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In closing the first volume of the PBNNSYLVANii 
OF History and Biography, the editors gladly s 
selves of the opportunity it affords to express tl 
for the hearty co-operation they have met witl 
side; this has encouraged them in their task 
their labors almost nominal. 

The objects of the Magazine, as stated in the am 

made with the first number, are to foster and c 

I interest that has been awakened in historical mati 

furnish the means of inter-communication betwe< 
I kindred tastes. How far these ends have been ac 

the volume now completed must attest ; to the c 
to it, for their ability and research, belongs what 
is bestowed. 

The kind words which have greeted each nun 
Magazine have assured the Trustees of the ] 
Fund, that the object for which the money entrust 
was subscribed, was being promoted, and they 1 
ously allowed the number of pages first decided 
considerably augmented. To continue the Mag^ 
present form, to add to its attractions, and at the 
to lessen the demands made upon the Publication 
the aims of those who have its management in ht 


iv Prefdce. 

money will be expended on the forthcoming volun 
likely to be received for it ; but it is hoped that the 
value of the material produced in the volume i8sue( 
typographical excellence will bo commend the cnt( 
the public, that the Fund will be materially incre 
even greater expenditure warranted. 

The organization of the Publication Fund, the li: 
Bcribers to it, and the titles of the books already if 
to be found at the end of this volume. 





The Diary of Robert Morton. Kept in Philadelphia while that city 
was occupied by the British army in 1777 1 

The Hessians in Philadelphia. A German officer's impression of oar 
city. From the Correspondence of Professor SchlSzer, of Gtfttingen, 
Yol. III. p. 149. Translated by Miss Helen Bdl .... 40 

Pittsburgh and Uniontown, Pennsylvania, in 1782-83. Letters from 
Ephraim Douglass to Gen. James Irvine. From the Irvine Papers 
in the Historical Society 44 

Major Andre's Parole. Original in possession of Mr. Simon Grati. 
[From the American Antiquarian] 54 

Edward Whalley, the Regicide. By Robert Patterson Robtns . 55 

Baron Stiegel. By the Rev. Jos. Henry Dubhs^ of Lancaster, Pa. . 67 


OF " The Rbsolutioks bbspectino Indbpbndbic ct." 

John Hancock. By Charles Francis Adams 73 

Patrick Henry. By William Wirt Henry 78 

Henry Wisner. By Henry W. Bellows, D.D 80 

Charles Humphrejrs. By A. A. Humphreys, Maj.-Oen. U. S. A. 83 

Francis Dana. By Richard H, Dana, Jr 86 

Silas Deane. By Charles J. Hoadley -. . 96 

Edward Biddle. By Craig Riddle 100 

General Artemas Ward. By Robert C. Winthrop .... 181 
Major-General John Armstrong. By William M. Darlington, of Pitts- 
burgh, Pa. 183 

Colonel John Nixon. By Charles Henry Hart 188 

Chief Justice William Allen. By Edward F. de Lancey . .202 

Dr. William Shippen, the Elder. By the late Thomas Balch . 212 

Robert Morris. Presented by Mrs. Armine Niacon Hart . 333 


vi Contents of Volume L 


Francis Lightfoot Lee. By Samuel L, Clemens (" Mark Twain") . 343 

Samuel Adams. By George A, Simmons 439 

Jonathan Elmer. By L, Q. C, Elmer 443 

Abraham Clark. By E. P. Buffett 445 

Isaac Norris. By the late George W. Norris, M,D 449 

Memorial Notice of the Rev. William C. Reichel. (With portrait.) 
Bead by John W. Jordan, before the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, November 13, 1876 104 

Memorial Notice of the Rev. William M. Reynolds, D.D. Read by 
. Townsend Ward before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Nov. 
13, 1876 107 

Descendants of Dr. William Shippen. Compiled by Charles R, Uilde- 
bum 109 

Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 112, 222, 354, 465 

Notes and Qneries 113, 223, 355, 466 

Jonmal of William Black, 1744. Secretary Oi" the Commissioners ap> 
pointed by Governor Gooch, of Virginia, to nnite with those from the 
Colonies of Pennsylvania and Maryland, to Treat with the Iroquois 
or Six Nations of Indians, in reference to the lands west of the Alle- 
gheny Mountains. Edited by R. Alonzo Brock, Secretary of the 
Virginia Historical Society 117, 233, 

Occupation of New York City by the British, 1776. Extracts from the 
Diary of the Moravian Congregation 13? 

The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, and Christina, Queen of V 
Swedes, the Goths, and the Vends. A presentation of her portr 
to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, April 16, 1877 

Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. CommunicationF 
Conrad Weiser to Christopher Saur, which appeared in the 
1746-1749 in his newspaper printed at Germantown, entitled 
High German Pennsylvania Historical Writer, or a Collection 
portant Events from the Kingdom of Nature and the Churc 
from his (Saur's) Almanacs. Compiled by Abraham H. 
translated by Miss Helen Bell 

An Unwritten Chapter in the History of the Siege of Bosto 
butions of the Society of Friends of Philadelphia, for th« 
the Boston Sufferers in the Winter of 1775-76 . 

The Oath Taken by the Officers at Valley Forge . 

Contents of Volume L vii 


Death of Major Anthony Morris, Jr. Described in a Letter written on 
the Battle-Field, near Princeton, by Jonathan Potts, M.D. Anno- 
tated by the Rev, Edward D. Neill, President of Macalcster Col- 
lege, Minn ^ *^ 

Joseph Montgomery. By Wm. K Egle, M.D 217 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. Burials, 1709-1760. Contri- 
buted by Charles R, Hildehum 219, 350, 460 

Book Notices 232, 475 

Meeting of the Descendants of Col. Thomas White, at St. George's 
Church, Spcsutiae, and Sophia's Dairy, June 7th, 1877. By the Rev, 
William White Bronson 263 

Washington's Encampment on the Neshaminy. By William J, Buck 275 

The Massacre of Paoli. Historical Address of J. Smith Futhey, of 
West Chester, Pa. Delivered on the Centennial Anniversary of that 
event at the Dedication of the Monument to the Memory of those 
who fell on the night of September 20th, 1777 285 

The Wharton Family. By Anne H, Wharton .... 324, 455 

Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvania. An Old Charter Party. Commu- 
nicated by W. F, CorUt 330 

General James Potter. By A, Boyd Hamilton ... . 346 

William Penn. Eulogy on the Founder of Pennsylvania. Delivered 
before the Penn Club, to Commemorate the One Hundred and Ninety- 
Fifth Anniversary of his Landing. By Wayne Mac Veagh , , 361 

Battle of Germantown. An Address delivered at Germantown upon 
the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Engagement, October 4, 1877. 
By Alfred C, Lambdin, M.D 368 

Colonel Thomas White, of Maryland. By William White Wiltbank, 
Read by him at the Meeting of the Descendants of Colonel White at 
Sophia's Dairy, Maryland, June 7, 1877 420 

Report of Council to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, May 7, 1877 477 

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 482 

Index 485 

Subscribers to the Publication Fund of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania 495 





Vol. L 1877 No. 1 




Samuel Morton, the father of Robert Morton, whose diary 
is here given, was a merchant of Philadelphia, the son of 
James Morton, of Aberdeen, Scotland. In 1768 he married 
Phebe, daughter of Robert and Mary Lewis, of Philadelphia. 
Robert Morton was b. 10 mo. 30, 1760. His father died when 
he was quite young, and in 1775 (7 mo. 12th) his mother 
became the third wife of James Pemberton (see page 6). 
On the 10 mo. 14th, 1784, Robert Morton married his step- 
sister, Hannah, third child of James Pemberton and his first 
wife, Hannah Lloyd. He died on the 17th of Augt., 1786, 
in his 26th year. His wife died on the 4th of Sept., 1788. 

The diary of Robert Morton was written when he was 
between sixteen and seventeen years of age, and shows him 
to have possessed a well-cultivated mind for one of his years, 
a facility of expression, and much observation. 

The events he records can nearly all be corroborated, and 
the picture he gives of our city during the occupation of it 

2 Tke Diary of Robert Morton. 

by the British is, in some respects, the most graphic that has 
come down to us ; especially interesting is the change of sen- 
timent towards the English, on the part of those who at first 
welcomed them, which appears to have resulted from the 
conduct of the army, and it is to be regretted the MS. 
does not continue until the retirement of the troops under 
Sir Henry Clinton, that we might learn from the same 
source what the state of feeling was at that time. 

There can be no doubt that the sympathies of Morton and 
the family with whom he was coimected were biased in favor 
of the Royal cause so far as was consistent with their religious 
convictions. This feeling had no doubt been stimulated by 
the oppressive measures that a number of the prominent 
members of the Society of Friends had been subjected to by 
order of the Continental Congress and the Supreme Execu- 
tive Council of Pennsylvania. Many of them had been 
arrested on a groundless charge and sent to Winchester, Va., 
among whom were the husband of Phebe Pemberton and his 
two brothers, John and Israel. A full statement of the facts 
connected with this painful incident in the revolutionary his- 
tory of our State will be found in Gilpin's interesting " Exiles 
in Virginia," etc. etc., Phila. 1848. 


Philada.^ September 16^A, 1777. — This afternoon about 4 
o'clock, I, in company with my agreeable Friend Dr. Hutch- 
inson,* set off on a journey to Reading, on business relating 
to the Friends now confined there on their way to Winches- 
ter in Virginia. We rode about 4 Hours in an excessive 
hard rain, when we arrived at Thomson's Tavern,' about 20 
miles from Philada., where ui)on Enquiry we found nothing 

*Dr. James Hutchinson, a natiye of Bucks Co., Pa. B. 1753, d. 1798. 
A nephew of Israel Pemberton. He served as a surgeon in the American 
Army, and held many Important positions. In the zealous pursuit of his 
profession, he fell a yictim to the yellow fever in 1798, having acquired, at 
an early age, a reputation that gives his name prominence in the medical 
annals of Philadelphia. 

> Kow Norristown. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. S 

to our Satisfaction, the house being filled with militia. From 
thence we went to Mrs. Toy's, in the upper Reading Road, 
who, apologizing for her not being able to accommodate us, 
directed us to an old Dutchman's, about J of a mile from 
her house. Upon asking him for lodgings he at first hesi- 
tated, thinking we were military oflieers, but upon scruti- 
nizing us he found we made a difterent appearance, and in- 
troduced us with many apologies for the meanness of his 
house, the badness of his beds, and other excuses of the same 
nature. We thanked him for his kindness, and kindly ac- 
cepted of his mean tho' grateful Fare. In the morning we 
crossed Skippack though very rapid, and proceeded on to 
Perkioming, where we found it dangerous to pass owing to 
the rapidity of the stream and the inconvenience attending 
the swimming of our horses. We enquired the distance of 
the head of the creek, and found it was about 20 miles, and 
in our way had to cross many small creeks which were im- 
passable at that time without great danger. Upon mature 
deliberation we thought it most advisable to proceed to Paw- 
ling's Ferry upon Schuylkill, which having raised above 8 
feet perjiendicularly, and great number of trees and other rub- 
bish coming down so fast, the Boatman would not go over. 
Every safe means of proceeding on our journey being now 
out of our power, and sensible that our consequence at Read- 
ing would be inadequate to the risque we run, both of our- 
selves and our horses, we determined to proceed home, 
where we arrived about 6 o'clock Wed. Ev'g after an agree- 
able journey and no other misfortune than a fall from my 
horse, which hurt my left arm, which I hope shall soon be 
recovered of. 17th and 18th included in the above. 

Sept. 19/A. — This morning, about 1 o'clock, an Express 
arrived to Congress, giving an acco. of the British Army 
having got to the Swedes Ford on the other side of the 
Schuylkill, which so much alarmed the Gent'n of the Con- 
gress, the military ofBcers and other Friends to the general 
cause of American Freedom and Independence, that they de- 
camped with the utmost precipitation, and in the greatest 
confusion, insomuch that one of the Delegates, by name Ful- 

4 ITie Diary of liobert Morton. 

Bom/ was obliged in a verj Fiilsom mauncr to ride oflf witli- 
out a saddle. Thus we have seeu the men from whom we 
have received, and from whom we still expected protection, 
leave us to fall into the hands of (by their accounts) a barba- 
rous, cruel, and unrelenting enemy.' 

This afternoon we rec'd a letter from my Father, L P., 
informing us that Alex. Nesbit,^ who was one of the Guanls, 
had arrived at Reading with advices from the Executive 
Council of this State, from which they were apprehensive 
we were to be deprived of a hearing, and sent off to Win- 
chester immediately. 

Philada. my native City, thou that hast heretofore been 
so remarkable for the preservation of thy Rights, now 
sufferest those who were the Guardians, Protectors, and 
Defenders of thy Youth, and who contribute<l their share in 
raising thee to thy present state of Grandeur and magniii- 
cence with a rajddity not to be paralleled in the World, to be 
dragged by a licentious mob from their near and dear con- 

1 Nathaniel Folsom, of New Hampshire. He was a captain in tlie expe- 
dition against Crown Point in 1755 ; was present when Baron Dieskau was 
defeated. He was a member of the 1st Congress (1774), and of that of 1777, 
and held many positions of public nature in his own State, amoni; which 
were those of Judge, Member of the Committee of Safety, and Maj.-Gen. 
He died May 26, 1790.— See Col of N. U, Jlittoncul Society, vol. v. 

* John Adams, writing to his wife from York Town, Pa., on the 80th of 
Sept., says: In the morning of the 10th instant, the Congress were ahirmed 
in their beds by a letter from Mr. Hamilton, one of General Wiislilngtou's 
family, that the enemy was in possession of the fords over the Schuylkill, 
and of the boats, so they had it in their power to be in Philadelphia Inifore 
morning. The papers of Congress belonging to the Secretary's otlice, the 
War office, the Treasury office, &c., had, before this, been sent In Bristol. 
The president and all the other gentlemen had gone that road, so I followed, 
with my friend, Mr. Marchant of Rhode Island, to Trenton, in the Jerseys. 
— Letters to Mrs. Adams, toI. ii. p. 7. 

' Alexander Nesbit and Samuel Caldwell, both members of the light 
horse of the City of Philadelphia, were detailed from that body to conduct 
the prisoners to their place of exile. Mr. Nesbit was an early member of 
what is now known as the ** First Troop of Philadelphia City Cavalry," 
and also of the "Friendly Sons of St. Patrick," from tlie history of which 
society we learn ho was a highly respectable dry goods merchant, and 
partner of General Walter Stewart. He died Sept. 1791. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. b 

nections, and by the hand of lawless power, banished from 
their country unheard, perhaps never more to return, for the 
sole suspicion of being enemies to that cause in which thou 
art now engaged ; hadst thou given them even the form of a 
trial, then thou wouldst have been less blameable, but thou 
hast denied them that in a manner more tyrannical and cruel 
than the Inquisition of Spain. Alas, the day must come 
when the Avenger's hand shall make thee suffer for thy guilt, 
and thy Rulers shall deplore thy Fate. 

Sept. 20M. — Went with Charles Logan to his Plantation, 
and returned about 5 o'clock ; my mother rec'd a letter from 
my Father, giving a particular Acco. of his Journey to 
Reading, and the Treatment they rec'd there,' being all con- 
fined in one house, but kindly treated by their Friends, who 

* "On going throagh the town, there appeared to be much enmity 
amongst the people, and some stones were thrown at us .... On onr 
getting into the Widow Withington's, a house provided for us, we found our- 
selves made close prisoners. Guards were put around the house, and the 
face of everything much changed. Our friends, Isaac Zane and James 
Starr, coming to the door to speak to us, were violently pulled away, struck, 
and stoned, the former of whom was considerably bruised and hurt. 

'* Our friends were kept from us, Samuel Morris, who kindly sent us a 
dinner and some wine, soon after our arrival, being the only person admit- 
ted, for it did not appear any provision had been made for us." — See JouT' 
ney to Virginia, Oil^in, p. 136. 

The next day their friends were allowed to visit them, and amongst others, 
came Alexander Gray don, then a paroled prisoner residing at Reading. 
In his memoir he writes that Miers Fisher, one of the prisoners with whom 
he was acquainted, told him " he did not look as if he had been starved by 
those sad people the British," and he returns the sally by recording that 
*' the prisoners were not much dejected, probably looking upon themselves 
as martyrs to the cause of their country ; among the prisoners he found his 
old fencing master Pike, whose affections clung so close to his native 
England that it was considered best he should accompany the friends to 
Virginia.*' " His laced hat and red coat," says Graydon, *' were to be seen 
strikingly in contrast with the flat brims and plain drab-colored garments of 
the rest of the assemblage ; nevertheless, from an internal similarity, this 
seemingly discordant ingredient incorporated perfectly well with the mass 
and friend Pike, as he was called, officiating in the capacity of a m^or 
domo, or caterer at the inns they put up at, was a person of do small 
consideration with his party." 

6 The Diary of Robert Morton. 

are residents there from this City, and as much hated and 
despised by the deluded multitude. 

Sept. 21st. — Nothing remarkable this day. 

Sept. 22nd. — This morning I saw Benj. Bryan, who has 
just returned from Thos. McKean, Esq's, Chief Justice of this 
State, by whom I understand that the Executive Council 
have deprived the Justices of executing part of their Offices, 
by virtue of an Act of Gen'l Assembly passed last week, to 
suspend the Granting of Writs of Habeas Corpus, to persons 
who are taken up. on suspicion of being inimical to the 
United States. He made many professions of his disappro- 
bation of the unprecedented measure, and would willingly, 
were it in his power, grant them a hearing, but as the 
Council had prevented him, he would receive no jmyment 
for the granting the writs. An instance worthy of imita- 
tion. This morning they went about to the inhabitants 
seeking for Blankets, Cloathes, &c. From some they rec'd a 
little, but not generally so.^ They got one from us. My 
mother rec'd a letter from my father, I. P.,' dated 20th inst., 
giving an acco. of the Prisoners moving from Reading on 
their w^ay to the place of Banishment. The two armies 
having moved up Schuylkill yesterday, it is thought the 
British have crossed the river,* a heavy cannonade being 
heard this evening it is supposed near to Potts Grove. 

' On the 22d of Sept. 1777, Hamilton wrote to the President of Congres 
''I left camp last evening, and came to thid city (Phila.) to superintend tl 
collection of blankets and clothing for the army." 

Hamilton's letter to the ladies of Philadelphia on this occasion ^ 
highly spoken of by Washington. 

' James Pemberton, the fifth son of Isaac and Rachel Pemberton, war 
in Philadelphia, 26th of 6 mo. (August), 1723. A successful and u 
merchant, he devoted a great part of his time to objects of benevolo 
charity. He was a director of the Pennsylvania Hospital, on( 
founders of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, an active membe 
Friendly Association for preserving peace with the Indians. H 
prominent member of the Society of Friends, and was a memb 
Meeting for SafTerings, from its commencement in Philadclphir 
nntil the year 1808,when he resigned. — See Friends' Miscellany, v 

* Howe crossed the Schuylkill on the afternoon and night of 
morning of the 23d. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. 7 

Sept 23rrf. — Employed this day in making hay. In the 
evening the inhabitants were exceedingly alarmed by an 
apprehension of the City being set on fire. The British 
troops being within 11 miles of the City, caused the dis- 
turbance, and gave rise to those womanish fears which seize 
upon weak minds at those occasions — Set up till 1 o'clock, 
not to please myself, but other people. 

Sept. 2ith. — ^This day 4 Row Gallics were set up at 4 cross 
Btreets with 2 field pieces at Market Street Wharf to annoy 
the enemy on their march thro this City, but they not 
coming according to expectation, they fell down with the 
tide about 12 o'clock. N. B. Yesterday, in the evening a 
number of horses were taken out of the City to prevent 
them from falling into the hands of the enemy. 

Sept, 25th. — This morning the news arrived of the British 
army being about 5 miles from the City. In the evening 
they sent a letter to T. "Willing desiring him to inform the 
inhabitants to remain quietly and peaceably in their own 
dwellings and they should not be molested in their persons 
or property. Set up till 1 o'clock patrolling the streets for fear 
of fire. 2 men were taken up who acknowledged their inten- 
tions of doing it. 

Sept. 26th. — About 11 o'clock A. M. Lord Comwallis with 
his division of the British and Auxiliary Troops amount'g to 
about 8000, marched into this city, accompanied by Enoch 
Story ,^ Jos. Galloway,* Andw. Allen, William Allen and 
others, inhabitants of this city, to the great relief of the 
inhabitants who have too long suflfered the yoke of arbitrary 

> " Enoch Story, of Penna. In 1775, when he attempted to establish a 
newspaper at Phila., a distinguished Whig said that he knew no more aboat 
printing and composition than an old horse. When Sir Wm. Howe occapied 
that city, Story was inspector of prohibited goods. In 1778 he was attainted 
for treason, and went to England." — Sahin^a Loyalist 

* An interesting notice of Joseph Galloway will be fonnd in the seventh 
volume of the works of Franklin, edited by Sparks, from the pen of the late 
J. Francis Fisher. It is also printed in ^e appendix of Littell's Graydon. 
Sketches of Wm. and Andrew Allen will be found in Mr. Sabine's excellent 

8 TTie Diary of Robert Morton. 

Power ; and who testified their approbation of the arrival of 
the troops by the loudest acclamations of joj.^ Went with 
Chas. Logan to Head Quarters to see his Excell'y Gen. Sir 
Wm, Howe,* but he being gone out, we had some conver- 
sation with the ofiicers, who appeared well disposed towards 
the peaceable inhabitants, but most bitter against, and deter- 
mined to pursue to the last extremity the army of the U. S. 
The British army in this city are quartered at the Bettering 
House,' State House and other Places, and already begin to 
show the great destruction of the Fences and other things, 
the dreadful consequences of an army however friendly. The 
army have fortified below the town to prevent the armed 
vessels in our River coming to this city — likewise have 
erected a Battery at the Point, This day has put a period 
to the existance of C!ontinental money in this city. '^ Esto 

Sept. 27th. — About 9 o'clock this morning 1 Ship of 34 
guns, 1 of 18, 4 Sow gallies and a schooner came opposite to 
the Batteries erected in this city, who fired upon them when 
at a proper distance. The engagement continued for an hour 
when the Frigate got aground and struck to the British 
troops. The other ship immediately made sail and got off 
with the 4 gallies, the schooner coming down was fired at 
several times, when a shot struck her foremast and carried 
it away, which bro't her to and run her aground, when a' 
the men on board escaped. This execution was done b; 

■ J. P. Norrifl told Watson (see vol. iL p. 256) : " I recollect seeing 
division march down Second Street when Lord Cornwallis took posse 
of the city — the troops were gay and well clad. A number of our ci 
appeared sad and serious. When I saw him there was no huzzahinr 
lady told Mr. Watson, " I saw no exultation in the enemy, nor ir 
those who were reckoned favorable to their success." 

' When Gen. Howe first entered the city, he made his quarts 
house of Gen. Cadwalader, on 2d St. below Spruce. He aftorwar 
to the house on the south side of Market St. east of 6th, whicl 
was the residence of Washington, while President. 

* The Bettering or Alms House stood on the south side of 
between 10th and 11th Sts. 

TJic Diary of Bobert Marion. 9 

pieces of Artillery.^ This afternoon about 8 o'clock an en- 
gagement happened near my Uncle's plantation, between 100 
C. Troops and 80 British, the Con. troops gave way, their 
loss unknown. 8 ofloicers and 1 private wounded, and 1 
private killed on the side of the British, whom I see — 

Sept. 2&th. — About 10 o'clock this morning some of the 
Light Dragoons stationed near Plantation* broke open the 
house, 2 desks, 1 Book Case and 1 closet besides several 
drawers and other things, and ransacked them all. I ap- 
ply 'd to their oflaicer, who informed me that if the men were 
found out they should be severely punished. 

I have been informed that a soldier this day rec'd 400 
lashes for some crime, which I do not know. 

Sept. 29th. — Went with Dr. Hutchinson to Israel Pember- 

' ''As soon as the British had taken possession of Philadelphia, thej 
erected three batteries near the river to protect the city against such Ameri- 
can shipping and craft as might approach the town. On the 26th of Sept., 
before the batteries were finished, Commodore Hazelwood, by the advice of 
a council of officers, ordered two frigates, the Delaware and Montgomery, 
each of twenty-four guns, the sloop Fly, and several galleys and gondolast 
to move up to Philadelphia and commence a cannonade on the town, should 
the enemy persist in erecting fortifications. The Delaware anchored within 
five hundred yards of the batteries, and the other vessels took other stations 
as were suited to their object At ten on the morning of the 27th the 
cannonade began ; but on the falling of the tide the Delaware grounded. In 
this disabled condition the guns from the batteries soon compelled her colors 
to be struck, and she was taken by the enemy. A schooner was likewise 
driven on shore, but the other frigate and small craft returned to their 
former stations near the fort." The above note, from the writings of Wash- 
ington (vol. V. p. 77), is appended to a letter of Washington's mentioning 
the incident it illustrates, and giving a rumor of the day, that the crew of 
the frigate Delaware had mutinied. Mr. Sparks continues : " The suspicion 
that the crew mutinied was never confirmed, nor was there any such hint in 
the British commanders describing the event." As Morton, an inmate of 
the city, fails to mention the story, it probably had its origin within the 
American lines. Marshall says " this repulse of the American fleet was ren- 
dered material by its giving the enemy the entire command of the ferry, and. 
consequently, free access to the Jersey shore, while it intermpted the com- 
munication between the forts below and above Trenton, from whence garri- 
sons were to have been supplied with military stores."— Jfariikafl's WoMng^ 
toriy vol. iii. p. 174. 

' Now the site of the Naval Asylum, on the SchnylkilL 

10 The Diary of Eoberi Morion. 

ton's Plantation where we found a destruction similar to 
that at our Plantation, 3 closets heing broke open, 6 doz. 
wine taken, some silver spoons, the Bedcloaths taken off 4 
Beds, 1 rip'd open, the Tick being taken off*, and other 
Destruction about the Plantation. The oflaicers were so obli- 
ging as to plant a centry there without application. Upon 
our return home we pass'd thro' part of the camp and saw a 
man hanging. 

Sept. ^Qih. — This morning my mother and I went to Col. 
Harcourt,^ Com. of the Light Dragoons, near our plantation, 
to make intercession for the men who are apprehended for 
breaking and ransacking our plantation and house. The 
Col. upon my application, behaved very unlike a Gent'n by 
asking me ^^ what I wanted" in an ungenteel manner, and 
told me he could not attend to what I had to say, and said 
that the trial was coming on and I must attend to prosecute 
them. I informed him there was a lady who would be glad 
to speak with him. He then came to my mother and h 
haved in a very polite genteel manner, and assured her th; 
he could not admit her application as the orders of tl 
General must be obeyed, and that the soldiers were r 
suffered to commit such depredations upon the King's ' 
jects with impunity. Some of the British troops can 
my mother's pasture on 6th and 1st days last and took 
2 loads of hay without giving a Rec't or offering Pay 

We had a verbal acco't this morning of the Prisonei 
seen on 4th day last at Carlisle on their way to Banis 

It is reported that the Con. Troops have erected 
batteries on the other side of the River to annoy an 
their enemy. One at White Hill, one at Treiito' 
nearer to the city. 

Oct IsL — The man who was found guilty of r 
Plantation rec'd punishment this day, which was 

■ Col. Harconrt, sabfleqaentlj Earl Harcourt. While 
16tli Dragoons, with a patrol of thirty men he captured ' 
at Basking Bidge, N. J., in Dec. 1776. 

The Diaiy of JRobert Morton. 11 

The man found coming out of Mary Pemberton's^ plantation 
House is sentenced to be executed. M. P. has petitioned the 
Gen'l for a mitigation of the punishment. The British are 
erecting batteries from Delaware to Schuylkill on the north 
side of the city. Great numbers of oflaicers and men belong- 
ing to the Bow Gallies have deserted their posts at this time 
of approaching danger ;' and, among the rest, to his eternal 
disgrace and immediate death, if taken by the Con's, is Dr. 
Dun, Jr., who, I am told, served as Surgeon Gen'l to the For- 
tifications upon the River. 

Oct. 2nd. — The Quarter M. Gen'l of the Light Horse took 
1 load of hay from our Pasture, which he promises to give a 
Rec't for the 2 loads taken before by order of the Quarter 
Master, 2d Batt. Grenadiers, he has given me a Rec't for 100 
lbs. which 2 loads Jacob declares was near 1000 lbs. 'Tis 
said Lord Howe with the Fleet arrived in the River last 

Oct. Srd. — 10 of the Row Gallies men have deserted and 
come up this morning, who gave an acco of the Forts at Bil- 
lingsport^ and Red Bank being taken and a universal disaf- 

' " C^eD. Howe, dnriDg the time he stayed in Philadelphia, seized and kept 
fbr his own use Mary Pemberton's coach and horses." — Watson, ii. p. 285. 

* Washington wrote (Oct. 7) : " It is to be lamented that many of the of- 
ficers and seamen on board of the galleys have manifested a disposition that 
does them little honor. Looking upon their situation as desperate, or probably 
from worse motives, they have been guilty of the most alarming desertions. 
Two whole crews, including the officers, have deserted to the enemy." — See 
Sparks, vol. v. p. 84. 

' This report was true only so far as Billingsport was concerned. Mar- 
shall (vol. iii. p. 176) says (Sept 29) : " Col. Stirling with two regiments 
was detached to take possession of the forts at Billingsport, which he accom- 
plished without opposition ; the garrison, which was entirely of militia, having 
spiked their artillery and set fire to the barracks, withdrew without firing a 
gun. This service being effected, and the works facing the water entirely 
destroyed, so that the attempts to cut away and weigh up the obstructions 
to the passage of vessels up the river could no longer be impeded by the 
fire from the fort. Col. Stirling returned to Chester, from whence he was 
directed to escort a large convoy of provisions to Philadelphia," probably 
that mentioned by Morton in his MS. 

12 The Diary of Robert Morton. 

fection among the men. Enoch Story is appointed to ad- 
minister the oath of allegiance to those who come in and put 
themselves under his Majesty's protection.* A foraging party 
went out last week towds Darby and brought in a great 
number of cattle to the great distress of the inhabitants. 
A paper is handing about to be signed by the inhabitants 
agreeing to take the old lawful money,* which I signed.* 
The following report is this day prevalent concerning the 
defeat of Gen'l Gates near Albany — Gen'l Washington on 
last 1st day orderd a feu-de-joie to be fired in his camp by 
w^ of rejoicing for a victory obtained by Gen'l Gates over 
Burgoyne on the 18th* Ulto. A letter is come to town, the 
postscript of which being wrote in Irish, gives an acco. of a 
Battle being fought on the 18th of Sept. in which G^n'l 
Gates was successful, that Gen'l Burgoyne returned on the 
19th to bury his dead, which brot. on a general engagement 
in which Burgoyne was successful, and that he was advanc- 
ing towards Albany. A man is arrived in town who left 
Albany since the 19th, and says that there was no acco. of 
Burgoyne advancing when he left it. An intercepted letter 
of Dr. Potts' is arrived in Town which says that he was 
going to Albany to establish a Hospital for the sick and 
wounded. From which Accot. if true, we may infer that 

' A fact not mentioned by Sabin in The American Loyalists. 

■ That issued nnder the colonial government ** sanctioned by the King." 

' The list of those who signed this paper will be found in Westcott's His- 
tory of Philadelphia, Chap. ccli. 

^ Probably the 19th should be the date, as on that day Gates gained his 
first important victory. 

• Jonathan Potts, a native of Berks Co., Pa., graduated at the Philadelphia 
College, 1771, appointed medical director of the N. Department, Jan. 1777. 
•* I cannot close my letter," Gen. Gates wrote to the Pres. of Congress (Oct. 
20, 1777), ** without requesting your Excellency to inform Congress of the 
great care and attention with which Dr. Potts and the gentlemen of the 
general Hospital have conducted the business of their department. It must 
be that some honorary mark of the favor of Congress may be shown to Dr. 
Potts and his subordinate associates." Dr. Potts was the first surgeon of 
the Philadelphia City Troop. Several volumes of his MS. papers are in the 
possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. — See also N. E. Hist, 
and OenecU, Register, vol. zviii. p. 21, and Potts* Memorial, 

The Diary of Robert Mortem. 18 

there has heen an engagement, but which party is successful 
is dubioiia 

Oct. ith. — This morning early the picquet of the British 
near Qermantown was surprised by the Americans, which 
brought on a very severe engagement in which the British 
lost 600 men killed and wounded and the Americans about 
400 prisoners, their killed and wounded is uncertain, I went 
this morning to the plantation, from thence to the middle 
ferry, where I saw a number of the citizens with about 30 
of the Light Dragoons on Foot watching the motions of the 
enemy on the other side. I waited there about an hour 
during which time there were several shots from both sides 
without much execution, when 3 columns of the Americans 
with 2 field pieces appeared in sight marching tow'ds the 
River. The Dragoons were order'd under arms and an 
express sent off for a reinforcement immediately, after 
which the Americans fired a field piece attended with a 
volley of small arms. I thought it most advisable to leave 
the Ground, and rode off as fast possible. The Americans 
afterwards came down to the River side with 2 Field Pieces, 
which they fired with some small arms and run and left them ; 
soon after they returned and brought them back without any 
considerable loss, 1 man being wounded on their side and 
none on the other.^ The British in the engagement of this 
morn'g lost a Gen'l Agnew, Col. Bird, and 1 Lieut. Col.* be- 

* These troops composed the extreme right of Washington's army. 
They were Pennsylyania militia under the command of Gen. James Potter, 
and the attack, or feint, made by them was to attract the attention of the 
British, and prevent the sending of reinforcements to German town. The 
movement is not often mentioned in accounts of the battle of Germantown, 
though very favorable results were hoped from it Major Jno. Clark, Jr., 
wrote to Washington (Oct. 6, 1777) that one of his friends told him that "if 
the troops had arrived at the middle ferry earlier 'twould have prevented 
the enemy's reinforcement from the city joining the main body." 

« The remains of Gen. Agnew and Lt.-Col. Bird lie in the burying 
ground at the corner of Fisher's Lane and Main St., Germantown, the spot 
being marked with a neat marble slab placed there by the late John P. 
Watson. In Lossing's Field Book (vol. ii. p. 113, 2d ed.) will be found a 
very interesting letter to the widow of Gen. Agnew, from his servant, giving 
an account of his death. 

14 The Diary of Hobert Morton. 

sides an amazing number wounded ; the loss of the Americans 
is undetermined, as they carryed off as many of their killed 
and wounded as they could. It is reported that Gen'l Wayne 
is among the slain. 

Oct bth, — This morning I went to Germantown to see the 
destruction, and collect if possible a true acco. of the Action. 
From the acco's of the Officers and Sold'rs it appears that the 
Americans surprised the picquet guard of the English, which 
consisted of the 2d Batt. Grenadiers, some Infantry, and the 
40th Regt., altogether about 500. The English sustained the 
fire of the Americans for near an hour (their numbers un- 
known), when they were obliged to retreat, the ammunition 
of the Grenadiers and infantry being expended. The 40th 
Regt. retreated to Chew's House, being about 120 men, and 
supported the fire of the Americans on all sides. The Ame- 
ricans came on with an unusual firmness, came up to the 
Doors of the House, which were so strongly barricaded they 
could not enter. One of the Americans went up to a window 
on the N. side of the house to set fire to it, and just as he 
was putting the Torch to the window he rec'd a Bayonet 
thro, his mouth, which put an end to his existence. The 
Americans finding the fire very severe retreated from the house. 
A small party of the Americans which had gone in near the 
middle of Germantown and had sustained the fire in the 
street for some time, perceived the British coming up in such 
numbers that they retreated. Gen'l Grey* with 5000 men pur- 
sued them to the Swedes Ford, his men being much fatigued 
and very hungry, and the Americans running so fast, that he 
gave over the chase and returned to his old encampment. The 
greatest slaughter of the Americans was at and near to 
Chew's Place. Most of the killed and wounded that lay 
there were taken off before I got there, but 8 lay in the fiel 

' Subseqaently Earl Grey, the same officer who surprised Wayne at Pa« 
and Baylor at TappaD. He was the father of the celebrated Churlcs Gr 
afterwards Lord Howick and Earl Grey, well known for his earnest advo< 
of the reform measares introdoced into the British Parliament in the ( 
part of the present century. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. 15 

at that time opposite to Chew's Place. The Americans were 
down as far as Mrs. Mackenet's Tavern/ Several of their balls 
reached near to Head Qur's, from all which Accos. I appre- 
hend with what I have heard that the loss of the Americans 
is the most considerable. After I had seen the situation of 
Chew's House,^ which was exceedingly damaged by the Balls 
on the outside, I went to Head Qur's,* where I saw Major 
Balfour,* one of Gen'l Howe's Aid de camps, who is very much 
enraged with the people around Germantown for not giving 
them intelligence of the advancing of Washington's Army, 
and that he should not be surprised if Gen'l Howe was to 
order the country for 12 miles round Germantown to be de- 
stroyed, as the People would not run any risque to give them 
intelligence when they were fighting to preserve the liberties 
and properties of the peaceable inhabitants. On our setting 
oft* we see His Excellency the Gen'l att'd by Lord Cornwal- 
lis and Lord Chewton,* the Q^n'l not answ'g my expecta- 

Oct. 6th. — A heavy firing this morning down by Billings- 
port ; I went to see the wounded soldiers now in this City, 
some at the Seceeder meeting house, some at the Presbyte- 
rian meeting house in Pine Street, some at the Play House, 

* In 1765 Daniel Mackenet owned a lot of ground on the east side of the 
Main Street above where the Market Honse stood, and it is probable the 
tavern kept by his widow in 1777 stood there. 

' The doors of Chew's honse, perforated with balls, can be seen in the 
National Museum in Independence Hall. 

* Howe's quarters were then at Stenton. 

* Nisbet Balfour, a native of Edinburgh. A sketch of this oflBcer will be 
found in Gents* Magazine, May, 1823. He served during a greater part of 
the Revolution ; was wounded at Bunker Hill and Long Island. He com- 
manded at Charleston, S. C, at the time of the execution of Col. Hayne, 
for which act he has been censured. He was Maj.-Gen. in 1793, (Jen. 1803. 

* Probably George Lord Chewton, subsequently fourth Earl of Walde- 
grave, a great nephew of Horace Walpole. Gen. Fitzpatrick wrote to the 
Countess of Ossory, from the head of Elk, Sept. 1777 : " Lord Chewton was 
very ill during our voyage, and is yet hardly recovered ; his good nature is 
heartily disgusted at these scenes of iniquity and horror, and he is impatient 
for the winter, when he will probably return to England with Lord Cora- 


16 27l« Diary of Bobert Morton. 

and somei and those the most, at the Penns'a Hospital,^ 
where I see an Englishman's leg and an American's arm 
cut off. The American troops are mostly at 2 new houses 
in Fourth Street near to the Presbyterian meeting house, 
amt'g to about 80 and not so much attended to as might be. 
The British have about 800 wounded in this city. A heavy 
firing all this evening, supposed to be at the Forts down the 
river. An acco. come of the fleets being in the River. 

OcL 1th. — A certainty of the Fleets being below, 14 men 
have deserted from the Row Gallies, who give an acco. of 
their disabling a British Brig last ev'g, and that the men 
belonging to the American Fleet would desert were it in 
their power. News arrived this morning of 8000 men being 
arrived at New York, and 5000 at Quebec. No further 
intelligence of Burgoyne's movements. No certain acco. of 
the Chevaux de Frise being as yet raised. The wounded 
Americans in this city are removed to the State House. 

Oct. 8th. — Admiral Howe is arrived at Chester. David 
Sproat* is come to town, who reports that there is a letter in 
the flecft from Gen. Clinton to Gen. Howe, giving an acco. 
of Gen. Burgoyne defeating Gen. Gates, and that he is now 
on his march to Albany. I went to see Doc. Foulke* ampu- 

' The Seceders* Meeting House, on Spruce St. above Third ; the Pine 
St. Presbyterian Church, situated on south side of Pine, between Fourth 
and Fifth Streets ; the Play House was on the south side of South St. east 
of Fifth fit. ; a portion of the walls of this building forms a part, we believe, 
of the brewery now standing on the site. Mr. Westcott, in his History of 
Philadelphia, mentions (in addition to the above) the following edifices, 
which were used for hospital purposes: The First Presbyterian Church. 
Market St. below third ; the Second Presbyterian Church at Third and Arch 
Streets; Zion's and St. Michael's Lutheran Churches at Fourth and Fifth 
and Cherry Streets ; and Commands sugar refinery. 

« David Sproat; previous to the Revolution he was a merchant in Phila 
delphia. He was commissary of naval prisoners. The mortality of persons 
under his care at New York was very great, but it is impossible to state 
facts which concern him personally with accuracy. He was attainted of 
treason in Pennsylvania, and his estate forfeited. He died at his house, 
Kirkcudbright, Scotland, in 1799, aged sixty-four jetin.— Sabine. 

» " Dr. John Foulke was the earliest demonstrator and lecturer on human 
anatomy in the Medical College of Philadelphia. He was polished and 

The Diary of Bobert Morton. 17 

tate an American soldier's leg, which he completed in 20 
minutes, while the physician at the military hospital was 
40 ms. performing an operation of the same nature. A 
report that some of the Chevaux de Frise are raised. 

Oct 9th. — A heavy cannonade last night and this morning. 
The British are about to open Batteries to bombard the 
Fort at Mud Island. Cap. Ewald call'd this morning with 
a letter from my uncle, N. L., dated New Jersey, Dec. 12th, 
1776, at which time many in Jersey were apprehensive that 
the British would take possession of this city as soon as the 
river was fastened by the ice, but Gen'l Washington's taking 
the Hessians at Trenton turned the scale against them, dis- 
concerted their measures, and prevented their coming that 
winter. At the time of his coming into the house I was 
not within, but being sent for, and presenting myself to him, 
he handed me ye letter, and behaved in other respects much 
like a gentleman. After a long conversation and he offering 
to go, I invited him to dine with us, but he politely excused 
himself and promised to wait upon us when he again comes 
to the City, being stationed at the Widow Lewis' Planta- 

Oct. 10th. — Nothing remarkable this day. 

Oct. 11th. — A heavy cannonade this morning. A report 
that the battery erected by the British on Province Island 
was taken. Went with a number of Gent'n to Hollander 
Creek's mouth, where we had a sight of the American Fleet 
and 5 of the British lying a little way below the Chevaux 
de Frise. From all appearances the British Fort was not 
taken, as from the Acco's of numbers who were present at 
the time of the American Boats landing at the Fort (the 
acco's of their numbers are various and contradictory) and 
the boats returning without their men and the Gondolas 2 
hours afterwards firing upon the Fort, it is reasonable to 

liberal, zealous and humane ; during the epidemic of yellow fever, he would 
be absent from his home for several days at a time, devoting himself to 
medical attendance on the sick in the infected district"— JfcwwiV of W. 
Parker FoiUke. 

18 The Diary of Robert Morton. 

conclude tliat the Report is groundless and that the Fort is 
not taken. 

Oct \2th. — About 1 o'clock this morning, the inhabitants 
were alarmed by the cry of fire, which happened at a stable 
above the Barracks, supposed to have been occasioned by a 
number of Hessians lodging in the Stable, but was happily 
extinguished notwithstanding the inactivity of the inhabi- 
tants, and a 3 story adjoining house which caught 3 Times, 
in less than 2 hours. Went this afternoon to the middle 
Perry at Schuylkill, where I see a man from Chester who 
said that last night about 300 militia came into that town 
and took off the Sheriff of Sussex, whom Governor McKinley^ 
some time since advertised with a reward of 300 Dol's. 
Several Acco's at this ferry of the Americans approaching 
this City, particularly one who said that they were within 
7 miles and that his Brother was taken off. 

