father,
the other two sons and the two daughters survived him.
Chief Justice William Alien. 207
Advancing age and the persuasions of his family,^ being
then in his seventy-first year, and perhaps the political state
of the country, caused Chief Justice Allen to resign his high
office in 1774, and Benjamin Chew was appointed chief justice
in his place. Opposed to the encroachments of British power,
and feeling acutely the grievances of the colonies like all the
men of standing in America at that time, he believed in re-
dressing those grievances by continued constitutional means,
and not by rebellion against the sovereign to whom he had
sworn allegiance. He was even ready to resort to arms to
force the Ministry to abandon their oppressive and unconsti-
tutional course, but not to fight against his King. In the
very next year, in October, 1775, he gave his "half of a
quantity of cannon shot belonging to him and to Turner" —
the latter a joint owner with him in an iron fiimace — "for
"the use of the Board of the Council of Safety," which body
^' returned thanks for his generous donation."* In these sen-
timents all his sons coincided ; John, the eldest, was, in 1776,
elected a member of the Provincial Congress of New Jersey,
l)ut finding himself in the minority, soon left it and never
Tetumed. He died in Philadelphia in February, 1778. He
married, April 6th, 1775, Mary, daughter of David Johnston,
of New York, of the old and well-known New York and New
Jersey family of that name, by whom he left two sons, William
and John, his only children. William Allen, the third son of
the Chief Justice, was one of the first Pennsylvania officers
commissioned by Congress, and with his regiment served un-
der Montgomery in the Canadian Campaign of 1775. He ap-
plied to Congress for leave to resign when the Declaration of
Independence passed, which w^as granted on the 24th of July,
1776.* Andrew was a member from Pennsylvania of the
Continental Congress, was a leading Whig, and served also in
the Council of Safety. James served in the Pennsylvania
Assembly of 1776, as member from Northampton, with ability
and courage. Returning to his country seat in that county,
* MS. Diary of James Allen.
• Pennsylvania Colonial Records.
' Journals of Congress, 1776, p. 283.
208 Chief Justice WiUiam AUen.
after it adjourned, he lived in retirement a non-combatant
In November, 1776, shortly before the fall of Mount Wafihiug-
ton, he visited the American camp on Ilarlaem Heights, and
was received and lodged at his headquarters by General
Washington with great politeness.* He was subsequently
summoned before the Committee of Safety for " disaffection,"
but was finally permitted to remain at his country house in
Northampton County, where he died in 1778. The following
extract from his MS. Diary expresses not only his own views,
but those of the majority of the people of the Colonies at the
time it was written. "Alarch 6th, 1776. The plot thickens,
jKjace is scarcely thought of. Independency predominates.
Thinking people uneasy, irresolute, and inactive. The Mo-
bility triumphant. Every article of life doubled. Twenty-
six thousand troops coming over. The Congress in equilibrio
on the question of Independence, or no. Wrapt in the con-
templation of these things I cry out, '0! Rus quando ego te
aspiciam, &c.' I love the cause of Liberty, but cannot heartily
join in the prosecution of measures totally foreign to the
original plan of resistance."
Chief Justice Allen went to England on a visit not long
before his death. He had lost his wife several years previ-
ously, and decided to remain in England until matters were
more quiet in America. He resided in London, and died
there in September, 1780, in the seventy-seventh year of his
age-
Andrew Allen, his second son, bom in June, 1740, was a
man of very great ability, and was Attorney-General of Penn-
sylvania for many years, while his father was its Chief Justice.
He was elected a delegate from Pennsylvania to the Conti-
nental Congress, and took an active part in the proceedings
of that body, until he resigned his seat towards the close of
1776. In December, 1776, when Howe's Army was expected
in Philadelphia, a persecution of all opposed to indepen-
dence began. " Houses were broken open, people imprisoned
without any color of authority by private persons, and, as
1 MS. Diary of James Allen.
Chief Justice William Allen. 209
was said, a list of 200 digafFected persons made out, who were
to be seized, imprisoned, and sent off to North Carolina ; in
which list, it was said, our whole family was put down. My
brothers, under this dreadful apprehension, fled from Phila-
delphia to Union, where I went over to them. Soon after,
against my judgment, they all went to Trenton, and claimed
protection from General Howe's Army. From whence they
went to New York, and there they now are, unhappily sepa-
rated from their &milies, and like to be so for some time. I
was informed of this at Bethlehem by General Gates."*
From this time the Aliens supported the Crown. William
became the Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment raised in his
own province, called the " Pennsylvania Loyalists," and com-
manded it throughout the war. He was very witty, afiable,
and of remarkably fine manners, and as much a fiavorite with
his officers and men as he was in society. He never married,
and after the war lived in England. He died in London,
July 2d, 1838, at the great age of eighty-seven years. It was
of him, and not of his fiither, the Chief Justice, after whom
he was named, of whom it was said, when he resigned his
command under Congress to that body, as above stated, that
he did so " not because he was totally unfit for it, but because
the Continental Congress presumed to declare the American
States free and indejKindent, without first asking the consent
and obtaining the approbation of himself and wise family."
Andrew Allen, after he resigned from the Continental Con-
gress and joined Howe at Trenton, in December, 1776, took
no active part in the contest. He returned to Philadelphia
with Howe's Army in the autumn of 1777. With all his
&mily he was included in the Pennsylvania Act of Attainder
of March 6, 1778, and his estate confiscated. Li 1792 he was
pardoned, and re-visited Pennsylvania. Under Jay's treaty
of 1794, he attempted to recover from the State moneys paid to
it by some of his former debtors on land contracts made before
the war, but fistiled. Later he went again to England, and
resided there. He died in London in March, 1825, in his
' MS. Diary of James Allen.
210 Chief Justice WiUiain AUeru
eighty-sixth year. He married " the beautiful Sally Coxe,"
as she was called in Philadelphia, on the 21st of April, 17G8.
She was a daughter of William Coxe, of New Jersey, by his
wife Mary Francis, of Philadelphia. Mrs. Allen died in 1801,
in her seventieth year. Their children were : 1. Andrew, an
accomplished man, from 1805 to 1812 British Consul at Bos-
ton, and subsequently a resident of Burlington, New Jersey,
for a number of years. lie was much in Philadelphia in 1826,
where the writer's father, William Heathcote de Lancey, Pro-
vost of the University of Pennsylvania, 1828-33, and subse-
quently Bishop of Western New York, 1839-65, knew him
very well. A letter of the Bishop to his own father,^ in 1826,
says that Mr. Andrew Allen was the author of certain articles
in the Church Register of that time, which attracted much
notice, signed A N. lie returned to England subse-
quently, and died at Clifton, near Bristol, December 3d, 1850,
without issue. 2 and 3. John Penn Allen and Thomas Dawson
Allen, twins, born 25th October, 1785 ; both of whom were
living in 1868, in good health, at the age of eighty-three ; the
former a gentleman in London, where the writer knew and
visited him, and the latter a clergyman of the Church of
England, residing in Gloucestershire. Both are now dead
without issue. 4, Ann, 5, Elizabeth, 6, Maria, all of whom
* John Peter de Lancey, of Mamaroneck, Westchester County, N. Y., the
youngest brother of the James de Lancey who married Margaret Allen, as
stated in the text; born 15 July, 1753, educated at Harrow School, in Eng-
land, and the Military School at Greenwich ; entered the regular British
army in 1771, was a captain in the 18th, or Royal Irish, Regiment of foot,
and served with it, till William Allen, the brother-in-law of his brother
James, raised the Provincial Corps, the " Pennsylvania Loyalists," when he
was offered and accepted the commission of its Major. He served with it
until the corps was disbanded, when he rejoined his regiment, and continued
therein till 1786, when he returned to America, and resided till his death on
the 30th January, 1828, at his grandfather Heathcote's old seat at Mamaro-
neck, of which he was the proprietor. His wife was Elizabeth, daughter of
Colonel Richard Floyd, of Mastic, Suffolk Co., N. Y., the head of that old
Long Island family ; to a younger branch of which, belonged the William
Floyd who signed the Declaration of Independence, and was the first U. S.
Senator from New York, who was one of Richard Floyd's first cousins.
Chief Justice William Alien. 211
died unmarried; and 7, Margaret, who married in Philadel-
phia, Jmie 20th, 1793, George Hammond, the first British
Minister to the United States after the peace of 1783. She
died December 8, 1838 ; and her son is the Edmund Ham-
mond whom Mr. Gladstone on his retirement from office in
1870, created a peer by the title of "Baron Hammond," for
nearly fifty years of consecutive service in the British For-
eign Oflice, in which he was a "clerk" from 1824 to 1854, and
** paid Under Secretary" from 1854 to his elevation. He is
still living.
James Allen, the Chief Justice's youngest son, married, 10
March, 1768, Elizabeth, daughter of John Lawrence and Eliza-
beth Francis, a cousin of the mother of his brother Andrew's
wife, above mentioned, and had one son, James, who died
without issue, and three daughters : 1. Ann Penn, bom 11
May, 1769, married James Greenleaf, 26th April, 1800, and
died in September, 1851, aged eighty-two ; 2. Margaret Eliza-
beth, who married the distinguished Chief Justice of Penn-
sylvania, William Tilghman, July 1st, 1794, and died four
years afterwards, on the 9th of September, 1798 ; and 3.
Mary, who married, November 27th, 1796, Henry Walter
Li\ang8ton, of Livingston's Manor, New York, and died
there December 11th, 1855, upwards of eighty. She was the
lady who was so famous for her graceful and profuse hospi-
tality, and was so long known in New York society as " Lady
Mary."
None of the descendants of Chief Justice Allen are now
residents of Philadelphia; and the name, for more than a
century the synonym in that city for high ability, political
power, great wealth, and the first social position, is there no
longer known. The man to whom, and to whose connections
by his marriage, she owes her famed " State House" — Ame-
rica's Hall of Independence — sleeps in a foreign land ; and the
names of Allen and of Hamilton and of Penn, with which it
so long resounded, are no longer heard within its historic
portals.
212 Dr. WiUiam Shippen, tfte Elder.
Dr. WILLIAM SHIPPEN, THE ELDER.
BT THS LATS THOMAS BALOH.
(Centennial Collection.)
Amongst those who emigrated from the Mother Comitiy
for the purpose of bettering their fortunes, and not to escape
religious persecution, was Edward Shippen (b. 1639), a son of
William Shippen of Yorkshire, gentleman. The family occu-
pied a position of importance, for we find the Rev. Dr. Robert
Shippen (a nephew of Edward Shippen) principal of Brazen
Nose College and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford.
Another nephew was William ShipjHjn, the lamous leader of
the Jacobites, the " downright Shippen" of Pope, of whom
Sir Robert Walpole repeatedly said, that he was not to be
approached by corruption, and whose courage and integrity
in parliament procured him (Dec. 4, 1717) the glory of a war-
rant of the House of Commons committing him to the Tower
for " reflecting on His Majesty's poreon and Government."*
Edward Shippen emigrated to Boston 1668, where he as a
merchant amassed a handsome fortune. He brought with
him his notions as a member of the Established Church, for
he at once joined the Artillery Company, but in 1671 he mar-
ried Elizabeth Lybrand, a Quakeress, and became a member
of that sect.
The most cruel, the most unsparing persecutions and deeds
of blood known in the history of the human race are those
which have boon done in the name of Christ. The Fathers
of New Enffland were not behind their brethren of other
sects, and accordingly Edward Shippen shared in the ** jail-
ings, whippings, and banishments, the fines and imprison-
ments" inflicted on the inoffensive Quakers. In 1698 a meteor
appeared, and therefore " a fresh persecution of the Baptists
and Quakers" was " promoted," and reached such a pitch that
1 Debates in Parliament, 1717-21, p. 20.
Dr. William Shippen^ the Elder. 213
Mr, Shippen was either banished or driven to take refuge in
Philadelphia,* It seems to have taken about a year to dispose
of his estate in Boston, and transfer the proceeds to his new
house (1693-94). He did not quit Boston without erecting a
memorial on " a green" near to " a pair of gallows, where
several of our friends had suftered death for the truth and
were thrown into a hole.'' lie asked leave of the magistrates
" to erect some more lasting monument there, but they were
not willing."
His wealth, his fine personal appearance, his mansion styled
"a princely place," his talents and high character at once
obtained for him position and influence. Very soon after his
arrival in Philadelphia (July 9, 1695), he was elected Speaker
of the Assembly, Pemi, who always gave the most anxious
consideration to his selection of oflicers for the province, named
tim in the Charter, Oct. 25, 1701, the first Mayor of the
City of Philadelphia. In 1702-4 he was President of the
Governor's Council. In this last year he withdrew from the
Society of Friends, and also from public life, although he con-
"tinued to advise concerning public aftairs until his death, Oct.
2, 1712,
His son, Joseph Shippen, bom at Boston Feb. 28, 1678-9,
<iied at Germantown 1741; removed to Philadelphia 1704
^th his father. In 1727 he joined Dr. Franklin in founding
"the Junto " for mutual uiformation and the public good." It
"Was the forerunner of our now numerous scientific institutions.
One of the subjects to which special attention was given was
practical anatomy. By his wife, Abigail Gross, of Huguenot
descent (Le Gros), he left three children surviving him. The
daughter, Anne, married Cliarles Willing.
Edward, the elder, bom July 9, 1703, generally known aa
of Lancaster, where he resided during the latter period of his
life, was much esteemed and respected throughout the pro-
"vince. Amongst other claims to consideration may be men-
t;ioned that he "laid/)ut" Shippensburg, and was one of the
founders (1746-8) of the College of New Jersey, at Newark
' It is qnite possible that " he was invited by Peon'' (Address, etc., by
^. W. E. Hornor, Hazard's Beg., x. p. 66).
15
214 Dr. William ShippeUj the Elder.
in that State, removed 1753 to Princeton, of which he was
Trustee for twenty years. He was active in church affiurs.
Of his two sons, Edward,* the elder, became Chief Justice of
Pennsylvania ; and the younger, Joseph, a graduate of Prince-
ton, 1753, rose to the rank of Colonel in the Provincial Army.
As such he commanded the advance in Gheneral Forbes^s expe-
dition for the capture of Fort Duquesne. He was also a poet
of considerable merit. After the troops were disbanded he
made a visit to EurojK), and on his return was made Secretary
of the Province.
The sixth child and younger surviving son was Williami
Shippen, generally known as Dr. William Shippen, the Elder^
more especially the subject of this paper, because ho was a
member of the Continental Congress. He was bom at Phila-
delphia, Oct. 1, 1712, where he died, Nov. 4, 1801. We are
told that he applied himself early in life to the study of medi-
cine, for "which he had a remarquable genius, possessing that
kind of instinctive knowledge of diseases which cannot be
acquired from books." He seems to have inherited his
father's eager desire to explore the domains of physical science,
and no doubt that the Junto had its influence in shaping his
course in life. An eminent physician of this city says : " It
is most probable that he acquired those ideas of the impor-
tance of the study (practical anatomy), which induced him to
impress ui)on his son the propriety of making himself master
of the science, in order to aid the establishment of those
lectures he afterwards so ably delivered."* There is no record,
* There seems to have been as mach confusion in regard to these Edwards
and Josephs as in regard to the Doctors William Shippen. Mr. Griswold
(Republican Courts p. 15) has fallen into a mistake. In the Memoir of
Chief Justice Shippen, portfolio, 1810, by Dr. Charles Caldwell, Edward,
the emigrant, is confounded with his grandson, Edward of Lancaster.
Hazard's Reg., iv. p. 24] , repeats the same error. In Princeton College, by
Bev. S. D. Alexander, Secretary Joseph Shippen is represented to be the
son of Dr. William Shippen, the elder, instead of nephew, and brother to
Dr. William Shippen, the younger, instead of cousin.
• Contributions to the Medical History of Penna., by Dr. Caspar Morris,
Memoirs of Hist. Society of Pa.. 2d cd. of vol. i. p. 360. American Medical
Biography, by James Thacher, M.D., Boston, 1828, vol. ii. 8. ▼. William
Shippen.
Br. Wmam Shippen, the Elder. 215
60 &r as I know, as to when and where he received his degree
of Doctor of Medicine, but he speedily obtained a large and
lucrative practice, which he maintained through a long and
respected life. He was especially liberal towards the poor,
and jt is said, not only gave his professional aid and medicines
without charge, but oftentimes assisted them by donations
from his purse. He was very successful in his practice, but
was so fer from thinking that medicine was much advanced
towards perfection, that it is said, when he was congratulated
by some one on the number of cures he effected and the few
patients he lost, his reply was : " My friend ! Nature does a
great deal, and the grave covers up our mistakes." Conscious
of the deficiencies for medical education in America, and
animated by a patriotic desire to remedy them. Dr. Shippen
trained his son for that profession, sent him to Europe, where
he had every possible opportunity for obtaining a knowledge
of the various branches, and on his return (May, 1768) encour-
aged him to commence a series of lectures on anatomy in one
of the large rooms of this building (the State House), and thus
to inaugurate the first medical school in America.
It has been stated that Dr. Shippen was one of the founders
and for many years a Trustee of Princeton College (Thacher)
but that honor is due to his brother Edward, as already men-
tioned. Dr. Shippen 's son, however, was a graduate of the
Class of 1754, and for many years a Trustee of the College, as
well as his uncle.
Dr. Shippen was by no means given to politics, but the
outlook for the Americans at the close of the year 1778 was
very dark and dreary. It was at this moment that he was
called upon to take part in the councils of the nation. On the
20th Nov. 1778, he was elected to the Continental Congreas
by the Assembly of Pennsylvania. Daniel Roberdeau was
one of his colleagues. The vote cast for Dr. William Shippen,
the Elder, was 27. At the end of the year, Nov. 18, 1779, he
was re-elected. His advanced years and his professional duties
would have furnished ample excuse to any less patriotic citizen
for declining the thankless position, but an examination of
216 Dr. WiUiam Shippen^ the Mder.
the Journals of Congress* shows that Dr. Shippen was always
steadily at his post, and that his votes and conduct were those
of an honest, intelligent, high-minded, patriotic gentleman,
who thought only of his country's welfarc.
The Junto, in which Dr. Shippen took an earnest part, was,
as already mentioned, more or less the origin of the American
Philosophical Society. Of this latter institution he was for
many years Vice-President. For twenty-five years he was
first physician to the Pennsylvania Hospital, He was one of
the founders of the Second Presbyterian Church, and a mem-
ber of it for nearly sixty years. He was so very abstemious,
that he never tasted wine or any spirituous liquor until during
his last illness. He possessed the powerful frame and vigorous
health for which his race was noted. He rode on horseback
from Germantown to Philadelphia in the coldest weather,
without an overcoat ; and but a short time before his death
walked from Germantown to his son's house in Philadelphia,
a distance of about six miles.*
His mode of living was simple and unostentatious. His
temper was so serene and forbearing that tradition says it was
never ruffled. His benevolence was without stipt. He lived
beloved, and "at the great age of ninety years he bowed his
reverend head to the will of his merciful Creator, regretted
and lamented, and was buried in the graveyard of the church
to which he had been so useful."
» By some strange perversity which seems to attend the yarioas members
of the Shippen family, Dr. William Shippen, the Younger (the son), has been
of late years substituted for Dr. William Shippen, the Elder (the father), as a
member of the Continental Congress. The error, as far as I can trace it,
appears to have originated in Lanman's Dictionary of Congress, and to have
been imported into the Catalogues of Princeton and the University of Penn-
sylvania, Alexander's History of Princeton College, and other works. But
besides the Journals of Congress and of the Assembly, already quoted, other
authorities are Thacher citing the Medical Repository, Dr. Wistar's Bulo-
giura on the younger Shippen, 1809, Journal of Medical and Physical
Sciences, vol. v.. Dr. Joseph Carson's Hist. Medical Dept Univ. Penna.,
Dr. Wood's Address on the occasion of the Centennial Celebration of the
Founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital, etc etc.
« MSS. of R. Buchanan, Esq.
i
Joseph Montgmnery. 217
JOSEPH MONTQOMERT,
BT WM. H. EOLE, M.D.
Among the names which adorned the Continental Congress
one seems to have been lost to view. We refer to the Rev.
Joseph Montgomery, A.M., elected to Congress by the Assem-
bly of Pennsylvania in Nov. 1780, and again the year follow-
ing. It seems strange that not only that excellent historian
Jtured Sparks in preparing a list of those illustrious men of
yore should omit the name of him to whom we refer, but that
Mr. Lanman in his valuable Dictionary of Congress should
also feil to make any reference to the services of Joseph
Montgomery. We can only account for this omission, from
the £Eict that his successor in that famous body was John
Montgomery, and unfortunately both generally signed their
names J. Montgomery. With this introductory note we shall
give very briefly the main facts in his life.
Joseph Montgomery, the son of Robert and Sarah Mont-
gomery, was bom in the county of Armagh, Ireland, in the
year 1732. His parents removed to America and settled in
what is now Dauphin County, about 1787 or 1788. Joseph
received a classical education, and graduated at the College
of New Jersey in 1755. In 1760 both the colleges of Phila-
delphia and Yale conferred on him the degree of A.M. Mr.
Montgomery was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of
Philadelphia between the meetings of Synod in 1759 and
1760. He was ordained by the Presbytery of Lewes between
the meetings of Synod in 1761 and 1762, and became pastor
of the congregation of Georgetown, Delaware. This relation
was continued until 1769, when we find him in charge of the
congregations of New Castle and Christiana Bridge. How
long he remained the pastor here is not known, but towards
218 Joseph Montgoincry.
the close of 1779 we find him at Paxtang without a charge,
owing to ill state of health. In the wpring of the foUowmg
year he was on the frontiers of Northumberland Comity
assisting in alleviating the miseries of the distressed inhabit-
ants, which generous services, President Reed acknowledged
with grateful tlianks. In November, 1780, the Assembly of
Pennsylvania elected Mr. Montgomerj^ to the Confederated or
Continental Congress, and again in November, 1781 — serving
from December, 1780, to Decemb^, 1782. Owing to continued
bad health he declined a further election. In 1783 he was
appointed by the Assembly one of the commissioners to settle
the Wyoming controversy, of which body he was chairman.
In this capacity he served imtil May 31, 1787, when he
resigned.
Ui>on the formation of the new county of Dauphin, Mr.
Montgomery was appointed by the Supreme Executive Coxmcil
its first regist<»r and recorder. The same year (1785), the
Presbytery of New Castle rej)orte<.l to the Synod, " that, in
consequence of Mr. Joseph Montgomery's having informed
them, that through bodily indii^position he was inca{>able of
officiating in the ministry, and having also accepted an office
under the civil authoritv, thov have left his name out of their
records." lie died, nmch lamented, at Ilarrisburg in the early
part of the month of October, 1794, and was buried at Pax-
tang Church graveyard. Mr. Montgomery married, previous
to the Revolution, Miss Rachel Pcttit, of Philadelphia, Hia
widow and three children survived him — John, Sarah Pettit,
and Elizabeth. Sarah married Thomas Forster, and Elizabeth
Samuel Laird, both distinguished lawyers and representative
men in the interior of the State at the beginning of the present
century. Mrs. Rachel Montgomery survived her husband a
few years, dying July 28, 1798.
220
Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia.
April 6,1751.
Allaire,
Aug. 2,1752.
((
Dec. 22,1729.
Allen,
Mar. 8, 1731.
((
Oct. 5, 1738.
((
Sept. 2,1742.
((
June 13, 1744.
«
Aug. 3,1746.
((
Jan. 6, 1748.
((
Mar. 4, 1748.
u
April 13, 1748.
«
Oct. 18,1748.
((
Feb. 24,1750-1. «
Aug. 17, 1750.
u
June 26, 1756.
u
Jan. 17,1757.
u
Oct. 27,1747.
AUston,
Oct. 13,1721.
Anderson,
Mar. 15, 1727.
9
July 26,1729.
Feb. 23,1733.
Aug. 8, 1738.
Oct. 2, 1738.
Aug. 1,1741.
Sept. 17, 1744.
July 12,1745.
Aug. 15, 1746.
Oct. 27,1750.
Dec. 11,1750.
Dec. 11,1752.
Aug. 21, 1754.
April 30, 1755.
Sept. 6, 1756.
Andover,
Dec. 1, 1720.
Andrews,
Sept. 18, 1754.
Annand,
Sept, 16, 1754.
Annerly,
Jan. 26, 1742-3, Annia,
Oct. 25,1714.
Anthony,
Sept. 6,1716.
((
May 20,1726.
(4
April 3,1727.
((
Jan. 28,1730.
Antrobus,
Dec. 26,1728.
/
Ap Evan,
Aug. 4,1733.
Apleton,
Mar. 25, 1751.
Apowen,
Henriette,
Anthony-Alexander, son of
George. [Alexander.
Bersheba,
Elizabeth.
Lydia, dau. of Richard.
Sfannah, dau. of RichanL
Rebekah, dau. of Richard.
John, son of Richard.
Robert.
Elizabeth, widow.
Rebekah, wife of Richard.
George, son of George.
William, son of William.
dau. of George.
Margaret. Wife of William,
Rowland-Thomas, son of Jos.
Mary. [gers' Ground.
Mary,wifeof Archable. Stran-
Susannah, dau. of Lawrence.
Mary, dau. of Lawrence.
Susaimah, wife of Lawrence.
James.
John, son of James. Sweeds'
Christopher. [Ground.
Larrance, son of Larrance, Jr.
Abigail, dau. of Larrans, Jr.
James, son of John.
Elizabeth.
John.
Robert, son of William.
Lawrence.
Joseph.
Thomas.
Alexander.
Edward.
John, son of Thomas.
Stephen, son of Richard.
Charles, son of Richard and
Sarah.
Charles, son of Richard. Q^nt.
Capt. Richard.
Mary. Strangers' Ground.
Gerard, son o? Evan.
Stephen, son of John.
Jonathan.
k
Jteeords of Christ Church, Philadelphia.
221
Oct. 30,
Aug. 14,
Dec 19,
June 4,
Aug. 25,
Feb. J,
Jau. 4,
Dec. 26,
Dec. 28,
Nov. 27,
at, 26,
July 30,
July 25,
Mar. 10,
Jan. 21,
Aug. 24,
Aug. 13,
Mar. 19,
July 29,
June 11,
Jan. 13,
Aug. 8,
Feb. 28,
April 22,
July 2,
Jan. 7,
Feb. 20,
April 16,
Dec. 29,
Aug. 5,
1755. Appleby,
1758.
1758.
1759.
1716. Appleton,
1727.
1732-3.
1751. Archdal,
1728. Archer,
1780.
1735.
1741. Aries,
1742.
1752. Aria,
1740-1. AnuBtrong,
1756.
1726. Arundel,
1755. Aeh,
1759.
1732. AAbey,
1783-4. Aahby,
1727. Aaheton,
1780-1. "
1731.
1735.
1786-7. "
1745-6. "
1767. "
1742. Ashley,
1710. Aahton,
Sept. 29, 1711.
June 28 1714.
Sept. 15, 1714.
Mar. 4, 1716-7.
April 26, 1717.
Dec. 10, 1718.
Aug. 22, 1726.
May 30,1727.
.Tan. 23,1727-8.
Jan. 15,1729-80.
June 16, 1738.
Mary, dau, of John.
Hannah, dau. of John.
dau. of John.
Hannah, dau. of John.
Jouiah.
George.
Mary.
Thomas.
Robert.
Anne.
Martha.
JoHcph, son of John.
George, son of John.
John.
Stephen, son of John.
dau. of John.
William, of Dublin Mer't
William.
Joseph, eon of Henry.
Massey, dau. of James.
Mary, wife of James.
Holx^rt, son of Ralph and Sa-
Deboruh. [Hannah.
Mary.
Ralph, eon of Ralph.
Robert, eon of Ralph.
Ralph.
Wifiiam.
John. Strangers' Gro'd, poor.
Charles, son of Robert and
Margaret.
Thomas, eon of Robert and
Miirjfaret.
Hamiali, uau. of Jonathan and
Hannah.
Mary, dau. of Abigail.
Jonatlian, son of Jonathan and
Hannah,
dau. of .Jonathan and Hannah.
Elizabeth, dau. of Ralph and
KiisaTiii:ih.
Hannah, wife of Jonathan.
Robert, Esq.
Jonathan.
Marj", alias Finney.
James, son of John.
222 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
JANUARY AND MARCH MEETINaS OF THE HIS-
TORICAL SOCIETY OP PENNSYLVANIA.
The stated meeting of the Society was held on the eTening of January
8th, 1877, the President, Mr. John William Wallace, in the chair.
The minutes of the last stated meeting were read and approved.
The Secretary announced the death of Joseph Carson, M.D., a member of
the Society since the year 1847, and long one of its council. The remarks of
the Secretary, recognizing the valuable services Dr. Carson had rendered tht
Society, his excellence us a citizen, and his eminence in his profession, wert
ordered to be placed on the minutes of the Society.
Dr. Edward Shippen, U. S. N., read an historical sketch of the ground on
the banks of the Schuylkill on which the Naval Asylum stands, and of the
Asylum itself.
On motion of Mr. Chas. Boberts, the thanks of the Society were tendered
to Dr. Shippcn for his entertaining address.
The report of the Council was read, showing the additions to the library
during the year 1876 comprised 1017 volumes, 640 pamphlets, 32 maps, 47
manuscripts, and 203 miscellaneous articles, among the latter a gift from
the artist, Mr. Williams, a beautifully executed oil painting of Stenton, the
country mansion of James Logan, built in 1727.
A stated meeting of the Society was held on the evening of March 12,
1877, Vice-President Mr. George de B. Keim in the chair.
The order of business being suspended, Mr. Charles A. Esling read a pa-
per on the Headquarters of Washington at Brandywine.
The number of additions to the collections of the Society since the pre-
vious meeting was 551 bound volumes, 582 pamphlets, 16 manuscripts, 105
miscellaneous.
The folllowing cniulidates were nominated for office, to be voted for at the
annual meeting in May : —
President. Recording Secretary, CotmciL
John William Wallace. Samuel L. Smedley. Joseph J. Mickley,
John A. McAIliater,
Vice-Presidents. Treasurer, John B. FelL
Horatio Gates Jones, J. Edward Carpenter.
George de B. Keim.
A called meeting of the Society was held on the evening of April 16, 1877.
The proceedings which took place at that time will be found on page 149.
Notes and Queries. 223
NOTES AND QUERIES.
NoU0.
The Finb Arts in Philadelphia.— Mr. Titian R Peale has presented to
the Historical Society of PennsylvaDia some papers once in the possession
of his father, Charles Wilson Pcalc, which, with truuscriptions from the
unpublished memoirs of the elder Peale, throw lipht on an attempt made
in the winter of 1794-95 to establish in Philadelphia an association for the
encoiuiigcment of the fine arts.
The first paper in the series is dated December 29, 1794 ; it states the objects
of the movement, and bears the names of a number of well-known citizens,
together with those of the following artists: Charles Wilson Peale, Guiseppe
Ceracchi, William Birch. James Peale, William Rush, and John Kckstem.
The liev. Burgiss Allison, of Bordcntown, New Jersey, presided, and
Major Kichard Claiborne, of Virginia, acted as secretary. The society
thus formed was christened the Columbiannm, and gave promise of success,
but its life was a short one. 'I'he proposal that the students of the academy
should be allowed to draw from living models, shocked the sense of propriety
of some of the members, and they resigned from the society, which in a little
over a year from the time of its organization ceased to exist.
We cannot allow ourselves to trespass to any extent on this interesting
collection, forming as a whole a valuable contribution to the history of one
of the most creditable institutions in our city, and as such it shall appear in
an early number of this Magazine. One letter, however, from Benjamin
West to Charles Wilson Peale, which has no connection with the subject to
which the other papers of the collection refer, can be used with propriety,
and will be read with interest, not only as a pleasant memorial of the writer,
but on account of the reference to bis painting of the Death of General
Wolfe before Quebec, which, through the courtesy of the Queen of England,
thousands of our citizens had the pleasure of seeing in the art department
of the Centennial Exhibition.
Dexr Mk, Pbkl. :- ^''•'>°''' •^'"'« ^l. 1771.
I received your kind letter wrote on your first arrival in Maryland, it gave
me great pleasure to find you safe on the other side the water, and that
there was so fair a prospect to you in painting. I hope your health will last
as your merit must always continue to procure you employment Mr. Jen-
ning called yesterday to acquaint me of this opportunity of writing you
which I could not let pass without droping you these few lines. 1 have bad
much sickness since you left this place so as to deprive my making use of the
pencil for six months and more, but at present 1 enjoy good health and am at
work on the second picture for His Majesty, fhe approbation the Picture of
Regulos met with from him procured a commission for two more of the same
size. The one I am painting on at present is the subject of Heamilkar swearing
hit son Hannabel when only nine years old. 1 have painted a picture of the
death of Gen'l Wolfe that has procured me great Honour. 'Fhe Hannibal
and the Wolfe are the two pictures of the most consequence I have painted
since you left here — the others not worth mentioning to you. 1 hope it will
not be long before 1 shall have the pleasure of seeing some of your paintings
over here. Everything here in the painting way goes on with great rapidity,
the last Exhibition at the Royal Academy was the superior one that has
ever been in l^ndou, every Artist here endeavouring to out do his Compe-
224 Notes and Queries,
titor. I hope yon wanting one in Maryland will not let yon loose that great
desire for improvement you carried from here.
All your old friends are every day enquiring after you, when I heard from
you, how your health was last, and how painting goes on with you. I shall
be much pleased yon will now and then give me a line or two that I may
satisfy their inquiries.
My little boy that was when you were here is now become a man he is in
breeches and goes to school.
Mrs. West is in good health and desires to be kindly remembered to you.
I am, dear Mr. Peele,
With truth and affection,
Your obedient and Humble servant,
Mr. Charles W. Peelk. B. West.
Philadelphia in 1782. — In the second part of "The Narrative of the
Prince de Broglie," translated by Miss E. W. Balch, of this city, and pub-
lished in the April number of the Magazine of American History, we have
interesting glimpses of Philadelphia in 1782. Christ Church is spoken of in
it, as being the handsomest building in the city, but to the eye of the writer
of the narrative, accustomed to the elaborate interiors of the Cathe<lrals of
France, it seemed strange that it was not "decorated either with pictures or
gildings, but only with some pillars, an or^an, and a great velvet cnrtain
which covered the altar." The State-house is described as ** a building liter-
ally crushed by a huge massive tower, square and not very solid." ITie
account of the Continental Congress is fresh and interesting; the room in
which it held its sessions is spoken of as large " without any other ornament
than a bad engraving of Montgomery, one of Washington, and a copy of
the Declaration of Independence. It is furnished with thirteen tables, each
covered with a green cloth. One of the principal representatives of each
of the thirteen States sits during the session at one of these tables. The
President of the Congress has his place in the middle of the hall upon a
sort of throne. The clerk is seated just below him."
The Chevalier de la Luzerne conducted the Prince de Broglie to the house
of Robert Morris to take tea, and a delightful picture of social life in onr city-
is found in the record of the visit, which is as follows : ** The house is simple
but well furnished and verv neat. The doors and tables are of superb
mahogany and polished. The locks and hinges in brass curiously bright.
The porcelain cups were arranged with great precision. The mistress of the
house had an agreeable expression and was dressed altogether in white ; in
fact, everything appeared charming to me. I partook of most excellent tea,
and I should be even now still drinking it, I believe, if the Ambassador had
not charitably notified me at the twelfth cup that I must put my spoon across
it when I wished to finish with this sort of warm water. He said to me : it
is almost as ill-bred to refuse a cup of tea when it is offered to yon, as it
would be indiscreet for the mistress of the house to propose a fresh one, when
the ceremony of the spoon has notified her that we no longer wish to partake
of it."
In different parts of this narrative interesting mention is found of Wash-
ington, Robert and Gouvemeur Morris, Robert R. Livingston and others of
revolutionary fame, while the whole is a pleasing picture of the social and
political period of which it treats.
Baron Stirgbt/s House at Manhktm, Pa. — When Gen. Howe, in the
winter of 1776-77, advanced his army so far across Jersey as to render
Philadelphia too exposed a place for the Congress to hold its sessions, that
body retired to Baltimore, and a number of families, the heads of which
Notes and Queries. 2SJb
were active leaders in the revolution, left the city for points of greater safety.
The surprise and defeat of the British at Trenton and Princeton removed
all immediate danger of the capture of Philadelphia, and Congress and
citizens returned to it. The relief thus furnished, it was evident to many,
would be but a temporary one, as Philadelphia was, without doubt, the
objective point of the British commander, the capture of which he looked
forward to as the final stroke to be given to the American cause, and they
at once set about securing places of refuge where, in event of another
ofifensive movement on the part of Sir William against the city, they could
remove their families. Robert Morris was one of this number, and the letter
of his wife to her mother, Mrs. White, informing her of the purchase of the
residence of Baron Stiegel at Manheim by Mr. Morris, in which his family
resided when the British took possession of Philadelphia in the fall of 1777,
is an interesting addendum to the paper of Dr. Dubbs printed in the last
number of the Magazine : —
"April 14, 1777. "We are preparing for another flight in packing up our
furniture and removing them to a new purchase Mr. Moms has made 10
miles from Lancaster; no other than the famous house that belonged to Sted-
man and Stiegel at the Iron W^orks, where you know I spent G weeks, so am
perfectly well acquainted with the goodness of the house and situation. The
reason Mr. Morris made this purchase, he looks upon the other not secure
if they come by water. 1 thiuK myself very lucky in having this Asylum,
it being but 8 miles, fine road, from Lancaster, where I e.\j>cct Mr. Morris
will be if he quits this, besides many of my friends and acquaintances. So
1 now solicite the pleasure of your company at this once famous place instead
of Mennet, where perhaps we may yet trace some vest apes of the late owners
folly and may prove a useful lesson to us his successors.*' C. U. IL
Historical Map op Pennsylvania.— In this very excellent map, pub-
lished in 1875, 1 do not find laid down or mentioned a considerable stream in
Columbia County, now known as Roaring Creek. It rises in the Township
of Roaring Creek, runs thence through Locust into Catawissji. thence back
into Locust, thence through Franklin, striking the line between Franklin io
Columbia County, and Mayberry in Montour County, and becoming the
boundary line to where it empties into the Susquehanna, about three miles
below the mouth of the Catawissa. The south branch of Roaring Creek
rises in Conyngham Township, and runs its entire length, and at its confines
striking Northumberland County, becomes the boundary line between
Locust Township in Columbia County and Northumberland County, and
thence turning north into Franklin Township, empties into Roaring Creek
proper, about six miles above its mouth. Neither the name nor the stream
v& mentioned by Heckewelder. The original name was undoubtedly ** Pope-
metang," and the authority is contained in the following extract from the
" Minutes of the Board of Property," which is given in full, spelling and all
as it appears.
At a meeting of the Agents (the Governor being absent at Northampton)
on Tuesday the 1st day of May 1770 Present The Sec'ry Mr. Tilghman
The Auditor Mr. Hockley The Receiver Gen'l Mr. Physick The Surveyor
Gen'l Mr. Lukens. , ,.
^ Q 1 John Duffield not appearing tho' duly served with
WiCHOLAS SH<KPPRR I ^^^j^ ^^^ l^owA procced to enquire into the merits
_ ^^ I of the dispute upon the representation of Shoeffer
John Dufpield J ^^^ j^ appears that Duffield has the prior aj)plica.
tion but it is located upon the mouth of Roring creek or run about < miles
from Fort Augusta and Nicholas Sheffers Application is located upon the
mouth of Fopemetang creek which is about 17 miles from Fort Augusto
226 Notes and Queries.
That both these creeks have obtained the name of Roaring creek and the
Board are of opinion that Dnffield's location most be confined to the mouth
of that creek called Roaring creek which is nearest to Fort Augusta and
most agreeable to the distance from Fort Augusta mentioned in the location
And that the land at the mouth of Popemetang be surveyed for Sheffer
unless there be some other locatiou than l)uffields prior to Sheffers on thst
place. ^ . ^
Minutes of Board of Property page 217 certified 11th Feby 1785 David
Kennedy Sy. Id. off.
Yours, John G. Frbbub, Bloomsbarg, Pa.
(Slnmee.
Altbration in thb Pratbr Book in 1776.--In the proceedings of the
Virginia Convention, among resolves regarding ludepenaence and measures
for the defence of the Colony, I find on July 6, 1776, a resolution ** that the
following sentences in the Morning and Evening Service shall be omitted,
* 0 Lord ! save the King, and mercifully hear us when we call upon thee.' *'
Other changes in the old Prayer Book of similar purport were directed, and
a form of prayer was prescribed in place of that for the King ; the new form
asking for divine guidance for the Magistrates of the Commonwealth. As
no edition of the Book of Common Prayer was issued until 1785 (when the
** Proposed Book" was made), the alterations ordered must have been made,
if made at all, in the copies of the English Prayer Book in use in 1776.
Was any change similar to this ordered in the other Colonies, and if so, by
whom? R. R.
In Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 61, 1 find the following incident men-
tioned that I have not noticed elsewhere. While a portion of the army were
stationed at the Isle aux Noix, '* without apprehension of danger, the officers
were in the practice of visiting a Canadian hut on the western shore of the
river to drinK spruce beer. The scouts of the enemy had observed this inter-
course, and formed an ambuscade of Indians, who suddenly attacked an
unarmed party within eighty yards of the camp and in sight of the army,
killed and scalped Captain Adams, Ensign Cufbertson, and two privates,
and made prisoners Captain M'Lane and Lieutenants M'Farran, M'Allister,
and Hogg, with two privates ; Captain Rippy and Lieutenant Rush made
their escape in a canoe. I think the party was from the Pennsylvania line."
Can any one give additional information ? J. S. W.
James Morton. — Can any one furnish information regarding James Mor-
ton, of Aberdeen, Scotland, whose descendants emigrated to America ? One
of his sons, Samuel Morton, was the father of Robert Morton, whose diary
was printed in the first number of the Pennsylvania Maoazins ; another
son was John Morton. The records of the Society of Friends record that
Samuel Morton was of " Aberdeen, G. B." S.
Robert Strettbll Jones married Ann, daughter of Joseph Shippen. I
am preparing a genealogy of the Shippen Family, and would like to receive
any information in regard to his descendants. Charles R. Hildbburn.
Thomas Lriprr, a prominent citizen of Philadelphia in Revolutionary
times, came to America in 1764. lie was the son of Thomas Leiper, of
Strathavon, Scotland, and Helen Hamilton. She (t.e. H. H.) is said to have
Notes and Queries. 227
MoDged to the family of Hamilton, of Ripe (connected with that of Stone
House). Can any one g^re any information as to where a record of the
ftmily is to be found ? B. P. B.
JoHX Nixon. — Any facts bearing npon the life of Colonel John Nixon,
of Philadelphia, or upon his ancestry and family, or those of his mother Sarah
Bowles, are solicited by Charlbs Hknrt Hart.
Gardnbr. — Can any reader of the Magazine give information in reference
to Coos Gardner, Commander of Privateer *' Stark'* about the year I780t
Gardner.
Fifth Street Grave-yard.— I have frequently noticed in newspapers
mcconnts of the old grave-yard on the east side of Fifth Street north of
Chestnut, directly in front of the Fifth Street Market House. I am unable
to find any such accounts at present. Will not some one acquainted with
the history of this spot send a memorandum of it to the Magazine, that it
may be preserved in an accessible form ? L.
Translator of Chastrlluz's Travrm. — Has any satisfactory informa-
tion ever been elicited on this frequently asked question 7 If so, it certainly
has never had the general circulation that its interest warrants.
Trimble. — Can any one give the maiden name of Elenor, wife of Alexander
Trimble? They were married previous to 1755. Her second husband was
Nicholas Young. T.
Tarhee, Crane of the Wyandottes. — Information regarding him, not in
print. Instrument of writing with his signature attached. Portrait, wood-
cut, engraving, oil or pencil sketch. Date of death. Information of any
description tending to elucidate a history of his life which has been under
way for over a year. Correspondence solicited by S. W.
Francis Shallus. — I have been told that Francis Shallus, the compiler
of the Chronological Tables, had Indian blood in his veins. Can any one
give information 7 M. G.
The First American Flao. — At the reception of Greneral Lafayette by
the Legislature of Pennsylvania on Tuesday, February 1, 1825, at the State
Capitol, Harrisburg, the Speaker of the Senate, Hon. William Marks, in
welcoming the distinguished visitor, made this allusion : " General : You
will, no doubt, be gratified to behold adorning this temple of liberty, a relic
of the Bevolntionary times, the first American flag that ever was unfurled
in the British Channel, and which was made under the direction of that dis-
tinguished philanthropist. Dr. Benjamin Franklin." In whose possession was
this flag, and what has become of it ? W. H. £.
The Crisis (page 115). — An inquiry regarding this publication appeared
in the London N. and Q. some time ago (5 S. iii. 487), and although it failed
to elicit any information regarding the writers of the articles it contained,
extracts from the correspondence which ensued, and from the work, may pos-
sibly interest some of the readers of the Magazine.
228 Notes and Queries.
** The first narobcr of this very remarkable publication, which sacceeded
the North Briton^ Binaley's Journal, and The Whisperer, appeared January
21, 1775, and it certaiuly existed till July 27, 1776, when the eightieth number
was brought out."
The numbers bear various signatures, such as '* Gasca," *' Brutus," and
*' Junius," and are addressed " To the King," ** To the People," ** To the
Rieht Honourable Lord North," " To a Bloody Court, a Bloody Ministry,
and a Bloody Parliament." No. 14 is entitled " The present Necessary
Dbfknsivb War on the Part of America, justified by the Laws of God,
Nature, Reason, State, and Nations ; and, therefore, no Treason or Rebel-
lion." Another number contains *' 'ITie Address, Remonstrance, and Peti-
tion of the City of Loudon" against the measures of the government relating
to America ; with the King's Answer, which it says " would do Honour to
any Bucher, Monster, or Tyrant on Earth:' Number twelve contains a
Poem called " The Prophecy of Ruin," of which the following, after describing
a tyrannical monarch, is a specimen : —
" Should luch A Kin? succeed to England*» throne
(Tho' bom a Briton, they muit blwik to own) ;
Should ho in meannea bred, laugh at all /at9,
The senate keep by bribet, hnd fraud in au>ej
That parliaroent to loyal mandatet true,
With Enaland^i ruin, shall fix Boiton*i too ;
Her diarieri shall destroy, her rightt invade,
Her commerce ruin, and the town blockade ;
Shall fill that place, with men by ilaughter fed.
To rob the ttarving people of their bred ;
And fix hj force, some curst oppreetive lawe.
Made through Scoti villainy (without a cause) ;
Should I then live, I'd rather league with Hell,
Or rise in arme, and gainst that King rebel
Than be his elave, and by all thatsjfut/ and good,
I'd rather see my children roll in blood.**
No. 72 is inscribed ** To the most infamous Minister that erer diflgraced
this country. Lord North," and No. 46 is headed—
** Go on, vile Prince, by lawless strides, and try
How soon your Crown will fade, your empire die.
By your base nrts America shall rise ;
The name of Slave and Oeorge alike despise.
Great Britain's sons will fight in freedom's eauie,
And gladly bleed to save their rights and laws."
As a specimen of the prose the following passage will be snflScient to give
an idea : —
'* Te conspirators against the liberties of mankind at St. James's, in St
Stephen's Chapel, in the House of Lords, or amongst the bench of Satanical
bishops, you must surely think there is no God to judge, or hell to receire
you ; or you could never be so far abandoned as to stain vour hands, and con-
sent to dye the plains of America with the innocent blood of her inhabitants.'*
It has been tnought by some that Tom Paine was in some way connected
with this publication, but such ideas have no doubt arisen by confusing these
papers with the ones written by him in America under a similar title. Paine
was in this country so early in 1774 that he could have had nothing to do with
the matter. That ** No. 3" was actually burned by the Sheriff of London, as
stated in the extract from Marshall, there can be no doubt. A letter from
London to a gentleman in Philadelphia (see Force, 4th S. vol. i. p. 118) has
the following passage : *'Ton have herewith inclosed the late English papers,
and a peculiar fiery piece called the Crisis wrote professedly in favour of
Liberty and America and which from its freedom, has suffered martyrdom at
Westminster and the Exchange by order of a prostituted Parliament."
Some numbers of the '* Crisis" will be found in Force's Archives, bat only
a few. The question of their authorship is well worthy of inveetigration.
F. D. STomL
Notes and Queries. 229
Joseph Kirkbridk, son of Matthew and Maudlin, of the parish of Kirk-
Isrlde, county of Cumberland, England, was born 7 m. 29, 1662. He arrived
lu Pennsylvania in 1681, and settled in Falls Township, Bucks County, where
he, at first, followed the trade of a carpenter. On the 13th of 1st mo., 1688,
he was married to Phebe Blackshaw, daughter of Randall and Alice, at
Middletown Meeting. Phebe died 7 m. 29, 1701, having given birth to six
children.
Joseph married, second, Sarah Stacy, daughter of Mahlon and Bebecca, of
Burlington, N. J., 10 m. 17, 1702, at Falls Meeting. In his marriage certi-
ficate he is called a yeoman. Sarah died .9 mo. 29, 1703, leavinc^ one child.
On the 17th of 11 mo. 1704, he married his third wife, Mary Yardley, of
Makefield Township, widow of Enoch Yardlev, and daughter of Robert and
Fletcher, at Falls Meeting. By her he had seven children, making
fourteen in all.
Joseph died 1 m. 1, 1737, in the 75th year of his age.
His descendants are entirely too numerous to mention.
His daughter Sarah married Israel Pemberton, a grandson of Phineas and
Phebe, and his daughter Jane married Samuel Smith, the historian of New
Jersey. 8. B.
JossPH KiRKBRiDB (page 116). — In answer to the Query of " H." in the
last number of the Magazine, I state that some information of the family
can be found in the History of Bucks County, and that numerous descendants
are still living in the lower end of the county in Falls, Lower Makefield, and
other townships. W. W. H. D.
Daowortht (page 116). — Capt. Dagworthy, afterwards General D.,
formerly (about 1775 to 1783) resided in Sussex County, Delaware. There
he had a large landed estate obtained from William Penn or Lord Baltimore.
It consisted of some 25,000 or 50,000 acres, principally cedar swamp, then
valuable for the timber. He built a fine house and lived in handsome style,
married and left one daughter, who married the Hon. William Hill Wells,
M. C. from Delaware. Bv this marriage there was issue one son, who was
named after his mother, Dagworthy. This son was a member of the Phila-
delphia bar, and married a daughter of Dr. Lehman, of Philadelphia, and
left issue one son, William Lehman Wells, M.D., who can possibly furnish
some further information in regard to his great-grandfather.
Roxborough, Phila., May 27, 1877. D. Rodney Kino.
From the Writings of Washington, by Sparks, it appears that Dagworthy
had been an officer in the Canada expedition during tne old French war, and
had received a Ring's commission ; he had, however, commuted his half-pay
for a specific sum, which rendered his commission obsolete. In 1755-56,
while stationed at Fort Cumberland, he held but a captain's commission from
the Gk)vernor of Maryland, and commanded only thirty men from that Pro-
vince. Col. Washington did not acknowledge his claim to supreme rank,
and he, Dagworthy, cannot be said to have successfully contested precedence
with the officers of the Virginia Regiment on account of the royal commis-
sion he had once been honored with. It is true Washington allowed Capt.
Dagworthy to command at Fort Cumberland, but accepted no orders from
him. On the 5th of December he wrote to Governor Dinwiddie from Alex-
andria, " I can never submit to the command of Col. Dagworthy since you
have honored me with the command of the Virginia Regiment." The ques-
tion regarding precedence in this case was referred by Governor Dinwiddie
to General Shirley the Commander-in-chief, and as he delayed, Washington
visited Boston and obtained from him a decision in his favor, and an order
16
230 Notes and Queries.
that, in case it should happen that Col. Washing^ton and Gapt. Dagworth?
should join at Fort Cumberland, Col. Washington shonld tkke command.
(See Sparks, vol. ii. p. 133.)
In 1755, a Captain Dagworth commanded the Maryland Bangers, 50 men,
under Braddock. Sargent, in his history of the Braddock ezj^ition (note
to page 328), calls him Ely Dagworth, and states that *' he obtained one of
the lieutenancies in the 44th made vacant by the action of the 9th of July.
His commission dated from 15th July. In 1765 he had risen no higher.'*
Mr. Sargent speaks of this officer as the one who claimed superior rank to
Washington in 1756; if such was the case, there is some mistake regarding
his name, as Sparks designates him as John Dagworthy. (See Index.) In
1758 a Col. Dagworthy, of Maryland, was with General Forbes. F. D. 8.
Lady Christiana Griffin (page 116). — The Honorable Cvrus Griffin, of
Virginia, President of the Continental Congress, married a Scotch lady of
rank, Christina, eldest daughter of John btuart, sixth Earl of Traquair,
Baron Stuart of Traquair, Baron Linton and Cabarston, by his wife, Chris
tiana, daughter of Sir Philip Anstruther, of Anstrutherfield, Cooniy Fife,
Scotland. A grandson of hers. Dr. James L. Griffin, is, I believe, still living
in Gloucester County, Virginia, and is said to be the present representative
of the Stuarts of Traquair. David G. Haskims, Jr., Bo9t<m.
Gov. John Penn (page 115).— The attention of Dauphin is called to the
article on WMlliam Allen in this number of the Magazine, from which it
appears that there is a portrait of Gov. John Penn. M. M.
Edward Whallbt thk Regicide (page 55). — Will you allow me to make
a few suggestions in regard to the Whalley pedigree printed in your first
number ? I am inclined to consider it as unsatisfactory, for the reason of its
inherent improbability, leaving the question of the death of the Begicide
untouched. That is, I am willing to allow that we are so far from knowing
with certainty when and where Whalley died, that I think any theory is
entitled to careful examination.
But in the present case, Edward Whalley is said to be bom in or about
1615 (he was a Colonel in 1645), and to die in 1718. That is, it is claimed
that he was one of the extremely rare class of centenarians. Yet bis will
makes no allusion to this fact, but calls him only ** sick and weak in body."
Again, being aged one hundred years or thereabouts, in his will he speaks
only of three sons and three daughters, without allusion to remoter issue.
Then he speaks of his brother Ratliffe as of one living, and certainly of his
wife KlizAoeth as surviving him.
Mark Noble, in his Memoirs of the House of Cromwell, gives quite an
account of the Whalleys. He savs that the Begicide married the sister of
Sir Greorge Middloton, and that she died either in, or just before, 1662. He
adds, that there were several children, of whose career nothing is known,
except of Mrs. Goffe, and of John, the oldest son.
This John Whalley, he says, was a member of Parliament, for the town
of Nottingham in 1659, and the borough of Shoreham. He married the
daughter of Sir Herbert Springate, and had a son Herbert. This Herbert
Whalley was in 1672 in possession of some of the family estates, and we may
infer that John was dead.
If this Maryland story be accepted, we must find that Whalley took a second
wife in the New World, which, indeed, a centenarian might well do. But
this idea is opposed by the statement that Whalley was met in 1681 by two
of his wife's brothers with this family. Indeed, the Robins account of 1769
does not seem to imagine any second wife. It may be noted here that Sir
George Middlcton, the known brother of Mrs. Whalley, was a violent royalist
Notes and Queries, 281
I would, therefore, suggest to Mr. Robert P. Robins the following points :
That search be made to see if lands were granted to Edward Middleton, and
secondly, to Edward Whalley. Next to find out when the sons died, and their
ages, if possible. Lastly to trace the dates in regard to the Robins family.
As to a coincidence of family names with those of the Whalleys and
Crorowells, trifling as such evidence is, I fail to find it. The Regicide's
brothers were Thomas and Henry ; his father was Richard ; his uncles
Walter, John, and Thomas. On the Cromwell side his uncles were Oliver,
Robert, Henry, Richard, Philip, and Ralph.
The Maryland settler had sons John, Nathaniel, and Elias, surely not
family names with the foregoing.
I desire, however, to make one suggestion. We know nothing of the
Regicide's younger children. May not a son of the same name, an Edward
Whalley, «fr., be the person sought, who died in 1718, an old man, but not a
centenarian? He might have passed by his mother's name (Middleton)
first, and for many reasons might have been shy of acknowledging his rela-
tion to the Regicide.
Family tradition might well have confounded his travels with those of his
father, and, leaving the bones of the Regicide to rest undisturbed in New
England, we may concede that his son may have died in Maryland.
In brief, is it not much more probable that two of the same name have
been combined, than to fancy that Edward Whalley's stormy and harassed
life was an example of such extreme vigor as is implied in the word cente-
narian ?
I think Mr. Robins' communication is worth study, but it certainly demands
much additional examination of the Colonial records, and of the wills, deeds,
and family records of all the parties mentioned.
Boston, June, 1877. W. H. Whitmore.
The Whalley Family. — The interesting paper of Robert Patterson
Robins in the late publication of the Society gives some importance to the
following, copied from the " Visitation of Nottinghamshire** published by
the Harleian Society.
Minneapolis, Minnesota. E. D. N.
Richard Whalley, of Kirton, married Frances, daughter of Sir Henry
Cromwell.
Children.
Thomas married Mary, daughter of Thomas Peniston.
Elizabeth " Wm. Tiffin, mercer in London.
Edward " 1st, Judith, daughter of John Duffel, of Rochester,
Kent.
2d, Mary Middleton.
Henry " Rebecca Duffel, sister of Edward's first wife. He
was Advocate General.
Robert, Lieutenant under Cromwell, died unmarried.
Jane,
Children of Major-General Edward Whalley.
ByfirU wifey Judith Duffel.
John, born A. D. 1633.
Frances, wife of Colonel Goffe.
Mary.
Judith.
By second wife, Mary Middleton,
Henry.
Edward.
282 Book Notices.
BOOK NOTICES.
Chester {and its vicinity), Delaware County, in Pennsylvania^ taith Genea-
logiccu Sketches of some old families. By John Hill Martik, Esq.
8yo. pp. 330. For the Author, 217 S. 3d St Philadelphia, 1877.
The lover of local history will find in this volame a store of carious iofor.
mation presented in a readable arid pleasant form. The number of authori-
ties quoted, the references to unpublished manuscripts, and the traditions col-
lected are evidences of the years through which tne work of its production
has extended. It has indeed been a labor of love, and every page testifies
to the truth of the words used by the writer in closing his volume, that ** thus
ends one of the most agreeable occupations of his life." In preparing his
history Mr. Martin has spared no toil : newspaper files have been ezammed,
documents and records inspected, muster-rolls copied, and inscriptions from
tombstones transcribed ; the histories of upwards of one hundred families are
given, and the volume is rich with reminiscences of the past; and after read-
ing it one almost feels that he has seen the old Swedish settlement of Up-
land grow into the present flourishing town of Chester. One of the most
pleasing passages in Mr. Martin's book is the description of the old inn long
Known by the name of " Thurlow's." It was our intention to give an ex-
tended extract from this chapter, but as our space is limited we shall be
obliged to postpone doing so until the next number.
Mr. Martin's volame is well printed, and must prove a yaloable addition
to the historical literature of the State.
A History of the United States of America, including some important
facts omitted in the smaller histories, designed for general rectdtna and
for Academies. By Josiau W. Leeds. l2mo. pp. 468. Philadelphia :
J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1877.
This volume, written by a Friend, contains a concise and excellent accoant
of the settlement, growth, and government of the United States.
Impressed with the undue prominence given in the text-books of onr
schools to the wars in which tne country has been engaged, and to a corre-
sponding neglect in them " of matters relative to the Indians (save that they
were barbarous savasres), the slaves, and other items of interest bearing upon
our country's welfare," it has been the aim of the author of this book to supply
the missing links, and to point out the *' moral loss occasioned by a state of
warfare, together with its exceeding expensiveness « ♦ ♦ ♦ and to promote
a knowledge of those things in the past and present history of onr coantry
which tend to its peace, prosperity, and true renown."
Mr. Leeds, in the title of his book, modestly claims to furnish some infor-
mation " omitted in the smaller histories," but on a number of obscare points
it will be found superior to many works of greater pretension.
This book is a valuable epitome of the histery of our country, and will be
found a useful handbook in any library.
»
The Washington^Crawford Letters, being the correspondence between
Oeorge Washington and William Crawford, from 1767 to 1781, con-
cerning western lands. With an appendix, etc. etc. By C. W. Buttba-
FiELD. 8vo. pp. 107. Cincinnati : Kobert Clarke & Co., 1877.
This correspondence, covering a period of nearly fourteen years, is a contri-
bution to the history of the settlement of the southwestern portion of our
State, and to that of Lord Dunmore's war.
From it we can also gather facts regarding the business character of
Washington, and learn the importance he attached to investments in
western lands. The volume also conteins a biographical sketeh of Golonel
William Crawford, whose awful death by torture in 1782 near Sandusky
Washington deeply felt, sadly closing, as it did, an interconrse in which eaca
party concerned nad learned to know the other's worth.
^
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
Vol. I. 18TT. No, 8.
JOURNAL OF WILLIAM BLACK,
1744.
SlOBBTAKT OF THB COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED BT GOVERNOR GOOCH, OF
YlROINiA, TO UNITE WITH THOSE FROM THE COLONIES OF PbNNSTLYANUL
▲KD Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois or Six Nations
OF Indians, in reference to the lands west of the
Allegheny Mountains.
Edited by B. Alonxo Brook, Secretary of the Yirglnla Historical Society.
(Oontinued from page 132.)
Annapolis, Wednesday^ 23d.
This morning the "Wind being at S. W. and Inclining more
to the Southward, I went and acquantcd the CommissionerB,
on which they Determined to Sail, accordingly I went and
acquanted the Captain of our Yacht with their Resolution,
who Immediately w^eigh'd and got under Sail, in order to
turn it out to the mouth of the Harbour, leaving the Barges
and four hands to bring off the Commissioners &c. after Break-
fefit, I went to warn the rest of our Company to repair to
Esqr. Jennings's, that the Commissioners Design 'd to Embark
about 11 O'clock ; about 10 they went to his Excellencies,
and Returned him their thanks for the Great Civilities shown
tham while in Annapolis, and after their Compliments to his
17
234 Journal of William Black
Lady, took leave and Retum'd to Mr. Jenning's from whence
to his landing, where we were waited on by Philip Thomas
Esqr. Loyd* Esqr. Mr. Thomas Lee and several other
Gentlemen of Distinction, where we took Barge to go on
board the Margaret, then lying of the mouth of the River,
and by 12 O'Clock we came up with her, and in an hour after,
was out of Sight of Annapolis Wind at S. W. 15 min : past
4, had Chester River on our Starl)oard and Patapsco on our
Larboard Side, at which time we were at Dinner, but properly
speaking, some of us made but one Meal a day, and that last-
ing from morning till night. The Biscake Barrell standing
open upon deck by the Pump, every other minute one hand
or another, would be Diving in it, so that you might hear our
Grinders, like so many Hoggs under a Peach tree in a very
high Wind : the Wind blowing very weak, we made little or
no way, having a strong Tide of Ebb against TJs towards the
Going down of the Sun, seeing a Boat and Canoe a Fishing
Inshoar, wo liail'd them, with, have you got any Fish, which
they returned with, have you got any Rum, we Answered,
yes, will you come on Board and Taste it, then they unty'd
and made Directly for Us, but was very much Surprised with
the manner of Reception they met with, which was as follows:
We had the Blundorbush ready loaded, and Stil'd on the
side they were to board Us, Littlepage who was to Act the
part of a ilan of Wars Lieutenant, was Accoutred with four
Load Pistols, and the like number of Swords, which with his
lac'd hatt and Romantick Countenance, made an app'nce much
like another Black-beard, several more of our Company was
Arm'd with a Drawn Sword & Cockt Pistole, several pistoles,
three fowling Pieces Loaded, and some Drawn Swords lying
in view on a Table on the Main-deck, in this manner was we
Equip'd and Stationed ready to receive the poor Fishermen,
when they came near enough to observe our Postures &c, they
immediately lay on their Oars & paddles with no small concern
to know what we was, but on a little time the Ebb Tide draw-
ing them along side (which they did not observe being so
' Edward Lloyd, President of the Colony, 1704-14.
Journal of WiUiam Black. 235
surpriz'd) Littlepage ask'd them in a Sailor like manner, If
they would come on board and Serve his Majesty, to which
they made no Reply, but kept gazing at us like so many
Thunder-struck persons, at last with a Discharge of our Great
Gun and small Arms, Flourish 'g our Swords round our heads,
we desir'd them to come on board Directly, else wo woud Sink
them, on hearing of which, as if Recovered from a Trance,
they call'd out to one another, with marks of the Greatest
fear Imaginable, in their Countenances, pull about ! pull about!
for Gods Sake ! with all the Eagerness possible they Sett to
pulling and padling as if pursued by a Spanish privateer, on
which calling to hawl up the Bardge, an Man her, it being
done, Littlepage & my Self, got in with each a pair of Pistols
and a Sword, and made directly after them, on which, they
did mend (if possible) their Strokes, pulling for life directly
to the Shoar, now & then, now and then one or other of them
would look behind, & then cry out, pull away, pull away, or
we are all taken, at last they gain'd the Shoar, and so soon
their Vessels Struck the Ground, they got their Jackets on
their Shoulders, & without the least c^ire of them, made
directly for the Woods : to have seen Us pursueing, hollowing,
and brandishing our Swords, & them flying with their whole
might, one time looking behind them to see how near we
were, then before them to see how far they were from the
Shoar, was a Scene Suflicient, to Create pleasure and a Laugh
in Gentlemen less Blyth and Gayly disposed, than the Honour-
able Commissioners or any other of their levee; on their
gaining the Land, we tum'd and lay on our Oars (it being all
we wanted to Surprise them a little,) which as soon as the
fear and terrible concern they were in, allowed them time to
look behind and observe, they Rallied, Seeing this, and being
now on Terra firma, in some measure freed from that dreadful
Apprehension of serving his Majesty, they opened on us all at
once, like so many Hounds on a warm Scent, calling us a
parcel! of , if we would only come ashoar Man
for Man, they would teach us what it was to Fire Guns at
People, and fright them in so unaccountable a manner ; after
Exchanging a little Billingsgate with them, we returned on
236 Journal of WxUiam Black.
Board, where we found the rest of our CJompany very much
pleased with the Adventure. It was now quite calm, about
Daylight Shutting in, we had a small Breeze from the S. S.W.
which in a little time shifted to S. E. the forepart of the
Night appeared Cloudy, looking very Squaly, when I betook
my Self to my Cabbin, when in a very little time I got into
the Drowsy Gods' Dominions, where let me rest, till you turn
over the leaf.
On Board the Maroarbt, Thursday the 24th.
At five O'clock this Morning I made my Appearance on
Deck, at which time we came to Anchor Oft* Sacifrace* River
and Opposite to Spitsuisy' Island, not having Wind enough to
Stem the Ebb Tide, which runs very strong so high up the
Bay, Several of the Levee and my Self went ashoar on the
Western side of the Bay and call'd at the House of one Mr.
Phrisby* in Baltimore County, where we made but a short
stay, till we put oft* for our Yacht again, and by the time we
got on Board, she was under Sail, with a fine Breeze at E. and
be N. it was now 9 O'Clock, at which time went to Breakfast :
at 11 O'clock and off" Turkey point (having but little Wind)
the Commiss'rs &c. went on Shoar at the Point, where they
tarried about an hour, and then retum'd on Board : Here the
Prospect was exceedingly Agreeable, the Land in several
places Jutting out in Promontories in the Bay, you see at one
time a Considerable way up Elk, North East, and Susque-
hannah Rivers, which runs a good way in the Countrj% espe-
cialy the later several hundred miles it api)ear'd but narrow
all the way we could observe, from its mouth, which is on the
Codd of a Spacious rounding Bay, the Land from the Shoar
rises to a considerable heigth so gradually, which together
with the so uncommon Verdure of the Trees, yielded a pros-
pect Superior to any I ever saw of a Country so overgrown
with Woods, it was now 3 O'Clock when we were off the
Mouth of Susquehannah, at which time we went to Dinner ;
about the Setting of the Sun, came to Anchor before the North
East Town, Composed of two Ordinaries, a Ghrist Mill, Bake^
1 Sassafrai. < Spesatis. ' Friibj.
Jmmal of WHliam Blaek. 237
house and two or three Dwelling Houses, in Cecil C!ounty &
province of Maryland : I went directly on Shoar in order to
Dispatch some letters (which the Commissioners had received
in Annapolis) to Gentlemen that were to provide us with
Horses &c to convey us to Philadelphia ; I received a Letter
in one of the Public houses for the Commissioners, from the
Governor of Pennsylvania, which was Lodg'd there in order
to Advise them, that the Indians were not yet arriv'd at the
place of Treaty, nor were they Expected in any short time,
the letter was as follows :
To the Honourable Thomas Lee Esqr.
Phila. May 20th 1744.
Sir: I was not favour'd with your Letter of the 11th List't
before yesterday Evening : I am in some doubt, whether j'ou
may not have reached the place mentioned for vour Landing,
even before it comes to mv hands. I expect hourly to hear
of the Lidians being on their Journey to tne place of Treaty ;
but as from their Custom of Travelling with their Families,
and hunting upon the Road for their Subsistence, they may
possibly Exceed the time : I wish for your Ease and better
Accommodation, you would proceed to Philad'a Where I
shall be exceedingly well pleased to kiss yours and Colonel
Bonley's hands. I am witn a very great Regard.
Sir.
Your Most Oblig'd humble Ser't
GEO. THOMAS.
Notwithstanding, we were lying before a Town, the Com-
miss'n and all the rest of the Company chose to by on board,
as the place, by its appearance did not promise the best of
Entertainment, about 9 at Night we all went to bed.
Ox Board the Maroaret, Friday the 25th.
This Morning the Baggage was sent up to the Public House,
where the Commissioners and their Levee in a little time
followed ; here we Din'd, and Drunk the best Cask Cyder for
the Season that ever I did in America : the Commissioners
being Liform'd the Post from Philadelphia, was to pass
through this place at Night, they wrote to the Governor the
following Letter.
238 Journal qf William Black.
To the Honourable Williain Gooch Esq. Governor of Virginia.
May it Please your Honour.
We Arrived here last Night and Received a Letter from
the Governor of l^eimsjlvania, dated the 2l8t that he dayly
expected to know, t\n\t the Indians were on their way, but as
they Travel slow, he Kecommends it to us, to come to Phila-
delphia, and we shall take that way and leave this to-morrow.
Before we loft Annapolis, there was an Express from Connul
"Weiser, with an ArtfuU Letter relating to the Indian Afiair,
which they say is Logan, tho Weiser bigns it ; a Good deal
of Expense is propos d in favour of the jmdians, and they are
persuaded that there will arise some difficulty, by our having
no other Interpreter but Weiser.
The Commissioners from Maryland are not settled, Weiser
tells them plainly, that the Indians aroused in matters of such
moment, only to talk with Governors : Dulany is changed
for Jennings ; but as the lower house, permitted the Governor
to take money out of their Treasury for the Indian Treaty,
they have named two of their Body to be Commissioners, and
have drawn Instructions for them, Lidependent of the
Governor ; this was taken warmly by the Upper House, and
we left them in a warm Dispute which will possibly end in
Eejectinc: the Commissioners from the lower House, and it
may be found Necessary for the Governor to be at the Treaty.
"the Post is to pass thro' this place Immediately, so that
we hope you will Excuse the hurry we are in and believe us
to be with the Greatest Respect.
Sir.
Your Honours
Most Obedient &
DutifuU Servants.
THOMAS LEE.
AV. BEVERLY.
We wrote twice from Annapolis to which We beg to be
Refer'd.
The Commissioners, and two or three more lodg'd at the
public House, Colonel Taylor, Mr. Lewis and my self went
on board the Margaret. I must not forget, that in the fore-
noon, the Coni'rs and their Company went to the Prin-
cipio Iron Works, in order to view the Curiosities of that
place, they are under the management of Mr. Baxter, a Vir-
ginian, And was at Work forming Barr-Iron when we came
Journal of William Black. 239
there ; for my part I was no Judge of the Workmanship, but
I thought everything appeared to be in very good Order, and
they are allowed to be as Compleat Works as any on the
Continent by those who are Judges.
Maryland North East, Saturday the 25th.
This Morning by the time Aurora had banished the twink-
ling Starrs, I got from my Bed, and after rowzing the rest of
my Fellow Lodgers from sleep's lethargy, we steer'd our
Course for the Public house where we foimd the rest fast
lockt in the Arms of Deaths younger Brother ; the Morning
was Chiefly taken up in packing in Baggage and sending of
the Waggon, and 40 Min. past 9, the Commissioners and
their Train set out on our Way for Philadelphia: At the
Line Dividing Maryland and Pennsylvania, and about 9 miles
fix)m 2forth East, we were met by the High SherilT, Coroner,
and under Sheriff of New Castle County with their Whit«
Wands, who came at the Desire of the Governor to Conduct
us thro' their County ; at 12 O'Clock arriv'd at Ogle Town 19
Miles from North East, where we Stop'd and Refreshed our
selves with Bread & Cheese, Punch and Cyder, Our Horses
with good Planter's Oats, after which proceeded on to Wil-
mington, a Town 12 Miles further, in one way passing thro'
New Port a little Village on the Road and Eight Miles from
Ogle Town: Arriv'd at Wilmington 10 Min. past 8 P.M.
•where we Din'd ; This Town stands on Christine Creek, about
three quarter of Mile above where it runs in to Delaware
Eiver, the Houses are Brick, most of them largo and well
Built, and tho' an Infant place, of about two years standing,
there are now upwards of one hundred and fifty Families in
the Town chiefly Merchants and Mechanicks, there was sev-
eral Ships and other small Vessels on the Stocks a Building,
and several other Branches of Workmanship and Commerce
seem'd to go on Briskly: after Dinner, we set out about 4 in
the Afternoon, crossing a pretty large Creek calVd by the
Dutch, Brandywine, Nine Miles from Wilmington, and at
the Line Dividing New Castle and Chester County's were
waiting the High Sherifl:*, Coroner and imder Shli*. of Chester
240 Journal of WiUiam Bla/ch
County, who Conducted us to Chester Town Six Miles farther,
where we arriv'd a few minutes before 9 at night, and put at
Mr. James Matthew, the most Considerable House in the
Town ; most of the Company being very much &tigued with
the Day's Ride being very warm, they Inclined for Beds soon
after they alighted, and tho* for my own part I was not very
much tir'd, yet I agreed to hug the Pillow with the rest.