Oct. 13M. — This morning about 1 o'clock there was the 
most severe cannonade that has yet been heard, near Pro- 
vince Island, supposed to be from the British ship, upon the 
American ships and battery. I went down there this morning 
and perceive the British ships to have altered their stations 
and come up higher, the American fleet nearly in the same 
place they were some time since. This ev'g I see a man from 
Chester County who says that Gen'l Potter* with 1600 
militia is now in Newton Township about 16 miles from 
this City. 

Oct 14^A. — This ev'g my mother rec'd a letter from my 
Father, J. P. dated 1 and 6 inst. by which we find that the 
prisoners had arrived at Winchester, that the people were 
very much enraged at them and declared that they should 

> Got. McKinlcy, of Delaware, was taken from his bed and made prisoner 
by the British the night after the battle of Brandywiuc. The arreat of the 
Sheriff of Sussex was probably an act of retaliation. 

• Gren. James Potter, of the Pennsylvania Militia, of whom little is known. 
" In order to prevent Gen. Howe from obtaining supplies for his army in the 
well-cultivated district west of the Schuylkill, Gen. Potter with 600 militia 
was ordered to scour the country between that river and Chester." — Smith's 
Del, Co. 

The Diary of Robert Morion. 19 

not stay there long ; that they had petitioned Gov. Henry of 
Vir. and the Congress for a Releasement from their confine- 
ment and their return to their families.^ The British are 
erect 'g a strong Battery upon Province Island, and they 
suppose will be completed and opened this morning. 

Oct Ibth. — A heavy firing this morning near to Province 
Island. The American Fort is abandoned by a number of 
their men who have carried a great deal of their Stores, 
Baggage, &c. to Sedbank and the American Fleet is moved 
further up the River. The Americans came down to the 
middle Ferry upon Schuylkill and cut the rope about 4 
o'clock this morning, which caused some platoon firing 
between them and the Light Dragoons. 

Oct. 16th. — Some bombs were this day thrown at the 
American Fort, and it is reported set fire to their Barracks. 
The Americans are fortifying at Red Bank. The British 
at Wilmington have marched to take their Fort. Provis- 
ions are very scarce. Good beef sells for 2/6 Mutton 2/6 
Veal 2/ Butter 7/6. A prospect of starvation. 

This day the English Battery burnt some of the Barracks 
belonging to the American Fort. 

Oct. nth. — No remarkable occurrence this day. 

Oct. 18th. — Went to the mouth of Hollanders Creek this 
morning, where I had a view of the American and 4 of the 
British Fleets. The upper and lower British Batteries fired 
several times at the Mud Island Fort, but I believe without 
execution. The American Fort returned the fire. The 
lower English Battery fired 3 Bombs. The American Fleet 
lay nearly under Red Bank to be out of the way of the bombs. 
The American Flag was this day hoisted at Red Bank. The 
British troops that left Wilmington and were supposed 
to have gone to take Red Bank y's ev'g came up as far as 
Geo. Gray's Ferry and bro. a number of their sick and 
wounded into Town. A smart platoon firing this ev'g 
above Germantown. 

Oct. IQth. — A firing this morning at the fort. Went this 

> See Exiles in Ya., pp. 164, 167. 

20 I%e Diary of Boberi Morton. 

afternoon to the Plantation. When I had got as far as L 
Pemberton's PUice, I see about 100 Hessians^ com'g down 
the road on a foraging, or rather plundering, party. As 
soon as they came to the corner of the road, their com. gave 
them permission to take all the cabbage and Potatoes tliey 
could find. Being afraid y't tlicy would take our cabbage, 
I applied for a guard to the Ilouse and Garden, which was 
immediately granted, and by that means prevented our cab- 
bage from being plundered. After they had taken all Jno. 
King's Cabbage and Potatoes they marched off. Bro't our 
-cabbage home. It was surprising to see with what rapidity 
they run to, and with what voraciousness they seized upon 
Jno. King's Cabbage and Potatoes, who remained a silent 
spectator to their infamous depredations. 

Oct. 2Qth, — Went to the plantation to see about the pota- 
toes, &c., and when I got to the corner of ye road I see 
another party of Hessians com'g down with Horses, Carts, 
bags, &c., to carry off Hay, potatoes, Ac. The com'r rode \x\\ 
to Jno. King's House, and I followed him. He said he was 
come by orders of the General to take the Hay and I^otatoe8. 
I told him who it belonged to, but to no purix)sc. By this 
time a guard which Col. Harcourt had sent came up and 
declared they should not take it. From thence they went 
to J. Bringhurst's Place* where they took all the Hay and 
most of ye Potatoes which belonged to the Tenant, to the 
great distress of the family. I went a little further and see 
a number of Hessians crossing over the bridge of boats lately 
made for that purpose, with Bennett' of W — n, a prisoner. 
14 of the Eng. flat bottomed boats came by the Che-de-Frise 

' Gapt. HeDricbfl, the German officer who wrote the letters printed on page 
40, must hare been stationed in the neighborhood of Pemberton's plantation. 

s On the opposite side of the road from Pemberton's place and nearer 
to Gray's Ferry. 

» Possibly Caleb P. Bennett, who died at Wilmington, Del., May 7, 1836, 
while governor of that State. He held the rank of major, was in the battles 
of Brandywine. Gkrmantown. Monmouth, and in the Southern campaign 
We hare no record of his being taken prisoner, and are unable to conne 
him with the person mentioned by Morton. 

The Diary of Robert Morion, 21 

this morning, which occasioned some firing. I went this 
afternoon to see the British encampment, which extends in 
nearly a line from Delaware to Schuylkill. The reason of 
their leaving Germantown was because their lines were too 
extensive for the number of ye men.* The troops appeared 
in good spirits, good health and heartily desirous for the 

* SargeDt, Id his Life of Andr6 (p. 117), says : The troops that entered 
with Cornwallis had been quartered at the State House, the Bettering (or 
Poor) House, &c., and had at once set to fortifying the rirer front against 
our ships and galleys. The disposition made of the main army placed the 
Hessians and grenadiers on Noble and Gallowhill, between Fifth and 
Seventh Sts. ; the British grenadiers, Fourth, Fortieth, and Fifty-fifth, &c., 
on the north side of Callowhill, from Seventh to Fourteenth Sts. ; eight 
other regiments were on the higher grounds of Bush Hill from Fourteenth 
St. in about a line with Vine to the upper Schuylkill Ferry, near which was 
a Hessian post ; while the Yagers were on a hill at Twenty-second St and 
Pennsylvania Ave. Infantry corps were at Eighth, near Green Sts. and by 
Thirteenth, on the Bidge Boad. The 16th Dragoons and three foot regi- 
ments were by a pond between Yiue and Bace, and Eighth and Twelfth 
Sts. ; and a body of Yagers at the Point house on the Delaware. When 
winter came on, the men were quartered in the public buildings and private 
houses, and in the old British Barracks in the Northern Liberties. The 
artillery were on Chestnut from Third to Sixth Sts., and their park in the 
State House Yard, now Independence Square. On the north side of the 
town ten redoubts, connected by strong palisades, were erected from the 
mouth of Conoquonoke Creek on the Delaware near Willow St. to the upper 
or Callowhill St. Ferry. They were thus situated : Near the junction of 
Green and Oak Sts., where the road then forked for Kensington and 
Frankford; a little west of Noble and Second Sts.; between Fifth and 
Sixth and Noble and Buttonwood Sts. ; on Eighth St. between Noble and 
Buttonwood ; on Tenth between Buttonwood and Pleasant ; on Buttonwood 
between Thirteenth and Broad ; on Fifteenth between Hamilton St. and 
Pennsylvania Ave. ; at Eighteenth St. and Pennsylvania Ave. ; at Twenty- 
First and Callowhill SU., and on the Schuylkill bank near the Upper Ferry. 
These works were begun on the 1st of October. To a British officer 
writing in October, our city did not present a very favorable appearance. 
He says : *' I cannot say much for the town of Philadelphia, which has no 
view but the straightness and uniformity of tho streets. Till we arrived I 
believe it was a very populous city, but at present it is very thinly inhabited, 
and that only by the canaiUe and the Quakers, whose peaceable disposition 
has prevented their taking up arms, and consequently has engaged them 
in our interests, by drawing upon them the displeasure of their conntry. 


22 The Diary of BoUrt Morton. 

fleets getting up that they miglit pursue General Washington. 
The most heavy firing at the fort y\ we have liad jet : On 
Ist day, the 19th, Genl Howe came to his quarters at Jno. 
Cadwalader's house in consequence of the Army contract- 
ing their lines. The B. Camp is below Kensington. We 
see a number of the Con. troops about \ mile from the British 
Piquet, having exchanged several shots. 

Oct. 2\st. — This morning about 2500 Hessians, under the 
Command of Count Donop, crossed the River in order to 
attack Red Bank, and marched from Cooper's Ferry tow'ds 
Haddonticld. Xo firing this day at the fort. 

Oct. 22nd. — Went to the Plantation this morning and 
found that the British had taken 1 load of hay without 
paying or giving a Rec't. A number of the British have 
crossed the lower ferry in expectation of an attack with the 
Continental Troops, and ket»ping a communication open with 
Chester. The British liave taken 2 more loads of liay upoa 
the same conditions as the first. Last 7th day I rec'd a 
Rec't for the load of hay taken for the Light Horse, which 
I omitted mentioning at that time. The Hessians having 
taken all the Stores belonging to the A. Army at Haddon- 
field, proceeded on tow'ds Red Bank. 

Oct. 23rc/. — 5th day of the week. An acco. is just arrived 
of Count Donop having attacked the fort at Red Bank, and 
his being repulsed 3 times with the loss of about 300 killed 
and wounded; and the great Count, who petitioned for the 
command in order to signalize himself and his famous Hes- 
sians, rec'd a fatal blow of which he shortly died. The 
wounded are brot. to town, and a number of Grenadiers 
and infantry gone over to make another etibrt. From this 
instance we see the important effects of despising^ the Ameri- 
can army, and of Red Bank not being possessed by the 
British at the time they took Billingsport.* This morning 
20 of the British ships moved nearer to the fort in order 
to do more execution than they have yet been able to do. 

» Lee's Memoirs, and the Travels of Marqnis de Chastellux, both contain 
interesting accounts of the attack on the fort at Red Bank. 


The Diary of Robert Morton. 23 

After the British batteries, erected on Province Island, and 
the British ships had been firing near 6 hours at the Mud 
Island Fort, the Augusta, a new 64 Gun Ship, by some 
means or other, caught fire and burnt near 8 hours and then 
blew up; and the Zebra, a 16 gun sloop, likewise caught 
fire, and about 8 o'clock in the afternoon likewise blew up, 
to the great amazement of the inhabitants and the disap- 
pointment of the soldiery, who having a number of troops 
embarked to storm the fort, and which in all probability 
would have surrended in | an hour and the beseiged fallen 
victims to their vengeance. The Hessians this morning 
broke open the Plantation house, but did no considerable 
damages. The British that crossed Schuylkill yesterday, 
have returned and broke up the bridge at Gray's ferry, 
where they are erect'g a Pacine Battery to defend the pass 
instead of carry'g it to the upper ferry, where its proximity 
to ye camp would render it more conveniently protected and 
where, from the situation of the ground, it would be impos- 
sible to demolish it from the opposite side. 

Oct 2Ath. — No firing this morning. The Hessians and 
British Soldiers have taken above 50 Bus. of our Potatoes, 
notwithstanding the gracious proclamation of his Excell'y 
to protect the peaceable inhabitants in a quiet possession of 
their property. The ravages and wanton destruction of the 
soldiery will, I think, soon become irksome to the inhabi- 
tants, as many who depended upon their vegetables, &c. for 
the maintenance of their families, are now entirely and 
effectually ruined by the soldiers being permitted, under the 
command of their officers, to ravage and destroy their prop- 
erty. I presume the fatal eflPects of such conduct will shortly 
be very apparent by the discontent of the inhabitants, who 
are now almost satiated with British clemency, and num- 
bers of whom, I believe, will shortly put themselves out of 
the British protection; I mean not to dictate to men of 
whose superior abilities I have a just appreciation, but had 
the necessities of the army justified the measures, and they 
had paid a sufficient price for what they had taken, then 
they would have the good wishes of the people, and perhaps 

24 The Diary of Robert MorUm. 

all the aBsistance they could afford; but contrary oondact 
has produced contrary effects, and if they pursue their present 
system, their success will be precarious and uncertain. It is 
reported that Count Donop, after he had taken a view of the 
American Fort, found it impossible to take it without great 
loss ; but as his orders were peremptory, he must take it or 
nobly fall in the attack. He del'd his watch and purse to 
Lord Bute's natural son, and then bro. on the attack ; being 
soon after wounded, he fainted and he died. 

Oct 2bih. — Great part of this day employed at Plantation 
taking down the fences to prevent the soldiery taking them. 
A report is this day prevalent, that Gen'l Burgoyne with 
4000 men, surrendered prisoners of War on the 15th inst.* 

Oct. 2&th. — This day employed at Plantation taking down 
the fences. About 8 o'clock P. M., a small party of the 
Americans, chiefly militia, attacked a sentry of the British 
upon the Hill opposite Ogden's house at the middle ferry, 
which bro. on a smart firing between them and the British 
Picket. It continued about 15 min., when a Regiment 
marched over the Bridge to reinforce them. Upon their 
appearance, the Americans marched off, and the firing ceased. 

Oct. 21th. — Nothing remarkable this day. 

Oct. 28<A. — Remarkably rainy weather, and nothing very 
material except that the English had burnt the Town of 
Esopus in New York Province. 

Oct. 29th. — A firing at the fort about 1 o'clock. 

Oct. SOth and Slsty and Nov. Ist. — These three days em- 
ployed at the plantation taking up the posts and rails. A 
report in town that Esopus,* in the Province of New York, 
was burnt, and that a number of the inhabitants had fired 

* If what we haye of Qeneral Barg^joe's sitaation be true, and that he 
and his whole army are literally priBoners, I think neither the war nor the 
Ministry can possibly last another campaign. — Gen, R, FiizpcUrick to 
CounUM of O$sory, Philadelphia, Oct 26. 1777. 

■ The burning of Esopas, or Kingston, N. Y., occurred on the 16th of 
October, and, although an act of severity hardly warranted, was not attended 
with the atrocities mentioned in the text. A full account of the event will 
be found in the " Collections of the Ulster Historical Society/' toI. i. p. 109. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. 26 

upon the British troops from out of the windows, for which 
reason the town was set on fire, and guards placed at all the 
avenues to prevent the inhabitants from making their escajie, 
which, if true, is an instance not to be paralleled in the 
annals of any nation who have so long boasted of their 
civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servi- 
tude or death. The Americans have advanced to the borders 
of Schuylkill on acco. of the British at the destruction of 
their bridge being obliged to retreat to this side, which has 
occasioned a smart firing from each side. Having mentioned 
all that is necessary of my particular affairs, I shall now 
take a review of the conduct of the great, and candidly 
deliver my sentiments concerning their measures, and my 
opinion of their success provided they pursue them. Pre- 
vious to their taking this city, their Gen'l published a pro- 
clamation warranting security and protection to those who 
should quietly remain in their dwellings, and thereby give a 
convincing proof of their attachment to his Majesty's govern- 
ment. Relying on the General's candor and generosity, they 
embraced the benefit of his proclamation, and remained 
quietly in their dwellings, expecting him to afford them that 
protection which the subjects of the British Empire are of 
right entitled to, but alas! melancholy experience has con- 
vinced them of the contrary, and the ruin of numbers has 
stamped it with infallible certainty. After they had, with- 
out much opposition, taken possession of the City^ they sent 
a number of troops and took possession of Billingsport, and 
at the same time might have possessed Red Bank with a 
very inconsiderable loss had not their confidence dictated to 
the contrary. The City being well fortified, they erecte<i 
batteries on the Province Island, to silence the Mud Island 
Fort,^ they fired to no purpose till the 23 ult., when 8 ships 

* Gkn. Fitzpatrick, writing to the Countess of Ossorj from Philadelphia, 
on the 26th of October, 1777, entered his complaint at the delay in the 
capture of the forts on the Delaware as follows : *' We arrired at this place 
above a month since, though we cannot possibly be said to be in possession 
of it all yet, as the ships cannot get up the river, and in spite of all their 
exertion, do not seem more likely to saoceed in that object than they were 
three days after our arrival." 

26 The Diary of Bobert Morton. 

and the batteries engaged the Tort. After a few hours 
firing, the Augusta, 64 gun ship, and a small sloop blew up. 
The same morning ye Count Donop, with a body of Hessians, 
attacked the Fort at Red Bank and was repulsed, with a 
great number killed and wounded, himself mortally, and 
now among the slain. Here we have an additional instance 
of the experience of their confidence. As the last resource 
they are building 2 Floating Batteries, to make another 
attempt, and if that should fail, the consequences will be 
dreadful. But as by their expectations heightened by their 
confidence they will make great eftbrts, it is highly probable 
they will take the fort and their shipping come to the city. 
The Fort or bomb-battery was, by the last rain, so over- 
flowed that the men were up to their middles in water. A 
certain acco. arrived by one of Qen'l Burgoyne's captains 
sent for the purpose, that on the 16th' ult., the army con- 
sisting of 3500 men, 13,000 stand of arms, 40 pieces brass 
cannon, and marched out with the honors of war and sur- 
rendered themselves prisoners. 

Nov. 2nd. — ^This afternoon I took a walk to see the camp, 
and went by the way of Schuylkill where we see some of 
the Americans on the other side. The soldiers appeared 
clean and neat. 

Nov. 8rd. — "So occurrence remarkable this day, a firing in 
the eve'g. We rec'd a letter from Winchester giving an 
acco. of the Friends, that they had a large room to dine in, 
that they were all very healthy, and that they had rec'd no 
answer to their address to Gov. Henry, and their remon- 
strance to Congress. 

Nov. ith, — An acco. of Burgoyne's surrender given out to 
day in General orders. The terms of capitulation are, " That 
the army should march out of their entrenchments and pile 
up their arms on the Bank of the Hudson River, that tlie 
men should march to, and encamp as nearly as convenient to 
the Town of Boston, there to remain at the expense of 
Congress till transports should be sent to carry them to G. 

> The articles of capitnlation were signed on the 17th instant 

The Diary of Robert itorion. 27 

B.," agreed to on tlie 16th Oct. 1777. Burgoyne's army 
ammo, to 1900 British/ 1600 Germans, Gates' Army to 
16,000 men Con. and Militia. Tor the Particulars see Hum- 
phrey's paper, Nov. 5th. 

Nov. 5th. — Nothing remarkable this day. Have heard 
that one of the floating batteries was launched yesterday. 
They report that the Tort is to be attacked the beginning of 
next week. 

Nov, 6th. — No remarkable occurrence. Men employed at 
Plantation cutting our wood. 

Nov. 1th. — Nothing remarkable this day. 

Nov. 8th. — A report prevails that the British have, by 
orders evacuated Rhode Island. I went this morning to see 
the floating batteries upon the banks of Schuylkill, one of 
which had been launched the day before and was found very 
leaky and insufficient for that purpose. They are now repair- 
ing her, expecting to be ready to make the attack in a few 
days. A proclamation is at last published to prevent the 
soldiers plundering the inhabitants, and persons appointed 
to patrole. 

Nov. 9th. — No remarkable occurrence. 10th. Monday 
Morning, a smart firing this morning at the Fort. 

Nov. 11th. — Went to the mouth of Schuylkill and see the 
firing between the Mud Island Fort and the British Batteries 
upon Province Island. This ev'g 2 Brigs and 2 Sloops 
came from the fleet with provisions for the Army and went 
up Schuylkill. 

Nov. 12^A, Fourth day. — This day a severe firing by which 
the American Barracks was several times set on fire, but 
soon extinguished. I went this ev*g down to Province 
Island where I see the 2 Brigs, one called the Lord Howe 
and the other the Betsy, and the 2 sloops. One of the float- 
ing batteries has got to the mouth of Schuylkill and the other 
at Everley's, preparing with all possible dispatch and we 
may soon expect a general attack to be made upon the Fort. 

■ Bancroft giyes the number at 5791, and 1866 prisoners preTionsly 

28 Ihe Diary of HobeH Morton. 

Nov. 18M.— A firing this day on the Fort 14^ Ditto. 

Nov. 15th, 7th day of the week. — This morning about 11 
o'clock the Vigilant and 6 more shipe of war came up and 
attacked the fort together with the 6 gun, 2 do:, and other 
batteries on Province Island. The Vigilant took her station 
between the Province and Mud Islands and the other 6 ships 
just above the Hog Island. The firing continued till 6 
o'clock P. M., and then ceased, being returned but seldom 
by the American Fort. The damage which the Fort sus- 
tained by an almost incessant fire for 7 hours, which burnt 
the Barracks, knocked down the Block Houses, dismounted 
the cannon and otherwise rendered the Fort untenable, 
obliged the besieged to evacuate and retire to Red Bank.' 
The damage sustained by the British Ships and Batteries is 
unknown, but the Vigilant was huld several times by the 
Gondolas. Tlius by American perseverence and the Fort's 
situation a British Army of 12,000 men and a fleet of 800 
sail had been detained in their operations near 7 weeks bj* a 
power far inferior to theirs and which has always appeared 
contemptible in the eyes of men who have uniformly despised 
the Americans as a cowardly insignificant set of People. 
We rec'd a letter from my father by way of Wilmington 
giving an acco. of their being enlarged and permitted to ride 
6 miles from their Dwellings. The British Troops entered 
the Mud Island fort this morning the 16th inst., and by the 
appearance of the Fort apprehended the Americans must 
have lost great numbers killed and wounded. Tliey found 
a flock of sheep and some oxen in the Fort, besides 18 pieces 
of Cannon. 

Nov. 18/A.— This ev'g Lord Cornwallis with 2500 men 
marched over the Bridge at the middle ferry, with intentions 
as is supposed to attack the Fort at Red Bank. The next 
morning on their march tow'ds Darby they surprised the 
American Piquet, who retreated to the House called the 

* An interesting account of the attack on Fort MiflQin may be found in a 
litter, written by Lt. Col. John Lanrens, to his father, printed in Materials 
for History, edited by Frank Moore, N. Y., 1861. 

The Diary of Bobert Morton. 29 

Blue BelP and firod from the windows and killed 2 Grena- 
diers, some of the Grenadiers rushed into the House, bayo- 
neted five, and the others would have shared the same fate 
had not the ofiSeers interfered. 

Nov. 19th. — This ev'g a Body of Hessians marched over 

Nov. 20th. — A report this day that the Americans last night 
set fire to the 2 floating batteries. A fireship, gondola, Armed 
ship or boating battery, unknown which belonging to the 
Americans, was this afternoon seen on fire between the 
city and Gloucester point. The cause of her being fired 
is unknown, she burnt for several hours and extinguished 
without doing further damage. We, this morning, rec'd a 
letter from my Father dated at Winchester the 12th inst., 
informing us that they had rec'd no intelligence from hence 
these 6 weeks, expressing an earnest solicitude for our welfare 
in this time of general calamity and distress ; but they had 
rec'd an answer from Gov. Henry to their remonstrance by 
which they apprehended they are not to be sent further, but 
we imagine they have rec'd an answer by no means condu- 
cive to their releasem't. They had seen a Baltimore paper 
doubtless filled with gross misrepresentations and falsehoods 
respecting our situation, which, added to their not hearing 
from us for such a length of time, must have occasioned 
alarming apprehensions concerning us. That on the 24 ulto. 
the roaring of cannon had been heard within 100 miles of the 
city ; that he had wrote 15 letters since their arrival at Win- 
cliester, 5 only of which we have received, A firing heard 
this evening supposed to be at Red Bank. 

Nov. 21st. — This morning about 4 o'clock the inhabitants 
were alarmed by a very severe firing, which proved to be 
from the Delaware Frigate at the Gondolas as they passed 
the town on the other side of the river. I walked down to 
the wharf and see all the American Navy on fire coming up 
with the flood tide, and burning with the greatest fury. 
Some of them drifted within 2 miles of the town and were 

* Sitnated on the Darby Road near Cobb's Creek, and atill standing, 
with its ancient name jadiciously preserred. 

80 The Diary of Bobert Morton. 

carried back by the ebb tide. They burnt nearly 5 hours; 
4 of them blew up. This manoeuvre is supposed to have been 
occasioned by the British having taken Red Bank. The 
Gondolas passed by in the fog. Lord C3orwalli8 being joined 
in the Jerseys by 4000 men from the fleet, it is said is to pro- 
ceed to Burlington, to cross the Delaware and come in the 
rear of Washington's Army. 

Nov. 22d. — Seventh day of the week. This morning about 
10 o'clock the British set fire to Fair HilP mansion House, 
Jon'a Mifllin's and many others amo'tg to 11 besides out 
houses. Barns, Ac. The reason they assign for this destruc- 
tion of their friends' property is on acco. of the Americans 
firing from these houses and harassing their Picquets. The 
generality of mankind being governed by their interests, it 
is reasonable to conclude that men whose property is thus 
wantonly destroyed under a pretence of depriving their 
enemy of a means of annoying y'm on their march, will soon 
Te converted and become their professed enemies. But what 
is most astonishing is their burning the furniture in some 
of those houses that belonged to friends of government, 
when it was in their power to burn them at their leisure. 
Here is an instance that Gen'l Washington's Army cannot 
be accused of. There is not one instance to be produced 
where they have wantonly destroyed and burned their 
friends' property. But at the last action at Germantown 
with the same propriety as the British, could have de- 
stroyed B. Cliew's house, and then would have injured a 
man who is banished in consequence of his kingly attach- 
ment. On the other side they have destroyed most of the 
houses along the lines, except Wm. Henry's, which remains 
entire and untouched, while J. Fox's, Dr. Moore's, and several 
others are hastening to ruin, so that if they want to make 
any distinction, it is in favor of their oj^n, professed and 

* Mrs. Logan in ber letter to Col. Garden states that there were seventeen 
houses bamed on this occasion, others say twenty-seven. The Fair Hill 
(Fairhill) mansion was owned by the Norris family and occupied by John 
Dickinson, a portion of whose valuable library was destroyed. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. 81 

determined enemies. I went to the top of c. steeple^ and 
had a prospect of the fires. A passage being made through 
the chevaux de frize, several sloops came up to the city this 
evening. Price of provisions in market on the day of the 
fleet's coming to the city, Beef — ,Pork — ,Veal — , Butter — . 

Nov. 23rf. — Several reports concerning Lord Comwallis* 
expedition, but not to be depended upon. The kitchen at 
Evergreen burnt by the carelessness of some Hessian soldiers 
that were in it. The numbers of people who have by permis- 
sion of Washington been going to Pennapack for these some 
weeks past for flour at 40 sh. per cwt., c. m.,* are now stopped 
by his order. 

Nov. 2Uh. — Twenty or thirty sail of vessels came up this 
morning from the fleet that the city now begins to receive. 
People in expectation that Germantown will be shortly 

Nov. 2bth. — ^The fleet daily arriving in great numbers. 
Burnt about one-half of a house near Gloucester belonging 
to one Hogg, a person that is reported to be an American 
Patriot. Lord Comwallis, with the detachm't under his com- 
mand, arrived in town this ev'g and brought over 400 head 
of cattle from the Jerseys. 

Nov. 26th. — This morning I had an opportunity of seeing 
68 sail of vessels coming to the city between this and the 
Point. Lord Howe arrived in town this morning. It is 
supposed that none of the larger vessels will come up to the 
city. From all appearances I am of opinion that the Army 
will not follow Gen'l Washington this winter. A report 
that additional number of soldiers are to be quartered on the 
inhabitants this winter. Rob't Ritchie of this city, merch't, 
is apprehended and secured on suspicion of giving intelligence 
to Gen'l Washington's Army.' 

Nov. 21th, 28^A, 29th, 80^A.— These 4 days the fleet coming 
up in great numbers. Some part of the army have marched 
over Schuylkill, and reports are prevalent that the main part 

' Christ Church. • ContinenUl money. 

» Some accounts say the wife of Ritchie. See MarshaWi Remembrancer, 
p. 169. PhUa. 1839-1849. 

82 'Hie Diary of Hoberi MoHon. 

of the army will soon move off. The Aniericans are moving 
off their heavy cannon. Qen'l Washington, it is said, is 
going to Virginia in a few weeks, and the command to 
devolve upon Gen'l Gates. Great exertions are making, 
both by the men and women of this city, to support the credit 
of the paper money legally issued. The women are deter- 
mined to purchase no goods witli hard money. Some of 
those who agreed to receive paper money have refused it 
for their goods, and among the rest some of our Society. 

Dec. Isi^ 2ndj Srd. — Numbers of the Tleet daily arriving. 
None of the large ships have yet come up. A contest has 
subsisted in this City since the arrival of the fleet, concerning 
the legal Paper Currency. The English merchants that came 
in the fleet will not di8f)Ose of their goods without hard 
money, alleging that no bills are to be bought, no produce 
to be obtained, and no method can be adopted by which they 
can send remittances. Numbers of the most respectable 
inhabitants are using all their influence to support it, and 
numbers of others who have no regard for the public good, 
are giving out the hard money for what they want for 
immediate use, thus purchasing momentary gratifications at 
the expense of the Public, for if the circulation of this 
money should be stopt, many who have no legal money but 
paper, and have no means of obtaining gold and silver, will 
be reduced to beggary and want, and those who arc so lost 
to every sense of honor, to the happiness of their fellow 
citizens, and eventually their own good, as to give out their 
hard money, either for the goods of those who are new- 
comers, or in the public market where it is now exacted for 
provisions, will, by their evil example, oblige those who 
possess hard money, to advance it and ruin the credit of the 
other money for the present. The consequence of which 
must be that we shall be shortly drained of our hard cash, 
the other money rendered useless, no trade by which we can 
get a fresh supply, our ruin must therefore he certain and 
inevitable. This depreciation of the Paper Currency will 
not only extend its baneful influence over this City, but over 
all the continent, as the friends of government and others 

The Diary of Bobert Morton. 83 

have been collecting this legal tender for several mo's past, 
expecting that in those places in the possession of the British 
Army it will be of equal value with gold and silver. But 
from the enemies of the British constitution among ourselves, 
who give out their hard money for goods, from the almost 
universal preference of private interest to the public good, and 
from a deficiency of public virtue, it is highly probable the 
paper money will fall, and those newcomers having extracted 
all our hard money, will leave us in a situation not long to 
survive our Ruin.* Reports prevail, I suppose with some 
foundation, that the British Army are to march to-morrow. 
By the packet which sailed the first of this month for 
England, I wrote a letter to Dr. Fothergill in answer to one 
he wrote my father, also to Jno. and R. Barclay, acknowld'g 

' The transports brought to the city a nninber of merchants who seized 
upon the most desirable vacant stores, and filled the papers with the adrer- 
tisements of their wares. Christopher Marshall, who retired to Lancasterr 
Pa., previous to the occupation of Philadelphia by the British, records in 
his Remembrancer Feb. 28, 1778, News from Philadelphia, that there are 
one hundred and twenty-one new stores, amongst which is one kept by an 
Englishman, one by an Irishman, the remainder being one hundred and 
eighteen Scotchmen or Tories, from Virginia. Westcott, in his History of 
Philadelphia, gives a list of a number of these itinerant traders and the 
stores they occupied, with two poetical effusions which appeared at the time 
(relating to the trouble caused by their refusal to receive the paper money), 
one entitled " Song by Flotilla" on the agreement to support the Old Paper 
Currency, beginning — 

Come, all ye good people, attend : 

Pray, hear what a newcomer offers, 
Pve all sorts of good things to vend, 

If you will but open your coffers. 

Here we go, up, up, up, 

Here we iro, down, down, downward. 

The other, by Joseph Stansbury, called " The Petition of Philadelphia 
to Sir Wm. Howe," ends with the following lines :— 
We pray the (General in a general way 
Would grant redress, and that without delay ; 
And vcUue give the paper we possess. 
And then we'll sign the long since penned address. 

84 The Diary of Robert Morton. 

the rec't of theirs of ye Ist Jany. laat. Welsh, the Deputy 
Barrack Master, seized upon the house at Chestnut Street, 
late T. W.'s, for the 64th Regt. to put their baggage in it. I 
applied to Mr. Robinson the Barrack Master, and he ordered 
the house to be immediately del'd up. 

Dec. 4/A. — 5th day of the week. This evening about 8 
o'clock, the British Army under the com'd of his Ex'y Sir 
Wm. Howe, marched out of the entrenchments and advanced 
towards German town, leaving a few regiments to keep pos- 
session of the City. Their advanced party arrived at Chest- 
nut Hill about daylight, the rear of the army about leaving 
Germantown. On their march they took an American 
picket and a Brig. G^n'l Erwin of the P. Militia. A report 
that they had an engagement on Chestnut Hill. The Conti- 
nentals at Frankford, not hearing of the British advancing 
till 12 o'clock, moved olF to Germantown, when they took 
Christ'r Sower, Jun., who went with a division of the Army 
to that place. 6/A. — Several of the inhabitants went out to 
day and brought in provision. 7th. — No certain acco. of the 
situation of the armies. 

Dec. 5th. — No reports to be depended upon concerning the 

Dec. 6th. — ^Nothing material. 

Dec. 1th. — G^n'l Erwin* came in with a few Continental 
troops as prisoners j^esterday morning. A heavy firing thia 

Dec. Sth. — Several reports about the armies, but this ev'g, 
to the great astonishment of the citizens, the army returned. 
The causes assigned for their speedy return are various and 
contradictory, but ye true reason appears to be this, that the 
army having marched up to Washington's lines near to 
White Marsh, and finding him strongly posted, thought it 
jnost prudent to decline making the attack. The Hessians 
on their march committed great outrages on the inhabitants, 
particularly at John Shoemaker's, whom they very much 
abused. Bro't off about 700 head of cattle, set fire to the 

> A sketch of Gen. Jamei Irvine, the officer here alladed to, will appear 
in a fntnre namber of the Magazine. 

The Diary of Robert Morion. 85 

house on Germantown Road, called the Rising Sun,^ and 
committed many other depredations, as if the sole purpose of 
the expedition was to destroy and to spread desolation and 
ruin, to dispose the inhabitants to rebellion by despoiling 
their property, and to give their enemies fresh cause to alarm 
the apprehensions of the people by these too true melancholy 
facts. John Brown* of this city, is now confined in Lan- 
caster gaol for carrying a verbal message to Rob't Morris 
from Thos. Willing, the purport of which was, that if the 
Congress would rescind independence, they should be put 
into their situation in 1763. This is said to have come from 
Gen'l Howe to T. W. R. Morris communicated it to 
Congress ; they demanded the name of the person who bro. 
the message, ordered him, thro, the council of safety, to be 
imprisoned for his attempting to lull them into securitv by 
these fallacious proposals. Flour excessively scarce at 23/9 
pr Quarter of cwt. Beef 3/9, Mutton 2/3, Veal 8, Pork 2/8. 
The poor are very much necessitated, are turned out of the 
Bettering house, put into Fourth Street meeting house, the 
Lodge, and the Carpenters' Hall. No prospect of the paper 
money being established. Joseph Galloway, Esq., is appointed 
Superintendent General' with three other citizens as magis- 

> The Widow Nice's. 

' A biographical sketch of Thomas Willing (with an accoant of his con- 
nection with John Brown) will be printed in a fntnre issue of the Magazine. 

' Regulations. 

Philadelphia, December 8, 1777. 
Under which the inhabitants may purchase the enumerated articles 
mentioned in the proclamation of his Excellency Sir William Howe, K. B., 
General-in-Chief, etc. etc. etc. 

1. No rum or spirits of inferior quality, are to be sold (except by the im- 
porter) at one time, or to one Person, in any greater quantity than one hogs- 
head, or in any less than ten gallons, and not without a permit first obtained 
for the quantity intended to be purchased, from the inspector of the pro- 
hibited articles. 

2. Molasses is not to be sold (except by the importer) in any quantity 
exceeding one hogshead, at one time, nor without a permit as aforesaid. 

3. Salt may not be sold (except by the importer) in any quantity exceeds 

86 The Diary of Robert Morton. 

trates, to regulate the police of the City. Jos. Parker is 
dead at Lancaster. A report that the British Army is to go 
to Wilmington^ in a few days. Several boats have come up 
with provisions, one to day with ab't 200 Hogs, some sheep, 
fowls, Ac, from Dover. 

Ike. 9M, 10th. — This Evg., Lord Cornwallis, with a division 
of the Enemy, marched over Schuylkill. 

Dec. 11th. — This morning, GenU Washington left his strong- 
holds, which he demolisljed, and marched over Schuylkill to 
watch Cornwallis' movements. A firing this morning on 
the Lancaster lioad.' 

ing one bashel at one time, for the uie of one family, nor without the permit 

as aforesaid. 

4. Medicines not to be sold without a special permit by order of the 

8operintendent General. 

By order of His Excellency Sir William Howe. 

Joseph Galloway, Super iiUenderU General. 

' Washington was of the opinion that the British would establish a fort at 
Wilmington, for the purpose of countenancing the disaffected in the State 
of Delaware, and drawing supplies from the surrounding country and the 
lower part of Chester County. I'a. To j)revent this, he ordered Gen, Small- 
wood to occupy Wilmington, and recommended President Geo. Read, of 
Delaware, to call out the militia. — See Spttrks, vol. v. p. 190, 191, 196. 

* Washington writes to the President of Congri'ss on the 14th inst., 1777, 
from hcad-ipiarters near the (iulf : — 

•* On Thursday morning we niuRhe<l from our old encampment, and 
intended to pans the Schuylkill at MadiKon's [Matson*s] Ford, where a 
barge had been laid acrosn the river. When the first division and a part 
of the second had partsed, they found a body of the enemy, consisting, 
from the best accounts we have been able to obtain, of four thousand men, 
under Lord Cornwallis, possessing themselves of the heights on both sideA 
of the road leading from the river and the defile called the Gulf, which, I 
presume, are well known to some part of y<)ur honorable body. This 
unexpected event obliged such of our troops as had crossed, to repass, and 
prevented our getting over till the succeeding night. This manoeuvre on 
the part of the enemy was not in consequence of any information they had 
of our movement, but was designed to secure the pass whilst they were 
foraging in the neighboring country. They were met in their advance by 
General Potter, with part of the Pennsylvania militia, who behaved with 
brarery and gave them every possible opposition, till he was obliged to 
retreat from their superior numbers. Had we been an hour sooner, or had 
the least information of the measure, I am persuaded we should have given 

Hie Diary of Robert Morion. 87 

Dec. \2th — Provisions scarce, people daily going out for it. 
Hard to pass the paper money. 

Dec. IZih. — ^Nothing material. 

Dec. 14<A.— This Evg., Dr. D. Smith returned from Win- 
Chester, to the great amazement of his friends and fellow- 
citizens, having been confined better than 3 mos. He says that 
the Lieutenant of the County told them they were at liberty 
to go where they pleased. He, with the knowledge of his 
fellow-prisoners, loft them on 2nd day last.^ This extraordi- 
nary and unexpected affair may occasion the remainder 
being more closely confined, or else have a discharge with a 
permission to return home. It appears that no orders have 
been given concerning them, since the election of our new 
council, by the Assembly. The British Army, on their last 
excursion to Abington and Chester County, plundered a 
number of the inhabitants of everything they had upon 
their farms, and abused many old, inoffensive men. Some 
of them have applied for redress, but have not obtained it. 
Dr. Hutchinson entered into the Am. Army, as a surgeon, 
with 22/6 Con. money per diem. Paper money entirely 
dropt, and not passable. 

Dec. 15M, 16<A, 17/A, 18M, lM,and 20th.— 'K R returned this 
week from his journey, and left Winchester the 8rd inst., 
came thro' York town, and says the friends are to be removed 
to Stanton, owing to Owen Jones' selling \ Joes @ £22 10, 

his Lordship a fortODate stroke, or obliged hiro to retnrn without effecting 
his purpose, or drawn out all General Howe's force to support him. Oar 
first intelligence was, that it was all out. Lord Coniwallis collected a good 
deal of forage, and returned to the city the night we passed the rirer. No 
discrimination marked his proceeding^. All property, whether of friends or 
foes, that came in his way was seized and carried off." — Sparks^ toI. t. 
p. 185. 

' The journal of the exiles states the case as follows : 11th m., 8th, " Wm. 
Drewet Smith soon afterwards rode out to take the air, as we expected, but 
not returning as usual, we apprehend he has gone to Philadelphia." 

' In the diary of Christopher Marshall we find the following [LancaMer 
Co., Dec, llth, 1777 J : " By some letters intercepted, there appears to have 
been a combination between the Friends sent into Virginia by the President 
and Council, and some inhabitanta of Lancaster, in order to depreciate the 

88 The Diary of RobeH Morton. 

Continental, by which means the support of their cause is 
injured. The American Army lay near the Gulph MilV 
about 16 miles from the city. Rec'd a letter from Winches- 
ter, of the 10th inst. Lord Cornwallis went to England this 

Dec. 21st^ 22nd. — This morning, the main body of the 
Army marched over Schuylkill on a foraging party. 

CoDtinental currency. Some of the letters are from Owen Jones, Jr., to 
John Mercer (Musser), Matthias Slough, and Matthias Graeff. This dis- 
covery has obliged the Board of War to send all the Quaker prisoners to 
Staunton, in Augusta Co., Va., and Owen Jones to close confinement, 
without the use of pen, ink, and paper, except in the presence of the 
Lieutenant of the County or his deputy." 

The letters spoken of by Marshall will be found in Pa. ArchtveSy vol. vi. 
p. 53-56. The order of the Board of War was not carried into effect. 

' Gulph Mills — situated on the west side of the Schuylkill, about thirteen 
miles from Philadelphia, at the mouth of a creek of the same name. 
Washington's army remained here from the 12th of Dec. 1777, until about 
the 21st, when it removed to Valley Forge. It is possible that at one time, 
Washington thought to make this place his winter quarters ; such, at least, 
was the idea of Albigcnce Waldo, a surgeon, who writes in his journal, 
Dec. 13th : ** The army marched three miles from the west side of the river, 
and encamped near a place called the Gulph, and not an improper name, 
neither. For this Gulph seems well adapted, by its situation, to keep as 
from the pleasures and enjoyments of this world; or being conversant with 
anybody in it. It is an excellent place to raise the ideas of a Philosopher 
beyond the glutted thoughts and reflections of an Epicurean. His reflections 
will be as different from the common reflections of mankind, as if he were 
unconnected with the world and only conversant with material beings. 
It cannot be that our superiors are about to hold consultations with spirits 
infinitely beneath their order — by bringing us into these utmost regions of the 
Terraqueous Sphere. No ! It is, upon consideration, for many good purposes, 
since we are to winter here : 1st, There is plenty of wood and water ; 2d, 
there are but few families for the soldiers to steal from— though far be it 
from a soldier to steal ; 3rd, there are warm sides of hills to erect huts on ; 
4lh, they will be heavenly-minded, like Jonah in the belly of a great fish ; 
5th, they will not become homesick, as is sometimes the case when men live 
in the open world, since the reflections which must naturally arise from 
their present habitation, will lead them to the more noble thoughts of 
employing their leisure hours in filling their knapsacks w^ith such materials 
as may be necessary on the journey to another home." 