Chester iv Pennstlyaklil, Sunday the 26th.
This Morning, by the time the Sun retum'd to Enlighten
My Bed Chamber, I got up with a Design to take a view of
the Towm It is not so large as Wilmington neither are the
Buildings so large in General, the Town stands on a Mouth
of a Creek of the same name, running out the Delaware and
has a very large wooden Bridge over it, in the middle of the
Town, the Delaware is rockon'd three miles over at this place,
and is a very good Road for Shipping ; the Court House and
Prison is two tolerably large Buildings of Stone, there are in
the Town, a Church dedicated to St. Paul, the Congregation
are after the manner of the Church of England ; A Quaker
Meeting, and a Sweed's Church ; about 10 of the Clock fore-
noon, the Comm'rs and us of their Levee went to St. Pauls,
where we heard a Sermon Preach'd by the Reverend Mr.
Backhouse on the 16th Chap, of St. Luke 80 & 81st Verses,
from this some of us paid A Visit to the Friends who were
then in Meeting, but as it happened to be a Silent One, after
we had sjit about 15 Min, they Shook hands and we parted,
ft'om this Retum'd to our Inn, where we had a very good
Dinner, and about 4 in the Evening set out for Philadelphia,
Accompanied by the Shifs, Coroner, and several Gentlemen
of the Town, past thro' Derby a Town 7 miles from Chester
Standing on a Creek of the same name and at a Stone Bridge
about half a mile further,* was met by the Sheriff, Coroner,
and Sub-Sheriff of Philadelphia Countj", Here the Company
from Chester took their leave of Us and retum'd from this
passed on three miles further to the River Schuylkill, where
1 At the Blue Bell, oyer Cobb's Creek.
Journal of William BlacL 241
we found waiting for Ub Richard Peters Esqr. Secretary of
the Province, Robert Strettell," Andrew Ilamilton,' And
' Bobert Strettell, a wealthy Irish Qaaker, removed with his family to
Philada. in 1736. He was probably a son of Amos Strettell, of DubliD, who
in 1703 purchased 5000 acres of land in Peuna. Robert Strettell was snc-
cessively Member of Common Council, 1741, Alderman, 1748, and in 1751
Mayor of Phila. In Dec. 1741, he was appointed one of Provincial Council^
and in Jan. 1756, during the absence of Gov. Morris, he presided over that
body. He died in Phila., and in his will, which was admitted to probate
June 24, 1761, he devises "All my Proprietary Rights in West Jersey" and
*'all my Greek, Latin, and French authors." He was bu. in Friends'
Oround June 12th, 1761. His widow, Philotesia, dan. of John Owen, of
London, d. in Philada. June, 1782, and was bu. in Friends' Ground on the
28th of that month.
' Andrew Hamilton, the father of him mentioned in the text, was the most
eminent and the ablest of the lawyers of the Colony in his day. He was a
native of Scotland, and was born in the year 1676. Nothing is known of his
early history. The family tradition is that he fled from his native country
in consequence of having killed a person of note in a duel. It is more likely
that he may have been involved in some of the political difficulties during
the reign of King William. For some time after his arrival in America, he
concealed his name under that of Trent. Whatever the cause may have
been, all danger to himself had passed in the reign of Queen Anne, as he
was on the 27th January, 1712, admitted to Gray's Inn and called to the
English Bar; a step taken to secure reputation and to promote his ad-
vanoement in the Colony, which forbids the presumption of felony or crime.
He resided first in the Eastern Shore of Virginia, and afterwards in Kent
County, Md. He married a lady of fortune and family, Mrs. Anne (Brown )
widow of Joseph Preeson. He enjoyed a handsome practice in Chestertown,
and a great reputation for ability in 1712. He was soon after appointed a
Member of the Provincial Council ; and in 1717, Attorney General of Peniv-
sylvania, which position ho resiprned in 1726 to make a second visit to Eng-
land; after his return in 1727 he received from Governor €U)rdon the ap-
pointment of Prothonotary, in consideration, not only of his legal qualifica-
tions, but also of " the considerable service he had done to the Proprietors
in this Province and Country." In 1727, he was elected a Member of the
Assembly from Bucks County, and was returned to the same seat for twelve
successive years. He took a leading part in public affairs — was Chairman
of the most important Committees, the author of most of the Addresses to
the Governor and to the Proprietors and to the English Government, and
the draughtsman of the Act of the Assembly.
He was Recorder of the City of Philadelphia in 1728. And in November
1737, he was appointed Judge of Vice Admiralty. In 1739, he was elected
I
242 Journal of William BlacL
ficveral other Gentlemen of Philadelphia, who Receiv'd ub
very kindly, and Welcomed us into their Province with a
Bowl of fine Lemon Punch big enough to have Swimm'd
half a dozen of yoimg Geese ; after pouring four or five Glasses
of this down our throats we cross'd the River about two
hundred yards over, and riding three short miles on the other
side brought us into sight of the famous City Philadelphia,
but it being some minutes after the time of the Sun taking
Speaker of the Assembly ; and with the exception of the year 1733, he filled
the chair uninterruptedly till his final retirement, because of age and in-
firmities, in 1739, when he declined all further public service. On one
occasion he was unanimously appointed by the House a Trustee of the Loan
Office, and entrusted with the building and disbursements for the State
House, sacred to all An\pricans as the Cradle of Liberty — the Hall of Inde-
pendence— the designs of which were furnished and entirely carried out by
Mr. Hamilton. Andrew Hamilton's defence of the Printer John Peter
Zenger indicted for Libel before Chief Justice De Lancey and the Supreme
Court of NewTork in 1736, is one of the earliest and boldest assertions of
the Liberty of Speech and Writing. It occasioned wide-spread comment
at the time. Mr. Hamilton acquired a noble estate in Lancaster County.
The Town of Lancaster was laid out on his property in 1728. He died at
Bush Hill— which now forms a part of the City of Philadelphia—in 1741,
and was there buried.
His son James Hamilton was Deputy Governor in 1748-54, Governor
1759-63, and President of the Council in 1771. He was the only native
Governor of the Colony before the Revolution. He was a liberal patron of
the Arts and Sciences, and encouraged and fostered public enterprises.
He was President of the American Philosophical Society before ita union
with the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, under the auspices of
Dr. Franklin. He died in 1782.
The only daughter of Andrew Hamilton, the elder, married William
Allen, Provincial Chief Justice, a man of great wealth, one of the daughters
of whom married John Penn, son of Richard Penn, the last proprietary
Governor.
Andrew Hamilton, the younger, married a daughter of William Pell ; their
son William was one of the earliest patrons of art and collectors of pictares
in this country. He cultivated the art of ornamental gardening. His
residence was the beautiful seat called the Woodlands, the mansion house
of which is still standing in the grounds, which are now used as a cemetery.
The names of Allen and Hamilton are now both extinct— Article in Hido-
rical Magazine, Aug. 1868, by J. F. Fisher. For other account of the
ancestry of Andrew Hamilton, the elder, see History of Independence EaU,
by F. M. fitting, Boston, 1876.
\
Journal of William Black. 248
his Departure from that to another Country and the Starrs
beginning to twinkle, we cou'd only observe it was the Town :
The Governor's House being the iii-st on that Side of the Town
which we enter'd, the Secretary Introduced the Commis-
sioners and next their Levee to his Honour, who came to his
Gate where he received Us with Great Civility and bid us all
heartily welcome to Philadelphia, after this Ceremony was
over, he led the way to the Hall, where we was presented
with a Glass of Wine, and after some talk on the Stay of the
Indians, and his Eecommending us to the Care of Mr. Secre-
tary, and Mr. Robert Strettell, who liad provided Loilgings
for us before, we took leave of the Governor for that night,
after having Received an Invitation to Dine with his Honour
the Tuesday following, and was Conducted to the House of
Mr Strettell where we all Sup'd and where the Commis-
sioners & Mr. Lee had a pressing Invitation to stay while in
Town, which after some ExciLses on the one side, an Intreat-
ing on the other, they agreed to. Colonel Taylor and Mr.
Lewis had a Lodging provided for them at Mrs. Arthur's in
Wallnutt Street, Colonel Thornton and Mr. Little^mge was
Lodged at Widow Meredith's in Front Street, Mr. Brookes
and my self, went along with the Secretary to his House
w^here we were to put up, by the time we got there it was past
11 O'clock ; he ai)i)ear*d Exceeding Complaisant and very
agreeable to Us, and as I understood he kept Bachellor's
house, I was the more pleas 'd ; after otferhig Us a Glass of
Wine, which we desir'd to be Excus'd from at that time, we
were lighted to a very well furnished Room, where my
Fellow Lodger and I, after undressing from our Riding Gar-
ments, went to Bed in order to pass that part of the twenty
four Hours which was between us and Morning, in a State
Resembling that of the Departed, where those that are so
Dispos'd may follow me, and they who are Inelin'd otherways
may pass their hours with a Bottle and their Friend or with
something else a .
Philadelphia, Monday the 28th.
The Fatigue of our Journey Sitting somewhat uneasy on
ITs, made us keep Bed longer than our Inclinations approved,
244 Journal of William Black.
]>eiiig prone to View the City, the Character of which had
80 much excited our Desii-e ; about 7 O'Clock we were call'd
by the Waggoneer to take our Baggage, which we accord-
ingly had brought up to our Room, at 9 we eat Breakfast
with our new Landlord, after which, he was so good as to go
with us to view the City ; the Shipping was what first En-
gaged Us, in going to which we were Accidentally Join'd by
the rest of our Company, the Commissioners excepted ; we
went on Board the Tartar privateer, a fine Ship near 300
Tons newly Launched, which they were Rigging with the
greatest Expedition for a Cruising Voyage, from this we
went to several more Wharfs where there lay any Vessels,
and every where cou'd observe a very Considerable Traflick,
in Shipping and unshipping of Goods, mostly American Pro-
duce ;* after our Curiosity in this Respect was satisfy'd, we
was Introduced by our Guide to Mr. Andrew Hamilton's,
where was Mr. George McCaul* and several other Towns Gen-
tlemen, who kindly wclcom'd us to Philadelphia, and after a
few Glasses of Wine, we Departed for another Ramble I
stumbled from the rest to the Commissioners' Lodgings, who
had been waiting on his Honour the Governor, where they
had a Conference on the Indian Treaty, on their return, the
following Letter was Dispatched to his honour Governor
Gooch by an Exj^ross to Annapolis.
To the Honourable William Gooch, Esq., Governor of Virg*.
May it Please your Honour.
We arriv'd here in the Evening of yesterday, this day we
were an hour with the Governor, who uses us with great
kindness, and we have advised with him about the Indian
Treaty; he tells us the Indians or their Speaker mistook
one Moon, and they have no Advice of the Indians being on
their March, so that we are like to wait some time, which
■ In 1723, Michael Royal advertises for sale a new sloop on the stocks at
the drawbridjofe. The activity of ship building was very g^at. There were
shipyards at Vine and Race Streets, and near the Old Ferry. Many ves-
sels were sold as fast as they were built, for English and Irish hooseg abroad.
— Watson^a Annals, ed. 1857, vol. i. p. 228.
« McCall.
Journal of William Black. 245
will Increase the Expense. The Governor is possitive, that
at least £200 value of Goods shoud be brought here, to be
given the Indians, as a part of the Consideration at the
Treaty; no Promisses of a Reward to come will do with
them, without something in hand, and Since we are to be
Advis'd by this Governor, and it seems reasonable to Us, we
shall have the Goods bought, and we hope your honour will
approve of it. This £200, the £100 to Wieser, and the
charge of maintaining the Indians, which will be above £200
more, will leave us little to Support our Expensive Journey ;
so that we hope your Honour will Permitt us a further credit
by the Post, or rather Bills from the Receiver General, else
we shall be under Difficulties. The Assembly here upon the
Warr with France have ordered a Present of £300 to the
Indians, and they have given the Governor an unlimited Vote
of Credit for his Expenses when he makes the Present, which
is to be when we meet them. Maryland will make a Present
then, and if wo appear empty handed, we shall appear Con-
. temptible in the eyes of the Indians.
This goes by Maryland Express to Annapolis, and from
thence we desire Mr. Jeimings to send one to your Honour,
and we hope the necessity will warrant the Expense.
Our last was by the Post to North East, in the Government
of Maryland.
We are with great Respect,
Sir, Your Honour's
Most Obedient and Faithful Humble Servants,
THOMAS LEE,
WILLIAM BEVERLEY.
I Din*d with the Commissioners at Mr. Strettell's, the rest
of the Company with Mr. Secretary Peters ; in the Afternoon
his Honour, the Governor, waited on the Commissioners, and
spent some time with them at their Lodgings, and afterwards
went to the CoflTee House, from thence to the Governor's
Clubb, which is a Select IS'umber of Gentlemen that meet
every Night at a certain Tavern, where they pass away a few
Hours in the Pleasures of Conversation and a Cheerful Glass ;
about 9 Of the Clock, we had a very Genteel Supper, and
afterwards several sorts of Wine and fine Lemon Punch set
out the Table, of which every one might take of what he best
lik'd, and what Quantity he Pleas'd, between the hours of 10
246 Journal of WiUiain Black.
and 11, the CommiBBioners withdrew, and with them the rest
of their Company, I went directly to my Lodgings, and before
11 struck I was in bed.
Philadelfhia, Txieaday the 29th.
This morning I got up almost with the Sun, and having
several Journal Entries to make, set about them till Break-
fast, which I Eat at my Lodgings, afterwards took a turn in
the Qarden, where I had a very pleasing Prospect of the
Fields and Inclosures, and found I was Lodged in a very Airy
and Agreeable part of the Town, a little after 12 O'Clock in
Company with ]Mr. Secretary and Mr. Brookes, I went to the
Commissioner's Lodgings, where we found them Join'd by
the rest of the Levee, and in a few min: after we all set out
for his Honour's the Governor, in order to Dine with him
according to the Invitation received the Sunday itfight be-
fore. The Entertainment was very Gnmd, and consisted of
many Dishes Substantial as well as Curious, with a very fine
Collation ; after Dinner, the Table was immediately furnished
with as great plenty of the Choicest Wines as it was before
with the best of Victuals ; the Glass went briskly round,
sometimes with sparkling Champaign, and sometimes Rich
Madeira, Claret, or whatever the Drinker pleas'd. Between
the hours of 3 & 4 the Governor, Commissioners, and the rest
of the Company went to hear a Philosophical Lecture on the
Eye, Ac, by A: Spencer, M:D:, in which he endeavoured to
account for the Faculties, the Kature and Diseases of that
Instrument of Sight ; next he proceeded to show that Fire is
Diffus'd through all space, and may be produced from all
Bodies, Sparks of Fire Emitted from the Face and Hands of
a Boy Suspended Horizontally, by only rubbing a Glass Tube
at his feet. After this, we retum'd to the Governor's, where
we Drank Tea, and in the evening took leave, and waited on
the Commissioners to their Lodgings, where I spent the fore-
part of the night, and with the rest of the Levee departed for
our respective Lodgings, about 10 at night X got home, and
in a little time after into Bed.
Jottmal of William Black. 247
Philadelphia, Wednesday the 30th.
Rose at 7 O'Clock, and wrote tUl 9, after which went to
Break£Eist, and after I was Dress'd, I went m order to view
some more of the Town, and wherever I went, I found every-
thing come up to, or rather exceed the Character I had often
heard of Philadelphia, about 12 O'Clock I came to Mr. Stret-
tell's, where I found the Commissioners and their Company
ready to set out for Mr. William Allen's, a very Considerable
Merchant, and Recorder of the City, and a Member of the
Council, they were Invited to Dine with them to-day, when
^we were at the Governor's the day before. About 1 O'Clock
'we Din'd in Company with his Honour the Governor and
several other Gentlemen of Distinction in the City ; after
3)inner the Commrs., accompanied by the Governor, Ac, went
in order to view the Privateers fitting out, there were then
Ihree getting ready with the utmost Expedition : The Wil-
mington, a fine Ship, Burthen 300 Tons, Jno. Sibbald Com-
mander, to carry 24 Carriage and 24 Swivel Guns, with 150
3nen ; The Tartar, John Mackey Commander, a fine new Ship
about the Burthen of the Wilmington, mounting 18 Car-
:riage, 20 Swivel Guns, with 130 Men ; The George Schooner,
"William Dowell Commander, to carry 14 Carriage and 18
Swivel Guns, with 120 Men ; there are 4 more a Building
with all possible Dispatch, besides a fine Bermudas Sloop
honght the other day for 800 pounds Sterling, and is called
the de Trembleur, to carry 14 Carriage and 20 Swivel Guns
and 100 Men ;* ft'om these Warr Castles and Flying Engines
' This goes far towards sabstantiating the assertion made in the pamphlet
Common Sense— the subject of the following controversy: republished in the
Historical Magazine of May, 1869, p. 335.
"Rural Ship'butlding in New England.
Extract of a letter from Jamaica, dated June 20, 1776.
"A pamphlet has been circulated here, under the title of Common Sense
(the celebrated brochure of Thomas Paine), which was sent hither from
America. It is written with great virulence against the English Adminis-
tration, and its Design is to stir up the Colonists to assert their independency
on the Mother Country. There are many false assertions in it, One of which.
248 Journal of William Black.
of Destruction, wo return 'd with Solemn G^ate to the Coffee
House, where I parted with the Company, the Grovemor and
Admiral Gaylon has thought proper to contradict, in the Jamaica Oaxdtt,
in the following words : —
'* ' I have seen a pamphlet, published in Philadelphia, under the title of
Common Sense, wherein the Author says that, 40 years ago, there were 70
and 80-gun ships built in New England ; in answer to which, I do declare
that, at that period of time, I was in New England, a Midshipman on board
his Majesty's ship, with the late Sir Peter Warren, and then, there had
never been a Man-of-War built of any kind.
*' * In 1747 (after the reduction of Lewisburgh), there was a ship of 44 guns
ordered to be built at Piscataqua, by one Mr. Messervey; she was called the
Ajiwn'ca, and sailed for England the following year ; when she came home
she was found so bad that she never was commissioned again. There was.
afterwards, another ship of 20 guns built at Boston, by Mr. Benjamin Hal-
lowcll, which was called the Boston; she run but a short time before she
was condemned ; and those were the only two ships of war ever bntlt in
^meriVa— therefore I thought it my duty to publish this, to Hndeceive the
Public in general — to show that what the Author has set forth is an utter
falsity. Clark Gatlon.' "
To the /V//j^er:—
As Admiral Gdi/lon has taken upon him pnblickly to declare in Opposi-
tion to the Author of Common Sense, and from his own knowledge, that
when he was here, forty Years since. " there never had been a Man of War
of any kind built in New England.'' it is but just that the public shonld be
informeii that, in the year 1690, a Fourth Rate Ship of War was launched
at New Castle in Piscataqua River; and in the year 1696. another, whose
Force is not remembered. The former was the Falkland, and the latter
IM/ord GiiUeif.
It is not pnU>able that Admiral Gaylon had any Knowledge of these Ships
lu'ing built lierw Si> that he cannot be charged with Falsehood ; bat it is
hojHHl if he should publish any Thing further relating to this Country, he
will expn^ss himself not quite so jK^sitively. especially if he undertakes to
pr\n*e a negative.
The Kvidenoe of the aK'^ve Facts depends on an original Manuscript
Letter trvMu Mr. F.niersou, formerlv Minister of New Castle, to the late Mr.
«
Prin^v ; and it is to be found nmoni: the Colleciion of Mannscripts relating
to the Uistv^rv of New F.nsrUnd. made by .^0 years' Indus try of that worthy
Gentleman, up lose? it has Kvu pilfered or destroyed by the Saracen^e
r»arbarity of the !a:e Ov\*i;iv:on» of the Old ?>>uth Meeting Honae in Boston,
in an ,Vpartmo:»t of whioh thv\«e valuable Mannscripts were deposited.—
fVr ^.'Ki'i** .' '.'-; J.* •»• .V. H. fttiifffe. Januarr 14, 1777.
i>uo huiivirvv. Ar^l thirty^^itcht sh:p« w^re entered at tlw ciutom houie of
lA^uUnt lu Ui*>t- :sVs^-\,\ 'i's i/;.*o.t»«ani. toI. L p. 440.
Journal of William Black. 249
the CommiBsioners^ with their Levee to the Clubb, and I went
to spend the Evening with a Merchant and Townsman of
mine; I had not seen him for some years before till that
Forenoon, when he Invited me to his House. I found him
at Home according to Promise, & there I spent the forepart
of the Night very Agreeably. He kept Batchellor House,
and Consequently more Freedom, than when a Wife and
Children is to be Conform'd to. I staid till after 11, and
parted, he making me Promises to be no Stranger while I
staid in Town, of which there was no great fear, as he kept a
Glass of Grood Wine, and was as free of it as an Apple-tree
of its Fruit on a Windy Day in the month of July : I grop'd
my way to where I Lodged, after having Butted against some
Posts on the Sides of the Pavement, who kept me in my
Road ; about the mid hour I got to Bed, where I incline to
let myself rest till morning.
' The (Governor of Pennsylvania mentioned in this journal was (^eorge
Thomas. His office was, more properly speaking, that of Deputy Governor,
and he held that position from Augost, 1738, to 1747. Previous to his
appointment he had been a planter on the Island of Antigua, W. I. He
was detained in London after having received his commission for some time,
defending the Proprietary rights against the claim of Lord Baltimore to
jurisdiction over the Lower Counties, and did not meet the Assembly of the
province he was to govern until August, 1738. Gordon, in his History of
Pennsylvania, p. 252, says *' Governor lliomas was active, industrious, and
capable ; attached to the province, but more devoted to the proprietaries
and the king. In his zeal for His Majesty he overlooked the principles and
character of the people he was called to govern. He believed himself suf-
ficiently strong in polemical controversy to shake the opinions for which
their ancestors had broken the tender characters of kindred and country,
and which they themselves cherished with enthusiasm. Failing in this, he
endeavored to intimidate men wlio, though declining to exhibit military
courage, were no respecters of persons, and had never displayed political
cowardice. When experience had taught him properly to appreciate the
Quaker character, and to determine how far and in what manner their
loyalty could be shown, unchecked by their consciences, he drew from them
without difficulty whatever he could in propriety demand. His moderation
and considerate forbearance towards the Quakers during the latter years of
his administration, were rewarded by the esteem of the people and the con-
fidence of the legislature." Drake, in his Biographical Dictionary, states
that he was from 17.52 to 1766 Governor of the Leeward and Onribbee
Islands; created a baronet, 1766; died, London, January 11, 1775.
18 (To he continued.)
250 Occupation of New York City by the British,
OCCUPATION OF NEW YORK CITY BY THE BRITISH,
1776.
XXTBACT8 TROM THB DIART OF THE MORAVIAN CONGBKOATION.
(Oonoluded from pas® 148-)
September.
Sunday 1st. — "Wq had our preaching m the forenoon and in
the ev'ning as usual ; and in the aft<jmoon the Congregation
meeting. At the preachings we had goodly companies of
strangers.
Tuesday Sd. — ^Tlie ev'ning meeting was on the Watchword
and Text. The rebel army begun to re-collect themselves ;
and the greatest part marched towanls Ilarlem and along the
East river, some miles from here ; the king's army advanced
eastward on Long Island, opposite the Ilell Gate, and there-
abouts.
Monday 9th, — Whereas the troubles of War were now near
Watts' House, Phil. Sypher fetched his wife, child, and goods
back from thence to town, as also the things out of the
Chapel-IIouBc that had been there ; and it was just high time,
else they might have been lost ; for this house soon after was
plundered by the king's troops. Several other people came
back from those parts. By the measures and proceedings of
the Rebel army, it appeared evident, that they intended to
leave the city ; for as they had begun last week, so all this
week, they removed their sick, their stores, and ammunition,
and gradually the soldiers marched away. They likewise
took the bells out of all the Churches and conveyed them
away.
Wcdnrsday Uth and Thursday 12^A.— Night and day they
were busy to bring their things away ; and it appeared plain,
that there would be a change soon ; the reports were various.
Almost daily there was firing from Long Island to Horn's
H(X)k, and the ship yards here.
252 Occupation of New York City by the British.
withdrew, and the passage was stopped. Some of the king's
officers from the ships came on shore, and were joyfully re-
ceived by some of the inhabitants. The king's flag was put
np again in the fort, and tlie Rebels' taken down. And thus
the city was now delivered from those Usurpers who had op-
pressed it so long.
Monday^ Sept, 16fh. — ^In the forenoon the first of the English
troops came to town. They were drawn up in two lines in
the Broad Way ; Governor Tryon and others of the officers
were present, and a great concourse of people. Joy and glad-
ness seemed to appear in all countenances, and persons who
had been strangers one to the other formerly, were now very
sociable together, and friendly. Bro. Shewkirk, who acci-
dentally came to it, met with several instances of that kind.
The first that was done was, that all the houses of those who
have had a part and a share in the Rebellion were marked as
forfeited. Many indeed were marked by persons who had no
order to do so, and did it perhaps to one or the other from
some personal resentment. Bro. Shewkirk, walking through
the streets, saw to his grief, that several houses belonging to
our people were likewise marked ; as Sister Kilbum's, Hilah
Waldron's, and Sister Bouquet's, King's, Isaac Van Vleck's, &c.
He wrote afterwards to Governor Tryon, congratulating him
on the late happy event, and at the same time interceded in
behalf of the 2 Ww's^ houses. The word of this day was re-
markable : " Israel shall be saved in the Lord, with an ever-
lasting salvation ; ye shall not be confounded world without
end." The following day everything was pretty quiet, though
almost daily they brought in prisoners, who were lodged in
the Dutch and Presbyterian churches. The fear one had of
the city's being destroyed by fire subsided, and the inhabitants
thought themselves now pretty secure ; little thinking that
destruction was so near.
Friday 20th. — Bro. Jacobson came from Staten Island, and
it was a true mutual joy to see one another ; as, for a couple
of months we could have no communication with Btaten
' Widows.
Occupation of New York City by the British. 253
Island. By him we heard tliat our people there were all
well.
Saturday ZlsL — ^In the first hour of the day, soon after
midnight, the whole city was alarmed by a dreadftil fire.
Bro. Shewkirk, who was alone in the chapel-house, was not a
little struck, when he saw the whole air red, and thought it to
be very near ; but going into the street, he found that it was
in the low west end of the town ; and went thither. When
he came down the Broad Way, he met with Sister Sykes and
her children. She was almost spent carrying the child, and
a large bundle besides. He took the bundle, and went back
with them, and let them in to our house ; when he left them,
and returned with their prentice to the fire, taking some
buckets along. The fire was then in the lower part of Broad
street. Stone street, &c. It spread so violently that all what
was done was but of little effect ; if one was in one street and
looked about, it broke out already again in another street
above ; and thus it raged all the night, and till about noon.
The wind was pretty high from southeast, and drove the
flames to the northwest. It broke out about White Hall ;
destroyed a part of Broad street. Stone street, Beaver street,
the Broadway, and then the streets going to the Korth River,
and all along the North river as far as the King's College.
Great pain was taken to save Trinity church, the oldest and
largest of the English churches, but in ^ ain ; it was destroyed,
as also the old Lutheran church ; and St. Paul's, at the upper
end of the Broadway, escaped very narrowly. Some of our
families brought of their goods to our house. Bro. Shewkirk
had the pleasure to be a comfort to our neighbors, who were
much frightened the fire might come this way ; and indeed,
if the wind had shifted to the west as it had the appearance
a couple of times, the whole city might have been destroyed.
The comer house of our street, going to the Broadway,
catched already ; Bro. Shewkirk ordered our long ladder, and
the others to be fetched out of our burying ground ; which
were of service in carrying the water up to the roof of said
house in buckets ; and by the industry of all the people the
fire was put out. Several of our people have sustained con-
254 Occupation of Neio York City by the British.
Biderable loss : Sister Kilbum has lost two houses ; Pell's three
houses ; Jaeobson one, and Widow Zoeller her's ; and others
have lost a part of their goods ; as Lepper, Eastman, Ac.
There are great reasons to suspect that some wicked incen-
diaries had a hand in this dreadful fire, which has consumed
the fourth part of the city ; several persons have been appre-
hended ; moreover there were few hands of the inhabitants
to assist; the bells being carried off, no timely alarm was
given ; the engines were out of order ; the fire company
broke ; and also no proper order and directions, Ac. ; all which
contributed to the spreading of the flames.
Sunday 22d. — The forenoon's preaching was on Lam. 8: 22,
28. " It is of the Lord's mercies that we are not consumed ;
because His compassions fail not. They are new every morn-
ing; great is Thy faithfulness ;" — ^and attended with that sen-
sation which the present time and circumstances naturally
afforded ; we thanked the Lord with melted hearts for His
undeserved mercies, and could practically attest that they are
new every morning. In the afternoon's Congregation Meet-
ing the to-day's suitable Watch-word was spoken upon.
" The Lord God will help me ; therefore I shall not be con-
founded." In the ev'ning was the usual preaching.
Monday 28e/. — ^The fire has thrown a great damp on the
former joyful sensation ; numbers of people were carried to
Jail, on suspicion to have had a hand in the fire, and to have
been on the Rebel's side ; it is said about 200 ; however, on
examination, the most men were as fast discharged.*
> *' Mr. David Grim, a merchant of New York, who saw the coDflagrra-
tioD,"— says Mr. Lossing, in his Field Book of the Revolution, vol. ii. page
613 — " has left a record of the event. He says the fire broke out in a low
groggery and brothel, a wooden building, on the wharf near Whitehall slip.
It was discovered between one and two o'clock in the morning of the twenty-
first of September. The wind was from the southwest. There were but
few inhabitants in the city ; and the flames, for a while unchecked, spread
rapidly. All the houses between Whitehall and Broad Streets, up to Bem-
ver Street, were consumed, when the wind veered to the southeast, and drove
the fire toward Broadway. It consumed all on each side of Beaver Street
to the Bowling Green ; a little above which it crossed Broadway, and swept
all the buildings on both sides, as far as Exchange Street. On the west
Occupation of New York City by the British. 255
Bro. Conrad, also, was taken to Jail, but after a couple of
days he came out again. Daniel Van Vleck expected the
same, which made his wife and family much distressed ; for
he had often talked too inconsiderate, and in a wrong spirit ;
however it blew over. After all, it is observable, that those
of our people who had kept themselves free from the Infatua-
tion, were acknowledged as such, and met with nothing dis-
agreeable of that kmd.
November.
In November new troubles began on account of the quar-
tering of the soldiers, of whom more and more come in ; as
also many of their women and children. Many of the pub-
lic buildings were already filled with Prisoners, or sick,
Ac. ; especially all the Dutch and Presbyterian churches, as
also the French church, the Baptists, and new Quaker meet-
ing ; and we were not without apprehension, that something
of that nature might come upon us ; and this the more, as
the Chapel-House has the appearance of a spacious building ;
and just opposite the same they were fitting up the fine north
church^ of the English Dutch for Barracks.
Sunday lOth. — ^The communicants had a meeting, as many
as are in town, in which Bro. Shewkirk kept a discourse in
side it consnmed almost every bailding from Morris Street to Partition (Ful-
ton) Street, devouring Trinity Church in its way, and destroyed all the
buildings toward the North River. For a long time the new (St. Paul's)
church was in peril, for the fire crept in its rear to Mortkile (Barclay)
Street, and extended west of King's (Columbia) College to Murray Street.
The exact number of buildings consumed was four hundred and ninety-three.
The city then contained about four thousand houses." " The ruins," says
Dunlap, ** on the southeast side of the town were converted into dwelling
places, by using the chimneys and parts of walls which were firm, and adding
pieces of spars with old canvas from the ships, forming hovels — part hut
and part tent This was called Canvas Town, and there the vilest of the
army and Tory refugees congregated. The Tories of the day attempted to
fix the crime of incendiarism upon the Rebels, but could not. It was well
known that the fire had an accidental origin ; yet the libel continued to be
reproduced."
' The North Dutch Church, in which the service was in English.
256 Occupation of New York City by the British,
reference to the ensuing festival, and especially declared bis
mind on the subject of meddling with State affitirs ; sharing
in the party spirit ; and partaking of the well-known Infatuar
tion, Ac. ; as has been the case with too many of us ; though
entirely repugnant to the mind of Christ, and our Congrega-
tion principles, which are Bible principles. He put the Bm.
and Sisters in mind of the repeated advice he had given them
at the beginning of these troubles, and the requests he had
made to remain still, and not to mire themselves with that
spirit ; he showed at the same time from whence it comes to
be so carried away ; namely from a shallowness of heart, and
an Itching for. carnal Liberty, &c.
Saturday 16th. — ^From early in the morning till towards
noon, a heavy cannonading was heard, tho' at a considerable
distance; one heard afterwards that the king's troops had
attacked the lines and the famous Fort Washington, and car-
ried it ;' several thousands of the rebels were taken prisoners
Ac. The king's army has been about 2 months thereabouts ;
and there have been, from time to time, sharp engagements^
at the White Plains, &c. ;' till at last they have driven them
away from the York Island ; and it was a matter of moment^
as now one may hope that the communication with the Jer-
seys will be open'd, as also with the places up the East River;
so that the Inhabitants may come to the city, and provisions
be brought in ; especially wood, which is not to be had, and
is extremely dear ; a cord of oak wood, bought formerly for
20s. now 4£s. Fort Constitution, or Lee, opposite Fort
Washington, now Fort Kniphausen, on the Jersey side sur-
render'd, or was left by the rebels ; and the, king's troops got
soon master of this part of the Jerseys, and advanced swiftly
towards Philadelphia.
Monday 18tL — ^In the forenoon, about 11 o'clock, 2 officers,
with 2 other gentlemen came to see the chapel and house ;
Bro. Shewkirk showed them about ; one of the officers asked
" See Address of Edward P. DeLancey, before the New York Historical
Society, December 7, 1876, printed in the Magazine of Americaa Hiftory»
New York, Febrnary. 1877.
« The battle of White Plains took place on Oct. 28.
Occupatim of New York City by the British. 257
whether service was kept m the chapel ; and hearing it was,
said, it would be a pity to take it ; the other ran about very
swiftly, and saw every part of the premises. Bro. Shewkirk,
who easily could guess what the meaning was, as soon as
they were gone, made application to the present commanding
Gteneral Robertson, and to Governor Tryon. The former was
not at home ; the latter received him kindly, but said he could
do nothing in the matter, as now all the power was lodged
with the army ; yet he would recommend the matter to the
Gteneral ; and this he did in a few lines he wrote under the
petition, referring it to the favorable consideration of the
Gkjneral. Bro. Shewkirk carried it to him, but he was not
come home yet, and so he left it there, lie did not know
that the 2000 and more prisoners taken in Fort Washington,
had come already to town.* In the afternoon about 4 o'clock
he saw at once the street before the window full of people.
The Serjeant of the guard came to the door, and asked whether
this was the Moravian meeting? He was ordered to bring
these 400 prisoners here by command of the Generals Smith
and Robertson. If the latter had ordered it, it may be it was
done before he came home to his quarters. Bro. Shewkirk,
who was alone in the house, did not know what to do ; he
could not go away. By and by the Major who had command
of the prisoners and another man came in ; they looked at the
Chapel, and said it was too small ; the latter said he had told
that before, he had been in the place before now, and knew it.
He spoke to Bro. Shewkirk, and condoled with him that the
place should be taken ; they began to doubt of the certainty,
and thought there was a mistake in the matter; another
young man of the city who knows Bro. Shewkirk, and has
now the care of the provisions for the rebel prisoners, was
likewise inclined in our fevour. These 3 persons went back-
* Gapt. Graydon, who was one of the prisoners taken at the capture of
Fort Washington, says : that on the 17th ult. they were marched into the
city, but previous to entering it " were drawn up for about an hour on the
high ground near the East river. Here the officers being separated from the
men, we were conducted into a charch, where, if I mistake not, we signed a
parole."— See Memoirs, Phila., 1846, p. 222.
268 Occupation of New York City by the British.
ward and forward to make another inquiry ; at last one of
them came back and told he had met with the Deputy Bar-
rack Master, a Jew ; who had told him they must be here.
Well — the gate on the men's side was opened.
The Serjeant of the guard, quite a civil man, advised to
take all loose things out of the chapel before the prisoners
came in. This was done accordingly. Phil. Sykes, who was
come before this time, and extremely welcome, while Bro.
Shewkirk was alone in the house, assisted herein; as also
young Wiley ; and it took up some time, during which the
Major came again, and order'd the Serjeant to wait awhile
longer ; he would go to Genl. Roberti^on. After some time
he came back, and addressed !Bro. Shewkirk in a friendly
maimer; saying, he had believed they would have been a
disagreeable company ; and took the prisoners to the North
Church.* Bro. Shewkirk thanked the Major for his kind-
ness ; maj the Lord reward him as also the other two men.
The prisoners, with the guard, stood above half an hour in
the street before our door, and many spectators, of whom
none, so far as one could see, showed a wish for their coming
in, but several signified the reverse, and w^ere glad when it
did not take place. An old gentleman, several weeks after,
accosted Bro. Shewkirk in the street, and told him how sorry
he had been when ho saw these people standing before our
door; he had heard Bro. Rice, &c. After this afifair was
over, Bro. Shewkirk retreated to his room, and thanked our
Saviour, with tears, for his visible help ; He has the hearts
of all men in His hands. If these prisoners had come in, how
much would our place have been ruined, as one may see by
the North Church ; not to mention the painful thought of
seeing a place dedicated to our Savior's praise, made a habi-
tation of darkness and uncleanness. Praise be to Him and
the Father !
As the winter quarters of the soldiers in this city were not
settled yet, the apprehension was not over, that some w^ould
be put to us ; and so one of our neighbors thought, who iu
' Goraer of William and Falton Streets.
Occupation of New York City by the British. 269
time of peace was one of the Common Council men ; but at
the same time he assured Bro. Shewkirk that as far as he
knew, none of the creditable and sensible men of the town
wished it out of spite, &c. Bro. Shewkirk's character was
well known, but the house was large, and there was want of
room.
Saturday 30/A. — ^About noon Bro. "Wilson came to town
from Second River, the passage being now open ; we were
glad to sec him. lie brought us the news, which was nither
not welcome, that Abraham Van Vleck's, Waldron's, Ten
Broeck's families, and also Sister Shewkirk were gone from
Second River to Korth Branch.^ We now gave it almost up
to see the latter here this winter, and it seemed most probable
that she would go to Bethlehem. If they had tarried, as
Wilson's did, all of them might now already be in, or shortly
come to town.
December.
Sunday 1st. — ^Tliis being the first Sunday in Advent, the
weighty subject of our Lord's coming in the flesh was
preached upon, both in the forenoon, and in the ev'ning. In
the afternoon about two o'clock, a company of oflicers came
into the House, looking for some quarter for themselves. It
was assured by some that they would not disturb our church
and service; some talked but of some rooms; others said
they must have the whole house, and the chapel too. One, a
Comet of the Light Ilorse, marked one room for himself;
desired to clear it this afternoon, and lot him have a table
and a couple of chairs, and he would willingly pay for it.
After tliey were gone, Bro. Shewkirk, and Wilson who was
just with him, went to Gcnl. Robertson. The Genl. was
kind ; he said he had given them no orders ; he intended to
have no place disturbed where service was kept. He took
down Bro. Shewkirk's name and the matter ; which chiefly
was, not to disturb our chapel, nor to desire the whole house;
Bro. Shewkirk offer'd a couple of rooms if necessary ; and at
1 Of RaritaD River.
260 Occupation of New York City by the British.
last said he would go to Alderman Waddel. He was along
with the officers iu the street, before they came in, but told
Wilson he had nothing to do with it ; he only upon their de-
sire had gone along with them, and hear what he knew of the
matter, and they should come along with him. When they
were on the way, they met one of those officers (the Qenl's
clerk), and indeed him who spoke the most imperiously, and
that he would have the chapel ; upon which the Qenl. and
they returned to the Genl's house. The officer spoke here
quite in another tone, and said he had already told the other
to look for another place, etc. The Genl. said he would see
about the matter, and give an answer the next morning.
The brethren went home, and Bro. Shewkirk held the con-
gregation meeting for which the brethren and sisters were
gathered together. Upon this occasion we found again that
our neighbors were not against us. One said, it cannot be
that they would take your place, the only place where public
service was held when there was none in the whole city. In
the ev'ning the room which the Comet had marked was
cleared, in ca^e he should come; but none of them came
again. Some time after, Dr. Edmunds belonging to the hos-
pital came one day, and with much civility and modesty in-
quired after a room. Bro. Shewkirk, thinking perhaps it
might be a means to be free from a further endeavor of some-
body's being quartered here, and moreover wishing to have a
man in the house in these days, offered him the room the
Comet had marked; and after some weeks he came, and
proves a very civil and quiet gentleman, who causes little or
no troubles.
Movday 2d. — ^The commissioners' extraordinary gracious
proclamation in the name of the King, was published in the
public papers ; by virtue of which all rebels within 60 days
may return without suffering any forfeiture or punishment ;
and it has had a great effect ; numbers are come in, have
signed the prescribed declaration, availed themselves of the
benefit of the proclamation, and returned to the peaceable
enjoyment of their property ; though afterwards some of them
have shown their insincerity and bad principles, going back
Occupation of New York City by the British. 261
again to the rebek. The officers yesterday doubtless thought
in a hurry to secure lodgings to themselves before the procla-
mation was published, as now they can't take houses as they
please. This was also the answer Genl. Robertson gave to
Bro. Wilson this morning, when he carried in his name, and
mentioned again our house and chapel. The Genl. said the
proclamation would settle these matters.
Tuesday 11 th. — Sister Shew kirk returned at last, safe and
well, to the joy of her husband, and of the brethren and sis-
ters. She brought all their and the congregation things safe
back. Bro. Wilson's whole family came at the same time to
town ; and though they met with many difficulties in their
removal, yet it was doubtless the best they could do ; for, in
the time ensuing, the rebel parties came again into those
places, and distressed those nmch who had jomed the King ;
nay carried some of the men away prisoners.
Tuesday 3l5/. — ^Whereas it is at present very unsafe in the
ev'nings to be out, on account of several late robberies, and
persons having been knocked do\\Ti besides, we were obliged
to submit to the times and circumstances ; and therefore the
congregation members met at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and
had a love feast ; to praise together our dear and gracious
Lord for all his goodness bestowed on us during this year full
of troubles. At the same time we read the weekly accounts
of the Unity's Elders' Conference, to the end of the year 1776,
having had no convenient time to read them before.
As to our memorabilia, they are mostly fresh in our re-
membrance. The entrance into the year, and first day was
particularly blessed ; and we took it then as a strengthening
for what was to come afterwards, and the event has shown it
60. In February the troubles began, and several of our peo-
ple moved into the country, some of whom never returned
since then; others came back and moved afterwards the
second time.
However we kept the Easter season and Whitsuntide with
blessing ; and upon the whole, the first half year we could go
on in our usual order. Afterwards we became, on account
of the troubles of this imnatural war, a scattered congregation
262 Occupatim i^ NeuT Jtwk C% by the Bntish.
as we are in part yet ; and we are thankful that we could
keep the ordinary meetings with the remnant that stayed ;
with them we had the holy communion on the 11th of Au-
gust. As &r as we know it of them that are come back after
this city was again in the hands of its lawful Sovereign, our
people, in the country and in the town, have experienced a
gracious protection and preservation of their souls, bodies,
and properties, especially if compared to what others have
sustained ; for generally speaking, all have had a share in the
general calamity ; what by being out of business, travelling
expenses, the fire, and other casualties. By the dreadful fire,
indeed, several of our people have sustained great losses.
That in the present time of deamess our working brethren
and sisters have had, and have work to earn a necessary live-
lihood, is a matter of thanks, especially at the total change
of the former currency. We owe also thanks to the preserver
of our lives that in the various infectious disorders of which
incredible numbers of the rebel army have died, we have en-
joyed health for the most part. And above all, we are very
thankful that our chapel and house have been preserved to
us from those destructions which have befallen the most of
the other places of worship. A couple of times the danger
was near ; but HE helped.
We are sensible we have not deserved it, but rather the
reverse; for but too many of us were not, and conducted
themselves not as we ought to have done, and as our Lord
might justly have expected it from us ; yea, we are sensible
that the inward loss which one or the other has sustained is
not repaired yet ; and here we must appeal to our compas-
sionate High Priest to haste and to heal our numberless infir-
mities. Indeed these times have been a time of shaking, and
what had no root is dropped oS^
\
MedUiff of Descendants of CoL ITmfuis White. 268
MEETING OP THE DESCENDANTS OF COL. THOMAS
WHITE, AT ST. GEORGE»S CHURCH, SPESUTI-fi,
AND SOPHIA'S DAIRY,
NBAB PERBTBfANSYILLE, HARFORD COUNTY, MARYLAND, ON THS
OCCASION OF THE REINTERMENT OF THE REMAINS OF
COL. WHITE AND THOSE OF HIS WIFE,
JUNE 7, 1877.
BT THK RBV. WILLIAM WHITB BR0V80V.
A PRELIMINARY STATEMENT.
During the month of November, 1876, the Rev. Edmmid
Christian, of Perrymansville, Ilarford Comity, Md., addressed
a letter to the Rev. "William White Bronson, of Philadelphia,
stating that the farm, known as " Cranberry Hall," on which
Colonel Thomas Whit«, the father of Bishop White, was
buried, had passed out of the hands of the family, and that,
for greater security, it was very desirable his ashes should be
removed to the churchyard of old St. George's, Spesutiae, of
which parish Col. White had been an active and interested
vestryman. In fact, a formal vote for the disinterment and
removal had been adopted by the authorities of the parish,
on the condition that the families interested should give their
consent.
Communication, in person or by letter, was at once opened
with those who had any claim to be consulted, and the 7th
day of June, 1877, was fixed upon for the recommittal.
The Rev. Mr. Bronson, accompanied by his nephew, Mr.
Henry Reed, repaired to Perrymansville on Wednesday, the
6th, to be present at the disinterment. Having been met at
the station by the rector and three of his vestrymen, as also
by Messrs. William White Ramsay Hall and Henry C. Hall,
lineal descendants of Col. White, we repaired to the burial
plot Col. Thomas White had been buried 98 years, and his
wife Sophia 128 years. Still, the fragments of two skeletons,
264 Meeting of DesceiidaiUs of CoL Thonias White.
wonderfully preserved, were unearthed. The space occupied
by a coffin could be distinctly traced, and even large portions
of the wood, in a spongy condition, were recovered. Every-
thing pertaining to the original interment, which could be
collected, was placed in a new walnut case, and left in the
church, before the chancel, until the following day.
On Thursday morning the representatives of three femilies,
to wit, the Halls, Whites, and Morrises, all lineal descendants
of Col. "White, and numbering fifty-seven, assembled in St
George's Church, for the completion of our pious work.
Of the femily of Mr. Aquila Hall, there were present Mr.
and Mrs. J. Plaskitt, and the Misses Alverda W. and Elizar
beth Hall; Mr. Thomas White Hall, and Dr. and Mrs.
Richard Emory, Mr. and Mrs. Edward Aquila Howard Hall,
Mr. and Mrs. George W. Mayo, Mr. William George Hall
and Miss Isabella Berthia Hall ; Mr. and Mrs. William P. C.
Whitaker and Miss Ellen Ramsay Whitaker ; the Rev. and
Mrs. William F. Brand ; Mrs. General Barnard and Miss
Jeannie Brand Barnard ; Mr. Henry Carvil Hall ; Mr. and
Mrs. William White Ramsay Hall ; Mrs. Dr. John Hanson
Briscoe, and Miss Maria Reeder Key.
Of the family of Bishop White : Miss Elizabeth White
Wiltbank ; Mr. and Mrs. Wm. White Wiltbank, and Misses
Esther Macpherson and Gertrude Wiltbank, and Master
William Macpherson Wiltbank ; Mrs. Reed, and Miss Mary
Bronson Reed, and Mr. Henry Reed ; Rev. and Mrs. Wm.
White Bronson, and Mr. Wm. White Bronson, junior ; Mr.
Thomas Harrison Montgomery, and Miss Rebecca Morton
Montgomery, and Masters James Alan and Samuel George
Morton Montgomery ; Mr. J. Brinton White, and Misses
Lydia Biddle and Sarah Frederica White, and Master Wil
liam White ; the Misses Maria Heath, Catharine Ann, and
Charlotte White ; Mr. Thomas Harrison White ; Mr. Whar-
ton White.
Of the family of Mr. Robert Morris : Mr. and Mrs. Charles
Henry Hart ; Mrs. Baird Snyder, and Miss Mary White Mor-
ris, Miss Charlotte Eliza Morris ; Mrs. James Darraeh, and
Miss Edith Morris Darrach.
Meeting of Descendants of Col. ITiomas White. 265
There were also present the following friends of the family
and others : The Rev. Mr. Christian, rector of St. George's
Church, SpesutifiB, and Miss Christian, with the vestry of the
church ; the Rev. George A. Leakin and the Rev. Charles W.
Rankin, of Baltimore ; the Rev. Thomas F. Davies, D.D. and
John William Wallace, LL.D., of Philadelphia ; Edward F.
De Lancej, Esquire, of New York, etc. etc.
A service for the occasion, prepared by the Rev. Mr. Bron-
flon, was used, in which the rector of St. George's, the Rev.
Dr. Davies, of Philadelphia, the Rev. Mr. Brand, and the
Rev. Mr. Bronson took part. The service, thus used, will be
found printed on a subsequent page, together with the brief
addresses of the Rev. Mr. Bronson, of the Rector, and of the
Rev. G. A. Leakin.
At the conclusion of this service we repaired to the farm
and house where Col. White died, and known as " Sophia's
Dairy." This most appropriate spot had been fixed upon for
the family reunion, and for hearing certain historical papers.
Mr. Thomas H. Montgomery, having been called upon to pre-
side, prefaced the reading of the first paper with certain ap-
propriate remarks, in which we were reminded of one great
object of our assembling, to wit, that we "should be taught " a
fuller realization of the duties and responsibilities which are
imposed upon us by a respected and honored ancestry ;" that
we should each strive, " in our several ways and paths, to
uphold, with honor and dignity, the heritage we find left to
us by an upright and G^-fearing ancestry ; for this is the
lesson which the history of earnest men should teach those
who carry their blood." Mr. Montgomery then announced
the papers in their order, as follows : —
A paper on Col. Thomas White, by Mr. William White
Wiltbank.
A paper on Bishop White and his descendants, by Mr. J.
Brinton White.
A paper on the descendants of Mrs. Robert Morris, by
Mr. Charles Henry Hart.
A paper on the Ancestry of Col. Thomas White, by Mr,
Henry Reed.
19
266 Meeting of Descendants of Col. Thomas White.
It had been intended that immediately after the reading of
the paper by ^Mr. Wiltbank, a paper on the descendants of
Mrs. Aquila Hall should be presented, but in lieu thereof
some appropriate extemporaneous remarks were made by the
Rev. Mr. Brand, a connection of that branch by marriage.
The following is a list of the articles relating to Colonel
^VTiite, which were exhibited at the meeting : —
Sundry letters to Col. White from his sisters in England,
Elizabeth White, Mrs. Sarah Midwinter, Mrs. Charlotte
Weeks, ranging from April 7, 1747, to October 16, 1776 ; dif-
ferent ones being in the possession of Mrs. Reed, Miss Nixon,
Miss Morris, and Mr. T. II. Montgomery.
Business letter book of Col. White, in his own writings
from May 4, 1751, to December 16, 1775, in the possession of
Mr. T. H. Montgomery.
Three account books, journal, day-book, ledger, from April,
1742, to 1767, in the possession of Mr. T. H. Montgomery,
being purchased by him, the existence and whereabouts of the
same having been kindly communicated by Mr. John W,
Wallace.
•
Desk of Col. White, with drawers, brass mounted, secret
drawers, surmounted by chest of drawers ; in possession of
Mr. T. H. Montgomery.
Watch of Col. White, afterwards in use by Bishop White,
and given by the latter's son to Mr. T. H. Montgomery', in
1857.
Will of Col. White, April 15, 1778, at Constant Friendship,
Harford County, and duplicate, both in writing of Col. White.
Mourning ring, one of those directed in will of Col. White ;
in possession of Mr. T. H. Montgomery. (The only one
known.)
Prayer book, London, 1713, of Mrs. Sarah Midwint^,
"Nov. 1748," given by her to her nephew, Bishop White,
who wrote in it his own family record.
Miniature of Col. Thomas White, set in pearls, owned by
Mrs. C. H. Hart.
Miniature of Col. Thomas White, owned by Mr, Qeorge
Macpherson.
k
Meeting of Descendants of Col. Thomas White. 267
The Bishop of Gloucester's Exposition of the Catechism of
^he Church of England, London, 1686 ; given to Elizabeth
Hicigh, the mother of Col. White, by her uncle, the Rt. Rev.
Henry Downes, D.D., matriculated at Oxford New College,
SO Aug. 1686, aged 19. Rector of Brhigton, Co. Northamp-
i:on, 1699. Bishop of Killdla, Ireland, 1717, of Elphin 1720,
of Meath 1724, of Deny 1727. Died January 14, 1734-5.
IBuried at St. Mary's, Dublin. This volume contains the
autographs of Elizabeth Leigh, Col. Thomas White, and
IBishop White ; the latter signed to an autograph memoran-
dum on the fly-leaf.
Coat of arms of Elizabeth White (mother of Col. Thomas
White), owned by Mrs. George W. White.
Miniature of Mrs. Charlotte Ramsay, eldest daughter of
Aquila and Sophia Hall, now owned by Miss Jeannie Brand
Barnard.
A volume entitled " The Devout Christian instructed How
to Pray and Give thanks to God," &c., by Symon Patrick,
D.D., late Lord Bishop of Ely, London, 1718. On the title-
page is written, "Thomas White, 1719, his Book, given him
by His Cozen, George White." The above is in the possession
of the Rev. Wm. White Bronson.
It may be noted, as a coincidence, that the same office,
which was participated in by a large share of those present on
the above occasion, was discharged in honor of Bishop White,
on the 28d of Dec. 1870, when, at the request of the rector
and vestry, his ashes were re-interred beneath the chancel of
Christ Church, Phila.
The following is the order of service : —
IN THE CHURCH.
The Lord's Prayer, by the Rev. T. F. Davies, D.D., Rector
of St. Peter's, Phila.
The Lesson : Ecclesiasticus xliv., 1 to 15 v.
1. Let OB now praise famous men, and oar fathers that begat us, etc. etc. etc.'
' The Lesson and Psalm were read by the Rev. W. F. Brand, of St.
Mary's, Harford County, Md.
268 Meeting of Descendants of CoL TTumuis WhUe.
The Psalm : Psalm cxlvi. Lauda anima inea.
Praise the Lord, 0 my soul : while I live, will I praise the Lord ; yea, ai
loDg as I have auy being, I will sing praises unto my God, etc. etc
Hymn 202 of Prayer Book,
Collects ottered by the Rev. W^ White Bronson, Chaplain
of Christ Church Hospital, Phila.
0 Almighty God, who hast knit together thine elect in one commmiion
and fellowship, in the mystical body of thy Son Christ our Lord ; Grant ns
grace so to follow thy blessed Saints in all virtnoos and godly liWng, that
we may come to those unspeakable joys, which thou hast prepared for those
who unfeignedly love thee ; through Jesus Christ our T^rd. Amen.
0 God, whose days are without end, and whose mercies caonot be num-
bered, etc. etc. etc.
AT THE GRAVE.
The sentence of re-committal was read hy the Rev. E.
Christian, Rector of St. George's, Spesutige, and was as fol-
lows : — •
Forasmuch as it pleased Almighty God, in His wise Providence, to take
out of this world the souls of the deceased, we therefore re-commit their
bodies to the ground ; earth to earth, ashes to ashes, etc.
The closing prayers were offered by Mr. Bronson, as fol-
lows : —
Grant, 0 Lord, that as we are baptized into the death of thy bleseed Son
our Saviour Jesus Christ, so, etc. etc.
Almighty God, we give Thee hearty thanks for Thy servants, long since
delivered from the miseries of this sinful world, and, as we trust, admitted
to sure consolation and rest. Grant, we beseech lliee, that at the day of
judgment, their souls, and all the souls of Thy elect, departed out of this
life, may with us, and we with them, fully receive Thy promises, and be
made perfect altogether, through the glorious resurrection of Thy Son, Jesus
Christ, our Lord. Amen,
The jrrace of our Lord. etc.
At this point the Rev. Mr. Bronson addressed the rector,
wardens, and vestrymen of St. George's, Spesutise, thus : —
My reverend brother, the rector, and you, gentlemen, the
wardens and vestrymen of St. George's, Spesutiie, brethren
heloved : by a vote of your corporat-e body it was resolved,
the descendants of Colonel White consenting and co-oper»t-
Meeting of Descendants of Col. Thomas White. 269
ing, that for greater security the ashes of Col. White should
he removed to the churchyard of St. George's, Spesuties.
To your thoughtfulness and regard for the proper care of
one of the departed in Christ, we are indebted for the oppor-
tunity now afforded us of paying due and becoming respect
to an ancestor who may be numbered with those of whom
the son of Sirach speaks, ^' Their bodies are buried in peace,
but their name liveth forevermore."
As the lineal descendants, on two sides, of the &milies of
our venerated ancestor, we beg leave to tender you our very
grateful acknowledgments for the high respect thus paid to
the memory of the departed.
We have discharged our portion of this interesting, sacred
work. All that could be recovered, after the lapse of so many
years, of the ashes of Col. White and of his wife, Soi)hia,
now lies before you. To you, and to your official custody,
we entrust the remains, assured that they will be sacredly
guarded until re-animated by him who has said —
" I am the resurrection and the life."
The Rev. Mr. Christian, on behalf of the parish, accepted
the trust in the following words : —
Beverend Sir : In the name and on behalf of the wardens
and vestry of this parish, I accept the sacred deposit that you
have in such appropriate terms confided to our care. We
will cherish these honored remains with pious veneration.
We will regard them as a treasure of inestimable value, and
while we repudiate all superstitious notions concerning them,
we will regard the tomb that contains them as a hallowed
shrine, to which we can often repair for fresh inspirations.
It is with feelings of pride that we will recall the fact that
the distinguished individual whose remains are before us was
long a vestryman of this parish ; that he was the father of
the most illustrious of our bishops, whose name is venerable,
and whose memory is dear to every member of the American
church. A man who was the contemporary and the personal
friend of the immortal Washmgton ; and whose serene wis-
dom had a greater agency in organizing and moulding the
I
270 Meeting of Descendants of Col. T/ionias White.
church in this country to suit the genius of our political in-
stitution than any other person, and who lived many years
to preside over its councils and shape its legislation. While
the possession of these hallowed remains confers great honor
upon us, the position that you and those you represent occupy
imposes vast responsibilities upon you and them. Col. White
and his illustrious son have bequeathed a noble and splendid
legacy to their descendants. The responsibilities are measured
by the value of that inheritance. The world will hold you
and them to a rigid accountability for the use you make of
this rich depository of fame. You wuU be required to trans-
mit it unimpaired and undimmed to those who are to come
after you. You will be expected to transmit, if not the same
splendid talents that were so conspicuous in them, the same
shining virtues that adorned their character, and the same
lofty sentiments that inspired their bosoms. Those whose
ancestors were distinguished enjoy superior advantages over
their fellow-men, and, unless they move on a higher plane
than others, will be thought to have forfeited all claim to the
glorious heritage that has been handed down to them. Per-
mit me to tell you that you have a higher and a stronger
motive to impel you in the path of honor and distinction than
others. The thought of preserving untarnished the proud
title you bear, ought to be a powerful incentive to grand and
lofty deeds. Let it not be thought that we are performing
an idle and useless ceremony. We are performing a duty in-
spired by the best instincts of our nature. We are following
the example of that most enlightened people that adorn the
page of history. The ancient Greeks regarded it as a sacred
duty to snatch from oblivion the illustrious deeds of their
ancestors ; they employed the painter, the poet, the sculptor,
the orator, and the historian to record their virtues and trans-
mit them to posterity. They were not only impelled by a
sense of gratitude to their ancestors, but by a desire to hold
them up as examples to excite the emulation of future gene-
rations. Nor was this custom confined to the cultivated
Greek, but the church in primitive times adopted the same
usage. Some of the finest specimens of sacred eloquence that
Meeting of Descendants of Col. JTiomas White. 271
liave come down to us are orations delivered on such occasions
sis this, by such men as St. Chrysostom, St. Basil, St. Augus-
-tine, St. Ambrose, and others. Every monument of the dead,
jfrom mighty pyramids of Egypt to the humblest headstone,
is a proof that this feeling to commemorate the dead is natu-
ral and universal. Shallow thinkers may see no use in it, but
the more thoughtful mind will see a deep philosophy lying
s,t its basis. In the presence of this assembly, and in the firm
l)elief of the resurrection of the dead, we deposit these holy
relics in the bosom of the earth, there to repose until " The
great Archangel's trump shall somid."
The Reverend George A. Leakin then said : —
1 have been requested to speak on some local associations
which surround this interesting occasion. The residents in
cities can appreciate a secure resting place for the dead, un-
disturbed by the encroachments of streets and houses. The
graves of Macpelah are after the lapse of ages preserved in
remembrance, and in all human probability this "Acre of
God" shall experience no interruption until that day when
earth and sea shall surrender their trust.
In these times of rapid change, no historic dwelling is
safe from the spoiler's hand. In vain do hallowed memo-
ries appeal ; each year lessens the attachment, until the very
church where our forefathers worshipped, at whose chancel
the most sacred memories entwine, must yield its materials
for some neighboring construction. The only relic of the
origmal St. Paul's Church, Baltimore, is the spring whose
waters yet rise to refresh the traveller, but this church of
Spesutise (the surviving sister) is an exception. It is sub-
stantially the same as when Col. Thomas White worshipped
here. Its Bible of 1717 remains unimpaired. The lesson
read this morning was from the same pages which taught
our forefathers, and as you heard the 44th Chapter of Eccle-
siasticus, you must have applied these words to the present
occasion.
" But these were merciful men, whose righteousness hath
not been forgotten. With their seed shall continually remain
272 Meeting of Descendants of CoL Thomas White.
a good iiilieritance and their children are within the cove-
nant. Their seed standeth fast and their children for their
sakes ; their seed shall remain and their glory shall not be
blotted out ; their bodies are buried in peace, but their name
liveth for evermore ; the people will tell of their wisdom, and
the congregation will show forth their praise."
Besides its spring, this Church has a far greater treasure in
uninterrupted services which quench the immortal thirst, in-
vigorate life's weary traveller, and fully realize the Psalmist's
experience, " All my fresh springs are in thee."
The examples of the dead rcj^osing in the shadow of these
walls furnish an irreversible legacy to children's children.
This ground is hallowed by historic associations, civil,
social, and ecclesiastical. "Within a few miles was the College
of Rev. Dr. Coke, connected with a remarkable religious move-
ment, who applied to Bishop White for consecration in a
letter marked by interesting facts and important propositions.
Contemporaneous w^ith Col. Thomas White were James
Osborne (1743) and Benjamin Osborne (1753). These two
vestrymen were descended from William, who built the first
house in the present Ilarford County, the founder of the first
Baltimore town on Bush River, some eight miles distant, and
the owner of a ferry which for years was the only route
between the north and south.
The Susquehannock Indians living on the opposite shore of
the bay attacked the early settlers of this region, and stole
Osborne's oldest son. He and his retainers pursued them across
the Chesapeake, but failed to recover him. This boy, whom
he never again saw, was kindly treated by his captors, and an
old chief told the father that his lost boy was living, and had
become a chief among the red men, signing the treaty with
William Penn in 1682.
These materials woven by some skilful hand may at some
future day invest this locality with universal interest.
In the year 1744, the vestry of this church appointed Capt.
James Philips, Col. Thomas White, Capt. Peregrine Frisbie,
and Richard Ruff to acquaint the Governor of the death of
Rev. Mr. Wilkinson and ask him to induct another clergyman.
4
Meeting of Descendants of CoL Thomas White. 273
Capt. Philips had previously presented to Spcautioe Church
the two acres of land comprised in this tract. His father,
Philip Philips, accompanied Osborne in the early settlement of
" Old Baltimore," and attended the ferry which he afterwards
purchased. Ilis grandson James Philips married Martha,
daughter of John and sister of William Paca, signer of the
Declaration of Independence and Governor of Maryland. In
the eastern part of a field, the site of Old Baltimore, there is
a burial ground in a grove of large walnut trees. The sur-
rounding fenc»e has been removed, but in the midst of the
grove is a fine marble slab covered with moss, which when
removed disclosed the following epitaph : —
** Beneath this stone is reposed the body of James Philips, and also in com-
pliance with his dying reqaest the body of his wife, Martha Philips, daughter
of John and Elizabeth Paca, born Feb. 3, 1744, married Jan. 25, 1776.
Died March 6, 1829, having surrived her husband 26 years."
" May brightest seraphs from the world on high
Spread their light pinions o'er the sleeping tomb,
And guard the dust within. Till from the sky
The Sayior comes to bid the dead rebloom.
Then may they rise I Together meet their change.
Together hear the plaudit * Rest, well done !'
Through spheres of light and spheres of glory range
And sit with Jesus on his dazzling throne."
On another farm, a few miles distant, is the private burial
place of the Ruff fiamily , one of whom, Richard, was with CoL
"White to consult the Governor.
A notable man of this locality was Augustine Herman, a
contemporary of Col. Utie, whose name is perpetuated in
"Spes-Utie." Herman represented the Dutch Government,
was subsequently api>ointed commissioner by Lord Baltimore
to settle the boundary of Maryland and Virginia, of which
States he made an excellent map, he was a man of science,
and was rewarded by a large gift of land in Cecil County,
known as " Bohemia Manor." His descendants were Vander-
Heydens, Bordleys, Frisbies, Chews, Neales, Mifflins, Ship-
pens, Jennings, Hynsons, and Randolphs.
It is probable that the Frisby above mentioned was related
to the one on CoL White's committee.
274 Meeting of Descendants of Coc. Thomas While,
Those immediately comiected with Col. White will give
you an account of his official and private character. We
know that he held a high position m the province of Mary-
land, and all accounts delineate his worth. But there is one
evidence quite conclusive. The character of the fether is
reflected in the son, for, as the river is determined by its
hidden mountain springs, so was the influence of Bishop
White formed by the daily training of home. A progressive
growth from infancy, a solidity like the mansion built by his
father, unimpaired by time, surviving the temporary struc-
tures of the present day. This permanency from early train-
ing Bishop White illustrated by his life and enforced by his
teaching.
In a review of " Pompeii" the writer observes : " It is the
characteristic of the noblest natures and the finest imagina-
tions to love to explore the vestiges of antiquity and dwell
in times that are no more. The past is the domain of the
imaginative affections alone. We carry none of our baser
passions with us thither." I cordially endorse this sentiment,
over the portal of the past is written " Procul profiini !" The
recollections of history are wise, her very fragments are valu-
able. Those who have no past are likely to have no future,
and you, who have such a past, transmit this legacy unim-
paired to your descendants! Let your lives embalm this
scene ! Let your own characters illustrate this day's transac-
tion!
'* Such graves as these are Pilgrims' shrines,
Shrines to no creed nor clime confined ;
The Delphian Yales, the PalestineB,
The Meccas of the mind."
^.
Washington's Encampment on the Nesharmny. 276
WASHINGTON'S ENCAMPMENT ON THE NESHAMINT.
BT WILLIAM J. BUCK.
On the Old York Road in Warwick Township, Bucks
County, about twenty miles nearly north of Philadelphia,
stands a substantial stone dwelling, to the history of which
the attention of the writer was attracted some years ago. In
it Washington made his head-quarters from the tenth to the
twenty-third of August, 1777, and the local traditions and
papers relating to the events of thope thirteen days are not
devoid of interest. The house stands beside the road about
one himdred and twenty yards from the northeast end of the
present bridge over the Little Neshaminy Creek, at the foot
of a long and rather steep elevation known as Carr's Hill ; and
about half a mile above the village of Hartsville, formerly
known as the Cross Roads. I have not ascertained who
owned the property when the army encamped near it, but
shortly after it was in the possession of Elijah Stinson, then
of Reuben P. Ely, and afterwards of Wm. Bothwell, in whose
family its title yet remains. In dimensions it is about twenty-
five feet by twenty-seven, is two stories high, fronts south, and
is elevated eight or nine feet above the present bed of the
road. At the time of the Revolution it was one of the best
finished houses in the neighborhood. Within its walls many
important dispatches were written, and Generals Greene, Lin-
coln, Stirling, and Lafayette, as well as Pulaski and others,
gathered under its roof. The main body of the army was
encamped around this house and on the top of the high hill
to the north, on ground then owned by two brothers by the
name of Wallace.
On the opposite side of the road all orders to the army were
posted, and a whipping post was erected for the pimishment
of offenders.
A short distance east of Hartsville on the Bristol Road,
276 Washington's Encampment on the Heshaminy.
another considerable body of the army was encamped, on the
farm now owned by Major George Jamison. Lord Stirling's
division of the army was stationed there, and a tradition
survives in the neighborhood, that here General Washing-
ton remonstrated with him on account of his convivial
habits, which seems to be corroborated by the writings of
Lafayette. Opposite this, on the farm now owned by John
Ramsey, in Warminster Township, General Conway had his
brigade of Pennsylvania troops encamped; and here also
cattle were kept for the army. The Neshaminy Presbyterian
Church is situated about half a mile further up the stream, in
the graveyard of which a number of soldiers were buried who
died during the encampment. Only conmion stones were used
to denote their resting places, none of which have inscriptions
of any kind. The old church was used as a hospital.
It was on the banks of the Neshaminy that Lafayette first
entered the army, and from his memoirs and correspondence
we are enabled to obtain some additional information: He
says that on the day of his arrival there was a review by
Washington, and the men numbered about 11,000, who were
ill armed and still worse clothed. The best clad wore hunt-
ing shirts made of gray linen. As to their military tactics
they were always ranged in two lines, the smallest men in
front. In spite of their disadvantages, the soldiers were a fine
body of men, and the officers zealous in the cause. " Virtue,"
he says, " stood in place of science, and each day added both
to experience and discipline." He mentions Lord Stirling as
more courageous than judicious, General Greene as a man of
talents, and General Knox as having created the artillery. He
further says, that after the English fleet had disappeared from
near the Delaware, the soldiers amused themselves by making
jokes at its expense. These, however, ceased when they heard
of it being in the Chesapeake.
Count Pulaski also, first entered the army at this place,
respecting whom Washington says, " I enclose you a copy of
Dr. Franklin's letter, and also of Mr. Deane's, couched in terms
equally favorable to the character and military abilities of this
gentleman. How he can be provided for, you will be best able
Washififfton^s Mteampment on the Neshamintf. 277
to determine. He takes this from me as an introductory letter
»t hifl own request."
Court martials were held on the 12th and 16th, at which
CJolonel Sheldon presided, and respecting which the following
orders were promulgated on the 19th: Edward Wilcox,
quartermaster to Captain Dorsey's Troop, for deserting and
taking a horse and accoutrements belonging to Colonel Moy-
lan's Regiment, is sentenced to be led round the regiment on
horseback with his &ce towards the horse's tail, and his coat
turned wrong side outwards, and then to be discharged from
the army. The Commander-in-Chief approves the sentence
and orders it to be put into execution immediately.
George Kilpatrick and Charles Martin, sergeants, Lawrence
Bume and Enoch Wells, corporals, Daniel McCarty, Patrick
Leland, Philip Franklin, Jacob Baker, Thomas Cries, Adam
Bex, Frederick Ghiines, Daniel Eiiinking, Christian Longspit,
Henry Winer, and Nicholas Walner, privates in Colonel Moy-
lan's Regiment of Light Dragoons, charged with mutiny and
desertion, and adjudged worthy of death — ^the court esteeming
the prisoners, except Sergeant Kilpatrick, objects of compas-
sion, and as such recommend them to the Commander-in-Chief,
who is pleased to grant them his pardon and also to Sergeant
Kilpatrick. At the same time, the prisoners are to consider
their crimes of a very atrocious nature, and have by the articles
of war subjected themselves to the penalty of death. The
remission of their punishment is a signal act of mercy in the
Gomjnander-in-Chief, and demands a very great and full return
of fidelity, submission, and obedience, in any future military
service which he shall assign them. The prisoners are to quit
the horse, and enter into the foot service in such corps to which
they shall be assigned.
Thomas Farshiers and George House, of Colonel Moylan's
B^ment, tried by the same court are found guilty of the
charge of mutiny and desertion, but some favorable circum-
stances appearing in their behalf, they are sentenced to receive
twenty-five lashes on their naked backs. The Commander-in-
Chief remits the penalty of whipping, and they are to be dis-
posed of in the foot service.
278 Washington's Uncampnent on the Neshaminy.
Amongst the officers at the Neshaminy encampment may
also be mentioned Generals Stephen, Lincoln, and Muhlen-
berg, Col. Charles Cotesworth Pmckney, and Colonels Bland,
Baylor, Sheldon, and Moylan, who commanded four regi-
ments of horse. The latter officer had in charge the Fourth
Regiment of Pennsylvania Light Dragoons, a corps that saw
considerable service during the war.