This journal, giving an excellent picture of the army at this time, will be 
found in the HiUoriccd Magazine for 1861. 

The Diary of Robert Morton. 89 

Dec. 23rd. — Nothing material this day. 

Dec. 24^A.— This Ev'g, about 7 o'clock, 1 Brigade of the 
Americans, with 3 pieces of cannon, attacked the British 
lines. After firing 6 ps. they retreated.^ 

Dec. 2bth. — Lord Howe sailed for JSTew York a few days ago. 

Dec.26th. — Nothing very material except very hard weather. 

Dec. 21th, 28thy 29^A.— Exceeding cold. 

Dec. SOth. — Last night severely cold. The navigation ob- 
structed by the ice for the first time this season. The Army 
returned on the 28 inst., after collecting a great deal of 
Forage and taking a few prisoners. Some of the Transports 
in the River have been drifting with the ice. One was cast 
on the Jersey shore and plundered by the inhabitants, who 
came down in great numbers to participate of the plunder. 
One of the transports caught fire, was loaded almost with 
powder, but was happily extinguished without doing much 

' This attack was made hj the Pa. Militia, on the British outposts in 
the Northern Liberties. — See Life of Oen, John Lacy^ by W. W. H. 
Davis, p. 54. Marshall records (Dec. 28th, 1777) : " News of the day is that 
Col. Ball, on the twenty-fifth instant, made an excursion into Foorth Street 
in Philadelphia, with two thousand militia, and alarmed the city by firing 
off some pieces of cannon into the air, whereby some of the balls fell about 
Christ Church. He then made a good retreat back to his station, without 
the loss of a man." — Remembrancer, p. 173. 

See Exiles in Virginia, pp. 164 and 167. 

40 The Hessians in Philadelphia. 




VOL. III. P. 149. 


At Philadelphia on the Neck, Jan. 18, 1778. 

I received on November 4, your short letter of the 26th 

of May, directed to " Lieut. II in New York, or to 

Captain H at Philadelphia." 

My present opinions of America differ very much from 
those which I expressed in my former letters. It is true that 
I could not now picture to myself an earthly paradise with- 
out thinking of a great jmrt of the Jerseys and Long Island, 
but not of Pennsylvania! If the Honorable Count Penn 
should surrender to me the whole country for my patent, on 
condition that I should live here during my life, I would 
scarcely accept it. And this is the promised land, the land 
flowing with milk and honey, which so many before us have 
praised ! You know already that as every North American 
province has an e8i>ecial existence, and is governed according 
to its own j)rinciple8, it must therefore be judged as differ- 
ently. The packet boat goes to-morrow, and with it these 
few and hasty observations on the country and climate. 

Among 100 f)erson8, not merely in Philadelphia, but also 
throughout the whole neighborhood, not one has a healthy 
color, the cause of which is the unhealthy air and the bad 
water. Assuredly this is not a consequence of the latitude, 

' The writer of this letter was (.'aptain John Hcinrichs (Henrichs), of the 
Hessian Yuger Corps. He was several times wounded during his service in 
America, most severely at the capture of Fort Washington, where a ball 
penetrated his breast. In 1784, he entered the infantry. He soon passed 
over to the service of Prussia, was ennobled, and advanced to the rank of 
Lieatenant General. He died in 1834. (See Oerman Auxiliaries.hy Yon 
Eelking.) His corps was stationed in the southern part of the city, proba- 
bly on the road to Gray's Ferry. 


The Hessians in Philo/lelphia. 41 

for Pennsylvania lies in one of the healthiest degrees, but 
the woods, morasses, and mountains, which partly confine 
the air, and partly poison it, make the country unhealthy. 
Nothing is more common here than a fever once a year, then 
eruptions, the itch, etc. Nowhere have I seen so many mad 
people as here. Only yesterday, as I was dining with a 
Gentleman, a third person came into the room, and he whis- 
pered in my ear: Take care^ this gentleman is a madman. 
Frequently the people are cured, but almost all have a quiet 
madness, a derangement of mind which proceeds from slug- 
gish, not active blood. One cause, perhaps, is that no food 
here has as much nourishment as with us. The milk is not 
half so rich, the bread gives little nourishment. There is a 
noticeable difference in the quality of the produce which is 
brought to market in Philadelphia, from the Jerseys and 
from Pennsylvania. 

The cold in winter and the heat in summer are quite 
moderate, but the thunderstorms in summer, and the damp 
reeking air in spring and autumn, are unendurable. In sum- 
mer, mists fall and wet everything, and then in the afternoon 
there is a thunderstorm. And in winter, when the trees are 
frosted in the morning, it rains in the afternoon. Such phe- 
nomena are common occurrences here. 

Like the products of the earth, animals too are only half- 
developed. A hare, a partridge, a peacock, etc., is only half- 
grown. Wild game tastes like ordinary meat. One of the 
few good consequences of this war is, that more forests will 
be destroyed, and the air will become purer. A man from 
this city, by the name of Hamilton,' alone lost 1500 acres* of 
woodlands, which was cut down for the hospital, and he had 
sufficient patriotism to remark recently in company, that it 
was good for the country. 

The fertility of the ground is so great, that it can be 
planted and harvested twice a year ; but the com itself is not 
as ^ood as ours. The greater part of America is rich in 
minerals, particularly the tract where we oiierated last sum- 
mer, on the Elk River, Brandywine Creek, Valley Hills, and 

William ITiimilton, of the Woodlands. * Probably 150 acres. 

42 The Hessians in Philadelphia. 

on the Schuylkill. There is plenty of wood here; I bum 
seven kinds of firs, besides the varieties of sassafras, cedar, 
and walnut, in my chimney place and in the watch fires. 
Besides, the land yields corn, wheat, oats, flax, hemp, Indian 
corn, potatoes (which are not so good as those from Holland, 
although this is their native land), turnips, and garden stuff" 
of all kinds, though not so well grown as with us. The tree 
fruits also are not unlike. The vine cannot ripen on account 
of the before-mentioned mists. Pears are scarce, and apples 
seldom have a good flavor. 

You have doubtless heard, from the newspapers, of the 
defences^ which cut up this country to such a degree, that 
cavalry cannot manoeuvre even on the plains. The defences^ 
which are wooden enclosures of the fields, are only on 
account of the cattle, for every one turns out his cattle, 
horses, sheep, cows, etc., without a herdsman. As soon as a 
field is harvested, the farmer turns his cattle into it, and 
into each in turn, so that almost every field has its own 
enclosure. This costs a great deal, but an old German 
farmer, two miles from Philadelphia, assured me that it 
would do him more harm to lose a foot of land by a hedge 
and ditch. A still more important reason why there are no 
hedges is, that they do not thrive here at all. The thorn 
cannot grow on account of a certain insect, the name of 
which I have forgotten, and the willow does not grow every- 
where. Last week I saw at Hollanders' Creek, a newly 
planted hedge of willows. 

Hogs are quite as good here as the best in Holstein, for 
there is good mast for them in the woods, and they feed 
there the whole year. There are plenty of Guinea-fowls, 
but not 80 many as in the Jerseys and Long Island. Turkeys 
belong to the wild animals, and are in all the woods in flocks 
like partridges. There are plenty of sheep, but as the 
farmer drives them into the wood, he loses the wool ; how- 
ever, he sells the skin for I85. York money. Ducks and 
geese are as common and as good as ours, but no better. 
You cannot conceive of the superabundant swarms of flies 
here. Hares, woodcock, partridges, etc, are very abundant, 

The Hessians in Philadelphia. 43 

but they are not half so large as ours. There are still bears 
and wolves in Tolpahaky,^ thirty-six miles from Philadelphia, 
whence they are brought to Philadelphia ; the leg of a bear 
is a great delicacy. 

There is no scarcity of snakes. The great blacksnake has 
been near the Schuylkill lately, quite near our quarters. A 
countryman, cutting wood, was chased by one quite recently, 
but a neighbor killed it with a stick. There is nothing, 
however, more terrible than the big rattlesnake^ which is 
from twelve to sixteen feet long, and which, as it is believed 
here, kills by its glance, A countryman in my quarters lost 
a relative of his in this way, some years ago. He had gone 
hunting, and seeing a bear standing still, aimed at and shot 
it ; scarcely had he reached the bear, when he too was obliged 
to stand motionless, remained thus awhile, fell and died ; all 
this was caused by a rattlesnake, which was perched in a 
high tree. The nearest ones to Philadelphia are in Tol- 
pahaky,' and there were some also between Elk Ferry and 
Head of the Elk, where we encamped three days. So much 
for the country. I will write of the people^ their civilization, 
etc., in my next letter. 

Perhaps the reason why the domestic animals are not half 
so good as ours, is, because they are left out, winter and 
summer, in the open air. 

I wrote before, that no white glass is made in America, 
but a manufactory was established at Mannheim^ in Penn- 
sylvania, two years before the war. But it thrives as poorly 
as the manufacture of china, and all other arts and manu- 
factures, because the price of labor is so high. 

Would you like to know where I live ? Turn to Burnaby 's 
Description of his Travels : " From here to the city, the whole 
way was lined with country houses, pleasure gardens,and fruit- 
ful orchards." Among these "country houses, pleasure gar- 
dens, and orchards," the highly esteemed Yager Corps have 
their winter quarters, and where he says " on the Schuylkill," 
there I mount guard to-morrow. It seems to me as if this 
sketch were plainer than many an engineer could draw it. 

* Tulpehockon — more nearly sixty-six miles. 

44 FitUburg and UnioiUoum. 


IX 1782-83. 


We cannot better preface the first of the letters here printed than by 
referring the reader to that very interesting book entitled, " An Historical 
Account of the Expedition against Sandusky, under Col. Wm. Crawford, in 
1782/' by C. W. Butterfield. In it will be found accounts of the destruction 
of Hanna's Town (July 13, 1782), sketches of Slover and Dr. Knight, and 
the story of their sufferings and escape. The letter was written shortly 
after the unfortunate termination of Crawford's expedition, at a time when 
the whole western border of our State was open to the inroads of the 
savages, llie letter from Uniontown will be entertaining to the residents 
of Fayette County, and to all interested in the history of the western 
section of the State. 

Pittsburg, 26th July, 1782. 

My Dear General : — 

To assert that I feel as sensibly whatever aifects your 
health as you do yourself were too extravagant to gain 
belief, but that I feel whatever the sympathetic heart of a 
sincere friend can suiFer from the distresses of one to whom 
it is powerfully attached I will not hesitate to assert, and 
much less blush to own; but I hope you were prophetic 
when you bid me expect you would be well before your 
letter reached me. My own health is as usual, neither to 
be boasted of nor much to be pitied. My greatest misfortune 
is the want of something to employ the restless, active mind 
— even the savage consolation of wandering thro' the lone- 
some but hospitable woods is denied ine by the frequency of 
the Indians' visits to this wretched country ; for tho' I have 
nothing but the regret of jjarting with my valuable friends, 
and the common and natural aversion we all have to death, 
to bid me dread it, I am unwilling to risque the possibility 
of becoming a prisoner and the probable subject of their 
horrid executions, when unattended by the alluring prospect 

Pittsburg and Uniontown. 45 

of advantage to myself, or the pleasing idea of rendering 
service to my fellow-creatures and countrymen. 

My last contained some account of the destruction of 
Banna's Town, but it was an imperfect one — the damage was 
greater than we then knew, and attended with circumstances 
different from my representation of them. There were nine 
killed and twelve carried off prisoners — and, instead of some 
of the houses without the fort being defended by our people, 
they all retired within the miserable stockade, and the 
enemy possessed themselves of the forsaken houses, from 
whence they kept a continual fire upon the fort from about 
twelve o'clock till night, without doing any other damage 
than wounding one little girl within the walls. They 
carried away a great number of horses and everything of 
value in the deserted houses, destroyed all the cattle, hogs, 
and poultry within their reach, and burned all the houses in 
the village except two; these they also set fire to, but 
fortunately it did not extend itself so far as to consume 
them ; several houses round the country were destroyed in 
the same manner, and a number of unhappy families either 
murdered or carried off captives — some have since suffered 
a similar fate in different parts — ^hardly a day but they have 
been discovered in some quarter of the country, and the 
poor inhabitants struck with terror thro' the whole extent 
of our frontier. Where this party set out from is not 
certainly known ; several circumstances induce the belief of 
their coming from the heads of the Alleghena or toward 
Niagara, rather than from Sandusky or the neighborhood of 
Lake Erie. The great number of whites known by their 
language to have been in the party, the direction of their 
retreat when they left the country, which was toward the 
Kittanning, and no appearance of their tracks, either coming 
or going, having been discovered by the oflicer and party 
which the General* ordered on that service beyond the river, 
all conspire to support this belief, and I think sincerely to be 
wished, on account of the unfortunate captives who have 
fallen into their hands, that it may be true ; for the enraged 

> General William Irvine. 

46 Pittsburg and Uniontown. 

Delawarea renounce the idea of taking any prisoners but for 
cruel purposes of torture. All who fell into the hands of 
any of the nations engaged at Sandusky were delivered over 
to them and put to the most cruel deaths, except two who 
made their escape ; Doctor Knight, whose history I have 
already given you, and a considerable time since one Slover, 
who gives this account. He was so near suffering, after 
haviug been adopted into the Shawneze Nation, and living 
several weeks among them, that on being delivered over to 
the Delawares he was fixed to the stake and every prepa- 
ration made for his execution. It w^as now evening, and a 
heavy shower of rain falling he was respited till morning ; 
in the night, when his keepers were asleep, he stole away 
entirely naked, and by the help of a horse which he caught 
and rode till he was worn down, arrived at Wheeling in six 
days, an emphatic spectacle of human distress. 

I can give you no hopes, nor indeed any account of the 
proposed expedition against the Savages, other than that 
there have been frequent meetings of some of the militia 
officers, with very little eflfect. The General had intimated 
his wish that they might be ready to set out by the first of 
August, but, from the backwardness of their afiairs, and I 
think I may venture to say dispositions, that will now be 

Oblige me in making my most respectful compliments to 
Mr. Rush and his family. I am uncertain when I may 
have the pleasure of seeing you and them, but I am well 
assured that I will never cease to remember you with esteem 
and gratitude. 

I am. Dear General, sincerely 



Being in a communicative strain I resume my pen at a 
late hour of the night, to tell you (a) story, the novelty of 
which, if (it) has nothing else to recommend it, will excuse it. 

Some three months ago, or thereabouts, a party of Indians 
made a stroke (as it is called in our country phrase) at a 
station distinguished by the name of the owner of the place, 

Pittsburg atid Uniontown. 47 

"Wolthower's (or as near as I can come to a German name), 
when they killed an old man and his sons, and captivated 
one of his daughters. This massacre was committed so near 
the fort that the people from within fired upon the Indians 
80 successfully as to wound several and prevent their scalping 
the dead. The girl was carried to within about six miles 
of this place, up the Alleghena River, where her bones were 
afterwards found with manifest marks on her scull of having 
been then knocked on the head and scalped. One of the 
Indians who had been wounded in tlie leg, unable to make 
any considerable way and in this condition deserted by his 
companions, after subsisting himself upon the spontaneous 
productions of the woods for more than thirty successive 
days, crawled into this village in the most miserable plight 
conceivable. He was received by the military and carefully 
guarded till about five days ago, when, at the reiterated 
request of the relations of those unfortunate people whom 
he had been employed in murdering, he was delivered to 
four or five country warriors deputed to receive and conduct 
him to the place which had been the scene of his cruelties, 
distant about twenty-five miles. The wish, and perhaps the 
hope of getting some of our unfortunate captives restored to 
their friends for the release of this wretch, and the natural 
repugnance every man of spirit has to sacrificing uselessly 
the life of a fellow-creature whose hands are tied, to the 
resentment of an unthinking rabble, inclined the General to 
have his life spared, and to keep him still in close confine- 
ment. He was not delivered without some reluctance, and 
a peremptory forbiddance to put him to death without the 
concurrence of the magistrate and most respectable inhabi- 
tants of the district; they carried him, with every mark of 
exultation, away. Thus far, I give it you authentic; and 
this evening, one of the inhabitants returned to town, from 
Mr. Wolthower's neighborhood, who finishes the history of 
our pet Indian (so he was ludicrously called) in this manner : 
that a night or two ago, when his guards, as they ought to 
be, were in a profound sleep, our Indian stole a march upon 
them and has not since been seen or heard of. I may, 

48 Pittsburg and Uniontovm. 

perhaps, give you the sequel of this history another day; 
at present, I bid you good-night; my eyes refuse to light 
me any longer. 

PiTTSBUBOH, 4th of Aagnflt, 1782. 

Dbab Sir: To continue my narrative^K)ur pet Indian is 
certainly gone ; he was seen a day or two after the night of 
his escape very well mounted, and has not since been seen or 
heard of; the heroes, however, who had him in charge, or 
some of their friends or connection, ashamed of such egre- 
gious stupidity, and desirous of being thought barbarous 
murderers rather than negligent blockheads, have propagated 
several very different reports concerning his supposed execu- 
tion, all of them believed to be as false as they are ridicu- 

The Indians appear at length to have taken up the busi- 
ness of killing us in good earnest — within this week they 
made an attempt (happily a fruitless one) within a mile and 
a half of this place, upon a number of people — whites and 
slaves at work in the cornfield of a gentleman living in 
town — ^they were pursued without success. Since this they 
have been frequently seen in our neighborhood and have 
killed several within a few miles of us. The General has 
had so many alarming accounts by expresses from Washing- 
ton county of the numbers and probable designs of the 
Savages at or toward Wheeling, that this morning he marched 
in person with so many of his regulars as he thought prudent 
to take from the defence of this post in order to join a body 
of Militia or volunteers assembled for the purpose. With 
these he means to make a tryal of the spirit of the Indians, 
and from the complexion of the commander and forwardness 
of the troops, I think he will push them hard if they stay 
his arrival. The number of the enemy is estimated at about 
one hundred. The Gentleman who first viewed them and 
made this computation was Major McCullogh, a militia 
ofllcer of invincible spirit and acknowledged enterprise. On 
his first discovery of them they had not yet crossed the 
river— he returned to a neighboring fort from whence he 

PiUsimrg and Uniontoum. 49 

wrote letters to apprise the country and at the same time com- 
municated it the County Lieutenants. Still desirous of keep- 
ing a strict watch upon their motions, he returned towards the 
jnver with his brother and some others accompanying him. 
In his way he came upon the track of some of the enemy 
who had crossed the river and having penetrated some dis- 
tance into the country were now on their return ; in all pro- 
bability they had discovered McCullogh's party, for having 
with their usual artfulness made a double upon, and way-laid 
their own track, they fired upon them undiscovered, and 
the unfortunate M^or lost his life, justly regretted by all who 
know his character; the rest of the little party fled, but not 
till the brother of the unfortunate had shot the Indian who 
Attempted to scalp him. About the same time two young 
men were fired upon in a canoe almost within sight of 
Wheeling, Milnes and Smith, the latter wounded in the flesh 
of his thigh, the other's thigh broken by one of thirteen 
balls that entered his body and limbs ; they were both alive 
when the accounts came away. Every new day produces 
events worse than the past, besides a thousand false and 
groundless reports attended with all the evil consequences 
to the defenceless and terrified inhabitants that the reality 
of them could produce ; our settlements are almost every day 
contracted and every new frontier more timid than the last. 
I have determined to be down before the end of this month, 
but in present state of alarming incidents I cannot prevail 
upon myself to leave the country ; I wish to see the issue. 
In the mean time I will endeavor to give you the best account 
of our aflTairs that the confusion inseparable from a perpetual 
state of alarm will permit me. 

Take the trouble to tender my best wishes as usual, and 
suflfer me once more to remind you of what is ever present 
with me, that I shall never so far forget myself as to cease 
under any circumstances to be, 

Dear Sir, 

Tour faithful friend 

and humble servant, 



50 Pittdmrg and Uniontoum. 

Ukioittowk [ 1784]. 

My Dear Oeitebal : — 

If my promise were not engaged to write to you, my incli- 
natioDs are sufficiently so to embrace with alacrity any 
opportunity of expressing the gratitude so justly due to your 
valuable friendship, of declaring the sincerity of mine. 

This Uniontown is the most obscure spot on the face of 
the globe. I have been here seven or eight weeks without 
one opportunity of writing to the land of the living ; and 
though considerably south of you, so cold that a person not 
knowing the latitude would conclude we were placed near 
one of the Poles. Pray have you had a severe winter below? 
we have been frozen up here for more than a month past, 
but a great many of us having been bred in another state, 
the eating of Homany is as natural to us as the drinking of 
whisky in the morning. 

The town and its appurtenances consist of our president 
and a lovely little family, a court-house and school-house in 
one, a mill, and consequently a miller, four taverns, three 
smith-shops, five retail shops, two Tanyards, one of them 
only occupied, one saddler's shop, two hatter's shops, one 
mason, one cake woman, we had two but one of them having 
committed a petit larceny is upon banishment, two widows 
and some reputed maids. To which may be added a dis- 
tillery. The upper part of this edifice is the habitation at 
will of your humble servant, who, beside the smoke of his 
own chimney, which is intolerable enough, is fumigated by 
that of two stills below, exclusive of the other effluvia that 
arises from the dirty vessels in which they prepare the 
materials for the stills. The upper floor of my parlour, 
which is also my chamber and office, is laid with loose clap- 
boards or puncheons, and both the gable ends entirely open, 
and yet this is the best place in my power to procure till the 
weather will permit me to build, and even this I am subject 
to be turned out of the moment the owner, who is at Een- 
tuck and hourly expected, returns. 

I can say little of the country in general, but that it is 
very poor in everything but its soil, which is excellent, and 

Pittdmrg and Uniontown. 51 

that part contiguous to the town is really beautiful, being 
level and prettily situate, accommodated with good water 
and excellent meadow-ground. But money we liave not 
nor any practicable way of making it ; how taxes will be 
collected, debts paid, or fees discharged, I know not; and 
yet the good people appear willing enough to run in debt 
and go to law. I shall be able to give you a better account 
of this hereafter. 

Colonel Maclean^ received me with a degree of generous 
friendship that does honor to the goodness of his heart, and 
continues to show every mark of satisfaction at my appoint- 
ment. He is determined to act under the commission sent 
him by Council, and though the fees would, had he declined 
it, have been a considerable addition to my profits, I can* 
not say that I regret his keeping them. He has a numerous 
small family, and though of an ample fortune in lands, has 
not cash at command. 

I have had no certain accounts from Fortpitt lately ; the 
winter has been so severe that we have had no communica^ 
tion with any other part of the country either over the 
mountains or on this side. Report some time ago did say 
that one of the tame (for I cannot call him friendly) Indians 
at Pittsburg had killed a man in the neighborhood of it, 
and was in confinement for the crime, but the people of this 
country have so great an aversion to those wretches, and are 
so fond propagating a story to their disadvantage, that I do 
not pretend to give you this for truth. I have not heard a 
word of the Censors since I left Philadelphia; pray what 
have they done? A rumor of war between Spain and 
America has been circulating here, but whence it arose I 
know not. 

The general curse of the country, disunion, rages in this 
little mud-hole with as much malignity as if they had each 
pursuits of the utmost importance, and the most opposed to 
each other, when in truth they have no pursuits at all, that 

1 Alexander McLean was appointed Justice of the Peace for Fayette Co., 
March 19, 1784. 

62 PUUburg and Unioniawn. 

deserve the name, except that of obtaining food and whiakj, 
for ruiiuent they scarcely use any. The animosities which 
have at different periods arisen among them still subsist 
when the original causes have been long since removed. 
The people in this country may be divided into four different 
classes, the friends to Pennsylvania, the advocates for Vir- 
ginia, the favourers of a new government, and the enemies 
to all, the tories, who were once in some degree formidable, 
and yet, in some instances, have not prudence enough to 
conceal the inveteracy of their hearts, and each of these dis- 
criptions abhore each other as heartily as ever did Ouelph 
and Ohibellines, or any other descriptions of men in the world. 
The Commissioners, Trustees, I should siiy, having fixed on 
a spot in one end of the town for the public buildings, which 
was by far the most proper in every point of view, exclusive 
of the saving expense, the other end took the alarm and 
charged them with partiality, and have been ever since 
uttering their complaints. And at the late election for 
justices, two having been carried in this end of the town 
and none in the other has made them quite outrageous. 
This trash is not worth troubling you with, therefore I beg 
your pardon, and am with unfeigned esteem, 

Dear General, 

Your very humble servant, 


February llth.> 

The tardy departure of Mr. Parish, who is to favor this, 
will give me time (to) write a journal. My Landlord is 
come ; he tells me that the people at Kcntuck still continue 
in their Forts or Stations, but more from the apprehension 
of the Southern than western Indian ; those still continue to 
do mischief occasionally ; he passed the bodies of three men 
who had been murdered by them, on his way home, near the 
crossing of Cumberland River. 

* No doubt 1784 should be here supplied, as on the 6th of October, 1783, 
Major Douglass was elected by Council, Prothonotary of Fayette Co., the 
office ho no doubt held at the time the letter was written. 

Pittsburff and Uniontoton. 58 

It appears that the incroachments of the white people on 
the settlements of the Cherokees, have been repeatedly com- 
plained of^ and may be one cause of their continuing hos- 
tilities. I am told that after I left Sandusky, the deputies 
from these southern nations endeavored to dissuade the 
western ones from resigning the tomahawk. By a man 
lately from Weeling, I am infoimed that there has been one 
man killed and another wounded by the Indians over the 
river, at some distance from that place ; the story tells thus : 
That those gentlemen, being in the Indian country, came on 
one of their camps, when they were treated with great 
hospitality by the owners; but falling in love with their 
peltry, they watched the Indians' motions, and finding them 
all absent a hunting, packed up their skins and marched 
off. The Savages returning and finding what was done, 
followed them ; the consequences of which, I have related. 
I fear this will not be (the) last death we shall hear of in 
that quarter, for I am told there are a number of families 
settled opposite and below that place. 

I understand that a Mr. Gulp, one of the disappointed 
candidates in one end of the town, which I have already 
described to you, remonstrated to Council against our late 
election. I have not taken notice of it in my letter to 
them as a body, because I have not a certainty of the fact ; 
but in case he should, I will venture to tell you that, in my 
opinion, the election was as fair and regular as is possible 
for one to be here. He alleges his tickets were suppressed,, 
it may be that some of them were, for I judge there were 
very few gave in his name who had a right to vote ; and 
the inspector and judges, knowing the qualifications of all 
the voters, and to avoid the confusion that openly rejecting 
them would necessarily have produced, took this method of 
suppressing their votes who were not entitled to poll. I will 
not so far intrude on you as to give his character at large, 
but only remark that, had he been elected, he is as little 
qualified for the duties as almost any man that could be found. 

I am now on the point of quitting my smoke-house, 
without the prospect of getting another nearly as convenient. 

54 Pittsburg and Uniontovm. 

I have no chance but a room in a sort of a tavern, or to 
intrude on the goodness of Colonel Maclean, either of which 
will be very disagreeable. 

I have made an assertion to Council, that the tax was 
not assessed in this county till after its separation from 
Westmoreland ; and though this be literally true, I am now 
in some doubt of the certainty of my idea at the time, as 
well as of that which Council will probably affix to it. 
My meaning was that the taking of the return was subse- 
quent to the act of assembly, and I thought I had it the 
best authenticated; but I have since made much enquiry, 
and am not able to ascertain the precise time, but all agree 
that it w^as nearly about that period — whether shortly before, 
or immediately after, I cannot determine with certainty. 

With my most respectful compliments to all your worthy 
£etmily, I have the honor to be most respectfully. Dear Sir, 

Your obedient servant, 




[From the American AntiquariaD.] 

I, the Subscril)er, Lieutenant of his Majesty's Tth Regt. of Foot 
or Royal Fuzileors, taken at St. John's, now being at Lancaster, 
having perused the Resolutions of the Continental Congress of 
the 8th and 16th of November and 16th and 18th of December 
last, transmitted by their President to the Committee of Inspection 
for the County of Lancaster, and having requested some Time to 
make choice of a Place of Residence agreeable to the said Reso- 
lutions, do hereb}'^ promise and engage upon my Parole of Honour, 
that during the Time which shall be allowed me to make such 
choice, I will not go into or near any Seaport Town, nor ftirther 
than six miles distance from the said Borough of Lancaster, 
without leave of the Continental Congress, and will carry on no 
political correspondence whatever on the Subject of the Dispute 
between Great Britain and the Colonies, so long as I remain a 
Prisoner; and after having made such choice agreeable to the 
tenor of those Resolutions, I will give and sign my Parole agree- 
able to the Request and Directions of the Congress to the said 
Committee, that they may transmit the same to the Congress. 


LU R, Fux*ker9. 
Lancasteb, February 23<f, 1776. 

Edward Whalley^ the Regicide. 55 



There has been much written and said concerning the life 
of this most remarkable man, and especially with reference 
to that part of it which was spent in this country, and not 
a few have been the theories concerning the last resting- 
place of one whose life was characterized by so much ad- 
venture. A most valuable, although somewhat discursive 
work by President Stiles, of Yale College, published in 1794,* 
opened a discussion which is even now being carried on 
with as much vigor and perseverance as characterized the 
worthy doctor's attempts to clear away the then almost 
impenetrable fog of mystery which surrounds the later years 
of the Eegieide's life. Upon the many suppositions and 
theories concerning this much-mooted point, I propose to 
offer another theory, by endeavoring to adduce the evidence 
which leads me to believe that the regicide Whalley lies 
buried neither at New Haven nor Hadley, nor yet at Narra- 
ganset, but that his later years were spent on the Eastern 
Shore of Maryland, in the then county of Somerset, and that 
there he died and was buried. 

Before entering upon the discussion of the points referred 
to above, a brief sketch of his career is necessary to preserve 
the continuity of the narrative, and to supply information 
to those who have not been able to obtain a history of the 
previous life and military services of Cromwell's relative 
and ally. 

Major-General Edward Whalley was the second son of 
Thomas Whalley of Kirkton, Nottinghamshire, and Frances 
Cromwell, third daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell of Hinch- 
inbrook (grandfather of the Protector), and was bom about 

* A History of Three of the Judges of King Charles I., etc., by Ezra 
Stiles, S.T.D., LL.D., President of Tale College. 

56 Edward Whalley, the Regicide. 

1615. Bred to mercantile life, though in what branch we 
have no record, he pursued his avocations until the breaking 
out of the war between King Charles I. and the Parliament, 
when he gave up trade for arms, and embraced the side of 
the Parliament. In August, 1642, he is recorded as Cornet 
of the 60th regiment of horse, and his rise from that posi- 
tion was rapid, until he occupied a post of high honor in 
the army. In 1645, in reward of his gallant and distin- 
guished bearing at the battle of Kaseby, he was made a 
Colonel of Horse, and received other honors. "The first 
civil war lasted for two years longer, and no regiment 
was more busy than Col. Whalley's. We trace him at the 
defeat of Goring's army at Langport (July 10, 1645), at the 
sieges of Bridgewater (July 11-25, 1645), of Sherborne Castle 
(Aug. 1-15, 1645), of Bristol (Aug. 21 to Sept. 11, 1645), of 
Exeter (Feb. 1646), of Oxford (March, 1646), and of Banbury. 
On May 9, 1646, the day on which his letter to the Speaker, 
announcing the storming of Banbury Castle, was written 
and received, the House voted him their thanks and £100 
for the purchase of two horses."* In January, 1649, he was 
one of the fifty-nine who signed the warrant for the execu- 
tion of King Charles, and was present at the execution of 
his unhappy sovereign. Continuing steadfast in his alle- 
giance to his cousin, Oliver Cromwell, he was advanced by 
him to the rank of Major-Qeneral, and was entrusted with 
the government of the five counties, Lincoln, Nottingham, 
Derby, Warwick, and Leicester. He was one of the repre- 
sentatives for Nottinghamshire in the Parliament held in 
1666-57, and a short time after was appointed by the Pro- 
tector, Commissary-General for Scotland, and was called up 
into the other house, in which he sat as "Edward, Lord 

" During the eight months' Protectorate which succeeded 
the death of Oliver Cromwell, Whalley was the mainstay of 
the Cromwell dynasty; but Richard's abdication came on 

> Vide " Memoranda concerning Edward Whalley and William Ooffe/' 
by Franklin B. Dexter. New Haven, 1876. . 

Edward WhalUy^ the Regicide. 57 

May 5, 1659, and the Long Parliament on reassembling 
withdrew Whalley's commission as General, through fear of 
bis influence with the army. In October, when the army 
tried to seize the power, Whalley was sent as one of their 
Commissioners to treat with his old comrade Monk; but 
Monk refused to meet him, and presently the Restoration 
was accomplished." 

When it was no longer safe for any of those immediately 
concerned in the murder of Charles I. to remain in England, 
Whalley, together with his son-in-law, Gofte, who also had 
played an important part in the bloody drama which had 
been enacting for the past twenty years, embarked from 
Gravesend in a swift-sailing vessel,^ bound for Boston, and 
arrived in New England on July 27, 1660. Upon landing 
in Boston, they proceeded immediately to Cambridge, where 
they remained for seven months. When the act of In- 
demnity was brought over, and it was found that they were 
excepted from its benefits by name, and when Governor 
Endicott summoned his council of Assistants to consult 
about securing them, it became imperative for the judges 
to retire to a more secluded place. Accordingly on February 
26, they left Cambridge, and after a nine days' journey 
arrived at New Haven, where they appeared openly as Mr. 
Daveni>ort's guests for three weeks. But the news of a 
Royal Proclamation for their arrest coming to New Haven^ 
on March 27, they went to Milford, and appearing openly 
there, they returned the same night to New Haven, and 
remained in concealment at Mr. Davenport's until May. 
After many narrow escapes, they contrived to turn away 
the Commissioners on a false scent, and for nearly four years 
they remained at Milford. In 1664, four Rojnal Commis- 
sioners arrived in Boston (towards the end of July), and 
"on the 13th of October, 1664, the judges removed to 
Hadley, near an hundred miles distant, travelling only by 
night; where Mr. Russel, the minister of the place, had 
previously consented to receive them. Here they remained 

* Uncier tlie iiames of Edward Bichardion and WiUiam StephenMm. 

58 Edward Wfiollry, tkt Btgicidt. 

concealed fifteen or sixteen jeare, Terr few penons in the 
colony being privy to it- The last account of Goffe is from 
a letter, dated I^xnezer^ the name they gave their Beveral 
places of abode, April 2, 1679/' (Stiles, p. 26.) 

All the Xew England historians agree in fixing the death 
of Whalley between 1674 and 1676, which is the first vital 
difference between the narratives pablished np to this time 
and the theory of the present essayist. Let os examine, 
then, their authorities for this assertion. 

A letter of Gofie's to his wife, in England, dated 1674, in 
wiiich he says of Whalley, ''your old friend, Mr. R., ia yet 
living, but continues in that weak condition of which I 
formerly have given you account, and have not now mnch 
to add." (See Stiles' Judges, pp. 118 and 119.) 

Yet the same year we have him writing to Hooke, and 
Baying, ^ I do not apprehend the near approach of his death 
more now (save only he is so much older) than I did two 
years ago." (See Dexter's Memoranda, p. 24.) 

Yet the letter from GoflTe to his wife, together with the 
discovery of a man's bones in the cellar wall of Mr. Ruflsel's 
house, is the only evidence upon which this assertion (that 
Whalley died in 1675 or '76) can be based. And there is no 
reason to presume these remains to be those of Whalley any 
more than those of Goife. As the matter stands, it is impos- 
sible for any one to say more than that both of the judges 
were living in 1674, an<l that there is no mention of Whalley 
after this date ; that the bones found in Mr. Russel's cellar 
may as well have been the remains of GofFe as of Whalley. 

With regard to the theory that both of the regicides were 
interred near the grave of Dixwell, in New Haven, a word 
must now be said. 

President Stiles, in citing this evidence, says (p. 170): 
** When I first visited the E. W. stone, the moss of antiquity 
being yet upon it, both by inspection and feeling the lacunse 
with my fingers, I read the date 16^8, thinking it a mistake 
of the engraver, without once thinking or perceiving that 
the inverted i might be 5. But afterwards revisiting it, I 
perceived that the inverted i was also 5. The moss being 

Edioard Whalley^ the Regicide. 59 

now thoroughly rubbed off, the 5 is more obvious than the 
2^." Hero the President himself acknowledges what he after- 
wards says must be either " error or deception." It is very 
evident that all the conclusions of Dr. Stiles with reference 
to the E. W. stone were forced judgments ; in other words, 
that the theory that "Whalley and Goffe were buried in New 
Haven was caused by the fact that two grave-stones with 
unsatisfactory and contradictory inscriptions were found 
Tuar the grave of Dixwell, the other regicide. And it does 
not, moreover, seem to me that Dr. Stiles has proved satisfac- 
torily that the M. G. stone is that of Goffe, and not that of 
Governor Gilbert. He merely says, " It will ever be difficult 
to persuade a New Haven man, and especially one of the 
family of Gilbert, that so small and -insignificant a stone was 
put up at the grave of so honorable an ancestor, and so dis- 
tinguished a person in civil life as Governor Gilbert.'* And 
then he proceeds to state that tradition had it that the 
Governor's grave was among those taken down in 1754 when 
the meeting-house was enlarged. If this be true, where 
could there be a more proper place for the stone to be trans- 
ferred to than near the graves of Governor Eaton and 
Governor Jones ? And even should such a conclusion seem 
foiK^ed, it could not be more so than that at which the Presi- 
dent arrives, i.€., that M. G. means William Goffe, and 80 
stands for 1680. Granting for the nonce that the M. G. 
stone is that of Governor Gilbert, how insignificant becomes 
the evidence that the E. W. stone is that of Whalley. 
Indeed, I see no reason to doubt that this stone also belonged 
to a citizen of New Haven, one Edward Wigglesworth, who 
died in that place on the first of October, 1653. " I acknow- 
ledge," says Mr. Dexter in his interesting "Memoranda," 
" that the 3 is more like an 8 ; but nobody except Dr. Stiles 
ever suspected that the 5 was a 7." I do not see that there 
can be any doubt that both these stones have obtained their 
notoriety because of their proximity to the grave of Dixwell. 
The curious resemblance between the lettering on the stones 
and the initials of the regicides, I regard as nothing more 

60 Edward WhalUy, the Regicide. 

than a remarkable, although not unprecedented, coinci- 

We have now to consider a tradition which Dr. Stiles 
treats as of little importancey and which other writers on 
this subject entirely ignore, viz., that in 1680, one of the 
jadges left Hadlej, jonmeyed west and south, and finally 
brought up in Virginia. 

** It has always been in public fame," says President Stiles 
(pu 179), ** that of the two judges at Hadley, one died there 
and was buried in the minister's cellar, but which this was^ 
was never said; and that the other, to escape Randolph's 
dangerous searches, disappeared, and was supposed to have 
gone oft" to the west towards Virginia, and was heard of no 
more. This I perfectly remember to have been the current 
story in my youth. No one in conversation pretended to 
designate which was which until 1764, when Governor 
Hutchinson first published his history .... when 
therefore, Mr. Prout and others used to si)eak of one going 
oft* to the westward, no one before 1764 thought of its being 
Gofte more than Whalley." In another place (p. 204), he 
says, ** The story of one going off* to the westward, after the 
other's death at Iladley, is spread all over New England, 
and is as trite at Rhode Island at this day, as at New Haven 
and Iladley." There Dr. Stiles leaves the matter, saying, 
** on the whole, I consider it by no means certain, yet rather 
probable, that they all three lie buried in New Haven." 
Nor is there any reason to suppose the bones found in Mr. 
Rnssel's cellar to be those of Whalley, any more than Gofie. 
(See Mr. Dexter's Memoranda, p. 26.) So that the subject 
is, at best, by no means settled. 

But there follows upon this chaos a piece of evidence 
which, to my mind, does much to resolve it into an orderly 
series of events, and which reconciles many heretofore appa- 
rently conflicting statements. This evidence is contained in 
a document written by Thomas Robins 3rd, of Worcester 
County, Eastern Shore of Maryland, in the year 1769, and 
reads as follows : — 

**As most men wish to know something of their ancestors 

Edward Whalley^ the Regicide. 61 

**and as I have from authentic documents and direct tradi- 
"tion, collected a number of facts relative to my ancestor 
" Edward Whalley, otherwise Edw. Middleton,* ye regicide, 
"I desire to set down here ye facts concerning his life and 
** death in Maryland. 

"Edward Whaley was born in Northamptonshire, England, 
" about 1615, & married Elizabeth Middleton: soon after he 
"joined in ye rebelion, under Oliver Cromwell, & was one of 
"ye judges yt condemned king Charles ye first, and at ye 
" restoration of Chas. ye second (ano domini 1660), he fled 
" to America with many of his misguided companions: he 
" went to Connecticut, and there lived in concealment until 
" ye reward offered by ye Crown of England made his resi- 
"dence amongst ye Yankees unsafe, and he then came to 
** Virginia in 1681, where two of his wife's brothers met him 
" with his family : he then traveled up to ye province of 
" Maryland and settled first at ye mouth of ye Pokemoke 
" river, but finding yt too publick a place, he came to Sine- 
*' puxent, a neck of land open to ye Atlantic Ocean, where 
*' Col. Stephen was surveying, & bought a tract of land from 
" him, and called it Genezar, it contained 22 hundred acres, 
"south end of Sinepuxent, k made a settlement on ye 
** southern extremity, and called it South Point, to ye which 
"place he brought his family about 1687 in ye name of 
"Edward Midleton;^ his owne name he made not publick 
" until after this date, after ye revolution in England (in ye 
*' yeare of our lord 1688) when he let his name be seen in 
*' publick papers k had ye lands patented in his owne name. 
" He brought with him from ye province of Virginia, six 
"children, three sounes and three daughters. He had one 
"daughter, ye wife of his companion Goffe, in England. 
" His sonns were John, Nathaniel, and Elias, his daughters 
" were Rachel, Elizabeth, and Bridges. Nathaniel Whaley 
" married and settled in Maryland, John Whaley went to ye 
" province of Delaware and settled, and his family afterwards 
" removed away from ye province to ye south. Elias Whaley 

' In both ike places in which this word occnrs, it is so blnrred and faded 
as to be almost illegible ; MtcUetan seems, howeTer, to be what was written. 

62 Edward Whalley^ the Regicide. 

" married Sarah Peel, daughter of Col. Thomas Peel, k died 

" leaving one darter, Leah Whally, and she married Thomas 

^^ Robins 2d of ye name, k died leaving one son Thomas 

"Robins 3d of ye name, ye deponant. Edward Whalley's 

"darters all married, Rachel married Mr. Reckliffe, Eliza- 

" beth married Willm Turvale, and Bridges married Ebenezer 

"Franklin. Col. Whaley lived to a very advanced age, and 

" was blind for many years before his death, he died in ye 

"yeare of our Lord 1718, set. 103 years. His will and yt 

" of his Sonne Elias, we have here in ye records. His de- 

"scendants are living here in ye province but hold to ye 

" established church, for ye which they ever pray ye divine 

" protection. So died Whalley ye regicide. Had he re- 

" ceived yt due to him, he would have suffered and died on 

"ye scaffold as did many of his traitorous companions. 

" ^r ivat rex 

" THOMAS ROBINS, 3rd of ye name. 
"July 8th, in the year of our Lord 1769." 