It appears by Washington's correspondence with Congress
that as early as July 25th he had ascertained that the British
fleet in the harbor of New York was on the eve of sailing
with a powerful force for some destination unknown. He
was then sixteen miles from Morristown, New Jersey, and
believing that the enemy were bound for the southward, and
very probably Philadelphia, set the army in motion for the
river Delaware. On the 28th he arrived at Coryell's Ferry,
now Lambertsville, with General Greene's division, where he
halted for further news. On the Slst his entire command had
crossed the Delaware, and on that evening and the following
day had arrived near Gtermantown, where they awaited further
tidings.
Under date of "head-quarters, camp near Germantown,
August 9, 1777," Washington writes: "The disappearance
of the enemy's fleet for so many days rendering it rather
improbable that they will again return, I have thought it
advisable to remove the army back to Coryell's, where it will
be near enough to succor Philadelphia, should the enemy,
contrary to appearances, still make that the object of their
next operation ; and will be so much the more conveniently
situated to proceed to the northward, should the event of the
present ambiguous and perplexing situation of things call
them that way. I was the more inclined to this step, as the
nearness of the army to the city — ^besides other disadvantages
— ^afforded a temptation, both to officers and men, to indulge
themselves in licenses inconsistent with discipline and order,
and consequently of an injurious tendency."
On " Sunday evening, August 10th, at 9 o'clock," he writes
to the President of Congress : " I this minute received your
favor of this afternoon, transmitting intelligence that a fleet
V
WashingtorCa JEncampmaU on the NeshanUny. 279
was seen off Sinapaxent on the 7th instant. I was about three
miles eastward of the Billet tavern, on the road leading to
Coryell's Ferry, when the express arrived. The troops are
'encamped near the road, where they will remain till I have
fiirther aceoimts respecting the fleet, which you will be pleased
to forward to me by the earliest conveyance after they come
to hand." The Shiapuxent Inlet spoken of is nearly fifty
miles south of the capes of Delaware Bay.
Respecting this movement. General Greene writes to his
brother from the '^ Camp at the Cross Roads," as he calls the
encampment, as follows: " We have been in and about the city
of Philadelphia for near a fortnight past, ignorant of General
Howe's destination. I hope it will not be against Xew
England, but I have my fears. We were marching towards
CJory ell's Ferry from the city, expecting the fleet was gone
jtwardly, when, by an express from the President of Con-
\j last night, we learned that the fleet are bound west-
^^rardly. I wish it were true." On the 14th he expresses
liimself further on the matter to General Varnum : " I am
tx>tally ignorant yet. This manoeuvre of General Howe is so
strange and unaccoimtable that it exceeds all conjecture. Our
;poBition in the Jerseys was calculated to cover the North
Hiver and Philadelphia, and afford protection to the State of
UJew Jersey, but the cry was so great for the salvation of
^Philadelphia that the General was prevailed upon to leave
OoryeU's Ferry, contrary to his judgment, and march down
tx> the city, and I expect to have our labors for our pains.
\Ve are now within about twenty miles of the city, waiting
"to get better information."
From a letter of the 15th, sent by General Conway to the
Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, we learn that
lis four regiments were very weak, one numbering two
liundred men, and the other three averaging one hundred and
eixty men each. In a letter to the same on the 17th, he writes:
•* I have heard that you had resolved to send seven hundred
imd fifty men to the Northern Army. I must own to you
that this resolve seems to me to be nothing else than wasting
men in a most wanton manner, and at a time when men are so
280 WaahingtovCa Encampment on the Neshaminy.
hard to be gott. It seeniB clear to every man in the continent
this day, that Philadelphia is the enemy's chief object, he
certainly means to visit that place, and will attempt it before
this campaign is over. I find that your troops make up the
strong half of this army, and although your regiments are
not where they should or might be, yet, they seem to me
beyond the others. I am sure you could make up an army
able to stop Mr. Howe's progress ; this must be your chief
care ; reinforce your regiments, and do not deprive yourselves
of men which you certainly will want before it is long."
Here is certainly a high compliment paid to Pennsylvania;
though asking for more soldiers, he makes the confession that
those already here from that State " make up the strong half
of this army."
On the 17th, General Greene wrote to General Vamum, that
"Our situation is not a little awkward — ^buried in the countiy,
out of hearing of the enemy. His excellency is exceedingly
impatient ; but it is said, if Philadelphia is lost, all, all is
ruined. It is a great object to be sure, but not of that great
magnitude that it claims in the measure of the American
police. Rest assured we shall not remain idle long."
Washington the same day despatched Lafayette from Ne-
shaminy with a letter to Congress, in which he says that
" Contrary to my wishes, but from the necessity of the case,
I ordered Colonel Morgan to march immediately with his
corps as an additional 8upix)rt. I hope they will be of
material service, particularly in opposing the savage part
of General Burgoyne's force." To General Putnam the day
previous he wrote : " I have determined to send up Colonel
Morgan's corps of riflemen, who will fight them in their own
way. They will march from Trenton to-morrow morning,
and reach Peekskill with all expedition. You will please to
have sloops ready to transport them, and provisions laid in,
and that they may not wait a moment. The corps consists
of five hundred men." " From an apprehension of the Indian
mode of fighting," Washington wrote to Gates on the 20th,
" I have despatched Colonel Morgan with his corps of riflemen
to your assistance, and presume they will be with you in
Washington's Encampment cm the Neshaminy. 281
eight days from this date. This corps I have great depend-
ence on, and have no doubt but they will be exceedingly use-
ful as a check given to the savages, and keephig them within
proper bounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from getting
intelligence as formerly, and animate your other troops from
a sense of their being more on an equality with the enemy."
The 21st must have been a day of doubt and anxiety in the
American camp. " From the time that has elapsed," writes
Washington to Congress, " since General Howe departed from
the Capes of Delaware, there is the strongest reason to con-
clude that he is going far either to the eastward or south-
ward, and with a design to execute some determined plan."
Reasoning thus, he called a council of his general officers, at
which Lafayette first took his place as Major-General. After
a careful consideration of the subject, it was unanimously
concluded : " First, that the enemy had most probably sailed
for Charleston ; second, that it was not expedient for the
army to march southward, as it could not possibly arrive in
time to aflford succour ; thirdly, that the army should move
immediately towards the I^Torth River." Tlie decision of the
board of officers was forwarded to Congress for their approval
by the Commander-in-chief, who, in his letter to that body,
said : " That I may not appear inconsistent, to advise and to
act before I obtain an opinion, I beg leave to mention that I
shall move the army to the Delaware to-morrow morning, to
change their ground at any rate, as their present encampment
begins to be disagreeable, and w^ould injure their health in a
short time. Our forage also begins to grow scarce here."
Col. Hamilton was sent to carry these resolves to Congress
and bring back their opinion. " By three o'clock the active
young aid-de-camp" entered the hall of Congress with Wash-
ington's dispatches ; after reading these Congress adjourned
for two hours.
On the morning of the 21st word had been received in
Philadelphia that the British fleet of upwards of one hun-
dred sail had been seen on the night of the 14th inst., stand-
ing in between the Capes of Chesapeake Bay. This intelli-
gence had been forwarded to Washington by the President
20
282 Washington's Encampment on ike NeshanUny.
of Congress, but the bearer of it doubtless passed Hamiltou
on the way.
As no further news of the fleet had been received during
the day, Congress, upon assembling after its temporary ad-
journment, ^^ Resolved^ That Congress approve the plan of
marching the army towards Hudson River, and that General
Washington act as circumstances require." The news of the
fleet which President Hancock had sent to Washington, had
awakened in his mind that caution which so strongly marked
his character, and without awaiting the return of Hamilton
he wrote at once to Congress : " I am this moment honored
with yours of this morning, containing several pieces of intel-
ligence of the fleet's having been seen off' the Capes of Vir-
ginia on the 15th inst. I shall, in consequence, halt upon my
present ground till I hear something further."
This season of suspense ended on the morning of the 22d,
when information arrived at Philadelphia that the enemy's
fleet had entered Chesapeake Bay. As soon as this news
reached camp on theNeshaminy the greatest activity prevailed.
Gen. Kash was ordered to embark his brigade and Colonel
Proctor's corps of artillery, if vessels could be procured for the
purpose, and proceed to Chester ; or, if vessels could not be
provided, to hasten towards that place by land with all pos-
sible speed. Gen. Sullivan, w^ith his division which was sta-
tioned at Hanover, N. J., w^as directed to join the main army,
and all the troops were ordered to be in readiness to march
at an early hour on the morning of the 23d. In the midst
of the excitement which must have existed on the 22d, news
was received of the victory gained by Gen. Stark at Benning-
ton. The following extracts are taken from an order an-
nouncing the event to the army, which was posted at the
roadside : —
" The Commander-in-chief has the happiness to inform the
army of the signal victory obtained to the northward. A
part of General Burgoyne's army, about 1500 in number,
were detached towards New Hampshire, and advanced with
a design to possess themselves of Bennington. Brigadier-
Gen. Stark, of the State of New Hampshire, with 2000 men,
WaahingUnCs Encampment on the Neshaminr/. 288
mostly militia, attacked them. Our troops behaved in a very
brave and heroic manner. They pushed the enemy from one
work to another, thrown up on advantageous gromid, and
from different posts, with spirit and fortitude, until they
gained a complete victory over them."
On the morning of the 23d the army moved down the Old
York Road, Greene's division in the advance, followed by
that of Stephen. After a march of about sixteen miles, it
arrived at Germantown, at the lower end of which, at Sten-
ton, the former residence of James Logan, Washington made
liifl head-quarters. On the day the army left its encampment
on the Keshaminy, Washington wrote to Congress that he
Avould march the army through Philadelphia, as his officers
xvere of the opinion that it might " have some influence on
trhe minds of the disaffected there." From Stenton the
orders respecting the march through Philadelphia were is-
sued. They are minute in every particular, as the following
extracts will show : " The army is to march in one column
through the city of Philadelphia, going in at and marching
clown Front Street to Chestnut, and up Chestnut to the com-
xnon."
The order of the divisions, the i)08itions of the horse and
artillery, and the spaces between them were all fjrescribed.
" It is expected that every officer, without exception, will
Iceep his post in passing through the city, and under no pre-
tence whatever leave it ; and if any soldier shall dare to
leave his place he shall receive thirty-nine lashes at the first
lalting-place afterwards." The officers were instructed " to
prevent the people from pressing on the troops."
" That the line of march through the city may be as little
encumbered as possible, only one ammunition wagon is to
attend the field-piece of each brigade and every artillery park.
All the rest of the baggage-wagons and spare horses are to
file off to the right, to avoid the city entirely, and move on
to the bridge at the middle ferry, and there halt, but not so
&r as to impede the march of the troops by preventing their
passing them."
284 Washington's Eneampinent on the Neshaminy.
" Not a woman bolongmg to the army is to be seen with
the troops on their march through the city."
" Tlie soldiers will go to rest early this evening, as the
general expects the whole line to be on the march at the hour
appointed'* (4 A. M.).
" The drums and fifes of each brigade are to be collected in
the centre of it, and a tune for the quick-step played, but
with such moderation that the men may step to it with ease,
and without dancing along or totally disregarding the music,
as has been too often the case."
" The men are to be excused from carrying their camp ket-
tles to-morrow."
Crowds of citizens watched the march of the troops through
Philadelphia on Sunday morning, August the 24th, 1777.
"Washington, with Lafayette at his side, rode at the head of
the column. It had rained early in the day, and an eye-
witness feared " that it would spoil the show and wet the
army." To give some uniformity to their appearance, the men
wore sprigs of green in their hats. One who saw them wrote:
*' Our soldiers have not yet quite the air of soldiers. They
don't step exactly in time. They don't hold up their heads
quite erect, nor turn out their toes so exactly as they ought.
They don't all of them cock their hats, and such as do, don't
all wear them the same way ;" but in the eyes of the writer'
the spectacle was fine, and inspired confidence. On the even-
ing of the 25th the army had arrived at Wilmington, and on
the 11th of September they engaged the enemy at Brandy wine.
' John Adami.
Britjish Camp at TRUUiRurFiUN
froiii ihe i8*to llip ai'.'oi' SrpU'niber 1/7;-,
madi. by Major r.ENF.RAL OKKY
j)It theRiiBKLS
near H'Jf/JJi JttJJt.VJi 7:7 1'i/f,
<m thi' ■Jo'^ol■ Septembei-,
Df^iw,, f>y,it- f)/fiWro»tfu
Sllfrjrd ffn,Uy>u< Iff Hf I'**K Oarv^ lit/i
«St-
\
^'
R K K K R t, ;" !■. K S -
iAAA.. ManAi^Cr'.l.'irr-T.VjOi-u.Arnmi ,ii tny fhlnrnns u .taork iht Rr^ttl
I.Li^lliAsCryatfinb/ylii'Ki'brillriitiidt in ria^Ui, .
Zn.Thi Kahtit /l^mf mJhJtntT ■
8;
ITie Massacre of FlaoU. 285
THE MASSACRE OP PAOLI.
HIBTOBIOAL ADDRESS OF J. SMITH FUTHET,
or WEST CHBrriB, pa.
Dkliyersd on the Centennial Anniykrsart op that event at the Dedi-
cation or THE MoifUMENT TO THE MbMOBT OV THOSE WHO
FELL ON THK NIOHT OF SePT. 20tH, 1777.
For three-quarters of a century after the establishment by
William Penn of his peaceful province of Pennsylvania, that
portion of his colony known as the county of Chester enjoyed
a singular immunity from strife and bloodshed. The time
arrived, however, when the soil of our goodly county was to
be pressed by the foot of the invader, and our citizens, there-
tofore exempt from the calamities of war, were to see their
fields crossed by hostile armies and made the theatre of mili-
tary operations, while many of them, throwing aside the
implements of husbandry, and forgetting for a time the arts
and employments of peace, were to mingle in the general
strife.
Early in the Revolutionary contest, Chester County became
the scene of military operations. Our people deeply partici-
pated m the indignation excited throughout the colonies by
the oppressive and arbitrary measures of the British Govern-
ment, and when the call to arms was made, they responded
with alacrity, and contributed a full proportion of men for
the service, and evinced a spirit scarcely to be expected among
a people so generally opposed in principle to the practice of
war. But a high enthusiasm at that time prevailed for the
cause of the insulted and endangered liberties of our country,
animating all ranks and classes, and inciting them to resist by
arms the progress of usurpation, so that few, not absolutely
restrained by scruples of conscience, felt disposed to disregard
the call when their aid was required.
It is to be remembered also, that while the members of the
286 The Massacre of Padi.
Society of Friends — who in principle were opposed to war —
largely prepondemted in the eastern and central portions of
the county, the southern, western, and northwestern portions
thereof were principally inhabited by that sturdy and inde-
pendent race known as the Scotch-Irish. Many of these
people had emigrated to America, in consequence of the op-
pression of the large landed proprietors, shortly before the
breaking out of the Revolutionary war ; and, leaving the Old
World in such a temper, they became a powerful contribution
to the cause of liberty, and to the separation of the colonies
from the mother country. To show the extent to which they
engaged in the service, it may be stated that in the campaign
of 1777, every able-bodied man in the large Presbyterian
congregation of Brandy wine Manor, in Chester County, was
in the army, and the gathering of the harvest and putting in
of the fall crops were performed by the old men, women, and
children. It was perhaps the only race of all that settled in
the western w^orld that never produced one tory. The nearest
approach to one was a man who was brought before a church
session, and tried upon the charge that he was " suspected of
not being sincere in his professions of his attachment to the
cause of the revolution." The Scotch-Irish were a race who
emphatically feared not the face of man, and who put their
trust in God and their rifles.
The descendants of the Welsh and the Swedes were also
numerous in this county — especially in the eastern and eome
of the northern townships — and contributed to swell the
number of those who were ready at the bugle's call, to buckle
on their armor with alacrity, and fight for liberty.
To John Morton, a citizen of Chester, now Delaware County,
a member of the Continental Congress, belongs the high honor
of having voted for the Declaration of Independence, and thus,
with Franklin and Wilson, who also voted in its fisivor, secured
the voice of Pennsylvania.
The first military force raised in Chester County was a
regiment of volunteers, of which the gallant Anthony Wayne,
then a farmer, residing about two miles from this spot, was
appointed Colonel, and Richard Thomas, Lieutenant-Colonel.
The Massacre of Padi. 287
Col. Wayne soon afterwaixls joined the regular army, and the
command devolved upon Col. Thomas. This regiment was
raised as early as September, 1775. A second regiment was
raised soon after the first had been formed, and officered prin-
cipally by inhabitants of Chester County. Subsequently to
this and throughout the war, this comity contributed its full
quota to fill up the armies of the republic.
It was a leading object of the British, early in the war, to
occupy Philadelphia, and the campaign of 1777 was devoted
by Sir William Howe and the tbrces under his command to
that purpose. The importance of this place in a military point
of view has been questioned on both sides, and Washington
and Howe have both been censured for their pertinacity.
Philadelphia was at that time the largest city in the revolted
provinces ; it was the scat of the Continental Congress, and
the centre of the colonies. Although commanding easy ac-
cess to the sea, it was capable of being readily protected from
the approach of a hostile fleet, and it lay in the heart of an
open, extended country, rich, comparatively populous, and, so
far, but little disturbed by the war. It was, in a sense, re-
,garded as the capital of the new-bom nation, and the moral
infl.uence resulting from its occupation by Congress was great,
&nd it was deemed that an imjHjrtant point would be gained
by its conquest. While the seat of Congress was secure, men
xv^ere led to mock at the army which could not penetrate to
the head-quarters of the infant nation. Another reason was
the fact that the region around Philadelphia was, owing to its
X>08ition, and the peaceful disposition of much of its popula-
tion, less aflfected by the yoke of Britain, and less influenced
\}y the enthusiasm of the other colonies, after the first excite-
ment had subsided. In the possession of the British, this dis-
affection to the cause of the revolution, it was thought by
t:hem, would tend to strengthen their hold upon the country.
With this end in view, the British fleet under Lord Howe,
l>earing a land force eighteen thousand strong, left New York
in July, 1777, with the intention of approaching Philadelphia
T)y way of the Delaware River. When about to enter it,
liowever, the British commander was informed that the
288 The Massacre of PaoU.
Americaiis had placed obBtruetiouB in the channel, and he
therefore proceeded to the Chesapeake, up which he sailed,
and on the 25th of August landed his forces at what was
known as Turkey Point, near the head of the bay, with the
view of proceeding eastward towards Philadelphia.^
The departure of the British fleet from New York was the
signal for the march of the American troops to the south-
ward. Washington was in some perplexity, being uncertain
as to its objects, but directed the concentration of the army
in Bucks County, Pennsylvania,* so as to meet the enemy
should he attempt to approach Philadelphia, or to proceed
northward should the New England States prove to be Howe's
destination. As soon, however, as Washington was informed
that the fleet was oflT the Capes of the Chesapeake, he turned
his attention in that direction. On the 25th of August, the
day the British landed at the Head of Elk, the Americans
marched to Wilmington, and encamped on Red Clay Creek,
a few miles below that place. Their whole eflfective force fit
for duty was about eleven thousand men.
Washington made immediate preparations to oppose the
march of the enemy. From the first movements in advance
from the Head of Elk, active skirmishing, sometimes of con-
siderable bodies, took place, in which the Americans made a
number of prisoners. On the 3d of September a severe though
brief encounter occurred at Iron Hill, Pencader Hundred,
Delaware, between a division of the British under Comwallis
and Xnyphausen, and a body of Americans under the com-
> Howe, in his " narrative," says that, upon finding it would be " extreme] j
hazardous" to attempt to proceed np the Delaware, he " agreed with the
Admiral to go up Chesapeake Bay, a plan which had been preconcerted
in the event of a landing in the Delaware proving, upon our arriTal there,
ineligible," which movement is said to have been the treasoaable suggestion
of Charles Lee. See Treason of Charles Lee, by Geo. H. Moore, N. Y., 1860-
* The movements of Washington from the time he entered Pennsylvania
until he passed through Philadelphia, on his way to Brandywine, will be
found in the article entitled " Washington's Encampment on the Nesh*-
miny," by W. J. Buck, p. 275.
\
Ihe Massacre of Fadi. 289
mand of Gen. Maxwell.' On the 8th the American army took
its position behind Red Clay Creek, the left resting upon
Newport, and the right extending a considerable distance up
the creek to Hockesson. Here a battle was anticipated.
Washington, however, from the movements of the enemy, saw
that their object was to turn his right, cross the Brandywine,
and cut off his communication with Philadelphia, which,
if successfully carried out in the position which he then
occupied, would have hemmed him in between the British
army and their fleet, where he must have been overpowered,
or compelled to fight his way out under every disadvantage.
He accordingly, after reconnoitering the enemy, withdrew to
Chads' Ford, on the Brandywine, where he arrived on the
9th of September, and took up his position on the east side
of the stream, and entrenched himself on the high ground
immediately north of the present Chads' Ford Hotel. Max-
well's light infentry occupied the advanced posts, and during
the night of the 10th threw up defences on the west side, at
the approaches to the ford. At this spot, in the beautiful
valley of Chester County's classic stream, Washington re-
' Gen. R. Fitzpatrick, an officer under Howe, wrote to the Countess of
Ossorj, from the Head of E]k (Sept. 1, 1777) : *' We have had a most tedious
Toyage from New York to this part of the Continent, where we have found
no enemy to trouble us hitherto, as our antagonists hare very wisely adopted
a system of avoiding fighting A soldier of ours was yesterday
taken by the enemy beyond our lines, who had chopped off an unfortunate
woman's fingers in order to plunder her of her rings. I really think the re-
turn of this army to England is to be dreaded by the peaceable inhabitants,
and will occasion a prodigious increase of business for Sir J. Fielding and
Jack Ketch. I am sure the office of the latter can never find more deserving
objects for its exercise The maps give us very inaccurate accounts
of the country, and our spies (if we have any) give us very little intelligence
of our enemy; we heard different stories every moment, but none to be de-
pended upon. General Washington dined here with a great attendance
of officers two days before our arrival, and is now supposed to be between
this and Philadelphia, which is about sixty miles from this place. The in-
habitants are almost all fled from their honses, and have driven their cattle
with them ; so we do not live luxuriously, though in a country that has every
appearance of plenty, and is more beaatiful than can be conceived, wherever
the woods are at all cleared."
290 ni€ Massacre of Paoli.
solved to take his stand, and do battle in defence of the Cily
of Brotherly Love.^
On the evening of the 9th of September the British army
entered Chester C!ounty in two divisions, one of which, nnder
Gen. Knj'phausen, encamped at New Garden and Kennet
Square, and the other, under Comwallis, a short distance be-
low Hockesson Meeting House. Early next day they united
at Kennet Square, whence in the evening the forces under
Knyphauscn advanced towards Welsh's tavern, now known
as the Anvil, probably for the convenience of water, and
* The charms of the Bcenery of Chester Gountj have found frequent ex-
pression in poetry as well as in prose ; but nowhere more suitably, or with
more spirit, than in the language of her own son, the late T. Buchanm
Read. The reproduction of the following lines, from his " Wagoner of the
Alleghanies," is particularly appropriate at this time.
The hour was loud, but louder still
Anon the rage of battle roared
Its wild and murderous will ;
Prom Jefferis down to Wistar's ford,
From Jones to Chads, the cannon poured^
While thuudertMl Osborne Hill.
Oh, ne'er before fled holy calm
Fron^ont its sainted house of prayer
So frighted through the trembling air
As from that shrine of Birmingham i
Oft through the opeuing cloud wo scanned
The shouting lenders, sword in hand,
Directing the tumultuous scene ;
There galloped Maxwell, gallant Bland,
The poet-warrior, while between,
Binging o'er all his loud command.
Dashed the intrepid Greene.
Here Sullivan in fury trooped,
There Weed on like an eagle swooped,
With Muhlenberg — where they were grouped
The invader dearly earned his gains-
And (where the mad should only be,
The fiercest champion of the free)
The loudest trumpet-call was Wayne's ;
While in a gale of battle-glee,
With rapid sword and pistol dealing
The blows which set the foemen reeling,
Sped "Light-horse Harry Lee."
Hie Massacre of Paoli. 291
those under C!omwallid remained encamped on the hills north
and west of Kennet Square.
On the morning of the 11th the army divided into two
columns — one division, under Knyphausen, marching directly
through Kennet and Pennsbury Townships to Chads' Ford,
by the Philadelphia road ; and the other, under Comwallis,
and accompanied by Sir William Howe, taking a circuitous
route, traversing portions of the townships of Kennet, East
Marlborough, Newlin, West Bradford, East Bradfoixl, and
Birmingham, crossing the west branch of the Brandy wine at
Trimble's Ford, a short distance south of Marshalton, and
the east branch mainly at Jefteris' Ford, and approaching
Birmingham ^Meeting House from the north : the object of
these movements l>oing to hem the Americans in between the
two forces, and thus make them an easy prey.
The column under Comwallis set out about daybreak, and
that under Knyphausen about nine o'clock. A very dense
and heavy fog continued until a late hour. The column un-
der Knyphausen skirmished with the advanced parties of the
Americtm army sent lorwaixl to harass the march of the
British troops. Maxwell's corjw, which occupied the hills
west of the Brandy wine, was driven across the stream after a
severe engagement, and joined the main body of the Ameri-
can army, which was ranged in order of battle, awaiting the
attack of the enemy. Several detachments of the Americans
subsequently recrossed the creek and assailed the British,
who were laboring to throw up entrenchments and plant bat-
teries. A footing having been secured on the western bank.
Gen. Maxwell returned in force, and a warm conflict ensued ;
the Americans driving the enemy from the ground. Tlie
sliarpness of the skirmish soon drew upon them ovenvhelm-
ing numbers, and the Americans were again repulsed. Knyp-
hausen paraded on the heights, reconnoitering the American
army, and by various movements appeared to be making dis-
positions to force a passiige of the stream, and every moment
the attempt was expected to be made.
Gen. Comwallis, with the larger division of the British
army, under the cover of the hills and forests, and aided by
292 The Massacre of PaoU.
the fog, proceeded in the circuitous route a considerable dia-
tuuce unobserved, and must have reached the hills south of
Trimble's Ford about the time that Eiiyphausen moved from
his position east of Kennet Square. Some cannons were dis>
charged at this point (and cannon-balls have been found in
the vicinity) for which it is difficult to account, unless they
were designed to notify Knyphausen that they had gained a
midway position, or to direct him to march to the Ford.
Gen. Sullivan, who commanded the right wing of the Ame-
rican army, had received instructions to guard the fords as
high up as Buffington's — now Little's — just above the forks
of the Brandy wine, and scouting parties were sent out in
various directions to watch the movements of the enemy.
About one o'clock intelligence was brought that the enemy's
left wing was about crossing the Brandywine above its forks,
and Col. Bland sent word to Washington that a large force
was seen advancing up the road towards Trimble's Ford, and
this was confirmed by a note from C!ol. Ross who was in their
rear, and who estimated the force that he had seen at not less
than five thousand. Washington, on receiving this intelligence
of a large division being so far separated from the army at
Chads' Ford, formed the design of detaching Sullivan and
Lord Stirling to engage the colunm conducted by Comwallis,
should he attempt to cross the stream, while he in person
should cross over with the residue of the troops and attack
the forces under Knyphausen.
In pursuance of this determination. Sterling was despatched
with a considerable force to occupy the high ground in the
vicinity of Birmingham Meeting House, while other necessary
dispositions were made upon the left. At the critical moment
when the plan was about to be executed, counter-intelligence
was received, inducing the opinion that the movement of
Comwallis was merely a feint, and that after making demon-
strations of crossing the Brandywine above its forks, he must
actually have marched down the right bank of the stream,
and was about to re-unite his column with that of Knyphau-
sen. This opinion was confirmed by the report of a number
of light horse that had been sent to reconnoitre.
The Massacre of PaolL 293
While Washington was in a state of painful uncertainty,
produced by these conflicting accounts, 'Squire Thomas Che-
ney— a citizen of Thombury township — rode up to the forces
under Sullivan with intelligence that the main body of the
IBritish army had crossed the Brandy w me, and was already at
liand, approaching from the north ; and, being uncourteously
received by that General, demanded to be led to the Com-
Tnander-in-Chief. This was done, and, although Washington
^vas at first disposed to doubt the correctness of the informa-
i;ion, he was at length convinced of its truth, and immediately
disposed of his troops to meet the emergency. It is said that
some of the Gtenerars staff spoke rather sneeringly and in-
-credulously of the rustic 'Squire's information, which roused
iiis temper. "If you doubt my word," said he to the Com-
anander-hi-Chief, "put me under guard until you can ask
Anthony Wayne or Persib Frazer if I am a man to be be-
lieved ;" and then turning to the General's Attendants, he
indignantly exclaimed — "I would have you to know that I
have this day's work as much at heart as e'er a Blood of you !"
I will not detain you on this occasion with the details of
the battle which ensued — the far-famed battle of Brandy-
wine. SuflSce it to say, that, after a severe contest, which was
participated in by the gallant Lafayette, the Americans were
defeated with a loss of three hundred killed and six hundred
wounded, while the loss of the British was reported at one
hundred killed and four hundred wounded. Three or four
hundred were taken prisoners, chiefly of the wounded.*
* The following account of the engagement at Brandywine is from an
unsigned letter of a British officer, who took part in the battle, and has not,
we believe, ever appeared in connection with a history of that event : —
*• I should have written the 0 Imperial ! consider the pain of the contusion.
What excessive fatigue— a rapid march from four o'clock in the morning till
four in the eve, when we engaged till dark. We fought Describe the
battle. Twas not like those of Covent Garden or Drury Lane. Thou hast
seen Le Brun's paintings and the tapestry at Blenheim are these natural
lesemblances. Pshaw I quoth the captain en un mot. There was a most
infernal fire of cannon and musketry ; smoke ; incessant shouting. * Incline
to the right I Incline to the left I Halt I Charge !' etc. The balls plough-
ing up the ground ; the trees cracking over one's head, the branches riven
294 The Massacre of Paoli.
A conftiderable part of the British army remained from the
11th to the morning of the 16th of September in the neigh-
borhood of the field of battle, the chief portion lying en-
camped about DilworthtowTi and south of it, on the proper-
ties then of Charles Dilworth and George Brinton. Gen.
Howe had his head-quarters at a house near by, still standing,
and now owned by Elias Baker. During this time they had
a cattle-pen near Chads' Ford, where they collected and
slaughtered large numbers of cattle and other animals and
preserved them for the use of the army. Kearly all the live
stock in the country for a considerable distance around was
taken from the inhabitants. In some instances payment was
made in British gold, but generally no compensation what-
ever was given. The day after the battle, a detachment of
the army, under Major-General Grant, marched to Concord
Meeting House, w-here it was joined on the 13th by Lord
Cornwallis with some light infantry and British grenadiers.
From this point they moved to Village Green, a short dis-
tance from Chester, and there encamped, leaving a detach-
ment at Concord to guaixi the wounded left in the meeting
house, and sending another to Wilmington, where there were
some wounded.
The Americans, after the battle, retreated towards Chester,
where they arrived by different roads and at different times
in the night. On the arrival of Washington at this place
about midnight, he addressed a letter to Congress, giving
them an account of the disaster. On the next day the army
marched by way of Darby to Philadelphia, where it was
by the artillery ; the leayes falling as in autumn bj the grape-Bbot The
affair was general.
The masters on both sides showed eondnct The action was brilliant
Mr. Washington retreated (*. c. ran away), and Mr. Howe remained master
of the field. We took ten pieces of cannon and a howitzer ; eight were
brass, the other two of iron of a new constraction. I took a night-cap lined
with fur, which I find very comfortable in the now * not summer evenings
in ray tent/ A ball glanced about my ankle and contused it; for some
days I was lifted off and on horseback in men's arms." — See McUeriaiafor
History, by Frank Moore, New York, 1862.
The Massacre of PaoU. 295
joined by straggling parties. The main body waa encamped
near Gemiantown, where they were allowed two or three
days to rest.
The question has been frequently mooted whether the fact
that the British had divided their forces at the Battle of
Brandywine should not have been discovered sooner than it
was, and the disastrous defeat which took place have been
prevented. I entertain the opinion, from a personal know-
ledge of the entire section of country near where the battle
was fought, that there was somewhere the most inexcusable
negligence in not having earlier definitely ascertained the
movements of the British army. The fords of the Brandy-
wine where they were at all likely to cross, were all compara-
tively near to the Americans, and were easily accessible ; the
country, though rolling, was comparatively open ; the roads
were substantially the same as now, and their movements
could have been easily discovered in time to have enabled
Gen. Washington to have disposed of his troops to the best
advantage. The distance from Chads' Ford to Jefferis' Ford
is but six miles, and to Trimble's Ford about seven and a
half miles. It is now known that small bodies of the British
light troops crossed at Wistar's (now Sager's) Ford, and at
Buffington's (now Little's) Ford — the latter on the east
branch, just above the forks, and both between Chads' Ford
and Jefferis' Ford — some time before the main body of the
army crossed at Jefferis' Ford, and yet no information of
these movements appears to have been communicated to the
Commander-in-chief Tradition says that the great American
chieftain was so conscious of the oversight in not having
sooner discovered the movements of Howe, that he ever
manifested a dislike and unwilligimess to converse on the
strategy of that day.
It has been usual to attribute the loss of the Battle of
Brandywine to this want of timely intelligence of the move-
ments of the enemy ; but it is problematical whether the
Americans could have been successful under any circumstancs.
The British army was well appointed and well disciplined ; a
large part of the American army was, at the time, compara-
296 The Masscbcre of Paoli.
lively untrained, and this superiority of the British over the
Americans would probably have enabled them to gain the
day, even if Gen. Washington had received timely notice of
all their movements.
While, however, there was certainly negligence in not hav-
ing sooner discovered the disposition of the British forces,
yet we must be gentle with the memories of those who served
their country in the war of the revolution. It was a period
far too trying to judge men as on ordinary occasions. The
Americans were fighting not for fame or power, but for jus-
tice and liberty. They had left their homes and occupations
to fight the finest troops of the most powerful nation of the
world. When we consider the circumstances by which the
patriots were surrounded, pitted against a foreign foe, and
with a relentless and treacherous enemy at home, calling
themselves loyalists, but better known by the designation of
tories, our only wonder is, that success could attend their
efforts ; and, looking at all the surroundings and the difficul-
ties encountered and overcome, the disasters which befell the
American arms became victories from the first gun which
was fired in the struggle until the British laid down their
arms at Yorktown.
The British steadily pursued their purpose to seize Phila-
delphia, and occupy it as their quarters during the ensuing
winter.
As it was deemed important to save that city from falling
into their hands, Washington resolved to risk another en-
gagement ; for, although the Battle of Brandywine had re-
sulted unfavorably to the American army, it was considered
that the British had there gained little more than the battle-
field, and the ardor of the troops was unabated.
At that time one of the principal crossing-places of the
Schuylkill was at Swedes' Ford, near the present southern
limits of Bridgeport and Norristown, and as the British could
not well cross lower down on account of the depth of the
water, it was expected they would make the attempt to force
a passage at that point, or higher up the stream.
On the 15th of September, Washington left his camp at
I7i€ Massacre of PaoU. 297
Germantown, and with the main body of his army crossed
the Schuylkill and marched up the Lancaster Road, with the
intention of meeting the enemy and again giving battle. He
proceeded to a point near the junction of the Lancaster and
Swedes' Ford Road, in East Whiteland Township, northwest
of the Admiral Warren Tavern, and encamped his forces be-
tween that point and the White Horse Tavern, having his
head-quarters at the residence of Joseph Malin, now belonging
to Joseph A. Malin.
The British commander, having received intelligence that
Washington was advancing upon the Lancaster Road, re-
solved to attack him. The portion of his army which had
been encamped in the neighborhood of Village Green — ^then
known as the " Seven Stars" — ^left that point, under the com-
mand of Comwallis, on the 16th of September, and proceeded
northward towards the Great Valley, by what is known as
the Chester Road, by way of the present villages of Glen
Riddle, Lima, and Howellville, and by Rocky Hill and
Goshen Friends' Meeting House.
The forces which had remained encamped near the field
of battle at Birmingham and Chads' Ford, at the same time
proceeded by way of the Turk's Head, now West Chester,
and the Boot Tavern, towards the same point, with the view
of joining the forces under Comwallis.
On the morning of the 16th, Washington received informa-
tion that the enemy were approaching by the way of Goshen
Meeting House, and were already in the neighborhood of that
place.
The two armies moved to positions between the White
Horse and Goshen Meeting House, on the high ground south
of the valley, and both commanders commenced making prep-
arations for action. Some detachments were made by the
Americans to reinforce the advanced guard, and keep the
enemy in check until the army should be properly arrayed.
To Gen. Wayne was assigned the duty of leading the advance
and opening the battle. Skirmishing began between the ad-
vanced parties, and a sanguinary battle would probably have
been fought, but a rain-storm of great violence stopped its
298 The Massacre of PadL
progress. A consultation waa had as to whether the British
should be received on the ground then occupied by our troops,
or whether they should retire beyond the Great Valley, which
was in their rear, and in which the ground was said to be
wet, and where, in case of a defeat, the artillery would cer-
tainly be lost. Washington accordingly, after consultation,
gave the order to move, and the American forces retired and
formed on the high ground in the Great Valley, east of the
White Horse and north of the old Lancaster Road, and there
remained until about four o'clock in the afternoon awaiting
the advance of the British army.
The point where the skirmishing took place was on the
high ground about one mile and a half north of Gkxshen
Meeting House, and half a mile or more a little west of south
of the old " Three Tons Tavern," on the property now be-
longing to the heirs of John Parry, deceased, in the north-
eastern part of East Goshen Township. A few soldiers were
killed in the conflict and buried there. A few were also
wounded, and some prisoners were taken by the British.
The Americans retired to the Yellow Springs, where, dis-
covering that their ammunition had been greatly damaged
by the rain, and that they were not in a condition to engage
in a conflict, the march was continued to Warwick Furnace,
on the south branch of French Creek, in the present township
of Warwick, where a fresh supply of arms and ammunition
was obtained.*
The storm lasted some time, the British army during its
continuance being encamped in the neighborhood of the Boot
Tavern, on the farm lately owned and occupied by Samuel R.
' When Howe made the storm on this occasion the excuse for not forcing
an engagement with Washington, Joseph Gkdloway remarked : " Some men
thought that the rain was in favor of disciplined troops, who wonld take
more care of their ammunition from knowledge and experience than undis-
ciplined, and that others were so weak as to imagine that no weather ought
to prevent a superior force from attacking a shy enemy when an opportu-
nity offered ;" but such a remark fell without meaning on the ears of a gen-
eral who, although personally brave, was so careful of his men that be gave
as his candid opinion that durinar J"ly and August " troops should be ex-
posed as little as possible in the field in America."
The Massacre of PaoU. 299
Eirk, in West Whiteland Townehip, near Eirkland Station
on the old West Chester Railroad, which was then owned
and occupied by Samuel Jeiieris, and between that point and
the Three Tons Tavern, along the south valley hill. They
burned nearly all the rails on the property of Mr. Jefferis,
about ten thousand in number, and the farm lay unfenced tor
many years thereafter. The head-quarters of Gen. Howe were
at the Boot Tavern, and of Lord Comwallis at the house of
Daniel Durborow, a short distance west of the Three Tons.
Both houses are still standing.
On the evening of the 17th Comwallis with his division
advanced to the Lancaster Road in the Great Valley, and
took post about two miles distant from Enyphausen, and on
the 18th the entire army joined at the White Horse, and
moved down the Lancaster and Swedes Ford Road into
Tredyffrin Township, and encamped on the south side of the
Swedes Ford Road, a short distance east of the present village
of Howellville, and between that and the village of Centre-
ville. Lord Comwallis had his head-quarters on the property
of Enoch Jones, now belong^g to Franklin Latch, near Cen-
treville.
From French Creek Gen. Wayne on the 17tli was detached
with his division, amounting to about fifteen hundred men
and four field pieces, to join Gen. Smallwood, who had com-
mand of the Maryland militia, and was then in the rear of the
British army. Wayne was ordered to harass and annoy the
enemy, and to seize every occasion which might offer to en-
gage him with advantage, and to endeavor to cut off" the
baggage-train, and by this means to arrest his march towanls
the Schuylkill, until the Americans could cross the river
higher up, and pass dowTi on the east side and intercept the
passage of the river by the British.
Gen. Wayne proceeded to the duty assigned him, and on
the 18th of September encamped about three hundred yards
a little north of east of this point on land now of H. G. Grif-
fith, and which was about four miles in the rear of the enemy,
distant from any leading road, and securely concealed, as he
believed, from the knowledge of Howe. He established his
800 Uie Massacre of PaoU.
head-quarters at the house of a man named Kmg, now of
Robert Hutchinson, on the east side of what is now called the
Sugartown Road, and a short distance south of the gate by
which these grounds are entered from that road.*
On the 19th of September, Gen. Wayne watched the move-
ments of the enemy as far as was practicable with the view
of attacking them, should they attempt to move. On the
morning of that day, on the enemy's beating the reveille, he
ordered his troops under arms, and took up the line of march
for their left flank, and proceeded to within half a mile of
their encampment, but found they had not stirred, and lay
too compact to admit of an attack with prudence. In a letter
to the Commander-in-Chief, written at Paoli after 10 o'clock
A. M., he stated that the enemy would probably attempt to
move towards evening.* They did not move, however, but on
' Wayne was no doabt chosen for this service, as his home was io the neigh-
borhood, and he was acquainted with the locality.
* From the Life of Wayne, published in the *' Casket,'* it appears that a
number of letters passed between Washing^n and Wayne on the 17th,
18th, and 19th of Sept The following, however, are all we have met
with : —
Paoli, half after 7 o'clock A. M., 19th Sept.
Dear General —
On the enemy's beating the reveille I ordered the troops under arms, and
began oar march for their left flank, but when we arrived within half a mile
of their encampment found they had not stirred, but lay too compact to ad-
mit of an attack with prudence. Indeed their supineness answers every
purpose of giving you time to get up — if they attempt to move I shall at-
tack them, at all events. This moment Gapt. Jones of Bland's Dragoons
brought in four prisoners; three of them belong to the Queen's Rangers
and one artillery-man ; they don't seem to know much about the movements
of the enemy, nor the loss they sustained at Brandywine, but have heard it
was very great.
lliere never was, nor never will be, a finer opportunity of giving the
enemy a fatal blow than the present — for God's sake push on as fast as
possible. Interim I am your Excellency's most obedient, &o.
Paoli, I after 10 A. M., 19th 8epk
Dear General —
The enemy are very quiet, washing and cooking. They will probably
attempt to move towards evening. I expect General Maxwell on the left
flank every moment, and as I lay on their right, we only want you in their
IJie Massacre of Paoli. 301
the 20tb, he received what he believed was reliable informa-
tion that the British commander would take up his line of
march for the Schuylkill at 2 o'clock on the following morn-
ing, and he sent Col. Chambers as a guide to Gen. Small wood,
then near the White Horse, to conduct him to the place of
encampment. When the junction with his forces should be
effected, it was his design to advance upon the British rear
and attack it while in the operation of moving. He had
already reconnoitered a road leading along their right flank,
and had determined on his plan of operation. To be in readi-
ness for this purpose, he directed his men to lie on their arms,
and, as it was raining, to protect their cartridge boxes with
their coats, and that no time might be lost after the arrival of
Qen. Smallwood, he had his own horse brought out, saddled
and bolstered ready for mounting, and his cloak thrown over
his horse to preserve his accoutrements from injury from the
inclemency of the weather.
He had carefully guarded himself against surprise, planted
pickets and sentinels, and thrown forward patrols upon the
te complete Mr. Howe's bnsineeB. I believe he knows nothing of my
wiomtion, as I have taken every precaution to prevent any intelligence get-
-ting to him — at the tame time keeping a watchful eye on his front, flanks,
mud rear. I have not heard from you since last night
I am your Excellency's most obedient, hnmble servant,
Anthony Watnb.
RvADiNO FUBKACB, 6 o'clock P. M. (Sept. 19).
DbakSir—
I have this instant received yonrs of half past three o'clock A. M. Hav-
ing written to yon already to move forward upon the enemy, I have but
little to add. Generals Maxwell and Potter are ordered to do the same,
being at Pott's Forge. I could wish you and those generals to act in con-
junction, to make your advance more formidable ; but I would not have too
much time delayed on this account. I shall follow as speedily as possible
with jaded men— some may probably go off immediately, if I find they are
in a coodition for it The horses almost all out on the patrol. Cartridges
liave been ordered for you. Give me the earliest information of ever3rthing
interesting, and of your moves, that I may know how to govern mine by
them. The cutting off of the enemy's baggage would be a great matter.
Tours sincerely,
Gbo. Washington.
■
i
1
1}
802 7%« Massacre of Paoli.
roads leading to the enemy's camp. Between nine and ten
I o'clock he received a visit from a friendly citizen of the
J neighborhood — a Mr. Jones — ^who had come to his quarters
to give information, that a servant of Mr. Clayton, who had
been taken by the enemy and afterwards liberated, had said
that he had overheard some of the British soldiers speaking
* of an attack to be made upon Wayne's detachment during
the course of the night. Gen. Wayne thought proper, in
consequence, to take some additional precautions. He des-
patched a number of videttee, with orders to patrol all the
roads leading to Howe's camp. He planted new pickets, one
on a by-path leading from the Warren Tavern to the camp,
and others to the right and in the rear. In addition to these, a
horse picket was well advanced upon the Swedes Ford Road.
And having taken these precautions, he lay in momentary ex-
pectation of Gen. Smallwood's arrival, to enable him to take
the offensive.
Although the British commander did not know where the
forces under Gen. Wayne lay, there were Thries residing in
the neighborhood who did, and by these he was infonned of
the precise locality and of the nature of the approaches to it
He at once sent G^n. Grey to surprise and cut him off, and
moved Col. Musgrave with the 40th and 55th Begiments up
the Lancaster Road, near to the Paoli Tavern, to intercept
anj' attempt to retreat over that route. The watchword of
the Americans for that night was " Here we are and there
they go," and this, the tradition of the neighborhood says,
through some treacherj', was communicated to the enemy.
Gen. Grey,* guided by his Tory aids, as is generally believed,
marched from his encampment near Howellville, up the
Swedes Ford Road, and massed his troops on that road, as
near the canij) of Wayne as possible, without betraying a
knowledge of his approach. From there he moved on up the
road to what is now known as the Valley Store, at the junc-
tion of the Swedes Ford and Long Ford Roads, north of the
' See Penna Mag. of Hist, and Biography, vol. i. p. U. Sargent's Life
of Andre, 99. Mr. Sargent states that Andr6 was an aid to Grey at PaolL
I%e Massacre of PaoU. 808
Admiral WarreiL At this point there was an American
picket, who fired and escaped. Tradition says the British
made use of the American watchword, but the picket discov-
ered they were not Americans, and fired. Gen. Grey then
proceeded south on the Long Ford Road to near the Admiral
Warren, where they encoimtered another picket, who also
fired and escaped ; from there he cautiously moved through
'the woods and up the ravine through the south valley hill
north of this point, and near to the present Malvern Station
on the Pennsylvania Railroad.
The first intelligence Gen. Wayne received of the enemy's
sdvance was from one of the videttes whom he had sent out
in consequence of the notice received from Mr. Jones. Several
pickets had been silently bayonetted in the darkness, and
l)eing missed by the patrolling officer, his suspicions were
aroused, and he hastened to the head-quarters of his com-
^nander with the information. The troops were immediately
ordered under arms, and many of them were awakened from
ilieir slumbers by the cry, "Up, men, the British are on you!"
TThe night was dark, and being rendered more obscure by the
surounding woodland, much had to be left to conjecture as to
tJie point of attack. Having ascertained, however, that the
<cnemy were advancing upon his right, where the artillery
"Was placed, Wayne directed C!ol. Humpton, his second in
<x>mmand, to wheel the division by sub-platoons to the right,
^nd to march ofi* by the left, and gain the road leading on the
fiummit of the hill towards the White Horse, being the road
on which the division had marched two miles the previous
evening. The division wheeled accordingly, and the artillery
moved off; but owing to some misapprehension, as is alleged,
on the part of Col. Humpton, the troops did not move,
although they were wheeled and faced for the purpose, until
the second and third order had been issued. In addition to
this, only part of the force took the right direction, while
the other part took a wrong one, and were brought within
the light of their fires, and thus gave the enemy an advantage
which should have been most assiduously guarded against.
Gen. Wayne took the light infantry and first regiment, and
804 I%e Massacre of PadL
formed them on the right, with a view to receive the enemj
and cover the retreat of the artillery.
Gen. Grey, whose forces consisted of two regiments, a body
of light infantry, and the second and tenth dragoons, was
enabled, in consequence of the darkness and aided by the
knowledge of his tory guides, to approach very closely
without observation. He gained Wayne's left about one
o'clock in the morning. The troops under Wayne met the
enemy with spirit, and gave them several close and well*
directed fires, which did considerable execution. They
were, however, soon obliged to give way before the supe-
rior nimiberB of the assailants. Seeing this. Gen. Wayne
immediately flew to the fourth regiment, with which he
again received the shock of the enemy's charge, and covered
the retreat of the rest of his line. After being again com-
pelled to retire, he rallied such of Col. Humpton's troops as
had taken the proper course in their retreat, about three
hundred yards in the rear of the lust stand, where they were
again formed ready to renew the conflict. Both partiee, how-
ever, drew off without further contest, and Wayne retreated
to the White Horse, carrying with him his artillery and am-
munition, except eight wagons loaded with baggage and
stores, which, with a considerable amount of iarms, were left
upon the field, and fell into the hands of the enemy.
The British forces amounted to nearly double the number
commanded by Wayne. Gen. Howe had received from dis-
affected persons such accurate accounts of the strength and
position of the American forces, as enabled him to give to his
own detachment so decided a superiority as to insure victory.
He knew from his guides the precise point where to make the
attack, and was enabled to move with decision and accuracy^
while Wayne was under the necessity of acting, in a great
measure, from conjecture.
The British attack was made with bayonets and light
horsemen's swords only, in a most ferocious and merciless
spirit. In emulation of a remarkable action which took place
in the German war, Grey ordered his men to remove the
flints from their guns, that not a single shot should be fired^
Tlie Massacre of Padi. 805
and thuB gained the sobriquet of the "No-flint Gteneral."
An officer of the British Light Infantry, in describing the
attack, writes that, as they approached the camp of the
Americans, Gteneral Grey "came to the head of the bat-
talion, and cried out, 'Dash on, light infantry!' and, without
saying a word, the whole battalion dashed into the woods;
and, guided by the straggling fire of the picket, that was fol-
lowed close up, we entered the camp and gave such a cheer
as made the wood echo. The enemy were completely sur-
prised ; some with arms, others without, running in all di-
rections in the greatest confusion. The light infantry bayo-
netted every man they came up with. The camp was imme-
diately set on fire, and this, with the cries of the wounded,
formed altogether one of the most dreadful scenes I ever
beheld." Another officer of the light infitntry, in writing to
a friend, said : " Then followed a dreadful scene of havoc.
The light dragoons came on, sword in hand ; the shrieks,
groans, shouting, imprecations, deprecations, the clashing of
swords and bayonets, etc. etc ; no firing from us, and little
fix>m them, except now and then a few, as I said before^
scattering shots, was more expressive of horror than all the
thunder of artillery, etc., on the day of action."* Even the
wounded and sick were not spared, and many were killed
after resistance on their part had ceased. It is this feature in
the conduct of the British commander which has stigmatized
it as "British barbarity" and "cold-blooded cruelty," and has
given to this affistir the title of the Paoli Massacre.
When the attack commenced, Gen. Smallwood, with about
eighteen hundred men, was within a short distance of Wayne,
whom he was hastening to join. Had he commanded soldiers
of sufficient firmness, his sudden arrival might have greatly
< In Loflsing'B Field Book of the Bevolntion, vol. 2, p. 164, 2d ed., N. Y.
1860, the following is given : A Hessian sergeant, boasting of the exploits
of that night, exclaimed — "What a running abont barefoot, and half
clothed, and in the light of their own fires ! These showed ns where to
chase them, while they conld not see us. We killed three hundred of the
rebels with the bayonet I stuck them myself like so many pigs, one after
•■other, until the blood ran oat of the tonch-hole of my mnsket"
806 I%e Massacre of Padi.
embarrassed the British general, and even given a different
turn to the affair. The raw militia commanded by him be-
came, however, excessively alarmed, and could not be brought
to face the enemy thus unexpectedly encountered, and the
advance having fallen in with a small part of the enemy who
were returning from the pursuit, they fled in concision, with
the loss of one man only, and Gen. Smallwood, with the re-
mainder of his Romans^ agreeably to the orders of Wayne,
joined him at the White Horse.
The loss of the Americans was about one hundred and fifiy
killed and wounded. The British reported their loss as eight
killed, but the opinion of the neighborhood at the time was
strongly against the veracity of this report, as many litters
were seen to pass that night towards the British camp, and it
is well known tliat they manifested extreme jealousy with
regard to the discovery of the extent to which they suffered.
The next morning the scene of the conflict was visited by
the people of the neighborhood, and the sufferings of the
wounded were alleviated as far as circumstances would permit
It had rained heavily the night before, and to assuage their
thirst, the water was dipped up with leaves and with the
broad brims of their hats, from the pools which had formed,
and given to the men. Fifty-three mangled dead were found
upon the field, and decently interred by the fiEumers in one
grave, immediately adjoining the scene of action, on the spot
marked by yonder monument.
The unfortunate affair soon became the subject of animad-
version in the army, instigated, it was said, by those who
were envious of Wayne's rising reputation, and in conse-
quence he at once requested an inquiry into his conduct. This
request was granted, and soon after the Battle of Germantown
a court-martial was convened. The charge, which was pre-
ferred by Col. Humpton, was, that Gen. Wayne " had timely
notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under his
command on the night of the 20th of September, and not-
withstanding that intelligence, he neglected making a dispo-
sition until it was too late either to annoy the enemy or make
a retreat, without the utmost danger and confusion." Qen.
I%e Massacre of PaoU. 807
Wayne made a written answer to this charge against him,
and, after a full investigation, the C!ourt unanimously acquit-
ted him of the charge, and further declared that he had done
everything that could be expected from an active, brave, and
vigilant officer, under the orders which he then had, and they
further added : " The Court do acquit him with the highest
lienor."
The attack upon Wayne's forces and their consequent re-
"fcreat, frustrated the contemplated operations against ^e right
^%?iring and rear of the enemy, and enabled Howe to move
^without being molested. On the morning of the 21st of Sep-
*tember he resumed his march, and in pursuance of his pur-
j>08e to reach Philadelphia, moved down the road leading to
Swedes Ford, intending to cross the Schuylkill at that point;
"but there were breastworks on the opposite side of the river,
<xx^upied by troops placed there by Washington, and seeing
this, he turned up the river on the west side, with the inten-
tion of making its passage at some of the fords higher up.
The American army under Washington, in order if pos-
sible to prevent the British from passing the river, had in
the mean time moved from Warwick Furnace, and crossed
the Schuylkill at what was then known as Parker's Ford, at
or near the present village of Lawrenceville, in this county —
the officers and men wading the stream, which was breast-
Ligh — and marched southward on the east side, by way of
the Trappe, as fer as the Perkiomen.
The British commander then made a feint of moving his
army northward along the west bank of the Schuylkill, with
the view of inducing the Americans to suppose that it was
his intention to gain their right, or else by a sudden move-
ment to seize the ammunition and other military stores de-
posited at Reading. Washington, deceived by this move-
ment, returned up the eastern side of the river to the neigh-
borhood of Pottsgrove, and while he was there. Gen. Howe,
on the 23d of September, suddenly wheeled his army, marched
iiipidly down the river, and dividing his forces, crossed with
little opposition at Gordon's Ford, now PhoBnixville, and at
Fatland Ford, a short distance below Valley Forge, and pro-
308 The Massacre of Padi.
ceeded by easy marches to Philadelphia, which he entered in
triumph on the 26th 6f September.
One of the great difficulties with which the American cause
had to contend, during the entire period of the Revolutionary
War, after the early enthusiasm had ui some measure subsided
and war became a stem reality, was the fact that a portion
of the people were either apathetic or disposed to fiivor the
British mterest.
The region bordering on the Schuylkill River, through
which the armies passed, was largely disaffected towards the
American cause, and for that reason Washington could pro-
cure very little reliable information of the movements of the
enemy. Could he have obtained correct intelligence, he
might have foiled Howe and sa^'ed Philadelphia. We per-
haps appreciate too little the difficulties under which Wash-
ington sometimes labored in obtaining correct information,
by reason of this disposition among a portion of the people to
withhold their aid from the struggling cause.
The British army, in its march from the Head of Elk to
Philadelphia, occupied about two weeks in its passage through
Chester County, having entered it on the 9th of September,
1777, and left it on the 23d of the same month. It traversed
nearly the whole length of the southern part of the county
(then comprising within its limits the present county of Dela-
ware), and also made incursions into several townships not on
the line of the main route, before making its exit in the
neighborhood of the present town of Phoenixville and of Val-
ley Forge, and taking up its winter quarters in the quiet city
of Penn. This was the only time during the entire contest
that the soil of our good county was pressed by the foot of
the invader, if we except the occasional foraging expeditions
sent out from Philadelphia while it was occupied by the
British army.
The plunder and devastation perpetrated by the enemy —
English as well as Hessians — on the private property of pas-
sive non-combatants during this period, in violation of the
proclamation issued by Howe, was enormous and wanton,
while compensation for any portion of the property taken was
The Massacre of Paoli. 809
rarely made by those in command. Many &milie6 were
stripped of everything they possessed, and left in a state of
perfect destitution. "The British army had not before
passed through a district of country so rich in agricultural
productions, nor one in which every fi^rm-house was so well
stored with everything tliat could minister to the real com-
ibrts of life." Hence they did not fail to gather a rich har-
vest, carrying off horses, cattle, sheep, swine, grain, provisions,
olothing, and whatever they could lay their hands on that
oould be used in the camp or on the march. Independent,
liowever, of the property thus carried off, the wanton destruc-
"tion of furniture and other articles which they could not use
^was unworthy of the most barbarous people, and this devas-
tiation was not confined to the track of the army, but extended
for a considerable distance on either side.
For forty years the spot where the patriot dead of this
£eld lay interred was unmarked, save by a heap of stones;
"but on the 20th of September, 1817, the Republican Artil-
lerists of Chester County, aided by their fellow citizens,
-erected a monument over their remains, appropriately in-
scribed. On that occasion an address was delivered by Major
Usaac D. Barnard, and an account of the massacre was given
ly the Rev. David Jones, then in his eighty-second year, who
liad been the chaplain to the ill-feted warriors, and who was on
" the ground on that fatal night and barely escaped. The oc-
<»8ion was also honored by the presence of Col. Isaac Wayne,
the son of Gen. Wayne.
Soon thereafter these grounds, containing twenty-three
acres, were purchased by the military organizations of Ches-
ter and Delaware Comities, and set apart as a parade ground.
On each returning anniversary of the massacre, for many
years, the citizens, soldiers of these comities, and occasional
visiting companies from Philadelphia and elsewhere, met
here to participate in the ceremonies of the day, which, I
believe, were for some years invariably closed with a sham
battle. These visits were interrupted by the war of the Re-
bellion, but since its close they have been resumed. The
810 The Massdcre of Paoli.
scene of this conflict is probably the best preserved of any
that marked the progress of the Revolutionary War.
Sixty years have, in the progress of time, been added to the
forty which preceded them, and on this one hundredth anni-
versary of the day on which the heroes there interred laid
down their lives that we might live free and independent, we
meet to dedicate with loving hands a new and more stately
and enduring monument to their memory.
It gives me pleasure to add, in conclusion, that while on
the occasion of the dedication of the former monument, the
assembly then present rejoiced in the presence of a son of
Gen. Wayne, we to-day are honored, in the person of our first
Vice-President, Capt. William Wayne, with a great-grandson
of Chester County's brave and gallant hero, a gentleman who,
inheriting the military qualities of his noble ancestor, was
himself an officer in the Union Army during the late war
with the South.
PAPERS RELATING TO THE PAOLI MASSACRE.
Tlie following Account w from the Diary of Lieutenant afterwards Oen.
Hunter, in the Historical Record of the 52d Regiment^ and is printed
in the Historical Magazine, vol. 4, p. 346. N. Y. 1860.
As soon as it was dark, the whole battalion got under arms. Major-
General Grey then came up to the battalion, and told Major Maitland, who
commanded, that the battalion was going on a night expedition to try and
snrprise a camp, and that, if any men were loaded, they mast immediately
draw their pieces. The major said the whole of the battalion was always
loaded, and that, if he would only allow them to remain so, he, the major,
would be answerable that they did not fire a shot. The general then said
if he could place that dependence on the battalion, they should remain
loaded, but firing might be attended with serious consequences. We re-
mained loaded, and marched at eight in the evening to surprise Gen.
Wayne's camp. We did not meet a patrol or vidette of the enemy until
within a mile or two of the camp, where our advanced guard was challenged
by twovidettes. They challenged twice, fired, and galloped off at full speed.
A little further on there was a blacksmith's forge ; a party was immediately
sent to bring the blacksmith, and he informed us that the picket was only a
few hundred yards up the road. He was ordered to conduct us to the camp.
I%e Massacre of PaoU. 811
mad we had not marched a quarter of a mile when the picket challenged,
fired a volley, and retreated. General Grey then came to the head of the
battalion and cried ont— -Dash on, light infantry I and, withoat sayiog a
word, the whole battalion dashed into the wood, and gnided by the strag-
g^ling fire of the picket, that was followed close np, we entered the camp
suid gave snch a cheer as made the wood echo. The enemy were com»
pletely surprised ; some with arms, others without, running in all directions
in the greatest confusion. The light infantry bayonetted every man they
came up with. The camp was immediately set on fire, and this, with the
ories of the wounded, formed altogether one of the most dreadful scenes I
OYer beheld. Every man that fired was instantly put to death. Captain
^^^olfe was killed, and I received a shot in my right hand soon after we en-
-lered the camp. I saw the fellow present at me, and was running up to him
'wvhen he fired. He was immediately killed. The enemy were pursued for
'fcwo miles. I kept up until I grew faint from loss of blood, and was obliged
"tM ait down. Wayne's Brigade was to have marched at one in the morning
'^o attack our battalion while crossing the Schuylkill River, and we surprised
'Kliem at twelve. Four hundred and sixty of the enemy were countCMl the
next morning lying dead, and not one shot was fired by us, all was done
"^rith the bayonet. We had only twenty killed and wounded.
Account by an Officer of the Second Battalion^ British Ldght Infantry,
From an unsigned letter in the Materials for History, edited by Frank
Moore, N. Y. 1861.
I have been in a more bloody affair at midnight on the 20th of September.
"The battalion I served in (the second light infantry), supported by three
^regiments and some dragoons, surprised a camp of the rebels consisting of
1.500 men, and bayonetted (we hear) from four to five hundred.
The affair was admirably conceived and executed. I will (as it is re-
markable) particularize. I was released from picket at sunset — the pre-
ceding sunset I mounted— and was waked at nine at night to go on the
bloody business. The men were ordered to unload ; on no account to
£re. We took a circuit in dead silence ; about one in the morning fell in
with a rebel vidette (a vidette is a horse sentinel), who challenged three
times and fired. He was pursued, but escaped. Soon after two foot
•entries challenged and fired; these escaped also. We then marched on
briskly, still silent ; our company was advanced immedfately preceding a
company of riflemen, who always are in front. A picket fired upon us at
the distance of fifteen yards, miraculously without effect. This unfortunate
guard was instantly dispatched by the riflemen's swords. We marched on
through a thick wood, and received a pmart fire from another unfortunate
picket — as the first, instantly massacred. We then saw their wigwams or
huts, partly by the almost extinguished light of their fires and partly by the
glimmer of a few stars, and the frightened wretches endeavoring to form.
We then charged. For two miles we drove them, now and then firing scaU
812 Ihe Massacre of PaoU.
teringlj fVom behind fenceB, trees, Ac The flashes of the pieces had a fins
effect in the night.
Then followed a dreadful scene of havoc. The light dragoons came on
sword in hand. The shrieks, groans, shooting, imprecations, deprecations,
the clashing of swords and bayonets, &c. kc. ; no firing from ns and little
from them, except now and then a few, as I said before, scattering shots,
was more expressive of horror than all the thnnder of the artillery, Ac., on
the day of action.
From the Diary of the Revolution^ by Frank Moore, vol, 1, p, 498.
Copied from Oaine^s Mercury.
Sept. 22. Yesterday the British having received intelligence of the situ-
ation of General Wayne, and his design of attacking their rear should they
attempt to pass the Schuylkill, a plan was concerted for surprising him, and
the execution intrusted to Major-Gkneral Grey. The troops for this service
were the fortieth and fifty-third regiments under Lieutenant-Colonel Mos-
g^ve, and the second battalion of light infantry, the forty-second and forty-
fourth regiments, under the general. The last detachment marched at ten
o'clock last night — the other at eleven. No soldiers of either were suffered
to load ; they that could not draw their pieces took out the flints. The
general knew nearly the spot where the rebel corps lay, but nothing of the
disposition of their camp. He represented to the men that flring would dis>
cover them to the enemy, kill their own friends, and cause a confosion favor-
able to the escape of the rebels, and, perhaps, productive of disgrace to the
British. On the other hand, by not firing, they would know the foe to be
wherever fire appeared, and a charge insured his destruction ; that amongst
the enemy, those in the rear would direct their fire ag^nst whoever fired in
front, and consequently destroy each other.
General Grey marched by the road leading to the White Horse, and took
every inhabitant with him as he passed along. About three miles from
camp he turned to the left, and proceeded to the Admiral Warren, where,
having forced intelligence from a blacksmith, he came in upon the out sen-
tries, pickets, and camp of the rebels. The sentries fired and ran off, to the
number of four, at different intervals ; the picket was surprised, and most
of them killed in endeavoring to retreat. On approaching the right of the
camp, the line of fires were perceived, and the li^ht infantry, being ordered
to form to the front, rushed alon^r the line, putting to the bayonet all they
came up with, and, overtaking the main herd of fugitives, stabbed great
numbers, and pressed on their rear till it was thought prudent to order them
to desist. The forty-fourth regiment, advancing in line likewise, closed op
in support of the light infantry, putting to the sword such of the rebels as
the heat of the pursuit had escaped that corps ; whilst the forty-eecond came
on in a third line as a reserve. Upwards of two hundred were killed and as
many more wounded. Seventy-one prisoners were brought off — forty of
them being badly wounded were left at different houses on the road. The
The Massacre of PaoU. 818
British lost coosisted of Captain Wolfe aod one or two men killed, Lient.
Hunter and five men wonnded. It was about one o'clock thk morning
"when the attack was made, and the rebels were then assembling to move
towards the King's forces.
Extrtut from Oeneral Howe's Letter to Lord Oeorge Oermain.
See Remembrancer, vol. 5, p. 413.
HsjLD-QuABTEBS, Gebmaktown, Oct. 10, 1777.
'BAy Lord: —
The enemy crossed the Schnylkill on the 18th, above French Creek, and
encamped upon the river on each side of Perkyomy Creek, having detached
"droops to all the fords of Schnylkill, with cannon at Swedesford and the
tfbrds below it.
Upon intelligence that General Wayne was lying in the woods with a
^sorps of fifteen hundred men, and four pieces of cannon, about three miles
distant, and in the rear of the left wing of the army. Major-general Grey
"^ras detached on the 20th, late at night, with the Second light-infantry, the
forty-second and Forly-fourth regiments, to surprise this corps.
The most effectual precaution being taken by the General to prevent his
^^etachment from firing, he gained the enemy's left about one o'clock, and,
'baving by the bayonet only, forced their out-sentries and pickets, he rushed
mn upon their encampment, directed by the light of their fires, killed and
^^roonded not less than three hundred on the spot, taking between seventy
«uid eighty prisoners, including several officers, the greater part of their
^rms, and eight wagons loaded with baggage and stores. Upon the first
mlarm the cannon were carried off, and the darkness of the night, only,
eaved the remainder of the corps. One captain of light-infantry and three
men were killed in the attack, and four men wounded. Gallantry in the
droops, and good conduct in the General, were fully manifested upon this
critical service.
• •«•«•**
With most perfect respect,
I have the honor to be, &c.,
W. Howi.
Letter of Cot. Samuel Hay to Col,, afterwards Gen,, William Irvine,
Camp at thb Trap, Sept. 29, 1777.
Dbab Colovsl : Since I had the pleasure of seeing you the division under
the command of General Wayne has been surprised by the enemy with con-
siderable loss. We were ordered by his Excellency to march from the Yellow
Springs down to where the enemy lay near the Admiral Warren, there to
annoy their rear. We marched early on the 17th instant, and got below the
Paoli that night ; on the next day fixed on a place for our camp. We lay
the I8th and 19th undisturbed, but on the 20th at 12 o'clock at night the
22
m
314 The Massacre of PaoU,
enemy marched out, and so unguarded was our camp that they were amongit
U8 before we either formed in any manner for our safety, or attempted to re-
treat, notwithstanding the General had full intelligence of their design two
hours before they came out. I will inform you in a few words of what hap-
pened. The aunak of the age cannot produce such a scene of butchery —
all was confusion — the enemy amongst us, and your regiment the most ex-
posed as the enemy came on the right wing. The 1st Regiment (which
always takes the right) was taken off and posted in a strip of woods, stood
only one fire and retreated, then we were next the enemy, and as we were
amongst our fires they had a great advantage of us. I need not go on to
give the particulars, but the enemy rushed on with fixed bayonets and made
the use of them they intended. So you may figure to yourself what followed.
The party lost 300 privates in killed, wounded, and missing, besides com-
missioned and non-commissioned oflScers ; our loss is CoL Grier, Captain
Wilson, and Lieutenant Irvine* wounded (but none of them dangerously),
and 61 non-commissioned and privates killed and wounded, which was just
half the men we had on the ground fit for duty. The 22d I went to the
ground to see the wounded, the scene was shocking — the poor men groaning
under their wounds, which were all by stabs of bayonets and cuta of light
horsemen's swords. Col. Grier is wounded in the side by a bayonet, super-
ficially slanting to the breast bone. Capt Wilson stabbed in the side, but
not dangerous, as it did not take the guts or belly ; he got also a bad stroke
ou the head with the cock nail of the lock of a musket. Andrew Irvine
was run through the fleshy part of the thigh with a bayonet. They are all
laying near David Jones* tavern. I left Capt McDowell with them to dress
and take care of them, and they are all in a fair way of recovery. Major
La'Mar, of the 3d Regiment, was killed and some other inferior officers.
The enemy also lost CapUin Wolfe killed, and four or five light horsemen,
and about 20 privates, besides a number wounded. The general officers have
been in council for three days, and the plan is fixed, but what it is we do not
yet know. Inclosed you have the state of the British army with their loss
at Brandywine ; you have it as I have it, and may judge of it as you think
proper.
You will see by this imperfect scrawl how many sorts of ink I have written
with— *11 borrowed, and the inkstands dry. as I have no baggage, nor have
had any these four weeks, more than one shirt and one pair of stockings,
besides what is on my back ; the other officers are in the same way, and most
of the officers belonging to the division have lost their baggage at Colonel
Frazer's, taken by the enemy. I have nothing new to inform you of. My
* Captain Andrew Irvine received seventeen bayonet wounds in all, one of
which penetrated through his company-book, which, in the confusion, he had
taken up and thrust into the breast-pocket of his coat to carry ofiT. He never
entirely recovered, but died soon after the dose of the war Arom the effects of
these wounds.
The Massacre of PaolL 815
compliments to Mrs. Irvine and Mrs. Armstrong ; let her know the General
is yery well, and lodges near onr camp.
I am with great respect,
Yonrs affectionately,
Samuel Hat.
P. S. — The officers of the division have protested against Gten. Wayne's
conduct, and lodged a complaint and requested a court martial, which his
Excellency has promised they shall have. This has brought down his pride a
little already.—^is^oWcoZ Magazine, N. Y., 1859, p. 349.
Copy of a Memorandum in the Handwriting of Capt, Thomas BucTianan
of First Pennsylvania Regiment.
At the affair of Paoli, in the fall of 1777, I was sent forward to Gen.
Smallwood, that Iny at the White Horse, to get him to cover our retreat and
fix a place of rendezvous, &c. He sent me forward to try to stop as many
of his broken troops that had taken the road to Downingtown. On coming
near to there, I found where some of his artillery had thrown a field-piece
ii\to a limekiln, and had broke the carriage. I went on to Downingtown,
and fixed a guard on the road to stop the runaways ; got a wheeler and
blacksmith to mend the carriage, and went down and put the cannon on the
carriage, &c.
From SaffeWs Records of the Revolution.
Head-Quabtebs, Toameksiko, Oct 11, 1777.
The Court of Inquiry, of which Lord Stirling is President,' now sitting at
the President's quarters, is to inquire into the conduct of Brigadier-General
Wayne, viz., that he had timely notice of the enemy's intentions to attack
the troops under his command on the night of the 20th ult. ; and, notwith.
standing that intelligence, be neglected making a disposition until it was too
late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger
and confusion. The President will give notice when the Court can enter
on the inquiry, and when the parties and evidence are to attend.
Georgr Washington.
From Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, vol 3, p. 372.
Shortly after the 20th of September Gen. Wayne addressed the followinff
letter to Washington.
Sib : I feel myself very much injured until such time as yon will be kind
enough to indulge me with an inquiry into my conduct concerning the
action of the 20th of September.
Conscious of having done my duty, I dare my accusers to a fair and candid
hearing ; dark and insidious friends I dread, but from an open and avowed
* It oonslsted of Oenls. MoDongall and Knox, Gols. Spencer and Glark.
316 The Massacre of PaoU.
enemy I have nothing to fear. I have no other mode of showmg them forth
to open view than through yonr means. I must, therefore, beg ma imme-
diate investigation by a Court Martial. Tomr compliance will much oblige
your Elzcellency's most obedient humble servant, Akthont Watks.
* The action of the night of the 20th of September near the Warren has
been variously and very erroneously represented.
However sanguine some persons were in their attempts to detract from the
merits of the General, and worthy officers of his division, who, with no-
paralleled bravery, stood the bayonets of the enemy, saved all the artillery,
and effected an honorable retreat in the face of every difficulty and danger,
now find themselves egregioasly deceived in proffering a charge which must
have proceeded from the worst motives and the worst of hearts. A general
court martial, of which General Sullivan was President, was held the 25th,
26th, 27th, and 30th of October, for the trial of Brigadier-General Wayne,
on the following charges, viz, : —
That he had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops
under his command, on the night of the 20th of Sept. last, and, notwiUi-
standing that intelligence, neglected making a disposition until it was too
late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger
and confusion.-
Upon which the Court pronounced their sentence as follows: —
The Court, having fully considered the charge against Brigadier-General
Wayne, and the evidence produced to them, are unanimoudy of opinion
that Qen, Wayne is not guilty of the charge exhibited against him, but that
he on the night of the 20th ultimo did everything that could be expected
from an active, brave, and vigilant officer, under the orders which he then
had. The Court do acquit him with the highest honor.
The Commander-in-Chief approves the sentence. The following is the
General's defence : —
After the expiration of five weeks, during which period the tongue of
slander has not been idle, I am happy to bring my case before a court of
whose honor and impartial judgment I cannot have the least donbt. I shall
not intrude on the patience of this court by any useless prefiue, but proceed
to answer the charge.
The first part of the charge exhibited against me, that " I had timely
notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under my command," is
very readily answered.
I shall briefly notice what these gentlemen call a timdy notice. A Mr.
Jones, an old gentleman living near where we were encamped, came to my
quarters between nine and ten o'clock at night, and informed me befbie
Colonels Hartley, Broadhead, and Temple that a servant boy belonging to
Mr. Clayton had been taken by the enemy and liberated again, who said
that he had heard some of their soldiers say that they intended to attack me
* Sxtract of a communication dated White Marsh, ad of Kov^Bber, 1777.
The Massacre of PaoU. 817
that night. Although thii coald not be deemed a sufficient notice upon
any military principle, yet I immediately ordered out a number of videttes
in addition to those already planted, with directions to patrol ail the roads
leading to the enemy's camp. I also planted two new piqaets, the one in
front on a blind path leading from the Warren to my camp, the other to the
right, and in the rear, which made on that night not less than six different
piquets. I had, exclusive of these, a horse piquet under Captain Stoddard,
well adyanced on the Swedes' Ford Road, being the very way the enemy
marched that night But the very first intelligence which I received of their
advancing was from one of the videttes which I sent out in consequence of
the timely notice from Mr. Jones, who had only time to g^ about a mile before
he met the enemy. Immediately on his return the troops were all ordered
to form, having been warned to lay on their arms in the evening, for a pur-
pose which I shall presently mention. At this time it was raining, and in
order to save the cartridges from wet, I ordered the soldiers to put their
cartouch-boxes under their coats. This, gentlemen, does not look like a
surprise, it rather proves that we were prepared either to move off or act as
the case might require, when once apprized which way the enemy were ac-
tually advancing. To have made any move previously to ascertaining that
fact, might have been attended by fatal consequences, totally subversive
of the views of the Commander-in-Chief. So soon as it was discovered that
the enemy were pushing for our right, where our artillery was planted,
Major Ryan carried my orders to Col. Humpton and to the division to wheel
by sub-platoons to the right, and to march off by the left, and gain the road
leading on the summit of .the hill towards the White Horse, it being the
very road on which the division moved two miles the previous evening. The
division wheeled accordingly, the artillery moved off, but, owing to some
neglect or misapprehension, which is not uncommon in Col. Humpton, the
troops did not move until a second and third order were sent, although they
were wheeled and faced for the purpose. At the very time this order for the
retreat was at first given, and which I presumed was obeyed, I took the
light infantry and the first regiment, and formed them on the right, and
remained there with them and the horse, in order to cover the retreat. If
this was not making a disposition, I acknowledge I know not what a dispo-
sition is.
Those troops met and received the e^my with a spirit becoming free
Americans, but were forced to give way to numbers. The neglect or mis-
apprehension of Col. Humpton had detained the division too long, otherwise
the disposition would have been perfect. I was, in consequence, necessitated
to form the fourth regiment to receive the enemy and favor the retreat of
the others ; this Col. Butler and the officers of the infantry of that regiment
were concerned in and witness of. About three hundred yards in rear of
that I again rallied such of the divisions as took the proper route ; those who
went a contrary way and out of supporting distance, perhaps Col. Humpton
can give the best account of. Here I have a fair and ample field for recrim*
318 The Massacre of Paoli.
ination were I so disposed. I shall waive the sabject, and beg leave to read
the orders which I received from time to time from his Excellency, Gen.
Washington.
In the eyes of gentlemen and ofBcers I trnat that I stand justified for the
part I took on that night. I had the fhllest and clearest advice that the
enemy woold march that morning at two o'clock for the river SchoylklU,
and, in consequence of this intelligence, I had reconnoitred a road leading
immediately along the right flank of the enemy, with Cols. Hampton and
Hartly, and had the men lying on their arms, to move (as soon as Oen.
Smallwood should arrive) not from but to the enemy. For this purpose I
had sent Col. Chambers, as a guide, to conduct that officer into my rear,
who, with his division, was expected to arrive every moment, from two in
the afternoon until we were attacked, at which time he was within a short
distance of our rear, and retreated to the White Horse.
I shall just put a serious question or two, and then submit the matter to
the decision of this court Suppose that, after all these repeated orders
from his Excellency, and the arrival of Gen. Smallwood, I had retreated be-
fore I knew whether the enemy intended to attack me or not, and that they
should have marched for the Schuylkill that morning, which they actually
did, would not these very gentlemen have been the first to default me for
putting it out of my power to attack their rear T Would not his Excellency,
with the greatest justice, have ordered me in arrest for cowardice and dis-
obedience of his repeated peremptory and most pointed orders ? Would not
I have stood culpable in the eyes of the world ? Would I not justly have
merited immediate death or cashiering? I certainly would. What line
could I follow but the one I trod T What more could be done on the occa-
sion than what was done T The artillery, ammunition, etc., were covered
and saved by a body of troops who were rallied and remained on the ground
more than an hour after that gentleman, Col. Humpton, the prosecutor, had
effected his escape from danger^ although, perhaps, not without confiuion.
I hold it needless to say any more, or to take up the time of this court on
the occasion. I rest my honor and character, which to me are more dear
than life, in the hands of gentlemen who, when deciding on my honor, will
not forget their own.
The Evidence of Capt, James Wilson, of the First Pennsylvania Regi-
ment. See Historical Magazine, vol. 3, p. 375, N. Y. 1859.
That on the night of the 20th Sept', Genl. Wayne Personally placed me
With the Light Infantry, his orders to me Was, stand like a Brave Soldier '
and Give them fire, his Orders I Obey'd as Long as Possible, but the
Enimy being too numerous fors* me to Give Way to the middle Fence,
Where I Rallied about Thirty men and Gave them the Last Fire.
Ja. Wilson,
Oapt Ist Begi
i
Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 819
(On the back, in the handwriting of Lord Stirling, are the following ques-
tions and answers : — )
Q. " What distance was the Light Infantry advanced from ye right of ye
Division when you received the enemy ?"
A. " 300 yards."
Q. " How long was ye placed to oppose the Enemy before they came to
jon at Firing distance 7"
A. *' Aboat 8 minntes, k then not above a rod distance."
NOTES ON THE IROQUOIS AND DELAWARE INDIANS.
GOMXVKICAnONS FROM CONRAD WkISBR TO CHRISTOPHER SaUR,
1746-1749.
OOXPILXD BY ABRAHAX H. CABSSLL.
TRAVSLATKD BT XISS HKLKZI BELL.
(Oontinued from page 167.)
Of what is generally called a Religion, viz., a person openly
contracting or uniting himself to God, and acting according
to his prescribed laws and commands, either through fear or
love, they have certainly (as I have said before) no outward
form ; therefore they have neither preacher nor meeting, no
Formal Doctrine, no Formal Prayers; but when occasion
ojSers we see that some confess and worship the Creator of
all Things ; they have usually a quantity of superstitions ; if
some of them are argued with, and such truths presented
which they cannot deny, they apparently acknowledge and
do not Contradict them; but perhaps a few minutes after-
wards they will make a laughing-stock of them and scorn
them. And they sometimes ask very foolish questions, for
they have many silly fancies about spirits, about their dreams,
and their sorceries; they believe that there are spirits in
everything, in stones, rivers, trees, mountains, roads, Ac, with
which their old men can talk ; sometimes they make offerings
to these spirits, to incline them to protect them, and give
them good luck in hunting and in battle.
A certain Indian was on a long journey through the bush
320 Notes on the Lvquois and Delaware Indians.
with a German, and one evening, as a very heavy rain was
coming on, they were building a hut ; the Indian wanted to
drive stakes into the ground ; but, as the ground was stony,
and the stakes would not go in, he began to speak to the
spirits in the stones, telling them they must give way, so that
he could drive the stakes into the ground, or he would force
them to yield; presently he entreated them, saying, "My
Friend ! I and my companion want to stay here to-night, and
you must let me drive these stakes into the ground ; so give
way a little, or I will dig you out of the ground and throw
you into the fire." And thereupon he worked hard, every
now and then speaking harshly, as if he w^ere striving or
fighting with some one. The German laughed at him ; but
he said, '' You see that I am beating, for the stones are giving
way on one side. We poor Indians cannot use iron instru-
ments like you Europeans ; but we have other means, which
we have learned from our Grandfathers, and we have it much
easier if we talk to the spirits, and call them friends, and min-
gle threats therewith, then we succeed."
They consider their sorcerers (Conjurors) prophets, for they
can make them believe whatever they wish. These sorcerers
are very well paid for their advice, which they give when
desired.
A small round hut about four feet wide is built for them^
and covered with hides, or skins, or carpets ; then a quantity
of hot stones is carried into the hut, and they go within, as
if they wished to sweat, and begin to sing and talk to their
Familiar Spirits, until they seem to be drunken or swooning
on account of the heat; occasionally they ask for a little
water to cool themselves. In the mean time a whole house-
ful of Indians sit around the hut quite devoutly; some call
out to him : " 0 Grandfather ! 0 Father ! 0 Brother ! hold
out, cheer up, until thou hast entreated and moved thy Fa-
miliar Spirit." And this they do until a crow, or a fox, or a
wolf, or any other wild animal comes to him in the hut and
brings him the desired answer. The Sorcerer, or CJonjuror,
says nothing until he comes out of the hut, and then such an
answer passes for an oracle, or a divinely true answer. The
Ncftes en the Iroquois and Ddaware Indians, 821
©orcerer sometimes receives the value of 8Z. to AL currency for
euch an answer, according as it is something important, and
WA the people who have asked for the advice are able ; and it
must always be paid for beforehand, before he goes into the
lut. But many a one has been killed, if the thing did not
<K)me to pass, and the people found that they had been de-
ceived, yet they often can give reasons enough why it did not
liappen as they had said.
There is very little to say about their government or man-
ner of governing and justice, excepting what pertains to their
transactions and demeanour with other nations, for in that
Tespect they take great pains : Each nation of the six tribes
sends Deputies to the great Council at Onontago once or twice
^ year to confer with each other ; they are very slow in com-
ing to a decision in the Council, and have good rules which
are looked to and kept inviolably, and when their delibera-
tions are at an end, these rules are repeated once more, and
the people are admonished to heed them.
In this Council they treat each other in a very fiiendly and
moderate manner: The wisest men among each nation are
sent thither to bring forward any business in the name of the
nation.
The young people are certainly allowed to listen to the
others, but even if 100 were present, no one would speak a
word.
One of them makes a statement ; thereupon each of the
envoys considers it in silence by himself, and afterwards they
meet and decide the affair.
All the other nations are as if in fear of the Council at
Onontago ; and, because they find out what their neighbors
are doing through their spies or reconnoiterers (whom they
always have, for they are very distrustful and suspicious), on
this account they hold their old Councils before people who
have intercourse with spirits, or before sorcerers and such.
They are very just in keeping their contracts or promises ;
but there is little justice among them, for they cannot punish
any one for an offence, except with death, which very seldom
happens. When any one has done anything that is consid*
822 Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians.
ered worthy of death, the most eminent men of the nation
meet and examine into it, whether the charge is true or fake;
for no one is charged with or accused of anything among
them except of murder or robbery. If it is found to be true,
the friends of the guilty person try to api)eafie the injured
party with gifts, and then they are present at the tribunal.
When the crime is too great, and the guilty person is a noto-
rious murderer or thief, that is, has been guilty several times
before, then they counsel his own tribe to kill him, his tribe
advise his own femily to tell him the sentence, and then his
nearest friend, and very seldom any one else, kills him.
The criminal is made drunk, and perhaps a quarrel is begun
with him by the one who is appointed to do it, who then
charges him with his offence, and at the same time informs
him of the cause of his death. And in the ensuing quarrel he
is killed, and the rum bears the blame, so that the avenger
of blood has no power over the doer of the deed.
After their children are 14 or 15 years old, they have no
other discipline than kind words and friendly admonitions,
for fear the children might avenge it some time or other, and
strike them on the head in their old age. As for the rest,
there is entire peace and harmony among old and young in
their villages ; but if it should happen, as it does sometimes,
that in drunkenness one person bites another's finger, nose, or
ear, there is nothing more required than that the person
should acknowledge his fault, and go into the woods and get
a healing plant or root, or pay some one to do it. They do
not take it ill of one another, and do not avenge such a thing
if they are reconciled, for the Bum has done it ; for then a
new quarrel would arise from the drunkenness itself.
A person might be among them 30 years and even longer,
and not once see two sober Indians dispute or quarrel ; when
one of them has a deadly hatred to another, they endeavor to
smother their anger, and are soon reconciled when it is pos-
sible ; otherwise either one or the other must leave the coun-
try, or be continually in danger of his life.
They never fight each other unless they are drunk ; Butziir
Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians, 323
'when two sober wise men fight, then death follows, for they
seldom yield until but one remains.
When friends come to them in their dwellings, they receive
tiiem very cordially. When deputies or ambassadors from
"their allies (those whom they are friendly to) come to them,
*hey give them the best they can get ; for this end all the
^oung men are ready, so that when one of their leading men
^tj^% them, they go out and hunt, and bring everything they
<»n obtain to the house where the envoys are, even if their
own families suffer want.
Concerning their Warriors. We cannot say with certainty
concerning their number and the number of their warriors,
ibr they are very much scattered about the streams which
4ow into the Mississippi, and around the Lakes or Seas of
Oanada and among the French.
The Maquaische are considered to have about 100 warriors
wX home.
The Oneider perhaps as many.
The Tuscarrora have about 150.
The Onontager not many over 200.
The Cayjucker about 500.
The Sinicker about 700 at home, or not far from home.
The Six Nations live about 400 miles from Lancaster ; if
^e could go there in a straight line, it would be much nearer ;
l)ut we cannot travel directly there on account of lofty moun-
tains.
The Onontager lie the farthest to the north, about 450
miles from Lancaster, as the road goes.
The Sinicker are the nearest to us.
The Maquaische are the nearest to Albania, and live the
farthest east of the Six Nations. It is about 200 miles from
Albania to the Sinicker, who live principally towards the
west.
The Onontager live in the middle, and have the Sinicker
and Cayjucker to the west or southwest.
The Tuscarrora, Oneider, and Maquaische live to the east
of them.
(To be continued.)
324 The Wharton Family.
THE WHARTON FAMILY.
BT ANNE H. WHARTON.
Thobias "Wharton,* who emigrated to Pennsylvania at an
early date, was the son of Richard Wharton,* of Kellorth, in the
Parish of Orton (or Overton),* Westmorelandshire, England.
His parents were members of the Church of England, and on
the lt)th of October, 1664, he was baptized in All Saints
Church, Orton. At what period he adopted the tenets of the
Friends I am unable to discover, but at the time of his mar-
riage he was certainly in full membership with their Society.
The marriage took place January 20, 1688-9, O. S., at the
Bank Meeting House in Philadelphia, where he and Rachel
Thomas, in the quaint phraseology of their marriage certificate,
"having declared their Intentions of taking each other in
marriage before several public meetings of the People of God,
called Quakers," . . . "according to the good order used
amongst them, whose Proceedings therein, after a deliberate
Consideration thereof, were approved by the said Meetings:
They appearing Clear of all others. Now these are to Certify
all whom it may concern, that for the full accomplishing of
their said Intentions, this Second day of the Eleventh month,
called January, in the Year One thousand Six Hundred,
Eighty and Eight. They" . . . "appeared in a public
Assembly of the aforesaid People and others mett together
for that end and purpose . . . and (according to the Example
of the holy men of God recorded in the Scriptures of Truth)
in a Solemn manner, he the said Thomas taking the said
Rachel by the hand, did openly declare as followeth — ^Friends,
in the presence of God and before you his people do I take
Rachel Thomas to be my wife and do promise to be a faithful
and loving husband, until death separate us." After record-
ing a similar declaration on the part of Rachel, the certificate
* See Clark's BritUh Gazetteer, London, 1852.
i
ITie Wharton Family. 826
proceeds — ^'^And the said Thomas Wharton and Rachel
Thomas, as a further Confirmation thereof, did then and there
to these Presents set their hands, Thomas Wharton.
Rachel Wharton."
Among the witnesses were Micah and James Thomas,
Sen., also Samuel Richardson, William Salway, and William
Southeby , about that time members of the Provincial Council,
John White, then speaker of the Assembly, and William
Bradford, the celebrated printer.
Rachel Thomas was born Sept. 1, 1664, in Monmouthshire,
Wales. She survived her husband nearly thirty years, and
died in Philadelphia, June 10, 1747.
Thomas Wharton was principally engaged in mercantile
pursuits, and was unambitious of political distinction ; he was,
however, on October 6, 1713, elected a member of the Com-
mon Council of the city of Philadelphia, and gave an active
Bttendance to his duties in that position until his death. He
remained during his life an earnest member of the religious
denomination to which, in his youth, he had attached him-
self. He died in Philada. July 81, 1718, leaving a consider-
able estate to be divided between his children.
Thomas and Rachel Wharton had eight children, all b. in
Philada.
3. Joseph, b. Nov. 25, 1689 ; bn. Jaly 24, 1690.
4. RicHABD, d. unm. Philada. Mar. 5, 1721.
6. Mart, d. anm. Philada. Jao. 10, 1763, aged 67.
6. Jambs.
7. Thomas, m. Christ Church. Philada. Sept 12, 1728, Mary Onrry. In
his will, proved 1730, he styles himself '' Mariner," and bequeathes
all his estate to his wife. She m. 2dly, in 1736, Richard Qrafton.
8. Raouel, d. nnm. ; bn. Aug. 7, 1735.
9. John, m. Mary Dobbins.
10. Joseph, b. Ang. 4, 1707; m. Ist, Hannah Carpenter; and 2dly,
. Hannah Ogden.
9. John Wharton* (Thomas,* Richard*) m., Chester Co., Nov.
2, 1727, Mary, dau. of James Dobbins. She was b. 1696, and
I Philada. Jan. 10, 1763. After his marriage he resided for
326 JTie W/iarton Family.
many years in Chester Co., of which from 1730 to 1737 he
was annually selected coroner. He had five children.
11. Jambs, bu. Philada. May 4, 1785, aged 53 yean ; m. Ist, Mary Hogg ;
and 2dly, Christiana Bedd.
12. Thoxas. b. Chester Co., 1735 ; m. 1st, Susannah Lloyd ; and 2dly,
Elizabeth Fishboume.
13. John, d. Oct. 22, 1799, aged 67 ; m. Rebecca Chamless.
14. Bacbbl, m. William Crispin.
15. Mart, m. Baxter.
10. Joseph Wharton' (Thomas,* Richard*), b. Philada. Aug.
4, 1707; m. Ist, Philada. March 5, 1729-30, Hannah, dau. of
John Carpenter,* by his wife, Ann Hoskins. She was b.
Philada. Nov. 23, 1711, and d. July 14, 1751. He m. 2dly,
June 7, 1752, Hannah, wid. of John Ogden, and dau. of
Robert Owen, by his wife, Susannah Hudson.t She was b.
Phila. March 16, 1720-1, and d. Jan. 1791. He was a very
successful merchant, but toTvards the close of his life retired
from business, and lived at his country seat. Walnut Grove,
which soon after his death was made famous as the scene of
the Meschianza. He d. in Philada. and was bu. in Friends
Ground, July 27, 1776. By his 1st wife he had eleven chil-
dren, all b. in Philada.
16. Thomas, b. Jan. 15, 1730>1 ; m. Rachel Medcald
^ 17. Samuel, b. May 3, 1732 ; m. Sarah Lewis.
18. Joseph, b. March 21, 1733-4 ; m. Sarah Tallman.
19. Rachel, b. Jane 7, 1736 ; bu. Jan. 6, 1736-7.
20. John, b. Jan. 17, 1737-8; d.l770.
21. William, b. March 12, 1740 ; m. Oct. 15, 1767, Snsannah, dau. of
Jacob Medcalf bv his wife Susannah Hndson, b. Jane 6, 1734»
He d. s. p. Will proved, Philada. Jan. 21, 1805.
22. GiOROB, b. March 13, 1741-2; bu. March 17, 1741-2.
23. Charles, b. Jan. 11, 1743-4 ; m. Ist, Jemima Edwards ; 2d]7, Eii«abeUj^
Richardson ; and 3dl7, Hannah Redwood.
24. Isaac, b. Sept. 15, 1745 ; m. Margaret Rawle.
25. Carpenter, b. Aug. 30, 1747 ; m. Elizabeth Dayis.
26. Bekjamin, b. Feb. 12, 1749-50 ; d. Sept. 8, 1754.
♦ Bon of Samael Carpemter, many years a member of the Provliicial Conn—
oil, and Treasurer of the Province, by his wife, Hannah, daa. of Abrahaor^^
Hardiman.
t Daughter of William Hudson, sometime Mayor of Philada., by bis wifo,
Elizabeth, dau. of Samuel Richardson. Richardson was a member of th^
Provincial Council, 1688-93.
i
7^ Wharton Family. 327
By hiB 2d wife he had seven children.
27. Mary, b. April 3, 1755 ; m. William Sykes.
28. Robert, b. Jan. 12, 1757; m. Salome Chancellor.
29. Benjamin, b. April 29, 1759 ; d. April 9, 1764.
30. James, b. Jan. 3, 1761 ; d. Jan. 9, 1761.
31. Rachel, b. Aug. 27, 1762 ; m. William Lewis.
32. Hudson, b. Feb. 21, 1765 ; d. Aug. 10, 1771.
33. Franklin, b. July 23, 1767 ; m. Mary Cliftoo.
11. James WHART0N*(John,*Thoma8,*Richard*)m.lst,MaTy,
^u. of Peregrine Hogg, sometime of Philada. but finally of
Xondon, Mercer, by his wife Mary Fitzwater.* She was bu.
IPhilada. April 13, 1772, aged about 35 years. He m. 2dly,
Sept. 14, 1773, Christiana Redd, who d. before him. During
i;he Revolution he was the proprietor of a rope-walk, and
iumished a large portion of the cordage for the vessels of the
State Navy. He was bu. in Friends Ground, Philada. May 4,
1785, aged 53 years. Of his seven children all but the last
named were certainly by his first wife.
34. Reynold, m.
35. Jambs.
36. Rebecca, d. unm. Aug. 31, 1807, aged 46.
37. Peregrine, b. Fob. 14, 1765; m. Jane Brown.
38. George, m. Mary Doughty.
39. Morris.
40. Deborah Olatpoolb, m. Philada. May 7, 1795, Isaac H. Jacluoii.
12. Thomas WHARTON,t Junr.* (John,* Thomas,' Richard*), b.
Chester County, 1735 ; m. 1st, Christ Church, Philada. Nov.
4, 1762, Susannah, dau. of Thomas Lloyd,:]: by his wife,
Susannah Keamey.§ She d. Oct. 24, 1772, and he m. 2dly,
* Daaghter of George FitEwater, who, with his parents, Thomas and Mary
Fltxwater, of Ham worth, Middlesex, Eng., was among the companions of
Penn on his first visit to Penna. in 1683.
t A biographical sketch of Got. Wharton will be published hereafter.
t Son of Thomas Lloyd, and grandson Thomas Lloyd, President of the
Council, 1684 to 1688, and again 1690 to 1693.
$ Daaghter of Philip Kearney, of Philada., by his wife Rebecca, daughter
of Lionel Britton. In the "Hill Family," by J. J. Smith, Philada., 1854, she
is said to have been Susannah Owen ; but Susannah, wife of Thomas Lloyd
and daaghter of Philip Kearney, is a party t/) a deed from Bebecca Kearney,
et a]., to Edmund Kearney, and in the will of Joanna Kearney, who was also
a party to the deed, Susannah Wharton is named as a niece of the testatrix.
328 The Wharton Family.
Dec. 7, 1774, Elizabeth, dau. of William Fishboume,* by hi
wife, Mary Tallman. She was b. Sept. 1752, and d. Philada—
April 24, 1826. He d. at Lancaster, May 22, 1778. By
first wife he had five children.
41. Llotd Wbabton, m. Marj Rogers and d. a. p.
42. Kearney, d. Jan. 4, 1848, aged 82 ; m. Maria Salter.
43. Wtlliam Moore, d. Aug. 14, 1816, aged 49 ; m. Ist, Mary Wate
and 2dly, Deborah Shoemaker.
44. Sarah Norris, d. 1836, aged 64 ; m. lat, Dr. Beojamin Tollman ; anc
2dly, Samuel Courtauld.
45. Susannah, bu. Philada. Feb. 2, 1773.
By his 2d wife he had three children.
46. Mary, b. Sept. 7, 1775 ; d. unm. Philada. June, 1799.
47. Thoxas Fibhbournb, b. Not. 10, 1776 ; d. unm. Philada. Jan. 1865. ^
48. FisHBouRNE, b. Aug. 10, 1778; m. 1st, Susan Shoemaker; and 2dl]^^.7i
Mary Ann Shoemaker.
13. John Wharton* (John,* Thomas,* Richard^) m. Philadi^^B.
June 24, 1761, Rebecca Chamless. He was a shipbuilder it^^
Philada., and during the Revolution, built for the Pennsyl
vania Navy two men-of-war, the Experiment and the
mgton. He was a member of Continental Navy Board, 1778
1780. He d. Philada. Oct. 22, 1799, aged 67 years.
children were
49. Chamless. b. 1769 ; d. April 20, 1775.
50. Chamless, d. unm. Philada. Oct 22, 1802, aged 22 years.
14. Rachel Wharton^ (John,* Thomas,* Richard*) m.
Meeting, Philada. Dec. 10, 1762, William Crispm, son of SilaiJ
Crispin, of Burlington, IST. J. He was a commissary of the
American Army. Collector of Excise. • He d. Philada. April
24, 1797, aged 60 years. They had six children.
51. William.
52. Sarah, m. William Leris.
♦ His father, William Fishboume, a member of the Pr^Tindal Ckmndl,
1723 to 1731, wa8 bom in Talbot County, Md., where his pareots, Balph and
Sarah (Lewis) Fishbonme, then resided. William Plshbonrne, the elder,
settled in Philada. before 1700, and in 1702 married Hannah, danghter of
Samuel Garpenter^see note, page 326.
Ihe WhaHm Family. 829
53. ESTHKB.
54. Rachel.
55. Mart.
56. Thomas, ba. Sept 23, 17B1, aged 3 yeanu
16. Thomas Wharton* (Joseph^* ThonuiB,* Richard'), b.
Phila. Jan. 15, 1730-1 ; m. Friends Meeting, Philada. Rachel,
dau. of Jacob Medcalf, by his wife Hannah Hudson. She was
b. Feb. 21, 1729-80. " He was a merchant of great wealth and
influence, and of the sect of Quakers. In the enterprise of
Galloway and Goddard to establish "The Chronicle," a leading
newspaper, he was their partner; and the parties supposed
that Franklin, on his return from England, would join
them. Previous to the Revolution, Franklin and Mr. Whar-
ton were correspondents. In 1774, Washington records that
he "dined with Thomas Wharton." {Sabine^ s Loyalists.) Like
many other Friends, he was at first actively opposed to
the oppressive measures of the British Government, and a
signer of the non-importation agreement in 1765 ; but when
the colonies resorted to arms his sympathy was entirely with-
drawn from their cause. His prominence among the Friends,
the majority of whom had pursued a similar course in regard
to the active prosecution of the Revolution, made him an
object of suspicion to the authorities of the newly arisen
commonwealth, and in Aug. 1777 he and several other Friends
were arrested, who, on their refusing to sign a parole, were in
the following month exiled to Virginia. In April, 1778, they
were allowed to return to Philada. Mr. Wharton, however
was proscribed as an enemy to his country, and lost his estate
under the Confiscation Act of Penna. He d. near Philada. in
the winter of 1782.
(To be continntd.)
2o
880
Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvania.
WELSH EMIGRATION TO PENNSYLVANIA.
AN OLD OUAIiTER PARTY.
COMMUNICATED BY W. F. C0R3IT.
Articles of ffreightmeut, covenanted, indented, and nuA^
the seventh day of March, 1697-8, between Owen Thomas, o i
the County burrough of Carmathen, mercer, owner of tt*-*
good shipp called the William Galley, now riding in tt»^
river of Towy, of the one part, and David Powell, of the park
of Nantmell, in the county of Radnor, and John Morris, o
the parish of KarbadamfjTieth, in the said county of Radno
yeomen, of the other part : Witnesseth that the said Davi
Powell, John Morris, and several other persons hereimto su
scribed, being desirous to goe beyond seas for Pensilvani
have covenanted and agreed to and with the said Owe
Thomas, ow^uer of the said shipp, and Samuel Haines, maste
thereof, for a voyage or passage in the said ship by God'
grace, in manner and form following (vizt.).
The said Owen Thomas, owner of the said ship, and th
said Master, covenant and grant by these presents, to an<
with the said David Pow^ell and John Morris, that the
with the first and next good wind and weather that God shal
send after the tenth day of May next ensuing the date abov
written, shall depart from the said river of Towy, and direct!
sail for Philadelphia in Pensilvania, with the said paeaenge
and such goods and wares as they shall sett aboard, or lay i
the said shipp, on the River Tow^y, and being arrived or com(
to the sd. port of Philadelphia, or so nigh to the same as sh
safely and conveniently may come, shall there tarry for th
space of ffive day.s next after her arrival, there to dischargc^^
and unload the said passengers, wnth all the goods and
that shall be freighted and laden in her by them, freely o:
shore, upon the Key of Philadelphia.
And it is further covenanted and granted between the sd*
parties, that the sd. David Powell and John Morris as well
for themselves as also for all othoiN the passengers hereunto
Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvanicu 831
subscribed, do hereby promise aiid engage to pay for them-
selves and all other passengers from 12 years of age and up-
wards unto the said Owen Thomas, the sum of flive pounds,
in manner and form following (vizt.) ffifty shillings for each
of them att or upon the sixth day of April next, at the town
of Rhayader upon the River Towy, and the other ffifty shil-
lings att or upon the day of their entering aboard the sd.
shipp, and for every passenger under 12 years of age the sum
of ffifty shillings each, before the day of their going aboard
for the sd. voyage, and that all sucking children have free
passage, and fireight free of and for all wares and goods for
said passengers, not exceeding twentie tunns weight, and that
the sd. goods be unloaded at the charge of the said owner and
master of the said shipp at the port of Philadelphia aforesaid.
And it is further covenanted and agreed between the sd.
parties, that in concidcracion of the payments aforesaid by
the sd. passengers, the sd. owner and master of the sd. shipp
do covenant and grant to and with each and every of the said
passengers, to find them during the time of their being aboard
for the said voyage with sufficient meat, drink, and cabins,
and all other necessaries, at the proper cost and charges of the
said Owen Thomas, owner, and Samuel Haines, master of the
said shipp.
And it is further covenanted between the said partys, that
the said David I^owell and John Morris, together with the
other passengers hereto subscribed, shall make themselves
ready to appear before the owner or master of the sd. shipp
att the Burrough of Carmathen, upon the said tenth day of
May next, and in case the wind and weather do not then
serv- e to hoist sailes for the sd. voyage, that the sd. passengers
do covenant and grant to find and maintain themselves with
meat, drink, and all other necessaries, for the space of ffivc
days, next after the said tenth day of May, and in case the
paiiscngers be forced to stay longer after the said five days for
wind, then the owner or master of the sd. shipp covenant and
grant to find them with meat, drink, and other necessaries
for fourteen days next after, and no longer.
Provided, also, that the said shipp be not in readiness for
the sd. voyage, att the sd. tenth day of May, that then the
332
Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvania.
owner or master of the sd. shipp do find and maintain the sd.
passengers with meat, drink, and necessaries until the sd.
shipp be fully ready.
And it is further covenanted and agreed between the said
parties that every master of a family among the sd. passen-
gers having a wife and children, or a considerable family, shall
pay att the time of their going aboard, ffive shillings encour-
agement to the Doctor belonging to the said shipp, and all
single persons, except servants, pay one shilling apiece.
And also it is agreed by the sd. partys, that the said David
Powell and John Morris shall bring to the said owner or
master the sd. shipp a positive account of the number of pas-
sengers intended for the sd. voyage, by the twentieth day of
this instant, March ; and it is further covenanted between the
said parties that the sd. Owen Thomas will find cellars, fiee
without any hire, for the goods and wages of the passengers
to abide until they be sett aboard the sd. shipp.
And finally and lastly, it is mutually covenanted and
agreed by and between the said parties, for themselves, their
heirs, executors, and administrators, to observe, Ailfill, and
accomplish all and singular the grants, articles, and agree-
ment herein before specified or mencioned to be observed, ful-
filled, and accomplished by virtue of these presents.
In witness whereof, both the sd. Partys have hereunto their
hands and seals interchangeably sett the day and year first
above written.
OWEN THOMAS
SAMUEL HAINES
Sealed and delivered in the sight and presence of us.
DAVID WILLIAMS.
THOMAS 08BURNB.
8KAL
8BAL
Dftvid Powell,
for 11 passengers.
Thomas Jermau, for 3
John Morris,
(•
6
<(
John Powell, ** 2
Margaret Jones,
u
3
((
James Price, " 2
Edward Moore,
«
4
((
John Vaikaw, " 1
Thomas Powell,
u
3J
<(
Lymley Williams, " I
Thorny Griffith,
11
2
«
Ann Lewis, " I
Rees Rees.
it
H
«
Thomas Watte, " I
Edward Nicholas,
n
4
«
Waiter Ingram, " I
Benjamin Davis, " 2
Winnifred Oliver,
«
5
«
Evan Powell,
((
5
«
<«
l«
««
M
<«
l<
M
Note. — The above agreement was probably carried oat in good fidth by
the captain and owner of the ship, as the passengers named were in Phila-
delphia in March, 1699.
Robai Morris. 883
ROBERT MORRIS.
P&IBINTED BY MBS. ABMINS NIXON HABT.
(CenteDnial Collection.)
In presenting a brief memoir of the life of Robert Morris,
1 1 is impossible to forget the biting sarcasm and sharp wit of
flufiis Choate's memorable toast, — ^^^ Pennsylvania's two most
distinguished citizens, Robert Morris, a native of Great Britain,
ci,nd Benjamin Franklin, a native of Massachusetts." It is to
jx)rtray the life of one of these " dtizens" that I have been
invited here to-day.
Robert Morris, the Financier of the American Revolution,
^v^as bom in Liverpool, Kingdom of Great Britain, on the 20th
of January, 1738-34, old style, or what would be, according to
t:he modem method of computation, January 81st, 1784. His
father, also Robert Morris, came to this country and settled
sxt Oxford on the eastern shore of Maryland prior to the year
11740. He was there engaged in the tobacco trade as the fac-
t:or of Foster Cunliflfe, Esq., of England. His tombstone in
W hitemarsh burial ground, Talbot County, Maryland, records,
"that " A salute from the cannon of a ship, the wad fracturing
liis arm, was the signal by which he departed greatly lamented,
«8 he was esteemed, in the fortieth year of his age, on the
12th day of July, MDCCL."
Robert, the son, at an early age came to Philadelphia, and
entered the counting-house of Mr. Charles Willing, one of the
:fir8t merchants of his day, and subsequently in 1754, at the
age of twenty, formed a copartnership with his son Thomas
"Willing, which lasted until 1793, a period of thirty-nine years,
and the firm of Willing & Morris became the best known and
largest importing house in the colonies. In October, 1765^
Tipon the arrival of the " Royal Charlotte," carrying the ob-'
noxious stamped paper for the colonies, a town meeting was
lield at the State House, to prevent the landing of the stamps.
&84 Robert Morris.
and a committee was appointed to wait upon John Hughe?
the stamp distributor, and demand his resignation of the o
fice. . On this committee Mr. Morris was appointed, and fron
Hughes' letters* it would appear that he and James Tilghmai
were the spokesmen on the occasion. Later in the same y
Mr. Morris signed the Non-Importation Resolutions an
Agreement of the Merchants of Philadelphia, and in Januarj'
1766, was appointed one of the first wardens of the port or
Philadelphia, by the Assembly of Pennsylvania. Upon th*
formation of a Committee of Safety for the Province, in Jan
1775, Mr. Morris was made vice-president, Franklin being th
head, and continued in the office until the dissolution of th
Committee, in July, 1776.
The appointment of Mr. Morris, by the Assembly of
sylvania on the 3d of November, 1775, as one of the del^a
to the second congress, then in session at Philadelphia sin*
May 10th, was his first entrance into important public li
Soon after he had taken his seat he was added to and mad
chairman of the Secret Committee, which had been selected i
September, to contract for the importation of arms and amm
nition. On the 11th of December, he wa« designated as
of the committee to devise ways and means for furnishing th
colonies with a naval armament, and subsequently, on the fo
mation of a naval committee, he was made a member.
April, 1776, Mr. Morris was specially commissioned to n
tiate bills of exchange, and to take other measures to piocor^
money for the Congress. When Richard Heniy Lee's resola-
tion of June 7th came up for final action on July 2d, the day
we celebrate, he, with John Dickinson, Thomas Willing, and
Charles Humphreys, voted against independence; and after-
wards, on the FOURTH, when the Declaration was submitted for
approval, he and Dickinson absented themselves from their
seats in Congress. His action was of course much oommented
upon, and John Adams, the most ardent and at the same time
the most severe and censorious of his contemporariee, wrote to
General Gates : " You ask me what you are to think of Bobert
> 2 Hazard's Register, 247.
Sobert Morris. 885
Morris t I will tell you what I think of him. I think he
has a nmsterly understanding, an open temper, and an honest
heart ; and if he does not always vote for what you and I
think proper, it is because he thinks that a largo body of
people remains who are not yet of his mind." This query
was doubtless oocasioned by the apparent inconsistency of
Mr. Morris's action with his views expressed to General
Gates, in a letter written from Philadelphia on April 6th,
1776, in which he says : —
"Where the plague are these Commissioners? If they
are to come, what is it that detains them? It is time
"we should be on a certainty, and know positively whether
liie liberties of America can be established and secured by
x^Gonciliation, or whether we must totally renounce connec-
"^ion with Great Britain, and fight our way to a total inde-
jpNidence. Whilst we continue thus firmly united amongst
ourselves, there is no doubt but either of those points may
T)e carried ; but it seems to me wo shall quarrel about which
of these roads is best to pursue, unless the Commissioners
4kppear soon and lead us into the first path, therefore I
wish them to come, dreading nothing so much as even an
appearance of division amongst ourselves." Mr. Morris's
reason for this course was that he considered the act prema-
ture and unnecessary, that the colonies were not yet ready for
independence; and that his motives wore respected and sanc-
tioned by his constituents, and his patriotism never questioned,
are shown by the fact that on the 20th of the same month, he,
alone of the members who had voted with him, was roH'lected
a delegate. On this same day he wrote "Fi'om the Hills on
Schuylkill" to Joseph Reed : "I have uniformly voted against
and opposed the Declaration of Independence, because, in my
poor opinion, it was an impi'opor time, and will neither pro-
inote the interest nor redound to the honour of America ; for
it has caused division when we wanted union, and will be
ascribed to very diflferent principles than those which ought
to give rise to such an important measure. I did expect my
i^nduct on this great question would have procured my dis-
mission from the great Council, but find myself disappointed.
836 EobeH Morris.
for the Convention has thought proper to return me in the
new delegation, and although my interest and inclination
prompt me to decline the service, yet I cannot depart from
one point which first induced me to enter the public line. I
mean an opinion that it is the duty of every individual to act
his part in whatever station his country may call him to, in
hours of dijBiculty, danger, and distress. Whilst I think this
a duty, I must submit, although the councils of America have
taken a difierent course fix>m my judgment and wishes. I
think that the individual who declines the service of his
country because its councils are not conformable to his ideas,
makes but a bad subject ; a good one will follow if he can-
not lead." Subsequently, on the 2d of August, when the
engrossed Declaration was laid on the table to be signed,
he subscribed, with firm hand and unfiiltering heart, his
signature to our Magna Charta. This act was not incon-
sistent with his earlier course, for in that brief month great
changes had taken place.
He cannot, however, be said to have been, like Sam.
Adams, " Burning for Independence," for while he was ever
earnest in his exertions to withstand the encroachments of
the British crown, he afterwards, on several occasions, ex^
pressed his great regret for the act. In October, 1777, after
the surrender of Burgoyne, he wrote to Q^tes : —
, "Mr. Johnson, and, indeed, all the other Maryland dele-
■: gates, are at home forming a Constitution. This seems to
be the present business of all America, except the army.
It is the fruit of a certain premature declaration which, you
know, I always opposed. Mj opposition was founded on the
evil consequences I foresaw, or thought I foresaw, and the
present state of several of the colonies justifies my apprehen-
sion. We are disputing about liberties, privileges, posts, and
places, at the very time we ought to have nothing in view but
the securing of those objects, and placing them on such a foot-
ing, as to make them worth contending for amongst ourselves
hereaft;er. But instead of that, the vigor of this and several
other States is lost in int^tine divisions; and unless this
spirit of contention is checked by some other means, I fear it
N
JRcbert Morris. 887
will have a banefiil influence on the measures of America.
Nothing do I wish for more, than a peace on terms honorable
and beneficial to both countries ; and I am convinced it is
more consistent with the interest of Great Britain to acknow-
1^ our independence, and enter into commercial treaties
with us, than to persist in attempting to reduce us to uncon-
ditional submission. I hope we shall never be reduced to
such a vile situation, whilst a true friend of America and
freedom exists. Life would not be worth having, and it is
better to perish by the sword, than to drag out our remaining
days in misery and scorn ; but I hope Heaven has better
things in store for the votaries of such a cause."
In December, 1776, when Congress retired to Baltimore on
the approach of Comwallis, a committee, consisting of Mr.
Morris, G^eorge Clymer, and George Walton, was appointed
to remain in Philadelphia, with extensive power to execute
all necessary public business. It was just at this period that
Washington wrote to Morris, from above Trenton, that unless
he had a certain amount of specie at once, he would be unable
to keep the army together, and could not foretell the result.
Morris on his personal credit borrowed a sufficient sum, for-
warded it to Washington, and enabled him to finish the vic-
tory over the Hessians at Trenton, by his success at Princeton.
On the 10th of March, 1777, Mr. Morris was a third time
sent as a delegate to Congress, and soon after was placed on
the Committee of Commerce, which succeeded the Secret Com-
mittee. When Hancock, in the fiiU of this year, on account
of his ill-health, decided to resign his place in Congress, Mr.
Morris was urged to accept the Presidentship, but he de-
clined to serve, as it would interfere entirely with his private
business, and disarrange his public engagements. Henry
Laurens was therefore chosen as Hancock's successor. In
November, Mr. Morris was selected with Elbridgo Gerry to
repair to the army, and confer confidentially with the Com-
mander-in-chief, as to the best means of providing for the
Army. On the 18th of December, he was again re-elected to
Congress, and on the 9th day of July, 1778, led the Pennsyl-
vania delegation, in signing the " Articles of Confederation
888 JRobeH Morris.
and Perpetual IJnion between the Statee,^ under which the
government was carried on until supplanted, ten years later,
by the Constitution of the United States. In August, he was
appointed a member of the Committee of Finance, and in the
spring of 1780, organized the Bank of Pennsylvania, "to supply
the army with provisions for two months," and to it subscribed
j£10,000. Early in the year 1781, Congress found it necessaiy
to organize the Executive departments of the government, and,
*' whatever may have been thought, in regard to the candi-
dates suitable for the other departments, there was but one
opinion in Congress and in the nation as to the proper person
for taking charge of the finances, then in a dilapidated and
most deplorable condition. The public sentiment everywhere
pointed to Robert Morris, whose great experience and succesB
as a merchant, his ardor in the cause of American liberty, hia
firmness of character, fertility of mental resources, and pro-
found knowledge of pecuniary operations qualified him in a
degree far beyond any other person for this arduous and
responsible station."' Accordingly, on the 20th of February -»
at a time when Mr. Morris was a member of the Assembly
of Pennsylvania, he was unanimously chosen to the office o€
Superintendent of Finance. This action was communica
to him, by the President of Congress, in the following letteri
** Philadelphia, February 21, 178L -
"Sir — By the enclosed copy you will be informed i
Congress have been pleased unanimously to elect you. Sir,
the important office of Superintendent of Finance.
It is hoped that this important call of your Country
be received by you, Sir, as irresistible.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of esteem
regard.
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
SAM. HUNTINGTON.
Robert Morris, Esquire"
On the 13th of March, Mr. Morris sent his reply to
gress, in which he made certain stipulations as a conditiion
» Jared Sparks' " Life of Gouvemeur Morris," vol. i. p. 231.
.t
Robert Morris. 889
precedent upon his accepting the office. This led to a con-
ference with a committee of the Congress specially appointed
for the purpose, which resulted in the passage of certain reso-
lutions on the 20th of March and 21st and 27th of April, in
effect assenting to Mr. Morris's conditions ; and, upon receiv-
ing, from the President of Congress, copies of these resolutions,
Mr. Morris, on May 14th, accepted the office of Superintendent
of Finance. In his letter of acceptance, which is a noble eulo-
gium upon the man who wrote it, he says : " In accepting
the office bestowed on me, I sacrifice much of my interest, my
ease, my domestic enjoyments, and internal tranquillity. If I
know my own heart, I make these sacrifices with a disinte-
rested view to the service of my country. I am ready to go
further; and the United States may command everythino
X HAVE EXCEPT MY INTEGRITY, AND THE LOSS OP THAT WOULD
BFFECTUALLY DISABLE ME FROM SERVING THEM MORE." From
t^liis period until Noveml)er 1st, 1784, when he resigned, he
oontinued to fill this arduous and responsible post.
In so brief a notice it is impossible to recount the duties
"which this appointment imposed ; but it was a herculean task,
Avhich he managed so as to bring order out of chaos and suc-
cjesB out of doubt. When the exhausted credit of the govem-
xnent threatened the most alarming consequences ; when the
»rmy was utterly destitute of the necessary supplies of food,
<3lothing, arms, and ammunition ; when Washington almost
l)egan to fear for the result, Robert Morris, upon his own
<5redit and from his private resources, furnished those pecu-
niary means without which all the physical force of the coun-
try would have been in vain ; without Robert Morris the
Bword of Washington would have rusted in its sheath. A
dispassionate foreigner, Carlo Botta, in his History of the
American Revolution, says : "Certainly the Americans owed
and still owe as much acknowledgment to the financial opera-
tions of Robert Morris as to the negotiations of Benjamin
Franklin or even the arms of George Washington."
One of the earliest official acts of Mr. Morris was to submit
to Congress, in the same month as he accepted his appointment,
** A Plan for Establishing a National Bank for the United
840 jRobert Morris.
States," and, on the Slst of the following December, " The
I^resident, Directors, and Corporation of the Bank of North
America" were incorporated. This was the first incorporated
bank in the United States. The Assembly of Pennsylvania
having in 1785 annulled the charter of the bank, Mr. Mor-
ris, at the earnest solicitation of many citizens, consented to
become a candidate for the Legislature, in conjunction with
his friends Thomas Fitzsimmons and George Clymer, in order
to obtain, if practicable, its renewal. He was consequently
elected the following year, and although failing in the first
effort, his exertions were subsequently crowned with success.
When peace had once again fiillen upon the land of his
adoption, and a fundamental law was necesssary to be formed
for its governance, Mr. Morris was chosen a delegate to the
memorable convention which met in Philadelphia, May 25th,
1787, and framed the Constitution of the United States. It
was he who proposed Washington for president of that con-
vention, and during its entire session Washington was his
guest. During the deliberations of the convention he strenu-
ously advocated the choice of senators for life, and that they
should be " men of great and established property — an aris-
tocracy." In the course of one of his speeches, he used these
weighty words, which deserve to be studied carefully at the
present day, with a healthy recollection of our present con-
dition : " History proves, I admit, that men of large property
will uniformly endeavor to establish tyranny. How shall we
ward off these evils? Give them the second branch, the
Senate, and you secure their weight for the public good.
They are responsible for their conduct, and this lust of power
will ever be checked by the democratic branch, and thus form
the stability of your government. But if we continue chang-
ing our measures by the breath of democracy, who will con-
fide in our engagements? Who will trust us? Ask any
person whether he has any confidence in the government of
Congress under the Confederation or that of the State of Penn-
sylvania, he will readily answer you 'No.' Ask him the reason,
and he will tell you it is because he has no confidence in their
stability." In October, 1788, he received a renewed mark of
342 Robert Morris.
with a full, well-formed vigorous frame, and clear, smooth,
florid complexion. Ilis hair, sandy in youth, was worn when
gray, loose and impowdered. His eyes were bright blue, of
medium size, but uncommonly brilliant. There are four por-
traits of him. The earliest by Charles Wilson Peale, now in
Independence Ilall, was never like the original, and Mrs.
Morris could not bear it in her sight, or to hear it mentioned
as a likeness of Air. Morris. The second, a miniature by
Trumbull, is now in Virginia, in possession of his grand-
daughter, Mrs. Ambler. The third was painted by Robert
Edge Pine, the English artist, for whom Mr. Morris built a
house in Eighth Street below Market, and is the most familiar
one, as from it all the engraved portraits have been taken. It
is believed to have been a very fair likeness, and is now in
possession of the family of his son Henry Morris. The latest
portrait was painted by the great genius Gilbert Stuart, and
is a masterpiece of this great artist's work. As you look upon
the canvas you forget it is inanimate, and feel as if you were
in the very presence of the man, while that intuitive some-
thing tells you it is like as life. The original is in New York,
m possession of the family of his son Thomas Morris, and a
duplicate is in possession of his granddaughter Miss Nixon,
of Philadelphia.
Mr. Morris possessed naturally great intellectual qualities.
His mind was acute, penetrating, and logical. His conversa-
tion was cheerful, affable, and engaging. His public speak-
ing was fluent, forcible, and impressive, and he was listened
to always with the profound attention and respect his great
exj)erience and practical good sense so justly merited. In
debate, his argumentative eloquence is described as being of a
high order, expressing himself in a terse and correct manner.
His extensive public and private correspondence was conducted
in a graceful, clear style. His manners were gracious and
simple, and free from the formality which generally prevailed,
while at heart he was an aristocrat, and looked upon as the
leader of the aristocratic party in the republic. He was
noted for his great cheerfulness and urbanity of disposition,
which even under the most distressing circumstances never for-
{
Francis Ligfdfooi Lee. 843
sook him, and £rom the prison house in adversity as from the
counting-house in prosperity, he sent familiar notes filled with
amusing and sprightly expressions; but his sarcasm and invec-
tive were as sharp and severe as his benevolence and kindness
were unbounded. In all his misfortunes he seldom uttered a
complaint, placing them where they justly belonged — to his
ambition for accumulating wealth. None of the many worthies
of the Revolution stood higher in the esteem or approached
nearer to the heart of Washington than Robert Morris. The
paier patrice^s adopted son, George Washington Parke Custis,
says, " If I am asked — * And did not Washington unbend and
admit to familiarity and social friendship some one person to
whom age and long and interesting associations gave peculiar
privilege, the privilege of the heart V — I answer that fiivored
individual was Robert Morris." In the fall of 1798, when
"Washington repaired to Philadelphia to superintend the or-
ganization of his last army, called together on the apprehension
of war with France, "he paid his first visit to the prison
liouse of Robert Morris. The old man wrung the hand of the
Chief in silence, while his tearful eye gave the welcome to
such a home." Well may we repeat Whittier's words : —
" What has the gray haired prisoner done ?
Has marder stained his hands with gore 7
Not so ; his crime 's a foaler one :
Qod made the old man poor."
0. H. H.
FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE.
BT SAMUEL L. CLEMENS
(" MARK twain")*
(Centennial Collection.)
This man's life-work was so inconspicuous, that his name
^ould now be wholly forgotten, but for one thing — ^he signed
the Declaration of Independence. Yet his life was a most
useful and worthy one. It was a good and profitable voyage,
though it left no phosphorescent splendors in its wake.
344 Francis Lightfoct Lee.
A sketch of Francis Lightfoot Lee can be useful for bnt
one purpose, as showing what sort of material was used in
the construction of congressmen in his day ; since to sketch
him is to sketch the average congressman of his time.
He came of an old and excellent family ; a family which
had borne an unsullied name, and held honorable place on
both sides of the water ; a family with a reputation to pre-
serve and traditions to perpetuate ; a family w^hich could not
afford to soil itself with political trickery, or do base things
for party or for hire ; a family which was able to shed as
much honor upon official station as it received from it.
He dealt in no shams ; he had no ostentations of dress or
equipage ; for he was, as one may say, inured to wealth. He
had always been used to it. His own ample means were in-
herited. He was educated. He was more than that — ^he was
finely cultivated. He loved books ; he had a good library,
and no place had so great a charm for him as that. The old
Virginian mansion which was his home was also the home
of that old-time Virginian hospitality which hoary men still
hold in mellow memory. Over their port and walnuts he
and his friends of the gentry discussed a literature which is
dead and forgotten now, and political matters which were
drowsy with the absence of corruption and "investigations."
Sundays he and they drove to church in their lumbering
coaches, with a due degree of grave and seemly pomp. Week-
days they inspected their domains, ordered their a&irs, at-
tended to the needs of their dependents, consulted with their
overseers and tenants, busied themselves with active benevo-
lences. They were justices of the peace, and performed their
unpaid duties with arduous and honest diligence, and with
serene, unhampered impartiality toward a society to which
they were not beholden for their official stations. In short,
Francis Lightfoot Lee was a gentleman — a word which
meant a great deal in his day, though it means nothing what-
ever in ours.
Mr. Lee defiled himself with no juggling, or wire-pulling,
or begging, to acquire a place in the provincial legislature,
but went thither when he was called, and went reluctantly.
Francis Lightfoot Lee. 845
He wrought there industriously during four years, never seek-
mg his own ends, but only the public's. His course was
purity itself, and he retired unblemished when his work was
lone. He retired gladly, and sought his home and its supe-
rior allurements. No one dreamed of such a thing as " inves-
tigating" him.
Immediately the people called him again — this time to a
seat in the Continental Congress. lie accepted this unsought
office from a sense of duty only, and during four of the dark-
est years of the Revolution he labored with all his might for
his country's best behests. He did no brilliant things, he
made no brilliant speeches ; but the enduring strength of his
patriotism was manifest, his fearlessness in confronting
perilous duties and compassing them was patent to all, the
purity of his motives was unquestioned, his unpurchasable
honor and uprightness were unchallenged. His good work
finished, he hurried back to the priceless charms of his home
once more, and begged hard to be allowed to spend the rest
of his days in the retirement and repose which his faithful
labors had so fairly earned ; but this could not be , he was
solicited to enter the State Legislature; he was needed there;
he was a good citizen, a citizen of the best and highest type,
and so he put self aside and answered to the call. He served
the State with his accustomed fidelity, and when at last his
public career was ended, he retired honored of all, applauded
by all, unaccused, unsmirched, utterly stainless.
This is a picture of the average, the usual Congressman of
Francis Lightfoot Lee's time, and it is vividly suggestive of
what that people must have been that preferred such men.
Since then we have Progressed one hundred years. Let us
gravely try to conceive how isolated, how companionless,
how lonesome, such a public servant as this would be in
Washington to-day.
Note. — The Robject of this sketch was bora on the fourteenth day of
October, 1734, and died in April, 1797.— Eo.
24
846
GeneralJamea Potter.
GENERAL JAMES POTTER.
"General James Potter, of the PenDsylvania Militia, of whom little *
knowD." — See note^ p. 18, No. 1, Pbnnstlvania Maoazinb of HmoBr ^^
BlOORAPHT, 1877.
Intelligent persons who have made Pennsylvania history ^^
object, who have ever consulted Scott, Watson, Day, Haz^^*
Trego, Reed, Sergeant, Huston, Sypher, or Egle, know a g^^^^
deal more of General Potter than of the Robert Morto'^y
whose " diary," the above note is intended to illustrate.*
Active public service in various positions for more tl^^^
thirty years has left James Potter a record, most of it in prii i"^^
00
' This annotation was not made without consideration, as but little
known of James Potter, in general history, commensurate with the
he rendered his State. The view expressed was confirmed by the follo**^**^
extracts from an article printed in the Historical Record, of Angost, 1^^^
by Mr. John B. Linn, of Bellefonte, Centre County, Pennsylvania ^-
" General Potter," he says, " left a vast quantity of correspondence,
bracing letters from all the prominent characters of the Revolution,
General Washington to Lady Harriett Ackland ; yet no memoir has e
appeared of this most trnsty of Washington's Generals ;" and again, " Yet
one can this day tell where his bones are mouldering." Since the pnbl
tion of Mr. Linn's article, he has issued his valuable History of the
Valley, in which we have his later investigations regarding Gen. Potl^^^
The interesting reply that has been elicited will, we think, by its freshne--
vindicate the truth of the note to " Morton's Diary," as but little that
contains will be found in any of the authorities cited by our coiresponden
as containing more regarding James Potter than of Robert Morton, a &ct no
surprising, as the latter never held any public position, and his journal
only printed on account of the interesting historical data it contained. — En^
lo
r.
Jt
Qtneral James Pbtter. 847
books, which entitled him to a more extended, if not more
respectful notice. Yet this very omission affords an oppor-
tmiity to inform oar readers something of this gentleman,
that they may judge what his fellow-citizens thought of him
one hundred years ago.
A very extended notice of his career could be prepared
from the material at hand. This is judged to be unnecessary.
A life of which so much is known and on the record, is quite
independent of the decoration of a post-obituary.
A true pedigree, if not a very extended one, is a thing not
to be despised, and in attempting to tell of Potter's history,
it is proper to trace him from the start, to show that his
connections have occupied first-rate position in the great
-Pennsylvania, outside of the three original counties. That
his family have furnished two other General Potters, one
United States senator, a governor of Pennsylvania, several
members of Congress, law Judges, and representatives m the
State Legislature. The General served with great accept-
ance in civil and military positions ; in private life, one of the
most enterprising and successful of all our Revolutionary
officers. A stout, broad-shouldered, plucky, active man, five
feet nine inches in height, of dark complexion, an excel-
lent representative of the Scotch-Irish race. His judgment
and energy overcame the want of education. What he had
of that was unusually primitive.
John Potter and wife, the parents of General Potter, came
to America with John Hamilton and Isabella Potter-Hamilton,
a sister of Mr. Potter, in 1741, "aboard ye good ship Dunne-
gall," landing at Newcastle, Delaware, in September of that
year. Mrs. Potter-Hamilton and a child died, and were
buried there. She left only one child, Katherine Hamilton,
who married in 1760 General JamesCtambers, of "Loudon,
Pranklm County. He first met his " Dear Kitty" at " Sheriff
Potter's, in the "neighborhood of Shippen's fiurm," now Ship-
pensburg. Potter was established in Cumberland County,
Pennsylvania, in 1746. Upon the formation of the county he
was appointed its first sheriff. His commission was October^
348 General James Patter.
1750 ; his second commissioD, 1754. This brings us to the
James Potter of whom " so little is known".
He was bom on "the bank of the river Foyle, Tyrone,
Ireland, in" 1729, and was about twelve years of age when
his father landed at Newcastle. At twenty-five years of age
he was a lieutenant in a border militia company ; in 1755 he
was captain of a company in the victorious Kittanning cam-
paign under Armstrong, and ever after this the general and
he were attached friends. In 1763 and '64, he was in active
service as a major and lieutenant-colonel. During all this
busy period of his life he was a successful farmer.
He was prominent in the political agitation consequent upon
the dispute with the mother country. There was no meet-
ing of the patriotic inhabitants of the then large county of
Northumberland, held without his presence and led by his
advice. He was a colonel in 1775. Appointed a brigadier-
general April 5, 1777,' with John Armstrong as first; John
Cadwalader, second; Samuel Meredith, fourth. In 1781,
Vice-President of the State. In 1782, commissioned a major-
general. In 1784, one of the council of Censors, and was
within a few votes of defeating for President the most distin-
guished man in the State, John Dickinson. He served in the
field in his military capacity through the whole Revolution,
^ The services of General Potter in the Pennsylvania campaign of 1 777
were very distinguished With the troops nnder his command in the conn-
ties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Delaware, he obtained for Washington
important information regarding the movements of the enemy, and with great
vigilance gave all the annoyance possible to the foraging parties that were
sent out of Philadelphia.
On the 11 th of December, while the army nnder Washington were on their
march to Valley Forge, after a portion of it had crossed the Schuylkill at
Mat8on*8 Ford, it was found that the enemy under Comwallis were in force
on the other side. " They were met," writes Washington, " by General
Potter, with part of the Pennsylvania militia, who behaved with great
bravery, and gave them every possible opposition till he was obliged to
retreat from their superior numbers." In tbe spring of 1778, Washington
wrote from Valley Forge, ** If the state of General Potter's affairs will admit
of returning to the army, I shall be exceedingly glad to see him, as his
activity and vigilance have been much wanted during the winter." — Ed.
General James FMer. 849
and was trusted by all its leaders, Washington, Greene,
Pickering, Mifflm, and his fellow -brigadiers. His residence
was in Penn's Valley in the present Centre County, from
1772 to the time of his death, in November, 1789, at which
moment he was one of the associate or bench of justices of
Northumberland County. He left one of the most extensive
and valuable estates in Pennsylvania.
Much more could be said of this Pennsylvania militia-man,
but it is not necessary to encumber this brief sketch with a
record, which has been so faithfully published by the State in
the Colonial Records^ and the Pennsylvania Archives by Hazard,
and as it continues to be by Linn & Egle. His remains rest
in the venerable and picturesque burial ground at Brown's
Jklill, about ten miles south of Chambersburg, in Franklin
County.
General Potter was married twice: first wife, Elizabeth
CJathcart, of Philadelphia, by whom a daughter —
1. Elizabeth C. Potter, married James Poe, of Franklin
County.
Second wife, Mrs. Mary Patterson, of Mifilin County, by
"whom —
2. James Potter, " the Judge," who married Mary Brown,
of " Brown's Spring," Kishacoquillas Valley, Miflain County.
8. Mary Potter, married George Riddles— secondly, Wil-
liam McClelland, of Northumberland County.
4. John Potter, died unmarried.
6. Martha Potter, married Andrew Gregg (U. 8. Senator),
^Df Centre County.
6. Margaret Potter, married Edward Crouch, of " Walnut
lEills," Dauphin County. A. B. H.
Habrisbubo, 1877.
850
Hecords of Christ Churchy Philaddphia,
RECORDS OP CHRIST CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA-.
BURIALS, 1709-1760.
OONTBIBUTBD BT CHABLS8 &. HILDEBUBN.
(Oonttnued from pftf^ 2S1.)
William, son of John.
Isaac, son of Isaac
John.
Ann, dau. of ye widow.
Hannah, dau. of Isaac.
Mar^ret, widow of John.
Sarah, dau. of Isaac.
Sarah, wife of Isaac.
Thomas, son of the widow.
Mary, wife of Richard. ' %
Henriette.
Isaac. [Gem
Greenwood, of Barbadoes,
Anne, wife of Samuel.
Thomas, son of John.
Isaac.
Eleanor, wife of Robert.
Rebecca, wife of Thomas.
William.
Nicholas, son of William.
William.
Elizabeth, dau. of Edward
Elianor. [In&nt
Elizabeth. [dalen.
Ann, dau. of John and Mag-
John, son of John and Mag-
[dalen.
Mary. Strangers^ Ground.
Mary.
James, son of James. ^
Elizabeth, dau. of James.
Mary.
Ann, wife of James.
Rebecca.
John.
John.
June 10, 1739.
Aflhton,
Aug. 12, 1739.
u
Nov. 6,1740.
u
Feb. 22,1740-1
u
May 24,1741.
(4
May 10,1744.
4C
April 30, 1745.
(4
Jan. 29, 1745-6
!. «
Sept. 11, 1748.
44
Jan. 23,1748-9
1. "
July 23, 1751.
44
July 4, 1752.
(4
Sept. 30, 1726.
Ashurst,
Nov. 22, 1728.
A sice.
Oct. 16,1727.
Asson,
Nov. 15, 1751.
Aston,
Sept. 5,1721.
Atkins,
Mar. 30, 1725-6
K '\
Nov. 28, 1729.
Atkinson,
June 1, 1742.
44
April 27, 1744.
Atley,
Jan. 10,1730-1
. Austin,
Feb. 15,1738-9
"
Dec. 19,1732.
Axford,
June 12, 1712.
Backet,
June 25, 1712.
Backet,
Aug. 2,1727.
Badcock,
Dec. 1, 1741.
Oct. 11,1734.
Baffley,
Bailey,
Aug. 10, 1735.
44 "^^
Oct. 3, 1737.
44
Aug. 23, 1744.
44
Aug. 27, 1759.
44
Oct. 8, 1759.
44
Nov. 12, 1759.
44
Records of Christ Churchy Fhiladelphia.
851
Afay
uly 24
Oct. 7
22
23
1
7
Oct. 12
IMar. 17
3far. 5
^ug. 8
Sept. 2
July 24
3Iay 20
Oct. 24
Dec. 6
J^an. 8
May 8
Oct. 7
July 9
Aug. 19
Aug. 18
Oct 15
Aug. 8
July 4
Nov. 11
Sept. 10
July 80
Sept. 18
May 28
Aug. 22
Aug. 15
Oct 2
July 80
Oct 10
Aug. 22
Aug. 8
Sept 29
June 28
Aug. 6
Nov. 20
April 18
April 18
Feb. 12
Aug. 26
Sept 16
787. Baily,
750. Baird,
728. Baker,
.729.
44
.732.
U
.733-4. "
.734.
44
.735-6. "
.740-1. "
741.
44
741.
44
.744.
44
.747.
44
749.
44
L756.
44
.769.
44
784.
Balhatchet,
.737.
Ball,
.748.
44
.759.
44
.742.
Ballard,
.710.
Baly,
753.
44
.755.
44
755.
Bane,
710.
Banester,
715.
Banks,
748.
44
753.
44
.759.
44
.742.
Bankson,
.751.
44
726.
Banton,
733.
Bantosst,
726.
Bantost,
742.
Barber,
743.
44
753.
Barcklay,
735.
Bard,
742.
44
748.
44
751.
44
757.
44
721.
Barnes,
721.
44
James.
Elizabeth, wife of Br. Patrick.
Elizabeth, wife of John.
Elizabeth, dau. of John.
Anne, wife of John.
Simon, son of John.
John.
Martha, wife of John.
Isaac, son of John.
William.
John Moore.
Francis, son of John.
John. Poor.
Elizabeth, wife of Baker.
John.
John.
Elizabeth.
Martin.
Richard, son of Richard.
James, son of William.
Mary, dau. of William.
Merriam, wife of Edward.
Jacob, son of James.
son of James.
Mary, dau. of Nathaniel.
Richard.
Phcebe, dau. of Tliomas and
Esther. [Hester.
Anne, dau. of Anne.
Samuel.
Marv, wife of John.
Wilhemina, dau. of Anne.
Rebecca, dau. of Peter and
William. [Mary. Gtent.
Rebecca, dau. of William.
Joseph-Davis. Poor.
Dorothy, wife of Joseph.
Anne, wife of Alexander.
Samuel. PalL
John, son of Peter.
Andrew, son of Thomas.
William, son of Peter.
Bennet.
John, son of Sarah. Base bom.
Ann, dau. of Thomas.
852
Records of Christ Churchy Philaddphia.
Dec. 21
June 29
Nov. 3
June 15
Sept. 2
Sept. 21
May 3
Sept. 9
Mar. 8
Dee. 20
Aug. 10
July 29
Jan. 2
Dee. 4
Aug. 6
Oct. 10
Sept. 1
Mar. 19
Aug. 15
June 6
Aug. 1
June 26
Nov. 21
Nov. 24
July 12
April 2
Sept 11
Oct 80
July 16
May 8
July 4
June 20
June 10
Nov. 14
April 9
Oct 29
Dec. 12
Dec. 19
Oct 11
Aug. 4
April 10
Sept. 8
July 5
Dec. 3
July 3
Nov. 15
1723. Barnes,
1747. "
1735. Bamett,
1742. Bams,
1742.
1751. Barret,
1753.
1756. "
1727-8. Barrett,
1752. Barron,
1725. Barry,
1712. Barten,
1754. Bartholomew,
1754. "
1756. Bartleson,
1713. Barton,
1730.
1732-3.
1743.
1744.
1747.
1750.
1759.
1756. Baas,
u
u
u
44
44
(4
44
1758.
1731. Basset,
1736. Bastick,
1737. "
1740. Bath,
1741. "
1742. Baty,
1726. Bayer,
1730. Baynton,
1731.
1739. "
1714. Bealy,
1756. Bean,
1756. "
1743. Bears,
1734. Beavan,
1734. Beaver,
1754. Beazley,
1742. Becket,
1721. Beckett,
1749. Bedenson,
1751. Bedison,
Elizabeth.
James.
John.
Margret.
Elizabeth, wife of John.
Jane, dau. of Charles.
James.
Nicholas.
Mary, wife of James.
Anne, wife of John.
Thomas, of Barbadoes,
Peter, son of Margaret
Thomas, dau. of Andrew.
Elizabeth.
dau. of Sabas.
Henry, son of Ye Widow.
Anne, dau. of Andrew.
Andrew.
Robert, son of Robert
John.
Frances, wife of Thomas.
Thomas.
Jane, dau. of Thomas.
Nathaniel.
Ann, dau. of NathanieL
Benjamin.
Henry, son of Heniy.
Elizabeth, wife of Heniy.
son of Thomas.
Thomas.
Joseph, son of Joseph.
Rebecca, wife of Otto. Gent
JeflPry, son of Peter.
Peter, son of Peter.
Mary, dau. of Peter.
Capt. John.
Nathaniel.
Nathaniel.
Elizabeth, widow.
William.
John, son of Thomas.
Sarah.
William, son of the Rev.
John. [William.
Robert.
William, son of the widow.
Records of Christ Church, Philaddphia.
858
44
44
44
44
44
H'ov. 15, 1756. Bedson,
Oct. 17, 1716. Beeckam,
June 28, 1727. Beekes,
July 19,1727. Beeks,
^pril 28, 1740. "
IN'ov. 26, 1755. "
-Aug. 1,1756. "
June 16, 1742. Beers,
July 24,1744.
July 13, 1745.
Sept. 20, 1721. Bell,
Aug. 1,1728. "
Dec. 16,1730. "
Aug. 11, 1739.
April 8,1741.
Mar. 4, 1745.
Oct. 14,1747. "
I'eb. 4, 1749-50. "
May 30, 1742. Benbridge,
April 17, 1750. Benezet,
IN'ov. 17, 1753. "
June 24, 1758. "
I'eb. 18,1759. "
May 7, 1745. Benger,
Dec. 18, 1748. Benham,
Aug. 22, 1742. Bennet,
i^Tov. 8,1747. "
i^Tov. 9, 1716. Bennett,
Dec. 18,1729. "
July 9, 1738. "
Sept 29, 1787. "
July 12, 1741. Benney,
IKTov. 14, 1754. Benning,
Sept. 6, 1756. Bennings,
3fov. 10, 1744. Bennit,
Dec. 19, 1739. Berkley,
July 8, 1740. "
Oct. 12,1716. Berry,
Sept 20, 1728.
Aug. 29, 1742.
Dec. 11,1747.
Sept. 25, 1746. Bertley,
Sept 21, 1738. Berwick,
Aug. 10, 1725. Bettereon,
dau. of John.
44
44
44
Thomafi.
John.
infant of John.
Anne, dau. of Joseph.
John, son of Joseph.
son of Joseph.
John.
Samuel, son of Jonathan.
Sarah, dau. of Caleb, [garet
Mary, dau. of John and Mar-
Joseph, son of William.
Joseph, son of "William.
William, son of William. Beg.
William.
William. Merchant
William.
Mary.
James, son of James.
Stephen, son of Daniel.
William, son of DanieL
d!au. of James.
dau. of Daniel.
Charity.
William.
John, son of John.
Edward. [BAnnah.
Elizabeth, dau. of Samuel and
George, son of John.
John.
Mary, wife of John.
Elizabeth.
William, son of William.
son of William.
John.
John.
Anthony-Henry, son of Tho's.
Mary, dau. of Sam. and Mary.
Saraji. Buried at Germanto'n.
Ann, dau. of James.
Elizabeth, dau. of John.
Jedidiah.
Simon.
Ann.
(To be continued.)
864 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
MAY MEETING OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
The annual meeting of the Society was held on the evening of May 7,
1877 ; the President, Mr. John William Wallace, in the chair.
The minntes of the last meeting, and of the called meeting of April 16th,
were read and approved.
The President of the Coancil, Mr. Charles M. Morris, presented the
annual report of that body.
Among other accessions to the collections of the Society, received doriog
the year, were the widely-known verses, Home, Sweet Home, and the Star
Spangled Banner, in antograph by their celebrated aathors, from Mr. Henry
May Eeim and other children of oar late member General Qeorge M. Keim,
of Reading.