This document forms a valuable addendum to the proofs 
that one of the regicides did leave New England and visit 
Virginia, and likewise fixes the fact on Whalley. Nor is it 
improbable (as Dr. Stiles rather rashly concludes) that 
Whalley could be able to make such a journey. Indeed, 
there are many reasons which render this journey highly 
probable without our having recourse to the evidence con- 
tained in the above paper ; for example — 

(1) The renewed persecution incident upon the arrival of 
Edward Randolph, the King's Commissioner, in 1686. 

(2) The advantage of a warmer climate in his then weak 
condition of body. 

(3) The more comparative safety of a Proprietary Govern- 
ment over a Charter Province. When we add to these the 
additional reason given us in the paper above cited, that his 
wife and sons* were in Virginia awaiting him, the possi- 
bility becomes almost a certainty. 

' la a letter from Frances (Whalley) Gk)ffe, to her husband, dated 1662» 
she says : " My brother John is gon across the sea, I know not wither."— 
See Huichinion*9 Hi$L of Mcum., p. 534. 

Edward Whcdlet/, the Regicide. 68 

I must also draw attention to the following coincidences^ 
which are of themselves almost convincing proof. 

(4) The sequence of events. Edward Whallej (or one of 
the regicides, it matters not which) leaves New England in 
1680. In 1681, Edward Middleton appears stealthily in 
Virginia. Ue seems especially unwilling to be noticed, and 
finding Virginia " too publick" (i. e. too many Churchmen 
there), he leaves, and travels into Maryland. Here he settles, 
first at the mouth of the Pokemoke River, but this also 
proves "too publick,*' so he moves down to Sinepuxent. 
Here he buys land and settles — all this time under an 
assumed name. But^ after the Revolution of 1688, when 
all danger to the regicides vanishes upon the accession of 
William and Mary, he reassumes the name of Whalley, and 
has his lands repatented. 

(5) The assumed name, being, as nearly as one can ascertain, 
that of the wife of Whalley, the regicide. 

(6) The names of his children being names common in the 
Whalley and Cromwell families. 

In fact the whole paper actualizes what was before nothing 
but a supposition. (It must be remembered that the paper 
was written some quarter of a century before the publica- 
tion of Dr. Stiles' Book, and consequently there could be no 
information gleaned from that source.) 

To sum up our evidence, we conclude — 

(1) That there is no 'proof that Whalley died in New 

(2) That the bones found at Hadley may as well have been 
those of Qoflfe as of Whalley. 

(3) That modem writers on this subject have decided that 
neither of the judges was buried in New Haven. 

(4) That there has been in New England from 1680 a 
tradition, that one of the judges left Hadley in 1680, and 
journeyed west and south to Virginia. 

(6) That in 1681 Edward Middleton appeared in Virginia, 
and settled afterwards in Maryland ; that after 1688, he put 
off the name of Middleton (the maiden name of the regicide's 
wife) and resumed that of Whalley ; that some of his children 

64 JEdward WhaUey, the Begicide. 

bore the family names of the Whalleys and Cromwells. 
That the presence in America of Jolm Whalley, son of the 
regicide, is shown by the letter of Frances Gk>fie to her hus- 
band ; and that the bearing of Middleton was that of one 
who was in danger of his life, until (in 1689) all danger from 
England was pest, when he reassumed boldly his own name. 
These facts, together with many traditions (too voluminous 
to cite here, where we have to do mainly with fact) leave no 
doubt in my mind as to the identity of the Edward Whalley 
of Maryland with the celebrated regicide. 



In ye name of God Amen, ye 2l8t day of Aprill Anno 
Domini One, thousand seven hundred and Eighteen I Ed- 
ward Wale of Somerset County in Maryland being sick and 
weak of body butt of sound and perfect mind and memory 
praise be therefore to ye AUmighty God for ye same and 
knowing ye unsartanty of this life on Earth and being 
desirous to settle things in order do make this my last Will 
and testament in manner and form following yt is to say 
first and principally I commend my soul to ye AUmighty 
God my Creator assuredly believing that I shall receive full 
pardon and free remission of all my sins and be saved by ye 
precious death and merits of my blessed Lord & Redeemer 
Christ Jesus and my body unto earth from whence it was 
taken to be buried in such decent & christian manner as by 
my Executors hereafter named shall be thought meatt and 
convenient and as touching such wordly estate as ye Lord 
in mercy hath lent me my will & meaning is yt ye same 
should be employed and bestowed as hereafter by this will 
is expressed and first I do hereby renounce frustrate & make 
void all wills by me formerly made and declare and apint 
this my last will and testament — 

Emprimis, I give and bequeath unto my eldest son John 
Wale ye plantasion where we here dwell att with two 

Edward Whallej/, the Regicide. 66 

hundred and fifteen acres of land and marshes hegenen att 
ye creek side att ye mouth of a gutt yt runs into a side 
pond where now ye pastor fence gines unto so running up 
ye north side of ye fence yt now partes Jno and Nathll and 
so running along a line of mark trees unto ye road and so 
along ye west side of ye rotid unto ye head line and so along 
ye line to ye creek and so down ye creek to ye aforesd. gutt 
to him and his heirs forever. Item, I give & bequeath 
unto my sun Nathll Wale all ye rest of ye land and marshes 
yt lyeth between my brother Ratcliffe's line and ye bound 
aforesd and so up to ye head line for two hundred and five 
acres more or less to him and his heirs forever. Item, I 
give and bequeath unto my son Elias Wale ye plantation 
whereon I now live with three hundred and seventy acres 
of land & marshes there belonging to him and his heirs 
forever. Item, I give and bequeath unto my three sons, 
Jno Nathll and Elias two hundred and twenty-five acres 
of land called Cay's folly to be equally divided among ye 
three to them and their heirs forever. I give and bequeath 
unto my well beloved wife Elizabeth ye third of ye planta- 
sion and land yt I now live upon during her life and ye 
third of my personall estate to her and her disposing. 

Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Elias my grate 
• • • .^ and form and a chist of drawers and one small 
leather trunk. I give and bequeath unto my son Jno. two 
steers of five years old and two heifers of two years old. 
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Nathll Wale two 
stears of four years old and two heifers of two years old. 
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Elias Wale four 
cows and calves k one heifer of three years old, and five 
stearrs ye choys of all my stears y 1 1 have. Item, I give and 
bequeath unto ray darter Elizabeth Turvile two heffers of 
two years old and three stears one of seven years old and 
two of three years old. Item, I give and bequeath unto my 
son Elias Wale one feather bead and furniture of bead yt is 
in ye end chamber and my grate pott and one small one and 

> Illegibl«. 

66 Edward Whallet/, the Befficide. 

pott-raike. Item, I give and bequeath to my darter Bridget 
Frankline one six yeare old steare. Item, I give and be- 
queath unto my darter Racliell Ratcliff one cow and calf 
and one steear of three years old and all ye other part of my 
estate not before meucbanted to be equally divided when 
my debts being paid unto my three sons and three darters 
as John Nathll Elias Elizabeth Bridget and RachelL I also 
leave my two sons Nath Walell and Elias Wale my hole 
and sole Exectors of this my last will and testament being 
contained in one sheatt of paper, where I set my hand and 

seall this day and year above rettone. 


Signed & sealed in ye presence of us, 

Edwo. Crapper 
WiujAM BowEN, Junr. 
RiCHo. Holland. 

June ye 18th 1718 Came before me Edward Crapper k 
Richd. Holland in their proper persons and made oath before 
me upon ye Holy Evangelist that they saw ye testator sign 
& declare ye above instrument as his last will & testament k 
that he published pronounced & declared ye same so to be & 
that at ye time of his so doing he was of sound and perfect 
mind & memory to ye best of their knowledge. 

Teste SAM. HOPKINS, Dept. Camssr. 

[From the will recordu of WorccHter Co., Md. 

G. T. BRAXTON, JUoorder af I>eedi.] 

Baron Stiegd. 67 



The early German settlers of Pennsylvania were generally 
poor, and laid no claim to aristocratic descent. A few of 
their earliest clergymen, we know, were in the habit of 
sealing their letters with armorial bearings ; but among the 
people generally there was so strong a prejudice against 
everything that savored of the tyranny of the fatherland, 
that those who were entitled to this distinction soon laid it 
aside. A special interest, therefore, attaches to the brief 
career of the solitary German nobleman who attempted to 
maintain the dignity of his rank in the wilds of Pennsyl- 

Henry William Stiegel is said to have been a native of 
the city of Manheim, in Germany. Of his early history we 
know nothing, beyond the fact that he spent some time in 
England, and there moved in excellent society. When he 
came to America, about 1757, he is said, on excellent 
authority, to have brought with him "good recommenda- 
tions, and a great deal of money." 

About 1758 Stiegel came to Lancaster County, and pur- 
chasing one-third of a tract of 714 acres from the Messrs. 
Stedman, of Philadelphia, laid out the town of Manheim, 
according to a plan of his native city which he had brought 
with him from the fatherland. He also built the Elizabeth 
furnace, which he named in honor of his wife; though it is 
said by one authority that the actual proprietors were Messrs. 
Benezet k C!o., of Philadelphia. 

In order to furnish labor for the inhabitants of his new 
town, the Baron also erected extensive glass-works at Man- 
heim. One of the aged inhabitants of the place has informed 
the writer that " the main building was so large that it 
would have been easy to turn around in it with a six-horse 
team." The glass-works have long since disappeared, and 

68 Baron Stiegd. 

all that is left of them is the Baron's office, a neat building, 
which is now occupied as a dwelling. 

The magnificent mansion which Baron Stiegel built at 
Manheim, of bricks imported from England, we regret to 
say, has recently been entirely modernized, so that not a 
vestige of its original grandeur remains. A writer in the 
Reformed Church Messenger in 1868 thus speaks of its appear- 
ance at that date : — 

" There is a chapel in the house, where he was accustomed 
to conduct divine worship for those in his employment. 
The internal arrangements, the wainscoting, the cornices, 
the landscape painting covering the walls of the parlor,* 
representing scenes in the falconry, and the beautiful porce- 
lain tiles adorning the fireplaces, are all in good taste, and 
would be admired by good judges in our day. Everything 
would tend to show that the Baron was a gentleman of 
cultivation and refinement." 

At some period of his career Baron Stiegel also built a 
furnace and a summer residence at Schaefferstown,' Lebanon 
County, These are said to have been strongly fortified for 
fear of the Indians. At this place he made iron stoves 
which bore the inscription : — 

Baron Stiegel ist dcr Mann 
Der die Ofen maclicn kann.* 

It was a silly rhyme, but it was easily remembered by the 
people, and probably served its purpose as an advertisement. 

Many stories are related concerning the baron's extrava- 
gance and love of display ; and there is no doubt that he 
lived in a style which to his simple-minded Mennonite 
neighbors appeared exceedingly imposing. It is said, for 
instance, that he rode in a carriage drawn by eight fine 
horses; but it is much more likely that he drove his "coach 

* A fine piece of tapestry, a part of which has been presented to the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, by Mr. Henry Arndt, the present 
proprietor of the mansion. 

« Elizabeth Furnace, six miles from SchaeflTerstown. 

* That is, '' Baron Stiegel is the man who knows how to make stoTes.** 


Baron Stiegd. 69 

and four," as was done by Judge Allen and other wealthy 
meu, and that tradition has simply doubled the number of 
the horses. According to one account, he maintained a band 
of music, which always accompanied him on his journeys ; 
but another and more probable version of the story is that 
there were among his workmen several excellent musicians, 
who frequently sat on the balcony of his mansion and 
regaled him with their music. All accounts agree that his 
visits to his furnaces and his return to his residence were 
always heralded by the firing of cannon. 

It has generally been supposed that Baron Stiegel was a 
mere adventurer, who wasted his money in unprofitable 
speculations; but this is certainly a mistake. On the con- 
trary, his enterprises were generally successful, and for a 
time he made money rapidly. His glass-works at Manheim, 
he says in one of his letters, brought him an annual income 
of £5000. 

Stiegel's error was one which has been committed by 
thousands of others — ^he sought to get rich too rapidly. Not 
satisfied with the extent of his estate, he purchased the entire 
interest of the Messrs. Stedman in the Manheim tract, never 
doubting that he could speedily meet all his obligations. 
He would probably have accomplished his purpose if the 
colony had continued prosperous, but just then troubles with 
England began. In consequence of the tyrannical measures 
of the British ministry, the commerce and manufactures of 
the colonies were utterly prostrated, and such enterprises as 
those of Baron Stiegel were necessarily among the first to 
feel the blow. His creditors became clamorous, and though 
he struggled manfully for several years, the final result was 
utter and irretrievable ruin. 

We have recently read a number of autograph letters 
addressed by Stiegel, at this period, to his legal counsellor, 
the Hon. Jasper Yeates, of Lancaster. In these letters he 
pleads, in broken English, for counsel and aid in weathering 
the storm. " Let them give me time," he says, " and I will 
pay every dollar." He speaks of the successful efforts of his 
wife to induce his creditors in Philadelphia to grant him an 

70 Baron StiegeL 

extension, and then exclaims : ^^ Can it be that my former 
friends in Lancaster will drive me to ruin, when I have in- 
creased the wealth of the country by at least £150,000 ?" 

The following letter, which is the first of the series, will 
give the reader a good idea of this correspondence : — 

Manheim, AngQst 4th, 1774. 

Dear Sir: You being just at trial and my aftairs requiring 
dispatch prevented me to have the pleasure of speaking to you 
myself, 1 am really at present in a distressful situation, being 

Eersecuted by most every body. Your kind and friendly 
ehaviour to me at court has assured me that you are my 
real friend, and as at present I lay at the mercy of several 
that I am afraid are not my friends, I would beg of you for 
assistance in what is just. Mr. Geo. Ross, my attorney, is 
so often from home and engaged in Publick AflTairs that I 
have often suffered very hard. I desired Mr. Zantzinger to 
speak to you concerning my affairs, but as he is a man of 
much business he mig;ht have forgot, and as my present situ- 
ation is very serious m consequence, I hope you will be kind 
and take it in hand. I would have been at court myself, but 
came only home last night so much fatigued and spent that 
I can hardly move in trying to gather and collect what I 
promised to pay this court, out could not succeed. I was 
just able to get the money for the sheriff, and this I have 
hereby sent by my clerk. Desire you will see it paid and 

I'ustice done to me. It is at the suit of Joseph Standsbury. 
! gave Nicholas Steele my wife's gold watch in pledge last 
week to have the money at court, as I hear notwithstanding 
there has been a great noise made and I very much ezpo6e£ 
I have further promised to pay your neighbor Eberhard 
Michael £100, and several persons disappointing me that 
owed me, and also for glass sent on orders for cash, I have not 
been able to get it, but must have more time. I have no 
doubt but shall have it in a few weeks. I desire you will 
speak to him that he may not do anything ill-natured. I 
was also to pay Mr. Singer £100. In the action Fred. Stone 
was sued, as they say, for my sake, and have made a great 
noise about laying the blame to me of his being in gaol, for 
which I should be very sorry if it was so. I settlea it with 
Mr. Singer, and he promised me on my paying £100 to take 
my bond for the rest, before Mr. Michael, which shall be 
done in a few weeks. The time and circumstance too short 
towards this court. I shall not disappoint either of theni} 

Baron Stiegd. 71 

only muflt have a little more time and shall satisfy them 
honorable. It is impossible for a man to do all at once. 
Please to talk to them, it cannot make so much difterence 
for a few weeks to them. Please God and I have my health 
I will have it for them. As to some other actions against 
me you will find on the docket, speak to Messrs. Ross and 
Biddle, who generally appeared for me, that no judgments 
may be obtained, as I am assured I can get over them all 
this fall. They are too hard to add distress to my distress 
and cost upon cost, when I am striving to collect it in and to 
sell my produce. I beg therefore you will take pity of an 
honest man that wants nothing but time to satisfy everybody 
and maintain my cause. I could not send you a fee at 
present, being too scarce, but shall satisfy you with honour 
and gratitude. I shall expect by my clerk your favourable 
answer, and I really am in great distress and uneasiness of 
mind which add greatly to my distemper. 
In the mean time I remain. Dear Sir, 
Your much afflicted and distressed humble servant, 


All the letters of the series of which the above is a speci- 
men were, with a single exception, written in the fall of 
1774, and are of similar tenor. Stiegel's affairs grew more 
and more desperate, and in October the correspondence sud- 
denly ceases. About this time he was probably arrested for 
debt and lodged in the jail at Lancaster, whence he was 
liberated by special Act of Legislature, passed Dec. 24th, 
1774. The latest of Baron Stiegel's letters which has come 
under the notice of the writer is dated at Heidelberg, Berks 
County, Aug. 13th, 1783. It is very brief, and refers to cer- 
tain old debts which he was desirous of collecting. 

The baron's history subsequent to his failure is involved 
in the greatest obscurity. There is a tradition, related by 
Harris, in his " Biographical History of Lancaster County," 
that he was an active loyalist, and that his son raised a com- 
pany for the royal service. " His company being severely 
pressed for provisions, young Stiegel pledged his gold watch 
to a farmer for a bullock ; and, whether the story be mythical 
or not, his watch is yet said to be in the possession of a 
gentleman in Lancaster County." With reference to the 

72 Barcn Stiegd. 

time and place of Baron Stiegel's death, our local historianB 
are by no means clear or harmonious. Rupp^ simply says, 
" He died a schoolmaster." Harris says, " He was somewhat 
supported by the iron-masters who came into possession of 
Elizabeth furnace. He died in great indigence, and, though 
his place of burial is unknown, he is thought to be laid 
somewhere east of Elizabeth furnace near the line between 
Berks and Lancaster Counties." A writer in Frank Leslie's 
" Illustrated News," a few years ago, insisted that " he died 
some sixty years since in the county poor-house at Harris- 
burg, a pauper ;" and finally a correspondent of a German 
paper, published in Baltimore, 1867, declares that "just when 
he had lost all hope, and was about to commit suicide at 
"Womelsdorf, Berks County, he unexpectedly received a 
letter from Philadelphia, enclosing five hundred dollars. 
Whereupon he immediately left the neighborhood, and was 
never heard of again." 

There is nothing more remarkable in this whole history 
than the fact that there should be such a conflict of authori- 
ties concerning the occurrences of a period which can hardly 
be said to be beyond the memory of the " oldest inhabitant.'' 
It is possible that some one of our readers may be in posses- 
sion of information that will enable him to settle the dispute, 
and to throw more light on the career of the eccentric Ger- 
man baron. If our present sketch should suggest the publi- 
cation of such information, it will have accomplished ita 

1 History of lAocaater Oounty p. 348. 

John HancocL 78 



A Mbmoib pbeparsd por TBI Centennial Celebration of the ADOPnoir 

or *'Thb Resolutions respectino Independency/' 

AT Independence Hall, July 1, 1876. 

[The eontinuatioii of this series will be designated, as from the Oenteimial GoUection.] 

John Hancock derived his descent from the Puritan fathers 
in Massachusetts. When the first of the family came out 
does not appear, but his son, the first recorded in the cata- 
logue of the graduates of Harvard College, was born in 1670, 
and issued from that Institution to fit himself for the minis- 
try in 1689. He soon became pastor of the parish of Lex- 
ington, a few miles from Boston, where he served with 
great acceptance until his decease in 1752, in the eighty- 
second year of his age. He left three sons, the eldest of 
whom, inheriting his name and adopting the same profession, 
issued from Harvard College in 1719, and became the pastor 
of the parish of Braintree, also a few miles to the south of 
Boston, where he remained for twenty-five years, until his 

In this town of Braintree, in the year 1737, was the third 
John Hancock, the subject of this narrative, bom. His 
name likewise appears in the catalogue as a graduate in 
1754, though not marked by the same characters which 
denoted his ancestors as of the Clergy. Far the contrary. 
Instead of their modest italics, it stands in Capital Letters, 
and is followed by a long series of civil and literary distinc- 
tions, denoting one of the shining lights of his generation. 

The cause of this deviation is easily explained. John 
Hancock, of Lexington, had a son Tliomas, who did not go 
to College, but established himself in the town of Boston, 
as a merchant and trader. Fortune appears to have wonder- 
fully favored him, for in a few years he got the name of 

74 John Hancock. 

being very rich. This son Thomas then took his nephew 
John, who had early lost his father, into his counting-room, 
and the result was a decided variation from the ancestral 

The third John Hancock had entered upon his duties 
faithfully and to the satisfaction of his uncle, and pursued 
them for ten years successfully, when that uncle died. All 
the property, barring some liberal donations to Harvard 
College, was found to have been bequeathed to him. The 
excitement in a small town, of not exceeding fifteen thousand 
people, was prodigious. Governor Hutchinson, in his history, 
reports the estate as estimated at seventy thousand pounds, 
but whether in sterling or in the depreciated currency of 
the Colony, he does not define. He likewise reports the, 
malicious stories of the time to account for this great 
accumulation, all which must be taken with great deduc- 
tions for the force of his own passions. In any event, it is 
conceded on all sides that John Hancock, the heir of his 
Uncle Thomas, was universally regarded as the richest man 
in Boston, and in the whole province. But this was not all. 
He had succeeded in earning a favorable reputation for his 
modesty, his genial manners, and his faithful attention to 
business. To these popular qualities he soon joined a degree 
of liberality to private and public objects, which fixed him 
for the rest of his life as the idol of the people of Massachu- 

The first proof of this was shown in his immediate election 
to one of the places of Selectmen of the town. In two years 
he was made a representative from that town in the General 
Court of the province, thus placing him on a level with 
James Otis, Samuel Adams, and Thomas Cushing, all vet- 
erans in politics. Here he distinguished himself more as 
Chairman of Committees maturing the measures of the 
house, than as an Orator, and his reports added to the 
weight of his reputation. As the conflict between the Gov- 
ernor and the House became more vehement, he grew more 
and more identified with the policy of resistance. He became 
less and less attentive to his own afiTairs, whilst lavish of his 

John Hancock. 75 

money for the public. Every day fastened him more perma- 
nently to the side of freedom. Then came the famous riot 
of the fifth of March, which stirred up the popular hostility 
to the British troops with such vehemence at the moment, 
and the attempt to keep up the indignation by the observa- 
tion of the annual recurrence of the day. Among the 
thirteen orators who successively officiated on this occasion, 
John Hancock appears as the fourth. His oration remains 
as a production creditable to the principles and the patriotism 
of the speaker. 

The year succeeding this event, Hancock was selected as a 
delegate to attend the meeting of the Congress at Philadel- 
phia, in addition to the four chosen in the preceding year. 
The proclamation of General Gage excepting him from am- 
nesty, and the rumor of the attempt to seize him and 
Samuel Adams at Lexington, contributed greatly to spread 
his reputation all over the country. His polished manners 
and agreeable address had their effect after he came to meet 
the delegates from the Southern States, so that when it 
soon happened that Peyton Randolph of Virginia, elected 
President of the Congress, was imperatively called home, he 
was at once summoned by a unanimous call to fill his 
place. This was the position, above all others, for which he 
was peculiarly fitted. It was also that which has given to 
his name a lustre that can never be dimmed. His fine, bold 
handwriting on the great paper creating an independent 
Nation on the broad North American Continent cannot fail 
to be transmitted forever to the eyes of the latest posterity, 

Hancock was a man of society, genial, self-indulgent, and 
perhaps rather a free liver. In the position he now occupied 
there was naturally much confinement indoors, and more of 
fatigue than opportunity for wholesome exercise. The con- 
sequence was an access of the gout, which now began and 
continued with him at intervals to the close of his career. 
His health had declined so rapidly in two years that he 
decided to resign his place in Congress, and accordingly took 
his leave of that body in October, 1777. A resolution of 
thanks was formally voted to him, though not without 

76 John Hancock. 

serious opposition from bis own New England brethren, wbo 
were too stern to admit tbat the performance of duty could 
claim any higher reward than the satisfaction of conscience. 

The next event of political importance in Massachusetts 
after the return of Mr. Hancock was the establishment of a 
form of government by the people themselves in the room of 
the obsolete royal charter, an obvious consequence of inde- 
pendence. A convention of delegates was called and Mr. 
Hancock appears to have been returned as one of them. But 
it does not appear from the record of the proceedings that 
he took any active part whatever. The probability is that 
he was still suffering from illness. But on the adoption 
of that instrument, when perfected and submitted to the 
decision of the people, at the first election held for the choice 
of the officers designated in it, he was chosen the first 
Governor in 1780, and re-elected in each succeeding year 
until 1785, when he again voluntarily withdrew. 

The times were growing very dark. The Continental 
Congress had lost what little of authority had ever belonged 
to it, and the State Governments were in no situation to 
supply the want. James Bowdoin had been elected in 
Massachusetts, as Governor in the place of Hancock ; a man 
of excellent character, and perfectly competent to the service 
to which he was called, a service of no ordinary trial. For 
the people were suffering severely from poverty consequent 
upon the struggles for independence, and the absence of 
confidence in any effective policy of restoration. Numbers 
of small debtors stood in terror of the exnctions of the law 
in the hands of persons not disposed to soften its severity by 
any compromises. Presently these grievances made them- 
selves visible by attempts to stop the process in the courts by 
force. Then came signs of a formidable insurrection, in the 
western section of the State. Governor Bowdoin lost not a 
moment in making the necessary preparations to meet this 
danger. By his energetic will, seconded by the solid support 
of the independent class of citizens in Boston, an adequate 
force was raised for the suppression of these disorders. Peace 
was restored without the shedding of much blood. Nothing 

John Hancock. 77 

but praise can be awarded to him for the firm and yet 
moderate policy under which he restored the public confi- 
dence in the power of the government. Yet there has never 
been an instance in the history of the country in which a 
public man has been treated with more marked ingratitude. 
The disaffected party, smarting under the pain of their defeat, 
resorted to a method of vengeance as curious as it was 
eflfective. On the return of the annual election for the Chief 
Officers of the State, they put in nomination for Governor 
the popular favorite John Hancock, and he was elected by a 
large majority over the man whose labors had saved them 
from the danger of absolute anarchy. 

Yet it may be regarded as a fortunate result for the State, 
and the United States, that John Hancock siiould have 
assumed the chair, which he never left again until he died 
in 1793. In the interval came up the gravest of all public 
questions that have agitated America ; the formation of a 
government adequate to the purpose of keeping the diflTerent 
States of the Confederacy in one common bond of unity, and 
yet energetic enough to cope with any disturbing force from 
outside. The result of the labors of the Convention of 1787, 
is the government under which we now live and prosper. 
It is needless to enlarge upon the subject further than to 
point out the fact that one of the most serious obstacles to 
the ratification of the form of Government when submitted 
to the consideration of the separate States, was removed by 
the agency of John Hancock. In the convention of Massa- 
chusetts, he had been chosen to preside over its deliberations. 
There was much division of opinion on many points, and a 
large if not preponderating resistance. A negative from that 
State would probably have turned the scale in the convention 
of others equally divided, and thus have defeated the 
measure altogether. It was in one of these critical moments 
that John Hancock rose from his seat and submitted a pro- 
position of a conciliatory nature. This had probably been 
carefully matured in a private council of leading men, but it 
came supported with the strong position of the President, 
without which it could scarcely have been carried. It is due 

78 Patrick Henry, 

to Mr. Bowdoin to say that it met with his earnest oo-opera- 
tion. It was finally adopted by the Convention, and that 
adoption turned the scale in favor of the Ck>n8titation else- 
where. It makes a dignified conclusion to the career of an 
eminent man, whose name can never be forgotten. 

John Hancock died with harness on his back, 8th October, 
1793, and great honors were paid to his memory. 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Patrick Henry was born at Studley, Hanover CSo., Vir- 
ginia, May 29th, 1736, and died at Red Hill, Charlotte Cd, 
Virginia, June 6th, 1799. John Henry, his father, was a 
Scotchman, the son of Alexander Henry and Jean Robertson, 
nephew of the historian Wm. Robertson, and first cousin of 
the mother of Lord Brougham. Sarah Winston, his mother, 
was of Welsh blood, of good family, and of marked intellect 
and piety. His father, a scholar, gave him a classical educa- 
tion. Marrying at eighteen, he first tried farming, and then 
merchandise, but without success, and finally came to the 
bar in 1760. His fee books show a large practice from the 
first, but he discovered his great eloquence first in December, 
1763, in the " Parson's Cause." Amidst cries of treason he 
then took the ground on which the Revolution was after^ 
wards fought, holding that "A King, by disallowing acts of 
a salutary nature, from being the father of his people, degene- 
rates into a tyrant, and forfeits all right to his subjects' 
obedience." On 29th May, 1765, nine days after taking his 
seat for the first time in the Virginia House of Burgessea, 
he moved his famous resolutions against the Stamp Act, and 
by his great eloquence carried them against the old leaders. 
America was inflamed, and the Revolution commenced. 

Patrick Henry. 79 

From that time he led Virginia. He sat in the Congress of 
1774 and of 75. He opposed, seemingly single-handed in 
the debate, the plan of reconciliation brought forward by 
Joseph Gtelloway, which would have prevented independence. 
On his motion, March 23d, 1775, in the Convention, Virginia 
was put into a state of defence. In May, 1775, he led the 
Hanover Volunteers against Lord Dunmore, Governor of 
Virginia, making the first forcible resistance to British 
Authority in that Colony, He left Congress to accept a 
commission as Colonel of the 1st Va. Regiment, in 1775. 
In May, 1776, he was the great advocate of independence in 
the Virginia Convention, and by his eloquence produced 
unanimity in the instructions to her delegates to move it in 
Congress. To him we are indebted for the article in the 
Virginia Bill of Rights securing Religious Liberty, and for 
the first Amendment to the Federal Constitution embodying 
the same principle. Elected Gk)vernor of Virginia in 1776, 
he was re-elected in 1777-78-84 and '85, declining in 1786, 
and again elected in 1796 and declining to serve. His 
great executive talents were invaluable during the Revolu- 
tion. In 1778, at the suggestion of George Rogers Clark, 
he set on foot the expedition to the Northwest, drew up the 
instructions indicating the plan of operations, and induced 
Clark to take command. By one brilliant campaign, a vast 
empire was secured to the United States. He led the oppo- 
sition to the Federal Constitution in Virginia, and procured 
amendments which satisfied him apparently, but his predic- 
tions were prophetic. Washington offered to make him 
Secretary of State in October, 1795, and Chief Justice in 
December, 1795 ; and Adams to send him as a Minister to 
France in April, 1799. Private reasons made him decline. 
He retired from public life in 1791, but was induced by 
General Washington to oflTer for the Legislature in 1799, to 
oppose the famous resolutions of 1798 and '99. He did not 
approve, however, the Alien and Sedition Laws. Death 
prevented him from taking his seat. He married twice, 
his second wife being a granddaughter of Governor Spotts- 

80 Henry Wisner. 

wood. He was a pure man, a devoted patriot, and a devont 
Christian. Though classed amongst the great orators of the 
world, George Mason pronounced his eloquence the Bmallest 
part of his merit. 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Henrt Wis!7er, the precise dates of whose birth and death 
are unknown, was the son of Hendrick Wisner, who settled 
in Orange County, Xew York, about 1714. He was the son 
of Johannes Weasner, a Swiss subaltern, who emigrated to 
America after the peace in Queen Anne's time. Henry grew 
up with only ordinary advantages of education, but gave 
evidences of strong talents and an insinuating address, and 
was early made a justice of the peace. He married a Norton 
from the east end of Long Island, and settled in Goshen, 
New York. Acquiring property and weight of character, 
ho was elected in 1759, and continued until 1769, a member 
of the Colonial Assembly of New York. He was a member 
of the first county committee to consider the grounds of 
difficulty between Great Britain and her American Colonies, 
and his zeal commended him so much, that he was sent a 
delegate from Orange County, to the first Congress con- 
vened at Philadelphia, in the autumn of 1774. In 1775, he 
was appointed by the Provincial Congreas of New York one 
of the delegates to represent the province in the second 
Continental Congress. From 1775 to 1777, he was a member 
of the Provincial Congress (subsequently convention) of 
New York ; was one of the Commissioners to report the 
first constitution of the State ; and under it, became a 
Senator from the middle district, at the election of 1777, 
and served until 1782. 

On Wednesday, Sept. 14, 1774, he presented his credentials 

Henry Wisner. 81 

to the Congress assembled in Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, 
and was duly seated. The session was short, and its leading 
feature (Oct. 14), the passage of " the non-importation agree- 
ment," bears Henry Wisner's signature in characters as plain 
and bold as the agreement itself was strong in its terms and 
decisive in its tendency towards independence. 

New York, at this time, was clearly anxious to maintain 
peace, and doubtful of the policy of independence. In 
December, the New York Convention had voted that five 
only of the twelve delegates she had appointed, should con- 
tinue at Philadelphia, and that any three or four should be 
a quorum in the absence of the rest, to represent the colony. 
On the 8th of June, 1776, Floyd, Wisner^ Livingston, and 
Lewis wrote to their constituents, "your delegates here 
expert that the question of independence will, very shortly, 
be agitated in Congress. Some of us consider ourselves as 
bound by our instructions not to vote on that question, and 
all wish to have your sentiments thereon. The matter will 
admit of no delay." The New York Congress declared, 
June 10, that it had not given its delegates any authority 
to declare the colony to be, and continue independent of 
the Crown of Great Britain. On the 2d of July, Wisner, 
Alsop, Floyd, and Lewis united in a letter, saying "the 
important question of independence was agitated yesterday, 
in a committee of the whole Congress ; and this day will be 
finally determined in the house ; we have your instructions 
and will faithfully pursue them." Excepting Alsop, they 
did not like their position. Every other hesitating colony 
had withdrawn its instructions, or left its delegates free to 
follow the general feeling, strongly in favor of independence. 
Wisner seems to have felt more keenly than the rest, the 
awkwardness of the New York position, and he proved it by 
adding to the joint letter, a special one of his own, in which 
he says, " Since writing the inclosed, the great question of 
independence has been put in Congress and carried with- 
out one dissenting vote; I therefore beg your answer as 
quick as possible, to the inclosed." The delegates from New 
York had not voted. They were silent again on the formal 

82 Henry Wisner. 

adoption of the declaration July 4th. At last, on the 9th of 
July, the Congress of New York, at White Plains, resolved 
" that the reasons assigned by the Continental Congress, for 
declaring the United Colonies free and independent," were 
" cogent and conclusive," and that, while lamenting ** the 
cruel necessity," it would, "at the risk of our lives and 
fortunes, join with the other colonies in supporting it." 
Thus the instructions were reversed, and on the engrossment 
of the Declaration, it was signed by all the delegates then 
present, fifty-four in number, including Floyd, Livingston, 
Lewis, and Morris; Clinton and Wisner had left Philadel- 
phia, and were not present on that occasion. This con- 
cludes all that appertains to Mr. Wisner's relations to the 
Declaration of Independence. His subsequent career in his 
own State, patriotic, earnest, judicious, and most useful, 
established his claim to a worthy place among the men who 
founded our National Independence. 

Though lacking a superior education, he was a man of 
clear, strong mind, energetic and determined, efficient in 
counsel, trusted by his fellow citizens, and the companion 
and friend of the leading patriots of the country. He was 
evidently ardent, and bolder than many of his associates ; 
ready to take the initiative and abide the consequences. If 
his name has disappeared from the records of churches and 
the face of grave-stones ; if it does not appear, where it 
belongs, on the Declaration of Independence, it was not 
written in water, nor is it likely to be forgotten while many 
patriotic and honorable descendants of it remain; least of all, 
when history shows itself so busy, in this centennial year, 
in hunting up the record of those whose hearts and lives 
contributed a sensible support to the trembling tree of our 
national liberty when it was first planted and in danger 
from every breeze of selfish cowardice or calculating distrust. 

Charles Humphreys. 88 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Charlbs Humphreys was born in 1712 at The Mansion 
House, his father's residence, about seven miles west of 
Philadelphia, in Haverford Township. His father, Daniel 
Humphreys, of Porthwen, Merionethshire, Wales, came to 
this country in 1682, and, repeating the quaint language of 
the quarterly meeting of Merionethshire, bore here, as in his 
native country, a reputation " that was, and is, of good savor." 
In August, 1695, he, Daniel Humphreys, married Hannah 
Wynn, daughter of Dr. Thomas Wynn, of Merion, another 
daughter, Mary Wynn, marrying John Dickenson, the father 
or grandfather of John Dickenson, author of ^^ The Farmer's 

The testimony is universal that Charles Humphreys was 
held in high esteem for his talents, his integrity in private and 
public life, his hospitality and courteous and dignified man- 
ners. At the solicitation of his fellow-citizens he became a 
member of The Assembly of the Province in 1763, and con- 
tinued there until the summer of 1776. On the 22d July, 
1774, the Assembly resolved that a Congress of deputies 
from the several colonies should be held to adopt a plan 
for redressing American grievances, ascertaining American 
rights, and establishing union and harmony between Great 
Britain and the colonies ; and appointed seven deputies to 
the Congress, Charles Humphreys being one. The Congress 
met in Philadelphia, Sept. 5, and adjourned in October, after 
having passed unanimously — 

I. A declaration of rights. 

IL An address to the king, reciting the wrongs com- 
mitted in his name, and enumerating the unconstitutional 
Acts of Parliament, the enforcement of which in the colonies 
produced great injury to private and public interests, and 

84 Charles Humphreys. 

great uneasiness and depression in the public mind, and the 
king was petitioned to redress the grievances and restore 
harmony, confidence, prosperity, and happiness. 

III. An association of non-intercourse was entered into. 

All these Resolutions and Acts were signed by the mem- 
bers, including Charles Humphreys. Addresses were also 
issued by the Congress. 

The second Congress met on the 10th May, 1775, and of 
this Congress also Charles Humphreys was a member. On 
the 26th May, Congress resolved that, as the ministry were 
attempting to enforce the unconstitutional and oppressive 
measures of the British Parliament by force of arms, the 
colonies should be immediately put in a state of defence. 
They accordingly raised an army and a imyy, and money to 
pay them, and on the 5th of July issued a declaration, setting 
forth the causes and necessity of the colonies taking up arms. 
The organization of a government was completed, fortifica- 
tions were erected and military enterprises undertaken. On 
the 9th November the Pennsylvania Assembly instructed 
its members of Congress not to assent to any proposition that 
might lead to a separation from the mother country. This 
restriction was not withdrawn until the 8th June following. 

On December 6th the proclamation from the Court of St. 
James of Aug. '75, was met by a counter i>roclamation in 
which the Congress, while acknowledging their allegiance 
to the king, denied that they had ever owed any allegiance 
to the Parliament, asserting that with arms in their hands 
they opposed the exercise of unconstitutional powers to 
which Crown nor Parliament was ever entitled. On the 
7th June, '76, the resolutions of Independency were intro- 
duced. In all the measures up to this time Charles Hum- 
phreys had cordially united, taking an energetic part in 
them, but dissented from the Resolution and Declaration of 
Independency of the Crown, voting against both. In this 
dissent he agreed with John Dickenson, Thomas Willing, 
Edward Biddle, and Andrew Allen, members from Pennsyl- 
vania. After having taken part in all the proceedings and 
Acts of the Congresses previous to the Resolution and Declar 


Charles Humphreys. 86 

ration of Independence, I have been at a loss to understand 
why Charles Humphreys did not unite in tlie final Act which 
carried with it such great advantages in the contest, and I 
have been led to suppose that it arose, in great part, from 
conscientious scruples growing out of the oath (affirmation) 
of allegiance to the Crown he had taken as a member of the 
Colonial Assembly, a position he held continuously from 
1763 to the 4th July, 1776, when he withdrew from the Con- 
gress and Assembly. However that may be, the integrity 
of his motives was never questioned. He lived in a simple, 
upright community, and retained their respect and esteem 
to the day of his death, which occurred in 1786. He left no 

The house in which he was bom, and in which the greater 
part of his life was passed, was known then, and for a cen- 
tury afterwards, as The Mansion House. It had a hipped 
roof, was built partly of stone and partly of brick, the win- 
dows irregularly scattered about, with small panes of glass 
and leaden frames, which were still extant when I was a 
youth. It was situated on a pretty stream known now as 
Cobb's Creek. Close by on a hill overlooking it, is Haver- 
ford Meeting House, the second built in Pennsylvania. On 
this hill Lord Comwallis halted his command for the night on 
the 11th of December, 1777, upon his return to Philadelphia 
from his reconnoisance to Matson's Ford on the Schuylkill. 
He made his head-quarters at the Mansion House. The 
position occupied by his troops is a commanding one. 

The Mansion House passed from the family about sixty 
or seventy years ago, and was torn down a few years since. 

86 Francis JJaiia. 



(CenteDnial Collection.) 

The civil struggle between the province of Massachusetts 
and the mother country, from 1760 to 1775, trained and 
brought forward the best abilities of the province, in politi- 
cal and legal discussion, in a remarkable manner. In a 
country which had no nobility or privileged class of any 
description having leisure for public affairs, the lawyers natu- 
rally came to the front. Tliey were nearly all Harvard Col- 
lege men, and their public speeches, and the documents they 
penned, were not more remarkable than the patience, wisdom, 
and spirit they showed in their public actions. Among the 
leaders in the earlier part 'of the struggle was Richard Dana. 
He was born at Cambridge in 1699 ; graduated at Harvard 
in 1718 ; married a sister of Edmund Trowbridge, whom 
Chancellor Kent calls " the Oracle of the old real law of 
Massachusetts." During the first part of his life, Mr. Dana 
devoted himself to the practice of law, in which he became 
distinguished. In the book of " American Precedents," in 
Oliver's Precedents of Declarations, and in Story's Common 
Law Pleadings, he is frequently cited as of the highest 
authority. He was little past the age of sixty, when the 
struggle became most critical, and he devoted himself, heart 
and soul, to the cause of his country. His distinction as a 
leader of the bar and a magistrate, his independent fortune, 
his age, the dignity and severity of his manners, and espe- 
cially his absolute moral courage and passionate devotion to 
his cause, made him a leading figure on the patriot side. 
He frequently presided at the famous town meetings held at 
Faneuil Hall and the Old South Meeting House, and was 
often upon the committees with the Adamses, Otis, Quincy, 
Hancock, and Warren, in preparing the addresses to the 

Francis Dana. 87 

patriots throughout the country, and the appeals to the King 
and Parliament. He reported the celebrated papers of Nov. 
20, 1767, and May 8, 1770. His death in 1772, three years 
before the outbreak, is spoken of in the letters of the patriots 
of that day, as a great loss to their cause ; and President 
Adams, in later days, speaks of him as one who, had he not 
been cut off by death, would have furnished one of the im- 
mortal names of the revolution. Perhaps the most dis- 
tinguished act of his life was his administering of the oath 
to Secretary Oliver. In the latter part of 1765, the com- 
missions of stamp distributors had arrived, and it was gene- 
rally understood that Secretary Oliver was to be the chief 
commissioner. The leading patriots waited upon him and 
demanded that he should refuse the office ; he promised to 
do so, and the next day there appeared in the newspaper a 
letter from him, which, however, was not quite satisfactory. 
The " Sons of Liberty" again waited upon him, but in more 
persuasive numbers, and invited him to attend them to the 
Liberty Tree, where they were in the habit of holding their 
open air meetings. It was an invitation he did not consider 
it prudent to decline. There, under that tree, on the 17th 
of December, 1765, Oliver signed the declaration — " I never 
will directly or indirectly, by myself, or any under me, make 
use of said deputation, or take any measures for enforcing 
the stamp act in America, which is so grievous to the people,'' 
and made oath to it before Richard Dana, who put his name 
to the jurat as magistrate, thereby subjecting himself to the 
penalties of treason, according to the constructions of those 

In the Boston Post of June 1, 1772, appears a notice of 
Richard Dana from which his chief characteristics may be 
gathered. "He hated flattery; agreeably to the natural 
severity of his manners, was a most inveterate enemy of 
luxury and prodigality; a very steady, strenuous, and it 
must be confessed, many times a passionate opposer of all 
those, from the highest to the lowest, but especially the 
former, who, in his judgment, were enemies to the civil and 
religious rights of his country, and he very well understood 

88 Francis Dana. 

what those rights were." (See Washburne's Jud. Hist, of 
Mass., Bradford's New England Biography, the Lives and 
Letters of Josiah Quincy and John Adams.) 

Feancis Dana, son of Richard, was born June 13, 1748 ; 
graduated at Harvard in 1762, and studied law live years, 
according to the custom of that time, with his uncle. Judge 
Trowbridge, and came to the bar in 1767. This was at the 
height of the civil struggle. Living with a father from boy- 
hood until past the age of thirty, who was so zealous and 
prominent a patriot, he naturally threw the force of his charac- 
ter into the same cause. He joined the Sons of Liberty, and 
John Adams's diary of 1766 speaks of the club in which 
"Lowell, Dana, Quincy, and other young fellows were not ill- 
employed in lengthened discussions of the right of taxation." 
He became an active practitioner at the bar, but especially in 
causes involving civil and political rights. The death of his 
father in 1772 left him in possession of a competent fortune, 
which he regarded only as increasing his opportunities ibr 
service in the public cause. The next year, in concert with 
John Adams, he acted in behalf of the Rhode Island patriots, 
for the prosecution in the matter of Rome's and Motfatt's 
letters. In 1774, when Qovenor Hutchinson was about 
leaving the country, it was proposed that the bar should 
present him a complimentary address. This led to a sharp 
debate, in which Mr. Dana, though one of the youngest of 
the members, opposed the address with great courage and 
zeal. In 1773, he married a daughter of the Hon. William 
Ellery, afterwards a signer of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. In April, 1774, he sailed for England, partly to visit 
his brother, the Rev. Edmund Dana, who was settled there ; 
but chiefly to represent the patriots of Massachusetts among 
their friends in England. He took confidential letters to Dr. 
Franklin from Warren, the elder Quincy, Dr. Cooper, and 
other leaders, and rendered all the service he could at that 
time. His brother had married a daughter of Lord Kinnaird, 
who was also a niece of Sir William Pulteney and Governor 
Johnstone, and through them and their connections Mr. 
Dana had especial opportunities of ascertaining the state of 

Francis Dana. 89 

English feeling, and the probable measures of the govern- 
ment. He became quite intimate with Dr. Price, and con- 
tributed materials for the work which the learned doctor 
published in defence of the colonies. He remained in Eng- 
land two years, and arrived in Boston in April, 1776, 
bringing with him a decided opinion that all hope of an 
adjustment with England on any terms which the colonists 
could accept, must be abandoned. 

From the time of his return, he was a member, by repeated 
re-elections, until 1780, of the Massachusetts Council. In 
November, 1776, he was chosen a delegate to the Continental 
Congress — too late to affix his name to the Declaration of 
Independence, but in July, 1778, he put his signature to the 
Articles of Confederation. His course in Congress was dis- 
tinguished, and although one of the youngest members, he 
held many important and critical posts. In 1778 he was 
placed at the head of a committee charged with the entire 
reorganization of the continental army. Indeed, on his 
return from England, he was not decided between the mili- 
tary and civil service of his country, and there is still in the 
possession of his descendants a service sword, which, among 
like articles, he procured in London, with a view of joining 
the army. It was, probably, with this intent, that imme- 
diately upon his return, in April, 1776, he took a letter of 
introduction to General Washington from John Adams, who 
presents him as ^^ a gentleman of family, fortune, and educa- 
tion, who has just returned to his country to share with his 
friends in their dangers and triumphs. He will satisfy you 
that we have no reason to expect peace from Britain."* 

Early in January, in 1778, he was chairman of the com- 
mittee to visit the army at Valley Forge, and remained there 
during five months of that distressful season. While there, 
he was engaged with Washington in concerting the plan 
subsequently submitted by Congress to the commander-in- 
chief, on June 4, 1778, "to be proceeded in, with the advice 
and assistance of Mr. Reed and Mr. Dana, or either of them." 

* Perhaps it was his immediate election to high civil office that deter- 
mined him to that part of the field of public service. 

90 Francis Dana. 

It was in this year that the English Peace Commission 
came to this country, charged with the duty of carrying out 
the purposes of the Conciliatory Bills, as they were called, 
of Lord North. On this commission was Governor John- 
stone, whom, as an uncle of the Hon. Mrs. Edmund Dana, 
Mr. Dana had known well, while in England. It was 
probably in reliance on some such influence, that Governor 
Johnstone addressed him a letter immediately upon his 
arrival, expressing the hope of having his co-operation. 
The letter contained no obnoxious proposal, as did that to 
Mr. Reed of Pennsylvania, but Mr. Dana thought it his 
duty to lay it before Congress. But the attempts of the 
Peace Commission had been forestalled by measures in which 
Mr. Dana had taken an active part. A committee had been 
appointed by Congress, consisting of Mr. Dana, Mr. Drayton, 
and Mr. G. Morris, to consider the subject, and on their 
report, the conciliatory proposals of Lord North had been 
unanimously rejected. 

In 1779, an embassy was appointed to proceed to Paris, in 
the hope of negotiating treaties of peace and commerce 
with Great Britain, and to watch over our relations with 
France. Mr. Adams was placed at its head, and Mr. Dana 
was made secretary of legation, with certain contingent 
powers. Mr. Adams and Mr. Dana sailed from Boston 
November 13, 1779, in the French frigate Sensible. Fear 
of the British cruisers led the frigate to take a southerly 
course, and she landed her passengers at Ferrol, in Qpain ; 
from whence they made a journey across the Pyrenees, in 
the depth of winter, arriving at Paris early in February, 
1780. They found no prospect of negotiation with Great 
Britain, and their relations with Count Vergennes were not 
cordial, and afterwards ripened into a severe controversy 
between Mr. Adams and Count Vergennes, in which Dr. 
Franklin did not sustain Mr. Adams. Mr. Dana, being in 
Russia, was not a party to the controversy, but had been a 
party to the facts out of which it arose. Mr. Adams, years 
afterwards, in vindicating his course, says, " I had the advice 
and approbation of Chief Justice Dana, then with me as secre- 

Francis Dana. 91 

tary of the legation for peace, to every clause and word of the 
whole correspondence . . . Mr. Dana said, * The Count 
neither wrote like a gentleman himself, nor treated me like a 
gentleman, and it was indispensably necessary that we should 
show him that we had some understanding and some feeling.' " 

As affairs were not advancing at Paris, Mr. Adams left 
France for Amsterdam, Mr. Dana remaining a few months 
at Paris, then joining Mr. Adams in llolland, they being 
jointly charged by Congress, with the duty of raising loans 
in Europe. He again returned to Paris, where he soon 
received the appointment of Minister to Russia, and pro- 
ceeded towards St. Petersburg; having been detained by 
Mr. Adams in Holland nearly three months. He went by 
way of Frankfort and Berlin, and arrived at the Court of 
Catherine in the latter part of the summer of 1781. The 
relations of the Empress with both Great Britain and 
France were, at this time, very critical. To have received 
Mr. Dana in full form, as a minister plenipotentiary from 
the United States, would have been a recognition of the 
independence of the United States, and would have been 
regarded by England as an act of war. The Empress also 
expected to be asked to act as mediator between the three 
powers. This position she would lose by recognizing our 
independence. Consequently Mr. Dana was not received in 
form, but he had constant intercourse with Count Osterman, 
the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which was conducted with 
the most friendly spirit. At the same time, Mr. Dana was 
in constant correspondence with Congress ; with the Marquis 
de Verac, the French Minister at St. Petersburg ; with Mr. 
Robert R. Livingston, whom Congress had appointed Secre- 
tary of Foreign Affairs ; and with Mr. Adams. Both Mr. 
Adams in France, and Mr. Dana at St. Petersburg, doubted 
the sincerity of the French Cabinet and its minister at St. 
Petersburg, as respected our purposes with Russia and an 
immediate peace with England. 

Mr. Dana drew up a plan of a commercial treaty with 
Russia in forty-one articles, going into details not only as to 
commercial relations, but es{.>ecially those rights and duties 

92 Francis Dana. 

of individuals in time of peace, which are now classed under 
the head of Private International Law. Mr. Dana con- 
ceived that he had staid as long in Russia as appeared to 
him compatible with the dignity of his country, and was 
opposed to taking the steps that were evidently necessary 
for the conclusion of the complete treaty, but thought it de- 
sirable to secure a treaty of amity and commerce if possi- 
ble. His health, which had never been strong, had suifered 
under the extremes of the climate of St. Petersburg, and 
this furnished another ground for his objection to remaining 
there longer. Count Osterman informed him that Her 
Imperial Majesty would give him an audience in due form 
as minister, when the preliminaries for a peace between the 
United States and Great Britain should be concluded, an 
event which was expected to take place immediately. But 
as Mr. Dana had determined to leave Russia, and had 
obtained the permission of Congress for that purpose, and 
as Congress did not think it worth while to enter upon 
negotiations for a general treaty at that time, Mr. Dana did 
not consider it a becoming course to remain in St. Petersburg 
merely to await his formal reception, on which he would 
immediately be obliged to go through the ceremony of taking 
leave. He quitted St. Petersburg Sept. 4, 1783, and arrived 
in Boston directly, by ship, in December following. 

Within two months after his return to Boston, he was 
again appointed a delegate to the Continental Congress. In 
the summer of 1784, Congress took a recess of several months, 
and appointed a committee of one from each State to con- 
tinue in session, clothed with very considerable powers. Mr. 
Dana was the member of this Committee for Massachusetts. 
At the beginning of the year 1785, he left Congress for a 
seat on the Supreme Bench of Massachusetts. He was ap- 
pointed a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, 
which framed the Constitution of the United States. Very 
unfortunately, he was unable to accept the appointment, 
partly by reason of his health, which he had never fully re- 
covered, and partly because his attendance would interfere 
with his judicial duties; but in the Massachusetts Conven- 


"^ Francis Dana. 93 

tion of 1788, called to decide upon the adoption of the Consti- 
tution, Judge Dana took a leading part in its favor. There 
is no doubt that when the Massachusetts Convention met, a 
mnjority was opposed to the Constitution, and this opposi- 
tion was led by such men as John Hancock and Samuel 
Adams, who were supported by Gerry, who had been a dele- 
gate to the Convention which framed it. Mr. Rufus King, 
also a delegate to that Convention, and Theophilus Parsons, 
afterwards Chief Justice, showed great skill and wisdom in 
recommending the Constitution to the Convention. After a 
long struggle, with many vicissitudes, the weight of character, 
intellect, {K>litical experience, and eloquence turned the scale, 
and the Constitution was adopted by a small majority. This 
was a turning point in the history of America, for if Massa- 
chusetts had rejected the Constitution, no other considerable 
State would have adopted it, as it was in none of them more 
popular, and in several of them less so than in Massachusetts. 

This was the last of Judge Dana's political services. 
Three years afterwards, in November, 1791, he was ap- 
pointed Chief Justice of Massachusetts, and during the fifteen 
years in which he held that honorable post, he took no active 
part in politics beyond being chosen a presidential elector in 
1792, 1800, and 1808. 

When Mr. Adams, in the first year of his administration, 
found himself involved in great difliculties with the French 
Government, it was determined to send a special embassy to 
Paris, of three envoys, and for that purpose he appointed 
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Francis Dana, and John Mar- 
shall. It was a misfortune for the country as well as a matter 
of regret with himself and his friends, that Chief Justice 
Dana felt obliged, on account of his health, to decline this 
appointment ; for had he accepted it, he would have stood by 
Pinckney and Marshall in the position they took at Paris, 
and our embassy would have presented to France, and to 
their own country, a united front, which would have averted 
the embarrassments and censures brought upon the country 
by reason of the course taken by Judge Dana's successor. 

Judge Dana resigned the post of Chief Justice in 1806, and 

94 Francis Dana. 

died in his mansion house at Cambridge in 1811, at the age 
of 67. He was slight of figure, very erect, remarkably well- 
featured, with a fair complexion, an eloquent mouth, an eye 
of light blue, full of expression, capable of showing fire when 
under excitement, and his whole countenance exhibiting 
what may be called an illumination, when under the influ- 
ence of emotion. His voice was musical and attractive iu 
conversation, and in ordinary public speech, but when deeply 
moved, especially if by moral indignation, it had, without 
any explosion or increase of volume, something in it that 
thrilled Qvery hearer, and brought to a dead silence the most 
excited assemblies. In his dress, not only was he careful for 
neatness, but, though never over-dressed, his habit had an air 
of elegance. Mr. Sargent, in his "Dealings with the Dead," 
speaks of him as presenting something of the ideal of the 
English gentleman of those times. He was doubtless what 
may be called a high-strung man, sensitive as to manners 
and conduct, and intolerant of anything underhand or mean 
or rude, whether shown at the bar, in the Senate, the popu- 
lar assembly, or in private intercourse. He lived through 
the severest political conflicts, which entered deeply into pri- 
vate life, and while his democratic party opponents sometimes 
inveighed against him as proud, over-sensitive, and, what 
is absurdly called in this country, aristocratic, no question 
was ever made of his integrity, patriotism, courage, or public 
spirit. Like his father, he had the highest degree of moral 
and civil courage, and was never suspected of doing anything 
for the sake of popularity or ofiicial position. As a lawyer, 
he had been thoroughly well-grounded by his five years* 
term of study under Judge Trowbridge, and he had, for 
several years, a large practice until he entered upon public 
life, about the time of the breaking out of the Revolution. 
He saw but little of the bar for the intervening eleven years, 
when he was placed upon the Supreme bench, but the expe- 
riences of those years in a variety of high duties, developing 
character to the utmost, and requiring constant recurrence 
to the first principles of social and political science, were by 

Francis Dana. 95 

no means lost upon him as the head of the judiciary of his 

Judge Dana inherited a competency from his father, and 
the greater part of the estate of his uncle, Judge Trowbridge, 
as well as his library and papers. His mansion stood upon the 
hill now called after his name, between the college buildings, 
which formed the centre of the village of Old Cambridge, 
and the bridge to Boston. He held veryjfirge tracts of 
lands, and employed himself, in his interviv of leisure, in 
superintending his farms, and in laying out streets and high- 
ways through them, for the anticipated increase of population. 
His house was a place of generous hospitality, and was fre- 
quented by his friends, the leaders of the Federal party of that 
day. Among his guests were also the more distinguished stu- 
dents of the University, who were attracted, in a large degree, 
by his reputation and the general air of dignity and kindli- 
ness which surrounded his home, among whom were Allston, 
the Channings, Buckminster, and the sons of prominent men 
from the Southern and Middle States, and others, who after- 
wards rising to distinction, have, in various ways, recorded 
their sense of the advantages they derived from intercourse 
with him and the visitors to be found at his house, and not 
a few of them for the pecuniary aid they had received, when 
straitened in their circumstances at college. He supported 
through their college courses several men who became eminent 
in different professions. 

Francis Dana left several children ; one of his sons being 
Richard H. Dana, the poet and prose writer, and one of his 
daughters the wife of Washington Allston. He is buried in 
the family tomb near the gate of the old churchyard in Cam- 
bridge, opposite the main entrance to the University, where 
lie several generations of those who preceded and came after 

96 aUas JJeane. 



(CentenDial CollectioD.) 

Silas Deanb was bom in Groton, Connecticut, December 
24, 1737. He was graduated at Yale College in 1768, and 
after teaching school a short time, studied law. He settled 
in Wethersfield, where he married, October 8, 1768, the 
widow of Joseph Webb, a merchant of that town, whose 
estate he settled, and he went into trade. His entrance into 
public life was as a Representative of the town of Wethers- 
field in the Lower House of the Connecticut General Assem- 
bly, at the October session 1768, and he was chosen to the 
same station in 1772, 1773, and 1774, and probably, also, for 
both sessions in 1775, although prevented from taking his 
seat by his attendance upon Congress in Philadelphia, 

He took an active i)art in public affairs immediately before 
the breaking out of the Revolution. He was chosen one of 
the Colonial Committee of Correspondence in May, 1778, and 
by that body was appointed a delegate to the first Conti- 
nental Congress, where he served as a member of the com- 
mittee to examine and report the several statutes afffecting 
the trade and manufactures of the colonies. 

In the spring of 1775, Mr. Deane was one of the principal 
projectors of the expedition which resulted in the capture 
of Ticonderoga, and in conjunction with five others, gave 
his obligation to the colony treasurer, for the moneys bor- 
rowed by them for that enterprise. 

With his former colleagues, Messrs. Dyer and Sherman, 
he attended the second Congress which met at Philadelphia, 
May 10, 1775 ; they having been chosen as delegates, by the 
House of Representatives, in the month of November pre- 

The journals of Congress show, that during his service in 

Silas Deane. 97 

that body from May, 1775, to January 16, 1776, Mr. Deane 
was upon about forty committees, some of them standing 
ones, and involving much labor and correspondence. Par- 
ticularly, he was one of .the Secret Committee appointed 
September 18, 1775, to contract for the importation and 
delivery of arms and ammunition. He was also a member of 
the Marine Committee, and purchased the first vessel for the 
navy of the United Colonies. He had a facile pen, and his 
correspondence of this period, published in the American 
Archives, and in the second volume of the Collections of the 
Connecticut Historical Society, exhibits him in a very favor- 
able light. It is evident also, that he enjoyed the respect 
and esteem of his associates. John Adams, who was a 
member of a committee whereof Deane was chairman, speaks 
of him, in a letter to his own wife, as " a very ingenious 
man and an able politician." 

At their October session 1775, the General Assembly of 
Connecticut resolved that the choice of delegates to Congress 
should be made annually, and made new appointments in 
the places of Messrs. Dyer and Deane. However, the same 
autumn Mr. Deane was nominated by the freemen, as a candi- 
date for election to the oflSce of Assistant, or member of the 
Council or Upper House of the Colonial Legislature, and the 
nomination was repeated in the years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 
1779. The General Assembly also renewed his appointment 
as a justice of the peace in 1776 and 1777, during his absenee 
fit>m the country. 

The United Colonies entered upon the Revolution very 
slenderly provided with warlike stores, nor could these be 
procured at home ; so on the second of March, 1776, Deane 
received from the Committee of Secret Correspondence, the 
appointment of Commercial and Political Agent for the 
United States, in Europe, and was instructed by them, to 
purchase 100 pieces of brass cannon, and arms, and clothing 
for 25,000 men, and ammunition proportionable, and to pro- 
cure ships in Europe to transport the whole to America. 
He bad previously contracted with the Secret and Commer- 
cial Committee, to make a voyage to France, and buy a 

98 Silas Deaiu. 

quantity of goods for the public. The commission was of 
the highest importance, and its execution attended with 
danger and very great difficulties. He embarked without 
taking leave of his family, save by letter, and arrived in 
France in June, with but slight knowledge of the language 
and manners of the people, without an acquaintance, and 
without that best of all patrons and supporters, a fund ade- 
quate to the purpose, and for months, he received no advices 
from his constituents. However, he found in France a dis- 
position friendly to the American cause, and was far more 
successful in accomplishing the objects of his mission than 
could have been reasonably expected. Through him those 
arms were procured, without which, the campaign of 1777 
would have resulted otherwise, and with him was made the 
agreement of Lafayette and De Kalb, to serve in our army. 
In December, 1776, he was joined by Dr. Franklin and 
Arthur Lee, who, with himself, had been appointed by Con- 
gress as commissioners at the Court of France, and with 
them negotiated and signed the treaties of February, 1778. 

In July, 1778, he returned to America, having been re- 
called by Congress to acquaint them with the state of their 
afiairs in Europe. His recall was brought about chiefly by 
the malicious representations of Arthur Lee, falsely charging 
him with having, by a fraudulent agreement with Beaumar- 
chais, and contrary to the intentions of the French Govern- 
ment, converted a gratuitous gift into a commercial operation. 
William Lee and Ralph Izard also sided with Arthur Lee 
against Franklin and Deane, and interfered in the affairs of 
the French mission. Upon his departure, the King presented 
him with his portrait set with diamonds on a gold snuff-box, 
the Count de Vergennes wrote a highly complimentary letter 
to him and another to the President of Congress, and Dr. 
Franklin, who had lived intimately with him for fifteen 
months, the greater part of the time in the same house, and 
been a constant witness of his public conduct, gave, unasked, 
this testimony in his behalf : " I esteem him a faithful, acti ve, 
and able minister, who, to my knowledge, has done, in 
various ways, great and important services to his country. 

Silas Deane. 99 

whose interests I wish may always, by every one in her 
employ, he as much and as effectually promoted." In later 
letters of Franklin are also found expressions of his confi- 
dence in Deane's abilities and integrity, particularly in 1782, 
when they no longer agreed in political sentiments, the for- 
mer certified, upon the appearance of certain articles in the 
newspapers importing that the latter had been guilty of 
fraudulent practices while in the public service, that the 
paragraphs in question, according to his best knowledge and 
belief, were entirely false, and that he had never known or 
suspected any cause to charge the said Silas Deane with any 
want of probity in any purchase or bargain whatever, made 
by him for the use or account of the United States. 

Upon his arrival at Philadelphia, he found Congress so far 
from anxious to hear the state of their affairs in Europe, that 
he was unable to obtain an audience in six weeks. Insinua- 
tions that he was a defaulter and peculator were scattered 
about, but though he pressed to have his accounts examined, 
the only way to determine the truth of such charges, his 
exiemies prevented it, knowing well that the balance would 
be found in his favor, and he was kept waiting on Congress 
to no purpose until, in August, 1779, a resolve was passed to 
appoint a suitable person to examine the accounts of com- 
missioners and other agents in Europe, and Mr. Deane was 
discharged from further attendance. He now returned to 
France, but had the mortification to find that the person 
appointed had declined to act. He remained in Paris until 
the close of the summer of 1781, when he retired to Ghent, 
where he could live at less expense, and remained there until 
the peace, constantly soliciting to have his accounts audited, 
but in vain ; nor were they settled until 1842, when a large 
sum, though less than what was justly due, was paid to his 

In May and June, 1781, he wrote some private letters to 
friends in this country, which were intercepted by the Brit- 
ish and published in New York. They were written at a 
time when the cause of America seemed to be desperate, and 
his own distressed circumstances combined to depress him. 


100 Hdtvard Biddle. 

They were written with great freedom, and contained some 
unpalatable truths. Thej were published at a time when, 
by the surrender of Corn wal lis, the face of attairs was 
changed. His enemies saw their advantage, and he fcmiid 
himself looked on as little less than a traitor to his country 
and to France. At this day these letters do not stand in 
need of an elaborate defence ; they may be read without en- 
tertaining a doubt of their author's patriotism. 

In March, 1783, he went to England. There he published 
the next year an address to his countrymen in vindication 
of himself, written in excellent temper. He died in great 
destitution at Deal, August 23, 1789, as he was on the point 
of returning to America. 

He was twice married. His first wife died October 18, 
1767. By her he had one son. His second wife was a 
daughter of Gen. Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London, and 
grand-daughter of the Governor of Connecticut by that 
name. She died June 9, 1777, while her husband was in 
France, leaving no children. There is a portrait of Mr. 
Deane in the Athenaeum Gallery at Hartford. 



(CenteDDial Collection.) 

Edward Biddle was the fourth son of William Biddle, a 
native of New Jerecy, whose grandfather William was one 
of the original Proprietors of that State, having left England 
with his father in 1681. His mother was the daughter of 
Nicholas Scull, Surveyor-general of Pennsylvania. Judge 
James Biddle, President Judge of the first judicial district, 
Commodore Nicholas Biddle, and Charles Biddle, Vice-Presi- 
dent of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, 
were three of his brothers. 

m" » • ' 
• • • • • 

Edward BiddU. 101 

On the 8d of February, 1758, being then sixteen years of 
age, Edward Biddle was commissioned an ensign in the pro- 
vincial army, and was present at the taking of Fort Niagara. 
He subsequently resigned from the army, having attained 
the rank of captain, and received for his services five thou- 
sand acres of land. After the usual course of study, he 
established himself as a lawyer in Reading, Berks Co., Pa. 

He represented the county of Berks in the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania continuously from 1767 to 1780. Having once 
acquired the confidence of his German constituents, they 
adhered to him with the unwavering fidelity so characteris- 
tic of that sturdy and determined race. 

A meeting of the freeholders of the county of Berks was 
held in Reading July 2d, 1774, relative to the Boston port 
bill, at which Edward Biddle was called to the chair. Reso- 
lutions of the most decided character were passed, and 
" the thanks of the assembly were unanimously voted to the 
chairman for the patriotic and spirited manner in which he 
pointed out the dangerous situation of all the American 
Colonies, occasioned by the unconstitutional measures lately 
pursued by the British Parliament, expressing at the same 
time loyalty to our sovereign and the most warm and tender 
regard for the liberties of America." 

On the 15th of October, 1774, he was elected to succeed 
Mr. Galloway as Speaker of the Assembly, which event is 
thus referred to by Gordon in his History of Pennsylvania, 
p. 478 : " At the first meeting of the Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania after the election of this year Edward Biddle, of Berks 
County, was unanimously elected speaker. Mr. Galloway 
had filled this respectable position for many years, having 
succeeded Mr. Norris. Mr. Biddle had long represented 
Berks County, and enjoyed the confidence of the House in 
an eminent degree, being placed upon the most important 
committees, and taking an active part in all current busi- 

On the 2d of July, 1774, the Assembly of Pennsylvania 
elected eight delegates to meet in Congress with any other 
del^ates from the other Colonies. Mr. Gulloway, the 

102 Edward BiddU. 

Speaker, and Mr. Biddlo were two of the delegates. Mr. 
Galloway became a delegate at the earnest solicitation of the 
Assembly, and only on condition that the instructions as to 
their conduct, drawn by himself, should first be passed by 
the Assembly. They were of the most pacific character, and 
enforced on them " to dissent from and utterly reject any 
proposition that may cause or lead to a separation from our 
mother country, or a change of the form of their govern- 

On the assembling of this Congress on the 5th of Septem- 
ber, 1774, the great subject which principally occupied their 
attention was referred to a committee of two from each 
colony, Galloway and Biddle being the Pennsylvania mem- 
bers, who were directed " to state the rights of the colonies 
in general ; the instances in which those rights are violated, 
and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a 
restitution of them." 

The very able declaration reported by the conmiittee was 
earnestly opj)Osed by Mr. Galloway, but met the approbation 
of his colleague. On making their report of the proceedings 
of this Congress to the Assembly, the course of Mr. Biddle 
and those of his colleagues who had dissented from Mr. Gal- 
loway was approved, and Pennsylvania has the credit of 
being the first constitutional House of Representatives that 
ratified the acts of the General Congress. Mr. Galloway and 
Mr. Biddle were again appointed delegates to the new Con- 
gress to be held on the 10th of May, 1775. Mr. Galloway 
was, however, excused from serving. Mr. Biddle, on his way 
from Reading to Philadelphia to attend Congress, fell over- 
board from his boat into the Schuylkill River, and having 
been obliged to sleep in his wet clothes, took cold, which, 
being neglected, resulted in a violent attack of illness which 
deprived him of the sight of one of his eyes, and left him a 
confirmed invalid for the rest of his life. 

Gen. Wilkinson says in his Memoirs (see p. 330): " I took 
Reading in my route, and passed some days in that place, 
where I had several dear and respected friends, and among 
them Edward Biddle, Esq., a man whose public and private 

Edward Biddle. 108 

virtues commanded respect and excited admiration from all 
persons ; he was Speaker of the last Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania under the Proprietary government, and in the dawn 
of the Revolution devoted himself to the cause of his coun- 
try, and successfully opposed the overbearing influence of 
Joseph Galloway. Ardent, eloquent, and full of zeal, by 
his exertions during several days and nights of obstinate, 
warm, and animated discussion in extreme sultry weather, 
he overheated himself, and brought on an inflammatory 
rheumatism and surfeit, which radically destroyed his health, 
and ultimately deprived society of one of its greatest orna- 
ments, and his country of a statesman, a patriot, and a sol- 
dier ; for he had served several campaigns in the war of 1756, 
and if his health had been spared would, no doubt, have 
occupied the second or third place in the revolutionary 

On the occasion of his death the following notice of him 
appeared in Dunlap's paper, attributed at the time to the pen 
of Mr. James Read, then a member of the Supreme Execu- 
tive Council: "On Thursday last, after a very lingering 
illness, died at Baltimore, in the forty-first year of his age, 
that great lawyer, Hon. Edward Biddle, of Reading, in this 
State. In early life, as captain in our provincial forces, his 
military virtues so highly distinguished him that Congress 
designed him to high rank in the American army, which, 
however, his sickness prevented ; his practice at the bar for 
years having made his great abilities and integrity known, 
the county of Berks unanimously elected him one of their 
representatives in Assembly, who soon made him their 
speaker and a delegate in Congress, and the conduct of the 
patriot did honor to their choice. As a public character 
very few were equal to him in talents or noble exertion of 
them, so in private life the son, the husband, the father, 
brother, friend and neighbor, and master had in him a pat- 
tern not to be excelled. Love to his country, benevolence, 
and every manly virtue rendered him an object of esteem and 
admiration to all that knew him." 

Bev. William C Reichd. 105 

County, where his character and reputation were largely 
increased. On his resignation, in 1868, he resumed teaching, 
and for the last six years he filled the duties of Professor of 
Latin and Natural Sciences in the Young Ladies' Seminary. 
He had been ordained a Deacon in June of 1862, and a 
Presbyter in May, 1864. 

At an early age he developed talents of a high order, and 
distinguished himself particularly by his proficiency in the 
ancient languages, and by his thorough knowledge of the 
German tongue ; he was familiar with the natural sciences, 
and with botany in particular ; and had a decided gift for 
drawing and painting. In fact, there were but few branches 
of knowledge in which he could not excel, did he determine 
to pursue them. To teach was his delight, and for upwards 
of thirty years he stood at the head of the educators of his 
church. In his manners he was singularly unpretending 
and unostentatious, and it was only those who were inti- 
mately acquainted with his varied talents and his great 
fund of information who understood or appreciated his 
character. It is, however, as an author and historian that 
Professor Reichel is best known without the borders of his 
church. His fondness for research and literary pursuits, 
particularly those relating to the early history of the Mora- 
vian Church in America, were encouraged and assisted by 
members of this Society. He read thousands of pages of 
manuscripts, principally written in the German language, 
examined old books of accounts, and copied drafts of build- 
ings and lands belonging to his Church, preserved in their 
archives. In fine, he has done more to elucidate the early 
history of the Moravian Church, and local antiquities, than 
has been attempted by any of his predecessors or contempo- 
raries. As a writer he is distinguished for his chasteness of 
conception and purity of diction ; as a historian he is con- 
scientious and thoroughly reliable; and none knew better 
than he how to present his information in most attractive 
form. He was a voluminous writer. In addition to the 
articles contributed to The Moravian, the local press, and 
quite recently, a sketch of Northampton County, prepared 

106 Rev. WiUiam C. Reichel. 

for Dr. Egle's IlluBtrated History of Pennsylvania, jnrt 
published, Professor Reichel wrote the following works : — 

A History of Nazareth Hall, based on the MSS. of the Bey. Leyin T. Rei- 
chel, his uncle, pp. 162. Philadelphia, 1855. 

A History of the Rise, Progress, and Present Condition of the Bethlehem 
Female Seminary, with a catalogue of its pupils, 1765-1858, pp. 468. 
Philadelphia, 1858. (Illustrated.) 

Morayians in New Tork and Connecticut. A memorial of the dedication 
of monuments erected by the Morayian Historical Society, to mark the 
sites of ancient missionary stations in New Tork and Connecticut, pp. 
185. Philadelphia, 1860. (Illustrated.) 

Historical Sketch of Nazareth Hall from 1755 to 1869, with an account of 
the reunions of former pupils, and of the inauguration of a monument at 
Nazareth, June 11, 1868, erected in memory of Alumni who fell in the 
late Rebellion, pp. 356. Philadelphia, 1869. (Illustrated.) 

Memorials of the Moravian Church, yol. i. pp. 366. Philadelphia, 1870. 

Wyalusing, and the Morayian Mission, at Friedenshuetten. Part y.. 
Transactions of the Morayian Historical Society, pp. 45. Bethlehem, 

Names which the Lenni Lennape or Delaware Indians gaye to riyers, 
streams, and localities, within the States of Pennsylyania, New Jersey, 
Maryland, and Virginia, with their significations. Prepared from a MS. 
by John Heckewelder. Part yi.. Transactions of the Moravian Historical 
Society, pp. 55. Bethlehem, 1872. 

A Red Rose from the Olden Time ; or, A Ramble through the Annals of 
the Rose Inn, on the barony of Nazareth, in the days of the Proyinoe, pp. 
50. Philadelphia, 1872. 

The Crown Inn, near Bethlehem, Penna., 1745. A History, touching the 
eyents that occurred at that Notable Hostelry, during the reigns of the 
Second and Third Georges, etc., pp. 162. Philadelphia, 1872. (Map 
and illustrations.) 

The Old Sun Inn, at Bethlehem, Penna., 1758. Now the Sun Hotel An 
authentic History, pp. 51. Doylestown, Pa., 1873. 

A Register of members of the Moravian Church, and of persons attached to 
said church in this country and abroad, between 1727 and 1754. Bj 
Rey. A. Reincke. Illustrated with historical annotations by W. C. B., 
pp. 144. Part yii. of the Transactions of the Morayian Historical Society. 
Bethlehem, 1873. 

History, Manners, and Customs of the Indian Nations who once inhabited 
Pennsylyania and the neighboring States. By the Rey. John Heckewel- 
der. New and revised edition, with an introduction and notes, pp. 465. 
Publication Fund of the Historical Society of Pennsylyania. Philadel- 
phia, 1876. 

He was also engaged in writing for this Society, a History 

Rev. William M. Heynoldsy D.D, 107 

of Bethlehem, for which he had been collecting materials 
during the past fifteen years. This was to be followed by a 
History of Northampton County. 

On Saturday afternoon, October 28, his remains were in- 
terred in the old cemetery at Bethlehem. 



Bead by Townsskd Wabd before the Historical Society of Pennsylvaoia 

Nov. 13, 1876. 

Mr. President: Our fellow member, the Rev. William 
Morton Reynolds, D.D., of Oak Park, near Chicago, died 
on Tuesday, the 5th of September, 1876. His illness ex- 
tended through a period of twenty days ; and it was attended 
by intense suffering, which he bore with the patience and 
resignation befitting his faith. 

Dr. Reynolds was born at Little Falls, in Fayette County 
of this State, on the 4th of March, 1812. Regretting that 
I know nothing else of his earlier years, I can only say, that 
when he arrived at manhood, he entered the Lutheran 
ministry, and was the Professor of Latin in Pennsylvania 
College at Gettysburg for about eighteen years, when, in 
1850, he resigned to accept the presidency of Capitol Uni- 
versity at Columbus, Ohio. Subsequently to this he took 
charge of a collegiate institution at AUentown in Pennsyl- 
vania, and afterwards he accepted the presidency of the 
Illinois State University at Springfield. About 1864, he 
left the Lutheran ministry, and entered that of the Pro- 
testant Episcopal Church, and was, at the time of his death, 
the rector of the church at Oak Parks. 

On the 18th of May, 1848, Dr. Reynolds was led to make 
an address on " The Swedish Church in America." It was 
delivered before the Historical Society of the American 
liUtheran Church at Gettysburg, but it was not published 
until the following year. Its preparation for the press in- 

108 JRev. William M. Reynolds^ D.D. 

volved considerable research, and during the interval, he 
found the subject so much more important than he had at 
first supposed it to be, that he announced in a note to the 
address, his contemplated intention to translate the history 
of New Sweden, by Israel Acrelius, Provost of the Churches 
on the Delaware. 

Dr. Nicholas Collin, of the church of Gloria Dei at Wicaco, 
had, in 1799, begun the translation of this most important 
work, but his labor extended only so far as a few chapters. 
Du Ponceau, in 1834, had spoken of it as " much more com- 
plete, and in every respect superior," to the work of Campa- 
nias, but still it remained to us a sealed book, for it was in 
Swedish ; a language little known among us. Dr. Reynolds* 
declaration, that were- he able to obtain a copy, he would 
study the language and translate it, led to one being bor- 
rowed, and twenty-five years after that time, he handed 
over to the trustees of the Publication Fund, his translation 
completed. His translation was now submitted to a most 
rigidly critical test. Our fellow member, Mr. Joseph J. 
Mickley, a good Swedish scholar, read aloud in English, 
from the original Acrelius, to the writer of this, who held 
in his hand the translation by Dr. Reynolds ; every error, 
and there were very few, was noted, as was also every 
instance where a delicately modified expression might better 
render the author's meaning, and of these there were hardly 
more than one hundred. The suggestions were all accepted, 
sometimes with further modification by the translator. One 
case only occurred, of serious difliculty, and in this, after a 
correspondence of several weeks, Dr. Reynolds was adjudged 
by an educated lady from Sweden to be correct. 

I have thought it due, Mr. President, to the memory of 
this excellent man, who worked as scholars did in the olden 
time, tliat a knowledge of such protracted, unselfish, and 
valuable labor should be recognized and preserved by us. 
Those who properly regard such labor come at last to know 
that it is priceless, and that it renders illustrious the commu- 
nity that fosters it. 

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oowa > 



112 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



The stated quarterly meeting of the Society was held on the evening of 
Nov. 13, 1876, the President, Mr. John William Wallace, in the chair. 

On motion, the reading of the minutes of the last meeting was dispensed 

Mr. Robert P. Robins read a paper on the life of Gen. Edward Whalley, 
the regicide, which will be found in another part of the Magazine. 

Dr. Edw. Shippen, U. S. N., offered a resolution tendering the thanks of 
the Society to Mr. Robins for his interesting address. 

Mr. Hector Orr expressed his regret at the absence of Mr. Angus McKay, 
Commissioner of Queensland, who had intended to be present to communi- 
cate to the Society information regarding the wonderful progress of that 

Mr. John W. Jordan announced the death of the Rev. Wm. 0. Reichel, 
Professor of Latin and Natural Sciences in the Moravian Seminary at 
Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, and editor of the new edition of Heckewelder's 
History of the Indian Nations, the volume lately issued by the Publication 
Fund of the Society. 

The death of the Rev. William Morton Reynolds, D.D., to whoee labors 
the Society are indebted for the translation of the History of New Sweden, 
by Acrelius, was announced by Mr. Ward. The remarks of Mr. Jordan and 
Mr. Ward will be found elsewhere. 

The Council reported that since the last meeting there had been received 
512 bound volumes ; 
552 pamphlets ; 
7 maps ; 

16 manuscripts ; and 
39 miscellaneous articles. 

The Society has also received from Mr. Jasper Teates Gonyngham, of 
Lancaster, a large number of letters written to Judge Jasper Teates ; and 
from Miss Fox sundry papers of Dr. Franklin, formerly in the possession of 
Wm. Temple Franklin. 

Dr. Elwyn called the attention of the Society to the statement lately 
made, that *' the original fag of the American Union, first displayed by 
Commodore Paul Jones on the Bon Homme Richard," was recently dis- 
played in this city. He was induced to believe that this could not be the 
original flag, and, in support of his view, read an original letter from John 
Adams to Gov. Langdon, which went to show that the flag was used long 
anterior to the time stated. A committee of three was appointed to con* 
sider the matter. 

114 Notes and Queries. 

Thb Acadian Exiles. — The late Mr. Win. B. Reed, in an address delir- 
ered before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, entitled "The Acadian 
Exiles, or French Neutrals in Pennsylvania" (see Contributions to Amert" 
can History, Phila. 1858), took exception to the statement made in the 
notes of the London edition of Mr. Longfellow's poem of Evangeline, that 
the government of Pennsylvania proposed to sell the Acadians, with their 
own consent; but that when this expedient for their support was offered to 
their consideration, it was rejected with indignation. After stating that Mr* 
Longfellow had disavowed all knowledge of this aspersion on the Colonial 
Government of Pennsylvania, and that the note nad been added to the 
London reprint without the author*s consent, Mr. Reed says he found the 
passage in Judge Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia, in the very words 
used by the English aniiotator, and there — for no other authority or docu- 
ment was cited — the responsibility must rest. 

It is curious that so general a reader of American history as Mr. Reed 
should not have known that the objectionable passage was quoted by Judge 
Haliburton from Entick's " General History or the Seven Years* War," and 
the whole passage and much other curious information on the subject is to 
be found in *' Walsh's Appeal from the Judgment of Great Britain." 
While referring to this subject, it will be well to note that the student of 
this period of American history will find in the Nova Scotia Archives, pub- 
lished at Halifax, N. S., in 1869, a number of papers and documents relating 
to the removal of the Acadian French. This material was used by Dr. I. 
W. Anderson, President of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, 
in a paper read before that society on the 19th of January, 1870, entitled 
" Evangeline," and " The Archives of Nova Scotia ; or. The Poetry and 
Prose of History," printed in part 7 of the Transactions of the society, 
Quebec, 1870. 

Thb Rekd Controversy. — The controversy regarding the intentions of 
Gen. Joseph Reed, previously to the battle of Trenton, which was reopened 
by the publication of the ninth volume of Bancroft's History of the United 
States, in which Mr. Bancroft supported the charges brought against C^n. 
Reed by a quotation from the unpublished journal of the Hessian Colonel 
Count Donop, stating that Colonel Reed, having taken a protection from 
the British, informed Gen. Mifflin that he would no longer serve in the 
defence of his country, has received a quietus which will no doubt settle it 
for all time to come. 

Adjutant-General Wm. S. Stryker, of New Jersey, has brought to light 
the report of Count Donop to his superior officer Gen. Grant, from which it 
is evident that the Col. Reed alluded to in the Donop diary was Col. Chas. 
Read of the New Jersey Militia, and not the adjutant of Washington's 
army; and that the Gen. Mifflin spoken of by the Hessian colonel was Col. 
Samuel Griffin, who commanded the Americans in the neighborhood of Mt. 
Holly, at the time of the reported defection of Col. Reed. 

So decided are the conclusions that result from an investigation of the 
evidence submitted by Gen. Stryker, that we are at a loss to understand 
how, with all the research that has been brought to bear on this period of 
the history of the revolution, the truth remained so long obscured. Although 
we know but little regarding Col. Chas. Read, his apostasv is a matter of 
history recorded in more than one volume to be found on the shelves of almost 
any historical library, public or private (see Pa. Archives, 2d series, vol. i. 
page 496 ; Marshall's Remembrancer, page 129, Philadelphia, 1839-1849). 
indeed, had not the investigations of the late Wm. B. Reed been influenced 
by a spirit other than historical, it is likely he would have struck on the 
truth, for, on page 92 of his pamphlet entitled President Reed, he writes 

Notes and Queries. 115 

in a note, " Were I disposed to make minute criticisms, I might express a 
doabt whether, after all, the Col. Beed of the diary of the 2ist of December 
was mj ancestor, for, according to Mr. Bancroft, there were other Colonel 
Beeds. There was (page 246} * the New England Becd.' " 

When the attention of Mr. Bancroft was called to the result of Gen. 
Stryker's inyestigation, he at once, to use his own language, perceived the 
bearing of the discoveries, and asked to be allowed the favor to oe the first to 
annoonce them to the public, a privilege that was courteously granted ; and 
in the centenary edition of Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. v. 