A portrait of Christina, Qaeen of the Swedes, after the original by Beck
in the National Mnsenm at Stockholm; and a portrait by Chas. Wilson
Peale of Robert Aitken, of Philadelphia, the printer of the first American
edition of the English Bible.
Abstracts of the reports of the Librarian, the Treasurer, the Trustees
of the Publication Fund, of the Building Fund, of the Library Fund, and
of the Binding Fund were included in that of the Council.
The Council also reported that a new fund had been commenced, called
the "Endowment Fund," and that four subscriptions of $5(K) each, and
several of smaller sums had been received. '' The gentlemen who subscribed
believed with the Council that the importance of such a fund should be
constantly had in view, and that every proper effort should be used to make
it reach at no distant day the sum of fifty thousand dollars."
The election of officers for the ensuing year was held, and the tellers re-
ported the following gentlemen unanimously chosen : —
President, Recording Secretary. Corresponding Secretary.
John William Wallace. Samuel L. Smedley. John W. Jordan.
Vice-Presidents. Treasurer. Council.
Horatio Gates Jones, J. Edward Carpenter. Joseph J. Mickley,
George de B. Eeim. John A. McAllister,
John R Fell.
Mr. Townsend Ward then read a memoir of Charles Armand Tufin, Mar-
quis de la Rouerie, Brigadier-General in the American Revolution.
Mr. Vice-President Keim moved the thanks of the Society for the able
and interesting essay on Armand, and that a copy be requested for preser-
vation.
The President announced the loss by death since the last meeting of two
members of the Society, Capt. Wm. H. Hart and Thomas Balch, Esq.
356 Notes aiid Queries.
coast, making the first good harbor Wween Virginia and New Hampshire.*'
The date of this docament is February 1st, 1776, and it expresses tnat the
*' voyage is to be performed in the service of the United American Colonies,'*
for the monthly hire or freight of £120, Pennsylvania currency, unless the
said brigantine should be sunk, taken, seized, or destroyed (this passage
clearly showing the perilous nature of the service on which the vessel was
employed). Tne vessel did arrive safely, I presume, as the good brigantine,
I nnd by my grandfather's books, continued for some time afterwards to
trade with the West Indies and elsewhere. The charter bears the auto-
graphs of all the committee, Robt. Morris, B. Franklin, and the others.
Yours, respectfully, D. Bodnkt Kino.
BOXBOROUOH, PuiLA., Aug. 8, 1877.
A Lost Volumk op MSS. — The Historical Society of Pennsylvania is in
possession of two folios in manuscript, containing the registry of German
and other Redcmptioners. The first volume comprises the period of 1785 to
1804 ; the other the time after 1817. The intervening volume is wanting.
Could any of our readers give us a clue to its whereabouts 7
Hdournots in TDK United States. — " Descendants of the Huguenots in
the United States will be gratified to learn that the task of writing an ac-
count of the emigration of their ancestors to this laud, has been taken up by
the Rev. Charles W. Baird, of Rye, N. Y. Mr. Baird has already been so
fortunate as to gather for this history a large amount of documentary mate-
rial, hitherto inaccessible or uuknowu ; and we are assured that he will spare
no pains to make the work an accurate and exhaustive one.
**The settlements of Huguenots in America — besides the abortive at-
tempts at colonization in Brazil, Florida, and elsewhere — were made in Mas-
sachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, Penn.sylvania, Delaware, Virginia,
and South Carolina. In all these States there are traces of the refugeef,
which ought to be carefully preserved. It is believed that not a few fami-
lies descended from this honored race possess records and traditions relative
to their flight from France, and their coming to this country, which would
be of great interest and value. Some of these familes have already commu-
nicated with Mr. Baird, and others would do well to furnish him with any
facts that may bear on the subject." — The New York Observer^ Dec 23,
1875.
Since the publication of this paragraph Mr. Baird has sailed for Europe,
with a view of spending a portion of his time, while in that country, in col-
lecting material for the work on which he is engaged.
Joseph Montooxert. — The following additional notes regardiniir the Rev.
Joseph Montgomery, member of the Continental Congress of 178^-81, have
been handed to us by Dr. W. H. Egle, of Harrisburg.
[These extracts from a memorandum of Rev. Joseph MontgomerjTf in the
possession of A. Boyd Hamilton, Esq., are copied verbatim. The entnes begin
in 1767, and. as will be seen, close in 1775. The book in question has been
mutilated by having several leaves cut therefrom. Other entries are made
of receipts and payments, from or to, Eves, Dunn, Jaquet, Patterson, Thomp-
son, Reed. Pusey, Wood, Bedford, and other well-known Delaware sunuunflt.
These, however, possess no present interest, and it is not necessary to quote
them.]
" June 16th, 1768. The congregation of Geo : town to Jos. Montgomery,
for one year's sallary, £120."
'* June 16th, 1769. To one jrear's sallary due, £120.** [In which period
he notes that he paid for a chimney for the church, for fencing, ana other
items £20. 4. 6.]
358 Notes and Queries.
" 1775. March 13. Beceived of Col. Haslet, for subsistence mone^,
£9. 0. 0."
" Mr. McKean, for salary, £2. 0. 0." [This was probably Gov. McKea^i
who then resided at New Castle.]
Early Mbteorolooical Essay.— "The first Meteorology, or Essajr ^
Jndge of the Weather, that ever was printed in Pennsylvania, anno IS^^ ^\
was written by one of our namesakes, and a well-wisher to our provinc-:^^''*
affairs, John South worth, etc."— Pa«/onua MSS., The Beehive, No. 496 —
(Qneries.
Capt. William Ea'elyn, of the 4th or King's Own Regiment, was mo
wounded in a skirmish at Frog's Neck, Westchester County, New Yorter
October, 1776, and died a few days afterwards in New York City,
information as to the precise date of his death, place of burial, or his mili
career in America, will oblige Chas. R. Hildeburit^
Moore. — I desire information of the descendants of Thomas M
John Moore, and David Moore. The former came to the United States pr/
to 1718, John in 1727, David in 1722, died in 1726, leaving widow, Ma
and children, William, John, and James. I am writing a genealogy of 1
Moore family. J. A. M. P.
Stranobways. — Is anythmg known with regard to Arthur Strangeways
referred to by Mr. John F. Watson in his AnncUa of Philadelphia, in the
account of John S. Hutton (among ** Persons and Characters,' with a por-
trait in the first edition), as having " died at Boston at the age of 101 years" !
The daughter of Strangeways was married to John Hutton, of Bermuda
(where ?) in Scotland ; and their son John Strangeways Hutton was bom in
New York in 1684, and was married to Catharine Cheeseman, of that city,
by whom he had eight children, and afterwards, in 1735, to Ann Yanlear, of
Philadelphia, by whom he had seventeen children, and died in Philadelphia,
aged 109 years, December 20, 1792. G. B. Kbbv.
Doctor Thomas Ruston.-— Any facts bearing upon the career of Doctor
Thomas Ruston, or upon his ancestry or family, are desired. He built the
house corner of 8th and Chestnut Sts., Phila. P.
HoRDiWAN.— Who was the wife o/ Abraham Hordiwan, of Haverford
West, and of Dr. Richard Hoskins, who came from the Barbadoes ? Dr.
Hoskins's wife's first name was Esther. Any information will be acceptable
on these points. Wharton.
Philip Moore.— Can any one of your readers tell me who his father wm,
or to what branch of the Moore family he belonged ? He lived in Washington
County, Maryland, in time of the Revolutionary War, and moved to Fayette
^nna^' Pennsylvania, in 1780, and from there to the mouth of the Scioto,
1798 ; was a member of the Episcopal Chnroh ; his wife was Nelly Evans;
hia sons names were Joseph. Philip, Evan. John, Daniel, and Amos ; danjrh-
ters, barah, Elizabeth, Rachel, Nelly, and Casandria ; had relatives in New
Jersey, and I think in Jefferson Connty, Va. W. Moorr. Portsmouth. O.
Edward Warner.— Information is desired concerning the ancestry and
family of Edward Warner who died about November, 1754. He was a
Notes and Queries. 369
fViend, and described himself as ** of the city of Philadelphia, house car-
penter/' and sometimes as *' merchant." He seems to have been a man of
means and position. He married Ann, daughter of William Coleman, and
sister of the Judge of the same name, who was a yery prominent man in his
time. R. B. W.
Information is desired of any or all of the children (William, Elizabeth,
!9dary, John, and Richard) of Mary Ann Cherry, whose maiden name was
JEIolienback, and who is supposed to have been born about 1756; lived many
years at or near Martinsburgh, Ya., and removed to Ohio with her family
skbont fifty years ago. Any person who has a personal knowledge of any of
t.lie descendants, whether by tne name of Cherry, Fatten, Harris, or Wvsong,
can give the address of any person or persons having such knowledge,
ill confer a favor by making it known to the subscriber. It is desired to
race the genealogy down to the present day, in complete form, to be incor-
porated with the records of the other descendants of John Hollenback, of
l^iartinsburgh, who was bom in 1719, and died in 1793. His other children
^were Gteorge, Jane Hunter^ Matthias, and John.
Edw. Welles, WUheiiharre, Pa,
Hampton. — Any information about Simon Hampton, of Thornbarv,
Ohester County, Pennsylvania, whose son Samuel married fifth month 10th,
X753, Sarah, daughter of George Smedley, will oblige, C. H. K.
JsoFFERiBs. — Sarah Jeofferies married, Philadelphia meeting, tenth month
7th, 1704, Richard Robinson, of Philadelphia. Who were her parents ?
N. G. B.
fieplies.
Thb Whallet Family (pages 55, 230, 231). — In the memorandum pub-
lished on page 231 of the Magazine, it will be seen that Maior-General
^halley, by his second wife, Mary Middleton, had a son Edward.
In the Virginia Rebellion of 1676, after Nathaniel Bacon's death, the
<»pponcnt8 of Governor Berkeley made their last stand at New Kent, under
leadership of Drummond, Lawrence, and Major Whalley. Drummond was
seized by Berkeley and executed, but Lawrence and Whalley fled, in the lan-
guage of an old chronicler, '* making a clean escape, but which way or to
what place is not known."
A few miles above Drummondtown, Accomac County, Virginia, is Sine-
paxent, an obscure place within the borders of Maryland, affording a most
secure retreat.
May not. then, the Major Whalley of Bacon's Rebellion be the son of
the Major-General, who, if he lived until A. D. 1718, might have been more
than seventy years of age. and the settler on Sinepuxent ?
The Sinepuxent settler had a son named Nathaniel, which might have been
given out of respect for Bacon. , . , - ,
On Herman's Map, published in A. D. 1673, on the south side of the
Pocomoke River, near its mouth, is a point called Ratclif. Among the
patents issued by Governor Berkeley, of Virginia, was one to Radcliffe with-
out Christian name, dated November 9, 1666, for 1200 acres on Crooked
Creek, flowing into the Pocomoke River, ('ould he have been the brother
Batlifle spoken of in Edward Whalley's will ? ™- ^, ^e/i.
On April 9. 1674, there was granted to J. Wallop, alias Wardlaw, 450
acres on the Swanseacute Creek near the boundary of Maryland and Vir-
360 Notes and Queries.
ginia, which flows into the Atlantic. Edward Robins, on March 27, 1676,
received a patent for 680 acres on Ohincoteagne Island below the Sinepnxent,
coDiiuencing at the boaudary of Maryland and Virginia.
Minneapolis, Minnesota. Edward D. Neill.
Alteration in the Prater-Book (page 226). — In the historical account
of Christ Church, the late Dr. Dorr, " R. R." will find the following on
page 180 : —
1776, July 4th. *' A vestry meeting was held on this memorable day, the
niiimtes of which we give entire. * At a meeting of the Vestry at the Rec-
tor's July 4th, 1776, present Rev. Jacob Duch6. Rector, Thomas Cuthbert,
Church Warden, Jacob Duch6, Robert Whyte. Charles Stednian. Edmund
Physick, James Biddle, Peter DeHave, James Reynolds, Gerardus Clark-
son, Vestrymen.
•• ' Whereas^ the honourable Continental Congress have resolved to declare
the American colonies to be free and independent States, in consequence of
which it will be proper to omit those petitions in the liturgy wherein the
King of Great Britain is prayed for. as inconsistent with the said declaration,
therefore, resolved, that it appears to this vestrv to be necet^sary, for the peace
and well-being of the chnrcnes, to omit the said petitions ; and the rector and
assistant ministers of the united churches are requested, in the name of the
vestry and their constituents, to omit such petitions as are above men-
tioned.'" As the vote on the Declaration of Independence did not take
place until the evening of the 4th of July, 1776, the action of the vestry of
Christ Church was doubtless prompted by the passage of the *' Resolutions
respecting Independency" on the 2d of July, and shows the important con-
sideration which that measure commanded. F. D. S.
Robert Strkttkll Jonks (page 226). — In the Penna. Hist. Mao., you
inquire for descendants of R. S. Jones. I think it probable that none of
his descendants hereabout will see your query. I therefore will answer it.
Ann Jones married George Fisher, long a distinguished lawyer at Harris-
burg. She was his second wife.
Robert Strettell Jones Fisher, Judge Fisher, of York. Has a family.
His signature " R. Jones F."
Ann, unmarried.
Edward married, and had issue.
Catharine married John Frederick Houston, of Colnmbia, family.
Elizabeth Jones married Thomas Elder, son of Rev. John. A promi-
nent lawyer here. She was his second wife.
Catharine, of Harrisburg, married Samuel Bethel Bonde, of Colombia,
and had issue.
Thomas married Margaret Wilson, daughter of J. L. Wilson, of Harrii-
burg, and had issue.
John married, and had issue.
James married Miss Carpenter, of Halifax, daughter of Samuel Car-
penter, a family.
Ann JoneSy died nnmarried.
The Fishers settled in Middletown, Dauphin County.
Harrisburg. A. B. H.
[Mr. Hildebiirn. who sent us this query, has received from Geo. Fisher, Esq.,
an extended genealogy of the descendants of Robert Strettell Jones. — Ed.]
Translator of Chastbllux's Travels (page 227). — An answer to this
query will be found in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical
Society, April, 1869.
Boston. S. A. O.
THE
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE
OF
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
ToL. I. 1877. No. 4.
WILLIAM PENN.
EULOOT OK THE FOVNDKB OF PbNNSTLTANIA, DKLIYBRKD BEFOBB THB
Pbnk Club, to gommbmoratb thb onb hundbbd aud
NiBBrr-FiFTH Abnivbbsabt of hir Landing.
■
BT WATNB MAC YBAOH.
Gentlemen: The Executive Committee of the Pemi Club
thought it not unbecoming to gather its friends together upon
this anniversary of the landing of him whose name it bears
upon the soil of the State he founded, and their partiality has
devolved upon me the agreeable duty of expressing the grati-
fication the members of the club feel at your presence, and the
heartiness of the welcome they desire to proffer you. They
are especially glad to receive the learned members of the His-
torical Society of Pennsylvania, and to avail themselves of this
opportunity to bear their testimony to the inestimable value
of the distinguished services that society has already rendered,
and the services more distinguished, if possible, which it is
destined to render in enlightening and elevating the patriotism
of the citizens of the imperial commonwealth, whose early
history it has caused to be investigated with so much patience,
and illustrated with so great discernment.
It is, indeed, no less an authority than my Lord Bacon, whO|
26 ( 861 )
362 William Penn.
in "the true marshalling of the sovereign degrees of honor,"
assigns "the first place to the conditorcs imperioruyrij founders
of States and Commonwealths," and cultivated communities
have always commemorated with pride the virtues of the
heroic men who laid the foundations of their strength and
greatness. Apart, however, from any patriotic interest hi it
natural to us, the story of American colonization is one of the
most interesting and attractive episodes in human history. It
was an age of marvellous amhition and of marvellous achieve-
ments; and except those sunny years at Athens during which
the human spirit attained and preserved the serenest and com-
pletest culture it has ever known, perhaps blood was never
less sluggish, thought never less commonplace, lives never less
monotonous than in the early days of the settlement of
America.
Great scientific discoveries had filled the minds of men with
thirst for wider knowledge. Mechanical inventions of price-
less value had awakened in them an euger desire to avail
themselves of their advantages. By the aid of movable typos
wise books could be cheaply printed. By the aid of the ma-
riner's compass great ships could be safely sailed. By the aid
of gunpowder virgin lands could be rescued from savage tribes.
The illustrious names of that illustrious time crowd upon our
recollection, for their renown still fills the world, and their
surpassing excellence still kindles the flame of a generous
emulation in all the leading departments of virtuous human
effort, — in art, in adventure, in discovery of new lands, in
philosophy, in poetry, in searching for the secrets of nature,
in subjecting the forces of nature to the will of man, in hero-
ism, in war by sea and by land, in sacrifices for liberty of
conscience.
It cannot therefore do us harm to stand, as it were, a little
while in the presence of any eminent man of that formative
period, and by the contemplation of his spirit to quicken our
own as by coals of fire from off an altar. In Sir Thomas
Moore's portrayal of the perfect state we are told that " they
set up in the market-place the images of such men as had
been bountiful benefactors of the conmionwealth, for the per-
i
364 WiUiam Penn.
fifty years of age. The rapidity of his promotion to great
offices is very remarkable, when it is remembered that he
served the Parliament, Charles I., the Lord Protector, and
Oharles 11., ^^d continued to rise steadily notwithstanding
the civil war und the frequent changes of administration it
produced. He was quite evidently a worldly-minded man,
but he was also wise with the wisdom of the world, and by
adding to his great services the fitvor of his sovereign, he laid
the foundations of a noble house, needing only for its security
that his son should follow m his footsteps, and with filial
piety accept the wealth, and rank, and fame which were prof-
fered him.
The son had been bom near the Tower of London while
his father was sailing down the Thames to join Lord War-
wick in the Irish Seas, and had passed his childhood with his
mother, Margaret Jasper, of Rotterdam, at their country-
house at Wanstead, in Essex. He was only eleven years of
age when his father returned from the fruitless attack upon
Hispaniola, and was consigned to the Tower by Cromwell.
But at that early age he was profoundly impressed by his
father's misfortune. When about sixteen years of age he was
sent to Oxford, and was matriculated as a gentleman com-
moner at Christ Church.
At that time the world certainly appeared to be opening
before his youthful vision in undimmed radiance and beauty.
The son of a great admiral, who was also a great fiivorite of
the king and of his royal brother, he entered upon his aca-
demical career under the most brilliant auspices. Fond of
study and athletic sports, a diligent reader and a good boat-
man, he easily won his way to the esteem of his teachers and
the regard of his fellows, and for a time he satisfied all expec-
tations ; but for students of high intelligence and sensitive
conscience, venerable and beautiful Oxford, "spreading her
gardens to the moonlight, and whispering from her towers
the last enchantments of the Middle Age," possesses a charm
which may be a danger. Walking in the spacious meadows
of his college, or meditating beneath her noble elms, William
Penn became possessed by the genius of the place, for the
i
William Penn. 865
chief university of the world has always been " the home of
lost causes, and forsaken beliefs, and unpopular names, ai^d
impossible loyalties." It was while under the influence of
this spirit that he was attracted by the doctrines of George
Fox, and for his stubborn loyalty to what he was then pleaml
to call his convictions ho was finally expelled.
To withdraw him as much as possible from the thoughts
upon which he was at that time intent, his father sent him to
the Continent, and at Paris he was presented at the court of
the Grand Monarch, and heartily welcomed. He entered
with becoming spirit into the enjoyments of the French capi-
tal, and proved his title to its citizenship by fighting a duel
in its streets. Thence he went to the famous College of
Saumur, where he finished those liberal studies which made
him not only an accomplished linguist, but a man of most
varied and generous culture. He afterwards travelled
through France and Italy, and returned to England to dance
attendance at Whitehall for a brief period, and to share in
the perils of a naval engagement on board the flagship of his
father. He afterwards devoted some attention to the law as
a student at Lincoln's Inn, but he soon joined the staff of the
Buke of Ormond, then Viceroy of Ireland. While acting in
this capacity he saw some military service, and apparently
contracted a strong desire to devote himself to the career of
a soldier. Indeed, he earnestly and repeatedly sought his
fiither's permission to enter the British army, but this per-
mission was steadily refused.
It was at this interesting period of his life that the authen-
tic portrait of him now in possession of our Historial Society
was painted — a portrait which dispels many of the mistaken
opinions of his person and his character generally entertained.
It presents him to us, clad in armor, of frank countenance,
and features delicate and beautiful but resolute, with his hair
*' long and parted in the centre of his forehead, falling over
tis shoulders in massive natural ringlets." This portrait
1t)ear8 the date of his twenty-second birthday and the martial
xnotto, " Pax quceritur bello.'^
It is to William Penn, as presented by this portrait, that I
especially desire to attract your attention this evening; to
866 WiUiam Perm.
William Perm as an accomplished cavalier, a ripe scholar, a
brave soldier, and in the fall glow of his youthful beauty, the
product of the quiet years of motherly companionship at
Wanstead, of the restless, aspiring, combative years at Christ
Church, of the gay society of Paris, of the studious vigils at
Saumur, of Italian air and sky, of the depraved court at
Whitehall, of the chambers of Lincoln's Inn, of the vice-regal
staff at Dublin, of the joy of battle on the deck beside his
fether in the Channel, or joining as a volunteer in the attack
at Carrickfergus.
This portrait fitly represents him in mail, for his life
thenceforward was one long battle, relieved only by the brief
repose of his courtship and his honeymoon in the attractive
and historic circle in which he found his wife, a circle which
included Isaac Pennington, Thomas Ellwood, and John Milton.
It is not my purpose, as it is not my privilege, to detain
you upon this occasion with any elaborate statement of his
subsequent life or any elaborate estimate of his character.
Ample opportunity will be afforded in the recurrence of this
anniversary and the celebration of it, for the diligent historical
students who honor us with their presence to-night to arrange
the details of that life in lucid order, and to praise his cha-
racter with discriminating eulogy. Its main outlines only
concern us now, but those outlines are full of instructions and
of interest for us all.
We know, and we are glad to know, that his desire to be
useful to his fellowmen could not exhaust itself even by
preaching the Qospel as he understood it, in season and out
of season, but that to this great labor of love he ^ded other
like labors scarcely less great. He defended the rights of con-
science. He defended the liberties of Englishmen. He de-
fended the privileges of jurymen. His first plea for toleration
was in behalf of the sect with which he had the leaat sympathy.
In obedience to his convictions of the truth of the creed he
professed he endured the anger of his father, the loss of a
peerage, separation from home, opprobrium and contumely
from men, and frequent and prolonged imprisonment. While
his spirit was being purified by suffering his mind was being
widened by high converse with John Locke and Algernon
WiUiam Pmn. 867
Sidney ; and at last, when all obstacles to the trial of the ex-
periment of his principles of government upon a virgin soil
"were overcome, he could truthfully exclaim, as he received
the royal charter of his Province : *' God hath given it to me
in the &ce of the world. • . He will bless and make it the
fieed of a nation."
It was, therefore, very precious freight which the good ship
Welcome brought to these shores the day whose anniversary
we celebrate, for it carried the sublime religious and political
principles of William Penn and the illimitable influences of
his wise and beneficent government, whose comer-stone was
civic peace, bom of justice, and whose capstone was religious
liberty, bom of toleration.
There was doubtless much in his life which was inconsistent
with the highest standards of the religion he professed, but
this inconsistency he shared with every man who professes
the Christian faith, and the contradictions in his career are
easily reconciled in the light of his youth and early manhood.
But his virtue and his glory are his alone ; for, in the seven-
teenth century, he discovered and proclaimed the political
utility of liberty, of justice, of peace, of a ft-ee press, and a
liberal system of education — ^the principles upon which rest
the blessings of the present and the hopes of the future of the
human race.
Whenever, therefore, we are pained with the perusal of the
sad record of his later years, the ingratitude he experienced,
the embarrassments he suffered, the injustice he endured, afi
we follow his declining steps to the undistinguished grav€
where he lies buried, we may see as in retrospect the long
pathway by which he travelled thither, and leam the secret
of the divine inspiration by which the young soldier at its
banning was transformed before its close into an immortal
benefactor of mankind.
Friend of liberty, friend of justice, friend of peace, apostle
of God, —
" Live and take comfort— thou hast left behind
Powers which will work for thee * « «
Thon hast great allies ;
Thy friends are exaltations, agonies, and love,
And man's nnconqnerable mind."
868
Battle of GennatUown.
BATTLE OP GBRMANTOWN.
Am Addbiss Dbuyirbd at Qebmantown upon tbm Owe HuyDmmi
Akniybbsabt of tub Enoagbmbht, Ootobcb 4, 1877.
bt alpbbd g. lambdin, m.d.
«
[The story of the battle of Qermantown, as told by Dr. LambdiD,
in all of its important points with the conclosion arriyed at by the
of this Magasine, after a careful study of every anthority bearing apoo the
subject, which in the last few years they have been able to gather together.
From a military point the views of the editors have reoeived the endorse-
ment of Gen. W. W. U. Davis, whose long experience in active senrioe must
give weight to his opinion, formed on the scene of the conflict, with the evi-
dence in the case before him.
Dr. Lambdin, in preparing his paper, has given preference in each par-
ticular to the statement of the person under whose eye the event described
ONBcurred, and no attempt has been made to reconcile other aooonnts,
although of creditable persons, when it is known that they were in another
part of the field.
The notes that have been added are by the editors, and are given to show
wherein the views expressed by Dr. Lambdin differ from those of other
writers. They also designate the authorities from which the statements are
drawn. When conflicting evidence exists, both sides are given, that the
reader may draw his own conclusions. — Eds.].
In the little book from which I gained my first leflBons in
American history, I recollect a rude engraving, which was
said to represent the Battle of Germantown. It was the pic-
ture of a large stone house, from the windows of which issued
the flash and smoke of musketr}% while a platoon of Conti
nental soldiers in elaborate uniform was boldly chargin
across the lawn in front. The description of the battle giveimrM
in the text was equally adequate with this pictorial present-
ment. " On the 4th of October, 1777," it said, " QeneraT.
Washington's army attacked the British under Sir WilliarcanK"
Howe at Qermantown, but a body of the enemy, having takezK:
refuge in Chew's house, was enabled to keep up such a gallinc
fire upon the patriots as compelled them to retreat." Sue"
'^ idea inculcated in the youthful mind so:
^v.
L
ILLUSTRATING
THE BATTLE OF
Octoker 4.1777.
Scale ofMWvs.
S C H
i
Battie of Germantoum. 869
years ago of the event which we are met to eommemorate,
and such, I dare say, is the popular idea of the Battle of Ger-
mantown to this very day. Has not everybody heard of the
engagement at Chew's house? and has not the enclosure
around that historic mansion been pointed out to all visitors
to Germantown as the battle-ground? Traditions such as
this should always command respect, but if, in what is here
to be told of the Battle of Germantown, Chew's house be
given a place of secondary importance, it will be only in ac-
cordance with the good judgment of your committee of ar-
rangements, who have appointed our present meeting not in
the garden of the Colonial Chief Justice, but at a spot much
nearer that on which — if so much can be said of any one spot
— were decided the fortunes of that eventful day.
For the Battle of Germantown, I hardly need say to you,
was very much more than a contest with half a dozen compa-
nies for the possession of a country house. It was a contest
for the possession of a widely-extended and strongly-posted
line, between two armies ; not large, indeed, according to our
modem ideas, but such as not often met face to face in the
war for independence. In its general plan it was one of the
largest and boldest, as it was also, in parts, one of the most
spirited battles of the revolutionary struggle ; and though it
produced no very obvious military results, its moral and po-
litical influence was such as to give the Battle of Germantown
a place among the most memorable battles of the war. Cer-
tainly no other engagement of that time has been the subject
of warmer discussion, or, I may say, has been so wrapped in
obscurity; and to-day it is no easy task to unravel, from the
infinite tangle of conflicting accounts, a continuous thread of
intelligible narrative. Far abler and more learned historians
than I shall ever be have tried it with but indiflferent success,
and the most that I can hope to do to-day is to sketch the
outlines of the battle in such a way as at least shall not make
more difficult the work of my fellow-students ; and if, in fui
filment of the task assigned me, I shall be able to add any-
thing to what is already known, I shall freely acknowledge
my indebtedness to others, and especially to the officers of
870 Battie of Germantown.
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, who have kindly placed
at my disposal a great mass of original material which I
should not have been able to gather for myself. At the same
time let me say that for the use made of this material I am
alone responsible. If my paper have any value, it owes it to
the Historical Society's collections. Its errors and omissions
are not the society's, but my own. It would have been easy
to write a more attractive story, for the stock of picturesque
incidents is as large as the combined imagination of the his-
torians of a century could make it ; but whatever else this
paper may lack, I believe it to be truthful, and as I hope to
make you understand the Battle of Germantown, I shall
rigidly confine myself to a plain unvarnished tale.
BEFORE THE BATTLE.
Let us briefly recall the position of affitirs in the colony at
the begiiming of October a hundred years ago. The efforts
to defend Philadelphia had failed with disaster, and on the
26th of September Lord Comwallis, at the head of his grena-
diers, made the formal entry into the federal city, whence the
Continental Congress had hastily adjourned to Lancaster. The
main body of Howe's army, having crossed the Schuylkill
at Fatland ford, was encamped at Germantown. "Washing-
ton was at Pennybacker's Mills, between the Perkiomen
and the Skippack Creeks, thirty miles from the city, where
he hoped to receive reinforcements from the Northern Depart-
ment. His army, which was mainly composed of Continental
troops, with militia from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and New
Jersey, had suifered severely at Brandywine and in the rapid
marches afterward. It was ill-clad, almost unshod, and scan-
tily fed. The enthusiasm of Pennsylvania in the patriot
cause, never as exuberant as that of some of the other colonies,
had been waning as the war dragged on, and now, with the
actual invasion of the colony, with its capital in the hands of
the enemy, had almost died out. The outlook was gloomy in
the extreme. Congress was full of cliques, the army of am-
bitious malcontents. The news of Burgoyne's surrender had
not yet come to cheer the drooping spirits of the patriots, and
Battle of GermantoiDTL 371
on every hand were discontent and despondency. " Oh, Heaven,
grant us one great soul!" exclaimed the querulous John
AdamB ; " one leading mind would extricate the best cause
inrom that ruin which seems to await it ;" while the venerable
IParson Muhlenberg cried out, " Now, Pennsylvania, prepare
t:o meet the Lord thy God !" Almost the only man who pre-
served an unruffled temper in these times was the object of
»11 this grumbling and criticism and plotting, the Com-
xnander-in-Chief, always greatest in adversity, who calmly
patched events and awaited his opportunity.
Nor did he have to wait long. The Continentals, it will
T)e remembered, retained control of the forts and defences of
the Delaware, and General Howe's first care, after seeing his
army well posted, was to gain possession of these. " Having
received intelligence," writes Washington,* " through two
intercepted letters, that General Howe had detached part of
his force for the purpose of reducing Billingsport and the
forts on the Delaware, I communicated the accounts to my
general officers, who were unanimously of opinion that a
favorable opportunity oftered to make an attack upon the
troops which were at and near Germantown."* It was ac-
cordingly agreed that this attack should be made on the morn-
ing of October 4th, and the Commander-in-Chief carefully
prepared his order of battle.
GENERAL HOWE's POSITION.
Germantown at that time consisted of the single street,
built for a space of about two miles with houses of stone, set
' See Letter to Congress, Oct. 5th, 1777.
' On the 28th of Sept. Washington first submitted the question regard-
ing the propriety of attacking the enemy, to his officers, but it was decided in
the negative, — Brigadiers Smallwood, Wayne, Scott, Potter, and James
Irvine, voting that an attack should be made, whilst Major-Generals Sulli-
van, Greene, Stirling, Stephen, Armstrong, and Brigadiers M'DougaH,
Knox, Muhlenberg, Nash, and Conway voted to defer doing so until re-
enforcements expected from Peekskill should arrive. It was recommended,
however, that the army should be moved nearer the enemy, so that an attack
could be made as soon as an opportunity should offer. — See Washington
Papers quoted in Life of Muhlenberg ; Writings of Washington, by Sparks,
vol. v., p 75.
872 '»' Battle of Genaariiown.
clcse to the highway, from which the ferm fences, orchards,
and mcloBures extended back a considerable distance on each
side. In an open space m the centre was the Market house,
just five miles distant from Philadelphia. From the head of
the village, one mile from the Market house, the street con-
tinued northward through Beggarstown to Mount Airy, a mile
distant, and thence another mile to Chestnut Hill, where the
road branched, the left fork leading to Reading and the right
toward Bethlehem. On the west of the village the land rolled
away to the high bluffs of the Wissahickon near its conflu-
ence with the Schuylkill, while the ground on the east, inter-
sected by the Wingohocken and other remote tributaries of
the Delaware, was also well disposed for defence.* General
Ilowe's army was encamped upon the general line of School
Uouse and Church Lanes, crossing the town at its centre.
The left wing, under Lieutenant-General Knyphausen,
which comprised seven British battalions, forming the Third
and Fourth Brigades, under Major-General Grey and Brig.-
Gen. Agnew, three Hessian battalions, under Maj.-Gen. von
Stim, and the mounted and dismounted chasseurs, imder
Colonel von Wurmb, extended to the Schuylkill ; the chas«
seurs were in front and on the flank, and the extreme left
was guarded by a small redoubt on the bluff at the mouth of
the Wissahickon, where School Lane joined the Manatawny
or Ridge Road, one of the approaches to the town from the
north. Major-General Grant and Brigadier-General Matthew
were upon the right, with the corps of Guards, six battalions
of British and two squadrons of dragoons, the line extending
about a mile to the eastward to the woods near Lukens' mill
— more lately Roberts' mill, but now, alas ! no mill at all.
This wing was flanked by the First Battalion of Light Li-
fantry, 'which was encamped upon the Limekiln Road, while
the Queen's Rangers, a provincial corps, afterward com-
1 It has been freqaently stated that the open position oocapied by Howe's
army invited an attack, bat such criticisms most have been made without
any knowledge of the ground, llie rough country in front of either wing
of the British army made its position a strong one.
k
Battle of Gennantowru 373
xinanded by Lieutenant^Colonel Siincoe, were thrown out on
"fclie extreme right flank toward Branchtown, on the York
!Soad, these being the two approaches to the town upon the
'^^ast. The Second Battalion of Light Infantry occupied the
extreme advance toward the north, being posted, with a bat-
^•:ery of artillery, on the east of the main street at Mount
IPleasant, with an outlying picket with two six pounders at
-Allen's house, on Mount Airj'^, while the Fortieth Regiment,
"under Col. Musgrave, was encamped in the field opposite
Ohew's house, nearly a mile in the rear.* General Howe had
liis head-quarters at Stenton, a mile or so south of the Markel
liouse.'
Such was the disposition of the troops at and near German.
town when Washington, who on September 29th had marched
from Pennybacker's Mills down to Skippack, about twenty^
five miles from the city, and on the 2d advanced his camp
some five miles further, to Worcester Township, prepared for
his attack.* There appears to have been little effort to keej
liis movements secret.* " Mr. Washington," writes an oflicei
of the Second Light Infantry on the night of October 2d (evl
<iently not relishing his isolated position),* " by the accounts
' The poBitions of the British are taken from the map drawn by J. Hills,
Xieat. of the 23d Regt. and Assist. Engineer, published in London by Faden
in 1784 ; and from the letter of Sir Wm. Howe to Lord George Oermain,
Oct. 10, 1777. The German Auxtltarien in the War of North American
Jjiberation, 1776 to 1783, by Max von Eelking, Hanover, 1863, has also been
consulted, as that excellent work was prepared from original material not
accessible in this country,
• Several writers have stated that Howe had his headquarters at the
Louse subsequently occupied by Washington, opposite the Market house.
But the best evidence shows that at the time of the battle Stenton was the
residence of Gen. Howe. See HilVs Map,
• Pickering's Diary.
• The Rev. Henry M. Muhlenberg, who resided near the American encamp-
ment, recorded in his diary, Oct. 3. . . . " There is a report that at
daylight the British outposts, at Barren Hill and Germantown, will be at-
tacked."—See Collections Penna, Hint. Soc, vol. i. p. 170.
• See Material for History, by Frank Moore, p. 55, New York, 1861.
In speaking of the affair at Paoli, this officer writes, in the letter quoted :
** They threaten retaliation, vow they will give no quarter to any of our bat-
874 Battle of Germantovon.
of some who came in to-day, is eighteen miles distant, wi^
his main body. They also say he intends to move near \\» ^^
try the event of another battle." Scouting parties had
peatedly approached the lines, and the pickets had been driv^
in for three nights by the cavalry under PulaskL* Sir Geoir^^
Osbom, in his testimony before the House of CJommons Co
mittee, says that he " received from General Howe, who w
accompanied by his aid-de-camp, only the night before, i
order to move on with the grenadiers and light infantry
the guards to Major Simcoe's post, about half a mile in fro
of the line of infantry, as I might expect the enemy at day^
break the next morning ;" adding, " The firing of the enemj^^
on the morning of the attack began exactly or near the time
that Sir William had represented me the night before it
would do." Being cross-examined, however, and asked did
he " conceive any other part of the army was surprised," Sir
ta]ion. We are always on the advaDce post of the army ; our present one is
unpleasant ;our left is too open and unguarded. We expect reinforcements.
There has been firing this night all around the sentries, which seems as if
they endeavored to feel our situation, I am fatigued, and must sleep. Couldgt
thou sleep thus no more than I could act Sir Wildair in a Ship on Fire; nor
I at first [entre noiLs)^ but I grant custom, et<;., etc. Yet my rest is inter-
rupted, I wake once or twice, or more, my ear is susceptible of the least
noise."
* See Letter of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to Judge William Johnson,
Hist. Magazine, N. Y., 1866, page 202. Col. Pinckney states that after
driving in the British pickets, Pulaski drew off his command ; *' and when
the head of Sullivan's Division arrived near the point of attack, we found he
had laid down and gone to sleep, for which he was severely reprimanded by
the General." Judge Johnson adds to the statement of Col. Pinckney, on
what authority he does not mention, the information that Pulaski retired to
a "farm house," and to the negligence of that officer in allowing the patrols
of the enemy to learn of the approach of the Americans, he attributes the
failure of Washington's plan. This charge against Pulaski called forth a
number of replies. (See Pulaski Vindicated, etc, etc, by Paul Bentaloo.
Baltimore, 1824. A Reply to Judge Johnson's Remarks on an Article in the
N, A, Review, etc., by Paul Bentalou, Baltimore, 1826, and an article by
Sparks in N. A. Review. No. 53, Oct. 1826.) If any further refutation to
the charge of Judge Johnson is required than those found in the publications
mentioned, it is in the undeniable testimonv of Lieut Hunter, of the British
light infantry, that the attack in force was a surprise.
Battle of Gennantoum. 875
George Osbom declined to answer the question. Howe him-
self, though he would not acknowledge the surprise, testified
that after the drubbing the Americans got at Brandywine he
did not believe they would hazard another battle.*
THE ORDER OF BATTLE.
General Washington, who was well informed of the enemy's
position and movements, prepared his order of battle with
great care. " The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne,"* he ex-
plains in his letter to Congress, flanked by Conway's brigade,
were to enter the town by way of Chestnut Hill, while Gene-
ral Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, should fall
down the Manatawny road by Van Deering's mill and get
upon the enemy's left and rear. The divisions of Greene and
Stephen, flanked by McDougall's brigade, were to enter, by
taking a circuit by way of the Limekiln Road, at the Market
house, and attack their right wing, and the militia of Mary-
land and New Jersey, under Generals Smallwood and Forman,
were to march by the old York Road and fell upon the rear
of their right. Lord Stirling, with Nash's and Maxwell's
brigades, was to form a corps de reserve. The official order
further explains that " General McDougall is to attack the
right wing of the enemy in front and rear ; General Conway
to attack the enemy's left flank, and General Armstrong to
* Major Simcoe, according to his journal, was not appointed to the com-
mand of the Queen's Rangers until the 15th of Oct 1777. and did not join
the army at Germantown until the 16th. The testimony of Sir George Os-
hom, however, was given in 1779, after the Queen's Rangers under Simcoe
had acquired considerable reputation, and Sir George no doubt, in speaking
of " Major Simcoe's post" alluded to the position of the corps with which his
name had become identified, which, according to Hill's map, was stationed on
the Old York Road, as mentioned by Dr. Lambdin. If Sir George was per-
sonally preftent with the troops he speaks of, Gen. Howe was guilty of a very
questionable action in presenting him as a witness in the case, as the poet
surprised was that of the 2d Battelion of Light Infantry at Mt. Airy, two
miles from where Sir George was posted. The question Sir George declined
to answer would seem to show that suspicion of the facts existed in the mind
of his interrogator. — See Howe*8 Narrattue and Simcoe^a JoumcU.
* See Sparks, vol. v. p. 78.
876 Battle of Germantoivn.
attack their left wing in flank and rear." The pickets were
to be "taken off" — not driven in — ^thoee at Van Deering's
mill by General Armstrong, those on Mount Airy by Sulli-
van, and those at Lucan's mill by Greene. Each column was
to make its dispositions so as to get within two miles of the
enemy's pickets by 2 o'clock, there halt till 4, and attack the
pickets precisely at 5 o'clock, " with charge bayonets and
without firinfir, and the column to move to the attack as soon
as possible. " The columns were to communicate with each other
from time to time by light horse, and proper flanking parties
to be kept out from each column. Each oflicer and man, it
was further ordered, should wear a piece of white paper in
his cap, a precaution which, if it was not neglected, evidently
proved ineffectual to distinguish friend from foe. In addi-
tion to the troops mentioned, a detachment of militia was
sent down the west side of the Schuylkill, with orders to
make a demonstration at the Middle ferry, at Market Street,
to engage the attention of the enemy and prevent reinforce-
ments being sent from the city. They showed themselves
opposite Market Street and fired several cannon shots across
the river, and though they produced no effect, this demon-
stration must be mentioned as a part of the plan of the battle.*
It may be said here that, though the destination of Small-
wood's column of militia seems plainly to have been against
the rear of the enemy, the oflicial order gives it minute direc-
tions to move from White Marsh Church by " the left-hand
road which leads to Jenkins' tavern, on the Old York Road
below Armitage's, beyond the seven-mile stone, half a mile
from which a road turns off short to the right hand, fenced
on both sides, which leads through the enemy's encampment
to Germantown Market House," which would simply have
brought it along with or behind Greene. Practically, how-
ever, these instructions made little difference, for Smallwood
only came up toward the close of the action, in time to join
in the retreat. His movements, therefore, will not concern
us. Armstrong, too, instead of falling upon the enemy in
' See Morton's Diary, Penn. Magazine, vol. L p. 13.
Battle of Germantovm. 877
:flank and rear, conceived that his " destiny was against the
foreigners, rather to divert them with the militia than fight
their superior body;" and, though he succeeded in this so far
as to keep a considerable Hessian force out of the battle in
the early part of the day, he had so little general effect upon
the whole result that we may for the present dismiss him
from our minds, and confine our attention to the two main
columns.
THE ATTACK.
On the evening of October 3d the army left its encampment
on Metuchen Hills by the routes prescribed in the order of
battle. It was a hard march in the darkness^ over rough
roads, and at daybreak of a dark, foggy morning the right
wing, which General Washington accompanied, after such a
halt as the time allowed, reached Chestnut Hill.* As it de-
scended into the valley approaching Mount Airy the sun rose,
but soon buried itself in a bank of clouds.* Conway's brigade
led the column, with Sullivan's division following, and
Wayne's in the rear of Sullivan's, the whole under Sullivan's
command.^ Here one regiment from Conway's brigade and
one from the Maryland brigade were advanced in front,* and
a detachment, under Captain Allen McLane, of Delaware,
Was sent forward to take the enemy's picket at Allen's house.
On Mount Airy.* He fell upon and killed the double sentries,
W-ith the loss of one man, but the alarm was given, and the
outpost, after discharging their two six-pounders,' fell back
Upon the battalion of light infantry* that was already form-
* " There was an appearance of rain, and the night was dark but remained
^Tj, ''--Muhlenberg* 8 Journal, Oct. 3d, 1777.
« Pickering's letter in N, A, Review, Oct. 1826, p. 426.
• Ool. Howard's letter, Writings of Washington, by Sparks, vol. v. p. 468.
* Sullivan's letter to Weare. See Writings of Washington, by Sparks,
Vol. V. p. 464.
• Ibid. • Memoirs of Wilkinson, vol. i. p. 364.
' Ool. Howard's letter. Writings of Washington, by Sparks, vol. v. p. 468.
' Sullivan states that the picket was re-enforced by the light infantry, and
his account has been generally followed. Washington in his letter to
Congress writes that the picket " gave way," and that Sullivan, '* following,
26
878 Battle of Gennantown.
ing in line of battle upon the east of the road at Mount
Pleasant. Conway thereupon formed his brigade to sustain
the attacking regiments,* while Sullivan drew up his own di-
vision on the right of the road at Allen's Lane.* For some
minutes the ground was hotly contested, but the enemy at
length gave way. Wayne's division having by this tinn^
come up, General Sullivan formed it upon the east of the road^
and directed Conway to file off to the extreme right, sending
also one regiment from Wayne's and one fix)m his own divi-
sion, with Moylan's regiment of light-horse, to further protect,
his right flank.* These dispositions made, he advanced his
line,* the light infentry leaving the field, and with it their
Boon engaged the light infantry and other troops encamped near the picket"
As this account agprees with Lient. Banter's, of the light iD&ntry, it 0
preferred.
• Sallivan's letter to Weare. See Writings of WashingUm^ by Sparb,
vol. V. p. 464.
• Col. Howard's letter, Writings of Washington^ by Sparks, voL t. p. 468.
• Sullivan's letter to Weare. See Writings of Washingtony by Sparks,
vol. V. p. 464.
^ The fullest account of the deployment of the right wing into line will be
found in Sullivan's letter to President Weare ; and no document that we
know of, relating to the battle, has been more misused, or has given rise to
so many false ideas. Sullivan writes : " Upon finding that our left wing,
which had near four miles further to march than the right, had not arrived,
I was obliged to form General Wayne's division on the east of the road to
attack the enemy's right," and again, " No evidence being given of General
Armstrong's arrival, I was obliged to send a regiment firom Wayne's and
another from my own division to keep the enemy from turning our right."
These two passages have been quoted to prove that the commands of
Greene and Armstrong were intended to co-operate with that of Sullivan at
Mt. Airy, and some writers have added that Wayne was ordered on gpround
assigned to Greene in the original plan of the battle.
To put this construction on the language of Sullivan, althoagh not an
unnatural one, is to argue that neither Sullivan, nor Washington, nnder
whose eye he acted, understood the plan of the battle.
A reference to the map and to the " Order of Battle" will show that it
was impossible for Greene or Armstrong to perform the duties assigned to
them, and be near Mt. Airy at the time Sullivan made the attack. Sullivan
doubtless intended to convey the idea that the non-arrival of Greene and
Armstrong at the points they were designed against, canaed him to make
Battle of Germantowru 879
encampment, but making "a stand at every fence, wall, and
ditch they passed, which were numerous," the General ex-
plains, adding that "we were compelled to remove every
fence as we passed, which delayed us much in the pursuit."*
It was with peculiar spirit that Wayne's division advanced
against the British light infantry, for it was that body which
had made the cruel attack on the camp at Paoli ; and Lieut.
Hunter, writing a few days afterward, says: "When the
first shots were fired at our pickets, so much had we all
Wayne's a£&ir in our remembrance, that the battalion were
out and under arms in a minute. At this time the day had
just broke, but it was a very foggy morning, and so dark we
could not see a hundred yards before us. Just as the bat-
talion had formed, the pickets came in and said the enemy
were advancing in force. They had hardly joined the bat-
talion when we heard a loud cry, ' Have at the bloodhounds I
revenge Wayne's afiair V and they immediately fired a vol-
the disposition he did. Equally erroneons are the assertions that the
" change*' of arrangement at Mt. Airy caused the confasion which occurred
as the troops of Sullivan and Greene approached the centre of the town.
This argument is deduced from the ideas that Wayne should not have been
ordered on the east of the road, and that Sullivan was to confine his atten-
tion alone to the enemy on the west of the main street. In the first place,
there was no "change" at Mt Airy, and in the second it would have been
impossible for Sullivan to have advanced on one side of a road and allowed
the enemy to remain on the other, and the route assigned to Greene was so
far to the east as to preclude the idea that any of the enemy near the main
street were to have engaged his attention. The passages in Sullivan's letter,
describing the formation of the line of battle at Mt. Airy, are explanatory
of time, not of action.
' Col. John E. Howard, then Major of the fourth Maryland regiment,
states that they were formed in Allen's Lane, two hundred yards from the
house, and as they advanced they inclined to the left until the road was
reached ; this movement was, no doubt, to cover the space made vacant by
the withdrawal of Conway's brigade. Wayne has usually been accorded
the honor of beginning the attack, but in his own letter he writes : " The
action soon became general, when we advanced on the enemy with charge
bayonets." Col. Howard, after describing the retreat of the picket, writes :
** It is certain no other part of the army was up to us at that time," and we
see no reason why his statement should be disregarded.
880 Battle of Gennantown.
ley." Wayne himself gives a similar account in his enthusi-
astic style : " Our people," he writes, " remembering the ac-
tion of the night of the 20th of September, near the Warren,
pushed on with their bayonets, and took ample vengeance for
that night's work. Our oncers exerted themselves to save
many of the poor wretches, but to little purpose ; the rage and
fury of the soldiers were not to be restrained for some time, at
least not until great numbers of the enemy fell by their bayo-
nets."*
When the attack began. Colonel Musgrave, with the For-
tieth Regiment, had moved forward to the support of the
light infantry. He met them retreating, and formed upon the
left of the road,* when, Sullivan says, "a severe conflict en-
sued," and the British were pressed back. General Howe,
at the first firing, at once mounted and hurried to the front,
to meet his troops retreating. "For shame, light infantry!"
he cried, "I never saw you retreat before;"* but a grape-
shot scattering the leaves above his head called attention to
the force that was advancing, and the general immediately
turned his horse and galloped back to the camp to prepare
for the attack. Sullivan continued his advance, having sent
back word to Washington that he had engaged the enemy's
left, and asking that Wayne be advanced against the right,
seemingly not aware, in the fog, that Wayne was already
moving forward.* Washington, who followed with the re-
' Wayne's letter to his wife, Dawson's Battles of the U. S., vol. i. p. 328.
' See Hill's Map. Lt. Hunter writes, , . , ** the enemy were kept so
long in check that two brigades had advanced to the entrance of Beggars-
town, where they met oar battalion retreating." Hanter doubtless mistook
the 40th Reg't for a larger body of troops, as Howe, who was present, men-
tions no other re-enforcements to the Lt. Infantry bat Masgrave's command.
* Hunter's diary, in Moorson's Historical Record of the 52(1 Regiment.
The extract will be found in Historical Magazine^ N. Y., 1860, p. 346.
^ There can be no doubt that Wayne advanced on the east of the road
shortly after Sullivan did on the west. Lt. Hunter's account clearly shows
that Wayne was early in the engagement. The passage in Sullivan's letter
stating that he sent his aid, Morris, to Washington, to request him to order
Wayne to advance, has been applied to that part of the battle which took
place south of Chew's house ; but erroneously so, for Sullivan continaes, that
Battle of GermantowTL 881
serve, then advanced a detachment of that body, a part upon
the right and a part upon the left, and at the entrance to Qer-
mantown, a mile from where the attack began, the line passed
Chew's hoose (a fine stone mansion standing several rods from
the street in a large inclosnre), Sullivan's division upon the
west, its left resting on the road, and Wayne upon the east of
the house.
chew's house.
The morning was very dark ; a thick fog, rendered more
dense by the smoke of the cannon and musketry, obscured
everything, and it was impossible for the soldiers, marching
over ground broken by roads and houses, to see clearly what
was before them as they advanced upon the two sides of the
town. Sullivan, however, pushed on past the present Wash-
ington Lane, and Wayne as far as the Green Tree Tavern,
then kept by the Widow Mackinett (the old stone building
opposite the Haines place). When General Washington,
with the reserve, arrived at the top of the hill at the entrance
of the town, he found that Colonel Musgrave, with six com-
panies of the Fortieth Regiment, had boldly thrown himself
into Chew's house, and, having barricaded the doors and win-
dows, was prepared for a vigorous defence. A few shots had
been fired from the upper windows at Sullivan as he passed,
but they were not regarded, and Colonel Pickering,* who was
sent forward with a message to that ofllcer not to waste his
ammunion, tells us that the first he heard of Chew's house
was " the whizzing of musket ball across the road, before,
behind, and above me, as I was returning after delivering the
orders to Sullivan," whom he had met in the road three or
four hundred yards beyond.
Wayoe'B division " advanced with great bravery and rapidity" and passed
Chew's house abreast with his own, lliis error has given rise to the idea
that Wayne was recalled to take part in the attack on Chew's hoase, for
which we find no authority, and that Sallivan requested he should be again
ordered forward ; but Sullivan's request, it will be seen, was made before
either he or Wayne had reached Chew's house.
^ QetN.A. Review, Oct 1826.
882 Battle of Germantonm.
Coming back to the house next north of Chew's — Bill-
meyer's, which, like the other, stands unchanged to this day,
Pickering tells us that he found a group of officers discussing
in the General's presence the propriety of moving the remain-
der of the troops forward, without regard to this impudent
obstacle, against which a fruitless attack had already been
made by artillery as well as by infantry. General Knox it
was who insisted that it was contrary to all military rule to
leave a castle in one's rear, and that the garrison should be
summoned to surrender. As General Knox was chief of
artillery and otherwise a dignified and influential person, his
view prevailed, and a flag was sent with a summons. Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Smith, a gallant young Virginia staff officer,
volunteered to carry the flag, an enterprise which some of the
officers, at least, objected to as useless. As he advanced across
the lawn he received a shot, which stretched him upon the
ground and from which he died.* General Maxwell, with his
brigade and four pieces of artillery, was thereupon ordered to
attack the house, and an ineffectual siege began, the six-
pounders of the day makmg very little impression upon the
heavy stone walls, and the troops within being well protected
from the fire of musketry.^ There was no lack of vigor on
the part of Maxwell's men, who repeatedly advanced close to
the house and tried every means to dislodge the garrison. So
close, indeed, was the assault that the two New Jersey regi-
ments of Maxwell's brigade lost no less than forty-six officers
and men, and one of the officers has recorded that his horse
was shot under him three yards from the comer of the house.*
Attempts were also made to fire the house, the Chevalier
Duplessis and John Laurens, of South Carolina, distinguishing
themselves among the incendiary volunteers ;* but every effort
* Lient.-Col. Smith was Deputy Adjutant-General. He died of his wouDds
on the 23d of October. See Life of Pickering^ vol. i. pages 169-173.
* See Life of Pickering^ and Pickering's letter in N. A, Review, Oct. 1826.
* See Proceedings of N. J. Historical Society, Col. E. Dayton's report,
vol. 9, page 187.
* See Travels of the Marquis de Chastellux. Major White, of SaUiTan's
staff, is said to have been one of the officers killed in attempting to 8et fire to
the house. He died a few days after the battle.
BatUe of Gennantown. 883
dislodge the British was ineffectual, and Colonel Musgrave
^Kxift^intained his position until relieved by General Grey at the
'^Xid of the battle.
Greene's command.
While all this was going on in the northern part of Gter^
^xmantown, General Greene, commanding the left wing, had
^xaoade the circuit of the Limekiln Road, and half an hour*
>m the time of the attack on Mount Airy had engaged
le enemy's right. The first body of troops which he en-
countered was the First Battalion of the Light Lifantry, who
"^i^ere advanced upon the Limekiln Road beyond Betton's
AVoods.* General Greene formed his army in line, with
^Stephens' Division upon the west of the road and his own
-division, composed of Muhlenberg's and Scott's brigades,
^mander the immediate command of General Muhlenberg, on
't:he east, with McDougall's brigade on the extreme left flank,
^leneral Stephens says : " The two divisions formed the line
< Washington writes three-quarters of an hour ; Walter Stewart, fifteen
^niuates ; Marshall, in Ist edition of Life of Washington, half an hour, — 2d
^ition, a little oyer half an hoar. Pickering says that the firing of the left
wing was heard as he advanced with the reserve under Washington, and that
they and Woodford's brigade arrived at Chew's house about tl\e same time.
' From the order of battle it is evident it was not expected that the left
wing would encounter the enemy until it reached Luken's Mill. The testi-
mony of Sir George Osborn shows that the night previous to the battle hia
battalion was advanced in front of the right wing of the English, and there
can be no doubt that he was stationed north of a line drawn due east from
Chew's house, as Chief Justice Marshall, who was an officer in Woodford's
brigade, which was on the right of the left wing, states that, while rapidly
pursuing the flying enemy, that brigade got out of its course and was
arrested by a heavy fire from Chew's house. From this it is apparent that
the attack must have been made a considerable distance north of Luken's
Mill, or else it would have necessitated a retrograde movement of Woodford's
brigade to have approached near to Chew's house. — See First and Second
editions of Life of Washington,
As a man by the name of Isaac Woods was killed while looking out of
the cellar door of a house marked " Andrews" on the map, on the Lime-
kiln Boad, at the fight going on towards Betton's Woods, it is clear that the
first attack was at or above that point— See Watson* s Annals of Philadel-
phiOf vol. iL page 63.
384 Battle of Germantoum.
of battle at a great distance from the enemy, and marched £ur
through marsheB, woods, and strong fences, [so that they
were] mixed^ before we came up with the enemy," though the
greatest obstacles must have been encountered after the first
engagement, in which Lieutenant Morgan, of the Light
Infiantry, a very gallant young officer, was killed at the head
of his command.' Colonel Matthew was here detached by
Stephens with his Virginia regiment, and pursued his oppo-
nents with great vigor, as will afterward appear.
The hilly character of the country and the multitude of
fences and other obstructions soon broke the line, and Wood-
ford's brigade, whose brave commander was at the time lying
ill of the wounds received at Brandywine, bore away to the
right, and, led by the sound of firing, pressed toward Ger-
mantown, quickening their pace as they advanced, and came
out opposite Chew's house.* They halted here, and while
Maxwell was attacking the house from the front, the artil-
lery of Woodford's brigade opened fire on it from the other
side — " a windmill attack,"* Wayne afterward called it. The
remainder of Stephens's division, on the retreat of the enemy,
pushed on in a similar direction, and thus came upon the
flank of Wayne's division, already disturbed by the firing in
its rear, and the two bodies of troops became entangled.*
" We had now pushed the enemy nearly three miles," writes
Wayne, with his usual exaggeration — ^he could not have been
two miles from where the fight began — ^" and were in posses-
sion of their whole encampment, when a large body of troops
were advancing on our left flank, which, being taken for the
enemy, our men fell back in defiance of every exertion of
their officers to the contrary, and after retreating about two
miles they were discovered to be our own people, who were
originally intended to attack the right wing of the enemy."*
* Letter of Mr. Bancroft in N. A. Review, 1867.
' See extract from Memoirs of Admiral Gambler, printed in Hut, Mag.,
tol. T. page 69.
* Chief Justice Marshall, who was an officer in this brigade; see L^ rf
Wiuhtngton, * Wayne to Gen. Gates.
* Stephens to Washington. * Wayne's letter to hif
JSatde of Germantowru 885
ayne's inaccuracy in details makes his accounts often per-
exing, but his general impressions may be accepted as cor-
That Stephens, who was subsequently cashiered for
runkenness and misconduct on the retreat, failed in his own
ork and interfered with that of others, has always been be-
lieved, and, unlike many other things that have always been
Ti>elieved about this battle, is unquestionably true. The re-
uniting confusion epded the efforts of Sullivan's column upon
"tbe east side of the town.
General Greene, with the remainder of his command, con-
tinued to advance upon the east side of the Limekiln Road,
Miaintaming the line of battle, " till," as Lieutenant-Colonel
^eth explains, " that order was found impracticable, which,
from the number of post and rail fences, thickets, and in short
everything that could obstruct our march, threw us frequently
into the greatest disorder."^ McDougall's brigade, it will be
Temembered, was upon the left, and was to attack the enemy
in the flank ; but the extreme roughness of the ground he
liad to traverse made his rapid movement impossible, and his
course led him so far to the east and south as to take him
quite out of the action,* and leave exposed the flank of
Greene's division, as, with a rapidity of movement that left
McDougall, as he has himself said, far behind," it turned at
Church Lane, and advanced toward Germantown. The ac-
counts of the movements of this wing of the army now be-
come exceedingly obscure, and it is impossible to describe
the contest with accuracy. " I happened to be detached,"
writes Colonel Walter Stewart, " and fell on the left of the
whole, when I engaged the Fifth and Thirty-eighth ; they
* See Ldfe of Lamb, by Leak, p. 183.
' J. F. Watson, the annalist, was told by an old resident of OermantowD
that there was fighting " on Armstrong's Hill by the mill" (see Annals of
PkHada,, vol. ii. p. 58), which stood sooth of Shoemaker Lane on the
Wingohocking; and that quantities of ballets had been fonnd there. W«
find no other evidence that there was fighting in that vicinity, but if there
was, it was no doubt McDoogall's men that there engaged the enemy.
• McDongaU's letter to Greene. See Life of Oreene, by Prof. Geo. W.
Greene, yoL ii. p. 500.
886 BatUe of Germantown.
both ran lustily, and I took a little flush redoubt, with three
pieces of cannon, from them. I had cursed hot work for it
before they left them."* This little redoubt was at Luken's
Mill,' and Stewart pushed on to the Market house, where also
Colonel Matthew, with his Ninth Virginia Regiment, had
penetrated, taking a number of prisoners, but becoming so
closely engaged that he was unable to extricate himself in
the retreat which followed, and was taken prisoner, with his
command, on Kelly's Hill.*
THE CRISIS.
The morning was now well advanced, and the two wings
of the army had approached the central objective point — ^the
Market house in the middle of the town. But the lines were
broken and disordered, and the advance had been so retarded
by the innumerable obstacles and by the impenetrable fog, as
to afford the British opportunity to re-form their own shat-
tered lines. Howe had not been idle through the morning.
Upon the appearance of Armstrong's militia upon his left he
had sent Minnegerode's battalion of Hessian Orenadiers to
support the Yagers,* while three battalions of the Third Brig-
ade, under General Grey, and the Fourth Brigade, under
General Agnew, supported on the left by two Hessian bat-
talions, were advanced to resist the American right. General
Grant also re-formed the right of the British lines to oppose
the command of Greene.*
Sullivan's division, with Armstrong's North Carolina E^-
ment and part of Conway's brigade, had pushed forward
nearly to School Lane,* upon the west of the town, while
» Walter Stewart to Gen. Gates. • Sulliyan's letter to Weare.
• Watson* 8 Annals, vol. ii. p. 37.
* Von Eelking's Oerman Aiixtltartes, • Howe's letter.
« It is difficult at this day to decide upon the extreme point reached by
the command of Sullivan, the authorities being very conflicting.
Col. Pickering, in his letter of August, 1826. states that he found Sulli-
van personally about four hundred yards below Chew's house, which would
be near Washington Lane, immediately north of which, on the west of the
Battle of Gernuintown. 887
Greene was entering on the east, but now, according to Sulli-
van's own account, finding themselves " unsupported by any
other troops, their cartridges all expended, the force of the
eTiemy on the right collecting to the left to oppose them ;
being alarmed by the firing at Chew's house, so far in their
I'ear, and by the cry of a light horseman on the right that the
street, a portion of a cedar board fence is standing at this day, riddled
"Cliroagh and through with ballets fired during the battle.
Col. Howard, who commanded the troops west of the main street, writes
t^liat his regiment was halted in an orchard by Col. Hazen, and that while
lialted ** the British army formed in the School House Lane, directly in our
front, six or seven hundred yards from us,*' which would place Howard's
command about half way between Washington and School Lanes.
Robert Morton, who visited German town the day after the battle, baa
recorded that the Americans got down as far as the Widow Mackinett's Tay-
«m, which the editor, in annotating Morton's Diary (see Penn, Mag., vol. i.
page 15), was under the impression stood near the Market house, but which
old residents of Germautown assure him was at the Green Tree, as stated
l)y Dr. Lambdin.
Watson, the annalist, was told by one Smith, who was a boy at the time
of the battle, that he gave cider to two of the Americans who lay wounded
on Wunder's lot, where the old railroad depot stands. These, however, may
have been some of Greene's men.
Wilkinson, who gathered his information in Washington's camp shortly
after the battle, and visited the ground previous to the publication of his
memoirs, states that the front of the American troops had nearly reached
the Market house when the retreat took place.
Col. Tilghman, who was on Washington's staff, wrote to his father Octo-
ber 6th, that ** we pushed them by degrees ft-om Mt. Airy below the lane
that leads to the College." This statement of Col. Tilghman's would be
sufficient, if it could be shown that he was an eye-witness ; but as he de-
scribes with equal gusto and vivacity the driving of the enemy across the
town by Greene, it is evident a portion of his account must have been drawn
from that of another.
The man who resided west of the school house recorded in his diary that
he returned to Germantown the day of the battle, and found that a hot en-
gagement had occurred between the two armies. ... " His poor wife was
alone up two pair of stairs when a cannon-ball passed through a window
very near her." Had the British been driven across School House Lane,
bis dwelling would have been in the midst of the conflict, and it is hardly
likely his remarks would have been confined to the one incident.
The English accounts all speak of the engagement being in the upper
part of the town.
888 BatUe of Gmnantoicn.
enemy had got round us, and at the same time diBCOvering
some troops flying on our right, retired with as much precipi-
tation as they had before advanced, against every effort of
their officers to rally them."* Taking this brief description for
what it is worth, it at least serves to show the confusion
which existed. How fitr Sullivan's line extended it is impos-
sible to tell, but as it had by this time lost its compactness it
probably spread fiar away in the fields. An army that had
pushed forward, as it had done, across fenced lots and among
houses and outbuildings, must have been in a sufficiently
perilous position under the best of circumstances. So when
General Grey, " turning his front to the village,"* fix)m his
camp out School Lane, advanced to the attack, the Americans
could not resist him. To put it plainly, they were repulsed*
As they withdrew, with the precipitation which General Sul-
livan describes. Grey advanced across the lots and moving by
the right flank brought his command into column and enter-
ing the main street, pushed on toward Chew's house.' Gene-
ral Agnew, following in the rear of Grey, entered the street
not far from where we are now assembled, and rode forward
at the head of his column. As he ascended the hill he re-
ceived a sudden volley from a party of citizens* who were
concealed behind the Mennonist meeting-house, and fell mor-
tally wounded.* On the east of the town Wayne's division,
as has been explained, had already withdrawn, and General
Grant, moving up the Forty-ninth Regiment, as General Howe
relates, " about the time Major-Gteneral Grey had forced the
enemy in the village, and then advancing with the right wing,
the enemy's left gave way, and was pursued through a strong
country between four and five miles." General Washington,
who had remained at the head of the hill above Chew's house,
' Letter to Weare.
' Howe to Lord George Qermaine.
* Hill's Map and Howe's letter.
* Philip Boyer is said to hare been the man who shot General Ag^ew.
' He was carried into a honse near the spot where he died, and his remains
were removed to his former quarters, the present residence of Charles J.
Wister. See Loesing's Fidd Book of the RevoltUion, vol. u. p. 319.
Battle of Germantaum. 889
fia-w the failure of his well-laid plans, and issued his orders for
the retreat.*
THE RETREAT.
Colonel Lacey, who was without a command at the Battle
of Qermantown, but was an interested looker-on, has given us
"this striking picture : " I rode forward," he says,* " to where
the main army was engaged, and had an opportunity of seeing
the manner in which the business was conducted. We had
' It is the opinion of some writers that Washington left a single regiment
to watch Chew's house, and with the remainder of the reserve moved to the
front.
The authorities for this yiew are the letter of Sullivan to Weare and the
second edition of Marshall's Life of Washington. Sullivan writes : *' I can-
not help observing that with great concern I saw our brave commander ex-
j^osing himself to the hottest fire of the enemy in such a manner that regard
%€> my country obliged me to ride to him and beg him to retire. He, to
gratify me, and some others withdrew a small distance ; but his anxiety for
Xhe fate of the day soon brought him up again, where he remained till our
droops had retreated." Marshall, an officer in Woodford's brigade, in the 2d
edition of Life of Washington, states that he found Chew's house guarded by
« single regiment.
Opposed to this view is the direct statement of Col. Pickering, made in
1826, that he was with Washington, and thut the commander-in-chief did
not pass Chew's house, and the fact that neither the diary of Pickering, the
letters of Charles Colesworth Pinckney (1820), of Knox, or the account of
<jo\. Dayton, the writers of all of which were present at Chew's house, fail to
mention such an important movement.
The letter of Pinckney and the diary of Pickering state that such a
movement was contemplated, and the former that Col. Ogden's regiment was
ordered to remain, but they fail to show that it was executed. It would
appear from the diary of Pickering that the column of Sullivan retreated
about the time it was proposed to advance that part of the reserve not re-
quired to guard Chew's house. As the passage in Sullivan's letter is the
closing one, and apparently supplementary, and consequently applicable to
any part of the battle, and as Chief Justice Marshall in the 1st edition of his
work said, that a brigade from Sullivan's column was found firing at the
front of Chew's house when the one in which he was arrived in its rear,
and gives a different version in his subsequent edition, thus invalidating his
claim to be considered an eye-witness to what took place on the west of the
house, we cannot but think the view taken by Dr. Lambdin the correct one.
• See Life of Lacey, by Gen. W. W. H. Davis.
890 Battle of Germantoum.
full possession of the enemy's camp, which were on fire in
several places. Dead and wounded men were strewed about
in all quarters. When the order for the retreat came, the
American troops were in much disorder ; those in front driven
back by the enemy and £a.lling on those in the rear, increased
the confusion and rendered it impossible to form in such order
as to oppose the advancing enemy. A general retreat was in-
evitably necessary to save the American army from a generoi
rout."
It is necessary here to say a few words about General AiX^
strong, who was sent down the Ridge Road with the coluis:^
of Pennsylvania militia to attack the enemy's left. The ^^'
treme left of the British line was held by the Hessian Yag^ ^
under Colonel von Wurmb, who, apprised of the attack, **
many of his brother officers were, was more vigilant th^^^
most of them, and kept up a continuous watch througho^*^*
the night, and at daybreak the approach of the militia w
discovered.^ There followed a brisk interchange of shots, b
no real engagement. " We cannonaded from the heights
each side of the Wissahickon," says Armstrong, " whilst
riflemen on opposite sides acted on the lower ground-- '^ ^^
About nine o'clock, he continues, he was called off to jo i^*^
the General, but left a party, under Colonels Eyers am-^»^^
Dunlap, who shortly after were obliged to retreat, bringi:B::*-iK
off their fieldpiece and a second one which Armstrong
left " in the horrenduous hills of the Wissahickon."
militia went up the stream to Cresheim Creek, which
them across above Germantown, " directed by a slow firc^ ^
cannon," and there fell in front of a body of the enemy, wk<::>^i^
they engaged for some time. "Until then," says G^n€3«:"38l
Armstrong, " I thought we had a victory, but to my gmr^^^t
disappointment soon found out our army had gone an hour
or two before, and we last on the ground."*
' Von Eel1cing*s German Auxiliaries, Armstrong's letter to Whart^wi
' He appears to have made no attempt to cross the Wissahickon as ordered,
* Armstrong's letter to Wharton, Penaa. Archives, vol. v. p. 645.
JSattle of Gennantown. 891
THE PURSUIT.
Lord Comwallis, who had early heard m Philadelphia of
le attack upon Howe's position, at once put in motion two
T>sttalions of British and one of Hessian grenadiers, with a
e^cjuadron of dragoons, and, getting to Gennantown just as the
^^Unericans had been forced out of the village, he joined Gene-
x^»l Grey, and, placing himself at the head of the troops, took
'txp the pursuit. General Greene effected the withdrawal of
ifcis forces with considerable difficulty and not without loss,
^Dolonel Matthew's gallant regiment, or what remained of it,
>eing left in the hands of the enemy, its heroic commander
tnd many of his officers severely wounded by the enemy's
^bayonets. The cannon, too, gave Greene no little care, and
«it one point beyond Chestnut Hill, when Pulaski's cavalry,
"^y^hich was in the rear, being driven by the pursuing enemy^
xode into and scattered his division, he was in a fair way to
lose them ; but by ordering his men to join hands he col-
lected a sufficient number to protect the guns, which, being
turned upon the enemy, induced him to relinquish the pur-
suit.* A letter from Wayne to Washington, written at eight
o'clock in the evening, gives this account of the retreat:
" After we left the field of battle the troops who took the
upper route were formed at White Marsh Cliurch under
Gteneral Stephen. It was thought advisable to remain there
some time in order to collect the stragglers from the army.
The enemy made their appearance with a party of light horse
and from 1500 to 2000 infantry, with two field pieces. The
troops were ordered off, when I covered the rear with some
infantry and Colonel Bland's dragoons ; but finding the enemy
determined to push us hard, I obtained from General Stephen
some field pieces and took the advantage of a hill overlooking
the road the enemy were marching on ; they met with such a
reception as that they were induced to retire back over the
ridge which they had just passed and give up further pursuit.
The time gained by this stand," adds Wayne, with a cheerftil-
' Gk>rdon, who obtained these facts from Greene. See Oordarit toI. iL p.
524 ; Greene's Life of Greene, toI. ii. p. 417.
892 Bank of Gennantowru
ness that no defeat could dampen, " favored the retreat of »
considerable number of our men, three or four hundred of
whom are now encamped here, and which I hope will fiwsili-
tate the retreat of almost all who were scattered ; bo that you
are now, in my humble opinion, in as good, if not better sita-
ation than you were before the action of this day/'* Washing-
ton returned that night to Pennybacker's Mills, and there,
after twenty-four hours of contiimous hard work, shared alil^^
by officers and men, he and his army resumed their camp.