Sage 479, the correction is made. Gen. Stryker has printed, fur private 
istribution, a small edition of a pamphlet containing his investigation on 
this subject. 


BoBBBT HuNTBR MoBRis. — Frequent inquiries have been made if there is 
in existence a portrait of this gentleman, one of the most renowned of the 

Srovincial governors of Pennsylvania. Is there none among the family in 
few York T Dauphin. 

Gov. JoHK Pbnn. — It is stated that the portrait of John Penn in the 
executive department at Harrisburg and in the rooms of the Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania is that of John Penn the poet, and not that of John 
Penn the last of the provincial governors — who can tell ? If correct, it is 
important that the matter be remedied, and the John Penn's portrait be 
substituted. Dauphin. 

[The catalogue of paintings, etc., belonging to the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, thus describes the portrait of John Penn in that collection : 
"John Penn, son of Thomas and Lady Juliana Penn, b. Feb. 23, 1760, d. — , 
1830." The original is b^ Pine in 1787, and was presented by John Penn 
to his friend Edmund Physick, accompanied with the following note, Dec. 18, 
1787 : *' lliis picture of one of a family in your connection, with whome your 
probity a^d attachment have been so conspicuous, is presented as a testi- 
mony of gratitude and regurd bv your sincere friend and obedient servant. — 
John Penn." We are informed that this portrait was copied and presented 
to the Historical Society, under the impression that it was that of Gov. John 
Penn, and that the error was not discovered until some time afterwards.] 

Tbsason 07 Charlks Leb. — I have heard that an answer to George H. 
Moore's " Treason of Gen. Charles Lee" appeared shortly after the publica- 
tion of that volume. Can any one state if such was the case, and if so, give 
the title of the reply T A. W. S . 

" Thb Cbisib."— Was the author of " The Crisis," a paper printed in 
London in 1774, and reprinted in a 12rao. volume in New York in 1776, 
ever discovered T Christopher Marshall, in his Bemembrancer (22d of 
April, 1775), recorded that the news from London was that, on '' March 7th, 
at noon, the two sheriffs and the hangman attended at the Boyal Exchange, 
in order to bum a periodical paper called ' The Crisis, No. 3.' . . . As 
soon as the fire was lighted before the exchange, it was immediately put out, 
and dead dogs and cats thrown at the officers." On the 7th of May Mar- 
shall writes that the news was *' that the printers of the piece called the 
CriaiB were had before the ministry on account of finding out the author, 
who, biding interrogated and pressed hard, declared that one of the writers 

116 Notes aiid Queries. 

was the Duke Gloncester. They immediately discharged them without any 
farther confession." Had the Duke of Gloucester anything to do with the 
matter ? •• Dr. Dryasdust." 

Oew. Danikl Moroan. — It is stated in a number of biographical notices 
of this officer that he was a native of New Jersey ; but we find the lat« 
Winthrop Sargent, in his History of the Braddock Expedition, page 240, 
claims him as a Pennsylvanian. W. W. H. Davis and Wm. J. Buck, in 
their histories of Bucks County, make the same statement Gen. Davis 
quotes as his principal witness one Michael Fackenthall, who died thirty 
years ago, and was told by Mor^n that he was born in Durham Township, 
bucks County, Pennsylvania. What are the claims of New Jersey T 

M. P. 

Daowortht. — In Marshall's Washington, 2d ed., p. 12, a Captain Dar- 
worthy is referred to as having successfully contested precedence with GoL 
Washington in 1756. Further information regarding him is desired by 


John Caret. — John Carey, attomey-at-law, Salem, N. J., married in 1774 
Catharine Lawrence. I would be glad to receive any information in regard 
to John Carey and his descendants. Brunhildb. 

Davenport Familt. — Dr. B. F. Davenport, 761 Tremont Street, Boston, 
is collecting for publication a history of tne Davenport family, and will be 
glad to receive information on the subject. 

Joseph Eirkbride. — Can any information be furnished regarding the 
descendants of Joseph Eirkbride, who came to Pennsylvania in 1681 T His 
first wife was Phoebe, daughter of Randall Blackshaw of Bucks County ; 
second wife a daughter of Mahlon Stacy ; third wife Mary Fletcher, widow 
of ^Yardley. H. 

Phiuldelphia Doctors. — I wish to learn something about Dr. Chew, who 
lived in Philadelphia in 1730 ; also of a Dr. Samuel Chew, of West River, 
Maryland — if he originally came from Philadelphia or not; where Dr. 
John E^rsley, Sr., and Dr. John E^rsley, Jr., were bom, and whom they 
married ; the names of the father and mother of Dr. John Morgan, and 
whom he married. G. 

Sir Colltnowood Flemmino. — On page 581, vol. ii. 2d series, of Penna. 
Archives, Harrisburg, 1876, we find the name of Sir Collingwood Flemming 
mentioned as a lieutenant in the provincial service. On page 610 of same 
volume he is returned dead. Is anything known of his history T 


Ladt Christiana Gripfin. — Who was the wife of the Hon. Cyrus Grifllin, 
of Virginia, sometime President of the Continental Congress? In the 
records of Christ Church in this city she is styled *'Lady Christiana 
GriflBn." TRiomnr. 

MicHABL HiLLBOAs. — Has there ever been a biog^phical sketch made of 
Michael Hillegas, one of the Continental Treasurers ? Stonr. 





VoK I. 1877. No. 2. 




AND Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois or Six Nations 
OF Indians, in reference to the lands west of the 

Allegheny Mountains. 

Edited by B. Alonxo Brock, Secretarj" of the Virginia Historical Society. 


The following graphic portraiture of the social life of 
our anceetors, of Colonial Days, is a verbatim transcript of 
a manuscript journal, hitherto unpublished, kept by William 
Slack, a native of Scotland, and apparently, at the era of its 
writing, not long a resident of the colonies, and, it may rea- 
sonably be inferred, from the vivacity of his style and the 
gayety of his habits as recorded, then quite a young man. 
It will be observed that the so-named "sociality" was a 
cherished and habitual feature of entertainment. The 
** cheerful glass" was not only indispensable at the domestic 
board, but appears to have been an essential even at State 
Clouncils ; it was the symbol of welcome, and its omission 
-would have been considered a breach of the requirements of 
9 ( 117 ) 

118 Journal of William Black. 

hospitality. Much deferential courtesy marked official in- 
tercourse, and the graces were not only cultivated, but 
learning and the arts and sciences were duly appreciated, 
whilst mechanism and manufactures were conducted on no 
paltry scale and in no mean degree of excellence in the 
childhood days of the colonies. 

And though our goodly ancestors were nothing loath in 
the mazy dance, and may now be considered as having been 
perchance somewhat o'er-partial to the flowing bowl, yet 
midst their pleasures, there appear to have been due con- 
sideration of the useful and ample attention to graver things. 
Not only trading vessels, but ships of war were built, and 
that not unfrequently, as a launch is more than once men- 
tioned in the following pages, which will be found also to 
embody the names of some of the actors of those days. 

Mr. Black appears to have accompanied as secretary, in 
May, 1744, a commission composed of Colonels Thomas Lee 
and William Beverley, appointed by Governor Gooch, of 
Virginia, to unite with commissioners from the colonics of 
Pennsylvania and Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois, or 
Six United Nations of Indians,^ in reference to the lands 
west of the Allegheny Mountains, which the Indians claimed 
as having been conquered by their forefathers. These lands 
were also claimed by the French, M. Joliet,'a peltry trader, 

* The Iroquois were of the Huron type of aborigines ; they were superior 
to all other native tribes of North America, whom they kept in terror of 
their warlike abilities. — Oamean's Canadian, vol. i. 84. 

The Iroquois, in 1666, consisted of nine tribes, comprised by two divisions 
of four and five tribes respectively. They united together for common de- 
fence for purposes of aggression. The "Six Nation Confederacy," in 1763, 
comprised the Mohawks. Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Onondagas, Cayu^as. Senecas 
(the Tuscaroras, who were from the south, having united with the original 
Five Nations, the designation of the Six Nations was assumed), and various 
tribes scattered over the region of the Ohio and around the lakes, numbered 
more than 4000. — " Papers relating to the Iroquois and other Indian tribes." 
Doc. Hist, of Ne^v York. E. B. O'Callaghan. M.D.. 4to., 1850, vol. i. pp. 13, 25. 

* Joliet was a man of talent, who was educated in the Jesuits' College of 
Quebec, probably for the church ; but who had gone into the peltry trade. 
He had travelled much in the neighborhood of the lakes, and had gained 
much knowledge of the Indian tribes. He received as a reward for bis 
western discoveries, and for an exploratory voyage to Hudson's Bay, the 


Journal of William Black. 119 

and Pere Marquette, a Catholic friend,^ having, in 1673, 
passed in a canoe from Quebec down the Mississippi to the 
Arkansas River, thereby, according to alleged maxims of 
laws of nations, acquiring a right to all the lands watered by 
the Mississippi and its tributaries, or about one-half of the 
Korth American Continent. These conflicting claims led to 
the war between the French and English, in 1754, in which 
General Washington, then Colonel in the Virginia Line, 
figured. Upon such absurd foundations do nations ground 
their claims!' 

The commissioners were also instructed to adjust all diflfer- 
ences and unpleasant relations existing between the Indians 
and the colonists.' 

A treaty was concluded in July, 1744, by which the 
Indians, in consideration of £400 paid, and a further sum 
promised, relinquished the country lying westward of the 
frontier of Virginia, to the Ohio River.* The expense of 
this treaty was paid out of the royal quit-rents.* 

Island of ADticosti, on which he bnilt a fort, which, however, he afterwards 
abandoned. He was also nominated hjdrographer -royal, and was enfeoffed 
in a seignorj, near Montreal. A mountain near the river des Plaines, a 
tribatary of the Illinois, and a town near Chicago, take their names from 
him. — Oarneau*s Hist, of Canada, translated by A. Bell, Montreal, 1862, 
2d edition, vol. i. p. 258. 

1 Marquette died among the Illinois Indians, with whom he remained as 
missionary. — Ibid, 

• Irving's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 48. 

• A conflict occurred in 1743, in West Augusta County, Va., between a 
band of Shawanese Indians and a company of militia, under Capt. McDow- 
ell, in which the latter and a number of his command were killed.— Harn- 
8on, vol. i. p. 428. 

" In the year 1744, by reason of some strife between the frontier people 
and Indians of Virginia and Maryland, they aim to settle their dispute by 
the medium of the Pennsylvania Governor, through a treaty, to be con- 
vened at John Harris's Ferry (now Harrisburg), which was, however, not 
held there but at Lancaster, where the affair was adjusted satisfactorily." — 
Wataon'n Annah of Phtla., ed. 1857, vol. ii. p. 160. 
< Campbell's Va., p. 433. 

• Quit-rent, a tax of two shillings per hundred acres, was required annu- 
ally by the Crown on all land patents, seven years after the dates of their 
iasQe.— Henm'n^, vol. i. p. 228. 

120 Journal of William Black. 

It 18 to be regretted that the journal terminates, as it does 
most abruptly, on the 15tli of June, at Philadelphia. 

Mr. Black afterwards married a Miss Dent, of Maryland, 
and it is probable that his acquaintance with her may have 
commenced at this time, and have caused a dissolution of his 
connection with the commission, and the closing of the jour- 
nal. He located himself in JSIanchester, Virginia, and en- 
gaged in mercantile pursuits ; he was highly successful in 
business, and acquired a large and valuable estate. lie 
owned the Falls Plantation, lying on James River, near 
Richmond, numerous slaves, trading vessels, and other per- 
sonal property. The first was plundered, and the vessels 
were destroyed by the British, under the traitor Arnold, in 
the expedition of 1781. One of his servants died about the 
year 1854, at an advanced age, who distinctly remembered 
Arnold's " Red Coats," from whom he escaped, after being 
carried several miles down James River.^ 

The original of the journal is contained in a small duo- 
decimo volume bound in undressed calf. The handwriting 
is beautifully minute and regular, and yet withal remarkably 
distinct. Mr. Black was a close observer, seemingly of 
everything that came within his vision, and his style of nar- 
rative, though quaint, is pleasing. His expressed sentiments 
exhibit sensibility and refinement, and stamp him as pos- 
sessing much nobility of character. 

He is mentioned by a contemporary as being a hospitable 
gentleman and a true patriot.* 

The journal has been preserved in the family of the au- 
thor, and has descended through the hands of succeeding 
generations to its present proprietor — who is naturally the 
great-grandson of Wm. Black f he is also a lineal descendant 
of Wm. Clayborne, the Rebel, of Virginia History — Herbert 
A. Claiborne, Esq., of this city, who has courteously permit- 

» He was owned by Herbert A. Claiborne, Esq. 
« MS. Journal of Col. B. Hill, 1777-81. 

» His mother was Delia Hayes, the daughter of James Hayes, a Datiye of 
England, and Ann Dent, the daughter of Wm. Black. 

Journal of William Black. 121 

ted it to be copied under the direction of the late Thomas H. 
Wynne, Esq., whose long devotion to historical, archseolo- 
gical, and kindred pursuits, evinced by zealous and untiring 
research, will entitle him to the respect and grateful considera- 
tion of his fellow-citizens of the Old Dominion. 

Descendants of William Black. 

1. William Black married Dent, of Maryland ; had issue. 

2. Ann Dent Black, who married, first, Hardiinan ; had issue, one 

daughter (Lucy K.), who married Greenhow ; who had issue, 

two sons (James Greenhow and Samuel Greenhow), and two 
daughters (Cora, who married Judge Abner Kllis of Vincennes, 
Indiana, and Lucy K. (now dead), who married James C. McFar- 
land. President of the Va. Bank at Charleston, Kanawaha). 

2. Ann Dent Black married, second, James Hayes from England ; had issue 

by him, one son and two daughters. 

3. Dr. John Days, who married (his- widow and children are in 

Fredericksburg, Va.). 
3. Ann Dent Hays, who married McRae. 

3. Delia Hays, who married Herbert Augustine Claiborne of Richmond, 

Virginia ; and had issue. 

4. John H. Claiborne, Major C. S. Army. 

4. Herbert Augustine Claiborne, Jr., Counseller at law, and President of 
the Mutual Fire Association Com|5any of Richmond, Virginia. 


Thursday, May the 17tb. 

This Morning at 9 of the Clock, in Company with the 
Hon'ble Commissioners, and the Gentlemen of their Levies, 
Colonel John Taylor, Jun'r,* Presley Thornton,* Warren 
Lewis, Philip Ludwell Lee,* James Littlepage, and Robert 
Brooke,* Esquires, I Embarked on Board the Margaret Yacht 

' Colonel John Taylor was one of the first Council appointed under the 
Virginia Constitution of 1776.— raw|>6c/r« Va., p. 651. 

* Member of the House of Burgesses, from the County of Northumber- 
land, until 1760, when he was appointed a member of the State Council. 
He filled both offices with great credit. He died in 1769. — Bishop Meade^B 
Old Churches and Families^ vol. ii. p. 143. 

' Son of Thomas Lee, Commissioner. 

* Presumed to be the brother of Richard Brooke, who was the father of 
the Ute Hon. Francis T. Brooke, Judge of the Court of Appeals of Virginia. 

122 Joximal of William Black. 

lying off Stratford* on Potomac, and about 10 minutes after, 
was under sail with a small Breeze of Wind at S. W. One 
Jack Ensign and Pennon flying. After the Vessel had got 
way, with the Trumj:)et we hailed the Company (who came 
to the Water-side to see us on Board) with Fare-you-well, 
who returned the Complement, wishing us a Good Voyage 
and safe Return, for which, on the part of the Company, I 
gave them Thanks with the discharge of our Blunderbuss. 

As farr as I could observe the Gentlemen and Ladies on 
the Sandy Bank, we had full Sails, but on loosing the Sight 
of them, or on their retiring, we lost our Wind, which made 
me conclude, the Gentle Gale we then had was nothing else 
but the tender Wishes of the Women for their Husbands, 
and the Affectionate Concern of the Mothers for their Sons, 
Breath'd after us in Gentle Sighs. We was off the Table 
of Poplars when becalm'd, when we sent the Barge ashoar 
for Cherries, and in a little time the Wind Springing up at 
E,, made two Tacks which brought Us into the Mouth of 
Nominine Bay, where we had a change of Wind to S. W. 
that carried us down as far as the Mouth of St. Mary's 
River, where we Spoke a Sloop from Dorset* County, in the 
Eastern Shoar, Load with Plank, in our way thither fir'd 
a Gun and hail'd a Ship lying off Corbin's Creek } supposing 
her a Vessel lately come in, and Exf»ecting some News ; but 
on sending her Boat on Board Us, found her to be the 
Hudson of Whitehaven, Capt. Joseph Ruddirick, ready to 
sail for that Place, the Sailors, for their trouble got a Bottle 
of Rum, and by them, sent some white Biscake as a present 
to the Captain, and wishing them a Good Voyage, they put 
off for their Ship, at 1 of ye Clock l\ M., we had Dinner, 
when with Good Roast Veal, and Stuff'd Gamon, or with 
Chickens, we satisfy'd a very keen Appetite, which seemed 
to be not a little heightened by the little time we had 
hreath'd in Another Element. About the Close of Day, and 
a little helow St. Mary's, had a very hard Gale from S. S.W. 

« Bailt by Thomas Lee, situated on the bluffs of the Potomac River, sup- 
posed to have been named from Stratford, Middlesex, England. 
• Dorchester. 

Journal of William Black. 123 

which obliged Us to take in our Fore-Sail, and Settle our 
Main-Sail and Jibb; it blow'd fresh for half an hour, in 
which time, most the Fresh-water Men retired, and betook 
themselves to their Cabbins, some of them, not without 
apprehensions of Fear, which was to be seen Pictured in 
their Pale Countenances ; but tho' there was no Danger, 
having a very sober and Careful Person for our Skipper, that 
had everything Prepar'd in Case of a Sudden Squall, yet such 
concern was very Excusable in those that had never been 
any further on the Water than crossing a ferry, and very far 
from the least Imputation of Cowardice. I am not so good 
a Naturalist as to discover by what Secret Springs Fear has 
its motion in us, but the Physicians say, there is no One 
Passion that sooner Disthrones our Judgment, and even in 
those of the best Settled Tempers : Soldiers (a sort of Men 
over whom, of all others, it ought to have the least Power) 
how often has it Converted Flocks of Sheep into Armed 
Squadrons, Reeds and Bull Rushes into Pikes and Lances, 
and even Friends into Enemies. I know some who would 
be very much Discompos'd at a little ruflBing on the Water 
when in a Boat, and yet that Person (I am sure) would 
cut a Glove, or Resent an Affront with his Sword, without 
Showing any Cowardly Fear. This Gust being over, we 
had moderate Weather, but dark and Cloudy, the Wind 
hawling to the Southw'rd, but not so much as to hinder us 
lying our Course, about 12 at night Doubled Point Look- 
out, standing up the Bay with young Flood, a Small but fair 
Breeze, and a fine Serene Night. 

On Board the Maroarrt, Friday, May the 18th. 

With the Light of the Day I got up to the upper appart- 
ment of our Wooden Convenience, leaving all below under 
the Leaden Scepter of the drowsy God, when I found our- 
selves abreast Patuxant River, with a fine leading Gale at 
S. W., 46 Min. after 6, came up with Devils Island, it now 
blow'd a fresh Topsail Gale, in one hour after, was off Poplar 
Island, and 85 Min. after 8, was up with the Lower end Kent 
Island, when we was obliged to Slacken Sail for the Bardge 

124 Journal of William Black. 

our Yacht had iu Tow. I forgot to say that off the Month 
Patuxant, at the Desire of the CommissionerB, I saluted 

Rousbie, Esq, (Collector of that River and iN'aval Officer 

of the Bay, with a Discharge of our Blunderbush. Was 
opposite West River at a Quarter past 9, the Wind still 
freshening, the Seas run high, and now, son)e of the Levee, 
whose Faces, for some time before, look'd a little white 
Wash'd, and seem'd as if their Blood lay Freezing at their 
Hearts, their Bruins turning Dizzy like a Uogg troubled 
with the migrams, at last began to give but very unpleasing 
accounts of what they eat for Breakfast. At 11 O'clock 
A. M., Came to Anchor before the City of Annapolis, on our 
coming into the Harbour, the Sailors belonging to some 
Vessels then lying there, seeing us with 'Ensign, Jack, and 
Pennon flying, and so many hands on Deck, Concluded we 
were some Man of Warrs Tendar, come in order to Press, 
and Immediately got to securing themselves the best way 
they could, some Conveying themselves on Shoar, others 
hiding them in the Hold and other parts of their Vessels, 
the best way the little time and so sudden surprize could 
allow them. After some time Spent in Shifting our Cloaths, 
Ac, the Commissioners, &c., went on Shoar, and was very 
Kindly Received at the Landing Place, by several Gentlemen 
of Distinction of that Province, and Conducted to the first 
Tavern in Town, where they welcomed the Commissioners, 
and the Gentlemen of their Levee to Annapolis, with a 
Bowl of Punch and a Glass of Wine, and afterwards waited 
on us to the House of the Honorable Edward Jennings, Esq, 
Secretary of the Province, where we Din'd very Sumptu- 
ously. After Dinner, the Commissioner wrote to the Gover- 
nor of Virginia the following Letter: — 

To The Hon. William Gooch, Esq., Governor of Virga. 
May it Please your Honour. 

We Embark'd at Stratford yesterday in the forenoon, and 
arriv'd here this day. The Commissioners for this Province 
do not Design to move untill they have an Express to tell 
them when the Indians will be at the Place of Treaty. They 
have had some advice from their Agent at Philadelphia, 

Journal of William Mack. 125 

that the Indians are not yet Determined as to the time of 
their being there; we did not think this Sufficient to stop 
us, as we had your Honour's Commands to be there by the 
last of this month. But as some notice of this came by an 
Express from Mr. Jennings to us, before we left Virginia, a 
Letter was wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania, to In- 
treat him to cause Xotice to be left for us at the Principio^ 
Works, when the Indians were to be at the place, to the end, 
that if we had time, we would receive his Commands at 
Philadelphia before we met the Indians. 

The Assembly are Sitting here, all we hear yet of them is, 
that they are like to break up without doing anything to 
the purpose, u]x>n a difference like to arise, about the manner 
of giving 8d. a hhd. for furnishing tlie Country with Arms, 
and the Commissioners tell Us they will not ^ive anything 
towards the Expence of Treating wnth the Indians.* 

We are with all* possible Respect and Duly, 
Sir Your Honour's 

Most Obed,, and Most Hble. Serv'ts. 


We have the opportunity Accidentally, by a Boat from 
York that goes Directly. 

' <*rincipio Iron Works, Cecil Co., Md. 

• The tribes of the Six Nations were the most powerful confederacy of 
Indians on the continent, and, to prevent any further difficulty with them, 
it was determined to extinguish their claims to territory in Maryland, by 
purchase. The governor recommended this subject for the consideration of 
the Assembly, at the session of 1742. They concurred in his views, but a 
contest immediately arose as to the power of appointing commissioners to 
effect the proposed arrangement. The Assembly asserted their right to 
select a portion, and named Dr. Robert King and Charles Carroll, to act in 
conjunction with thoee appointed by the governor, and laid down certain 
instructions for the guidance of their conduct. Governor Bladen considered 
this as a usurpation of his powers, and refused to confirm their proceedings. 
The House remained firm, and the negotiation was suspended. Having 
failed to bring his opponents to subjection. Governor Bladen, at length, in 
1744, appointed commissioners on his own responsibility, without reference 
to the action of the Assembly, and a treaty was concluded by them with 
the Six Nations, in conjunction with the representatives of Virginia and 
Pennsylvania, at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania ; whereby, in consideration of 
the payment of three hundred pounds current money, they agreed to re- 
linquish all claim to any territory within the boundaries of Maryland. — 
HcSherry'M Hist, of Md., p. 110. 

126 Journal of William Black. 

In the Afternoon, the Commissioners, attended by the 
Gentlemen of their Levees, waited on his Excellency, 
Governor Bladen,^ by whom they were received very Gra- 
ciously, and after about an hour's Conversation, which passed 
chiefly on the Embassy, they retired to Esq. Jennings's, where 
they Lodged that Night, the other Gentlemen had Lodgings 
provided them at other private Houses in the Town, where 
we all Retir'd about 11 at night. 

Annapous, Saturday f May 19th. 

After Breakfast, the Gentlemen of the Levee Join'd the 
Commissioners at Esq. Jennings's, in order to Accompany 
them to the Governor's where they were to Dine, having 
received an Invitation the Afternoon before; We were 
Received by his Excellency and his Lady in the Hall, where 
we were an hour Entertain'd by them, with some Glasses of 
Punch in the intervals of the Discourse ; then the Scene was 
chang'd to a Dining Room, where you saw a plain proof of 
the Great Plenty of the Country, a Table in the most 
Splendent manner set out with Great Variety of Dishes, all 
serv'd up in the most Elegant way, after which came a 
Dessert no less Curious; Among the Rarities of which it 
was Compos'd, was some fine Ice Cream which, with the 
Strawberries and Milk, eat most Deliciously. After this 
Repast was over, (which, notwithstanding the great Variety,) 
show'd a face of Plenty and Neatness, more than Luxury or 
Profuseness, We withdrew to the Room in which we was 
first Received, where the Glass was push'd briskly round, 
sparkling with the Choicest Wines, of which the Table was 
Replenished with Variety of Sorts; His Excellency, the 
Donour of the Entertainment, is in his Person inclining to 
the larger Size of Men, Straight and well-proportioned, a 
Manly Face and Sanguine Complexion, seem'd Complaisant 
and free, of a Good Deal of Humour in Conversation, he had 
not a little Wit, and is allow'd to have a considerable Claim 
to Good Sense, and every other Qualification Reqair'd to 

> Thomas Bladen, Governor 1742-7. 

Journal of William Black. 127 

Compleat a Gentleman ; his Stature and Deportment is much 
becoming, and adds not a little to the Dignity of his Office. 
His Lady is of middle Size, Straight made, Black hair, and 
of a black CJomplexion much pitted with the smallpox, but 
very agreeable, and seems to have a great Stock of Qood 
Nature, as well as Wit ; she is a passionate Admirer of the 
Game Whist, which she is reckoned to play admirably well ; 
she is, by Birth, a French Woman, tho' not addicted to the 
Foppery of that Nation in appeamnce. About 4 in the 
afternoon, the Company broke up, and from thence went to 
the Stadt-house, where the Assembly of that Province was 
then Sitting, and in a Debate on a Division of a County ; 
but Order and Decorum, which Justly Regulated is always 
a great Addition to the Augustness, as well as Honour and 
Credit, of any Public Body, was not to be Observed in this 
House ; Nothing but a Confus'd Multitude, and the Greater 
part of the meaner Sort, Such as make Patriotism their Plea, 
but Preferment their Design, and that not for the Honour 
but the Profit; nor is it to be so much Surprizing, as it 
ought to be Regreted of (to see a Country managed, and the 
Legislature in the Power of a party, the greater part of 
which having no more Regard to Law or Justice, but so far 
as it is productive of Good to themselves, most of them 
preferring a Private Advantage to a public Good) when the 
Method is Considered, which many of the Members of 
Assemblies take to make themselves popular, which puts it 
in the Power of Every Pretender that Enjoys Estate Enough 
to Enable him to make a few Entertainments or Barbecues, 
to be sent a Representative for his Country, without any 
other Motive on his Side, than what he can make it turn to 
his own Advantage, a little Self Interest and a Groat deal 
of Ambition ; while the true Patriot, a Lover of his Country, 
and a Real Honest man, is Rejected, such is the Effects of 
Party Prejudice. It is Surprising what minute and Con- 
temptable Causes Create Discontents, Disorders, Violence, 
and Revolutions amongst Men, what a small Spring can 
Actuate a Mighty and many-headed Multitude, and what 
mighty Numbers one Man is Capable of Drawing into his 

128 Journal of William Black. 

Disgusts and Designs. It is the Weakness of the many, 
when they have taken a fancy to a Man, or the Name of a 
Man, they take a Fancy even to his failings, Adopt bis 
Interest, Right or wrong, and Resent every Mark of Disfavor 
shown him, however Just and Necessary it be; If a Man 
makes them Drunk twice or thrice a Year, this Injury is a 
Kindness which they never forget, and be is sure of their 
hearts and their hands, for having so Generously Rob'd them 
of their time, their Innocence, and their Senses. From this 
the Commissioners return 'd to Mr. Jennings, wbile the Rest, 
with Myself, went to visit the Situation of the Town ; it 
consists of a great many Good Buildings, but very Irregular, 
they cover "a good deal of Ground, which is Perinsulated, 
the River running almost round it. Excepting a little Isthmus 
joining it to the Continent ; the principal Buildings is the 
Stadt-IIouses, the Council-house, and the Free School, three 
very good Houses standing in the Middle of the Town, on 
the top of a high Hill overlooking the Town ; the Foundation 
of a very fine House Designed for the Governor was laying 
on a Beautiful Spot of Ground On the East side of the Town, 
towards the close of the day, We Returned to Mr. Jennings', 
where his Excellency, the Governor, was pleas'd to wait on 
the Commissioners, and pass'd the forepart of the Night; 
the Company parted half an hour past 11, when I went home 
to my Lodgings ; this day Cloudy, with "Wind at W. 

Annapolis, Sunday the 20th. 

This Morning about 7 O'clock, I got from my Bed, and 
taking a turn to the Water side, had Intelligence of a 
Schooner Just Arriv'd from York, that had brought a 
Gentleman belonging to Barbndoes to Annop' and was Re- 
turn Next Tide, which I Went and Communicated to the 
Commissioners, on which they wrote the following Letter to 
his Honour, Governor Gooch, which I carried to the Skipper 
of the Schooner : — 

To The Hon'ble William Gooch, Esq., Governor of Virga. 

May it Please your Honour. 

Annap'. May 20th, 1744. 

The 18th, we had the Honour to Acquaint you of our 
Arrival here by a York Boat, and that these CJommissioners 

Journal of William Black. 129 

are not dispoe'd to move untill they are Sure the Indians are 
on their way ; some doubt they- will not come at all ; 'tis 
said there has been some White Men Murdered off Pennsyl- 
vania, and that the Indians are enquiring for tlie Murderers.^ 
The Intellijgence we have here, comes from the Secretary* of 
Governor Thomas,^ as we are told; they have here great 
Suspicions of Mr. Weiser/ and believe that they will not 
Solelv Rely on him: . . We Submit it to your Honour, 
whether it will not be proper for Us to have your Command 
to have another, if we find it necessary, this we think we are 
not at Liberty to do by our Instructions, which are Possitive 
as to Weiser ; but if your Honour thinks proper to write us 
by the Post to Philaaelphia, a Liberty to take another, we 
shall either do it or not as we see Occasion. 
We are very Kindly us'd by the Governor here, we wish 

' " In 1744, Conrad Weiser was sent to Shamokin to inquire into the 
marder of John Armstrong, an Indian trader, and his two servants, Wood- 
worth Arnold and James Smith, alleged to have been committed by some 
of the Shamokin band of Delawares. He delivered bis message 'to the 
Delaware chief, Allnmapis, and the rest of the Delaware Indians, in the 
presence of Shikellamj and a few more of the Six Nations.'" — Tah-gah- 
jute; or, Logan and Cresap, by Brantz Mayer, note at the foot of page 43. 

*' In 1744, Mussmnllin, an Indian chief, murdered John Armstrong and 
his two men, on Juniata, and was apprehended by Captain Jack's party, 
bat released after a confinement of several months in Lancaster prison." — 
Watson's Annals of Phtla,, vol. ii. 109, ed. 1857. 

' Richard Peters. 

• Subsequently Sir Oeorge lliomas. Governor of the Leeward West India 
Islands. Died in London in 1775. Blake's Biog. Die, Philadelphia, 185G. 
He arrived in Pennsylvania in 1738. Watson, 1-274. Governor from 1738 
to 1747. 

* Conrad Weiser was an early and respectable interpreter, in which capac- 
ity he officiated in nearly every treaty effected with the Indians in his day. 
He with his father were among the first settlers of Schoharie, New York ; 
who emigrated thither from Germany in 1712, under a proclamation of Queen 
Anne of 1709, allowing settlers to take up land free, and to be exempted 
from taxes. When N. Bayard, the Queen's agent, came afterwards to enroll 
their names and to record their metes and bounds, they became alarmed and 
offered resistance. Strife ensued, when, upon the invitation of Sir William 
Keith, Gk>vemor of Pennsylvania, thirty-three families emigrated to that 
State, and settled at Muilback or Millbrook. Conrad Weiser was commis- 
sioned Colonel in 1756. He lived and died at Womelsdorf, a town situated 
between Reading and Harrisbarg. — Watson's Annals of Fann^y ed. 1857, 
vol. u. pp. 207, 258. 


180 Jounud of William Black. 

indeed, we have had the favour of your Letter to him. "We 
are with the Greatest Respect, 

Your Honour's Most Dutiful & Obed't Ser'ts, 


The Commissioners and their Levee Kept their Kooms the 
Forenoon, as Divine Service was not to be performed in Town 
this Sunday, betwixt the hours of 12 and 1. We Join'd the 
Commrs. at their Lodgings, and waited on them to the House 
of the Honourable Tasker,* Esqr., where we Din'd in 

Company with his Excellency the Governor, his Lady, and 
some more Gentlemen of the City, and spent most part the 
Afternoon, after which Return'd to Mr. Jennings's in the 
Evening. Mr. Dulaney and two or three more Join'd XJ8» 
where two or three hours was agreeably Spent, and the Com- 
pany Ectir'd to their Respective Lodgings about 10 ; this 
day clear, Wind at S. W. 

Annapous, Monday, the 2l8t. 

Rose half an hour after 6, took several turns in the Garden, 
and at 9 O'Clock eat Breakfast at my Landlords, and there 
Join'd the Company at the Billiard Table where the forenoon 
was past over, after 12 waited on the Commissioners, at Mr. 
Jennings, and with them went to the House of Ross^ 

Esqr., Clerk of the Council, where we were Invited the Day 
before to Dinner, after a very Decent Entertainment in Com- 
pany with the Young Gentlemen (leaving the Commissioners 
Engag'd with other Company) I went to the House of Dele- 
gates, and heard a Petition in Chancery Argued by Council, 
it being before thrown out by the Judge of the Court, and 
brought l)efore the Assembly to Confirm the Right of Lands, 
for which considenition money was paid, and no sufScient 
Conveyance made, although a Power of Attorney was to any- 
practising Attorney to acknowledge the same fully. At Night 
his Excellency the Governor and some other Gentlemen, for 
the Entertainment of the Commissioners and the Gentlemen 
of the Levee, gave a Ball in the Council Room, where moet 

' BeDJamin TaRker, President of the Colony 1751-3. 

Journal of William Black. 181 

of the Ladies of any Note in the Town was present, and made 
a very Splendent Appearance, in a Room back from that 
where they Danced, was Several sorts of Wines, Punch, and 
S^eet Meats, in this Room, those that was not Eiigag'd in 
any Dancing Match, might either Employ themselves at 
Cards, Dice, Back-Qtimon, or with a cheerful Glass: the 
Commissioners amus'd themselves till about 10 O'clock, and 
then went home to their Lodgings. 

The Ladies was so very Agreeable, and seem'd so Intent on 
Dancing that one might have Imagin'd they had some De- 
sign on the Virginians, either Designing to make Tryal of 
their Strength and Vigour, or to Convince them of their 
Activity and Sprightliness. After Several smart Engage- 
ments, in which no Advantage on either side was Observable, 
with a Mutual Consent, about 1 of the clock in the Morning, 
it was agreed to break up, every Gkntleman waiting on his 
Partner home. 

"Wind at N., and so very cold, that at the close of the 
Evening it was observed to Snow. 

Annapolir, Tuesday, 22d. 

This Moniing about 7 I got up and with Mr. Bulling my 
Landlord I took a Walk about two miles out of Town, re- 
tum'd about 9 and after Breakfast, went to Mr. Jennings's, 
where I spent the forenoon ; a little before 1 O'clock came 
three more of our Company, and Join'd the Commissioners, 
then we went to Dine with Cliarles Carroll,* Esqr., One of the 
Council of the Province, where we staid till near 5 at which 
time the Commissioners went according to a former promise 
to Sup with his Excellency the Governor at his House, but 
the Young Gentlemen having Engag'd themselves the day 
before, to wait on some Young Ladies who was to meet at 
Mr. Ross's House in the Evening, they went to the Governor's 
and after making their Excuse, for So short a Visit, then Re- 
turned to the Fair Assembly, where the Night was very 

• Son of Daniel Carroll of King's Connty. Ireland, Charles Carroll came to 
Maryland in 1686, and settled at Carrollton. He was the grandfather of 
Charles Carroll of Carrollton. the Signer of the Declaration of Independence. 
— Bio^. of Signers, by L. Carroll Judson, Phila., 1839, p. 132. 

182 Joumtd of William JUack. 

agreeably spent with Dancing, Singing, &c., about 11 O'clock 
the Ball clos'd, and every man with his partner went to con- 
duct her home ; but one of the Ladies it seems had ply'd the 
Artillery of her Eyes so Dextrously, that she had no less than 
a pair of Gallants to wait ujjon her Home, but whether the 
Lovers had been making their Case Known to the Fair, 
beseeching her to have (Compassion on them, and heal the 
Wounds, which if she was not entirely unacquainted with 
her own Charms (which very few Women are), she must be 
very Sensible of what they suiFer'd, or if betwixt themselves 
they were Disputing one Another's Title, my not being pre- 
sent renders me uncapable of Judging, but it is a Strong 
Proof that one or other was the Truth, since the Lady was 
obliged to show them that she did not stand in need of a 
Convoy, and with the help of her heels gave both the Slip, 
leaving them to grope their way to where they Lodg'd; 
another of our Gentlemen, after having seen his Miss safe, 
Steer'd a Course as he thought for his own Port, but either 
by the Darkness of the Night or with the help of Willis-ove- 
the-Wisp, I can't say which, but betwixt both, he made a 
Shift to get into a Swamp, when he made several turns, dou- 
bles, and windings, before he got clear, and at last, had like 
to have been Shipwrecked among a parcel of Tann-pitts, 
stumbling into one of them that happily had but very little 
Water in it, after he got himself disengag'd of these leather 
pot«, he had the luck to Stumble into the Right path home : 
he and I Lodging in the same Room, I hnppen'd to get there 
a few minutes before him, when I was Surprised to see A 
person come puffing and blowing, like a Grampus before a 
Storm, and Shaking his Taila, like a Dog coming out of a 
place where there was as much Mud as Water, it was now 
after 12, as soon as he entered the Room, while he was un- 
cjising himself from his wet Garments, he gave me the Hia- 
tory of his Travelling Adventures, after which we got to 
bed, where under the Dominion of the Drowsy God, and his 
leaden Sceptre, we Remain'd Insensible till morning. 

(To be continiiecL) 

Occupatian of New York City by the British. 188 




[This record, printed in the " Moravian'" dnringthe year 1876, is of sufficient 
interest to warrant its reproduction in a more permanent form, and we feel 
aiaiired that it will be read with interest by those who have nut had the good 
fortnne to meet with it. The notes and annot-ations are in most cases those 
Aimiahed by the present pastor of the New York congregation, the Bev. A. 
A. Belnke, who prepared them for the columns of the "Moravian;" those 
ftumiahed by the editor are so designated. — £d.] 

These extracts are from the diary of the New York Gong^gation, for 1776. 
The principal excerpts have reference to the passage of the Enemy's fleet 
up and down the Hadson River, the skirmishing on Long Island and Harlem 
Plains, and the great fire in September. The original diary is in the hand- 
writing of Bro. She wk irk, the pastor of the congregation. 

As is well known, the City of New York — which in 1776 extended, on 
the North, but a little beyond the present Post-office — was alternately in 
possession of the British and Americans. The " Rebel" portion of Bro. 
Shewkirk's flock underwent peculiarly lively experiences. Their names 
are easily recognizable in the frequent flittings of certain members from the 
city. The " Royalists" — good and true men none the less for their failure to 
** discern bt>th time and judgment" — included the pastor and other brethren, 
mostly of foreign birth and sympathies. The national proclivity of the 
writer of the diary is apparent in his occasional strictures, &c., on the Rebel 
army, and on certain members of his congregation. The extracts submitted 
contain the entire " War" record of the diary of the year ; thej are given in 
the style current at the time. 

January, 1776. 

Thursday 18th. — Last night and to-day Troops came in from 
the Jerseys ; the troubles begin again. 

MoTiday 29th. — ^The troubles in the town increased. Ten- 
broeks' moved to Second River on Wednesday. They would 
have gone on Tuesday, but the weather was too bad. 

I Published at Bethlehem, Pa. 


184 OecwpaMon of New York City by the British. 


Sunday 4^A.— This afternooti Mr. Lee,' a General of the New 
English* troops came to town ; as also the '' Mercury," a man 
of war, with General Clinton. The men of war here took a 
merchant ship coming in, &c. ; all which made many com- 
motion in the town.* 

Monday 5th. — Soldiers came to town both from Connecticut 
and the Jerseys, and the whole aspect of things grew fright- 
ful, and increased so from day to day. The inhabitants 
began now to move away in a surprising manner. The 
weather was very cold, and the rivers full of ice, which 
proved a great obstruction to the People's moving. How- 
ever, in the middle of the week it thawed fast, which seemed 
also to answer the prevention of designs against the men of 
war, the execution of which might have proved very fatal 
to the city. One could not pass the streets without feeling 
a great deal ; and at last we were obliged to encourage it 
that our sisters and young People might retreat. At the end 
of the week about 40 of our People were Moved. Hilah 
Waldron, Sister Reed, Sister Bouquet, and Sister Shewkirk, 
to Second River; and likewise Sister Runcey, with Peter and 
his wife. Mamie and Esther Pell, and Venema to Middle 
Town Point ; Sister Doeling, with her daughter, to Bruns- 
wig; Sister Francis to Topan;* Jane Groves and her son, 

' Qen. Chas. Lee. * England. 

* Accoants of these troubles and of the excitement of the times will be 
foand in Irving's Washington, vol. 2d, p. 167. The arrival of Sir Henry 
Clinton and Gen. Lee on the same day " threw the whole city," wrote an 
eye witness, ** into such a convulsion as it never knew before. Many of 
the inhabitants hastened to move their effects into the country, expecting 
an immediate conflict All that day and all night, were there carts going 
and boats loading, and women and children crying, and distressed voices 
heard in the roads in the dead of the night." Clinton professed to have 
come only on a short visit to his friend Gov. Tryon. " If it is really so," 
wrote Lee, " it is the most whimsical piece of civility I ever heard ot." 

It is reported that Lee said '* he would send word on board the men of 
war, that if they set a house on fire, in consequence of his coming, be 
would chain a hundred of their friends by the neck and make the bouse 
their funeral pile. — Ed. « Tappan. 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 185 

with the Sherbrook's family; John and Samuel Van Vlecke' 
families to Kipsy* bay, Sister Vroutje Van Vleck, with her 
daughters, to a place near Ilella Gate on Long Island ; John 
Cargyll's wife and children, Sister Everitt, Sister Ross and 
her sister, to places on Long Island. 

Wednesday 1th. — The discourse in the congregational 
meeting was on the watch-word of to-day. All the watch- 
words of next week, which is expected to be a week of 
troubles in the city, were read; as they are particularly 
suitable to our present circumstances. A deep emotion pre- 
vailed, and we parted not without tears, not knowing how 
long we may be separated ; but His Peace comforted us. 

Sunday 11th. — This was a gloomy day. The carts went 
all the day with the goods of the people that are moving ; 
moreover, in the forenoon the Soldiers began to take away 
all the guns from the Battery and the Fort, and continued 
till late. This caused an hourly expectation, especially in 
the afternoon, that the men of war would fire; however 
they did not.* It did not at all look like a Sunday. In 
some churches they had no service ; in others hardly any 
People. In the forenoon we had a discourse from behind the 
table, from the yesterday's watch- word ; " I the Lord do keep 
it ; I will water it every moment, lest any hurt it," Ac. In 
the afternoon was preaching on Lamentations III. 89-41 : 
" Wherefore doth a living man complain, &c. Let us search 
and try our ways," &c. Both times we had more hearers 
than we expected. 

Monday 12th. — His Majesty's ship, the " Mercury," with 
Genl. Clinton, and the " Transport" with the soldiers left the 
harbour yesterday, to proceed on their voyage southward. 
The moving out of the town continues. 

Saturday llth. — The whole week those of our people who 
are yet in town were visited. This morning the " Pha3nix" 
went out of the harbor, down to the watering place and the 
hook. In the afternoon the "Asia," the ship with the 
Governor* and the two Prices, moved also out of the east 
river, and when she was opposite the White Hall she was 

' Kip's. • See Irving, yoL ii. pp. 170-171. • Governor Tryon.— Ed. 

136 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

fast upon a rock. All was in agitation in cown; and it 
seemed there was a thought of attacking her, Ac. ; but they 
dropt it ; and with the high water the " Asia" got afloat and 
lies now in the bay below the Island.^ 

Wednesday 2\st. — In the afternoon Sister Esther Pell came 
to town from Middle Town Point. The boat she came in, 
laden with wood, was stopped by the men of war, and was 
sent back ; but the passengers were allowed to come to town, 

Sunday 25^A. — In the forenoon only a discourse was kept on 
the watch-word of to-morrow. In the afternoon a sermon was 
preached on the day's gospel. Several of the New England 
people were present. In the town the work at the entrench- 
ments continued, and some branches of trade were likewise 
working. At night Sister Shewkirk came back from Second 

Tuesday 21th. — Sister Vroutje Van Vleck came back from 
Long Island. 


Wednesday ISth. — A packet from England arrived once 
again, and brought an uncommon number of letters ; but they 
came not on shore. The postmaster would not take them, 
for fear that they might be seized without the postage being 
paid. The people were not suflfered to go on board to fetch 
them ; unless they took an oath to tell nothing that is done 
in the city. A packet for Bethlehem, directed to Bro. Shew- 
kirk, had been sent from England along with the government 
despatches post-free, and was brought by Mr. Ross in the 
King's Service, who had been on board privately. 

Saturday 23d. — Bro. Henry Van Vleck finding no danger 
of being stopt here, came also to town, with'Bro. Shewkirk 
(who had gone to Second River to visit his scattered flock). 
He did what business he could in a couple of days, and wherein 
he was successful. 

Tuesday 2Qth. — In the afternoon Bro. Henry Van Vleck set 
out again on his return, tho' he has yet business to do in 
diflferent places. 


Occupation of New York City by the British. 137 


Sunday 7th. — ^Easter. To-day and last night the commotions 
in the city b^n to be greater ; attacks have been made on 
the little islands, and at the watering place. 

Monday 8th. — Sister Kilbnrn who had got the officers, &c., 
oat of her house, got it cleaned and in order again. Tho' 
these lodgers had been better than common soldiers, yet she 
found her house and premises much injured.^ Sister Hilah 
AValdron on the following days got likewise the soldiers out 
of one of her houses, but she has suffered a great deal more. 
Indeed it is beyond description, how these uncivilized, rude, 
tind wild People, abuse the finest houses in the city. 

Wednesday 10th. — Sister Kilburn, and Ten Broeks, and 
Sklao Sister Runcey returned to Second River, and Bro. Poo- 
ling to Brunswig. 

Sunday 14^. — In the evening our Conrads had a sad affair 
in their house. They, with their Sister, daughter, and Bro. 
Durand, who was in town on a visit from Staten Island, 
mrere together ; when some soldiers came in, asking to buy 
things they don't sell. They went away again, but one 
of them went up stairs unknown to them ; and when their 
daughter who was apprehensive of such a thing went out 
to bolt the back door, he came down blew out her candle, 
and the old people coming to it, he gave a hard blow into 
the faiae of the mother, tore her pocket off in a forcible 
manner, and took a new cap from her father's head, and 
went away ; and when the father went after him out of the 
front door, there was another fellow. They beat Bro. C!on- 
rad, and then made off. 

Thursday 2Zrd. — John and Saml. Van Vlecks^ families 
went to Stone Arabia above Albany.* 

Tuesday BOth. — Sisters Kilburn and Hilah Waldron, and 
Sister Boelens have got the soldiers out of their houses. 

' "Oh, the houses of New York, if yon conld but see the insides of them! 
Oeenpied by the dirtiest people on the continent. .... If the owners 
eTer get possession again, I am snre they mnst be years in cleaning them, 
unless they get new floors and new plaster the walls."— ^Zmon't Remem- 
hrancer, vol. iii. p. 86. 

' On the east side of the Hudson, opposite the mouth of the Mohawk. 

138 Occupation of New York City by the Bnttah. 


Wednesday 1st — Sister McMenomy returned to Fishkill, 
with tears, — to stay there awhile longer ; not finding how 
to get bread here for the present. 

Friday 11 th. — This day had been appointed a day of fast- 
ing and prayer throughout the country ; therefore we had 
preaching in the fore and afternoon. The Text, a. m., was 
from Joel ii. 12, 13, 14. " Therefore also now, saith the Lord, 
turn ye even to me with all your heart, and with fasting 
and with weeping, and with mourning ; and rend your hearts 
and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God ; 
for He is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great 
kindness, and repenteth Him of the evil. Who knoweth if 
He will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind 
Him ?" The text, p. m., was from Hosea xiv. 1-8 : " O Israel, 
return unto the Lord thy Qod, for thou hast fallen by thine 
iniquity," &c. Our Saviour gave grace, in this critical junc- 
ture of affairs, to keep in the speaking to the subject of 
the text, and to avoid in the application what might be 
exceptionable. We had a pretty numerous auditory in the 
afternoon; also some of the officers. All behaved with 
attention. To-day the news came that the Provincials have 
raised the Siege of Quebec, with the loss of their artillery, 
baggage, and some hundreds of sick. 

Thursday 2Srd. — Abr. Van Vleck, and Eliza Van Deursen 
came from Second River ; Sister Ross from her place ; and old 
Christiana from Brunswig; from the latter place Sister 
Bowie too came back. This week we were also visited by 
Sister Cornwall, who came to town for a couple of days. 


Thursday 13^A. — Here in town very unhappy and shocking 
scenes were exhibited. On Munday night some men called 
Tories were carried and hauled about through the streets, 
with candles forced to be held by them, or pushed in their 
faces, and their heads burned; but on Wednesday, in the 
open day, the scene was by far worse ; several, and among 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 189 

them gentleman, were carried on rails ; some stripped naked 
and dreadfully abused. Some of the generals, and especially 
Pudnam and their forces, had enough to do to quell the riot, 
and make the mob disperse.' 

Friday lAth. — A printed letter from the Continental 
Congress was distributed, which gave intelligence that for 
certain, within ten days, the fleet from Halifax would be 
bere,' and it was strongly recommended to make all possible 
defence. In consequence of this, many more troops came to 
ix>wn, and all was in alarm. 

Sunday July 14/A. — It was a wettish day, and it looked as 
if all was dead in the town. The English [Church of Eng- 
land] churches were shut up, and there was services in none, 
or few of the others ; we had not many hearer either. 

Tuesday 16M. — Bro. Wilson who came to town last Friday, 
— ^for he could be in peace no more at Second River, as the 
<X)antry people will have the Yorkers to be in town, — asked 
for a pass to go over on business ; but they would give him 
none. This week they have begun to let no man go out of 
the city. Last Sunday, a flag of truce brought a letter to 
Washington ; but having not the title which they give him 
here, it was not received. Yesterday a message was sent 
down from here ; to-day an answer came, but was again re- 
turned on account of the direction.' 

Thursday 18M, was the day appointed when Independence 
was to be declared in the City Hall^ here ; which was done 
about noon ; and the Coat of Arms of the King was burnt. 
An unpleasant and heavy feeling prevailed.' 

> The city of New York, under Putnam's rule was, according to a letter 
quoted in Irving, vol. ii. p. 205, the reverse of the picture here given, every- 
thing being quiet and orderly. — Ed. 

• It did not arrive until the 29th. Gen. Howe arrived on the 25th. — Ed. 
' The letter was addressed to George Washington, Esquire; an account of 

its return and of the interview with Col. Patterson, the British Adjutant- 
general, will be found in the Life of Prea, Reed, vol. i. p. 204. — Ed. 

* Then at the head of Broad Street 

' There is no mention in the diary of the reading of the Declaration of 
Independence to the troops by order of Washington, eight days previously 
at the spot where the new post-office now stands ; nor of the palling down 

140 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

Saturday 20th. — About noon, a Qeneral Adjutant from 
Lord Howe came, and had a short conversation with General 
Washington, in Kennedy's house.' When he went away he 
said, it is reported, to Washington and the others with him: 
^^Sir and gentlemen, let it be remembered that the King 
has made the first overture for peace ; if it be rejected, you 
must stand by the consequences;" and thus — ^which seems 
to have been the main errand — he departed. Much polite- 
ness passed on both sides. 

Monday 22nd. — Our Bro. Wilson looking at the ferry, 
whither his negro was come with some goods from Second 
River, was put under arrest by one Johnson, and treated 
very basely by him, on account of a charge laid against him 
by one Gordon, at the Falls,' about 12 miles from Second 
River ; that he and his son had spoken against the American 
cause ; were dangerous persons ; and had done much mischief 
to their neighborhood, &c. Bro. Wilson appeared before the 
Committee;* the chairman knew nothing of the charge. 
Wilmot, one of the Committee, did, but they could prove 
nothing ; and Wilson could easily clear himself. The result 
was,— if he resided at Second River, they thought he should 
stay there. Many persons were ordered to-day to quit the 
town, because they were suspected. 

Tuesday 23d. — Bro. Wilson got a pass, and went to Second 

River to-day. 

Monday 29th. — ^Bro. Wilson came from Second River ; he 
had got a certificate of the Committee there, which cleared 
him sufficiently of the late charge ; and the Committee here 
gave him a pass to go to Pennsylvania. He brought letters 
from Bethlehem, where he intends to go this week; and 
returned to Second River this afternoon. He also brought 
word that our people have got their goods that were taken 
with the boat. 

in the evening of that day, of the equestrian statne of King George the 
Third, on the Bowling Green.— See Losnng'a Field Book of the Revolu^ 

tion, vol. ii. page 595. 

' The present Washington Hotel, at the foot of Broadway. 
• Passaic, now Patterson, N. J. • Sons of Liberty T 

Occupation of New York City by the British, 141 

1\usday SO^A.— John Cargyll came to town, as also Sister 
Campbell; the latter to stay with her son John, whose 
£unily is left at Fishkill. 

Wednesday Slst. — lu the meeting of the communicants^ 
we called to mind the watchword on the first day of this 
month ;— -there was a discourse on to-day's text ; — and then 
in a prayer we thanked our dear Lord for having helped us 
thro' this month; told Ilim the desires of our hearts for 
ourselves, and our fellow members scattered here and there, 
and commended ourselves to His &ithful love and care. 
We felt well 


Wednesday 2nd. — ^In the afternoon Bro. Shewkirk coming 
from a walk beyond the £ope Walk, between the Bowery 
and the East River, not &r from the camp which is there, 
lie was accosted by an officer, and desired to see a sick man, 
who was distressed in his mind, and who, as he thought, was 
frantic. Bro. Shewkirk walked in with him. The sick, 
who was an Ensign of the Connecticut troops, told him of 
liis sickness ; that he had got a relapse : and as he did not 
know whether he should get over it, he was frighten'd 
because of his sins : having been a wild young man ; and that 
he had had sometimes thoughts of making away with him- 
self; Ac. Bro. Shewkirk spoke to him of our Saviour, that 
he need not be unduly alarmed, but should rather acknow- 
ledge the goodness of the Lord, who by His Spirit shew'd 
him his state, with an intention to save him, Ac. ; and then, 
upon the request of the sick, he prayed by him with much 
freedom. A couple of officers, and some soldiers were 

Saturday 8rrf. — ^Towards evening Bro. Shewkirk went to 
see the sick Ensign ; who soon desired him again to pray 
with him. The Captain who yesterday desired Bro. Shewkirk 
to see the sick was there ; and by and by another officer, 
with one of their Chaplains came in. The conversation of 
the latter with the officers turned upon war matters; the 
sick repeated his desire to have a prayer made ; the Chaplain 

142 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

was a raw sort of a man, and the little he spoke to the 
sick was in a rough manner ; he at last put it to Bro. 
Shewkirk to pray, who did it ; spoke yet a little to the sick ; 
and then left him. 

31on(lay 6th. — In the afternoon Bro. Shewkirk, coming 
thro' Stone Street, was desired by the woman of the house, 
to step in to see a sick man, who seemed to be near his end ; 
they had wanted a minister, and could get none. The sick 
was also an Ensign of the Connecticut forces, one Mr. Evans. 
He could not speak, but was tolerably sensible. Bro. Shew- 
kirk, with freedom and emotion of heart, recommended him 
to the grace and mercy of the Saviour of the world. 

Tuesday 6th. — In the morning, Bro. Shewkirk went to see 
the afore-mentioned Mr. Evans. He seemed to be somewhat 
better, could talk, and said that he had heard and understood 
the prayer last night. After some little conversation with 
him, Bro. Shewkirk prayed, and called upon the name of the 
Lord in his behalf. It does not appear that he has that 
awakened sense of himself, which the other young man has. 
Several came in while Bro. Shewkirk was there, and also his 
Colonel, an elderly, clever man. In the afternoon Bro. Shew- 
kirk went to see the other sick man, Mr. Goodman ; he read 
to him the 53rd and 55th chapters of Isaiah, to his satisfac- 
tion, and then prayed with him. 

Wednesday 7th. — In the forenoon Bro. Shewkirk visited 
Mr. Goodman, who seems to be on the recovery ; he read to 
him the 14th and 15th chapters of St. John ; had some 
pleasant conversation with him; and then, in a prayer, 
recommended him to our Saviour's grace and care. In the 
afternoon, Bro. Shewkirk went to see Mr. Evans, whom he 
found near his end. He prayed over him with great freedom, 
beseeching the Lord over life and death, for the sake of His 
meritorious agonies and death sulFerings to receive this soul 
in mercy. An awful feeling prevailed. The people of the 
house, and a couple of soldiers were present. It appeared 
from some signs and sounds the sick gave, as if he heard the 
prayer. In the next room there was another sick young 
soldier, whe desired Bro. Shewkirk to come to him ; he went 


Occupation of New York City by the British. 148 

to him, and spoke to him heartily, advising him what use 
to make of his present illness. 

Thursday 8^. — In the afternoon at 4 o'clock, Bro. Shew- 
kirk, having heen invited to the funeral of the Ensign, Mr. 
Evans, went there in expectation of another minister's oflBi- 
ciating ; but there was no other minister present, and the 
directing officer desire Bro. Shewkirk to make a prayer 
at the house before they went away, and to speak a little 
in the church yard. Accordingly, after the soldiers were 
together, and the corpse was put in the street, Bro. Shewkirk, 
standing on the stoop, made a short prayer ; upon which the 
corpse was put on a bier, covered with a black cloth and 
the Regimental pall, which was borne by four officers ; and 
then in the usual military way, they proceeded to the old 
Presbyterian meeting house and its graveyard ; there Bro. 
Shewkirk made a short address to the people, and after the 
corpse was interred, he concluded with — " The grace of our 
Lord Jesus Christ," &c. The whole was conducted with 
maoh order and solemnity. 

Monday 12th, — Sister Shewkirk and Hilah Waldron re- 
turned back to Second River. Sister Sabina Allen, with her 
little boy Stephen, went to Long Island. 

Tuesday 13/A. — In the evening was the interment of the 
remains of Sister Jane Boelen. It was difficult to find six 
brethren to be the carriers ; for which reason the servants 
made part of them ; and Bro. Reed officiated for them on the 
way. Many people cannot be expected to attend funerals in 
these times. Those of our sisters that were yet in town 
mostly attended, and the rest were of Sister Boelen's neigh- 
bors. However, everything went orderly and to satisfaction. 
In the chapel, a discourse was kept on Isaiah, 46 4 : — "Even 
to your old age I am He," &c. Bro. Shewkirk visited Mr. 
Goodman, but found him in a distressing situation, that all 
his limbs trembled at times ; he G — thought it was deter- 
mined by God that he should die an awful death, and that 
shortly. Upon speaking to him, he grew more composed ; 
and kept Bro. Shewkirk with him as long as he could. Some 

144 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

days after, he was brought home to his Father, in Connecti- 

Wednesday Wth. — There was much alarm in the town, as 
it was expected that the next morning an attack would be 
made on the city by the Kiug's troops; which, however, 
did not prove so. 

Saturday 11th. — Towards night a proclamation was pub- 
lished, in which all women, children, and infirm people 
were advised to leave the city, with all possible speed ; as a 
bombardment was expected ; those that were indigent, should 
be assisted and provided for. This caused a new fright. 
8ome of the sisters yet in town came to Br. Shewkirk to 
advise with him about it.* 

Sunday ISth. — Early in the morning the two men of war 
and their tender, that had been up the North Kiver, came 
back ; which caused again a sharp cannonading till they were 
passed. Yesterday, a fortnight ago, they had been attacked 
by the Row-gallies and a Privateer, which were obliged to 
desist from their attempt; having been greatly worsted 
by the men-of-war, and lost several of their men. Last 
week they attacked them with fire-ships, but could not 
obtain their end, and lost one of their captains ; they then 
sunk vessels, and thought to be sure of having stopped their 
passage ; however, they came back. It was a rainy morning, 
with a north east wind. The fright seemed to be not as 
great as it was when they went up ; and yet the balls hurt 
more houses ; some men were likewise hurt.' 

' On this day, WashiDgton was informed by a deserter, that a great many 
of the enemy's troop had gone on board the transports ; that three days* 
provisions had been cooked, and other steps taken, indicating an intention 
of leaving Staten Island. To the New Tork Convention he wrote : " When 
I consider that the city of New Tork will, in all human probability, very 
soon be the scene of a bloody conflict, I cannot but view the great numbers 
of women, children, and infirm persons remaining in it, with the moat 
melancholy concern. When the men-of-war passed up the river, the shrieks 
and cries of these poor creatures running every way with their children, 
were truly distressing, and I fear will have an unhappy effect on the ears and 
minds of our young and inexperienced soldiery." — SparJt^s, vol. iv. p. 49. £d. 

' The Rose and the Phoenix. — See Irving' s Washington, vol. ii. p. 306. £o. 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 145 

PhiL Syphers' experienced a kind preservation. A nine 
pounder came through the old German church in the Broad 
Way, into the house they lived in, opposite the Lutheran 
church, and into the room where they slept ; but they were 
up and out of the room. The ball come through the window, 
which it mashed to pieces, with part of the framework ; 
went through the opposite wall near the head of the bed- 
stead ; crossed the staircase to another room ; but meeting 
with a beam in the wall, came back, and went a part through 
the side wall, and then dropt down on the stairs. A thirty- 
two pounder, supposed coming from the Powlis Hook battery, 
fell into Sister Banvards' garden, just before her door. If 
there was service kept, it was but in one church. Our 
preaching in the forenoon was on Jer. 45 : 19 ; ^^ I said not 
unto the seed of Jacob, seek ye me in vain," &c., and in the 
evening from Matt. 6, 19, 20 : " Lay not up for yourselves 
treasures on earth," &c. 

August 19tL — Sister Bowie and her daughters with some 
of their goods went to Newark. Sister Vroutje Van Vleek 
and daughters went to an house up the Bowery. Sister Lep- 
per, upon application, was to be helped to Flushing by the 
Committee ; which Bro. Shewkirk did not approve of when 
he heard of it; and as it happened, it did not come to pass. 
Polly Sypher, with her child, went to Mr. Watt's house. 

Tuesday 2Qth. — We got letters from Bethlehem. Towards 
evening Bro. Wilson came from Second River.* 

Wednesday 2\st. — In the evening, as but one Bro. and one 
Sister came, the meeting (preparatory) for the communicants 
fell out. Soon after a very heavy thunder storm came on. 
It lasted for several hours, till after 1 o'clock ; an uncommon 
lightning ; one hard clap after the other ; heavy rain mixed 
at times with a storm like a hurricane. The inhabitants can 
hardly remember such a tempest, even when it struck into 
Trinity church twenty years ago ; they say it was but one 
very hard clap, and together did not last so long by far. 
Upon the whole it was an awful scene. Three oflScers, viz., 

' Supposed to be the creek near Newark, at present bearing that name. 

146 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

one Captain, and two Lieuts., were killed in one of the 
Carape ; tliey were all Yorkers ; and one soldier of the Ifew 
English People was likewise killed in a bouse in the square ; 
several others were hurt, and the mast of one of the row 
gallies mash'd to pieces. 

Thursday 22d and Friday 2M. — The king's troops landed 
on Long Island. The troops from here went over, one 
Battalion after the other, and many kept on coming in ; yet, 
upon the whole their number certainly was not so great as 
it commonly was made. In the evening we had the congre- 
gational meeting with the little company that was present. 
We resolved to drop the Wednesday meeting for the present, 
and to begin that on Tuesday and Friday at 6 o'clock. 

Saturday 2ith. — In the afternoon, Bro. Shewkirk coming 
through tlie Bowry,* was called into a house next to 
Romains,' and desired to baptize a child, which the people 
thought would not live till the next day ; they told that the 
mother was a stranger here from Rawwell' in the Jerseys. 
Considering the present time, when all things are in confu- 
sion, and scarcely ministers in the town, he granted their 
request; called upon the name of the Lord in behalf of the 
infant, and baptized it by the name of William. 

Monday 2Qth. — A good deal of firing was heard on Long 
Island, and several skirmishes happened between the scout- 
ing parties, wherein the Provincials sustained loss. 

Tuesday 21th. — ^was a Fast and Prayer day in this Province; 
which had been appointed by the Convention ; but here in 
the city it was not and could not be observed. On the one 
hand, there are but few inhabitants in the town, and the 
soldiers were all busily employed ; on the other hand there 
was much alarm in the city. Soon, in the morning, an alarm 
gun was fired in expectation that the ships were coming up; 
which however proved not so; but on Long Island there 

1 This street began at Park Place, and included Chatham Street, reach- 
ing, in its inhabited part, about as far as Chatham Square. 
* Romeyn. 
' Rahway. 

Occupation of New York City hy the British. 147 

was a smart engagement, in which the Americans sufi'ered 
greatly. Two generals, Sullivan and Sterling, and many 
other officers and soldiers were taken prisoners. All the 
troops now went over ; those from King's Bridge came like- 
wise, and went over the next morning.* As very few of our 
j)eople came, we kept only a little meeting in the forenoon, 
in which a short discourse was kept on Jer. 48, 17 and 18 ; 
and concluded with a moving prayer, kneeling. This ("the 
result of the battle] was an agreeable disappointment for all 
honest men ; for what could such a fast signify, when men 
want to pursue measures against the Word and Will of 
God, Ac. 

Wednesday 28M. — The different parties on Long Island 
kept on to be engaged with one another; the firing was 
plainly heard. Bro. Shewkirk met with a young man, who 
waited on Ensign Goodman, and who was come back from 
Long Island. He told him that he, and a small number of 
his regiment — Huntington's — had escaped with their lives. 
It had been a sight he should never forget ; such as he never 
wished to see again. This young man is of a serious turn, 
and religious more than common, and promises to be the 
Lord's. In the afternoon we had extraordinary heavy rains 
and thunder. From one of the Forts of the Continental 
army on Long Island, two alarm guns were fired in the 
midst of the heavy rain ; supposing that the regulars would 
attack their line somewhere between Flatbush and Brook- 
land ; all the men were ordered out though it rained pro- 
digiously ; it was found, after some time, that it was a false 
alarm. The sound of these alarm guns had just ceased, 
when, immediately after, a flash of lightning came, followed 
by a clap of thunder. It was awful. The very heavy rain, 
with intermixed thunder continued for some hours till 
towards evening. In the night the battling on Long Island 
continued, and likewise 

Thursday 29/A ; and in the afternoon such heavy rain fell 
again as can hardly be remembered ; nevertheless the opera- 

* See Oraydon's Memoirs (Pbila. edition, 1846), page 163.— Ed. 

148 Occupation of New York City by the British, 

tious upon Long Island went on more or less ; and behold, 
in the night, the Americans thought it advisable to retreat, 
and leave Long Island to the King's troops. They found 
that they could not stand their ground, and feared to be sur- 
rounded, and their retreat cut off. The great loss they had 
sustained, the want of provision and shelter, in the extra- 
ordinary Wet; the unfitness of many of their troops for 
war, &c. ; undoubtedly contributed to this resolution.^ 

Friday 30^A. — In the morning, unexpectedly and to the 
surprise of the city, it was found that all that could come 
back was come back ; and that they had abandoned Long 
Island; when many had thought to surround the king's 
troops, and make them prisoners with little trouble. The 
language was now otherwise ; it was a surprising change, 
the merry tones on drums and fifes had ceased, and they 
were hardly heard for a couple of days. It seemed a general 
damp had spread ; and the sight of the scattered people up 
and down the streets was indeed moving. Many looked 
sickly, emaciated, cast down, Ac. ; the wet clothes, tents — as 
many as they had brought away — and other things, were 
lying about before the houses and in the streets to dry ; in 
general everything seemed to be in confusion. Many, as it 
is reported for certain, went away to their respective homes.' 
The loss in killed, wounded, and taken has certainly been 
great, and more so than it ever will be known. Several were 
drowned and lost their lives in passing a creek to save them- 
selves. The Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland 
people lost the most ; the New England people, Ac, it seems 
are but poor soldiers, they soon took to their heels. At 
night, the few that came or would come, had a meeting on 
the texts; and the next day we ended this troublesome 
month with the watch-word, " He that believeth shall not 
make haste." " Grant me to lean unshaken, Ac." 

> See 27ie Battle of Long Island, by Thomas W. Field, Brooklyn, 1869. 
s Washington wrote to Congress regarding the militia : " Great numbers 
of them have gone off, in some instances almost by whole regiments." 

(To be continued.) 


Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 149 




A Pbxbbntation of hkb Pobtbait to thk Hibtobigal Sogibtt or 

Pennstlyamia, Apbil 16, 1877. 

At a full meeting of the Society upon this interesting 
occasion, there were present four young ladies of Swedish 
birth, distinguished vocalists, Misses Inga Ekstrom^ Bertha 
Erixon, Amanda Carlson, and Ingeborg Lofgren. 

The President said: Our meeting this evening is peculiar; 
I will not say that it has reference to the pre-historic time 
of our State, but if I may be allowed to coin a word, I will 
Bay that it relates to the pre-Pennian epoch. Many persons 
out of Pennsylvania suppose that when William Penn came 
to Philadelphia, the region was in as exclusive possession 
of the Indians as on the day when Columbus landed on 
St. Salvador. This is a great mistake. When Penn came 
here, the Swedes had been in possession of the soil for near 
half a century. They had here forts, laws, churches, and 
many institutions of society. They came here under the 
reign of Queen Christina of Sweden. I understand that the 
Historical Society is to be presented this evening, by the 
Trustees of the Publication Fund, who have done much 
lately to bring to view the otherwise fast fading Swedish 
annals of our province, with a portrait of that sovereign, and 
I feel sure from the number of our Swedish members whom 
I see in the assemblage, and especially from the presence of 
the four young Swedish ladies whom you see on my right, 
and whose delightful gift has charmed so many people over 
the whole fiu» of the land, that the present is a most accept- 
able one. 

150 Swedish SeUleineyUs on the Delaware. 

The ladies here gracefully acknowledged the President's 
remarks, by coming forward and singing, with fine eftect, 
'^Songfoglame'' (Singing Birds) — ^Lindbland. 

Mr. Vice President Jones addressed the chair as follows : — 

Mr. President: Our venerable fellow member, Mr. Richard 
S. Smith, has been requested to make the presentation — ^but, 
sir, I must so far interrupt the order of proceedings as to say 
a word about Mr. Smith himself. 

All present know him as a long honored citizen of Phila- 
delphia ; few, however, present are old enough to know that 
before the war w- ith England, he was the most useful repre- 
sentative of this nation in a foreign land; that land, the 
country over which Christina once was queen. This fiict 
comes to most here, only traditionally. 

The time when Mr. Smith was consul in Sweden was the 
era of the great Napoleonic wars. The whole continent shook 
with the tread of armies, and the very waves of the ocean 
seemed chained, for the famous decrees of Berlin and Milan 
and the British Orders in Council closed to neutral vessels, 
all the ports of Europe, save only those of the Baltic. The 
United States, not as yet drawn into the contest, had a vast 
commerce with those northern ports, and Mr. Smith, with 
rare judgment, detected in the mysterious appearance of a 
cargoless American vessel which was to be hurried further 
on to some Russian port, enough to satisfy him that war had 
been declared by the United States against Great Britain. 
In a private record by Mr. Smith, which I have seen, he 
writes : — 

"In the month of July, it was the law in Sweden that 
every vessel arriving from America should come to anchor in 
the quarantine harbor fourteen miles from the city, and being 
boarded by the master of quarantine, the necessary manifest 
of cargo, clearance, etc., were exhibited, and a memorandum 
thereof made and immediately despatched by a boat to 
the proper health officer at the city. Being anxious to be 
promptly advised of every arrival, I made arrangements with 
the man who navigated the boat between the station and the 

152 Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 

assertion that he had a commission to perform for his owners, 
and he would not go beyond that. I directed his attention 
to a fleet of several hundred vessels lying in Wingo Boads, 
distant a mile from the quarantine ground. I told him I 
knew of over forty vessels (American) in that fleet waiting 
English convoy, and of course, under the guns of British 
cruisers. I told him he must be aware that the English had 
great facilities in receiving and forwarding all important 
information aftecting their interests, and that, doubtless, the 
English Admiral would have the information within a day 
or two, and it would be a lasting sorrow to him, to know 
that one word in confidence to me, might have saved millions 
to his countrymen, which otherwise, by his silence, would be 
captured by an enemy. At this, he was much agitated, and 
said he could not in that view of the case remain silent. He 
said war was declared by an Act of Congress on the 17th day 
of June, and that on the next day, Com. Rodgers had sailed 
to look for British cruisers off* Halifax, and no doubt hos- 
tilities had commenced. 

" Having obtained this important information, with a strong 
fair wind, I hurried back to the city, and hastily assembling 
the Americans in my office, I astonished and startled them 
by the news I had obtained ; some of them were captains of 
vessels lying down in the roads under convoy, and were crazy 
to get to their ships. The wind which had been so fiair to 
bring me up to the city was now almost a gale against a 
passage down. It was then suggested that we should all set 
to work writing a circular, which I prepared, and that a 
horse and carriage should be procured with which two or 
three of the number should proceed to Marstrand, a seaport 
a few miles to windward, from which, by boat, the fleet could 
easily be reached, and the circulars delivered to the American 
vessels, and warning them unless they weighed their anchors 
and ran up the river above the Swedish batteries, they were 
liable at any moment to British capture. All parties were 
cautioned to keep strict silence in the city until these vessels 
were secured. Happily, the expedition to Marstrand and 
thence to the fleet was a success, and before the next morning. 

154 Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, 

turning, charged again, killing and wounding many of their 
number before their French pursuers arrived." 

Mr. President, I will say no more, and beg pardon for 
having arrested Mr. Smith in what he was about to say ; but 
the fact that this gentleman, now eighty-eight years of age, 
was, sixty-seven years ago, the American Consul in Sweden, 
and rendered, before the birth of most present, such eminent 
service to our country, seemed to me to warrant the liberty I 
have taken. 

Mr. Richard S. Smith next arose and said : — 

Mr. President, and Ladies and Gentlemen : The agreeable 
duty has been imposed upon me by the Trustees of the Pub- 
lication Fund of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, to 
present, on their behalf, to the Society, a portrait of much 
interest to the people of our State, for it is of a person most 
intimately associated with the earliest days of the settlement 
on the banks of the Delaware. 

Until our Historical Societies were established, very little 
was popularly known of this early Swedish colony. In 
my boyhood, from 1803 to 1806, I was accustomed to fre- 
quent the neighborhood of the Gloria Dei Church, for where 
the late ^avj Yard was afterwards established, was the only 
gravel bank of the river where the boys could venture to 
learn to swim. We were told that this church was the 
oldest one in Philadelphia, and that it had been built for the 
accommodation of Swedes who had come to America. We 
knew there were German churches also in Philadelphia, but 
we were not told, nor were we aware that long before the 
Germans came, the Swedes had already a colony and a govern- 

In 1810, I went to Sweden with a ship and cargo, and 
remained there over two years, and during that time I never 
heard any mention made beyond the fact that a mission bad 
early visited America and had built churches, and preached 
the gospel here. On my return home in 1813, 1 was attracted 
to the Swedes Church to hoar old Dr. Nicholas Collin preach 
in his native tongue, which he did once a month, to a small 

Swedish Settlements on the Delaware. 155 

congregation who still continued to understand that language. 
In familar intercourse with that venerable gentleman, I first 
learned that the Swedish colony had possession before the 
arrival of William Penn. 

The Annals of the Swedes by the Rev. Dr. Clay, in 1834, 
drawn from the publications of this Society and from the 
records of the Swedish church, brought the facts of the 
Swedish settlement into notice, and the names of many of the 
early settlers thus being given to the public, some fiimilies in 
Pennsylvania have learned that their origin was from the 
Swedes. Among others, I learned it, for there I found that 
my mother's family, named Shute, originated from Johan 
Schute, one of the original settlers named by Dr. Clay. 

During the Centennial Exhibition, the Conmiissioners from 
Sweden, and others of that nation, visited our beautiful Hall, 
and they also attended the worship at the old Church " Gloria 
Dei^^ at Wicaco. They, as well as the officers of this Society, 
attended a most striking anniversary celebration that was held 
there, and they were exceedingly gratified and proud of these 
testimonials of the early and active labors of their ancestors 
on our shores. 

Before I formally present the portrait, permit a few words 
from the Secretary, as to the person of whom it is a repre- 

The Secretary here spoke as follows : — 

Mr. President: The portrait presented is of Christina, 
Queen of the Swedes, the Goths, and the Vends, Grand- 
duchess of Finland, Duchess of Esthonia, Carelia, Brehmen, 
Vehrden, Stedtin, Pomerania, Cassuben, and Vaenden, 
Princess of Riigen, Lady of Ingria and Vissmar, etc. It was 
copied by Miss Elise Amberg, of Stockholm, from the ori- 
ginal by David Beek, a pupil of Vandyke, in the National 
Museum at Stockholm. 

This monarch was bom at Stockholm on the 8th of Decem- 
ber, 1626, and died at Rome on the 19th of April, 1689. At 
the age of six years she inherited an illustrious crown, for it 
was that worn by the great Gustavus Adolphus who had 

156 Swedish ScUleiiiaits on the Ddaware. 

triumphantly led the Protestant Powers of Europe in their 
long and desperate struggle. The wars that continued under 
the young Queen were, however, out of all proportion to the 
resources of her kingdom ; yet she seemed for a time a not 
imworthy successor to her father, the foremost man of his 

Guided by the famous Chancellor Oxenstiem, upon whom 
devolved the care of the kingdom on the death of Gustavus, 
the region on the Delaware River, which we ourselves inhabit, 
that now known as the State of Delaware, and also Southern 
New Jersey, were colonized from her dominions in 1638, 
under the name of New Sweden. Queen Christina thus 
became the first Christian monarch of this part of America. 
The Swedish power continued until 1655, when it fell under 
that of the Dutch who had for some time possessed the New 
Netherlands, by which name the country round about 
New York was then known. The Dutch held these &ir 
regions of the Hudson and the Delaware, or, as they then 
were called, the North and the South Rivers, until 1664, 
when they passed by conquest to the English. 

Christina abdicated her crown in 1654, and became a con- 
vert to the church of Rome. She lived the greater part of 
the remainder of her life an exile from Sweden. She pos- 
sessed considerable native power, and was highly cultivated. 
As may be supposed from its being the seat of the power, 
almost dominant, the court of Gustavus and of his fair 
daughter was sought by the learned of that day from every 
quarter of Europe. Grotius and Descartes shone there among 
a host of other intellectual luminaries. 

It is eminently appropriate that the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania should have secure^l this portrait. Sweden and 
its monarch first waked to our life the forests that till then 
had known only the Indians. These have passed away, but 
they and the Swedes have left, in the names of places, monu- 
ments more enduring than those of brass, for Allegheny and 
Juniata and Christina are not forgotten, but prove what Pal- 
grave says, that "Mountains and rivers still murmur the 
voices of nations long denationalized or extirpated." 

Swedish Settlemavta on the Ddaware. 157 

Mr. Smith, here resummg his observations, concluded by 
saying : — 

And now, Mr. President, and fellow members of the Society, 
I l>6g your acceptance of this valuable historical gift. 

The President, on behalf of the Society, received, with 
appropriate remarks, the portrait of Queen Christina; upon 
which the ladies sang in Swedish, " Northland," by Nylen, 
which may thus be rendered in English : — 

I know a land where round the arch of heaven, 
The Northern Lights their awful splendors throw ; 

Where helmeted in clouds the hills, storm-riven, 
Keep watch around the vales that sleep below. 

There many a torrent from the mountains pouring, 

Sends echoing thunders to the distant vale ; 
The Necken's wild harp, fitful, drowns their roaring, 

And on the waters sleeps the moonlight pale. 

The President, continuing, said: The name of Stills is 
found among those of our early Swedish settlers, and is one 
of the not very many names of them which come down to us, 
and come down in form unchanged. For, some have, by a 
very slight modification of a vowel or consonant, passed, I 
think, into forms not distinguishable from those of our 
British colonists ; and some, through female lines, or failure 
of issue, have, in the course of near three centuries, disap- 
peared altogether. That of StilW, as I say, remains, and in 
this day has received new honor in the person of the accom- 
plished Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. 

No man among us is at all so capable to speak about these 
ancient colonists who came here under Queen Christina, as 
the Provost StilW ; and, if he will allow me, I will ask him 
to say something to us on this interesting occasion, where, 
with hereditary right, he is so naturally present. 

Mr. Provost Stills then adddressed the meeting. 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : I think that the 
Historical Society is to be congratulated upon the acquisition 
of a portrait of Queen Christina. It will serve not merely 

158 Swedish Settleinents on the Delaware. 

to recall an important epoch in our own local history, but 
also, to emphatically mark the period when the principles of 
European colonization on this continent, then quite novel, 
were established. It is true that the Swedish colony settled 
here in 1638, under the Queen Christina, was not the one 
projected on so magnificent a scale by her father, Gu8ta^nl8 
Adolphus. The colony remained a dependency of the Swedish 
Crown for only seventeen years, its members were merely a 
few Swedish peasants, not exceeding, even sixty years after 
its settlement, a thousand in number ; it held within its 
bosom the germ of some of our characteristic American ideas, 
but it had little to do with their growth ; its inhabitants 
were a God-feuring, simple-hearted, law-abiding race, who, 
while they had, like all adventurers, dreams of a brighter 
home beyond the seas (for they named the first land they saw 
on Delaware Bay, Panidise Point), yet knew well that an 
earthly paradise can only be found by dint of hard work and 
self-denying virtue. 

Yet, in the general history of American colonization, the 
simple annals of these people are not without interest. It is 
not uninstructive, for instance, to find them at that early 
day, in opposition to the notions of public law then current 
in Europe, firmly holding that a true title to lands here 
should be based upon a purchase from the natives, followed 
up at once by the occupancy of Eurojxuins ; it is pleasant to 
think of them, patient, contented, prosperous, never sufi;ering 
from that restlessness of spirit which has in this country 
violated so many rights of neighborhood ; above all, they are 
to be honored for their persistent devotion to their religion 
and their church, that church which they and their children 
were able to preserve, in its complete organization, for more 
than one hundred and twenty years after the Crown of 
Sweden had lost all power here, and which decayed only 
when the language of her ministrations became a strange 
tongue to her children. 

The early Swedes, unlike the early settlers from other 
countries, did not dwell in towns. They were simple farmers, 
living on the shores of the Delaware, and of its many affluents 

Swedish Sctilcnients on the Delaware, 159 

on both sides of the river. Their labors soon made the wilder- 
ness to blossom as the rose, and, although they found not, 
as they had been promised, whales in Delaware Bay, nor a 
elimate suited for the cultivation of the vine, or the producr. 
tion of silk,* yet they gathered the abundant fruits of their 
toil in thankfuhiess, living in peace and quietness, serving 
God after the manner of their fathers, and, while jealous of 
the honor and dignity of the Royal Crown of Sweden, fiill of 
kindness and forbearance towards those who denied their 
claim to the lands upon which they dwelt. There is, indeed, 
a pastoral simplicity in the lives of these rugged children of 
the North when transplanted to the shores of the Delaware, 
which, to say the least, is not a common feature in our 
American colonization. Their ideal of life seems to have 
been a sort of modem Arcadia where, 

" Far from the madding crowd's ignoble strife, 
Their sober wishes never learned to stray ; 
Along the cool, sequestered vale of life, 
They kept the noiseless tenor of their way/' 

It is, I think, to be regretted that while we possess the 
portrait of Queen Christina, we have not those of her great 
tather, Gustavus Adolphus, and of their illustrious Chancel- 
lor, Oxenstiem. I firmly believe that these two men, in 
their scheme for colonizing the shores of the Delaware, are 
entitled to the credit of the first attempt in modem time^ to 
govern colonies for some higher purpose than that of enrich- 
ing the commercial and manufacturing ehisses of the mother 

The gloomiest chapter in modem history, it has always 
seemed to me, is that which shows the result of the policy 
adopted by nearly all the European nations towards those of 

' Of course whale fishing as a pursuit is meant. At that time whales 
were not uncommon, and even now an occasional one is seen. A Right 
Whale, of the largest size, was not long ago caaght in Delaware Bay, and 
its fine skeleton is among the rich collections of the Academy of Natural 
Sciences. The vine can be cultivated, and silk produced, but whether with 
profit is yet to be determined. 

160 Swedish Settlcmc/its on the Delaware. 

their subjects who emigrated to this continent. It was based 
upon a desire to gratify the insatiable cupidity of the com- 
mercial spirit which had been evoked by the discovery of 
America, It was carried out persistently, with an utter dis- 
regard of the rights of the inhabitants or subjects, or their 
interests as colonists. 