THE LOSSES.
A sad task remained for the British soldiers and a sadd
yet for the people of Germantown. For "two hours an
forty minutes," according to General Knox's watch, the battle
had waged at their very doors, in their gardens and orchards
and in their fields; and now, as the fog and smoke lifted and
the sounds of the contest died away, they ventured forth,
some to look with anger upon the destruction of their pro-
perty, others to carry succor to those who lay in wofiil need
of kindest care.* If we could trust local tradition, we should
' Life of Wayne, by H. N. Moore, p. 41.
* The day after the battle, hundreds of the citizens of Philadelphia Yisited
Germantown to satisfy their curiosity. (See Watson, vol. ii. p. 69.) The
description of the scene given by Robert Morton will be fonnd on page 14
of volume 1 of Pennsylvania Magazine. Some of the visitors, however,
were prompted by more serious motives. " On the day of the battle of Ger-
mantown," wrote Warner Mifflin (see Friends' Miscellany, vol. v. p. 207),
** our yearly meeting issued a testimony respecting our peaceable principles.
I was one, among others, appointed to present it to the commander-in-chief
of each army. This was a proving time — to pass through opposing armies,
most of whose minds were probably agitated, and many of them afresh fired
by the spirit of war, from their recent eng^ement — and with no pasBport
or shield to protect us from any merciless attack, but our innocence, sheltered
by the wing of Divine preservation."
" We lost great part of yesterday with a deputation of Quakers from their
yearly meeting," wrote General Armstrong to President Wharton on the 8th
of October, " Wain, Emien, Joshua Morris, and two others declaring their
own and the innocence of their Body, desiring prejudices against them might
be removed as a Society, seeking in the world only peace, tmth, and right-
eousness, with equal love to all men, etc. . . . The General was for aend-
Battle of Germantown. 398
conclude that there was not a patch of gi'ound within a mile
of Qermantown on whicli there lay not at least one dead or
dying man, but certainly the number was great enough to give
those good people a fresh horror of barbarous war. The
entire loss sustained by the combatants was never accurately
ascertained, but according to the returns collected afterward
by the Board of War,* the casualties in Washington's army
were thirty officers and one hundred and twenty-two men
killed, one hundred and seventeen officers and four hundred
and four men wounded, and about four himdred prisoners.
Included in this last number were some fifty officers and
Colonel Matthews regiment. The British loss was reported
to be thirteen officers and fifty-eight men killed, and fifty-five
officers and three hundred and ninety-five men wounded.*
American writers have generally believed that the British
loss was understated, but the many advantages of defence
and protection which the British had in the contest would
account for the seeming disparity of numbers, and the aggre-
gate of 1,157 killed and wounded out of the comparatively
flmall forces engaged on either side shows that the Battle of
Germantown was no child's play.
Each army, too, had to mourn severe bereavements. On
the royal side there was young Morgan, the flower of the
H.niiy, and the adventurous Agnew, a lieutenant colonel in
Actual rank, though acting as a brigadier, whose cruel death
<^Qst a further gloom upon the noways joyous triumph of
^Lo'we^s army. He lies in the " lower burying-ground" at
Wisher's Lane, and Lieutenant Colonel Bird by his side, and
Over their graves, with pious care, the Annalist Watson
^:^u8ed a slab to be placed that worthily marks the last rest-
ing place of two noble victims of their King's ambition. It
"^ras the same loving heart and hand that searched out the
V>urial places of the patriot dead, and marked for us the
^tigr them to 70a and to Congress who had banished their friends. . . The
^^eneral gare them their dinner, and ordered them only to do penance a few
^itys at PotUgrove until their beards are grown, for which they seemed verj
t^iAnkfol."
1 Gordon, toI. ii. p. 525. ' Remembrancer.
27
894 Battle of Germantawn.
graves of Captain Turner, of JTorth Carolina, Major Irvine
and six privates, in the " upper burjing-ground," and per-
formed a nation's neglected duty in the erection of a monu-
ment to General ^ash, whose death was the severest loss sus*
tained by the Americans on that day. While riding down
the main street, leading the North Carolina Brigade into
action, a shot from the British artillery struck and fractured
his thigh, at the same time killing his horse. Custis, in hm
" Recollections," says that " a round-shot, striking a sign-post
in Qermantown, glanced therefrom, and passing through hia
horse shattered the General's thigh on the opposite side,"
which was a pretty clever piece of work for a round-shot, and
if we add to this another statement that the same ball took
off Major Witherspoon's head,* gives us, if not a new idea
of what a round-shot can do, at least an idea of the value of
Revolutionary anecdotes. It is true, however, that Major
Witherspoon,' a brave young Jerseyman, the much-loved son
of Parson Witherspoon, of Princeton, was killed in the fight,
and though we may distrust a part of Custis' details, there
is no reason to doubt the characteristic picture he gives of the
fearless North Carolinian : " The fiall of the animal threw its
unfortunate rider with considerable force to the ground.
With surpassing courage and presence of mind General Nash,
covering his wound with both hands, gayly called to his men:
* Never mind me, I have had a devil of a tumble ; rush on, my
boys ; rush on the enemy ; I'll be after you presently.' Human
nature could do n% more. Faint from loss of blood and the
intense agony of his wound, the sufferer was borne to a house
hard by and attended by Dr. Craik, by special order of the
Commander-in-Chief" He lingered in great suffering for two
or three days and then died, and on the 9th of October, he
was buried with military honors in the Mennonist graveyard
at Kulpsville, in the presence of General Washington's anny.'
* Armstrong to Wharton, Oct. 5, 1777.
* Major Witherspoon was an aid to Maxwell. See Officers and Men cf
New Jersey in the RevohUtonary War, by Gen. Wm. J. Stiyker.
* There can, wc think, be but little donbt that Gen. Nash was wounded som
distance above Chew's house, most likely abont the time when SnlliTai
Battle of Germantown. 895
There are innumerable anecdotes and incidents afloat relat-
ing to the care of the wounded, but these need not engage our
attention now. Local tradition ascribes some cruelty to the
IBritish in this respect, but it was probably only the harshness
of military discipline, for there is no evidence that the Ame-
xicans who fell into their hands received less care than their
own men.* They were removed to such shelter as convenience
suggested — the Haines house appears to have been used as a
ifield hospital — and a considerable number, according to Wat-
son, to the hill at the foot of the town ; but on the following
days the wounded were carried to the city, to the hospitals
there.
THE END.
And so ended the Battle of Germantown. In comparison
with the great engagements of recent history it seems a small
affair, but the armies that met there were not to be despised.
General Howe had probably ten thousand troops available,
though but a portion of these were actually engaged, and
among them were not a few battalions of which the Royal
Service was justly proud and the best of the Hessian auxili-
aries. Washington's force was, in round numbers, about
states that a portioQ of the reserve was ordered forward. Major Wither-
Bpoon was buried in front of Philip Weaver's house near Beggarstown, and
it is said he was killed by the side of the unfortunate General. Thomas
X'aine, who, on the morning of the 4th of October, left the camp that Wash-
ington had occupied and started for Germantown to see the battle, stated
Ihat the first man he met informed him that the British pickets had been
driven in and that they were put to flight. Shortly after that he met Qen.
Nash, who was being carried on a litter.
^ The contempt in which some of the British officers held the Americans
is well shown in a letter from Lord Lindsay, written immediately after the
battle. " This may well be called," he writes, " an unfortunate war for us
all. Hardly an officer but is now lamenting the loss of one of his brave
friends, and no man can look at the instruments of their misfortune without
pitying them still more for having died by the hands of fellows who have
liardly the form of men, and whose hearts are still more deformed than their
fi^ires." In direct contrast to this is the remark of the British soldier,
who said, as he witnessed the interment of the American dead, " don't bnry
them thus, and cast dirt in their faces, for they also are mothers' sons."
396 Battle of Geinnantown.
eight thousand soldiers of the line and three thousand militia;
hut the latter took no part in the action, which was pecu-
liarly a Continental battle, and one that has especial interest
from the fact that nearly, if not quit€, every one of the thir-
teen States was represented among the troops engaged. Each
of them had its own heroes there. New Hampshire had sent
Sullivan ; Massachusetts, Knox ; Rhode Island, Greene ; New
York, McDougall ; New Jersey, Stirling and Witherspoon ;
Pennsylvania, Wayne; Maryland, Smallwood; Virginia,
Muhlenberg and Matthews ; North Carolina, Nash ; South
Carolina, John Laurens and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney;
Georgia, Mcintosh.* Have I named them all? No; the
Delaware regiment was there, and a regiment fix)m Connecti-
cut. That makes the whole thirteen. We have remembered
some of these men in the names of our streets; we have
Washington, and Wayne ; Pulaski, Knox, and Green — ^that
name should have an "e" at the end of it. The next new
avenues opened in Germantown should be called for Sullivan
and Nash. Of the results of the battle and of the events that
followed it I shall not speak, except to say that the unsuccessful
Americans seem to have got Inore satisfaction fix)m it than did
their opponents, who not long after abandoned Germantown
and removed within a line of entrenchments directly north of
Philadelphia. Congress thanked the General and his army,*
and the General and each of his subordinates congratulated
the troops. " Although," said the Commander-in-Chief, " an
unfortunate fog, joined with the smoke, prevented the differ-
ent brigades from seeing and supporting each other, or some-
times even from distinguishing their fire from the enemy's,
and some other causes which as yet cannot be accounted for,
they finally retreated, they nevertheless see that the enemy is
not proof against a vigorous attack, and may be put to flight
when boldly pushed. This they will remember, and assure
themselves that on the next occasion a proper exertion of the
powers Qx)d has given them, and inspired by the cause of
' It is said Lachlane Mcintosh joined the armj just after the l>attle of
Brandywine.
* See Journals of Congress^ Oct. 8, 1777.
f
J^aUle of Germantoimu 897
freedom in which they are engaged, they will be victorious."*
^neral Greene did not take so calm a view of it. He had
*' the mortification to assure the troops that they fled from
victory," and he wished " most ardently that the troops could
he convinced of the necessity of retreating and rallying liko-
wise," and that "a retreat is not to be considered general
without the order as such."* He had satisfaction, however,
in assuring the troops ^Hhat the enemy suffered very
severely."
But is it really true that our countrymen " fled from vic-
tory ?" It is not an easy question to answer. Perhaps it is
not worth while to try. But if this account has presented the
Battle of Qermantown distinctly before your minds, I think
you will see that General Washington's undertaking failed
because, under all the circumstances, it was impossible for it to
Bucceed. The art of war, we must remember, was not in his
time what it is to-day. Napoleon had not then come upon the
field. The tactics, both great and small, that Washington had
learned were extremely simple, and the organization of the
army was more simple still. That essential instrumen to
Tnodem warfare, the general staff, had scarcely a rudimentary
existence. A battle once planned must be carried out precisely
according to the plan or else abandoned. General Washington
liimself, in an order issued the week after Germantown, ex-
pressed this idea very fully. " It is not for every officer to
Icnow the principles upon which every order is issued, and to
judge how they may and may not be dispensed with or sus-
pended, but their duty to carry them into execution with the
utmost punctuality and exactness. They are to consider that
military movements are like the working of a clock, and will
go equally, regularly, and easily if every officer does his duty ;
but without it, be as easily disordered, because neglect from
any one, like the stopping of a wheel, disorders the whole."'
In a general sense, of course this is as true now as ever ; but
a modem commander does not start his battle as he would
wind up his watch, and expect it to run of itself, but moves
* See Records of the Revolviionary War, by Saffell. 344.
s Ibid., 345. > Ibid., 346.
898 Battle of Germantown.
its parts rather as pieces upon a chess board, according to a
general plan, indeed, but also with reference to emergencies
as they arise. In this a large and efficient staff is of the first
necessity, and the greater the scale of the battle, the more
carefully conceived the plan, the more indispensable the gene-
ral staff. But Washington and the commanders of his time
had nothing resembling what we know by this term, and to
move an army in four detachments on such wide lines, over
such a country and among such obstacles as were encountered
at Germantown, without the means of constant communica-
tion, which should keep every part subject to the Generars
instant direction, was an enterprise that, according to our
modem ideas, would not appear promising. That it appa-
rently came so near success is a warning that we are to apply
the canons of modem military criticism to the operations of
a hundred years ago with considerable caution, for the same
limitations in the strategy and tactics of the day that
governed the operations of one commander controlled those of
his antagonist. How far General Washington waa in advance
of his age as a military commander it is no part of this paper's
purpose to discuss, but I am sure that no one can study any
episode in his career as I have just been studying this of the
Battle of Germantown without feeling more and more the
man's immense moral stature, which seems to dwarf that of
every one around him. The dignity, the gentleness, the
patience, the strength of will, the indomitable courage, the
unfaltering trust in God, and the unswerving devotion to duty
through evil and through good report — if these do not con-
stitute greatness, where are we to look for it ? We do well
to commemorate the Battle of Germantown, to repeat its story
and teach it to our children. What matters it whether our
little army, in that one day's straggle, won or lost ? It is by
rough ways only that the stars are reached ; by daring and
by suffering that victory is won ; and surely this story brings
before us, right here at our very doors, the patient courage of
the men who carried to its happy end that long and weary
struggle, and under God's good providence achieved the task
that was set before them, to make for us an inheritance which
we by like courage and like devotion only can maintain.
^
BatUe of Germantown. 399
UNPUBLISHED PAPERS RELATING TO THE BATTLE
OP GERMANTOWN.
Thk Order op Battle.
From the Wayne MS, Communicated by the Hon, George Bancroft,
Order op Battle op the 4th, at Gbbmantown.
3d Oct. 1777.
The Troops to be in Readiness to march at six this evening. The Divi-
sions of Sullivan and Wayne to form the Right wing, and attack the enemy's
left, they are to march above Monitony [Manatawny] Road. The Divisions
of Green and Stephen to form the left wing and attack the enemy's right,
they are to march down the Scipback [Skippuck] road. Genl. Conway to
march in front of the troops that compose the right wiug and file oflT to attack
the enemy's left Genl. McDougall to march in front of the Troops that
compose the left wing, and file oflT to attack the enemy's Right flank.
Genl. Nash and Genl. Maxwell's Brigades to form the corps de reserve,
and to be commanded by Major Genl. Lord Stirling. The corps de reserve
to pass above the Scipack [Skippack] road. Genl. Armstrong to pass down
the Ridge road and pass by Livcrius Tavern and take guides to cross Wes-
sahochen [Wissahickon] creek above the head of John Van Deerings Mill
dam so as to fall above Joseph Warner's new house.
Smallwood and Forman to pass down the road by a Mill, formerly Danl.
Morris's and Jacob Edges mill into the White Marsh road, at the Sandy
Run, thence to White Marsh Church, where take the left hand Road which
leads to Jenkins's Tavern in the Old Tork Road below Armitages beyond
the seven mile stone, half a mile from which a Road tnrns off short to the
right hand fenced on both sides which leads through the enemy's encamp-
ment to Germantown Market House.
Genl. McDougall to attack the Right wing of the enemy in flank and rear.
Genl. Conway to attack the enemy's left flank, and Genl. Armstrong to attack
their left wing in flank and rear.
The Militia who are to act on the flanks not to have cannon. Packs and
blankets to be left, the men are to carry their provisions in their Haversacks
or any other manner least inconvenient.
All the Pioneers of each Division who are to march to be left
with the Baggage and spare artillery, these to be commanded by
a Sub from each Brigade, and the whole by a field officer — are to
move in front of their respective Divisions with all the axes they
^ can muster.
Every officer and Soldier to have a piece of white paper on his hat. The
Piquets will be left at Van deering's Mill, to be taken off by Genl. Arm-
strong, one at Italian [Allen's] House on Mt. Airy by Genl. Sullivan, one
at Liveans [Luken's] Mill by (Genl.) Green.
Each column is to make their disposition so as to attack the Piquets in
Erased
in the
original.
400 Battle of GermaniowfL
their respective routes precisely at five o'clock, with charged bayonetB and
withoQt fireing, and the column to move to the attack as soon as possible.
The columns to endeavour to get within two miles of the enemy's Piquets
on their respective routes by two o'clock and there halt till four, and make
the disposition for attacking the Piquets at the time above mentioned.
The columns of Continental Troops and Militia to communicate with each
other from time to time by Lt. Horse— Proper flanking parties to be kept
out from each column.
CoL. Stewart to Gwr. Gates.
From the Original in the OcUes* Papers in the New York Historieal
Society. Communicated by John Austin Stevens, Librarian,
Camp 26 milks fbom Philada., Oct 12, 1777.
Mt Dear Sir : The last time I had the pleasure of writing you was about
the 2nd or 3rd when I g^ve you a small sketch of what had passed after the
Battle of Brandy Wine untill we crossed the Schuylkill, on the 4th in the
afternoon we had orders to march at 6 o'clock and march'd all that Night
towards the Enemy the distance about 1 2 miles ; on account of the darkness
of the night and badness of some Roads we did not arrive at onr appointed
place until past 6 O'Clock (the Disposition for Attack you have Inclos'd) at
which time the attack was begun by Sullivan and Wayne, we however join'd
in about 15 Minutes, when the Action became very general, at the distance
sometimes of twenty and sometimes forty yards. We however began to gain
Ground on them, and in an hour from the beginning their Army was on the
retreat in all Quarters, the right of our Army got into Germantown where
they were a good deal annoy'd from the Houses particularly Chews in which
they had four field Pieces and 500 men, this stop'd the whole right and kepi
them engag'd for a long time untill the Enemy had time to rally and return
to the charge, when 1 believe the right stagger'd a good deal and shortly
gave way. On the left of our Army where Green and Stevens were, our
success was great When I first engag'd we were a mile and a half from
Germantown, and before we ended I got to the Market house at German-
town. General McDougle who was to have attacked the [enemy] on their
ripht flank, never got to his ground, which Expos'd our flank much and I
happened to be detached and fell on the left of the whole where I engag'd
the 5th and 38th they both ran lustily and I took a little flush redoubt with
three pieces of Cannon from them I had cursed hot Work for it before they
left them : but every thing appeared in our favour when the Unfortunate
retreat took place, which cannot vet be accounted for ; it is left on Genl.
Stevens who certainlr pave the order to the left wing, he is suspended and
today a Court of Enquiry sits of which Tx)rd Sterling is President Oar
loss that day is between six and seven hundred the accounts from Philada.
are preat. Miss T.ncy Lenard is come out and says Genl. Agnieu was killed
on the spot, Genl. Grant mortally wounded and two Hessian Genl's kiUed
BcUUe of Gnmantown. 401
that 52 officers were buried in one day and that they had kill'd on the spot
780 Priyates ; Indeed every account that has come out since, makes it a
great deal more but this will do pretty well. They are much alarm'd form-
ing Abbalies all round Philada., she heard the officers say at dinner, twas
the severest Blow they had yet met with, twas plan'd with Judgement,
executed with Spirit and they cant tell why we left it unless for want of
Ammunition they informed her I lay dead on the field, am very happy they
are so much mistaken. This afternoon or tomorrow believe wo again advance
the next Action think will be decisive ; a heavy firing has been these two
days at the fort, hope in God they will stand it. We are very Impatient to
hear from you. I am my dear General
Tr Obliged Sincere Friend,
Waltsb Stbwabt.
I hope one day or another to pay you a visit in Canada when you have the
Government.
(SnperscriptSon) — ^To the Honourable Major General Gates Commanding
the Northern Army.
LXTTEB FROM GbNL. SmaLLWOOD.
FVom the Sparks Manuscripts in the Library of Harvard CoUege.
Communicated hy John L. Sibley^ A.M., Librarianj with
permission of Mrs. Sparks.
Philadxlphia County, Hatfield Township, Oct. 9, 1777.
Mt DiAR Friend: Good news for America, such perhaps as will re-
lieve you from that state of suspencc and anxiety which your last to me
expressed you to be in. The enemy's situation being reconnoitred, Their
number being nearly ascertained, his Excellency in Council with the other
General Officers on the 3d Inst, unanimously resolved on the expediency of
attacking, and accordingly the Army moved at 6 o'CIock in the Evening ia
4 Columns towards the enemy in the following order : The divisions of Sul-
livan and Wayne to form the right wing and attack the enemy's lefL The
divisions of Green and Stephens to form the left wing and attack the
enemy's right. Genl. Conway with his Brigade to march in front of the
Troops that Compose the right wing and file off to attack the enemy's left.
Genl. McDongal to march in front of the Troops that Compose the left wing
and file off to attack the enemy's right Flank. Genl. Armstrong to fall in
and attack the enemy's rear upd left Flank. And Smallwood with his division
anJ Genl. Fourman's Brigade to attack the enemy's rear and right Flank ;
And Genl. Nashe's and Maxwell's Brigades to form the Corps de Reserve,
and be Commanded by Major Genl. T^ord Stirling, in this order the columns
moved on from l.'i to 20 miles agreeable to the distance of their rcspectivi^
routes, and at 4 o'CIock made the disposition for attackinsr generally, at .5
o'clock in the morning when the picquets were to be cut off, which was the
402 Battle of Germantown.
Signal for the whole to begin the attack, which soon after became Ckne-
ral and the enemy were as generally repulsed and drove for near 5 honn,
when oar Ammunition on the right and in some other parts grew scarce,
which together with our Troops in the Centre being flashed with sncoess, and
their officers not attending to preserve their order, they got into Coofosion
by the pursuit, and contributed to loose one of the most glorious Victories
perhaps that America for some time may have an opportunity of gaining.
The retreat commenced in that quarter where very little of their Ammuni-
tion was expended, and in the midst of Victory at a time when no person
could account for it, nor can the cause of it yet be ascertained. Tho there
is a charge exhibited which upon inquiry may perhaps better account for
the cause. The enemy themselves are amazed and at a loss to account
for the retreat tho they attribute it to the want of ammunition, part of
the centres retreating composed of Continental Troops, set the example to
others to retreat, and the sentiment that it was necessary, from the impres-
sion of so bad an example in the first instance, lead many more, which in-
duced Genl. Washington (after many effortA to carry them on to the charge
were found ineffectual) to order a retreat, which was prosecuted with little
or no other loss than the field of action, which to our reproach was shameful
to abandon in the midst of Victory, after taking possession of their encamp-
ment and baggage with many pieces of artillery and military Stores.
Your, Ac., Ac,
Wm. Smaixwood.
Tmtimokt op the Sooibtt of Fbiknds against Wab.
Transmitted to Generals Washington and Howe by the CommiUee^
James Thornton, William Brown, Nicholas Wain, Warner,
Mifflin, Joshua Morris, and Samuel Emlen.
A Testimony given forth from our Yearly Meeting, held at Philadelphia,
for Pennsylvania and New Jersey, by Adjournments, from the 29th
Day of the Ninth Month to the 4th of the Tenth Month inclusive, 1777.
A Number of our Friends having been imprisoned and banished, unheard,
from their Families, under a Charge of Insinuation that " they have in their
" general Conduct and Conversation evidenced a Disposition inimical to the
" Cause of America," and from some Publications intimating that " there
'• is strong Reason to apprehend that these Persons maintain a Correspon-
- dence highly prejudicial to the public Safety ;" may induce a Belief that we
have in our Conduct departed from the peaceable Principles which we pro-
fess ; and apprehending that the Minds of some may thereby be misled; for
the clearing of Truth, we think it necessary publicly to declare, that we are
led out of all Wars and Fightings by the Principle of Grace and Truth in
our own Minds, by which we are restrained either as private Members of
Society or in any of our Meetings, from holding a Correspondence with
either Army; [but are] concerned to spread the Testimony of Truth
Battle of Germantowru 408
WLTid the peaceable Doctrines of Christ, to seek the good of all — to keep a
Oonscience void of Offence towards God and Man — to promote the Kingdom
the Messiah, which we pray may come, and be experienced in Individuals,
Kingdoms and Nations ; that they may beat their Swords into Plow-shares
SLnd their Spears into Pmning-hooks, and Nation not lift up Sword against
^^ation, neither learn War any more, Isai. ii. 4. And deny in general
'erms, all Charges and Insinuations which in any Degree clash with this
nr Profession.
As to a nameless Paper lately published, said to be dated at Spank-Town
early-Meeting, and found among the Baggage on Staten Island, every
person who is acquainted with our Stile, may be convinced it was nevtr
^Vf rote at any of our Meetings, or by any of our Friends. Besides, there is no
^ieeting throughout our whole Society of that Name, nor was that Letter,
or any one like it, ever wrote in any of our Meetings since we were a People.
"^e therefore solemnly deny the said Letter and its Authors ; and wish that
"^ose who have assumed a fictitious Character to write under, whether with
d View to injure us or to cover themselves, might find it their Place to clear
WIS of this Charge by stating the Truth.
And as from the Knowledge wo have of our banished Friends, and the
T)eBt Information we have been able to obtain, we are convinced they have
done nothing to forfeit their just Right to Liberty ; we fervently desire that
all those who have any hand in sending them into Banishment, might weightily
consider the Tendency of their own Conduct, and how contrary it is to the
Doctrines and Example of our Lord and Law-giver Christ Jesus ; and do
them that Justice which their Case requires, by restoring them to their af-
flicted Families and Friends : And this we are well assured will conduce
more to their Peace than keeping them in Exile. We give forth this Ad-
monition in the Fear of God, not only with a View to the Relief of our
Friends, but also to the real Interest of those concerned in their Banishment.
Having been favoured to meet to transact the Affairs of our Religious
8ociety, which relate to the Promotion of the Cause of Truth and Righteous-
ness, we have felt a renewed Concern for the Good and Happiness of Man-
kind in general, and in the Love of the Gospel have issued forth this Testi-
mony, for the clearing ourselves and our Friends, and the warning of those,
Mrho from groundless Suspicions and mistaken Notions concerning us, maybe
persuaded to seek our Hurt, to the wounding their own Souls and the Loss
of the Community.
Signed by Order and on Behalf of the Yearly Meeting, by
Ibajlo Jackson, Clerk.
404 JoumcU of William Black.
JOURNAL OF WILLIAM BLACK,
1744.
SiCRKTABT or THS GOMMI88IONBR8 APPOINTED BT Gk>TBRlfOB GOOCH,
YlBGINIA, TO UKITB WITH TH08K PROM THB COLONIB8 OP PsflTSTLTAKIA
AND MaBTLAND, TO TBBAT WITH THB iBOi^UOIB OB SiX NATIONS
OP Indians, in bbpebbnce to thb lands wbst op the
Allegheny Mountains.
Edited by R. Alonio Brook, SeoreUry of the YirginU HiitoriMl Soeiety.
(Oontinued from page 940.)
Philadelphia, T%ur$day Slit
Where I left you last night I found myself this morning
about 6 O'clock, and at 7 I ventur'd up and went to the
Commissioners' Lodgings, where I BreakfiEusted and wrote till
near 12 O'Cloek, when I went Home and Dress'd myself, and
Join'd the Company at the Coffee House, who were to Meet
there in order partake of the proffcr'd bounty of Mr. Thomas
Lawrence,^ one of the Honourable Council, Alderman, and i
Considerable Merchant of the City ; Din'd between 1 and 2
O'clock in Company with the Governor and several other
Gentlemen of the Town. After Dinner, the Commissioners,
with the Governor in his Coach, took a ride two or three
Miles out to view the Curious Plantation belonging to Mr,
Turner ;* the rest of the Levee with myself, with some of our
New Acquaintance, took a turn to the Center House,* where is
* Thomas Lawrence was the bod of Thomaa Lawrence and Elisabetli
Lewis. He was in business with Edward Shippen (of Lancaster). He was
a member of the Common Council, an Alderman, one of the OoTemor'a
Council, and five times Mayor of the city. He died in his fifth mayoralty,
April 25, 1753, and is buried in Christ Church g^und, where his yault is
one of the few on which armorial bearings can be traced.
' Joseph Turner, whose place spoken of was on the late Turner's Lane.
He was a partner of Mr. Allen, to whom he was nearly related. He was
appointed a member of the Governor's Council in May. 1747, and held
various offices under the Provincial Goyemment. He died at his seat at an
advanced age in 1783.
* At Penn Square.
406 Jcfwmal of WiUiam Black.
Stall to Stall where they cou'd make the beet Market, wm
with their Maid behind them with a Basket to carry home
the Purchase, Others that were designed to buy but trifles, a*
a little fresh Butter, a Dish of Green Peas, or the like, hfiiA
Good Nature and Humility enough to be their own Portere*>
I have so much Regard for the fair Sex that I Imagined, lil^^
the Woman of in the Holy Writ, some Charm
touching even the hem of their G^^rments ; after I had ma<
my Market, which was One penny worth of Whey and
Nose Gay, I Disengag'd myself from the Multitude, and ma
the best of my way to Mr. Strettell's where I Breakfeste^^^^ *'
after Breakfast I Exchang'd the Conmiissioner's Bills fi
Gold and Paper Money to the Value of 700 and odd Pounc^^^*^^
and after I settled the Account retum'd to my Lodgings,
order to Dress my self and Join the Commissioners, Ac. w
Design 'd after Dinner to pay a Visit to Mr. James Loga^=^ -
who through the Infirmities of Old age hastened on with
lingering Distemper had Retir'd from Business, to live at
Beautiful House^ he had about 4 miles from the City : At
O'clock P.M. : at the Invitation of Secretary Peters, I we
with him to the three Tunn Tavern in Water Street,' whe
in Company with the Gentlemen of the Levee & two or th
more of the Town, I Din'd, and after a few Glasses of G
Madeira, Mr. Lee, Mr. Littlepage, Mr. Brooks and My self se
out in order to Accompany the Commissioners to Mr. Logan's
they were gone before we got to their Lodgings, but with th
Help of some very good Horses, which we were Obliged to 8om<
of the Town's Gentlemen for, we soon came up with them, and
Mr. Strettell & Son, who were with them. We got to Mr.
Logan's, a few minutes after 3, and found him hid in the
Bushes, an Expression the Indians used when Treating with
the Province at Philadelphia, in July 1742, saying "They
were sorry to find their Good Friend James Logan hid in the
Bushes," Meaning, it gave them concern their Friend was so
' Stenton.
« It stood at the corner of Ton Alley and Water Street, which at th»
present day runs from 120 S. Delaware Arenae to 121 S. Water Street
/
Journal of William Black. 407
xnuch Oppress'd with Sickness as to be Oblig'd to live a Life
Hetir'd from Public afltiairs : he had been a very great Ben^
factor to the Indians, and Conducted several Treaties with
-fchem, and they having always found him true to them, had
an Extraordinary Re^ for hun : The Commissioner had
some Conversation with him about the Indians, and told him,
liifl Advice would be of the lust Consequence to them m Con-
ducting the Treaty, he appeared somewhat Eeserv'd and
Spoke very little : At last the Tea Table was Bet, and one
of his Daughter presented herself in Order to fill out the
IFashionable Warm Water : I was really very much Surpriz'd
at the Appearance of so Charming a Woman, in a place where
the seeming Morosness, and Gratified Father's Appearance,
Promised no such Beauty, tho' it must be allow 'd the Man
aeem'd to have some Remains of a handsome enough Person,
and a Complection beyond his years, fcfr he was turn'd oflT 70 :
But to return to the Lady, I declare I burnt my Lips more
than once, being quite thoughtless of the wannness of my
Tea, entirely lost in Contemplating her Beauties.
She was tall, and Slender, but Exactly well Shap'd her
Features Perfect, and Complection tho' a little the whitest,
yet her Countehance had something in it extremely Sweet,
her Eyes Expressed a very great Softness, denoting a Composed
Temper and Serenity of Mind, Her Manner was Grave and
Heserv'd, and to be short, She had a Sort of Majesty in her
I^erson, and Agreeableness in her Behaviour, which at Once
Surprized and Charmed the Beholders '} After the Tea Tabic
^was removed, we were going to take leave, but it appear'd
xve must first view his Library, which was Custojnary with
liim, to any Persons of Account, He had really a very fine
Collection of Books, both Ancient and Modern, he seem'd to
IRegrate that none of his Sons knew how to use them, and
that he designed them as a Legacy to the City when he Died :*
* The ladj bo faTorably described by the journalist was no doubt Hannah,
second daughter of James Logan, who In 1748 married John Smith, the
ancestor of our excellent citizen John Jay Smith.
' The collection now forms a portion of the Loganian Library, and is con-
nected with the Philadelphia Library Company.
408 Journal of William Black.
After the Old Gentlemau had been Complimented on his fine
Taste we Departed. From this Mr. Strettell carried us to
German Town about a mile further, where he had a little
Country House to which he used to come and spend 8om<
part of the Summer Months, his Wife was then there: Ger —
man Town about 6 miles from Philadelphia, is a Continu
Row of Houses on each side of a Public Road, for more tha
a Mile and a half, the Inhabitants are Chiefly Dutch, and
a very Good Church with Organs in the Town.* We
till near Sun-down at Mr. Strettell's Villa, where we w
very kindly Received by Mrs. Strettell, she appear'd to be
very Agreeable Woman, and Considering she was in y
was Admirably well Shap'd : Mr. Strettell had not been lo
in Philadelphia, he came over from London with a Cargoe o
Goods about 9 years Since, and had very Gkxxi Success
Trade, he was one of the Friends, but seem'd not oiuch Al-—
fected to their under hand way of Dealing and Cloak o
Religion, he, I really do believe, appear'd what he really was^-
a very Honest Dealer, and Sincere in everything he Acted
he was a very Modest Man in Company, Spoke little, bu
what he said was always worth the Noticing, as he gav
everything Consideration before he Delivered it ; he was of a
Crazy Constitution, and Consequently very Moderate in
Drinking and kept Good horses, tho' I believe that was rather
Natural, than forc'd for his Health ; he had only one son who
Liv'd with him, about 19, and was in Partnership with him
in Trade, he appear'd to be a very Promising Sober and well
Inclin'd young Man,* and much Attached to Business, even
Uncommon for his years. We got to Town about Dark, and
Spent the Evening at the Commissioner's Lodgings, where I
Sup'd and about 10 at Night went home to my Lodging.
' Gennantown was founded in 1683 by F. D. Paatorios. Philadelphia at
that time consisted only of three or four little cottages.
Gabriel Thomas states that in 1696, all Borts of good paper and fine Ger-
man linen were manafactnred here. — Watson*9 AnndU^ vol. i.
' Robert Strettell had two sons ; Amos, the one alluded to, was the ddett,
the other, John, resided with his grand&ther, John Owen, in LondoiL
Journal of William Black. 409
PuiLADBLPuiA, Soturday, June 2d.
This Morning I Rose about 6 O'Clock and made Journal
Entries till Breakfast time. Then, I went with Bob Brooks
to Mr. Kerr's Lodgings where we drunk Tea, then I re-
turned to Mr. Peters's and wrote till near 12, at which time
C!olonel Taylor and Mr. Lewis paid me a Visit, I Dress'd
and with them went to meet the Commissioners at the Coffee
house,^ from which we were to go to the Tunn Tavern to
Dine, having an Livitation the day before from the Governor
who ia a Member of the Clubb or certain Number of Gtentle-
men that Meet at this house every Saturday to Eat Beef-
Stakes, and from that is Call'd the Beef-Stake Clubb ; but
when Dinner came there was more than twenty Dishes besides
that of Stakes, sometime after Dinner, the young men and
myself took a turn to the privateer that was Rigging at Mr.
Andrew Hamilton's Wharf, and after that Mr. Littlepage
and I went to Mr. Plumsted's,* where we staid till dark, the
Governor, and the Commissioners having spent the Afternoon
together, in the Evening went to the Clubb. I had an Ap-
pointment to meet Mr. Kerr, Capt. Crawford, and two or
three more at a certain House, and the hour being come, I
hastened to the Place, I found them all there, and in humour
to be very Merry, Some of the Company Drunk Punch, others
Wine, According as their Inclinations led them : We got in
Discourse on several Subjects which would be Foreign to my
Purpose to Relate : Only I must put down for a Memoran-
dum to My Self; What past between two Gentlemen of the
Company with whom I had no Acquaintance, their Conver-
' Previous to the openinjir of the London Coffee House at the S. W. cor-
■er of Front and Market Streets by Bradford in 1754, a public house of that
name was kept by the Widow Roberts in Front Street below Black Horse
Alley, and was probably that visited by the commissioners.
' Either Clement Plamsted j)r his son William ; both were prominent
citiaens at the time, the former being a common coancillor, and the latter an
alderman. Clement Plnmsted was a member of the Governor's Council and
three times Mayor of the city. William was twice Mayor of the city, and
died in 1765 during the Stamp Act excitement According to Watson, he
was buried without the pomp which was then customary at the funerals of
penons of prominence.
28
410 Journal of William BlacL
sation turn'd mostly on Several Characters; the one found
something that was Praise-worthy in every Body that was
mentioned, he dropped all their Faults and Talked of nothing
but their Good Qualities Sought out Good Motives for every
Action that had the Appearance of bad turned Extravagance
into Generosity, Avarice into Prudence, & so on through the
whole Catalogue of Virtues and Vices : On the Contrary th©
other fell to Cutting up every Fresh Person that was brougW
on the Carpet, without any Mercy: He loaded them with
Blemishes, was Silent on all their Perfections, Imputed Good
Actions to bad Motives, Looked thro' the Magnifying Gl^^
on all their DeflEects, and through the other end of the persp^^^
tive on Everything that was Commendable in them. In *
word they were as Opposite in their way of thinking, as
Black is to White, or Light to Darkness. This Contrast in
these two, and the eagerness with which they Espous'd their
Favourite Topicks one of Praising, and the other of Blaming,
put me on the Serious, to Consider the Motives from which
they both Acted, I cou'd not help thinking well of him who
Judg'd so Favourably. But I cou'd not think favourably of
him who cou'd not think well of any Body, for my part, I
shall always look on those People who are so Suspicious, and
cannot have a Good opinion of any, as such, who Possess very
little Goodness themselves, and Impute their Dexterity in
observing the faults they Esclaim, more to the Badness of
their Heads than the Goodness of their Heads. But I was
somewhat surprised when after the company broke up, I
Enquired of my Acquaintance the Character of the Disput-
ants, on his telling these Gentlemen was quite the Reverse of
what they appeared to be, and what they Argued was merely
for the Argument Sake, I seem'd satisfy'd, but I cou'd not
help thinking. Contradiction had a finger in the Pye. To
conclude we parted about 12 O'Clock at Night; two of the
Company was so Civil that they wou'd see me to my Lodgings,
where they wisht me Qood Night, and I got into the ^eets
as fEist as Possible.
Jofwrwd of William Black. 411
Philadelphia, Sunday^ Jane 3rd.
Rose at 7, took Beveral turns in the Garden with Mr. Peters
& Bob Brooks, afterwards I went to Mr. Strettells; found
Colonel Lee not well, having Intermitting Fevers, for which
he Resol'd to take the Bark ; after Breakfast I retum'd to my
Room and Dress'd, and in Company with Mr. Secretary, Col.
Beverley, and some more of our Gang, I went to Christ's
Church, where I heard a very Good Discourse on the Words
in the 19 Ch. of Matthew and 46 Verse. This Church is a
very Stately Building, but is not yet Finished. The Paint-
ings of the Altar Piece will, when done, be very Grand ; two
Rows of Corinthian Pillars, and Arches tum'd from the one
to the other Supports the Roof and the Galleries, the Peughs
and Boxes were not all done so that everything seem'd half
finished. I was not a little Surpris'd to see such a Number of
Fine Women in one Church, as I never had heard Philadelphia
noted Extraordinary that way ; but I must say, since I have
been in America, I have not seen so fine a Collection at one
time and Place. After this Congregation was Dismissed,
Colonel Taylor, Mr. Lewis, &c., of the Levee went to the
Commissioners' Lodgings, where we found Colonel Lee ready
to go to Mr. Andrew Hamilton's* where we were Livited to
Bine this Day ; about a Quarter after 1 O'Clock we had Din-
aer, and I do assure you a very fine one, but as I am not able
to draw up a Bill of Fare, I shall only say, that we had very
Hear 18 Dish of Meat, besides a very nice Collation ; after this
tvas over, it was time for to think of going to Church for
^Afternoon, accordingly, most of our young Company \vith my
Self, went in order to Visit the Reverend Mr. Gilbert Tcii-
iiant,* a Disciple of the Great Whitefield, whose followers are
' The residence of Andrew Hamilton was the once celebrated Bush Hill»
the site of which is within the present built-up portion of Philadelphia. In
1791, John Adams, while Vice-President of the United States, resided in
the Hamilton Mansion, and the letters of Mrs. Adams giye a description of
it at that time. It was then two miles firom the city. In 1793 Bush Hill
was used as a Hospital for Yellow Fever patients.
« The Reverend Gilbert Tennant was the son of the Rev. Wm. Tennant, a
cousin of James Logan, who conducted successfully for a long series of years
a school which was popularly known as the " Log College."
Gilbert Tennant embraced the doctrines of Whitefield and was one of his
412 Journal of William Black.
Caird the New Lights ; we found him Delivering his Doo-
trine with a very Qood Grace, Split his Text as Judiciously,
tum'd up the Whites of his Eyes as Theologically, Cuff 'd hie
Cushion as Orthodoxly, and twist'd his Band as Primitively
as his Master Whitefield^ coud have done, had he been their«
himself; We were not Converts enough to hear him to E^^n
end, but withdrew very Circumspectly, and bent our Counee
to the Quaker Meeting,* where we found one of the Trav^^l-
ling Friends, Labouring Under the Spirit very Powerfiill
had he been a little more Calm, and not hurried himself so o
as if he had not half time to say what he had in his Miik^ ^-^
We as well as the Rest of his Brethem, woud have receiv
more Listruction, but one Sentence came so fast treading
the heels of Another, that I was in great paiYi of his Choa
ing : however, we had Patience to hear him out, and after
little Pause he gave us a Short Prayer, and then Stru
hands with two Elderly Friends on his Right and Left,
we broke up ; Li the Evening I went & Spent an hour wi
Capt. Blair, after which I came to Mr. Strettell's where
Sup'd and about 9 O'Clock went to my Lodgings, where T'
had Spent sometime in Reading. I went to Bed 35 Minutes
after 10.
Pehjidblphia, Monday j June the 4tii.
This Morning the Sun hardly saw me in Bed, I was up at
4 O'clock, and went to Engage Riding Horses and a Waggon
to Transport us to Lancaster, I found great Difficulty to per-
suade the People to promise their Horses. As we were not
certain of the time we shoud be ready to go, at 9 I Returned
to Mr. Strettell's where I Breakfasted, and Inform'd the Com-
most zealons and ardnoas disciples ; bis efforts caused a schism in Uie First
Presbyterian Cburcb, and led to tbe building of the chareh at the oorner
of 3rd and Arch Streets.— Watson^s Annals, vol. L 288.
In 1774 Tennant preached in the buildinfjf known as the *' Old Aoademy,"
erected by the admirers of Whitefield.— See Franklin*9 Autobiography.
' Whitefield in the year 1739 preached on Society Hill to 15,000 pertons.
His influence was so great that public amnsements, dancing, balls, aad eon-
certs were suspended. — Ibid., vol. i. 173.
* Southwest comer Market and Second Streets.
Journal of WiUiam £lack. 418
niBsioners of my Suocees. This Forenoon I was Employed in
"^roting, and Colonel Lee kept his Room all the Day, taking
^he Bark. After 12, 1 went home and Dress'd in Order to
^oin our Company who were ter Dine at Mr. Jno. Sober's,* a
"^ery Considerable Merchant in the City, a few Minutes after
"H, we had a very handsome Entertainment, Variety of Dishes,
Serv'd up in the very best manner ; aft^r some Healths had
^ne round in Bumpers, I slipt away, and Retum'd to Col.
Xee; this Afternoon I wrote from the Mouth of Colonel
James Patton, of Augusta County* (who arriv'd in Town the
day before, and had been in Lancaster in his way hither), the
Particulars of the Skirmish, that had happened between the
Inhabitants of the said County, and some of the Shawana
Indians in December, 1742 :* In the Forenoon Colo. Beverley
had been with Colo. Patton to the Governor, that he might
hear from Colonel Patton's Mouth a Relation of the Matter,
and how that Affiiir Eeallj was, wherein the Virginians had
been Represented to his Honour and the People of this Pro-
vince in a very wrong Light, and that Hostilities were first
begun on their side, but the Governor on hearing Colonel
Patton, he seem'd Satisfy'd that the Indians were the first
Aggressors. I eat Supper at Mr. Strettell's, and about 10 at
^ight went to my Lodgings.
PHn.ADBLPHiA, Tuesday the 5th.
Rose at 6 O'Clock, went and Bought a Hundred Lemons for
Sea-store ; eat Breakfast at Mr. Strettell's, and at 11 in the
' John Sober was an alderman and a member of Common Council, and
one of the snbscriberB to the dancing assembly of 174d.
' Colonel James Patton was a native of Donegal, Ireland, a man of pro-
perty and owner of a ship, who emigrated to Virginia abont 1738. He ob-
tained for himself and associates a grant of 120,000 acres of land in the
Yalley. He settled on the South Fork of the Shenandoah. — CampbeWM
Fa., 433.
' In the month of December, 1743, Captain John McDowell, surveyor of
the land in Bardin's Grant, falling into an ambush, was slain, together with
eight comrades, in a skirmish with a party of Shawnee Indians. This oc-
curred at the junction of the North Biver with the James. — CamphdVsVa ^
432.
414 Journal of WiUiam Black
forenoon, with CJolonel Beverley and the Gentlemen of the
Levee, I went to the State House, where Doctor Spencer Enter-
tain'd Us very Agreeably with several Philosophical Transao
tions, first he Prov'd and Illustrated by Experiments, Six
Isaac Newton's Theory of Light and Colours, also Sevewl
Curious Objects Shown by the Solar Microscope, together
with the Circulation of the Blood, all which he perfonrx'd
very much to the Satisfaction of the Spectators ; then "We
retum'd to Mr, Strettell's, and from thence with Colonel L^e,
to Mr. John Turner's, where in company with his Honour
the Governor and several other Towns Gentlemen we Din'dL
In the Afternoon Arrived an Express to the Secretaiy, with
the following Letter from Conrad Weiaer:—
To Richard Peters, Esq., in Philadelphia.
Jane the 2Dd, 1744, in the Even'g.
Sir: This Afternoon about 5 of the Clock, Shickelamy
Arriv'd Accompanied by his Grandson ; he Informs me, that
notice had been eiven to the several Towns of the Six Nations
by the Council ot Onondago ; that their several Deputies shoud
get ready to set out at such a day for Pennsylvania (which
was the 18th day of May last). Accordingly the Oneidoe's
Deputies set out, and after having finished their Canoes on a
Branch of Susquehannah, they sett oft* and came to Otzininky,
near a Branch of said River, that comes from Onondago ; but
they coud hear nothing of the Onondagus, they supposed them
to be at the head of said Branch Making their Canoes. These
Oneidoes came along to Idyixogan' a great Branch of Susque-
hannah, that comes down from the Cayingos and SonickerSy
they heard nothing of this last Mentionea Indian Deputiee,
(here the Tuscorara Deputies staid, who had set out with
them, living near toffether) the Oneidoes arriv'd at Shicke-
lamy's the 80th of mi Month, only Six Men. Shickelamy
Assures me, that the several Deputies had certainly set out at
the said time : As for the Special Messengers, the Council
at Onondago had proi^is'd to send Shickelamy an Account,
for he believes the whole Company to be near, and is in haste
to go home to-morrow ; but I expect still such a Messenger ;
be It how it will, the Indians are a coming, and Shickelamy,
will send a Letter from Shomockeor* after they Arrive there,
if none are sent before by the Chie& of the said Indians
> Pine Greek. ' Shamokin.
Journal of William Black. 415
which I think can hardly be otherways. I must have all
this to his Honour the Governor, what he may think proper
to Inform the Governor of Maryland of, I am at a loss because
no certain time can be mentioned of their arriving ; untill the
second Messenger Arrive, I cannot write anything to Gover-
nor Bladen.
I am a little better than I have been, the Fever abated very
much last night ; but if these Indians should be so near as
Shickelamy Imagine, I can be of no Service to the Treaty, for
I cant go from Home, for having ha<l such a Fever, as I In-
form'd you of a few days ago, this two weeks every Night, and
a Continual Sweat upon one every day, and coud not eat at
all till this very day, when Victuals seem to stay ^yith me, has
brought me very low down. I am Resigned to Divine Provi-
dence in all thin^, so in this ; in the meantime, I am hopes to
recover soon. Shickelamy is very glad that the Conmiissioners
are arriv'd in Philadelphia : this is all present which I can
Inform, am in hopes soon to be able, upon the arrival of the
Second Messenger, to inform more : You will acquaint our
Governor of this, who is more able to form a Judgment out
of all this, what to write to Governor Bladen, than i ; no body
needs to Stirr, I shall write to Lancaster, to order Provision
to be got ready, I have sent my Son to-day to Mr. Cookson,
about Six hours before Shickelamy arrived, but must send him
again so soon as he comes home. With my Kind Bespects.
I am Sir Yours.
CONBAD WEISER
P. S. — June the 8rd in the morning Shickellamy ftirther
informs ; that the Interpretor of Albany had been among the
five Nations, to Invite thorn to Albany to Treat with the
Governor of New York.
I Continue under a great Sweat but for the violence of
Fever I hope is over.
Be pleas'd to Dispatch my Son as soon as Possible.
In the Evening in Company with Mr. Lewis, and Mr.
Littlepage I went to Mr. Levy's' a Jew, and very Considerable
Merch't, he was a Widdower. And his Sister Miss Hettie Levy
kept his House. We staid Tea, and was very agreeably Enter-
tain'd by the Young Lady ; She was of the middle Stature,
and very well made her Complection Black but very Comely,
> Probably Sftnuon LtTj, a Bobscriber to the dancing assembly of 1748.
416 Jmmai of WUUam Black.
she had two Charming Eyes, full of Fire and Boiling ; Eye-
BrowB Black and well tum'd, with a Beautiful head of Hair,
Coal Black which she wore a Wigg, waving in wanting curl-
ing Bingletts in her Keck ; She was a Lady of a great DeaX
of Wit, Join'd to a Good Understanding, full of Spirits, aac^
of a Humour exceeding Jocose and Agreeable. We took ovmJ^
leave and came away well satisfy 'd with the Ladies' Company" ^
at 8 O'clock went to hear a Consert of Musick ; the PerformeoK'^^
was some Town's Gentlemen, and did Us the Honour of
Livitation, we staid till past 11, and I left the Company to
Home to my Lodgings ; Li my way, I was met by a Wonu&xx.
tollerably well dress'd, and seemd a good likely Perscm
Appearance, but very Much in Liquor ; I shoud not have ol/-
serv'd her ; but about twenty yards before I came up to her,
she made a full stop, and the Moon Shining Bright I coud
well Observe her ; She on my coming up, look'd me right in
the Face, which caused me to make a Stop ; She ask'd me
where I was going, I answered Home ; on this I had Curiosity
enough to turn her round to have a better view ; on which I
made the Discovery of her being in a Condition, which of all
others, least becomes the Sex
It was after 12 before I went to bed and in my Sleep (I
thought so much of this Drunken Woman) that I Dream 'd of
Her all the Night
Philadelphia, Wtdnuday^ Jane the 6tli.
This Morning I Rose by 6 O'clock, when I went to the
Comm'rs' Lodgings, where I was taken up most of the Day
in some Writtings concerning the Indian Treaty, at 1 O'clock
the Comm'rs, &c went to Dine with his Honour the Gtovemor,
from thence returned to their Lodgings : In the afternoon, as
I was writting I heard two Ladies Discoursing in a Room off
that wherein I was, on which X sent a Petition begging the
Favour of a Song, which they had the Goodness to hear, and
Consented to it, to my no small Satis&ction ; Sup'd with the
Commissioners, and at 10 O'clock went home to my Room.
418 JawtnaL of William BlacL
always against taking of Physic ; he has been it seems brought
up in a Sect Called Dumplers/ a peculiar sort of Enthusiasts;
the Daughters of the Sect are kept together in what they call
a Nunnery, under the Care of Men. When they arrive ai
Maturity they are at Liberty to Marry : Something has hap-
pened lately in that Chaste Society, that has Occasioned Cou-
rad to Remove his Daughter, and perhaps it may have atiect^
him so, as to brmg on Siis long ilhiess : We thought that it
would not be uninteresting to you to leave the Eoad of Bllsv-
ness, and to touch a little on Particulars, relating to tUU
useful man. Colonel Patton has been as Zelelous in beha^
His Country on the Frontiers, that he has taken a lox^g
Journey hither, and almost Ck)nvinced Governor Thom^^ua,
that the Indians were the Aggressors in the Skirmish on ovu
Frontiers, he left this place yesterday, and stays at Lanca^^C^^f
until the Treaty begins, at least.
There is to be very soon Eight Privateers* belon^ng to tlxis
Town, some of force, and fine Vessels, and in the Keputatio^*
of these depends much of the Security at present from a FreE:».<^^
Invasion. The Indians in the French Intr. have attack'd *-toe
People on the borders of New England, next to the 1^^^^
York Government, this account we saw in a letter fronca *
Person of Credit at Boston to Governor Thomas, Warr is mn^^*
Proclaim'd here yet, the Governor waits for the King's Ck^xM^'^
mands. Our last was the 28th last Month from this Plac^^ ^
We Intreat vour Honour to believe Us,
With perfect Respect,
Your Most Obedient & Most Humble Servants,
THOMAS LEE,
W. BEVERLEY.
A little before 1 of the Clock in Company with the Com-
missioners and their Levee, I went to Mr. William Logan's
Merchant,* where with his Honour the Governor and Mr.
» In 1709, the Tankards from Germany and Holland emigrated to Penn.
and settled first at Germantown. They were well educated and fine Latinitti
—the young people of the neighborhood were sent to them to be perfected
in this language. Alex. Mack was their principal leader. Their converts
assumed new names, such as, Onesimus, Friedsam, Ac— Watson, i. pp. 23,
258. An account of the Dunkers or Seventh Day German Baptists, by Dr.
William M. Fahnestock, will be found in the Btstary of the ReUffumg
Denominations of the United States, by I. Daniel Ropp.
■ Vide p. 18.
• William Lopan, eldest son of James Logan. He was educated in Rig-
land. He followed commerce as a profession until the death of his father,
when he moved to Stenton and devoted himself to agriculture. He was a
Journal of William Black. 419
Secretary Peters, and some others, we Din'd; after Dinner
and a Cheerfull Glass, the Commissioners Retum'd to their
Lodgings, and I went and paid a Visit to Capt. William
Ulair where I staid about two hours : In the Evening with
Mr. Littlepage I went a second time to see the Agree-
able Jewess ; while we was there, came an Acquaintance of
Alias Levey's to Return a Visit Miss Molly Stamper* Daughter
of a very Considerable Merchant in the City : The Tea Table
was set, and while we were Sipping the Warm Water we had
some Agreeable Discourse, such as is Commonly brought up
on such Occasions. After this was over Littlepage took leave,
but I lik'd the Company of the two Fair Ones to Depart so
soon, to be short I staid till after 9 at Night, Li which time
I got Entirely Acquainted with the Female Visitant, and
waited on her Home, when she was so Condescending as to
Promise me the Pleasure of her Company the Night following
at the same Place, on seeing her to her Father's Door, I took
leave And retum'd to my Room very much Satisfied with
this Literview of a Young Lady every way so Agreeable, and
with a Design to Cultivate an Acquaintance which Promis'd
80 much Pleasure and Satisfaction.
member of the Provincial Goancil, and like bis father a friend to the Indians.
He received them cordially at his place and educated many at his own ex-
pense. He travelled mach in this coantrj, and his Jooroal from Philadel-
phia to Georj^a is still preserved. He executed the conveyance of the
Loganian Library to the city of Philadelphia.— Watson's AnnaU of PhUa,,
Vol. i. p. 594.
' Mary Stamper was the eldest daughter of John and Hannah Stamper.
She was baptized at Christ Church June 8, 1729, aged three weeks, and was
therefore just fifteen when our diarist found her so admirable. Her father
Was a successful merchant in Philadelphia, and in 1769 was chosen Mayor.
5^e married Sept 19. 1745, William Bingham. Her second son, William
l^in^am, U. S. Senator from Pennsylvania 1795-1801, married Miss Willing,
^WboTO great beauty combined with her husband's wealth and -position made
Ker the leader of Philadelphia society, and one of the most brilliant oma
IkMnts of the "Republican Court" It is perhaps remarkable that the
><niiiger Mrs. binirham was a grandmother when but thirty-six years of age,
lier grandson, William Bingham Baring, afterwards 2d Baron Ashburton.
'Was bom In June. 1799. and she in August, 1764. The second husband of
^ary Stamper was Michael Morgan O'Brien.
(To be continued.)
420
Colonel Thomas White^ of MarylantL
8^'
COLONEL THOMAS WHITE, OF MARYLAND.
BT WILLIAM WHITB WILTBANK.
fiMd by him At the meetlBff of the deMen^uiU of OoloMl Whtt« *l SopkliPi ]I»S^«
MMTfltokd, June T, Itn.
Thomas White was born in London, in 1704, and was -fcSi^
son of William White and Elizabeth Leigh, whose portra*-^^
are familiar to us in the originals of Sir Godfrey KnelL
now in the family. His fi^ther at one time possessed a
siderable patrimony ; but having, it would seem, parted
a large portion of it, died in 1708, at an early age, and 1
a widow and six children, the fifth of whom was our
then four years old.*
We know but little of the life of this fEttherless family,
there is now no possibility, in the lapse of time, of aoqui
knowledge of the details of their domestic history, beyoi
which they had none ; for, as to the girls, of whom th<
were three, they could not, and the two boys did not, fi
employment in the public service of Great Britain, and th
there was left of them no trace in the state offices. In 17
at the age of sixteen, Thomas^ sailed for Maryland, and there
reason to think that he was of the retinue of Charles Calve
the cousin of Lord Baltimore, who certainly reached the ne
world in that year, with a large company of gentlemen,
succeed Mr. Hart as governor of the province. It is as litt
doubtful that a voyage like this was largely advertised
l)lacard8 in the city, and through the shipping merchants
the agents of the Proprietary, to secure people for the coloa
and was thus brought by friends, or directly, to the boy
mind ; the change in the office of ruler being made the
> In 1704 the Englith took Gibraltar, Queen Anne had Just begun
reign, and Louis XIV. was still King of France.
' He had been put to a grammar ecbool, eighteen mitoi from LoiidoB,
St Alban'i
'■»'
Colonel Thomas White^ of Maryland. 421
sion for alluring descriptions of Maryland, and of some show
and ceremony in the arrangement of the expedition. Tlie
list of the party in Mr. Calvert's vessel has been lost on this
side of the water, but may possibly yet be found in England,
in the duplicate retained there of the document sent thither.
We are told, on the authority of Bishop White, that his
fiither, when he sailed, had been apprenticed to Mr. Stokes,
the Clerk of the county of Baltimore, and in England thought
to be a member of the bar of the Province.^ The fee of one
hundred guineas given this gentleman, that he might bring
the boy up to the profession of the law, was the only aid ex-
tended to a youth destined soon to learn that his leader could
not, in person, secure to him the position which he sought,
and had paid for. But, as the result of my investigations, I
must, for the present, anticipate a probable question, and
acquit Mr. Stokes in this relation of deceit in any form ; and
I rather infer that his office as clerk, then a most important
office, and certainly having a close connection with the law
establishment of the province, misled our ancestor's mother,
who may have had, in the emergency, no male adviser prone
to diligent investigation, and who, perhaps, assumed for her-
self, or was taught to assume, that, as a lawyer and a clerk of
a court, in the early history of her country, were one and the
same, so here must be a clerk of a county and a lawyer.
However this may have been, the boy's (no doubt the
widow's/ guineas were not thrown away ; for we know that
' The connection of a stndent with hia principal had been called an "ap-
prenticeship'* for a long time. Lord Campbell, while not nsing the word as
contemporaneons, applies it to the first years in his inn of conrt of Henry
De Staunton, the great chief justice of the fourteenth oentary.—LtVet of e%«
Chuf Justices, 1. 102.
« One hundred guineas a year was the usual fee then paid by law students
in England to become pupils of a special pleader or an equity draucrhtsman.
Lord Eldon, as Mr. John Scott, was not in a situation to obsenre this cus-
tom ; but Mr. Duane, the distinguished conveyancer, agreed to let him have
the ran of his chambers for six months without a fee. Mr. Tidd took one
hundred guineas from Mr. John Campbell for the first of the three years he
ftodied with him ; and in the second year not only declined to t»lw the
422 Colonel Thcmias White, of Maryland.
some years after reaching here, having become the deputy of
Mr. Stokes, and purchased books, he practised law, and sooa
laid up the money with which he bought his lands. This
we have upon the authority of his son, of whom it may Yx^
said that he never reported a rumor — ^nor even a plausible
inference — as the truth ; and that, rather than rely upon tbao
of which a doubt might be suggested, he would abandon th<
point which it otherwise sustained. Bishop White mus
have had it direct from his fiather, and probably also from hi
father's contemporaries, that he had conducted causes at th
Maryland bar ; and there can be no question that such
the fact, because the bishop conveyed the information to
Bishop Hobart in 1819. If Mr. Stokes, therefore, was not;
able to educate his apprentice and representative in the sci-
ence then in the highest repute, the scholar was taken in
hand by some one else ; for by the law of the province, which
had been in force since 1694, gentlemen were subjected to
examination before admission to the bar, and judges and law-
yers were directed to wear gowns. Colonel Scharf, the pre-
sent learned historian and antiquarian of Maryland, has just
informed me that this enactment remained operative until
some time after the Revolution ; and we may at once con-
gratulate ourselves, since it is clear they were thus early
shown, that our ancestor, for his bravery in extreme youth,
his patience, his fidelity, and the essential virtue of depend-
ence upon one Supreme Power, of which in after life he
showed the full fruits, came in good time to be rewarded m
the acquisition of what then was an honor jealously guarded
by the learned body, and acknowledged by all men.
In his province at that day the standard of personal merit
to which gentlemen of the gown must conform was high, as
it was in Pennsylvania ; and I have taken much interest in
the accounts which those who know of them have given me
second one hundred, but insisted on returning that which he had had.
{Camphdrs Lives of the Chancellors, vii. 164, n.) In 1704, the year in
which Col. White was born, Mr. Salkeld, a very eminent London attorney,
took Philip Yorke, afterwards Lord Hardwicke, as an articled clerk, without
a fee.
Colond Thomas White^ of Maryland. 423
of the caustic criticisms of alarmed laymen, at the close of the
last century, remonstrating against the too hasty increase of
the members of the body the most learned which Maryland
politically possessed. Her clergy and her legists were dis-
tinguished and revered.*
Mr. White, then, wore the gown ; but there is no need to
enter upon a description of the legal establishment of which
he was a member. The position in which he is best knowTi
in Maryland history was one of great importance in the
county of Baltimore. That county, until 1778, comprised
the present county of the same name, and the present county
of Harford, where we stand to-day. He became deputy sur-
veyor of this vast, wild region, and acted as the representa-
tive of the Lord Proprietary, the surveyor-general not coming
between him and his principal ; as fourteen years later, in
Virginia, did George Washington for Lord Fairfax, laying
off by metes and bounds the lands which were by him granted
to the early settlers in return for certain rents, at rates estab-
lished by a general law.
I have had access to the records of the land office at An-
napolis, and have had the aid there of one of the gentlemen
of the department ; but, agreeably to our anticipation, I have
not found any evidence of his appointment to this post, and
our failure so to do has confirmed the theory of the officer
who made the search with me, that, as had been in the half
century before, no commissions were then granted in the
chamber of the Surveyor-General, but that all appointments,
being made either by the Lord Proprietary, or by the Governor
for him, were still recorded in the minutes of the CJouncil.
These we could not reach.
It is, indeed, welcome to know that a young man, leaving
his kinsfolk and his home, and visiting a region that was un-
promising in many ways, where, too, the eligible candidates
so outnumbered the few posts of importance as to make the
authority of constable as desirable as in the days of Richard
' By his will, Colonel White left his law books to his son, " desiring that
lie will make a donation of the Law Books to one of my Grandsons, if edi^
«Ated in that Science."
424 Cdofnd Thmas Whikj of Maryland.
XL, came thus to attain to a pofiition of weight and trofit. A
jELnal confidence was reposed in him by the two adverse inte-
rests of the time ; for upon his certificate all the titles in Bal-
timore County, all the rents reserved on lands there, the
homes of the people, and the revenues of the Proprietary,
during his term of office depended. There is yet to be seen
the transcription of many such valuable documents, signed by
him, in the old records of the government ; and his formal
declarations, lengthy and precise, are spread largely upon
pages and pages of that manuscript State library.
A few notes made here of the history of the Land I>epart-
ment will aid us to form an estimate of the importance of
Colonel White's employment.
A surveyor-general has been the only person who has held
an office for life in the province. The instance is that of
John Langford, Esq., who in 1641 was so appointed, and who
had thus secured to him the income of the post, because (it is
suggested) one qualified for such a care could not be induced
to relinquish the emoluments falling to him in an old country,
fer the hazards of an infitnt colony, on common terms. In
1648 he died, and Robert Clarke, Esq., who was a deputy-sur-
veyor before, was appointed in his place, and made a mem-
ber of the council. The council constituted the nobles of a
ruler who was, in the regard of the precise lawyers of the
King's cabinet, a vice-regent. Prom this time deputy-sur-
veyors were appointed for each county ; and generally, if not
always, not by the surveyor-general, but by the Lord Proprie-
tary, or his governor. The surveyor-general thereafter was
an officer enjoying, as in some degree or other a relative of
Lord Baltimore, a valuable sinecure, sitting at the council
board, not for the wisdom of his speech as much as for the
dignity of his calling, constituting one of a provincial court,
and at liberty to do everything that others did but to make a
survey. After Robert Clarke, the surveyor-general had not
the reputation to be allowed to do that.
His deputies were independent of him ; were not even, in
most instances, as has been said, appointed by him; and stood
towards the provincial authorities in the relation which had
CoUmd Thomas White^ of Maryland. 425
been his when Maryland was small enough in population to
enable the chief to act without representatives. Such a sur-
veyor-general was Colonel Talbot in 1683 ; succeeded by
Henry Darnall, Esq., in 1684, who, with eight other gentle-
men, was made Commissioner, to rule the province during
Lord Baltimore's absence in England. He was the son of
Philip Darnall, and a kinsman of Lord Baltimore. Li 1695
Robert Smith, Esq., who was Chief Justice of Maryland, was
made surveyor-general. I believe it was about thirteen years
later that surveyors of coimties were required to take oaths ;
and the land office has its test-books, old volumes, with the
form of the long and severe tests on the first page, and the
signatures of the gentlemen following ; just as all the county
courts in Maryland, and the Court of Appeals have.
I at one time thought that Thomas White had made the
survey of the town of Baltimore, which was laid out some
ten years after he reached this country, and when, accordingly,
his age was about twenty-six ; but I find that his immediate
predecessor in office, Philip Jones, did this. It cannot be
unlikely that Thomas White aided him, for certainly four
years later, and possibly sooner, he himself filled the place
vacated by the death or removal of Jones, and no doubt he
had had an extended experience before the responsibility was
cast upon him.
The records at Annapolis show him to have certified sur-
veys in 1734. By that date he had married, and was the
&ther of two children,
John Hall, Esq., of Cranberry Hall, in Baltimore County,
became his father-in-law ; a personage of extensive possessions,
and of high position in the province. Of his wealth there lies
adequate proof in the title papers, and other records of the
county ; and of his position I shall refer to but two pieces
of evidence, each, it may be said, not the less significant in its
special relation, and to the lay mind, perhaps, the more enter,
taining and persuasive, because really valueless as legal proof.
The first is the tradition only recently lost (if actually lost) in
this vicinity, that he was above the process of the courts, and
not amenable to the justices on sentence given, because, being
29
426 Colanel ThomcLs White^ of Maryland.
entitled, if in de&nlt, or under accusation, to be tried by his
peers, tbere was no body of his peers nearer than England.
This tradition was familiar only a few years ago to the
common people here. The second, is the fact that, in the
church records, the ancient books of the vestry of Saint
George's at Spesutise — whose green enclosure now protects the
remains of Colonel White — in the lists of births, of marriages,
of deaths, wherever John Hall's name appears, or the name
of any one closely allied to him, and the connection is noted, it
is recorded in a hand bolder than that of the many names
before and after. Thus there has been spared for more than
a century and a half, a tribute of reverence for worldly posi-
tion, in the private register of an establishment which regards
all men alike, that cannot be doubted, that does not vary, and
that, no matter what might be suggested of its inconsistency
with the Church's teaching of the equality of suppliants in
the house of God, was eminently proper. For these two
particulars must be taken as of a high order of historic proof,
and sufficient without the more that is beyond, to show that
John Hall then was of the civil " powers that be,'^ whom all are
taught by the Church to honor. The respect thus mutely paid
him calls to mind the many other forms in which in print and
manuscript, the names of great persons are noted in a way to
show also the esteem in which their owners are held. Whilst
the old clerk of Saint George's was thus, like laborious monk
at intricate initial, doing homage according to his &ith, the
commons of England were printing in Acts of Parliament
their King's name in capitals.
In noticing John Hall, I may direct your attention for a
moment to the circumstances of a gentleman of Maryland of
his day. His house was of brick, with durable and thick
walls substantially imbedded in an honest foundation, very
spacious, and wainscotted throughout: furnished only use-
fully below, but with an attention to elegance and comfort in
the bedchambers recorded by every historian of his people
and his era. It was always the central object of a plantation
settlement, where a court-baron, or a court-leet might be held,
and was usually, like Sophia's Dairy, approached by water.
Colonel TTwmas Whiter of Maryland. 427
For one or two generations, in the latter half of the seven-
teenth century, the Maryland gentleman was a feudal lord
without a title, of right the ruler of a manor if his lands ex-
ceeded one thousand acres, as they mostly did, and adminis-
tering his affairs upon regal principles, with a Royal proprie-
tary and a great empire to back him. Uis home was built
for him by convicts, shipped hither upon commercial arrange-
ment made through his correspondent in London, and in-
voiced as culprits, imder sentence duly set out in the manifest,
for offences as scrupulously indicated. These persons were
received in the province as chattels, or animals, as they passed
under the eye of the constable, or sheriff at the port of entry,
who acted as customs officer. After 1728 it was the law, that
gentlemen bringing them to the New World, "importing
them," it was called, should enter them in the public registers
as felons, and declare the crimes to which they owed their
predicament. And in this there was regarded the minor con-
Bideration, that the inhabitants, in being thus advised, might
te secure ; without prejudice to the weightier reason, that
the duty due to the government on the human freight might
"be recovered.
His state service consisted largely of silver. Besides pew-
ter for common use, the first settlers had a great deal of ster-
ling plate that was massive, bearing the arms of their fore-
jbthers, which, as gentlemen and lineal successors, they
themselves were entitled to carry. His house servants were
mulattoes ; and of these in Mr. Hall's time there were proba-
bly three thousand in the province ; but his field hands were
negroes, who outnumbered the mulattoes then by about thir-
teen to one. He ate, in the earlier days, without a fork,
which was not because he was a Marylander, but because he
was a man in the wilds where forks were unknown : and one
of his spirited descendants, but recently passed away, was
upon the eve of adding, as he indited this, that he cut his
meat with his rapier, or other weapon, so rarely had the ma-
tured great-great-grandson " met with a dinner knife" in his
prolonged researches. It need not be said what he ate, save
that it was the rich product of a warm country, varied with
428 Cdond Thomas Wkite^ of Maryland.
copious supplies from peopled waters. His drink was, for
many years, sack, of which we have been assured there is
more frequent mention in the records of the settlement than
in the pages of Shakspeare.
In hours of repose he used stools and forms, and some
benches against the w^alls. His artificial light was yielded
by oandles made of a hard, brittle wax, of a curious green
color, that was gotten from the berry of the myrtle growing
at the raoutli of rivers, and found free from grease, and very
pleasant to the smell after a careful cooking. These tapers
were cometimes extinguished, that the sweetly perfumed
smoke might fill the room.*
I turn from him as a local sovereign, to regard him for a.
few moments as a subject. His taxes, payable to the colonial
powers, and his tithes, due to his ghostly adviser, were mainly
rated and discharged in tobacco ; if he owed any one money,
the secret of relief lay at hand in the far-reaching leaves of
that staple ; were he fined for a bad road, or assessed for a
contribution to the cost of a good one, or called upon for a
subsidy by the Assembly, or in need of money itself, his men
rolled the due tale of casks to the weighing-sheds, and then
delivered them to the person who cancelled the obligation, or
met the want for coin which had involved the transfer, and
himself proceeded forthwith to use them as we do bank notes
and drafts.
In 1640 they had, I think, no money here, as current tokens
passing from pocket to pocket. The authorities, it is true,
' The annals of the province furnish ns so many details of the personal
appearance, the dress, of the men and women of that day, and are so acces-
sible in the citations of the numerous modem works that have drawn from
them, that I may gratify my wish to be brief in conscientiously omitting
what would necessarily appear but a paraphrase. The red coat and mfflea,
with the white scnrf, of Colonel White, are familiar to us in the pictures we
have of him ; and we know that he wore short breeches and silk stockings ;
doubtless he carried a sword on occasions of ceremony, and perhaps, as a
young man, he shared what was then called the folly of youth, in weariog
diamonds and gold and silver buttons about him, and in having his long
cuffs kept in place by bits of lead, just as some years ago the ladies ballasted
their skirts with shot and miniature shrapnel.
CoUmd Thomas White^ of Maryland. 429
agree that in commercial transactions a little English or Eu-
ropean coin was occasionally employed ; and in trading with
the Indians for beaver-skins and like articles, the peake and
the roanoke obtained a free circulation ; but in the main the
colonists used tobacco instead of grain or money. The his-
tory of Maryland exhibits a nation from its earliest stage,
when merely by barter its wants are supplied, and presents a
problem of peculiar interest, in the contrast of the intellectual
maturity of the highest civilization with the contemporaneous
and adequate simplicity of primitive customs. Especially in
manifesting the toleration of the broadest mental develop-
ment, at a time when the laws of trade and the domestic
code were those of a country in its infancy, is the story of
this State significant. A good deal less than two hundred
years ago the arts and sciences were so well known here, that
Annapolis was called the modem Athens, but the question of
money was not an important one in the province. In 1661 a
mint was established, where shillings were coined, contain-
ing at least the worth of ninepence in sterling silver, to pass
in return for tobacco, rated as worth twopence per pound ;
and thus the currency was fixed as it remained till the Revo-
lution, six of these shillings, or their vegetable equivalent,
being at first worth a dollar. By statute, in 1669 men had
to take the vegetable as a legal tender if their debtor pre-
ferred to keep the sterling silver for himself; and this, too,
notwithstanding a depreciation in the weed-money, which re-
sulted from the too great plenty of the yield. Three years
before the Assembly had actually passed a law prohibiting
the planting of tobacco for a twelvemonth ; a folly founded
on some principles of political economy that the Lord Pro-
prietary would not countenance ; although one may be en-
couraged to suspect that, in maintaining the integrity of his
principle, he did not urge the true doctrine at an inconvenient
crisis ; for his " disassent" was only signified in the November
following that first day of February from which the statute
was to take eifect, and by that time the object had been ac-
complished. Both the principles which he justly decried, and
the tobacco which his people sought to check, now flourish
430 Cclonel Thomas WhitCy of Maryland.
about us. In Virginia the growth was stopped ; and the
number of idle negroes was, in conversation and political ac-
tion, significantly pronounced a sore grievance. The royal
governor was not here also taxed for a veto, perhaps, because
no analogous law of suspension could be formulated. Just
after our ancestor married, the malcontents in Maryland
could not be restrained, and they wildly destroyed many
fields, ravaging the crops till the militia came up and dis-
persed them.
Tlie Maryland gentleman witnessed all sorts of English
experiments, conceived somewhat for the establishment of the
prosperity of his own country, but mainly for the establish-
ment of securities against its prosperity in prejudice of the
wealth of Great Britain. He was coaxed to grow grapes, and
given vines ; but he would not. He was not allowed to
manufacture, because England made all the fabrics that could
be paid for. The home government offered a premium to
those who would increase the use of British iron, by import-
ing it into the province, notwithstanding the boundless supply
of iron already here. A contest, manifested and effective in
the acts of the respective legislatures, the Parliament, and the
Assembly, was waged for a long while, marked by selfish re-
strictions on one side, and by schemes of uncloaked retaliation
on the other. The Assembly, to thwart the home govern-
ment, alike in checking the inflow of the foreign, and to speed
the shipment of the domestic metal, gave a bounty to the
citizen who, after 1719, took up one hundred acres of land,
and erected furnaces and forges for the working of the ready
ore ; and secured to him facilities for exportation on his part.
Colonel White was one of the many men who erected iron-
works on the Western shore, and took up a great extent of
woodland there.*
John Hall in all his time had the benefit of the ]^stal sys-
tem, secured by private enterprise till 1710, when the British
Government, in aid of the sheriffs, established a general office.
The Maryland gentleman helped to pay the premiums given
' His books mention The Bush River Iron Co., and Stafford Forge.
Colonel Thomas WhiUy of Maryland. 481
for dead bears and wolves, crows ana squirrels ; and for the
capture by the rangers of the wild horses and cattle that made
this tract unsafe. He cared for the preservation of the deer.
He sustained an organized force, to fight the border men on
land, and to clear the coasts of pirates. He was a judge of
the moral life of his fellows, summoning them (and subject
himself to summons) before the vestry, to answer the charges
of swearing, of denial of the Trinity, of the oppression of
maid-servants and debtors, and of other sins. His children
while they trembled yearned to hear, and devoutly believed,
ghost stories ; and his fields were the scenes of wild mid-
night mysteries, that gave names to their open stage ; and
that lived, with the names, in the memories of elders not
i^anting in courage, if also strongly tinged with superstition.
There is an entertaining instance of this in the traditions of a
tract till recently in the family, of which one enclosure was
called "Ha! Ha!" and another, "Ha! Ha! Indeed!" The
restless spectre that ruled the former, in the deep night,
announced his presence and his humor in a wild " Ha ! Ha !"
to whom the unknowable soul in the other field, whether in
the sympathy of jollity, or in the malevolence of mockery and
triumph, cannot be said, laughed back in startling notes,
"Ha! Ha! Indeed!"^ . . . He retained a warm love for
the land of his fathers, giving home titles to his counties, his
plantations, his towns, his streets. He died as gentlemen die,
willing finger rings to many, and a legacy of tobacco to his
divine ; and left true gentlemen to follow him.
Thomas White married the daughter of such a gentleman ;
' In Colonel White's will we find mention of " Line of Ah Ha Indeed
(being the end of the East Northeast Line of An Ha, the cow pasture)/'
These tracts among others are also the sabject thereof: Edinburgh, Abbott's
forest, Constantinople, Antrim, Kilkenny, Londonderry, Eaton's Addition,
baton's second edition, Gay's Favour, Hathaway's Hazard, Chance, Rum-
»ey Royal, Hammond's Hope, Paradise, Leigh of Leighton, Royal Exchange,
Simmond's Neglect ; his tax lists show, besides. Neighbor's AfiSnity, Atta-
way'8 Trust, Constant Friendship, Harrison's Resolution, etc. etc. These
tracts were all large. Ah Ha Indeed, for instance, contained 825 acrei.
432 CoUmel TTiomas WhitCy of Maryland.
Darned Sophia ; who lived until the eighteenth of June, 1742.
He had by her three children, all of whom were daughters: —
Sophia, bom May 8th, 1731.
Elizabeth, bom January 28th, 1733.
Sarah Charlotte, bom October 25th, 1736. .
Her father died in about 1728, and under his will, which
was not legally executed, but which was carefully obeyed
by her kinsmen, she acquired the tract of land called Sophia's
Dairy in the paper, and also two hundred acres, part of
a tract called Hall's Plains. It is believed that the bride
was carried by her husband from Cranberry Hall, which stood
near the old graveyard whence Colonel White's remains have
just been removed, to a house standing on the plantation
where we now are, towards the south of this present house,
facing Bush River. I am told that traces of the foundation
of the old homestead yet remain.
Mr. White at this time had the title of Major, but how he
received it I cannot say. No doubt it was his as the com-
mander of a battalion of militia, raised for service in de-
fensive movements against the Indians, and in the difficulties
that had for some time troubled the authorities of his State
and those of Pennsylvania, as to the border line, in which the
lives of many men were lost, and probably inquiry would
show that there was then a permanent organization of troops
under the system created in 1715, or a year or so later, for the
energetic enlistment of soldiers, to be paid while in active
service. Of this body, the members of the Council were
Colonels. Perhaps it was found well to make the represen-
tatives of the counties officers also,- in rank only a grade below
the principals at headquarters. Major White had a most
powerful friend at the capital, in the person of the governor,
Samuel Ogle, who was appointed in 1731, in the room of
Benedict Leonard Calvert, the brother of the Lord Proprie-
tary, who came to Maryland in 1727, and taking ill, was
forced to embark for England, dying on the passage. Gov-
ernor Ogle, as Bishop White has told us, was an intimate
companion of Major White, and must have proved his esti-
mation of him in many ways of which we know nothing,
CoUmd Tkomas Whitej of Maryland. 488
for he had considerable power at the time, and was so well
disposed towai'ds our ancestor, that he conferred, with the
office mentioned, other county offices and appointments upon
him.
In 1732, just after Sophia Hall White was bom, Lord
Baltimore himself came to the province, in order to meet the
sons of William Penn, and with them to reach an amicable
adjustment of the oft-recurring troubles touching the limits
of their possessions. In the conferences which then took
place, the Archives of Pennsylvania show that Major White
bore a part, certainly as a surveyor, and perhaps as a military
man ; but the disagreements of the proprietors were not ended,
nor did they terminate till after some of the principal actors
liad got into Chancery, and Lord Hardwicke had been ap-
pealed to. In 1734, Lord Baltimore returned to England,
^ud Mr. Ogle was again governor. It was in this year at the
IjEttest, that Mr. White was made deputy surveyor of the
ciounty, as I have already stated ; and if his appointment may
x:iot be attributed to his Lordship's visit, and appreciation of
ID^. White's services, it may certainly be ascribed to the ele-
^^^-ation of Mr. Ogle, whose ftinctions as governor had only
n suspended whilst Lord Baltimore was here. This gov-
mor fodnd in Mr. White a valued friend, made him an officer
in rank to the gentlemen of his Council, gave him charge
the proprietary's lands and interests in Baltimore County,
nd sought his advice in matters of state. After this time
here were commissioned two colonels for Baltimore County,
nd Mr. White was promoted to be one of them.
Besides thus discharging public duties in behalf of his
fellows, Mr. White increased his landed possessions, of which
have recently examined the incontestable proofs in the State
<ZJapitol at Annapolis. In 1777, his taxable real estate in
^Harford County alone, comprised seven thousand seven hun-
dred and seventy-two and one-half acres.
Like all of his time, and of the hundred years just pre-
"C^eding, making an election between Holy Church and the
3Eoly Anglo-Catholic Establishment, he was a vigilant servant
of God, and in the parish of Spesutiss for many years per-
434 Cohnd Thoynas White^ of Maryland.
formed with regularity his duties as a vestryman, whereto he
was first qualified on the 29th of May, 1731, that term of
service, by successive re-elections, continuing till the 3d of
June, 1734. On Easter Monday of 1742 (April 19th), he
was again qualified, taking, as the record shows, the oaths of
allegiance, abhorrency, and abjuration — ^tests prescribed by
the first legislature which assembled after the province was
restored to the Baltimores, in 1716 — and applied till the
American Revolution. He acted with the vestry till 1745,
some three years after the death of his wife, and when his
last child was nearly nine years of age.
His daughter Sophia, upon whom it is thought he settled
this property, married Aquila Hall, on February 14th, 1750 ;
and it was her husband who erected this house in 1768, the
year in which Governor Eden came over, by the hands, it is
said, of five redemptionists, two of whom were masons, two
carpenters, and one a laborer, who worked with imported
bricks, and who, when the building was finished, received
their freedom for their reward.^ Sophia was the only one of
> The hoase is sixty-four feet front, by fifty-foar feet in depth, regular in
outline, two stories high, with an attic above. It is wholly without external
ornament, and the expanse of brick is only relieved by small platforms with
balustrades and seats, at the doors at either end of the hall, which goes
through the middle of the building, and by some variety in the laying of the
rows of bricks that form the tops of the windows, and the moderately pro-
jecting eaves. It is vast, but too bare and monotonous to be imposing, ac-
cording to the prevailing fashion of its day, of which many specimens may
still be seen in Annapolis. There is one there, in particular, at the comer
of The Duke of Qloucester St. and Condnit St., which differs from this only
slightly in dimensions. The timbers of the floors and stairways are remark-
ably fine ; the foundations are enduring monuments of the honesty of the
work of the poor culprits doomed to lay them ; and the walls are so thick
as to have resisted a stroke of lightning. They are, I think, nearly two
feet in thickness. This structure faces southward, and commands a view of
Bush River, at the distance of about half a mile, at a point where there is
a wide expanse of water, crossed by the railway bridge of the Philadelphia
and Baltimore Hoad. The land slopes down easily from the elevation of the
homestead to the shore, and is under cultivation. Somewhere between the
present site and the river, the first building of John Hall's time stood, and
traces of the foundation remain. An old neg^ stated on the day of the
1^
Colonel Thomas White^ of Maryland. 435
the daughters who married. The others died, the second
early, the third late ; Elizabeth, it is not known when, beyond
the fact that she did not grow old ; and Sarah Charlotte, on
the 19th of November, 1776, long after her father had carried
her to his new home in Philadelphia.
To Philadelphia, Colonel White removed about 1745, and
on the seventh day of May, 1747, at Christ Church, he
married Esther, the widow of the late John Newman, and
daughter of Abraham Hewlings, of Burlington, in New
Jersey; a lady of much force of character; coming of a
fiimily that, among Quakers, had constantly adhered to the
Church of England; and so zealously, indeed, as, in the
persons of some of its members, to have left testamentary
direction that later generations be likewise bound to that
faith. Bishop White was used to speak of her with rever-
ence and affection. By this marriage Colonel White had two
children ; William, of whom I have just spoken, and Mary,
who married Robert Morris.
His life in the city was an active one, notwithstanding a
physical misfortune that hereafter shall be alluded to. His
interests bound him still to his Maryland home, where he
retained the bulk of his property, and personally supervised
it twice in each year up to the time of his death. As he had
there duly considered the general welfare in former years,
aiding in political movements, and contributing to the estab-
lishment and maintenance of the church, he also in Philadel-
phia participated in the government of public institutions,
family meeting, that he had, some time back, ploughed ap there a spoon,
which proved to be of fine silver, having the initials " S. H." — Sophia Hall,
no doubt. From what is technically the rear of the house, if premises so
uniform and so admirably placed on an eminence commanding fine views on
all sides can be said to have a back, the summer landscape inland is charm-
ing, comprising hilly but cultivated fields immediately under the eye, rolling
away in rich green and brown waves, to the forest far beyond, none of them
too rugged for the plough. The kitchen and servants* quarters are in an
outbuilding, some forty feet by twenty in size. A substantial spring-house
and barn are also at hand. The homestead proper, comprises, I believe,
five hundred and sixty acres, although the whole tract is of nine hundred
and eighty-eight acres.
486 CoUmd Thmas White, of Maryland.
notably in that of the Philadelphia College ;^ and in hig con-
tinued devotion to religion it seems just to discern the influ-
ence that later secured to the true doctrines the un£Eiltering
allegiance, and the unbroken ministrations of his only son.
He died in Maryland, in this house, on the 29th of Sep-
tember, 1779, attended by his wife and son. Mrs. Morris was
informed of the event in this letter from her brother.
My Dear Sister : —
The intention of this letter is not so much to inform you
yt your honoured Father has paid ye last debt of nature —
for yt you would have concluded from my letter of this morn-
ing to Mr. Morris — but to assure you it was with as little suf-
fering as so great a change admits of; he was ill but five days,
and during ye greater part of yt time was able to enjoy his
Book and ye conversation of his friends. For a long time he
has expected without ye least uneasiness yt every attack would
be his last, and as this did not arise from discontent at ye
world or impatience under bodily infirmities we may flatter
ourselves it was built on a foundation wh this world can
neither give nor destroy. Our Mother is more shocked at ye
Event than I had reason to expect, considering she must have
looked for it so long & been assured of it for these 24 hours
past ; but I trust it will be ye happiness of you & me, as I am
sure it will be our endeavour to. make up for her loss.
With ye hope yt ye information here given will alleviate
your distress, I am
Your ever affectionate Brother
W. WHITK
Harford Countt, Sep. 29, 1779.
MRS. MORRIS.
Although active, zealous, and successful, the companion of
the men of his time, for twenty-two years before his death,
because of a fall from his carriage, Mr. White was a cripple ;
depending upon canes.* Out of his seventy-five years thus a
» He was Trustee of the Philadelphia College from Nov. 13, 1749, to the
time of his death, in 1779. He was one of the Gommissionera of the Peace
in 1752. — Colonial Records, v. 572.
• " This," said Bishop White, in his account of his own life, " kept him
out of all society, except such as could be had at his own hospitable table
and fireside ; and, except in afternoons, of some of the principal gentlemeo
of the city, of his own age, who, in those days, habitually assembled at the
public coffee-house, for society merely."
ColoTid Thomas White^ of Maryland. 437
large number were marked by his patient acceptance of an
impediment to freedom, of the kind which no man can
admit without grief, and which no fortune can remedy.
His youth had passed in a victorious struggle with diffi-
culties, as little desirable, but of another order, surmounted
in the vigor and confidence of rectitude and health ; his age
encountered that which could not be overcome. In youth,
therefore, he acquired experience, skill, the forethought and
promptitude of the intrepid pioneer and the husbandman;
while in life's decline it was as natural that he should sup-
plement these with the silent but eftective acknowledgment
of a power not to be wrestled with, in his cheerful employ-
ment of returning seasons still beneficently vouchsafed him ;
perhaps vouchsafed him in a higher beneficence, in that they
were seasons of calm not unalloyed. "My Father," said
Bishop White, " left the world with the reputation of unsul-
lied integrity through life."
The mere appreciation of the spectacle thus aflbrded us, in
the recital of the undisputed results of a well-known career,
will promote the purposes of eulogy, while protecting us from
a benevolent suspicion of extravagance in the mind of the dis-
passionate observer. Colonel White's youth could scarcely be
contemplated by any one without some enthusiasm of com-
mendation. He is found cast upon his own resources ere his
beard has grown ; encountering the awful illness of homesick-
ness in a wilderness, without mother or kinsfolk, either near
or within reach of dying entreaty ; pressed upon by unalter-
able circumstance, significant of the vast difference between
felicity lost and despaired of, and toil and danger inevitable
and of only profit to be hoped for. He was encompassed by
elders, by the law of their nature heedless of the example they
unwittingly set him ; or perhaps observant and unmanly in
the rough derision by which, in violation of his nicer sense,
they sought craftily to beguile him to sully his purity. He
was unaided in the urgent quickening of his moral instincts ;
and as he was thus without guide in his election between
courses known to be dubious, and yet felt, one or other, to be
necessary, so also he was unenlightened after a hazarded judg-
438 CoUmd Thomas Whtte^ of Maryland.
ment by the merited applause, or the priceless censure, of a
loving arbiter. There is here indicated a struggle which has
marked the similar situation of all men in their immaturity,
and the memory of which is, in later years, associated by the
successful with every image and tradition of the earlier time.
In a superior degree of sensibility it would be likely that a
contest of this sort might become dreadful and calamitous.
Of Colonel White it may be remembered, with a feeling of
congratulation, that the course which his gentle birth alone
would have made the more hard for him, was happily less
rugged and painful because of the concomitant kindness of
those in power, to which his gentle birth recommended him.
But this influence was not that which secured the reputation
for integrity recorded by his son. The picture of his later
life discloses so much of the strength that was always his, that
we owe it to him to declare his ultimate bright fortune of a
character possibly unattainable by men of ordinary power, no
matter how kind and how opportune the fevors of the great
about them, and whilst it was the proof of his just use of his
opportunities, it was not the less the reward of virtues entirely
hisown.^
' Col. White's field books are now in the possession of Mr. Thomas White
Hall, of Maryland : his account books, of Mr. Thomas Harrison Montgomery,
of New York City. It seems hardly necessary, bnt it may be proper to add,
that the leading authorities in Maryland history have been consulted in the
preparation of this paper.
Sanvud Adams. 439
SAMUEL ADAMS.
OONTBIBUTED BY QEOBGE A. 8IMM0N8.
(Centennial Collection.)
Samtjbl Adams, son of Samuel Adams and Mary Fifield,
was bom in Purchase St., Boston, Sept 27 (16 0. S.), 1722.
His father was a man of good social and political standing,
universally esteemed and respected; his mother, a woman of
rare piety and dignity. From boyhood, Samuel Adams was
surrounded by influences tending to develop those traits
which so distinguished him in later life. A peculiar earnest-
ness, steadfastness and persistency in what seemed to him
right to do or say, were manifest even in early youth. His
innate love of liberty was fostered by the discussions in which
his father took so prominent a part. Fragments in school
books, marked and annotated by the thoughtful lad, indicate
the early bent and bias of his mind, truly prophetic of the
man. Fitted for college at the Boston Latin School, young
Adams entered Harvard University in 1736 at the age of 14,
his father then being possessed of an ample fortune. The
subject of Adams' thesis for his master's degree, " Whether it
be lawful to resist the Supreme Magistrate, if the common-
wealth cannot be otherwise preserved," was both audacious
and characteristic.
Oct. 17, 1749, he married Elizabeth Checkley, daughter of
Rev. Samuel Checkley: had two living children; Samuel,
afterwards surgeon in the Continental army (died unmarried),
and Hannah, who married Col. Thomas Wells, brother of Mr.
Adams' second wife. A few of her descendants are living.
Owing to his father's reverse of fortune, added to a disincli-
nation for the quiet field which the ministry oflfered in that
day, Adams early decided to enter the political arena, for
which his mental and moral qualities so admirably fitted him.
Mr. Adams was one of the first in the country to recognize the
440 Samuel Adams.
power of the press, and, from an early period brought himself
in contact with the world and disseminated his favorite prin-
ciples through letters addressed "To the Printer/' and pub-
liched in one or another of the weekly papers. He is known
to have used over twenty-five different signatures, such as
CandiduSy Valerius PubUcola, Vindex, etc. These letters show
the true cliaracter of the man, the true character of the Revo-
lution of which he has with truth been called " The Father."
Liberty J Besistance to tyranny ^ Equal righiSy these are the key-
notes, struck, echoed, re-echoed, till the strange had become
the fitmiliar ; till the people, with whom Samuel Adams was
ever at one, heart and mind, were thoroughly indoctrinated.
Early singled out by the government as dangerous and ob-
noxious, bribes were vainly offered either to secure him for
the government or to silence him. Hutchinson writes " such
is the incorruptibility of the man, that no office, not all the
wealth in the king's coffers can tempt him."
In 1765, he was elected member, in 1766 clerk of the Massa-
chusetts General Court; how faithfully he performed those
duties a glance at the records shows. His busy pen had ever
but one aim in its endeavor to reform abuses, to defend a friend
or to rouse the apathetic. He had so many ways of presenting
truth, it seemed ever new and fresh. " The eyes of Argus to
detect all things, the hands of Briareus and every one wield-
ing a pen !" Compare the famous Appeal to the Worlds written
in 1769 in defence of Hitncock and others falsely accused by
government, with the Declaration of Independence, and see
the seed germ and its development.
The memorable interview in the Council Chamber, March
6, 1770, when Adams, as chairman of the committee from the
people, demanded of Gov. Hutchinson that the troops be re-
moved from Boston, is a matter of history, and so thoroughly
dramatic as to suggest a national painting. The wavering,
vacillating Governor, entrenching himself behind the fialse
statement " that he had no authority to remove the troops"
(having already agreed to send away one regiment), and
Samuel Adams, towering in righteous indignation, " If you
have power to remove one^ you have power to remove both.
442 Samuel Adams.
his bead. ^^ Pardon to all the rest, but for Sam. Adams and
John Hancock a long rope and short shrift." In the Second
Congress, Mr. Adams advocated immediate Declaration of In-
dependence. On nomination of John and Samuel Adams,
Washington was appointed Conmiander-in-Chief.' The battle
of Bunker Hill, the siege and evacuation of Boston went fiur
to prepare the people for Mr. Adams' views on independent
government. His friend, Richard Henry Lee, June 5, 1776,
introduced in Congress the resolution that the colonies are free
and independent States. Mr. Adams took prominent part in
the discussion, and did much to win over members to the In-
dependence party ; a subtle powerful agent in the Adams Con-
spiracj/y as tories were wont to call the Revolution. The
signing of the Declaration of independence, July 4, 1776, was
the seal and ratification of the zealous, unwavering resolution
of years. In 1779, with John Adams and James Bowdom,
Samuel Adams drafted the Constitution of Massachusetts. In
1787 he was one of the Convention for ratifying the Constitu*
tion of the United States ; an advocate of the " Conciliatory
propositions," his influence went far to prevent its hasty re-
jection by Massachusetts, whose example was sure to be fol-
lowed by many other States. In 1787 he was President of
the Massachusetts Senate; from 1789 till 1798 he was Lieut-
Gk)vemor, and from that time until 1797, Governor of the
State, after which he retired from public life. He died in
Boston, October 2, 1803, aged 81 years 10 days. Through
petty political animosities his last years were embittered by
neglect, but he had lived to see the practical working of his
theory of government. That his country was firee and inde-
pendent, was reward enough for one whose Spartan simplicity
of life and taste removed him alike from eAvying worldly
success and fleeting honors, and the suflfering which wounded
pride and vanity would have caused to a man of less noble
soul.
His remains, followed by military escort, were placed in
* This nomination was infonnal. Thomas Johnson, of Maryland, moYed
the appointment of Washington at the time it was acted upon. — Ed.
Jonathan Elmer. 448
tiie Checkley Tomb in the old Granary Burying Ground.
2^ot even a stone marks his resting place. In 1856, the
i-emainB were identified, and means taken to render their
xremoval possible, if at any future time the proposition to erect
£^ monument over them should be carried into effect
His noblest monument will be that which must exist for-
ever in the hearts of his countrymen.
JONATHAN ELMER.
BT L. Q. C. ELMS&.
(Centennial Collection.)
JoKATHAN Elmbb was bom at CedarviUe, Cumberland
County, New Jersey, Nov. 29, 1745. His fiather, Daniel Elmer,
was the eldest son of the Rev. Daniel Elmer, who graduated
at Saybrook, in Yale College, in the year 1713, and was pastor
of the old Cohansey Presbyterian Church of Cumberland
County, from 1729 until his death in 1755. He was a descen-
dant of Edward Elmer, who emigrated to Hartford, Connecti-
cut, as one of the congregation of the Rev. Thomas Hooker in
1686. The family was settled in England as early as 1806,
by the name of Aylmer, or in Latin Aimer. John Aylmer
^^BB tutor of the celebrated Lady Jane Grey, and was made
IBishop of London, by the name of John Elmer.
Jonathan Elmer was well educated, and studied medicine
in Philadelphia, was one of the first class of ten who graduated
OS Bachelors of Medicine in 1768, receiving the degree of M.D.
in 1781. He began early to write on medical subjects, and
^was said by Dr. Rush to have been excelled in medical erudi-
tion by no physician in the United States. He was through
life a diligent student, and having a great fondness for legal
and political subjects, became a well-informed lawyer, and
later in life was equal to most ministers as a theologian. In
1786 he was chosen a member of the American Philosophical
Society, of which Dr. Franklin was then the President.
444 Jonathan Elmer.
Soon after he graduated he married Miss Mary Seeley,
daughter of Col. Ephraim Seeley, of Bridgeton, N. X, and
settled m that place as a physician, his practice soon extending
into the neighboring counties. But his health proving too
feeble to enable him to endure the long horseback journeys then
necessary, he soon addicted himself to a political and judicial
life. In 1772 he was appointed, by Gov. Franklin, sheriff of
the county, holding that office the legal term of tiiree years,
notwithstanding his well-known opposition to the tyrannical
measures of the British government. This was conspicuously
shown by his selection of a thoroughly Whig grand jury, in
the spring of 1775, when an unsuccessful attempt was made to
indict the persons who in the preceding winter had burned a
cargo of tea stored at Greenwich. He was, from the first, one
of the active, outspoken Whigs, and, although not a military
man, as soon as his term of office as sheriff expired, was elected
an officer of the militia, and aided in organizing that force.
He was one of the members of the Provincial Congress of New
Jersey, which met in May, 1775, and again in August, and
afterwards in June, 1776 ; was one of the committee of that
body which reported the new constitution of the State, adopted
July 2, thus anticipating the promulgation of the Indepen-
dence, declared by the General Congress, at Philadelphia, on
the fourth.
In November, 1776, he was chosen by the new legislature
of New Jersey a member of the General Congress, and joined
that body in December, at Baltimore, meeting with them when
they removed to Philadelphia in the spring of 1777. He was
placed on the medical committee, and visited the various army
hospitals. He was also for some time a member of the Trea-
sury Board. Continued to be a member of the Congress in
1778, 1781-2-3, and again in 1788. In 1784 he was a member
of the Legislative Coimcil of New Jersey.
He was elected by the joint meeting of the legislature of
New Jersey a member of the U. S. Senate in 1789, and drew
the short term of two years. When this term expired he
failed to be re-elected, because, through absence, he had not
voted in fitvor of establishing on the Delaware, at Trenton,
Abraham dark. 446
the ten miles square for the seat of the general government,
and was not again a member of a legislative body. From
1776 to 1786 he was clerk of the court of Cumberland
County, and was surrogate from 1784 to 1792. After this
he was for many years presiding judge of the Court of Com-
mon Pleas of that county. He was a warm supporter of the
administrations of Washington and Adams. During the
later years of his life he was an elder of the Presbyterian
church, and a frequent and influential member of the judica-
tories of that denomination of Christians. He died at his
residence in Bridgeton, in September, 1817, leaving one son,
whose descendants still reside in that place.
ABRAHAM CLARE.
BY E. P. BUFFETT.
(Centennial Collection.)
Abraham Clark, one of the signers of the Declaration
of Independence, from New Jersey, was bom on the 15th of
February, 1726. The farm of his father, Thomas Clark, a
prominent citizen, an alderman, and for several years a judge
of the county court, was situate between the villages of
Elizabeth and Rahway, about two and a half miles from the
former place. The farm-house in which Abraham Clark
lived, a humble one-story structure, is still standing. His
great-grandfather, Richard Clark, came to New Jersey from
the town of Southold, at the eastern extremity of Long Island,
a district originally settled by Puritan stock from New Eng-
land.
Although like his ancestors he was trained to the business
of agriculture, his delicate health led him to devote most of
his time to pursuits physically less laborious. He was engaged
in surveying, the transfer of real estate, the examination of
titles, and in the study of the law which he practised some-
446 Abraham Clark.
what as an amateur. In 1767, he was elected clerk of the
Colonial Assembly, and sheriff of the county of Essex. In
1774 he became a member of the Committee of Safety, and
was afterward chosen their secretary. In 1775 he was a
member of the Provincial Congress, and was elected by them
on June 22, 1776, a delegate to the Continental Congress at
Philadelphia. His colleagues frOm New Jersey were the
£ev. Dr. John Witherspoon, Richard Stockton, John Hart,
and Francis Hopkinson.
While a member of this body, on the 4th of July, 1776,
while the debate on the draft of the Declaration of Independ-
ence was in progress, and perhaps while sitting in Independ-
ence Hall, in a letter to hb friend and townsman. Col. Elias
Dayton, he penned the following words, which may serve to
illustrate the spirit of their author and of the times. " Our
seeming bad success in Canada, I dare say, gives you great
uneasiness ; In Times of danger and under misfortunes true
Courage and Magnanimity can only be ascertained ; In the
Course of Such a War we must expect some Losses. We are
told a Panick seized the Army — If so it hath not reached the
Senate — ^At the Time our Forces in Canada were retreating
before a Victorious Army, while Genrl. Howe with a Large
Armament is Advancing towards N. York, Our Congress
Resolved to Declare the United Colonies Free and Independent
States. A Declaration for this purpose, I expect, will this day
pass Congress, it is nearly gone through, after which it will
be Proclaimed with all the State and Solemnity circumstances
will admit ; It is gone so far that we must now be a free in-
dependent State, or a Conquered Country. ... I assure
you Sir, Our Congress is an August Assembly — and can they
support the Declaration now on the Anvil they will be the
greatest Assembly on Earth. . . . We are now, Sir, em-
barked on a most Tempestuous Sea ; Life very uncertain, seem-
ing dangers scattered thick around us. Plots against the
military and it is Whispered against the Senate ; let us prepare
for the Worst. We can Die here but once. May all our
Business, all our purposes and pursuits tend to fit us for that
important event."
448 Abraham Clark.
desires and income. His decided conviction of duty led him
often to take a stand with the minority, which he did not
hesitate to do at the expense of his own popularity. His
kindness to those in humble station earned him the creditable
title, " The poor man's counsellor." Of his personal appear-
ance, it is said that he was of " moderate height and slender
frame." His shaggy projecting eyebrows gave to his counte-
nance an expression of sternness. In private life he was
" reserved and contemplative." The New Jersey Journal of
Sept. 21, 1794, published one week after his death, states that
" he was uniform and consistent, adorning that religion that
he had early made a confession of, by acts of charity and
benevolence." "He married about the year 1749, Sai-ah,
daughter of Isaac Hatfield, who was bom in 1728, and died
in 1804. They had ten children."
If he may not be placed among the most prominent of that
illustrious body who signed the Declaration of Independence,
he at least did worthy service in the rank and file. Although
he may not have been a leader among leaders, he was certainly
a man of great influence in the community in which he dwelt.
He was for many years a member and trustee of the First
Presbyterian Church of Rahway. In its graveyard his body
now lies buried. On the slab which first marked his grave,
is this inscription : —
" Finn and decided as a patriot,
Zealoas and faithful as a friend of the pablie»
He loved his country,
And adhered to her cause
In the darkest hour of her struggle
Against oppression."
A more imposing monument was afterward erected by the
citizens of Rahway, and was dedicated with appropriate cere-
monies on the 4th of July, 1848.
Isaac Notris. 449
ISAAC NORRIS.
BT OEORQE W. N0RBI8, M.D.
(GenteDnial Collection.)
Isaac Iforris, the second, was bom in Philadelphia, and
brought up a merchant with his father ; twice visited Eu-
rope for travel ; was engaged in an extensive business on his
return, from which he withdrew in 1743. He was endowed
with good natural abilities, had received an excellent educa-
tion, and might indeed be called learned ; for, in addition to
a knowledge of Hebrew, he wrote in Latin and French with
ease, and his reading was extensive. He possessed a fine
library containing many of the best editions of the classics,
and was a liberal patron of literature.^ * His love of books was
great, and nearly all which I have seen of them contain either
notices of their authors or of their contents, neatly done in
his handwriting. In his day they were expensive luxuries,
and the care which he took of them will be seen in the fol-
lowing extract from a letter to his brother Charles, then in
England : " When in London, I lent Mr. Osgood Gee a Latin
book by Musaeus ; ask it from him, and send it to me ; tell
him it is hard to take a book from an American, when he
lives so near the fountain-head, and may get them every day,
which is not our case; we may want and can't purchase
books here at any price, except by accident." As mentioned,
he retired from trade in 1743, and, as he expresses it, "lived
' John Adams, when in Philadelphia in 1774, visited Fair Hill, then oc-
cnpied by Mr. Dickinson, which he describes as *' a fine seat, with extensive
gardens and a very grand Ithrary. The most of the books collected by
Mr. Norris, the father of Mrs. Dickinson" (Works, vol. ii. p. 379). ITie
Pennsylvania Oazettey No. 2838, for October 27, 1784, has the following:
" His Excellency, the President of the State, has presented Dickinson Col-
lege, Carlisle, with the principal part of the library of the late Isaac Norris,
Esq., consisting of aboat 1500 Yolames upon the most important subjects."
460 Isaac Norris.
downright in the country way." In the following year he
lost his wife, and was left with two daughters, one of five
years and one of six months old. After her death his sister
Elizabeth took charge of his establishment, and except when
called away by public duties, he went but little to the citjr,
giving most of his time to reading, the improvement of his
estate, and the education of his children. Strangers visiting
the city were often received by him at Fair Hill, which was
ever open to his friends. At the little meeting-house adjoin-
ing his plantation on the north, and called after it, worship
was held on First-day mornings ; and Aunt Logan tells us
that " all the decent strangers who frequented it on these oc-
casions were sure of an invitation tp dine with him, where,
as in the time of his parent, a good table and the warmest
welcome awaited them." In 1745 he went to Albany as one
of the commissioners of the province, in order to meet the
Indians at a treaty; and a journal kept by him is extant,
which I induced my nephew, Joseph Parker Norris, in 1867
to print on his private press. It is beautifully executed in
quarto form, of seventeen pages, and eighty copies of it were
struck oflEl He and his companions traversed " the Jerseys"
in chaises, and sailed up the Hudson in a sloop. It took
nearly seven days to reach Albany, a journey now easily
made in as many hours by rail. From 1749 to 1755 he
served as one of the trustees of the Academy and College of
Philadelphia, and resigned from that body ou account of ill
health and his residence in the country. It is to Isaac Nor-
ris, then Speaker of the Assembly, that we are indebted for
the remarkable inscription placed on the old bell of the State
House, now preserved in Independence Hall. In ordering it
from England in 1751, he writes : " Let the bell be cast by the
best workmen, and examined carefully before it is shipped, with
the following words well shaped in large letters round it, viz.,
* By order of the Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania,
for the State House in the City of Philadelphia, 1752,' and
underneath: 'Proclaim Liberty throughout the land, unto
all the inhabitants thereof. Lcvit. xxv. 10.' " The imported
bell was cracked by a stroke from the clapper, and it was re-
452 Isarc Norris.
as speaker ; that in these offices he had uniformly endeavored,
to the best of his judgment, to promote the public good.
That the subject of the present debate was a matter of the
utmost importance to the Province. That as his sentiments
on the occasion were very different fi'om the majority, and
his seat in the chair prevented him from entering into the
debate, he therefore prayed the House that if, in consequence
of their order, his duty should oblige him to sign the petition
as speaker, he might be permitted to offer his sentiments on
the subject before he signed, and that they might be entered
upon the minutes." (Votes of 1764, p. 84.) This request was
granted, and the House adjourned to the following morning.
But the long sitting of the previous day and the excitement
of the debate which had occurred proved too much for this
" aged member and faithful servant of the House," and when
they met, their clerk delivered the following letter from
their speaker : — *
"To Charles Moore, Esq., Clerk of the Assembly:
" Be pleased to inform the House that my attendance
through this and the last week has proved too much for my
constitution, and particularly the bad night I have had in
consequence of it, have made it impossible for me to attend
the House to-day, and when it may mend, if ever, is not in
my power to inform them. I therefore thank the House for
all the civilities I have received from them, and the represent-
atives of the Province in former Assemblies, and request the
House to choose another speaker in my stead.
Yr. Mend,
ISAAC NORRIS.
Fair Hill, May 20th, 1764."
The House ordered, "that Mr. Fox, Mr. Hughes, Mr. Rhoads,
and Mr. Ross wait upon Isaac Norris, our late speaker, with
* In the Votes Tor 1764, p. 75, it is mentioned that daring the greatest
part of the preyious winter session of this Assembly the health of the
speaker was so enfeebled that the hoose, rather than part with his services,
met in the back parlor of the house of his brother, on Chestnut Street, at
that time his home.
Isaac Norris. 453
the unanimous thanks of the House for the long and faithftil
services he has rendered this Province as Speaker of the As-
sembly, in which station he has given a constant and equal
attention to the rights and services of the Crown, and the
privileges of the people. And also with their sincere and
ardent wishes for the recovery of his health and his return to
public business; expressing at the same time the extreme
concern of the House that at this important juncture they are
deprived by his sickness of that assistance his great experience,
judgment, and abilities might have aflEbrded them."
Monday^ May 28M, 1764, A. M. — "The gentlemen appointed
to wait on the late speaker with the foregoing message, re-
ported they had delivered the same according to order, and
that he had been pleased to return the following answer, viz.,
' I beg you, gentlemen, to return the House my sincere thanks
for their favorable opinion of my public services and their
kind wishes for the recovery of my health. As to the first, I
can only say I have served the public with integrity and an
honest heart ; with regard to the latter, I can cheerfully sub-
mit, in my advanced years, to the course of Providence and
the common laws of human nature, but I am sorry that my
inability to attend the House should happen under the pre-
sent critical circumstances of our public aflEairs.' "
Upon his resignation, Benjamin Franklin was chosen, but
at the ensuing election, the opposition being successful, he
was not returned to the Assembly. Isaac Norris's name had
again been placed upon the ticket elected from the county
contrary to his wishes, and, though he had retired from the
speakership the previous session, he was re-elected to that
position. After a few sittings, however, he resigned a second
time on the 24th of October, 1764, and Joseph Fox was ap-
pointed in his stead. The opposition of himself and others,
to the change from Proprietary to Royal Government, arose
from an apprehension lest, if any change were made, the king
might take away the charters which secured the rights and
privileges that the inhabitants of the Province most valued,
or clog them with such restrictions as would abridge the
liberty which they then enjoyed. His motives were ever
454 Isdcx Norris.
pure and patriotic. A contemporary, speaking of him, says :
" That in all his long public career he never asked a vote to
get into the House, or solicited any member for posts of pri-
vate advantage or employments."
In the Independent Gazetteer for November 17th, 1787, No.
612, 1 find the following anecdote of him which occurred in
the time of "the would-be Provincial Dictator," Governor
Morris : The late Mr. Isaac Norris, whose memory will be
forever revered by every good citizen of Pennsylvania, had
served his country for more than twenty years in the charac-
ter of legislator. His age and increasing weakness of consti-
tution at length obliged him to quit the arduous task of
reconciling and directing the various interests and views of his
fellow representatives to the good of his country. Not long
before his resignation, Mr. N. thought proper to bear his tes-
timony with more warmth than usual. On this occasion,
having quitted the speaker's chair, with all the fire of juve-
nile patriotism and the dignity of venerable age, concluded
an energetic speech with the following declaration : " No
man shall ever stamp his foot on my grave and say. Curse
him! here lies one who basely betrayed the liberties of his
country."
He died at Fair Hill, after a long indispositioui on the ISth
of July, 1766.
The Wluirton Family. 456
THE WHARTON FAMILY.
BT ANNE H. WHARTON.
(Continoed from page 329.)
Issue all b. in Philada.
57. Hannah, b. Sept. 3, 1753 ; m. James C. Fisher.
58. Mart, b. Jan. 22, 1755 ; m. Philada. May 17, 1780, Owen, son of
Owen Jones, by his wife Susannah Evans, b. in Philada. March 15,
1744-5. By her he had one child ; bu. in Friends Qroand, Jan. 22,
1784. Mrs. Jones d. soon after, and he ni. 2dly, Hannah Foalke,
and d. s. p. His will was proved May 14, 1825.
59. Rachil, b. Nov. 29, 1756 ; d. Nov. 8, 1759.
60. Joseph, ba. Aag. 1, 1766, aged 6 years.
61. Jaoob, ba. Dec 21, 1769, aged 9 years.
62. Martha, d. unm. ; bu. April 7, 1788, aged 24 years.
63. Franklin, ba. Aug. 1, 1766, aged 4 mo.
64. Susannah, d. unm. June 5, 1786. The following obituary appeared
in the *' Pennsylvania Mercury,'' of June 9, 1786, which we give as
a curious specimen of a certain style of composition : —
'* On Monday last, the 5th of June, theamiable, the blooming Miss Susannah
Wharton, in the. bud of life, resigned her breath. Amongst the many sacri-
fices that are hourly made at the altar of the ^rim monster, few possessed
more real accomplishments than this lovely victim. Bom under the smiles of
nature— educated in the paths of prudence and virtue — she rose like the sun
— illuminating with her knowledge, and cherrishing with her philanthropy.
** To a mild, condescending disposition, she added those generous senti-
ments, which characterise the worthv part of her sex, and mark the Chris-
tian. In her pastime she was chearnil, in her devotion she was serious. A
perfect consistency was seen in her conduct.
'* If the frail^ of her companions was the topic of conversation, she
spoke but to vindicate ; when their virtues were admired she joined with a
fervency that testified her liberality. In the common occurrences of life she
was neither too much elevated, nor too much depressed ; she turned with a
smile from the casualities of human life to Nature's God, and into His hands
she resigned herself with pleasure. No motives influenced her conduct, but
the happiness of her fellow-creatures. The heart-rending sighs, the sorrow-
ful looKS of all who knew her, manifest their loss. The effusions of esteem
in one of her acquaintance has given birth to this imperfect sketch of her
character. It wants no aid of the pen to be beloved — she need only to
have been known."
65. William Hudson, bu. Sept 13, 1781, aged 10 years.
1 7. Samuel Wharton* (Joseph,* Thomas,* Richard^), b. May
3, 1732 ; m. Sarah, dau. of Stephen Lewis, by his wife Rebecca
456 ITie Wharton Family.
Hussey. Mr. Wharton was one of the signers of the Non-Im-
portation Resolutions of 1765, a member of the City Councils
of Philada., of the Committee of Safety of the Revolution,
and of the Colonial and State Legislatures. He was a promi-
nent member of the Ohio Company, whose plan of forming a
settlement on the Ohio River was projected by Sir William
Johnson, Governor Franklin, and others. In 1767, Dr. Frank-
lin, then in England, mentions his correspondence with Mr.
Wharton on this subject. Lord Hillsborough, in his "Report
of the Lord's Commissioners for Trade and Plantations," in
which he considered the "humble memorial of the Hon.
Thomas Walpole, Benjamin Franklin, John Sargent, and
Samuel Wharton, Esquires, in behalf of themselves and their
associates," strenuously opposed the passing of the bill con-
firming the grant of land (known as Walpole's Grant), in reply
to which Dr. Franklin put forth his powers to such purpose
that the petition was finally granted, June 1, 1772. In con-
sequence, however, of revolutionary troubles the project was
not realized.
Mr. Wharton was a partner in the house of Messrs. Bayn-
ton, Wharton & Morgan, one of the most respectable com-
mercial associations in the Colonies. At one time, the Indians
destroyed upwards of £40,000* worth of their goods; as
indemnification for which depredation, the chiefs made over
to the firm all the lands which, at present, compose the State
of Indiana-t " Mr. Wharton, being an accomplished gentleman
and scholar, was deputed by his partners to pass over to Eng-
land for the purpose of soliciting a confirmation of this grant,
in which he so far succeeded that the day was appointed by
the Minister for him to attend at Court, and kiss the rKing's
hand on receiving the grant.^ Unfortunately, however, in
the interim, some of his correspondence with Franklin, in
furtherance of the Revolution, was discovered, and instead of
the consummation he expected, he was obliged to fly for his
life, and was fortunate in reaching the shores of France in
* Penna. currency. f See Appendix.
X The Penoa. Gazette announced Mr. Wharton's appointment as GoTemor
of the new proyince of Pittsylvania.
Hie WhaHon Family. 457
safety, where lie was joined by his old friend Dr. Franklin."*
In 1780, Samuel Wharton returned to Philada., and on Feb.
9, 1781, he took the oath of allegiance to the State of Penna.
He was a member of the Continental Congress during the
years 1782 and 1788. In 1784, he was appointed a Justice
of the Peace for the District of South wark, he having, a short
time before, retired to his country seat, in that suburb, where
he anticipated ending his days in peace and quietness. His
will was admitted to probate, March 26, 1800. His children
were —
66t Stephin, d. Philada. March 24, 1755.
67. Samuel Lewis, b. Philada. Feb. 14, 1759 ; m. Mrs. Rachel Musgravc.
68. Hannah, d. Philada. April 6, 1764, aged 2 years.
69. Rebecca, m. June 7, 1798, Ghamless Allen, and d. s. p. Soon after
he m. 2dly, Rachel, widow of Samuel L. Wharton.
70. Martha, m. Samuel B. Shaw.
71. RioHABD, d. unm.
18. Joseph Whaeton* (Joseph,* Thomas,* Richard*), h.
Philada., March 21, 1738-4; m. Philada., June 18, 1760,
Barah, dau. of Job and Sarah Tallman, b. Aug. 25, 1740, and
d. before her husband. Before the Revolution, Mr. Wharton
was an active and successful merchant ; but losses during the
war, and a series of reverses attending his mercantile ventures,
after the establishment of peace, obliged him to retire from
business.
The following is an obituary notice, which appeared in
Poulson's "Advertiser," Dec. 80, 1816 :—
Died, on the 25th instant, in the eighty-third year of his
age, Joseph Wharton, Esq., long a respectable inhabitant of
this city, and deeply and sincerely lamented by those who
enjoyed the advantage of his friendship.
The protracted term of life, and the lingering illness through
which this gentleman had passed, had neither impaired the
original vigour of his mind, nor lessed the uncommon warmth
of nis affections. His understanding, naturally quick and
powerful, was improved to an extent little common with the
past generation. Few men, perhaps, possessed such an inti-
mate acquaintance with the language and literature of Greece
« « Daily Adyertiaer." t 66a. Joseph living 1770.
81
458 Uie Wharton Family.
and Rome, and still fewer have, like him, retained an undi-
minished attachment to them, at an advanced stage of existence,
and while suifering under an accumulation of physical evils.
In the early part of his life he had enjoyed the peculiar good
fortune of an intercourse with many of the most celebrated
literary men of Europe. In latter years disease and misfortune
caused his retirement from the world, but lessened not his zeal
tor the welfare of society, his duties toward which he discharged
with exemplary proprietv. It only remains perhaps to add,
that he was a sincere and devout believer in the ereat truths
of our religion, and closed a well-spent life in the nnn persua-
sion of a removal to a better state of being.
He had nine children, all b. in Philada.
72. Joseph Tallmak, b. Jalj 16, 1761 ; d. Dec 17, 1762.
73. Sarah, b. Nov. 20, 1763 ; d. Aag. 27, 1764.
74. Thomas Pabb, b. Nov. 18, 1765. He d. nnm., and in tlie ^ Daily Ad-
vertiser," Dec. 3, 1802, the event is thus noticed : —
" Died on Wednesday, the let instant, in the 37th year of his age, Thomas
Parr Wharton. A vifforons and highly-cultivated understanding, united to
a just and benevolent aisposition, rendered the deceased peculiarly agreeable
and dear to his friends and family. A series of misfortunes tauffht him the
uncertainty of all human pursuits and attachments as the means of happiness,
and a tedious and painful illness became, in the hands of a kind ProTidence,
the means of conveying to him the knowledge of his Bedeemer, in whose
mercy alone he placed his hopes of acceptance beyond the grave ; his last
words were, * 1 die in peace.' "
76. Hannah, b. Nov. 4, 1767; m. William Chancellor.
76. Nancy, b. Aug. 2, 1770 ; m. James Cowles Fisher (his lat wife wis
Hannah Wharton, No. 57) and d. s. p. Jan. 1852.
77. Sabah, b. April 23, 1772 ; m. Jonathan Robeson.
78. Mabtha. b. Feb. 18, 1774; d. unm. March, 1861.
79. Rachkl, b. Aug. 8, 1775 ; d. Jan. 29, 1784.
80. El«a, b. Sept. 18, 1781 ; d. unm. April 7, 1869.
23. Charles Wharton^ (Joseph,* Thomas,* Richard*), b.
Philada. Jan. 11, 1743 ; m. Ist, March 12, 1772, at Christ
Church, Jemima Edwards, who was bu. in Philada. Nov, 13,
1772, aged 21 years. He m. 2dly, at Friends Meeting (Oct.
22, 1778), Elizabeth Richardson, who d. May 28, 1782, aged
30 years. His third wife was Hannah, dau. of William Red-
wood, by his wife Hannah, dau. of Samuel Holmes. They
were m. at Friends Meeting, Oct. 13, 1784. She was b. in
Newport, R. I., Sept. 25, 1759 ; d. Philada- April 11, 1796.
Tfie Wharton Family. 469
Mr. Wharton was a most successful merchant, and extensively
engaged in the importing business of the city. He took the
oath of allegiance to the State of Penna. July 3, 1778 ; and
d. in Philada. March 15, 1838. His children, all by his third
wife and b. in Philada., were —
81. Joseph, b. Aug. 17, 1785 ; d. unm. Jane 27, 1803.
82. William, d. infant, March 8, 1788.
83. Sarah Rsdwood, b. June 1, 1789; m. William Craig.
84. William, b. Jane 27, 1790 ; m. Deborah Fisher.
85. Charlks, b. Sept 20, 1792 ; m. Anne M. HoUingsworth.
86. Hannah Rsdwood, b. Not. 15, 1794 ; m. Thomas G. HoUingsworth.
24. Isaac Wharton* (Joseph,* Thomas,' Richard*), b.
Philada. Sept. 15, 1745; m. Friends Meeting, Philada. Nov.
14, 1786, Margaret, dau. of Francis Rawle, by his wife Eebecca
Warner. He died, Philada. March 81, 1808. His children
were —
87. Francis Bawls, b. Jan. 11, 1788 ; m. Joliana M. GouYemear.
88. Hannah MARaABsr, b. Jnly 17, 1789 ; d. onm. Philada. Oct 14, 1875.
89. Thomas Isaac, b. May 17, 1791 ; m. Arabella Griffith.
90. Joseph, b. April 29, 1793 ; d. nnm. 1822.
91. BsBEccA Shoim AKSR, b. Sept. 1, 1795 ; m. Joseph R Smith.
25. Carpenter Wharton* (Joseph,* Thomas,' Richard*), b.
Philada. Aug. 80, 1747 ; m. Christ Church, April 13, 1771,
Elizabeth Davis, who d. May, 1816. He d. April 6, 1780,
leaving issue —
92. John, m. Nancy Craig.
93. Thomas Carpenter, m. Jnne 21, 1806, Ann, dan. of William Green,
by his wife Mary, dan. of Ellis Lewis, and d. s. p. She d. 1857.
27. Mary Wharton* (Joseph,* Thomas,* Richard*), b. April
8, 1755 ; m. Friends Meeting, May 17, 1786, WiUiam Sykes,
son of Samuel and Elizabeth Sykes.
94. JossPH, d. Philada. March 26, 1789.
95. Elizabbth, d. Philada. Dec. 6, 1791.
96. William, d. Philada. Sept. 1, 1791.
97. BoBBRT Wharton, b. July 26, 1796 ; m. Ist, Mrs. Frenaje, and 2dl7,
Lacy, dau. of Lemael Lamb. He d. b. p.
(To be continaed.)
Itecords of Christ Church, Fkiiaddpkia.
RECORDS OF CHRIST CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA.
BURIALS, 1709-1760.
OOHTBIBDTID BY 0HASLB8 B. HIU>BBI1EH.
(OontlDusd Irom p*gc SU.)
June 4,1728.
BetteoD,
"William. A foreigner.
John, Bon of Joeeph.
■William, eon of William aod
Mar. 10, 1740.
Betty,
April 5,1712.
Bevan,
Mary.
July 21,1738.
"
Sylvanufl, son of Evan.
Not. 28, 1746.
'*
Sarah, dan. of David.
July 14,1747.
"
John, BOn of ye widow.
Oct. 8, 1711.
Beven,
Joseph.
Nov. 4,1714.
Bevin,
Mary.
William, eon of Abraham.
Oct 22,1757.
Biekley,
Feb. 19,1759.
"
Margaret
July 25,1746.
Biddaiw>n,
Thomas, son of Robert.
Sept. 4,1721.
Biddle,
Michael, eon of Wm. and Ann.
Aug. 14, 1725.
"
Williaiii.«iiiorW,„.andAnn.
Not. 22, 1729.
"
Ann.-, wife of William.
Dec. 12,1732.
"
Nicholas, son of William.
Sept. 26, 1756.
"
Michael.
Dec. 13,1758.
Biddle,
William, son of James.
April 30, 1759.
"
Edwanl, son of James.
Dec. 9, 1759.
"
Clayton.
William.
Dec 8, 1726.
Bidle,
May 26,1748.
Bigarton,
John.
Feb. 5, 1748-9. Bfgjtar,
Maty, dau. of Richard.
July 18,1758.
Biggare,
dan. of Richard.
Jan. 4, 1754.
Bigger,
James, son of Richard.
Aug. 1,1742.
Biggerd,
Roger.
Nov. 21, 1726.
BiggiuB,
Sarah.
May 29,1737.
Bignal,
Samuel.
Dec. 30,1735.
Bindar,
Robert Prom Charles Me^
Oct. 9, 1736.
Bindley,
James. [cer's.
Sept 4, 1716.
Bing,
John.
Dec. 22, 1714.
Bingham,
James.
Nov. 21, 1728.
S
Susannah, dau. of James.
Aug. 5, 1730.
«
Thomas, son of James.
Not. 9,1787.
"
James.
Records of Christ Church, Fhiladdphia.
461
Oct.
11,
July
9,
Nov.
9,
Oct.
15,
Oct.
80,
Jan.
11,
Oct
10,
Jan.
10,
Oct.
19,
July
28,
Oct.
2,
Sept.
21,
Mar.
24,
Jan.
12,
Nov.
19,
June
6,
July
10,
Oct.
5,
Aug.
8,
Sept.
4,
May
9,
May
11,
July
8,
May
27,
Aug.
28,
Oct.
13,
Aug.
2,
Jan.
17,
Mar.
7,
Dec.
16,
Aug.
80,
Nov.
10,
Aug.
8,
Dec.
24,
Sept.
5,
Sept,
27,
Dec.
22,
Nov.
23,
July
16,
Mar.
7,
June 20,
Nov.
7,
Oct.
30,
Feb.
24,
Sept.
12,
44
44
44
1750. Bingham,
1759.
1746. Birch,
1748.
1748. "
1750-1. "
1721. Bird,
1726-7. "
1740. "
1742. "
1743. "
1744. "
1730-1. Bishop,
1739-40. "
1741. "
1759. "
1756. Bittle,
1742. Black,
1750.
1754.
1756.
1756. Blackborn,
1746. Blackenburg,
1751. Blackly,
1782. Blackflton,
1732. "
1783. *'
1786-7. Blade,
1747-8. Blake,
1751.
1756.
1756.
1758.
1758.
1759.
1729. Blakey,
1732. "
1751. Blarney,
1712. Blaney,
1747-8. "
1710. BlaBdall,
1729. Blood,
1751. Blyden,
1726-7. Boake,
1733. Boar,
44
44
44
44
44
44
Anne, wid. of James in 1714.
Ann, vnd. of James in 1737.
Anna-Catherina, dau. of John.
John, son of Adam.
John.
Mararet, wife of Adam.
Ann.
Mary. Quakers' Ground.
Jeremiah, son of Jeremiah.
Jane, dau. of Jeremiah.
Jeremiah.
Mary. Widow.
Anne.
Mary, dau. of Robert.
John.
James, son of John.
dau. of James.
James.
Margaret, dau. of James.
Margaret, dau. of Roger.
dau. of James.
John.
Catherine.
William.
Thomas.
CJomelius, son of Thomas.
James, son of Thomas.
Robert. From Boyer's.
Henry.
Anne, dau. of Roger.
dau. of Roger.
Rodffer.
Chanes.
William.
Sarah, dau. of James.
Mary, dau. of Charles.
Charles.
Samuel.
Mary, dau. of John.
Samuel, son of Samuel.
Thomas.
Holdcraft.
Christopher.
Sarah.
Hannah, wife of Peter.
462
Jan.
July 13,
Dec
Mar. 18,
Mar.
June 20.
July 81
May 11
May 21,
Oct. 12.
April 28:
June 18
June 25
May %
Mar. 7,
Aug. 19,
Jan. 2.
Feb. 29
June 16
Dec. 7
Oct. 16
Deo. 7
Dec. 12
Oct. 9
Sept 31
rob. 25
Do=. 7
Aug. 15
Aug. 8,
July 19,
Aug. 28,
June 10
July 10,
July 21,
Nov. 2,
Oct. 23,
Jan. 17,
July 27,
Doc 13,
April 7,
April 11,
May 20,
Nov. 21,
July 31,
Rxords of Christ Church, Phitaddphia.
1740-1. Boardnuin,
1756. Bodeman,
1746. Bodine,
1769. Bolitho,
1730-1. BoUanl,
1789.
1746.
1759. Boiling,
1726. Bolton,
1727.
1729. "
1729.
1742.
1747. "
1747-8. "
1744. Bonam,
1750-1. "
1752.
1756. "
1756. "
1757.
1780. Bond,
1746. »
1747. "
1749.
1749-50. "
1755, "
1746. Bonbam,
1748. "
1759.
1759.
1744 Bood,
1746.
1746.
1748.
1759.
1738-i
1755.
1723.
1729.
1727.
1737.
1734.
1753.
Boore,
. Booth,
Bore,
Bom,
Borrougba,
Borrows,
Bose,
BoBtick,
Bottam,
John.
Thomas.
Peter.
John.
Sarah, dau. of WiUiam.
Mary, wife of William.
Mary. Widow.
Lucy.
John, Bon of Robert and Ann.
Joseph, son of Mr. [Gent.
Hannah, dan. of Robert
Joeeph, Hon of Bobert
Robert
Rebekah.
Jane, dau. of Ephraim.
Catherine, dau. of SamaeL
Jane, clau. of Euhmiiu.
Hon of tphmim.
dau. of hphraim.
child of Ephraim.
James.
Sarah, dau. of Thomas.
Robert, dau. of Dr. Thomas.
Elizabeth, dau. of Joseph.
Jane.
Venables, non of Thomas.
William, son of Ephraim.
Elizabeth, dau. of Ephraim.
Ephraim, enn of Ephraim.
Susannah, daa. of Eplmiim.
Mareret, dau, of John.
Sweeds' Church.
John, son of John. Wiccaoo.
Joseph, eon of John.
Lydta, dau. of the widow.
Mary.
Mary.
Bon of David.
Thomas.
William.
John, Hon of Edward.
Anne, wife of Francis. ^Smoa.)
Robert, son of Henry.
Catherine, dau. of 'niomaa
Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia.
M»y
22
1749.
Bottom,
Aug.
23
1755.
"
July
16
1751.
Boucher,
Aug.
18
1751.
"
May
19
1733.
Bond,
Aug.
9
1733.
"
Mar.
3
1730-1. Boude,
Mar.
7
1730-1
"
June
4
1731.
"
Mar.
24
1733.^
. "
Aug.
8
1740.
"
8«pt.
26
1738.
Bondenott
Oct
15
1759.
Bound,
Juue
5
17S0.
Bourne,
Feb.
16
1726-7. Bowell,
Sept.
6
1746.
Bow<«,
Dee.
6
1749.
"
May
29
1751.
"
Feb.
15
1736-7. Bowler,
Jan.
2
1732-3. Bowling,
Sept.
12
1738.
June 12
1748.
"
June 2S
1735.
BowlB,
Nov.
5
1736.
Bowman,
May
5
1734.
Bowmer,
Nov.
24
1721.
Bowyer,
July
20
1730.
"
Oct:
7
1711.
Boyear,
Feb.
19
1726-
. Boyer,
Jan.
10
1732-3. "
Aug.
18
1736.
"
Oct.
26
1738.
"
Jan.
26
1740-1
. "
Mar.
20
1740-]
. "
.Tune
28
1736.
Boyes,
May
27
1714.
Boyte,
Oct.
12
1730.
«
Nov.
14
1738.
"
Sept.
15
1741.
"
Deo.
30
1744.
**
May
15
1745.
"
July
28
1745.
"
463
John, BOH of Thomas.
S'athcrine), wife of Thomas,
argret, dau. of Thomas.
Thomas.
Samuel.
Sarah, dau. of Thomas.
Aime, dau. of Thomas.
Mary, dau. of Thomas.
Thomas, t^oa of Thuiuas.
Deborah, 4aTi. of Thomas.
Jauo, dau. of Thomas.
Marv-Ciitlifriin;, dau. of
TLoiiiiiH,
Sarali, wife of Oorneliofl.
Thomas, son of Thomas.
William.
Andrew, son of Francis.
Francis.
John, son of Francis, deceased.
Susannah, wife of Daniel.
Thomas, son of Thomas,
Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas.
Thomas.
Thomas. Fall.
Esther, wife of Thomas.
Thomas.
Benjamin, son of John and
Rebecca.
Sarah.
Rebecca, wife of John.
Richard.
John.
James, son of James.
Thomas.
Siuannah, dau. of James.
Dorothy, dau. of James.
Robert, son of Joseph.
Elizabeth, dau. of W illiam and
Lacy.
William.
John.
Hannah, dau. of John.
Sarah, dau. of Philip.
Joseph, son of William.
John, son of Philip.
464
Beccrds of Christ Churchy Philadelphia.
Jan. 27,
Oct. 11,
June 4,
Oct. 3,
Feb. 23,
Oct. 21,
Nov. 22,
Dec. 22,
Nov. 27,
Aug. 21,
July 20,
Jan. 1,
July 1,
Mar. 27,
Oct. 10,
July 28,
Oct. 15,
April 9,
June 9,
Oct. 2,
Oct. 7,
Sept. 12,
June 8,
Aug. 22,
Feb. 5,
May 2,
Dec. 12,
Dec. 28,
Oct. 22,
Sept. 2,
Sept. 13,
Jan. 23,
Sept. 6,
Oct. 22,
Sept. 6,
Mar. 22,
Nov. 13,
Aug. 12,
Aug. 5,
July 14,
June 29,
Oct. 14,
1748.
Boyte,
1748.
u
1753.
((
1763.
((
1750-:
1. Brackbuiy,
1727.
Brackenbary,
1784.
Brackntone,
1789.
Bradford,
1742.
i(
1755.
u
1756.
u
1722-8. Bradley,
1726.
u
1744.
u
1712.
Bradflhaw,
1780.
u
1780.
u
1781.
M
1789.
<(
1748.
U
1744.
U
1749.
Brag,
1759.
Brannon,
1757.
Branflon,
1733.
Brawley,
1736.
Braydon,
1728.
Brever,
1758.
Brewster,
1759.
u
1748.
Brian,
1728.
Brice,
1787.
Brickhill,
1746.
Brickil,
1782.
Brickill,
1741.
Bridges,
1710.
Brig,
1746.
Brigs,
1741.
Bright,
1742.
1749.
1751.
1751.
U
4;
4(
Anne, dau. of Philip.
William.
Philip.
John.
Charies.
Charies, son of John.
John, son of Thomas.
Dorcas, wife of Andrew.
Andrew.
Cornelia.
Cornelius. [Laetit;
son of Edward
Laetitia, wife of Edward.
Edward.
Mary, dau. of Henry.
Mar^ret, dau. of John.
David.
Seth, son of Thomas.
Joseph, son of Gteorge.
Elizabeth, dau. of George.
Eloner, wife of John.
John.
James.
son of Day.
Thomas.
James, son of Hugh.
Elias.
John.
Hans.
John.
Mr. William, of Barbadoes.
Sarah, dau. of Richard.
Elizabeth, dau. of Richard.
Alice, dau. of Richard.
Edward.
John.
John.
Katherine, dau. of Anthony.
Anthony, son of Anthony.
Anthony. [ceased.
Thomas, son of Anthony, de-
Jane.
(To be coDtinaed.)
Proceedings of the Historical Society of Fennsylvania. 466
NOVEMBER AND DECEMBER MEETINGS OP THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
A qaarterlj meeting of the Society was held on the evening of November
12, 1877, Mr. Yice-PreBident Keim in the chair.
The order of business was sospended, and Mr. Cesar A. Rodney, of Dela-
ware, read to the meeting an account of the Princeton Campaign of 1776-77,
prepared from the papers of Capt Thos. Rodney. The address was listened
to with marked attention, and the thanks of the Society were unanimously
voted to Mr. Rodney for his interesting discourse.
llie accessions to the library since the last regular meeting were reported
to have been : —
Books .299
Magazines . 5
Maps 14
Manuscripts . • 19
Miscellaneous ...... 144
Pamphlets 473
ToUl 954
A portrait of Governor Shulze was presented by the artist Mr. James B.
Lambdin.
A portrait of Gov. Geary was presented by the artist Mr. £. D. Marchant.
A called meeting of the Society was held on the evening of Dec. 10, 1877,
Mr. Vice-President Keim in the chair.
There was an unusually large attendance of members and others.
The presiding officer introduced Professor Oswald Seidensticker, of the
University of Pennsylvania, who read a masterly and scholarly paper on
*' The Travels of William Penn in Holland and Germany in 1677,'' a copy
of which has been promised for publication in the Penmbtlvakia Maoaukb.
466 Notes and (faeries.
NOTES AOT) QUERIES.
Thb Ohurch in Burunoton, N. J., St, Anne*s or St. Marias f — ^It maf
seem strange, at this late day, that an inquiry could be made as to the
proper name of this venerable parish. But a perusal of Dr. Hills' " History
of the Church in Burlington, Trenton, 1876/' reveals some grounds for the
question.
Lord Combury's Warrant, dated October 4, 1704, speaks of " the said
Ohurch called by the name of St. Anne's Church in Burlington," p. 190.
The corner-stone was laid by Dr. Talbot on Lady Day, March 25, 1703
(being in that year the Thursday before Easter), and he writes, *' we called
this Ohurch St. Mary's, it being upon her day," p. 36. This warrant, it
appears, never was passed upon by the rector ana vestry, and under the
administration of Oof. Richard Ingoldsby, the Lieutenant-Governor, a new
warrant was made out, and the parish was incorporated January 25, 1709,
by the name of *' the Minister, Church Wardens, and Vestry of tne Church
of St. Mary, in Burlington," p. 133.
The first service was held in the new church, though it was ia an incom-
plete state, Sunday, August 22, 1703, and the *' Burlington Church Booke**
records the *' Collection at opening oar Church St. Mary Anne/' the word
Marv being[ interlined subsequent to original entry, p. 215.
The inside of the vellum cover of the Parish Register gives the words,
'* llie Register of the Church of St. Ann's at Burlington." The outside
says, " Parish Register of St Mary's Church, Burlineton," p. 293.
The first communion was administered in the church by Dr. Talbot on the
Whit-Sunday foUowinsr, June 4, 1704, and the MS. Account Book, fre-
quently qnoted by Dr. Hills as of authority, records it was *' Administered in
St Ann's Church att Burlington," p. 429.
The will of Thomas Leciter, dated July 8, 1709, proved November 14,
following, leaves certain real estate on Stony Brook, Somerset County,
«* unto the Church of St Anne in Burlington," pp. 97, 286.
The MS. Account Book gives " an Abstract or Proceedings of the Minister
Oh. Wardens and Vestry of St. Anne's Church in Burlington the 19th day
of November, A.D. 1745," p. 26L
In 1752, died Mr. Paul Watkinson, who had been clerk of the church
from the year 1707, a service of forty-five years, leaving certain real estate
upon which stands the present St. Mary's, with a life interest to his wife,
— '* to the use of the Church called St. Annes Church in Burlington," pp.
267, 507.
Again, there is the will of Joseph Hewlings, dated August 6, 1741 (▼.
Will Book No. 5, p. 26, at Trenton), in which a devise is made to "St
Ann's Church, Burlington." The Hewlings family had furnished several
wardens to the church, and was indeed almost continuously represented in
the vestry.
How came this name of St Anne to be thus perpetuated in official records
and personal devises tliroughout half a century after the corner-stone was
laid in 1703, by Dr. Talbot? Lord Combury's Warrant describes the
church as " cdllcd by the name of St. Anne's Church," and the later refer-
ences above cited seem to give color to the belief that the popular name of
the parish was established from the outset in honor of tne Queen, whose
Notes and Queries. 467
ascent to the throne had occnrred bat about a twelvemonth prior to the
comer-stone laying. It was on April 17, 1702, that the several proprietors
of East and West Jersey presented their *' deed of surrender'' to Her Majesty
in Coancil, etc., P. 21 ; and on November 1, following (being All-Saints'
Day and the 22a Sunday after Trinity^, the first services were held, and
sermons preached by Messrs. Keith and Talbot, in the 'i*own House, in Bur-
lington, to the infant congregation (p. 22] . Of course, the Warrant of 1709
affords the legal title of St. Mary's ; but the references now cited do not
appear based upon the mere technicality of Lord Cornbury's Warrant of
1704, but upon the original and accepted name of the Sovereign Liady Anne
^- which was quite in accordance with the loyal customs of that day.
By what process, then, was this popular name superseded by another in
legal formularies, which latter, however, had not the force for a long term
of years to crush out its use ? If we can now afford a conjecture as to the
objects or motives leading to the substitution, we may probably find it in
Dr. Talbot's sympathy for the House of Stuart, which was evinced by his
non-juring Episcopal consecration in 1722, although he claimed in 1715 that
he ''was a Williamitc (Vom the beginning," p. 142. He had arrived in Bur^
lington with the view, possibly, of passing the Easter festival with the
energetic young flock, and availing himself of the festival of the Annunci-
ation, he, on that Thursday in Holy Week, being March 25, after *' sermon,
went out with the rest of the people, and laid the comer-stone of Saint
Mary's Church," p. 33 ; being doubtless unwilling to participate in the cere-
monies of a corner-stone laying which would establish the name of even
Queen Anne, who was then filling the throne of the rightful, but exiled
Stuart.
This is not a conclusion, but merely a suggestion ; and there may exist
among manv Burlineton family memoranda some hints or references which
may yet find the light and serve to help us to a proper conclusion on this
interesting point. T. H. M.
James Madison and ths War of 1812. — About forty years ago a gentle-
man well ac(^uainted with the political history of this country during the
preceding thirty years, informed me that, after Mr. Madison had sent a
messenger to Congress, recommending a declaration of war against England,
he sent another person after that messenger with orders to bring him back.
During the summer of 1842 I met the Bev. Dr. Milnor, of New York,
upon a North River steamboat, and mentioned the above circumstance to
him. He concurred in thinking the story very likely to be correct, and
added that Mr. Madison had said to him, shortly before the beginning of
the war, '* Cannot something be done to prevent this dreadful war ?"
Dr. Milnor, before he became a clergyman, was a member of the Philadel-
phia bar, and one of the representatives of our city in the United States
House of Representatives. D.
Occupation of New York Citt by the British in 1776. — The following
extract from the diary of the Moravian congregation, dated the latter part
of October, was omitted in the articles published in the Moravian and
reprinted in the Pennsylvania Maoazins. It has been kindly furnished
by the Rev. A. A. Reinkc.
*' Things indeed looked now very distressing. Many that had lost their
Habitations, did not know where to live ; — there was hardly any Market
held ; — the necessaries of life grew very dear k were not to be had ; a gene-
ral Suspicion of the Inhabitants was perceived k one was under appre-
hension that the cruel Scene of the Fire would be repeated. All houses
were searched, whether combustibles might be concealed here k there.
468 Ni^es and Queries.
When they were in our Street & neighborhood, Br. Shewkirk incited them
to come in, bot they wd not, saying, that they knew that he was no Congress
Man, &c Matters gradually grew better, and came a little into Oraer ;
strict watches were kept, first by the Soldiers, and then City-Watches of
the Inhabitants were appointed in all the different Wards. All the com-
munication with the Jerseys was stopt ; so that one could get no Letters
there at any rate. However after some weeks several of the Friends to
government made their escape, and came to Town. Among them was Mr.
Benjamin Booth from Second River, who called npou Br. Shewkirk, &
brought him after a great while an acct of his wife, that she & the rest of
onr Feople at Second Biver were well. Br. Shewkirk had about this time
namely in Octr., a fit of Illness, which reduced him very low, & confined
him to his Room above 3 weeks. However he was enabled to care for the
public Preachings, & the weekly Meetings were put off but for a couple of
times. On the 1 9th of Octr. he made shift to walk as far as the City Hall,
(k signed the Petition to the King's Commissioner, to restore this city Sd
county to the King's Peace etc."
" Mile Stonb, No. 2."— Your correspondent, W. J. B., describes the lo-
cation of No. 1 correctly (see page 113). It may interest onr citisens to
know the second mile stone is carefully preserved also. It is built in the
wall of Bradle's Chain Works and in the N. E. comer of Hughes & Patter-
son's mill on Richmond Street (formerly Point Road), nearly opposite Ash
Street.
This marked two miles from the Old Court House, via Front Street,
thence by Laurel Street over the *' Old Stone Bridge" (near the gas works)
along Frankford Road to Point no Point road.
Wnere is the third mile stone ? Respectfully yours, H. B. B.
McClenaohan. — From a correspondent In Portland, Me., we learn that
the Rev. Wm. McClenaghan, whose election as assistant minister to Dr.
Jenney, rector of Christ Church in this city, in 1759, caused so much trouble
(see Dorr's Christ ChurchV was settled at Cape Elizabeth, Me., previous
to his removal to Philadelpnia.
CoBRKcnoNs. — In "The Wharton Family," on page 328, it is stated that
Sarah Crispen (52) m. W. Lewis ; it should read Levis. On pare 326 it is
stated that Charles Wharton m. 2dly, Hannah Richardson ; it should read
Elizabeth.
In " Descendants of Dr. William Shippen," on page 109, Henry Lightfoot
Lee should read Francis Lightfoot Lee. On page 110, it should read that
Edward Shippen, M.D., graduated at Univ. of Penna., 1846, and not at
Princeton, 1845, and that he took his degree of M.D. in 1857, and not in 1848.
On the last line of page 241, 1739 should read 1729. On page 242, thirty-
fifth line from the top, William Fell should read William Tiul.
(ffittetiee.
William Drummond, a Scotchman, and first Governor of the Carolinas,
was concerned in the Bacon Rebellion of 1676, and was executed by Sir
Wm. Berkeley for his participation in the disorders. He is said to nave
been a son of William Drummond, of Hawthornden, the poet. Is there
any authority for this statement, or if not, what was the lineage of the
Governor? R. P. Robins.
Not^ and Queries. 469
Robert Mobbis. — Will you kindly announce in your " Notes and
Queries/' that I have in course of preparation, soon to be published,
" Memoirs of the Life of Robbrt Morris, with a History of the Finances
of the American Revolution/' and that I will be greatly obliged to persons
having ori^nal papers relating to the subject, especially letters written by
or to Morris prior to the year 1795, if they will furnish me with copies of
the same, or communicate to uie their exisience ?
Respectfully vours,
Uharles Henry Hart.
OFncBRs OF THE RANDOLPH.— Cau any of the readers of the Pennsyl-
vania Magazine furnish the names of any or of all the officers lost on the
frigate Randolph, under Gapt. Nicholas Biddle, off Charleston Harbor,
March 7, 1778 ? R.
DuKSTER. — In the volume entitled Henry Dunster and his DescendantSf
by Samuel Dunster, of Attleborough, Mass., a Charles Dunster is men-
tioned as being the first of the name, and on the authority of his great-
grandson it is stated that he **was one of the twelve proprietors of all
South Jersey, and owned a great deal of land in West Jersey." Can any
additional data be contributed regarding him ? S. D.
Parry. — Col. Caleb Parry, who was killed at the battle of Long Island,
August 27, 1776, is said by Dr. Darlington, in his Notce Ceatrt'enses, to
have been a native of Chester County, and, at the beginning of the Revo-
lution, the proprietor and occupant of " The Leopard" tavern in East town.
Davis {Hist, Jiucks Co.^ p. 683) says he was of the Montgomery branch of
the family, and that his mother was Hannah Dilworth. Others state that
he was the son of David Parry and Mary Humphreys.
The following facts in the family history are offered with the hope that
more definite information may be obtained respecting the ancestry of this
patriot.
Rowland Parry, of Haverford, Chester (now Delaware) County, tanner,
** having a resolution to go to sea and thence to the Island of Barbadoes."
made his will Feb. 10, 1713-14 (proved Nov. 22, 1737), in which he mentions
dan. Anne, wife of Hugh Pugh, son David P%rry, dau. Emma Parry, and
son John Parry.
James Parry, of Tredyffrin, yeoman, purchased 100 acres in that town-
ship from Thomas Hubbard, Jan. 20, 1713; by will, dated Dec. 28. 1725.
{iroved Oct. 1, 1726, gave to his " eldest and beloved son," John Parry, all
lis real estate ; to son, David Parry, £25, " as also one vear's diet if he
continues teaching school in the place where now he is, in this Township of
Trydufferin ;" also mentions wile, Ann, and daughters, Lettice, wife of
Lewis William ; Elizabeth, wife of James Da vies ; Margaret, Marv, and
Hester Parry. He gave £1 to be paid ** unto ye Trustees of the Buildings
of ye Presbeterian meeting house in Treduffrin aforesaid within six months
after my Decease towards paying the Charges and Debts of the sd Build-
ings." This church, known as the Great Valley Presbyterian Church, was
doubtless built on the land of James Parry and the title thereof granted by
his son John.
John Parry, of Haverford (son of Rowland), in addition to his homestead
of 380 acres, purchased from William Allen, Esq., the Manor of Biltou,
containing near 3000 acres ; now the S. E. part of the township of Charles-
ton. He was probably the Sheriff of that name who " executed that
office with gre&i Integrity and a becoming Resolution in difficult times"
( CoL Rec.y iv. 309); was also for several years a member of Assembly and
470 Notes and Queries.
one of the Justices of the GommoD Pleas. In his will, dated July 14
(proyed Oct. 2), 1740, he mentions his wife Hannah, dans. Marj, wife of
J^b Hall, Sasanna, Margaret, Hannah, Sarah and Martha Parry ; to son
Rowland, he devised the homestead; also mentions his brother, David
Parry, and his two children, sister Ann Lewis's children, and sister Emma's
children ; appoints his kinsman, John Parry, one of his ezecators and gives
him his watcn.
John Parry, of Trcdyffrin (son of James), was likewise a Justice of the
Peace, bat does not appear to have left any family. By his will, dated
Jaly 22 (proved Aug. 5). 1747, he devised the bulk of his land to his
brother David; to his sisters Lettice, Elizabeth, Margaret^ Mary and
Esther, £5 each; to cousins (nieces) Margaret Davis and Margaret Wil-
liams. £10 each " as a mark of my regard to them for their extraordinary
Good Behaviour while they lived with me ;" to cousin Rowland Parnr, my
watch ; to cousin Hannah Parry, of Haverford, my English house Bible,
which I use in common ; to cousin Tobytha Parry, au English Bible with
Samuel Clark's annotations therein; to negro Harry, his freedom at 35»
and two acres of ground next to Enoch Walker's line, with £3, &c.
David Parry, " of the Great Valley in the County of Chester, yeoman,"
did not long survive his brother, his will being dated Feb. 22, and proven
March 23, 1747-8. To his son, Caleb, he devised one-half the land at 21
and the remainder at the death of his mother, Elizabeth ; to dau. Tabitha,
£50, and to son, Joshua, £70, at 21 years of age.
Feb. 9, 1761, Caleb Parry, of Tredyffrin, yeoman, and Elizabeth Parry
(his mother), of same place, convey to Joshua Parry, blacksmith, 5 acres,
25 perches of land in Tredyffrin, part of the 100 acres purchased by James
Parry in 1713.
Col. Caleb Parry, it is said, was baptized Feb. 9, 1734 ; married Dec.
Sliccnse dated 15th) 1761. to Elizabeth Jacobs, born Dec. 5, 1732, dan. of
Tohn Jacobs, Jr., and Mary Hayes, by which marriage he became allied to
a family of marked intellectual ability.
April 3, 1762, Caleb Parry purchased mills and land in E. Whiteland
Township from James Martin, and with wife, Elizabeth, conveyed the
same, March 27, 1769, to Michael Wayne, Thomas Hall and George
Hoopes.
In 1766, Caleb Parry was one of the five (usually six) Assessors who laid
the tax upon the whole county of Chester. His si^rnature on the county
records is in a good, large and bold hand. He does not appear as a taxable
in Whiteland, or Basttown, for the years 1771 and 1774, and his residence
subsequent to 1769 has not been noticed by the writer.
From his grandson, Rowland Parry, Actuary of the Provident Life and
Trust Company, Philadelphia, the following facts were obtained relative to
the children of Caleb and Elizabeth (Jacobs) Parry : —
Rowland, married to Esther Carter, died 1796.
John Jacobs, married to Margaret Palmer July 28, 1804; died April 29,
Esther, married in 1789 to Guillanm Aertsen.
Hannah, married to Thomas McEuen, died 1827.
Mary, married to James Mnsgrave.
Fuller information respecting these and their descendants would be de-
sirable. Cope.
" Old Town."— What is the origrin and force of the term " Old Town."
formerly written in conjunction with the names of certain places in this
State ? For example, we find George Crophan dating letters from "Anck-
wick, Old Town." A number of places are named in the same way, such
Notes and Queries. 471
as *< FrankstowD, Old Town/' *< Clearfield, Old Town/' and "Kiscomenettas,
Old Town."
AuoHwiCK. — What is the origin and significaiion of the term ''Anghwick,"
applied to a frontier post, 1750 to 1756, then baptized Ft. Shirley, and now
Snirlejsbarg, Huntingdon County, Pa. ? Secretary Peters (1750) calls it
'' Ancquick." Croghan, who spelled phonettcalli/, savs Aughick (Pa. Arch,,
vol. ii. p. 211), and on p. 214 Peters calls it Aackquick. Is it English,
Dutch, German, Irish, or Indian ?
St. Yincknt and Puke's Land Association. — In vol. ii. page 520, of
the New Series of Pa. Archives^ we find the roll of the above military com-
pany organized for defence against the Indians in 1756. Where was this
company recruited, and what is the origin of the name ?
BoBSBT Morris. — I have read with much interest the Centennial sketch
of Robert Morris, by Mrs. Armine Nixon Hart, published in your last
number, p. 333. But my attention was especially drawn to the following
statement which the writer makes on p. 341 : —
" The government, that he had carried on his shoulders, through adversity
to prosperity, allowed him to remain from the 16th of February, 1798, until
the 26 th of August, 1801, a period of three years, six months, and ten days,
an inmate of a debtor's prison, without raising a hand to help him, thus
adding another link to the chain which proves that ' Republics are un-
grateful.' Mr. Morris survived his imprisonment not quite five years, dying
on the 7th of May, 1806."
Will the writer of the sketch be so kind as to give her authority for this
statement, which is so different from that made by other writers ? I am
sure that, to one who has read the history of those days which called forth
the unexampled generosity of Robert Morris towards his adopted country,
the fact, if it be a fact, that he died in the loathsome cell of a debtor's
prison can reflect only upon the honor of the country. It cannot cast a
sinffle shadow on the unaimmed splendor which surrounds the name of
Robert Morris.
I believe that the impression is widespread that the ffreat financier
passed his last days as described by Elkanan Watson, in his Men and Times
of the Revolution. On page 320 of that work, in speaking of Morris in
connection with a letter written by him to the author, Watson says :—
" Such was the writer of the abiove letter when at the zenith of his ^lory,
although staggering at that time under the weight of the responsibilities
he hacf incurred for his country, and which a new-bom nation could not
avert It is lamentable to add, that, thus prostrated through his ardent
zeal and patriotic efforts, ^e ended his valuable and useful life in the loath-
some precincts of a dehtor^s prisonJ* Appleton's Encyclopedia, Lanman's
Congressional Directory, and various authorities to which reference has
been made, accept Watson's statement as fact
Moreover, there is now residing near here, at Fredericktown, Washington
County, Pennsylvania, a Mr. Benjamin Morris, a gentleman of years and
of intelligence, whose father was a cousin of Robert Morris. Since Mrs.
Hart's sketch has appeared, he has been interrogated as to the latter days
of Robert Morris. He states that Robert Morris " died a prisoner for
debt, on limited parole,** It was customary in those days to release
debtors, whose wora could be trusted, on parole, to be absent at their homes
for Sunday or a few dajrs at a time ; not to be absent beyond a specified day,
nor to pass beyond a specified limit of territory ; and it was while absent
from his prison on such a parole that Robert Morris died.
472 Notes aiid Queries.
If this statement is not correct, and Mrs. Hart can snbstantiate hers,
readers of American history will thank her. It is one of the darkest blots
apon the history of the United States that he to whom we owe as much as
to Washington himself for onr national life, was abandoned by the govern-
ment at the hour of his greatest need, and left to the power of an unjust
law ; impoverished in circumstances, crushed in spirit, and wounded unto
death by the fact that the country for which he had made such sacrifices
was unwilling to aid him. I hope Mrs. Hart can substantiate her statement
that he did not die a prisoner, even in name,
Brownsville, Pa. Horacs Edwin Haydbn.
Mouldsr's Battxbt. — Who were the officers of Moulder's Battery, and
where can any account of that organization be found ? A. O.
Dr. Biohard Haskins, M.D. — Can yon furnish information regarding the
ancestors of Dr. Bichard Haskins, M.D., or his wife Esther (maiden name
not known), living about 1710. Their daughter Anne married John, boa
of the well-known Samuel Carpenter.
Very truly yours,
Wharton Dickinson.
Philadelphia Doctors (page 116). — Allow me to say that Dr. Samuel
Chew, who lived in Philadelphia in 1730 ; Dr. Samuel Chew, of West River,
Maryland ; and Samuel Chew, Chief Justice of the " three lower counties'*
(New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware), were the same person ; that
he was not originally from Philadelphia, but was born in 1693, of Benjamin
and Elizabeth (Benson) Chew, on a small estate called Maidstone, near
West River, Maryland, about twelve miles from Annapolis; and that, as
there were five Samuels in the family at that time, he signed his name
" Samuel Chew, of Maidstone," until he left that estate and came to Phila-
delphia.
He was a Quaker; his first wife was Mary Galloway; and they were the
parents of Benjamin Chew, who was the last Chief Justice of the Province
of Pennsylvania ; and, later. President of the High Court of Errors and
Appeals. He was born at Maidstone in 1722.
Dr. Chew, having lost his wife May 26th, 1734, soon after moved from
Philadelphia, and m September, 1736, married Mary Qalloway (widow of
Richard Galloway of Cumberstone, Esquire, and daughter of Aquila Paca).
Governor Thomas appointed him Chief Justice in 1741 ; and it was in Au-
gust of that year tnat he delivered, from the Bench at New Castle, the
speech on "Ihe Lawfulness of Self-Defence against an Armed Enemy,"
that caused him to be disowned by the Society of Friends.
This expulsion, although the inevitable result of his haying held and
promulgated a doctrine directly antagonistic to the chief principles of the
society, was felt by him as a sore wound.
A man, with the views expressed so forcibly in that speech, could not be
a good Quaker; but, judging from his own letters, and tnose written durinff
his life and after his death concerning him, he was a devoted husband,
father, and friend, and as tender in his affections as he was firm in his
convictions.
Dr. Samuel Chew died at Dover (in 1743], where, I am informed, hia
house, and trees planted by him in his terracea garden, still stand.
Cliveden, Germantown, Nov. 19th, 1877. S. C.
Notes and Queries. 478
Philip Moore (vol. I., No. 3, p. 358).— Philip Moore was probably of
one of the New oenej families of Moore, and nearly related to those of
HanterdoQ Coanty. A Philip Moore was in Captain Tucker's company,
First Regiment, Hunterdon County, N. J. (See Stryker^a Jerseymen %n
the Revolutionary War, p. 694.) On that and the preceding page numerous
Moores' names occur, among which are the names of Daniel and Joseph*
(See also pp. 252, 253, 401, 402, 439, 445, 455, 468, 469, 477. 844, 865.)
Dr. Samuel Moore, son of Col. David Moore and Lydia Richman, born in
Deerfield, Cumberland County, N. J., February 8th, 1774; died in Phila-
delphia February 18th, 1861. Director of the U. S. Mint; was one of the
most eminent of the name in New Jersey. For a full sketch of him, see the
Transactions of the Medical Society of New Jersey for 1870, p. 183. These
Transactions cannot be too highly recommended for their valuable bio-
graphical details, derived from original research. (See also Col. James
R^3S Snowden's Washington and National Medals, Phila., 1861.) A sketch
of Dr. Jonathan Moore, brother to the foregoing, is to be found on p. 116 of
the former work.
Alexander Moore, M.D., was a practising physician in Bordentown, N.
J., in the last century ; some notes on him will be found in the forthcoming
biographical sketches of Burlington County Physicians, by Stephen
Wickes, M.D.
In the graveyard at Cape May Court House, New Jersey, there is a tomb-
stone to the memory of ** Sarah Hand, widow of Jonathan Hand, deceased.
Burn at Trenton, ^f. J., July 22d, 1778. Died April 3d, 1871." This ladv
was the daughter of Moore, of Trenton, and in her eleventh year, with
several other " little misses," strewed flowers in the pathway of Gen. Wash-
ington at IVentou in 1789. She was, I believe, the lost survivor of that
ceremony. Her husband, Jonathan Hand, was born November 15lh, A. D.
1780. Died April 2d, A. D. 1834. Jonathan Hand, a son of the above,
who, I believe, is still living, has been for forty years an officer in the clerk's
office. Cape May Court House.
For other sketches of the most eminent of the name in this State, see the
Biography of Eminent Jerseymen, recently published by the Galaxy Com-
pany 01 New York. Moorestown. New Jersey, receives its name from an
early settler of the name of Moore. In the Hon. John Clement's recent
work on the old settlers of Newton Township, New Jersey, occur the follow-
ing marriaj^es of persons named Moore, viz. : ** Beuj. Moore, at Chester
Meeting (Moorestown), married Mercey Newberry, 1737 ;" " Michael Mills
to Sarah Moore, 1740;" "John Moore to Hannah Eyre, 1759;" "John
Mason to Hannah Moore, 1759." Among marriages of Friends who were
members of Evesham Meeting. Burlington County, N. J., in the same work:
" Thomas Evre to Catharine Moore, 1752." " Licenses of marriage," " John
Collins, of Gloucester County, to Elizabeth Moore, daughter of Benjamin
Moore, of Burlington County, 1737." For some reference to Aaron, Eliza-
beth, and Benjamin Moore, see ibid. pp. 81, 82, 303. In the deaths in the
Columbian Magazine for Sept. 1786, I find : '* In New Jersey Alexander
Moore, Esq., set. 82." No place mentioned.
In the Baptist churchyard at Jacobstown, Burlington County, N. J., is
buried^" Catherine, wife of Henry Moore, who departed this life January
7th, 1787, aged 57 years." James Moore, of Burlington, with Solomon
1 iJin ' ^®'1S Pr<>P"®tora of a stage running from Burlington to Amboy in
1732-3. (See Barber & Howe's Hist. Col of New Jersey, p. 42.) A Daniel
Moore was living in Deerfield, New Jersey, in 1802.
Among the soldiers of the war of 1812 who attended the National Con-
vention held in Philadelphia January 9, 1854, were Alexander Moore, from
Camden County; Joseph Moore, from Salem County; and Joseph Moore,
from Sussex County, New Jersey.
32
474 Nates and Queries.
The Bey. Edwin F. Hatfield's Hist, of Elizabeth and Union Counties^
New Jersey t New York, 1868, contaius the oames of several Moores.
The wills of New Jersey, with a very few exceptions, are to be found in
the Secretary of State's office in Trenton ; this refers to all the counties
prior to 1800 or thereabouts. Those before 1715 have never been copied
into books, bat remain in the pigeon holes unindexed. After these dates
1789 and 1800, see the county offices in the county where the testator
deceased.
As I think the probabilities are that Philip Moore, of Maryland, etc., was
of the New Jersey Moores, Mr. W. Moore will find the foregoing items of
considerable service when he consults the record at lYenton. My experi-
ence in genealogy enables me to say that, to complete a family history in
either State, New Jersey or Pennsylvania, the records of both have to be
examined, as the settlers of West Jersey and Eastern (Pennsylvania are in
many instances of the same stock.
Some account of a Moore family, the descendants of Andrew Moore, who
came from Ireland in 1723, and settled in Sadsbury, Pennsylvania, will be
found in Harris's Biographical Hintory of Lancaster County, Pa. Lan-
caster, 1872. Nicholas Moore, who died in 1689, and left descendants in
Pennsylvania, is noticed in the History of Byhfrry and Moreland. He
was a man of wealth and prominence. The Pennsylvania Archives, second
series, vol. ii., containing Pennsylvania roarriafes, record the marriages
with dates of fifty-nine persons of the name of Moore. (See pp. 208, 209,
and 337.) It is greatly to be regretted that there is no volume of marriage
licenses among the published records of New Jersey. This State is behind
New York, as welt as Pennsylvania, in this respect. Such publications
are of untold value to the lawyer, biographer, and genealogist, as well as
the general historian. I have been informed that sufficient material exists
among the manuscript archives to supply this much needed want, which I
trust the State officials will see the necessity of publishing.
In the New York Genealogical and Biographical Record for January,
1873, the writer published a short bibliograpny of four pages, entitled
'* Books and Manuscripts, Helps for Pennsylvania Genealogists." It omits
a number of names, and is otherwise imperfect, but even in that form is the
only thing of the kind published on the subject.
Camden, New Jersey. William John Potts.
Hampton (p. 357). — In the year 1748 Simon Hampton, of Thombury,
Chester County, mortgaged his farm of 138 acres for the sum of £98, as
appears from the Land Office mortgages, page 91 (volume not numbered), in
the office of the Recorder of Deeds in Philadelphia. Oorr.
Trimblb (p. 227). — Alexander Trimble and Eleanor Rogers were married
at the Presbyterian Church, Abington (now Montgomery County), June 20,
1754. Charles R. Hildrburn.
First American Flag (page 227).— Is not the flag alluded to by W. H.
B. as being exhibited at Harrisburg, Pa., in February, 1825, at the reception
of General Lafayette, and that spoken of by Dr. Elwin at the meeting of
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, November 13th, 1876 (see page
112), the one now owned by Miss Sarah Smith Stafford, of Trenton, N. J. ?
An account of the flag in the possession of Miss Stafford will be found in
Com. Geo. Henry Preble's interesting address delivered before the New
England Historic Genealogical Society July 9th, 1873, entitled "Three
Historic Flags and Three September Vistories." F. D. S.
Book Notices. 475
BOOK NOTICES.
Bistorical Sketch of Plymouth, Luzerne Co., Pa. By Hbndriok B.
Wright, of Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 8vo. pp. 419. Philadelphia : T. B. Pe-
terson & Brothers.
** With a design to write some of the historical events of Plymouth, to give
sketches of some of the early settlers, and note down some of the old land-
marks/' the author has produced a volume that cannot but find a welcome
place in all libraries, and be read with pleasure by every one interested in
the history of this State. The name of Plymouth awaKens in the mind of
every one associations trul^ historical, and the legitimate claim which the
Pennsylvania town has to it, adds to the interest it commands. Transported
from the old world by the Pilgrim Fathers in 1620. and given to the spot
on which they first found a home, it was carried into Litchfield Count;^, Conn.,
by emigrants from the first settlement, and their children brought it to the
shores of the Susquehanna; relics that came over in the Mayfiower being
still preserved with pious care in the valley of Wyoming. The settlers from
Connecticut who came to Pennsylvania in 1769 did so under the grant given
to the Susquehanna company in 166*2 ; the troubles which ensued between
them and the settlers un^r the charter of Penn ; the story of the Wyoming
massacre, and all the important events in the annals of Plymouth, from the
time the spot on which it stands was visited by Count Zinzendorf and John
Martin Mack, the Moravian missionaries, the first white men who journeyed
from the Enelish settlements to that vicinity, down to the present day, will
be found in Mr. Wright's book, which is illustrated with twenty-five photo-
graphic views and portraits.
A History of the First Presbyterian Church of Carlisle, Pa. By the
Kbv. Conwat p. Wing, D.D. 8vo. pp. 263. Carlisle, 1877.
Under this modest title Dr. Wing has given to the public a book which
might well be called a history of Presbyterianism in Carlisle ; and, indeed,
it would require but little additional to make it a history of the town itself.
A pastorate of more than forty-three years, and a natural love of historical
investigation, made Dr. Wing the proper person to write the history of
the congregation over which he had charge until 1875. The task was
undertaken on the recommendation of the General Assembly that histories
of all the churches represented in that body should be prepared by their
Eastors during the year 1876. The First Presbyterian Church of Carlisle
ad its origin on the banks of the Conodoguinet, about two miles west of
the present town of Carlisle. The early records of the congregation are
obscure, but it was no doubt organized about 1738 by the Scotch-Irish set-
tlers who gathered in that part of the Cumberland Valley. After an exist-
ence of twenty years the church was removed to Carlisle, and from that time
forward its history is clearly defined. In Dr. Wing's book will be found
incidents in the Indian troubles west of the Susquehanna during the French
and Indian war, and many other interesting subjects not directly connected
with the history of the church.
The Annals of the Buffalo Valley, Pennsylvania, 1755-1865. By John
Blair Linn. 8vo. pp. 620. Harrisburg, Pa. : Lane 8. Hart
This volume is a history of that portion of our State now embraced in
Union and a part of Snyder Counties. The Bufialo Valley is comparatively
./
476 Book Notices.
a small portioD of the purchase made by the proprietary government from the
Indians in 1768, and m it the officers of the Pennsylvania regiment which
served under Bouquet were allowed to take up twenty-four thousand acres.
We regret that our space will not allow us to attempt to do justice to this
excellent book, full to overflowing with interesting historical data. The
author of the volume is our present excellent Deputy Secretary of the Com-
monwealth, to whose good judgment we are indebted for the valuable mate-
rial published in the new series of the Pennsylvania Archives. No one can
look over Annals of the Buffalo Valley without feeling that for once the
right man is in the right place, and that it is the work of one whose useful
labors have been a pastime to himself.
The information contained on the 620 pages of this book is arranged
chronologically, a chapter being given to each vear ; the events thus re-
corded are illustrated with reminiscences, biographical sketches, and every
kind of information interesting or valuable that could be discovered. The
typography and paper of the volume in excellence equal its contents, and,
to complete the whole, it closes with an index of twenty-four pages, the
sight of which would make Dr. Allibone happy.
Sketches of the First Emigrant Settlers in Netotown Taunship, Old
Gloucester Co., West New Jersey, §-c. ^•c. By John Clement, of Had-
donfield, N. J. 8vo. pp. 442. $5. Sinnickson Chew, Camden, N. J.
The most valuable addition that has been made for many years to the his-
torical literature of West Jersey is the volume lately given to the public by
Judge Clement, a copy of which is now before us. On its carefully pre^
pared pages we find biographical and genealogical sketches of the following
families, as well as those oi many others who nave intermarried with them :
Albertson, Bates, Borrough, Carpenter. Champion, Clement, Cole, Collins,
Cooper, Eastlack, Ellis, Estangh, Gardiner, Gill, Goldsmith, Gravsburg,
Hillman, Hinchman, Howell. Kaighn, Kay, Lippincott, Matthews, Matlack,
Mickle, Morgan, Newbie, Nicholson, Sharp, Shivers, Spicer, Stacy, Stokes,
Thackara, Tomlinson, Turner, Wood, and Zane. There is a list of several
hundred marriages from the records of the Monthly Meetings of the Society
of Friends, and also a copy of the licenses of marriage, from the office of the
Secretary of State, of Burlington and Gloucester Counties. Another feature
of the book is the care that has been taken to discover the locality in Eng-
land from which the first settlers of old Gloucester County emigrated. If
Judge Clement can establish the fact mentioned on page 355, that William
Bradford in 1690 was following the calling of a printer in Burlington, New
Jersey, it will be an interesting and hitherto unlcnown item in the annals
of printing in America. The book is one which must command interest on
the western as well as on the eastern side of the Delaware. The typogrraphy
of the volume is of the highest character, and is a credit to its printer. The
edition we understand is three hundred.
Now and Then, a Journal Devoted to the Topics of the Times. Muncv, Pa.
We have received from the editor and publisher of this little sheet, Mr. J.
M. M. Gemerd, seventeen numbers, the first of which was issued in June,
1868, the last September, 1877. It is an 8vo. of four pages, double column,
and is issued " Every once in a while ;" its columns are full of matter relat-
ing to the local history of Lycoming County which it is well to preserve. M r.
Gernerd is interested in raising money for the erection of a monument to the
memory of Hugh Brady, the Indian fighter, " the hero of the West Branch.'
Eight hundred dollars have been secured in subscriptions of one dollar each.
REPORT OP COUNCIL
TO
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
May 7, 1877.
The Council of the Historical Society of Pennsylyania respect-
fully report, that, owing to the United States Centennial Exhibition
occurring in the past year, the Hall of the Society was open every
day, and that it was visited by a very large number of persons,
3160 of whom registered their names.
The increase in the Library and Collections for the year was—
Books 1044
Pamphlets 630
Maps 32
MaDQBcripts 48
Paintings 3
Engravings, etc 203
Copies of the widely-known American songs, ^'Home, Sweet
Home," and '^ The Star Spangled Banner," in autograph by their
justly celebrated authors, were generously presented by Mr. Henry
M. Eeim and others, children of our late member, Gen. George M.
Keim, of Reading.
There was received a view of Stenton, a beautifully executed oil
painting of the fine old historic mansion, the seat of James Logan.
This extensive building was erected in 1727, and undoubtedly is
among those most worthy of preservation, for its fine appearance
and its many historical associations, of all the structures that now
exist in Pennsylvania. The painting was executed by a member
of the Society, Mr. Isaac L. Williams, and presented by him.
A portrait in oil of Christina, Queen of the Swedes, the Goths,
and the Vends, a copy by Miss Elise Amberg, from the original
by David Beek, pupil of Vandyke, in the National Museum at
(477)
478 Report of Council.
Stockholm, 36 by 43, was presented by the Trustees of the Publi-
cation Fund. This acquisition to our gallery of historical paintings
is most appropriate, for it was under the reign of this monarch, in
1638, that the first permanent settlement of Europeans was eflTected
on the River Delaware. Our fellow member, Mr. Joseph J. Mickley,
kindly lent his aid in having Miss Amberg to paint the portrait.
The late James M. Campbell bequeathed to the Society a portrait
of his grandfather, Robert Aitken of this city, who is supposed to
be the first printer in America of a Bible in English, no copy of
that proposed to be printed in Philadelphia by William Bradford,
in 1688, having as yet been discovered to exist.
The following is a summary of the financial reports of the year
1876.
Treasurer's Report
Income from members . $3565 00
" " interest ... 417 69
*' « miBcellaneoos . . 67 38
$4049 97
Ezpeoditare 4416 45
Deficiency, Dec. 30, 1876 .... $366 48
Trustees of the Fuhlication Fund.
Investments $22,250 00
Principal aninyested . . 2,052 25
Total $24,302 25
Receipts from interest and sales in 1876, $2183 07.
Heckewelder's History of the Indian Nations, edited by the Rey.
William C. Reichel, was issued during the year.
A late member of the Society, Miss Ann Willing Jackson, made
a bequest to this Fund, of the sum of one hundred dollars. It has
been paid by her executor, and added to the Fund.
Seventy-two new subscriptions, resulting in $1800, were received
in the year.
TrtC^tees of the Binding Fund.
Investments ' . $3300 00
The number of volumes bound during the year was 171, and 46
maps were mounted.
Report of Council.
479
TSruBteeB of the Library Fund.
George Washington Smith's Donation . . $1000
Jesse George's Bequest 4000
Total investments $5000
The number of books purchased was 146. By the terms of the
bequest of the late Jesse George, the interest thereof is to be used
in the purchase of books of local history and genealogy.
Trustees of the Building Fund.
loTestments and cash on deposit . . $13,852 52
The Society^s Funds by Bequest^ etc,
Paul Beck's Bequest
Athenian Institute Donation
Peter S. Du Ponceau's Bequest
Thomas Sergeant's Bequest
George Chambers' Bequest
Jesse George's Bequest
Mrs. Eliza Gilpin's Bequest
Life-Membership Fund .
Total of investments
$100
350
200
100
100
1000
5000
1000
7850
It has been the settled policy of the Society to hold bequests as
sacred, and only to use the interest accruing thereon.
A subscription to meet Hhe deficiency of income for the years
1875 and 1876, now amounts to $1200. There is yet wanted for
this purpose the sum of $400, which the liberality of our members
will soon supply.
The Papers read during the year were—
May 1, 1876. Memorial of George Washington Smith, by the President,
Mr. John William Wallace.
Nov. 13, 1876. Memoir on Whalley, the Regicide, by Mr. R Pattersoo
Robins.
Nov. 13, 1876. Memorial of the Rev. Wm. C. Reichel, by Mr. Jofcn W.
Jordan.
Nov. 13, 1876. Memorial of the Rev. Wm. M. Reynolds, D.D., by Mr. Town-
send Ward.
Jan. 8, 1877. Memorial of Joseph Carson, M.D., by Mr. Townsend Ward.
480 Report of CounciL
Jan. 8, 1877. An Hiitorical Sketch of the groimd on the buiks of the
Schnylkill on which the Naval ABjInm itaDdi, and of the Asylom
itself, by Edward Shippen, M.D., U.S.N.
If arch 12, 1877. A Memoir on the Headqoarters of Washington at Brandy-
wine, by Mr. Charles H. A. Esling.
April 16, 1877. Addresses on the occasion of the presentation of the por-
trait of Qneen Christina, by Messrs. Richard 8. Smith and Pit>Tost
Charles J. Stills. Four Swedish ladies, of great merit as yocalists,
generonsly assisted at the ceremony and delighted the andience with
their exquisite music
Librarians^ ConvenHon*
The Librarians of the United States held their second conference
at the Hall of yonr Society, the first having occurred in New York
some twenty years ago. The session began on the 4tb of October,
I8769 With three meetings on that, and also on the two following
days. The interchange of views, and the papers read by gentlemen
of great ability and practical experience, made the occasion one of
most valuable interest, and so deeply were those present impressed
with a sense of the importance of such labors, that they formed
themselves into a permanent organization. The proceedings of the
conference are published in full in the American Library Journal.
Endowment Fund.
With a view to secure a continuance of the active labors in which
the Society has been engaged, and to effectually preserve the in-
valuable fruits thereof, several members of the Society have con-
ceived it to be a proper object to commence an Endowment Fund,
to be held in Trust, the interest only to be used. There are now
four subscriptions, which amount to two thousand dollars. The
gentlemen who subscribed believe, with the Council, that the im-
portance of such a Aind should be constantly had in view, and that
every proper effort should be used to make it reach, at no distant
day, the sum of fifty thousand dollars.
The Pennsylvania Magazine.
The Trustees of the Publication Fund have commenced the issue
of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography ; four
numbers to be issued a year, to contain about 450 pages, making
a handsome volume octavo. It is believed that this Magazine will
Report of Council 481
meet a want long felt throughout the commonweidth, and be a
means of intercommunication that cannot iail to be of very great
advantage, tending, too, it is hoped, to render more homogeneous
the various populations comprised in the State.
Subscribers to the Publication Fund, at $25, will receive the
Magazine by virtue of their subscription, and it will idso be sent
without further charge to all paying members of the Society who
do not reside in the immediate vicinity of Philadelphia. To others,
the subscription price will be three dollars a year. It is hoped that
the subscriptions to the Fund will be largely extended throughout
Pennsylvania, as well as elsewhere.
In this connection it afforded the Council great pleasure to
observe that Governor Hartranft, in his late annual message, spoke
in most eulogistic terms of the publications of the Society, and of
the importance of this Fund ; and our members may rest assured
that no effort shall be wanting on the part of the Trustees to
deserve a continuance of such generous praise.
Philadclfhia, May 7, 1877.
OFFICERS
OF
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
pee8ident.
John William Wallaoi.
honorary yi 0 e-pre8ident.
Benjamin Hornor Coateb, M.D.
yiOE-PRS8IDSNTS.
William M. Darlington, Aubrey H. Smith,
John Jordan, Jr^ Horatio Gates Jones,
Craiq Biddle, Oeorqe deB. Ksim.
ooreespondino secretary.
John W. Jordan.
rsoordino secretary.
Samuel L. Smedley.
treasurer.
J. Edward Carpenter.
librarian.
Frederick D. Stone.
secretary of the publication fund.
TowNSEND Ward.
(482)
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 488
COUNCIL.
Richard L. Nicholson, Oswald Seidenstiokse,
Edwin T. Eisenbret, Charles M. Morris,
Philip S. P. Conner, John C. Browne,
James C. Hand, John A. McAllister,
John Jordan, Jr., Joseph J. Mioklet,
Samuel Parrish, John R. Fell.
trustees of the publication fund.
John Jordan, Jr., Fairman Rogers,
Aubrey H. Smith.
trustees of the binding fund.
John Jordan, Jr., Fairman Rogers,
AuBRET H. Smith.
^ trustees of the librart fund.
John William Wallace, Frederick D. Stonb,
John Jordan, Jr.
trustees of the gilpin librart.
John William Wallace, Richard A. Oilpin,
John Jordan, Jr.
trustees of the endowment fund.
John William Wallace, Oeorge deB. EeiM|
John Jordan, Jr.
STATED MEETINGS.
Monday, January 14, 1878. Monday, May 6, 1878.
" March 11, " " Nov. 11, "
Annual membership $5.00
Life membership 50.00
Pablication Fund, life subscription 25.00
The Pennsylvania Magazine, per annum .... 3.00
Payment may be made to the Librarian or Secretary, at the Hall, 820
Spruce Street, or to Daniel W. Knowlbs, Collector.
INDEX.
(Suriiamei that are of value in genealogical research are printed in bxall oapitais
without Ohriatian namei, except in the oases of Brown, Jones, and Smith.)
Aberoromby, Li6at.-Col8. Balph and
Robert, 113
AbiDgtoD, Pa., British Army at, 37
Acadian Exiles, 114
Adams, G. F., memoir of John Han-
cock, 73
Adams, Gapt. of Pa., 226
Adams, Samuel, sketch of, 439
Agnew, GenM, 13, 372, 386, 388, 393, 400
Aitken, Bobt., printer, portrait of, 478
Alien, Andrew, 7, 206, 207
Allen, Ghamless, 457
Allen, James, 206, 207
Allen, John, 206, 207
Allen, John Penn, 206, 210
Allen, of N. Y., 143
Allen, 202-211
Allen, William, C. J. of Pa., 69, 202,
247
Allen, William, Jr., 7, 206, 207
Allston, Washington, 95
Aimer, see Elmer, 443
Alsop, John, of N. Y., 81
Ambler, 342
Andr^, MaJ. John, parole of, 54, 302
Annapolis, Md., 1744, 124-132, 233
Arctic region, expedition to, from
Phi la.. 1752, 205
Armstrong, Gornolius, 357
Armstrong's Hill, 385
Armstrong, Gen. John, the elder, 183
315, 371, 375, 376, 378, 390, 399, 401
Armstrong, Joseph, 184
Arnold, Benjamin, 172
Arthur's, Mrs., lodging house, 243
Aughwick, 471
Backhouse, Rev., 240
Baird, Rev. Chas. W., 356
Balch, Thomas, sketch of Dr. Shippen
by, 212
Balch, Thomas, death of, 354
Balfour, Major Nisbet, 15
Bannisteb, 110
Barclay, Jno. and R., 33
Barclay, 110
Barnard, 264
Bartholomew, Gol. Edw., lid
Bartlett, Dr. John, 179
Banvard, N. Y., 145
Battle of Brandywine, 290
Battle of Germantown, hlBtorical ad-
dress by Dr. Lambdin, 368
Battle of Long Island, 147
Baxter, 326
Baxter, Mr., of Va., 238
Bayard, Gol. Stephen, 187
Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, 456
*< Beef-Stake Glubb" in Phila., 409
Bull, Helen, translations contributed
by, 40, 163, 319
Bellows, Rev. H. W., sketch of Henry
Wisner, 80
Bennett, Galeb P., 20
Beverly, William, see Black's Journal,
118, 125, 130, 238, 243, 245, 411, 414,
418
Biddlo, Col. Glement, 177
Biddle, Edward, by Graig Biddle, 100
Biddle, Owen, 177
Billingsport taken by the British, 11
Bingham, Wm., 419
Bird, Lieut.-Gol., 13, 393
Black, William, Journal of, from Va.
to Phila. in 1744, 117, 233, 404
descendants of, 121
Bladen, Gov., of Md., 126, 127, 130, 415
Bladen, wife of Gov., 127
Blair, Gapt. Wm., 419
Blair, see Shippen Genealogy, 111
Bland, Gol., 391
"Blue Bell," near Darby, 29
BOELENS, 137, 143
Bohemia Manor, 273
BOLLMAN, 201
Book Notices, 232, 475
Booth, Benjamin, 468
BORDLEYS, 273
Boston, unwritten chapter in the his-
tory of the seige of, 168
Bouquet, K. Y., 134, 252
Bowie, N. Y., 138, 145
Bowles, 189
Bradford, Major Wm., 198
(486)
486
Index.
Bradford, Wm. (1st), 825, 476
Brady, Hugh, monaxneiit to, 476
Brand, 264
Brandy wine, battle of, 290
Brandywine, Washington's head-
qoarters at, 222
Bbicb, 357
Bringharst's Place, 20
BBISCOB, 264
British Army in Phila. in 1777, Me
Diary of Robert Morton, l-dO
British Fleet arrive at Phila., 31
British occupation of K. Y., 1776, 133,
250,467
British regulations in Phila., 1777, 35
Bbittok, 327
Brock, B. Alonzo, editor of Black's
Journal, 117, 233, 404
Brodhead, Col., 316
Broglie, Prince de, extract firom nar-
rative of, 224
BB0K80K, Bev. Wm. White, 263
Brooke, Bobt., ms Black's Journal,
121, 243, 246, 406
BBOOKE, 357
Bbowk, Jane, 327
Brown, John, carries Howe's proposi-
tion from T. Willing to Congress, 35
Brown, Mary, 348
Brown, Moses, of Providence, B. L,
letter from, 168
Bryan, Be^j., 6
Buchanan, Kobenloau, HI
Buchanan, Gapt. Thomas, of Pa., 315
Buck, W. J., contributions by, 275
BnfB^o Valley, Pa., history of, by J.
B. Linn, noUce of, 475
BnfEbtt, £. P., contribution by, 445
Bufftam, David, 172
Bull, Col. John, 39
Bursoyne, ^en. John, 12, 16, 24. 96
Burlington, ;N. J., Episcopal Church
at St. Anne's or St. Mary?, 466
Bute, Lord, natural son of, 24
Butler, Col., 317
Butterfleld, C. W., 232
Btbo, 110
Cadwalader, Oen. John, his house
ooonpied by Howe, 8, 22
Caldwell, Samuel, 4
CALIiANAN, 111
Campdbll, of N. Y., 141
Carey, John, of Salem, N. J., informa-
tion want-ed regarding, 116
Cargyll, John, i:i5, 141
Carlisle, Pa., History of Presbyterian
Church in, by G. P. Wing, 475
Cabpektek, 325, 326, 328
Carroll, Charles, of Md. (1744), 13.
Cabboll, see Shi ppen Genealogy, 110
Carson, Dr. Joseph, death of, ^
Cabtbb, 110
Cassell, Abraham H., contribution by,
163, 319
Cathcabt, Elizabeth, 349
Chambebs, 347
Chambers, Gol., 318
Chamless, 320, 328
Chancel lob, 327, 458
Chastellux, quoted, 22, 382
Chastellux's Travels, translator o^
227.360
Checkley, Rev. Samuel and Elizabeth,
439
Cherry, Mary Ann, descendants of; 359
Chester, Pa., History of, by J. H.
Martin, 232
Chester, Pa., 240
Chestnut Hill, engagement at, 34
Chew, B., 30, 207, 3^
Chew, Dr. Saml., 116, 472
Chew's house, 14, 15, 30, 369, 373, 381,
382, 383, 384, 386, 387, 388, 389, 394, 400
Chews of Md., 273
Chewton, Lord, 15
Christ Church, Phila., 1744, 411
Christ Church records, burials, 1709-
1760, Ab to As, 219 ; As to Be, 350 ;
Be to Br, 460
Christian, Bev. Edmund, 263
Christiana, Queen of the Swedes, etc.,
149, 162
Claiborne, Herbert A., 120, 121
Clark, Abraham, remarkable letter
from, dated July 4, 1776, 446
Clark, Abraham, sketch of, 445
Clabk, 357, 445
Clark, Miijor John, Jr., 13
Clarke, Robert, 424
Claybome, Wm., 120
Clemens, Samuel L. (Mark Twain),
343
Clement, John, History of Kewtown
Township by, 476
Cliftok, 827
Clinton, Sir H., 135
Coke, Rev. Dr., 272
Coleman, Ann, William, and Judges
350
CoiiLET, 110
Collins, Samuel, 172
COKBAD, of K. Y., 137, 256
Continental money, depreciation of,
in Phila., 1777, 8, 32
Conway, Gen., 279, 375, 378
Corbit, W. F., communication fh>m,
330
Comwallis, Lord, 7, 15, 28, 30, 31, 36,
38, 85, 292, 299, 370, 391
Corrections, 468
COUBTAHLD, 328
COXE, 110, 210
CbaIG, 459
Cbamokd, 201
Crawford, Col. Wm., 44
'* Crisis, The," a London publication
of 1774, regarding the author of^ 115^
227
Cbispin, 326, 328
Index
487
CbouCH, 349
Gulbertson, EnsigD, of Pa., 226
Culp, Mr., 53
cukliffx, 333
Cubby, 326
DABii, 357
Dagworthy, Gapt., 116, 229
Dana, Francis, by B. H. Dana, Jr., 86
Dana, R. H., Jr., sketch of Francis
Dana, 86
Darlington, Wm. M., sketch of John
Armstrong, 183
Dabkall, 425
Dabbach, 264
Davenport family, information wanted
regarding, 116
>aTie8« Bey.
Dayiea, Bey. Thomas F., 265
Davis, 201, 326, 332, 357, 459
Davis, Gen. W. W. H., 39, 368
Dayton, Col. £., 389
Deane, Silas, by Cbas. J. Hoadley, 96
Declaration of Independence, Me In-
dependence.
DbLancey, Me Lakcbt.
Delaware Indians, notes on, by Conrad
Weiser, 163-167, 319-323
Dbkt, 120
Dewees, Thomas, sheriff of Phila.,
1776, 196
Dickinson, John, 83
DiLMOBB, 357
Disunion in Fayette Co., Pa., in 1784.
51
Dobbins, 825
DOBiilKGS, of N. Y., 134, 187
Donop, Count, 22, 24, 26
Doughty, 327
Douglass, Bphraim, letters to Oen.
James Irvine, 44-^
Dowell, Capt. Wm., 247
Downes, Bt. Bev. Henry, D.D., 267
DOWKBT, 357
Drnmmond, Wm., 468
Dubbs, Bev. J. H., article by, on
Baron Stiegel, 67
Dulany, Daniel, 130, 238
Dun, Dr., Jr., 11
Dnnkers, the, 418
Dunlap, Col.. 390
DUKSTEB, 469
Dnplessis, Chevalier, 382
DUBAND, of N. Y., 187
Eastman, of N. Y., 254
Edmunds, Dr., 260
Edwabds, 326, 458
£gle, W. H., contributions by, 217,
356
Elmer, Jonathan, sketch of, 443
Elmer, L. Q. C, contribution by, 443
Emoby, 264
Erwin, Gen. James, Me Irvine.
Esling, Cbas. H. A., 222
Esopus, Me Kingston, N. Y.
Evans, David, 160
Evans, Ensign, of Conn., sioknets and
death of, 142, 143
Evelyn, Capt. Wm., 358
Ewald, Capt., 17
Eyers, Col., 390
Fair Hill Mansion burned, 30
Fablby, 110
Fayette Co., 51
Fell, 468
Fine Arts, The, in Phila., 223
Fire in New York in 1776, 253
FiSHBOUBNB, 326, 328
FiSHEB, 455, 458, 459
Fisher, Miers, 5
Fitzpatrick, Gen., letter quoted, IS,
25,289
FiTZWATEB, 327
Flag of American Union displayed hj
John Paul Jones, 112
Flag, the first American, 112, 227, 474
Fleming, Capt., of Ya., 178
Flemming, Sir Collinffwood, 116
Folsom, Nathaniel, of N. H., 4
Forman, Gen., 375
Fort Pitt, 51
Fort Washington, capture of, 256
Forts on the Delaware, attack on, eto^
11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23
Fothergill, Dr. John, 33
FOULKX, 455
Foulke, Dr. John, 16
Fox, J., 30
Fbakcis, 134
Freeze, John G., communication from.
22<;
Fbenaye, 459
*' Friends, " address of, to Washington,
169,392
"Friends," contributions of, to the
sufferers near Boston, 1775-1776, 163
** Friends," exiled to Va., see Morton's
diary, 1-39
'* Friends," testimony of the Society
of, against war, 402
Fbisbib, 236, 272, 273
Frothingham's BUstory, quoted, 171,
174
Futhey, J. Smith, address of, at Paoli,
285
Galley, the ship ''William Galley"
arrives in Phila. in 1699, 830
Galloway, Joseph, 7, 35, 36, 298, 829
Galloway, 472
Gardner, Coos, 227
Gates, Gen. H., 12, 16, 27, 82, 177
Gaylon, Clark, 248
Geary, Gov. John W., of Pa., 465
Genn, Capt. Thomas, 355
Germaine, Lord George, letter to,
quoted, 318
German town, 19, 21, 31, 34, 408
Germantown, battle of, 13, 14, 868, 403
488
Index.
Gerneid, J. M. M., editor of Now and
Then, 476
GiLIilAM, 110
Gilpin^ziles in Va.. quoted, 6
G1m8 Works at Manbeim, Pa., 69
Glentworth, James, 174
Goddard, printer, of Phila., 329
Goooh, Gk>y. Wm., of Va., 117, 124, 128,
238, 244, 417
Goodman, Ensign, of Conn., 142, 143,
147
GonyjEBNEUB, 469
Gbafton, 325
Grant, Gen. (British), 294, 386, 388
Grave-yard in 5th St., Phila., 227
Gray, Gen. (British), 14, 302, 304, 306,
310, 312, 313, 372, 383, 388
Gray, George, 19 ^
Graydon, Alex., memoir quoted, 6
Gray's Perry, 19
Greene/Gen. N., 279, 280, 376, 376, 383,
391
Gbeenleaf, 341
Gregg, Andrew, 349
Grier, Col., wounded, 314
Griffin, Lady Christina, wife of Hon.
Cyrus, 116, 230
Gbiffith, 332, 469
Gboss, 109
Gboites 134
Gulph Mills, Washington at, 38
Gustavus Adolphus, 168-162
Haheas corpus suspended in Pa., 6
Haoker, Jeremiah, 172
Haines, Samuel, 330, 331, 332
Hall, 264, 425, 426, 427, 430, 432, 434
Hamilton, 206, 347
Hamilton, Alexander, 4, 6
Hamilton, Andrew, 1st and 2d, 241, 411
Hamilton, Capt., 186
Hamilton, James, 242
Hamilton, William, 41
Hammond, 211
Hampton, Simon, 359, 474
Hancock, John, by C. F. Adams^ 73
Hanna's Town, 44, 45
Harcourt, Col., 10, 20
Habdiman, 326
Habbison, 109
Hart, Mrs. Armine Nixon, contribu-
tion by, 333, 472
Hart, Charles H., 188, 227, 264, 266, 469
Hart, Capt. W. H., death of, 354
Hartley, Col., 316, 318
Haskins, David G., reply f^om, 230
Haskins, Dr. Kichard, 472
Haslet, Col., 178, 358
Hay, Col. Samuel, letter f^om, 313
Hayden, Horace Edwin, 472
Hays, Dr. John, 121
Haaselwood, Com. James, 9
Hazen, Col., 387
Henricb, Capt. John, 20, 40
Henry, Patrick, 19, 26, 29
by Wm. Wirt Henry, 78
Henry, Wm., 30
Herman, Augustine, 273
Hessians in Phila., letters of Capt.
John Heinrichs from, 40
Heth, Lieut.-Col. W., 385
Hewlings, 341, 435, 466
Hildebum, Chas. B., contributions by,
etc., 109, 219, 226, 350, 360, 460
Hillegas, Michael, 116
Historical Society of Pa., proceedings
of, 112, 222, 354, 466
officers of, 482
report of Council of, 477
time of meetings of, for
1878,483
daes, subscriptions of,
etc., 483
Hoadly, C. J., sketch of Silas Deaae,
96
HOOO, 31, 326, 327
Hogg, Lieut., of Pa., 226
hollenback, 359
hollinoswobth, 459
Holmes, 458
HosKiNS, 326
Howard, Col. John £., 377, 379
Howe, Lord, 16, 31, 39, 140
Howe, Sir Wm., 8, 11, 15, 22, 33, 34, 35,
139, 170, 281, 287, 299, 304, 313, 368-403
Hudson, 326, 329
Huelings, see also Hewlings, 341
HUPF, 367
Huguenots in the U. S., 356
HUMPHBEYS, 83
Humphreys, Charles, by Gen. A. A.
Humphreys, 83
Humpton, Bichard, 303, 304, 306, 317,
318
Hunter, Lieut., account of the Paoli
massacre, 310
of battle of Germantown, 379,
380
HUSSET, 456
HutcbiuHon, James, M.D., 2, 9, 37
Hynsons, 273
Independence, Declaration of, etc., 81,
84, 139, 196, 337, 355
Independence Hall described in 1782,
224
Independence Hall, first medical
school in America organized in, 215
Indian troubles in western Pa., 1782,
44-49
Indians, notes on, by Conrad Weiser,
their religion, conjurors, warriors,
etc., 163, 319
INGBAM, Waiter, 332
Iroquois, the, notes on, by Conrad
Weiser, 163, 319
Irvine, Lieut. Andrew, wounded, 314
Irvine, Gen. James, of Pa., 34, 44-M,
178, 371
Index.
489
Irrine, Gen. Wm., 46, 47, 48, 313
IZABB, 98, 110
Jackson, 327
JacksoD, Isaac, 403
Jacobson, Bro., of Kew York, 252, 254
James, 357
Jeofferies, 359
Jennings, 273
Jennings, Edward, of Annapolis, Md.,
124, 125, 126, 128, 130, 233, 234, 238, 246
JermaH, Thoman, 332
Johnson, Thomas, of Md., 336, 442
Johnston, 207
Jones, H. G., remarks of, 150
Jones, Com. John Paul, Ist flag dis-
played by, 112
Jones, Margaret, 332
Jones, Owen, 37, 38, 465
Jones, Philip, 425
Jones, Bobert Strettell, 226, 360
Jordan, John W., memoir of Bev.
Wm. G. Beichel, 104
Kane, 341
Keabnet, 327
Kearsley, Drs. John, Sr. and Jr., 116
Kenwobthy, 111
Kerr, Mr., 409
Key 264
KiLBUBN, Sister, of N. Y., 137, 254
King, D. Bodney, 356
King James, 355
King John, 20
Kingston, burning of, 24, 25
Kirkbride, Joseph, 116, 229
Kittanning, Pa., 45, 185
Knight, Dr., of Pittsburg, 1782, 44, 46
Knox, Gen. H., 382, 389, 392
Knyphausen, Gen., ^0
Lacey, Gen. John, of Pa., 39, 389
Lamb, 459
Lambdin, Dr. Alfred, address at Ger*
mantown, Oct. 4, 1877, 368
Lancey, Edw. F. de, sketch of G. J.
William Allen, 202, 265
Lancy, de, 206, 210, 211
Langford, John, 424
Lapham, Thomas, Jr., 172
Laurens, John, Lieut. Gol., 28, 382-396
Lawbence, 116, 211, 404
Leakin, Key. Geo. A., 265
Leciter, Thos., 466
Lee, 98, 109, 468
Lee, Gen. Gha.s., 10, 115, 134, 186
Lee, Francis Lightfoot, sketch of, by
"Mark Twain," 343
Lee, Philip Lad well, tee Black's
Journal, 121
Lee, Gol. Thomas, 122, 125, 130, 237,
238, 243, 245, 418
Leeds, Josiah W., 232
Leigh, 267, 420
Leiper, Thomas, 226
33
Leppeb, of N. Y., 145, 254
LeviH (printed Lewis in error), 828, 4d8
Levy, Miss Uettie, 415
Lery, Sansom, 415
Lewis, 1, 326, 327, 332, 357, 455, 467,
459, 468 ^
Lewis, Warren, see Black's Jtoamal,
121, 409, 411, 415
Lewis, widow, her plantation, 17
Littlepage, James, 121, 234, 235, 415
Livingstone, 110
Lloyd, 1, 326, 327
Logan, Gharles, 5, 8
Logan, Hannah, 407
Logan, Jas., 406
Logan, William, 418
Long Island, battle of, 148
Ludwell, 109
Lybbant, 109
Mackey, 357
Mackinett's Tavern, 15
Mackinett*s Tavern, site of, corrected,
387
Mac Veagh, Wayne, eulogy by, on
Penn, 361
Madison, James, and the war of 1812,
467
Map, historical, of Pa., correction of,
225
Marblehead, Mass., 171
Markets of Phila. in 1744, 405
Mabshall, 341
Marshall, Gbristopher, diary quoted,
31, 33, 39
Martin, J. Hill, history of Ghester by,
232
Mathew, James, 240
Mathews, Gol., of Va., 384, 386, 391
Mathews, Gen. (British), 372
Matron's Ford, engagement at, 36, 348
Maxwell, Gen. Wm., 289, 291, 375
Mayo, 261
McAllister, Lieut., of Pa., 220
McGall, George, of Phila., 1744, 244
MoGlell AND, i349
McGlenaghan, Bev. Wm., 468
McGollogh, M^or, 48, 49
McGrea, Miss Jane, death of, 180
McDougall, Gen., 375, 383, 386
McDowell, Gapt., 314
McDowell, Gapt. John, 413
McFablan, 357
McFarren, Lieut., of Pa., 226
McIlhaney, 357
McIlyaine, 110
Mcintosh, Gen. L., 396
McKean, Mr., 358
McKean, Thomas, 6
MOKee, 357
McKey, Col., 178
McKlnley, Gov., of Del., 18
McLane, Allen, 377
McLane, Gapt., of Pa., 226
McLean, Alex., 51, 54
490
Index,
McMenomt, 138 i Neilson, 357
Medoalf, 326, 329 Nesbit, Alexander, 4
Medical school, firet, in America, 215 Neshaminy, Wasbington's encamp-
Memoirs deposited in Independence ment on, 275
Hall (Centennial Golleotion),73-103, Newman, 435
181-21G, 333-345, 439-454
Mercer, Gen. Hugh, 178, 179, 185
Meredith, Saml., 348
Meredith, widow, 243
Meschianza, the, 326
Meteorology, first essay on, in Amer.,
358
Midwinter, 266
Mifflin, 273
Mifflin, Fort, on Mod Island, 17
Mifflin, Jon 'a, his house burned, 30
Miles, wounded by Indians, 49
Kewtown Township, N. J., history of,
by John Clement, 476
New York City, occupation of, by the
British, 133, 250, 467
fire in, 1776, 253
Nice, the Widow, «ee Kising Sun, 35
Nicholas, 332
Nicholson, John, 341
Nixon, 188, 201, 341
Nixon, John, sketch of, by C. H. Hart,
188
Noble, 109
Mile-stone, old ones in Phila., 113,468 I Non-Importation AgreementofPhila.,
Milnor, Bev. James, 467
Mines, ill
Minnegerode's Hessian battalion, 386
MONTOOMEBT, 264
Montgomery, Joseph, member of Con-
tinental Congress, not in Lanman,
sketch of, by W. H. Egle, 217, 356
Moody, 357
MOOBE, 332, 473, 474
Moore, Dr., 30
Moore, descendants of Thomas, John,
David, and Philip, 358
Moore, Philip, 473
Moravian congregation of N. Y., ex-
tract from the diary of, 1776, 133,
250,467
Morion, G^n. Daniel, a native of N.
J. or of Pa., 116
Morgan, Dr. John, 116
Morgan, Lieut. (British), 384, 393
MOBBIS, 177, 178, 201, 264
Morris, Anthony, Jr., death of, near
Princeton, 175
Morris, John, 330, 331, 332
Morris, Robert, 35, 356, 435, 436, 471
Morris, Robert, sketch of, by Mrs. C.
H. Hart, 333
Morris, Mrs. Robert, 224, 225, 435, 436
Morris, Robert Hunter, 115
Morris, Samuel, 5
MOBTON, 1, 226, 357
Morton, Robert, diary of, kept while Parry, Col. Caleb, and others, 469
the British were in Phila. in 1777, Pattebson, 349
1765, error regarding the date of, 191
Norris, Isaac, sketch of, by Geo. W.
Norris, 449
Northwest Passage, attempt made in
Phila. to discover in 1752, 205
Notes and Queries, 113, 223, 355, 466
"Now and Then," by J. M. M. Ger-
nerd, notice of, 476
NUTTALL, 357
Oath taken at Valley Forge, 174
O'Bbien, 419
OODEN, 325, 326
Ogden, Col., of N. J., 380
Ogden's house at Middle Ferry, 24
Ogle, Gov., of Md., 432, 433
"Old Town," 470
Oliybb, Winnifred, 332
Onoudago, 163, 165, 166, 321
Osbobne, 272 ^
Osborne, Col.* Sir Geo., 374, 375
Osterman, Count, 91, 92
Owen, 326
Oxeustiem, 159
Paca, 273
Paoli, massacre of, address by J.
Smith Futhey, Sept. 20, 1877, 285
Parish, John, 169
Parish, Mr., 52
Parker, Joseph, 30
1-39
Moulder's Battery, 472
Muhlenberg, Gen. Peter, 383
MusOBAYE, 457
Musgrave, Col. Thos., 302, 312, 373,
380,381
MussmuUin, an Indian chief, 129, 166
Nash, Gen., death of, 282, 394
Naval Asylum of Phila., 222
Neal, Capt., 178
Neale, 273
Neill, Rev. £dw. D., contributions by,
175, 231
Patton, Col. James, of Va., 413, 418
Patuxant River, 123
Peale, C. W., 223
Peale, Titian R., 223
Pell, 134, 136, 254
Pembebton, 1, 2, 6, 9, 11, 18, 20
Pemberton, James, 6, 18
Penn, Gov. John, portrait of, 115, 206,
230
Penn, Wm., eulogy on, by Wayne
Mac Veagh, 361
Penn« Wm., travels of, in Holland
and Germany, 1677, 465
Penrose, Col., 178
K
Index.
491
Peters, secretary Bichard, 129, 241,
243, 245, 406, 411, 414, 419
Philadelphia, British army in, aee Di-
ary of Bobert Morton.
Philadelphia doctors, 116, 472
Philadelphia, Hessians in, 40, 43
Philadelphia in 1744, see Journal of
William Black from page 240, 404
Philadelphia ladies in 1744, 405
Philips, Oapt. James, 272, 273
Pickering, Col. Timothy, 381, 386, 389
PlEKCE, 111
Pike, Thomas, 5
Pinckney, Col. Ghas. C, 278, 396
Pittsburgh and Union town. Pa., let-
ters descriptive of, 44-54
Plaskitt, 264
Platt, 357
Plumsted, Clement and Wm., 409
Plymouth, Pa., history of, by H. B.
Wright, notice of, 475
POB, 349
Pope, Ebenezer, 170
POBTEB. 357
Potter, Gen. James, 13, 18, 36, 185, 346
Potts, John and Buth Savage, child-
ren of, 176
Potts, Jonathan, 12
Potts, William John, 474
Powell, 330, 331, 332
Pbamob, 170
Prayer Book, alteration of, in 1776,
226,360
Pbice, 332
Princeton, battle of, 177
Principio Iron Works, 125, 238
Privateers fitting out in Phila., 1744,
247
Propositions of peace made by Howe
to T. Willing, 35
PUE, 110
Puke and St. Vincent Land Associa-
tion, 471
Putnam, Gen. Israel, 139
Quakers, «ee Friends.
Bainor, 170
Bahsat, 267
Randolph, 273
Bandolph, officers of the Frigate, 469
Rankin, Bev. Charles W., 265
Rawle, 326, 459
Read, George, 36
Read, T. Buchanan, quoted, 290
Records, see Christ Church.
Red Bank, 11, 19, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30
Redd, 326, 327
Redemptioners, registry of German
and others in Pa., 356
Redwood, 326, 458
Reed, Gen. Joseph, controTersy re-
garding, 114, 198
Reed, 1.H4, 143, 263, 265
Rees, Bees, 332
Beichel, Bev. Wm. C, memoir of, by
John W. Jordan, 104
Beinke, Rev. A. A., contribution by,
133, 250, 467
Bbynolds, 357
Beynolds, Bev. William M., memoir
of, by T. Ward, 107
Bice, 258
BiCHABDSOK, J325, 326, 458
Biddles, 349
Hippy, Capt., of Pa.,;226
"Bising Sun," the Widow Nioe'i
Tavern at, 35
Bitche, Bobert, 31
BOBEBDEAU, 111
BOBEBTSON, 78
BobertHon, Gen. (British), 257, 258,
259, 261
BOBESOK, 458
BobiuH, R. P., paper on Edward
Whalley, 55
Bobinson, Bichard, 359
Bo<lney, C$esar A., 465
Bodney, Capt. Thomas, 465
BooEBS, 328
Boss (1744), 130, 131, 136, 138
Boss, Col., 292
Boss, George, 70
BOTHWILL, 357
Bufi; Bichard, 272, 278
BUNCEY, 137
Bush, Mr., 46
Byan, Maj., 317
Saltbb, 328
Salway, 325
Sandusky, 44, 45, 53
Sankey, 357
Sargent, John, 456
Sargent's Life of Andre quoted, 21
Savage, 175
Schldzer, Professor, letters from the
correspondence of, by Capt. John
Heinrichs, 40
Scott, 357
Scott, Gen. Chas., 383
Scull, 100
Seeley, 444
Seidensticker, Prof. Oswald, 465
Shallus, Francis, 227
Shaw, 457
Shebbbook, 135
Shewkirk, Bev., pastor of the Mora-
vian congregation of K. Y., 1776, ex.
from his diary, 133-148, 250-262, 467
Shickelamy, Indian chief, 414, 415
Shipprn, 273, 404, 468
Shippen, descendants of Dr. William,
by Chas. B. Hildeburn, 109^111
Shippen, Dr. William, the Elder, by
the late Thomas Baloh, 212
Shippen, Dr. Edward, U. S. N., 222
Shippin, Capt. Wm., killed at Prince^
ton, 178
Shirly (Point Shirly), 173
492
Index.
Shoemakeb, 328, 341
Shoemaker, John, 34
Shobe, 110
Sholze, Gov. J. Andrew, of Pa., 465
Simcoe, Lient.-Gol., 373, 375
Simmons, George A., contribution by,
439
SITTIN, 357
Slough, Mathias, 38
Slover, Indian Captive, 44, 46
Small, Major John, 170
Smallwood, Gen. Wm., 36, 301, 305,
306, 375, 401
Smedlet, 359
Smith, wounded by Indians, 49
Smith, Eliza Jane, 341
Smith, Esther, 111
Smith, Joseph B., 459
Smith, Bichard S., services in Sweden
in 1812, 150
remarks of, 154
Smith, Robert, 425
Smith, Wm. Druit, 37
Sober, John, 413
SOXTTHEBY, 325
Southworth, John, 358
Sower, Ghristoper, Jr., guides the
British, 34
Sower, Christopher, Sr., 167
Spangenberg, Bishop, 165
Speab, 357
Spencer, A., M.D., 246, 414
Spesuti» Church, Md., 263-274
Sproat, David, 16
St. Mary's Church, Burlington, N. J.,
466
St. Vincent and Puke's Land Asso-
oiatiou, information wanted regard-
ing, 471
Stamper, Mary, 419
Stansbnry, Joseph, 33
Starr, James, 5
Stedman, Messrs., 69, 225
Steel, Capt., 185
Steer, Thomas, 172
Stephen, Gen. Adam, 375, 384, 391
Stewabt, 357
Stewart, Col. Walter, 4, 385, 400
Stiegel, Baron Henry Wm., of Lan-
caster Co., Pa., 67-72, 224, 225
StilK, Charles J., 157
Stirling, Col., 11
Stirling, Gen. Lord, 147, 315, 375
Stokes, Mr., 421, 422
Story, Enoch, 7, 12
Stratford on the Potomac, seat of
Thomas Lee, 122
Strettell, Amos, 408
Strettell, Bobert, 241, 243, 245, 247, 406,
408, 411, 412
Stryker, Gen. William S., on Beed
controversy, 114
Sullivan, Gen. John, 147, 292, 316, 378,
381, 386, 396
Sussex, Sheriff of, 18
Swedes Church at Phila., 355
Swedish settlement on the Delaware,
149
Sykbs, 253, 258, 327, 459
Syphbb, 145, 250
Talbot, Col., 425
Talbot, Dr., 466
Talbot, 357
Tallhan, 326, 328, 457
Tarhee Crane of the Wyandottes, 227
Tasker, Benjamin, of Md., 130
Taylor, Col. John, of Va., 121, 243, 411
Temple, Col., 316
Ten Bboek, 133, 137, 259
Tennent, Gilbert, 411
Thomas, Gov. George, of Pa., 129, 237,
243, 246, 247, 249, 418
Thomas, 324, 325, 330, 331, 332, 357
Thomas, Philip, 234
Thomas, Col. Bichard, of Chester Co.,
Pa., 286
Thornton, Presley, 121, 243
*' Three Tons Tavern," Chester Co.,
298
Tilghman, Col. T., 387
TiLOHMAN, 211
Till, 468
Toy's Tavern, 3
Trimble, Eienor, wife of Alex., 227,
474
Tbowbridoe, Judge, 86, 94, 95
Trudrnitrin, map of British camp at,
285
Trudruffrin, see Massacre of Paoli, 285
Tryon, Gov., 135, 252
Tun Tavern, Phila^ 406
Turner, John and Joseph, 404, 414
** Twain, Mark," contribution by, 343
Uniontown, Pa., 44-54
United States, History of, "by Josiah
W. Leeds, 232
Utie, Col., of Md., 273
Valley Forge, oath taken by the officers
at, 174
Vaikaw, 332
Vander-Heydens, 273
Van Deubsen, 138
Van Hook, 109
Van Vleck, 135, 136, 137, 138, 14,^,
251, 252, 259
Venema, VAi
Von Eelking's German Auxiliaries
quoted, 40, 373
VOOBHEES, 357
Waddel, Alderman, of N. Y., 260
Waldo, Albigence, Journal quoted, 38
Wall, 110
Wallace, 110
Waldbon, Hilah, 134, 137, 143, 252, 259
Walker, David, of Nixon, Walker *
Co., 201
Index.
498
Waln, 328
Walpole, Grant, 406
Ward, Gen. Artemas, by Bobert C.
Winthrop, 181
Ward, Capt., 186
Ward, T., memoir of Bev. W. M.
Beynolds, 107
Warneb, Edward, 358
Wabmeb, 459
Warren, the Admiral, Tavern, Ches-
ter Co., 303
Wasliington addressed by the Friends,
169
Washington's encampment on the
Neshaminy, by W. J, Buck, 275
Washington, Gen., 9, 12, 30, 34, 36, 119,
134, 139, 140, 144, 169, 176, 294, 301,
368, 388, 397
Washington Co., Pa., 48
Washington-Crawford Letters, by C.
W. Butterfleld, 232
Watertown, Mass., 174
Watkinson, 466
Wayne,' Anthony, 295, 297, 299, 300,
301, 310, 313, 315, 316, 317, 378, 380,
381, 388
Webb, 96
Weiser, Conrad, 129, 167, 238, 245, 414,
413, 417
Weiser, Conrad, notes on Iroquois and
Delaware Indians, 163-167, 319-323
Welles, Edw., 359
Welsh, Dep. Barrack Master, 34
Welsh emigration to Penna. in 1697-98,
330
West, B., 206, 223, 224
West, Miss, possessor of miniature of
Nixon by Peale, 201
Westcott, T., his history of Phila.
quoted, 33
Whalley, Edward, and family of, 230,
231,359
Whalley, Edward, the regicide, paper
on, by B. P. Bobins, 65-66
will of, 64
Whabton, 110
Whabtok family, by Anne H. Whar-
ton, 324, 455, 468
Wheeling, 46, 48, 53
Whitakeb, 264
White, Bishop, see ThonoAS White.
"White Horse" Tavern, Chester Co..
298
White, 325
White Marsh, 34
White, Col. Thomas, of Md., meeting
of the descendants of, 263
White, Col. Thos., of Md., sketch of,
by W. W. Wiltbank, 420
Whitmore, W. H., communication
from, 230
Wilkinson's Memoirs, query, 226
Williams, Lymley, 332
Willing, 201, 419
Willing, Thos., 7, 35, 190, 193, 333
Wilmington, Del., 239
WiLMOT, 140
Wilson, 139, 140, 259, 357
Wilson, Capt., 314, 318
Wilson, William, 168
Wiltbank, 264, 265
Wiltbank, W. W., paper on Thomas
White, 420
Winthrop, B. C, sketch of Gen. Ward,
181
Wisner, Henry, by Bev. H. Bellows,
80
Witherspoon, MaJ., of K. J., 394
Withington's house in Beading, Pa., 5
"Wolthower's,"47
Woodford's Brigade, 384, 376
Wurmb, Col. Von, 372, 390
Wynn, 83
Yeates, Jasper, 69
Yeates, Lieut., of Va., killed at Prinoe-
ton, 178
YOBK, 367
Zane, Isaac, 6
Zobllxb, 264
END OP VOL. L
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