Far different was the policy which led to the Swedish 
colonization of the shores of the Delaware. The colony was 
project^ by a king, with all the resources of a powerful 
State at his disposal, and his wish was to establish here an 
empire upon a new basis, and not merely to provide another 
home beyond the seas for a few hundred Swedish peasants. 
It must be remembered that the Swedish emigrants were not 
fugitives from the persecution and oppression of their rulers 
at home, but that they were, on the contrary, fevored sub- 
jects of their sovereign proposed to be sent out under his 
express protection as the vanguard of an army to found a free 
State, where they, and those who might join them, from 
whatever nation they might come, might be secure in the 
enjoyment of the fruits of their labor, and especially of their 
rights of conscience. No doubt the expectation of extending 
Swedish commerce was one of the motives which led to the 
founding of the colony, but it seems always to have been a 
subordinate one. If we wish to understand the real signifi- 
cance of the scheme, its paramount and controlling impulse, 
we must look upon the colony as the outgroAvth of the thirty 
years' war, and its establishment as a remedy for some of the 
manifold evils of that war which had suggested itself to the 
capacious and statesmanlike minds of Gustavus Adolphus 
and Oxenstiern. It seems true that it was designed not so 
umch as a place of settlement for Swedish freemen, as a 
refuge w^here Germans and Danes, who had been persecuted 
for conscience sake, might live in peace under the protection 
of the Champion of Protestantism and Swedish law. 

It is true that this grand conception of the king and Oxen- 
stiern was never fully carried out. This was due to causes 
which neither of them could have foreseen or controlled, and 


Swedish Settlements on the Delavxire. 161 

it in no wise lessens the claim which the memory of both these 
great men has upon the gratitude of posterity. 

A glance at contemporaneous history will serve to show 
how novel and comprehensive were the views of colonization 
held by the great Gustavus. Wo are told that in 1626, Usse- 
linx obtained from the king a charter for a commercial 
company with the privilege of founding colonies. The char- 
ter provided that the capital might be subscribed for by 
j)ersons from any country, and colonists were invited to join 
the expedition from every part of Europe. In this invitation 
the proposed colony was described as a benefit to the perse- 
cuted, a security to the honor of the wives and daughters of 
those whom war and bigotry had made fugitives, a blessuig 
to the " common man," and to the whole Protestant world. 

What then was the condition of the Protestant world in 
1626, that it needed such a refuge beyond the seas ? I need 
only remind you of the gathering of the storm in England 
which, three years later, drove the Puritans across the ocean 
to found the colony of Massachusetts Bay. The Protestants 
in Gtermany and Denmark were at that time in the midst of 
that storm, exposed to all its pitiless fury. The thirty years 
war — a war unexampled in history for the cruel sufferings 
which it inflicted upon non-combatants — ^w^as at its height. 
The Protestants were yielding everywhere, nothing could 
resist the military power of Wallenstein, who, supporting his 
army upon the pillage of the miserable inhabitants of the 
country, pressed forward to the shores of the Baltic, with the 
avowed intention of making that sea an Austrian lake. The 
great Protestant leaders, Mansfeld, Christian of Brunswick, 
the King of Denmark, were dead, and their followers and 
their funilies were a mass of dispersed fugitives fleeing to- 
wards the north, and imploring succor. Gustavus had not 
then embarked in the German War, but his heart was full of 
sympathy for the cause in which these poor people were suf- 
fering as martyrs, and I think it cannot be doubted that this 
scheme of colonization occurred to him as a practical method 
of reducing the horrors which he was forced to witness. 
The fitith of the king in the wisdom of this scheme seema 

162 Swedish Settlements on tlie Ddaxcare. 

never to have wavered. In the hour of his complete triumph 
over their enemies, he begged the German Princes, whom 
he had rescued from ruin, to permit their subjects to come 
here and live under the protection of his poweiful arm. He 
spoke to them just before the battle of Lutzen, of the pro- 
posed colony as " the jewel of his crown," and after he had 
fallen a martyr to the cause of Protestantism on that field, 
his chancellor, acting, as he says, at the express desire of the 
late king, renewed the patent for the colony, extended its 
benefits more fully to Germany, and secured the official con- 
firmation of its provisions by the Diet, at Frankfort. 

The colony which came to these shores ui 1638 was not 
the colony planned by the great Gustavus. The commanding 
genius which could forecast the permanent settlement of a 
free State here, based upon the principle of religious tolera- 
tion — the same principle in the defence of which Swedish 
blood was poured out like water upon the plains of Germany 
— ^had been removed from this world. With him had gone, 
not perhaps the zeal for his grand and noble design, but the 
power of carrying it out. It has been said that the principle 
of religious toleration which was agreed to at the peace of 
Westphalia, in 1648, which closed the thirty years' war, and 
soon after became part of the public law of Europe, is the 
comer-stone of our modem civilization, and that it has been 
worth more to the world than all the blood that was shed to 
establish it. With this conflict and this victory, the fame of 
Gustavus Adolphus is inseparately associated ; but we ought 
not to forget that when during the long struggle he some- 
times feared that liberty of conscience could never be estab- 
lished upon an enduring basis in Europe, his thoughts turned 
to the shores of the Delaware as the spot where his cherished 
ideal of human society, so far in advance of the civilization 
of the age in which he lived, might become a glorious 

The Swedish ladies next sang The Swedish Folksongs, A 
Serenade, by Bishop, and closed with "Skynda po" (Haste 
along) of Wahlin. 

Notes on the Iroquois aiid Delaware Indians. 163 


Communications prom Conrad Weiser to Christopher Saur, which 
appeared in the tears 1746-1749 in his newspaper printed at 


Historical Writer, or a Collection of important 
Events from the Kingdom of Nature and the 
Church" and from his (Saur's) Almanacs. • 


TuLPEHOCKEN, December, 1746. 

IPbibnd Cheistophbe Sauk : 

According to your desire, I will give you herewith a short 
"but true account of the Indians, their belief, confidence or 
trust in the great Being, as I have myself, from my own 
experience, learned during frequent intercourse with them 
fix)m my youth up, namely from 1714 until this date. 

If the word religion means a formal belief in certain written 
Articles of Faith, such as, prayer, singing, churchgoing, bap- 
tism, the Lord's Supper, or other well-known Christian ordi- 
nances, or even heathen worship, then we can truly say : the 
Indians, or so-called Iroquois, and their neighbors have no 
religion, for of such a one we see and hear nothing among 
them. But, if by the word religion we understand the 
knitting of the soul to God, and the intimate relation to, and 
hunger after the highest Being arising therefrom, then we 
must certainly allow this apparently barbarous people a re- 
ligion, for we find traces among them that they have a united 
trust in God, and sometimes (although quite seldom) united 
appeals to Him. It would be unnecessary to give detailed 
proo& of this. I will give but one or two instances, which I 
have from my own experience, and I have seen and heard 
myself from them. 

1. When in the year 1737, 1 was sent for the first time to 
Onondago, at the request of the Government of Virginia, I left 
home at the end of February quite inconsiderately to under- 

164 Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 

take a journey of 500 English miles through a wilderness, 
where there were neither highways nor paths, neither men 
nor, at that period of the year, even animals to be found to 
stay our hunger. I had a German and three Indians with 
me: when we had travelled about one hundred and fifty miles, 
we came into a narrow valley, on both sides of which lay 
terrible mountains covered about three feet deep with snow ; 
in the valley itself the snow was about eighteen inches deep ; 
now this valley was not above half a mile wide, but over 
thirty miles long ; in the middle of the valley throughout its 
length ran a rather large stream, very swift, and so crooked 
that it ran continually from one side to the other and passed 
away by the lofty rocks on which the mountains seemed to 
be founded. Now, in order not to wade this stream too 
often at that time of the year, as besides it was three feet 
deep more or less, we tried to pass along the slope of the 
mountains; now the snow, as I have said before, was about 
three feet deep on the mountain and frozen hard, so that we 
could walk over it on level ground ; but here we were obliged 
to cut holes in the crust of snow with the small hatcheta 
which we carried with us, so that our feet could hold, and 
we clung to the bushes with our hands, and thus we climbed 
on ; but the old Indian's foot slipped and he fell, and what 
he was holding on to with his hand (namely, a part of the 
root of a fallen fir-tree) broke oft', and he slid down, as if 
from the roof of a house; but, as he carried a little pack on 
his back held by a band across his breast, according to their 
custom, it so happened that aft^^r he had gone about ten 
paces, he was caught in a little tree as thick as an arm, for 
his pack happened to hang on one side and he on the other, 
held together by the carrying band ; the two other Indians 
could not render any assistance ; but my German companion 
Stoffel Stump went to his help, although not without evident 
peril of his life. I too could not stir a foot until I received 
help, and, therefore, we seized the firet opportunity to des- 
cend again from the mountain into the valley, which was not 
until after another half hour of hard work with hands and 
feet. We bent a tree downwards where the Indian had 
fiillen ; when we came again into the valley, we went some- 

Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 165 

what back, although not above one hundred paces, for we saw 
that if the Indian had slipped but four or five steps further, 
he would have Mien over a precipice one hundred feet high, 
down upon pointed rocks ; the Indian stood with astonish- 
ment, and grew pale as he saw the rocks, and broke out in these 
words in his language: "I thank the great Lord and Ruler of 
the world, that he had mercy on me and was willing that I 
shall live longer." This he said with outstretched arms, very 
earnestly and emphatically, which words I then put down in 
my Journal thus ; this happened on the 25th of March, 1787, 
as I have said. 

2. The foUowmg 8th of April we were still on the journey, 
and I was utterly worn out by cold and hunger and so long a 
journey, not to mention other hardships ; a fresh snow had 
&llen about twenty inches deep ; I found myself still nearly 
three days' journey from Onondago in a terrible forest. My 
strength was so exhausted that my whole body trembled and 
shook to such a degree that I thought I should fall down and 
die ; I went to one side and sat down under a tree, intending 
to give up the ghost there, to attain which end I hoped the 
cold of the night then approaching would assist me. My com- 
panions soon missed me, and the Indians came back and found 
me sitting there. I would not go any farther, but said to them 
in one word : " Here I will die." They were silent awhile ; 
at last the old man began: "My dear companion, take 
courage, thou hast until now encouraged us, wilt thou now 
give up entirely? just think that the bad days are better 
than the good ones, for when we suffer much we do not sin, 
and sin is driven out of us by suffering. But the good days 
cause men to sin, and God cannot be merciful ; but, on the 
other hand, when it goes very badly with us, God takes pity 
on ufi." I was therefore ashamed, and stood up and journeyed 
on as well as I could. 

8. As I was journeying the previous year to Onondago and 
Joseph Spangenberg^ and two others travelled with me, it so 

' Properly Bishop Angnstns 6. Spangenberg, of Bethlehem. In his 
religious enihnsiasm he adopted the name of Joseph, and his wife, Eva, 
Miiimed the name of Mary. 


166 Notes on the Iroquois and Ddaware Indians. 

happened that about twenty-five miles above Schomockin one 
evening an Indian came to us who had neither shoes, nor 
stockings, nor shirt, nor gun, nor knife, nor hatchet, and in 
short had nothing at all but an old torn carpet, together with 
his rag. To the question whither he was going ? he answ^ered, 
he wanted to reach Onondago. He was known to me, and I 
asked him why he travelled so naked ? also why he was bO 
thoughtless as to undertake a journey of three hundred miles 
without the before-mentioned articles; he had indeed no 
provisions with him, and could kill nothing on which to 
live. lie answered he came from the enemy, they had been 
obliged to flee after a fight and had lost everything (that was 
certauily true, but he had squandered a part of his property 
drinking with the Irish). To the question how he expected 
to get through, he replied quite cheerfully: "That God 
nourished everything that was to live, even the rattlesnakes, 
although they are wicked animals, so also will he take care 
of him and provide tliat he should reach Onondago alive. He 
knew to a certainty that he would get through, God was 
evidently with the Indians in the wilderness, because they 
alone relied upon his timely care ; while the Europeans, ou 
the contrary, always took bread with them." He was a bom 
Onondager, and his name was Anontagkeka. The next day 
he travelled in comjjany with us ; and the day after I had 
seen him with a hatchet, knife, and tinder-box, as well as 
with shoes and stockings. I sent him on before to the Indian 
Council at Onondago to give notice of my coming, which ho 
faithfully performed to my great advantage. We were three 
nights longer on the way than he was. 

4. Two years ago I was sent by the Governor to Schomoc- 
kin, on account of the mifortunate occurrence of John Ann- 
strong, the Indian trader, and Mizham Mihilon,^ the Indian 
who was hung in Philadelphia. After my business was 
settled, a great feast was prepared to honor me as the envoy 

* It IB impossible to say how this Indian's name shoald be spelt, Musai- 
meelin appears to be the form most frequently used. For sach yariation, 
and also for the account of the murder of John Armstrong, see Col» 
Records^ vol. iv. ; Pa, Archives, vol. i. 

Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 167 

of the Governor. There were over one hundred persons 
present, who ate a large fat bear in great silence. After the 
feast the oldest man made a fine speech to the people, in 
which he proclaimed that notwithstanding the great misfor- 
tune that three of their brothers, namely their white (brothers), 
had been murdered by the Indians, yet on that account the 
sun would not set (no war break out), but only a little cloud 
go across it, but which has been already removed ; and who- 
ever had done wrong must be punished, and the country 
remain at peace ; and he exhorted his people to thankfulness 
to Gk)d ; and thereupon he began to lead a tune like a h^min ; 
the others all imitated him. There were no intelligible words 
but only a tune, yet it was very fervent. But after the end 
of this the old man said very earnestly : " Thanks, thanks be 
to thee, thou great Ruler of the World, that thou allowest 
the sun to shine again, and hast driven away the dark cloud. 
The Indians are thine." 

The remainder, concerning their superstitions, fiincies, offer- 
ings, etc, I will write to thee another time. 

I am 

Your devoted 


P. S. — ^We see fix)m the above that the Indians invoke 
€h)d, trust in God, thank and honor God ; but those who are 
spoiled by the nominal Christians can drink and lie just as 
well as other so-called Christians. And so they certainly have 
a religion (worship of God), but they need the true conversion 
thereto, like much worse Christians and their very ministers, 
who consider themselves converted and want to convert others, 
or consider their conversion imnecessary, for all their drinking 
and lying. The rest about religion, conversion, the difterence 
between a sermon and the word of God, etc., will follow in 
future as it is transmitted. 


168 An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 



OF THE Boston sufferers in the winter of 1775-76. 

In " The New England Historical and Genealogical Begister/' for Jnly, 
1876, Mr. Albert H. Uoyt contributed a list of the "donations to the people 
of Boston suffering under the Port-bill/' which forms an interesting supple- 
ment to the correspondence of the committee appointed to receive such 
donations, published in the 4th volume, 4th series, of the collections of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, and admirably edited by Mr. Richard 
Frothingham. Both the correspondence of the committee and the list 
furnished by Mr. Hoyt close about the time of the battle of Lexington, when 
the privations in the neighborhood of Boston may be said to have been 
caused more directly by the siege of that town than by the action of the 
British Parliament ; in neither of these chronicles do we find reference to the 
relief sent by the Society of Friends of Philadelphia, in the winter of 1775-76, 
to be given to the sufferers in and around Boston, without regard to their 
political or religious views. 

The sum contributed by the Philadelphia Meeting for Sufferings was 
£2540, mostly in gold. It was taken to Providence, R. I., by David Evans 
and John Parrish, and there given to a committee of the Society of that place, 
appointed for the purpose of visiting Boston to see to its proper distribution. 
Three thousand and thirty families, consisting of six thousand nine hundred 
and twenty-three persons, received aid from this fund. Of the families more 
than eight hundred were those of widows. One of the committee was the 
benevolent and excellent Moses Brown, and, although his letter giving an 
account of his visit has once appeared in print,* as we do not notice any 
mention of the incident of which it treats in Frothingham's Siege of Boston, 
we have no hesitation in producing it again, printing from the original now 
before us. 

Providbkcb, Ist Mo. 2d, 1776. 

Beloved Friend William Wilson: 

Having this oppertunity by water, I thought of Informing 
thee that we are generally in health, and to give thee a short 
History, of a Journey I made with four others, a Committee 
from our Meeting, to Distribute your Donations ; the Com* 

» In ''The Frt'endr Philadelphia, ninth month 15, 1849. 

An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 169 

mittee appointed when our Friends David Evans and John 
Parish were here, not going by reason of Sickness and other 
hinderances. Our Meeting for Sufferances renewed it and we 
set off for the Eastward the 13th Ultimo, reached Cambridge 
the 14th and presented our Address to General Washington,' 
(a copy of which David Evans took with him) he received us 
kindly but declined permitting us to go into Boston, saying 
he had made it a rule not to let any go in, unless it was a 
Woman separated from her Husband or the like ; but how- 
ever, Showed a readiness, to further the designed distribution 
by proposing to send for some of our Friends to come out 
upon the lines, and gave us orders for a Flag, for a Conferance 

* The following address was the one prepared for the first committee 
appointed ; it is donbtless the same as that used by Moses Brown and his 
associates. — See The Friend^ 9th mo. 8, 1849. 

**From our Meeting for Sufferings of the people called QuakerSy held at 

Providence, 2l8t of llth month, 1775. 
To General Washington : 

" As visiting the fatherless and the widows, and relieving the distressed, 
by feeding the hungry and clothing the naked, is the subject of this address ; 
we cannot doubt of thy attention to our representation, and request in their 

"The principle of benevolence and humanity exciting our brethren in 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey to contribute and send to our care a con- 
siderable sum of money, to be distributed among such sufferers as are by the 
present unhappy difficulties reduced to necessitous circumstances, without 
distinction of sects or parties, provided they are not active in carrying on or 
promoting military measures (so that our religious testimony against wars 
and fightings may be preserved pure) ; and we being sensible there are many 
such within as well as without the town of Boston— and being desirous of 
finding those that are most needy there as well as without, desire thy favorable 
assistance in getting into the town— that they may be visited and relieved 
in such manner as the bearers thereof, Moses Farnum, Isaac Lawton, David 
Buffum, Theophilus Shove, Jr., and Jeremiah Hacker, whom we have 
appointed a committee for that service may think proper ; and when their 
GhriBtian services are accomplished, to be allowed to return to their families 
in safety. 

" Sorrowfally affected with the present calamities, and feeling an engage 
ment on oar minds so to demean ourselves, as becomes those who profess to 
walk hombly and peaceably with all men. We are. 

Thy Friends/' 

170 An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 

with them ; as the Small Pox was in Town by innoculation 
generally, and only two of ns had had it, our not being 
allowed to go in seemed but a small or no disappointment.^ 
"We sent General Howe a similar Address to that delivered to 
General Washington with a Letter Informing him of our not 
going in for the reason above Mentioned, and desiring his 
permission, to let our Friends James Pramor* and Ebenezer 
Pope meet us Upon the Lines, to whome we wrote under cover 
to the General ; to which he answered by his Aidde Camp, 
that our request could not be granted but that he would direct 
the Sheriff to meet and Confer with us, at any hour we should 
appoint : this at first seem'd rather close upon us, but sup- 
posing he had his reasons for his Conduct as well as General 
Washington we were easy and embraced his proposals, and 
sending in my Name to an officer with whome I had some 
acquaintance (Major SmalP a kind and humane man at least) 
he, with the Sheriff meet us in the morning of the 16th ; but 
the Evening before concluding the proper distribution uncer- 
tain and being unacquainted with the Sheriff, wrote our 
Friends of our disapointment in not Seeing them &c. ; And 
instead of the Money sent in a Draft for £100 Only, after 
a Conference opening the intention of the Donation, and 
benevolent intention of Friends therein, without regard to the 
promotion of Parties, as had been Misapprehended, and finding 

1 <* The small-pox broke oat and spread alarm through the troops who 
were generally inoculated. The British commanders considered this disease 
alone as a sufficient protection against an assault from their antagonists." 
Washington wrote regarding it (Dec. 14, 1875), ''The small-pox raged all 
over the town. Such of the military as had it not before are now under 
inoculation. This 1 apprehend is a weapon of defence they are using 
against us." 

' Obscure in the MS. — possibly Rainor. — 'See The Friend^ 9mo. 15th, 

* John Small, the officer who is pictured in Trumbull's painting of the 
battle of Bunker Hill in the act of endeavoring to save the life of the unfor- 
tunate Warren. He saw considerable service in America previous to the 
Revolution, and subsequent to it was a general in the British army. While 
stationed in Philadelphia before the war he was a boarder in the old slate 
roof house on 2d Street, when occupied by Mrs. Graydoo, the mother of 
Capt. Alexander Graydon. 


An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 171 

a disposition in the Sheriff, to favor the Intention, we proposed 
if they thought a further sum could be usefully applied, 
agreeable to our purpose we would send it in, as we had it 
with us, but they declining giving us any Opinion of the state 
of the poor (only saying it was not so distressing as was 
represented without) we rcfered the matter till we had 
accounts out from our Friends,^ which thy kindly offered their 
Assistance to procure, afler they had Distributed the sum sent 
in and forward us out when done, which I now daily expect, 
having on our return wrote them in and Spoke to the officer 
Quartered at the advance works to forward by the first oppor- 
nity. All around the Encampment is one Scene of Desolation, 
fruit, Bange and other trees, fences &c. Some Buildings taken 
Smooth away, the Town of Cambridge so crowded no Lodgings 
to be had, that we were Oblieged to lay by the fire, Uncovered 
but with our own Clothes, partly on the floor and partly on an 
underbed of Straw, this trial, (new to mc), Secmd Necessary 
to fit us for our Journey, by giving a Sympathy with those 
we had to Visit who had not the comforts of life. We got to 
Lynn on 7th day evening, being the 16th stay'd to Meeting 
next day and went to salem. friends of both places generally 
w^ell: 18tli, Visited Marblehead, Aasembled the Select men and 
letting them into our Business of Visiting the poor, &c.; 
devided into three Companies, a Select Man attending Each, 
we went to House to House of the poor, seeing and Enquiring 
their Circumstances and where need required and they were 
within the Intention of the Donation we relieved, avoiding 
those fiimilies that did not come within, as well as the 
Guides could Liform us. We found great poverty to abound, 
Numbers of widdows and fatherless, wood and provisions 
greatly wanting among them, Some poor women had to back 
the former two Miles. An Instance of this was a widow 

* " The distress of the troops and inhabitants, in Boston, is great beyond 
all possible description, neither vegetables, flonr, nor pnlse for the inhabitants 
and the king's stores so very short none can be spared for them ; no fuel, and 
the winter set in remarkably severe. Even salt provision is fifteen pence, 
sterling per pcunnd.** — LeUer quoted in Frothtngham*8 Siege of Boston, 
page 280. 

172 An Unxoritten Chapter in the Bxstory of Boston. 

woman with five Children and as shee told us and Indeed 
appeared, daily looked to lie in with another had been out in 
a Cold day more than that distance for what she could bring, 
and had no bread in the House. She was one who we gladly 
relieved, but thou will not conclude all were Objects of Such 
Commiseration. She appeared a tender hearted woman In- 
deed. She was Contrited into Tears at our Visit, in which 
humble State we left the truly pittiable Object for whom I at 
that Instant as at this time feele much, and when I have 
reflected upon the divers Necessitous States, since have been 
so affected as to Conclude, had I not been fiivored with an 
unusual fortitude and guard upon the affections, the Service 
we went through would have been too hard to be bom, but 
through favor we were preserved through the whole in a good 
Degree of Satisfaction, having Sometimes a word of Consola- 
tion, Counsel and admonition occasinonally arrising. we 
Visited this day and helped, between 60 and 70 families Mostly 
widows and Children among whom the Donation hath hitherto 
Principally fallen, not finishing there, we left it to be done by 
Jeremiah Hacker and Samuel Collins, the next day being 
the 19th divided into four Companies a Select man with Each, 
Visited Salem and in the after Noon feeling a draught further 
Eastward to Cape ann, four of us Vizt. Benjamin Arnold, 
David Buffiim Thomas Lapham Junr. and my Self (leaving 
Thomas Steer to finish at Salem) Set off leaving on the way 
some relief, we got there next day being the 20th, at 10 o'Clock. 
Assembling the Selectmen and Overseers and giving them an 
account of our Errand we divided as before one of them 
Accompanying, the town being Scattering and Seven or Eight 
Miles amongst the Extremities we rode, the weather Very 
cold and windy, however the calls of the poor were so Strong 
that we bore it with patience, here it took us part of three 
days with attention, the general State of the poor here Ex- 
ceeded Marblehead about half the most welthy Inhabitants 
having removed back in the Country Leaving the poor Un- 
employed, they were very necessitous having before been poor 
when the fishery was carried on, which being now wholy 

An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 173 

stopted, we here, nor with you, have very little Idea of their 
Poverty, yet their Children seemed helthy, Crawling even 
into the ashes to keep them warm, the wood. Usually coming 
by water and now wholy stopt, they could keep but little 
fires for want of wood, poverty and the want of teams in the 
place Oblieged many to fetch it here as at Marblehead, two 
Miles by Land, Bread, Com, very Scarce. 4S for Indian 
com, no rye the last upward of 5S per bushel from Salem 
Eastward. Some families no other bread but patatoes for 
sometime, which with Checkerberry tea was seen the only food 
for a woman with a Sucking Child at her Breast. I hope not 
many so, though I may Say it hath been a Sort of a School to 
us, for we never Saw poverty to compare with about 100 
£Etmilies in this town who we Visited and relieved besides 
many poor not within the Limits of our Donation. 

By this time thou wilt conclude your Charities were in an 
Acceptable time, many were indeed of that mind and Ex- 
pressed, and Some feelingly, a Sense of Gratitude. 

The name Quaker though little known in these parts, will 
be remembered, and perhaps some may no more think it 

I have thought of John Woolman's remark in his Sickness, 
of Affluence relieving in time of Sickness, this indeed was the 
case of some, for the Lame, the Aged and the Infirm was par- 
takers of your Liberality, an aged woman 96 or 97, Husband 
upwards of 80, with a Maiden daughter the Support of her 
aged Parents in times when Business could be had, received 
with a Sense of gratitude which the Silent Tear bespok, of the 
Contrition, Upon the whole I think you may be Satisfied and 
United that so fiir is well. May a Sense of favors be upon us 
that we have had it in our power and been possessed of a 
Heart to administer to the distressed. I mean the donars 
among you with our Selves here. I was at Point Shirly about 
4 miles from Boston where there hath been three Loads of 
People Landed from Boston, they were mostly dispersed but 
found between 80 and forty families, who were relieved, 
another friend, not having had the Small Pox attended at 

174 An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Boston. 

another place in Chelsea,* where was about 50 persons that 
had been Cleaned by Smoking, most of which he made distri- 
bution to. My love to friends, with a Communication of any 
part of this letter that may be necessary and will be Expected. 


' "Watertown, Nov. 27. On Friday last, General Howe sent three 
handred men, women, and children, poor of the town of Boston, oyer to 
Chelsea, without anything to subsist on, at this inclement season of the year, 
having, it is reported, only six cattle left in the town for Shnbael Herves, 
botcher-master-general, to kill."— See Frothingham'i Siege of Botiton^ note, 
page 282. 



James Gientworthy Lieut, of 6th Pennya. Reg, do acknowledge 
the UNITED STATES of AMERICA to be Free, Independent 
and Sovereign States, and declare that the people thereof 0¥re no 
allegiance or obedience to George the Third, King of Great- 
Britain ; and I renounce, refuse and abjure any allegiance or obedi- 
ence to him; and I do Swear that I will, to the utmost of my 
power, support, maintain and defend the said United States against 
the said King George the Third, his heirs and successors, and his 
or their abettors, assistants and adherents, and will serve the said 
United States in the office of Lieutenant which I now hold, with 
fidelity, according to the best of my skill and understanding. 

Swam at the Valley Forge Camp \ 
this nth day of May, 1778, before me } 



J)eath of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 17S 


Dmobibbd in a Letter written on the Battlb-vibld, nbab Princeton, 

BY Jonathan Fottb, M.D. 


The letter of Jonathan Potts, a copy of which is here 
presented, is in the possession of Howard Edwards, of Phila- 
delphia, whose great-grandmother was a sister of Anthony 
Morris, whose death is therein related. As the writer of the 
letter was a descendant of one of the first settlers of Philadel- 
phia County, and it relates to an important skirmish in the 
war of the American Revolution, it will not appear out of 
place in a publication of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Dr. Jonathan Potts was the grandson of Thomas Potts, 
who, at the age of nineteen, in A.D. 1699, was married at 
Germantown by Friends' usage, to Martha Kewrlis.* John 
Potts, the Doctor's father, was bom in Germantown A.D. 
1710, and was married April 11, 1734, by Friends' usage, to 
Ruth Savage, of Coventry. He died in 1768, and in an 
obituary in the Pennsylvania Gazette y is described as ''a gen- 
tleman of unblemished honor and integrity, known, beloved, 
and lamented." His mansion, built at Pottsgrove, is still 
seen. Dr. Jonathan Potts was his seventh child, bom April 
1, 1745, and educated at Ephrata and Philadelphia. In 1766 
he and his friend Benjamin Rush went to Edinburgh, for 
medical study. In May, 1767, he was married to Grace 
Richardson, and in the summer of 1768 graduated at the Col- 
lege of Philadelphia, as Bachelor of Physic, at the first 
granting of medical degrees in America. In 1771 he received 
the degree of Doctor of Medicine, at the same time that Ben- 
jamin Duffield, who afterwards married his sister Rebecca, 
obtained the Degree of Master of Arts, and delivered a poem 
on Science. Dr. Potts conmienced the practice of his profes- 
sion at Reading. With the deepest interest he watched the 

' Now Corlief. 

176 Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 

discussions in Parliament relative to the American Colonies. 
Ilis family was divided in sentiment. His brother John 
clung to the Crown of England ; Isaac, a Quaker preacher, 
was a neutral until he became acquainted with Washington 
at Valley Forge ; but his brothers Samuel, James, Thomas, 
and Joseph identified themselves with the struggle for inde- 
pendence.* In 1775 he was Secretary and member of the 

* Children of John Potts and Ruth Savage* 

Thomas, born May 29, 1735. Was one of the original members of the 
American Philosophical Society. Member of the Pennsylvania Assembly 
of 1775. In 1776 was Colonel of a Battalion. Died in 1785, while a mem- 
ber of the Legislature, in Philadelphia. 

Samuel, bom Nov. 13, 1736. Member of Assembly 1767-17G9. Was an 
Associate Jndge, and died July 3, 1793. Dnnlap's "Advertiser" said : " Not 
a tear will be shed on his grave but will be from the bottom of the heart.** 

John, born Oct 15, 1738. Studied law at the Temple, London. Became 
a Judge in Philadelphia ; sympathized with the Mother Country ; went to 
Halifax ; returned after the war. 

Martha, bom March 31, 1739-40; became the wife of Thomas Batter, 
and died Oct. 11, 1804. 

David, bora April 4, 1741. A successful merchant in Philadelphia. Hit 
country-house at Valley Forge was the head-quarters of General Washing- 
ton. Died in 1798 at Valley Forge. 

Joseph, born March 12, 1742. Merchant in Philadelphia. Died at his 
residence near Fraukford, Feb. 4, 1804. 

Jonathan, born 1745. See sketch. Died Oct 1781, at Beading, and 
buried at Pottstown. 

Anna, born July 1. 1747, was the wife of David Butter, and died in 1782. 

Isaac, bora May 20, 1750. Weems and Jjossing state that he was the 
person who discovered Washington at prayer in the woods of Valley Forge. 
He died in 1803 at German town. A Philadelphia paper, speaking of his 
death, said : '< Who, indeed, that has heard of the death of Isaac Potts, 
knoweth not that a great man hath fallen in Israel f ' 

James, born 1752. Was a lawyer. In March, 1776, became Major of 
John Gadwalader's Battalion. Died Nov. 1788, aged 36 years, and 
buried at Pottsgrove. 

Bebecca, born Nov. 3, 1753, married Dr. Benjamin Daffield, and she 
the grandmother of the writer of this sketch. Died Feb. 8, 1797. Judge 
Iredell, of U. S. Supreme Court, in one of his published letters to his wife, 
writes : '* Some very melancholy scenes have taken place among oar friends 
on Front Street. Our excellent friend Mrs. Daffield died the very moroing 
of my arrival." 

Jesse, born 1757, married Sarah Lewis. 

BuTH, born 1758, married Peter Ijohra. 

Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 177 

Berks CJounty Committee of Safety. On June 9th, 1776, hie 
was appointed Surgeon for Canada and Lake George. He 
returned with Gat^s to Pemisylvania, and in the General 
Orders of General Putnam, dated Philadelphia, Dec. 12, 1776, 
all officers who were in charge of any sick soldiers were 
" directed to make returns to Dr. Jonathan Potts, at Mr. John 
Biddle's, in Market Street." 

In less than a month after this order, he wrote the following 
letter : — 

lbttbr op dr. potts to owen biddle. 

My D'r Friend :— * 

Tho' the Acc't I send is a melancholy one (in one respect), 
yet I have sent an Express, to give you the best Information 
I can collect. Our Mutual friend Anthony Morris' died here 
in three hours after he received his wounds on Friday mom- 
ing.' They were three in ^Jfumber, one on his chin, one on 
the knee, & the third and fiital one, on the right temple, by a 
grape shot. Brave Man! he fought and died nobly, deserving 

* Owen Biddle was a descendant of one of the proprietors of West Jersey. 
He was a brother of Col. Clement Biddle, who was present at the battles of 
Trenton and Princeton. On July 23, 1776, he was chosen a member of the 
Pennsylvania Council of Safety, and lived on Market near Third Street. 
The next year he was President of the Pennsylvania Board of War. 

' Anthony Morris was the great-grandson of an early settler, also named 

1. Anthony Morris, bom August 19, 1654. Mayor of Philadelphia, 1704. 
Died Aug. 23, 1721. 

2. Anthony Morris, born March 15, 1681-82, was his grandfather. He 
was Mayor of Philadelphia in 1739, and died Sept. 23, 1762. 

3. Anthony Morris, his father, was born Nov. 14, 1705, and died October 
2, 1780. 

4w Anthony Morris, bom Aug. 8, 1738 ; killed in battle near Princeton, 
Friday, January 3, 1777. 

* The skirmish took place early on Friday morning, the 3d of January, 
and did not last a half hour. Gten. Washington ordered the Pennsylvania 
Militia to support Mercer, and led in person two pieces of artillery under 
Gapt. Thomas Moulder, to a position near Thomas Clark's house, about one- 
fourth of a mile from the spot where Mercer engaged the enemy. With this 
force was the First Philadelphia IVoop of Cavalry, about twenty in number, 
commanded by Captain Samuel Morris, a brother of Anthony. 

178 Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 

a much better fete.* General Mercer ia dangerously ill indeed, 
I have scarce any hopes of him, the Villains have stab'd him 
in five different Places. The dead on our side at this Place 
amount to sixteen, that of the Enemy to 23.* They have 
retreated to Brunswick with the greatest Precipitation, and 
from Accounts just come, the Hero Washington is not fiir 
from them : they never have been so shamefully Drub'd and 
outgeneral'd in every Respect. I hourly expect to hear of 
their whole Army being cut to pieces, or made Prisoners. 
It pains me to inform you that on the morning of the 

> John Morris, Jr., in a letter written at Bristol, two days after the battle, 
to Thomas Wharton, President of Pennsjlvania Council of Safety, says: 
'' Please to inform my father that my brother S. C. Morris received no hort 
in the battle, bnt that Antho' Morris received a woand with a bayonet in 
the neck and a bullet in his leg/' 

He was first buried in the graveyard of the Stone Quaker Meeting-Hoose, 
near the battle-field, but his remains were subsequently brought to Phila- 
delphia, and buried, at the request of his family, without military honors, in 
Friends' burying-ground. 

The following military order was, however, issued on January the 24th, 
1777 :— 

'* One Gapt., 2 Sub's, 2 Corp's, 2 Drum'rs &. 50 men from the garrison in 
the Barracks, to parade at the City Tavern, at two o'clock this afternoon, 
to escort the funerals of the late Coll. Hasclett k Capt. Morris. The rest 
of the garrison off* Duty, to attend with side arms only. Coll. Penrose, Coll. 
Irvine, Coll. McKey, to attend as bearers." 

' The loss of American officers in proportion to the number of men engaged 
was very great. General Mercer of Virginia, Colonel Hazlet of Delaware, 
Capt. Neal of the Artillery, Capt. Fleming of Virginia, Capt Morris of 
Philadelphia, Capt. Wm. Shippin of Philadelphia, a merchant of Gksrman 
descent who kept a store near Market St. wharf, and Lt. Teates of Virginia, 
were among the slain. 

The Pennsylvania Journal of Feb. 14, 1777, sUtes that Yeates was only 
twenty-one years of age, possessed of wealth, that he received fourteen stabs 
and was knocked on the head with a musket after he fell, and that his dying 
affidavit was forwarded by Washington to General Howe. A friend, in a 
poetical tribute which appeared in the same paper, wrote — 

" But oh ! again my mangled Yeates appears. 
Excites new vengeance and provokes fresh tears ; 
Behold my wounds I he says, or seems to say, 
Remember Princeton on some future day ; 
View well this body, pierced in every part, 
And sure 'twill fire the most unfeeling heart." 


Death of Anthony Morris j Jr. 179 

Action, I was obliged to fly before the Rascals, or fall into 
their hands, and leave behind me my wounded Brethren :^ 
would you believe that the inhuman Monsters rob'd the 
General as he lay imable to resist on the Bed, even to the 
taking of his Cravat from his Neck, insulting him all the 

The number of Prisoners we have taken, I cannot yet find 
out, but they are numerous. 

Should be glad to hear from you, by the bearer; is the 
Eeinforcement march'd ? 

I am, in haste, your most obedient 

humble Serv't, 

Dated at the Field of Action, near Princeton, 
Sunday Eyening, Jan'y 5th. 

Dr. Potts, on the 8d of April, arrived at Albany as Director 
Oeneral of the Northern Department. Among his letters in 
possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania is the fol- 
lowing from Dr. John Bartlett, written from Moses Creek, 
Head Quarters, July 26, 1777, at 10 o'clock of the night, rela- 
tive to the death of Miss McCrea : — 

' Barber'a Historicdl Collections of New Jersey has the following : " Mr. 
Joseph Clark states that General Mercer was knocked down about fifty 
yards from his bam, and after the battle was assisted by his two aids into 
the hoose of Thomas Clark, a new honse abont one and a quarter miles from 
the College." Miis Sarah Clark and a colored servant nursed him. On the 
12th of January he expired in the arms of one of Washington's aids, Major 

The Pennsylvania Evening Post has this notice : " Last Sunday evening, 
died near Princeton, of the wounds he received in the engagement at that 
place on the 3d inst, Hugh Mercer, Esquire, Brigadier-General in the Con- 
tinental Army. On Wednesday his body was brought to this City, and on 
Thursday buried on the South side of Christ Church yard, attended by the 
Council of Safety, Members of Assembly, Gentlemen of the Army, and a 
number of the most respectable inhabitants of the City." 

For years a plain marble slab, with the inscription '' In memory of General 
Hugh Mercer, who fell at Princeton, January 3, 1777," marked the grave. 
In 1840 the remains were removed to the Laurel Hill Cemetery, and a monu- 
ment placed over them. 

180 Death of Anthony Morris^ Jr. 

" I have this moment returned from Fort Edward, where 
a party of hell-hounds, in conjunction with their brethren, the 
British troop, fell upon our advanced guard, inhumanly 
butchered, scalped, and stripped four of them, wounded two 
more, each in the thigh, and four more were missing. 

" Poor Miss Jenny McCray,^ and the woman with whom 
she lived, were taken by the savages, led up the hill to where 
there was a body of British troops, and then the poor girl 
was shot to death in cold blood, and left on the ground, and 
the other woman not yet found. 

" The alarm came to camp at two P. M. I was at dinner. 
I immediately sent off to collect all the regular surgeons, in 
order to take some one or two of them along with me to 
assist, but the devil of a bit of one was there to be found, ex- 
cept three mates, one of whom had the squirts ; the other two 
I took with me. There is neither amputating instrument, 
crooked needle, or tourniquet in all the camp. I have a 
handful of lint and two or three bandages, and that is all," etc. 

On the 16th of November, 1777, Dr. Potts left Albany on 
a furlough to visit his family, and while at Reading, Pa., waa 
appointed by Congress, Director General of the Hospitals of 
the Middle Department. In 1780 he was Surgeon of First 
City Troop of Philadelphia ; but did not live to see the inde- 
pendence of his country achieved. 

At the age of thirty, he died in October, 1781, at Reading, 
and was buried at Pottsgrove, leaving a wife and family. His 
executors were his brother Samuel and his old friend General 
Thomas Mifflin. 

1 Jane McOrea. 


General Artemas Ward. 181 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Governor Thomas Hutchinson, in the Sd volume of his 
History of Moissaehitsetts Bay (p. 194), after describing his own 
defeat in the choice of Councillors, in May, 1768, on the 
ground that being already Lieutenant-Governor and Chief 
Justice he was considered a pensioner of the Cro\ni, says : 
"This turned some who had voted for the Lieutenant- 
Governor, and gave a majority of votes to Mr. Ward" Hut- 
chinson then appends the following foot-note to the name of 
Mr. Ward : " He was afterwards Commander-in-Chief of the 
newly-raised forces in Massachusetts Bay, Ac, and was suc- 
ceeded by Mr. Washington." If nothing else were added to 
this record, it would be enough to secure the name of General 
Ward from being forgotten. The chosen successor of Hut- 
chinson as a Councillor of Massachusetts ; the predecessor of 
Washington in the command of the first army of the Revolu- 
tion ! 

Artemas Ward was the son of Colonel Naham Ward, one 
of the early settlers of Shrewsbury, Mass., where he was him- 
self bom on the 27th of November, 1727. He was graduated 
at Harvard College in 1748. Having chosen the law for his 
profession, he was one of the Justices of the Common Pleas 
for the county of Worcester, in 1762, and became Chief Jus- 
tice in 1776. But he was by no means absorbed in profes- 
sional or judicial labors. He was a Major in the Provincial 
Militia as early as 1755, and in 1758 he was Lieutenant- 
Colonel of Colonel Williams's Regiment for the invasion of 
Canada, and was in the expedition against Ticonderoga, under 
General Abercrombie, in which Lord Howe, to whom Massa- 
chusetts erected a monument in Westminster Abbey, was 
killed. In 1759 he was made Colonel. But in 1766 his com- 

182 General Arietnas Ward. 

mission was revoked, on account of the opposition to arbitrary 
power wiiich he liad openly manifested. On the same account, 
too, his election as Councillor was negatived by the Royal 

On the 19th of May, 1775, he was commissioned as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Provincial Army of Massachusetts, 
and took command the next day. lie w^as, of course, in com- 
mand of the army around Boston at the time of the battle of 
Bunker Hill, and probably gave the order for Prescott's Regi- 
ment to throw up the redoubt. Tliat, however, was a secret 
expedition, and no record of the order was preserved, if any 
was made. Ward himself undoubtedly misconstrued the 
British movements on the 17th of June, 1775, and considered 
them only a feint to draw off the remaining troops from Head- 
Quarters, and to give opportunity for destroying the stores 
and cutting off the communications of the Provincials. But 
it was not owing to any imagined inertness on that day that 
he soon afterwards ceased to be chiefly responsible for the 
military proceedings in Massachusetts. The Continental 
Congress at Philadelphia had ali'eady decided to have au 
army of their owti, and had appointed Washington to com- 
mand it two days before the battle of Bunker HUl took place. 
They also appointed Ward to be First Major-General of the 
Continental Army. 

It would have been unnatural if he had exhibited no sus- 
ceptibility on thus being superseded on his own soil. But he 
at once accepted the appointment, and took post on the right 
of the Continental Army at Roxbury. When Washington 
had succeeded in driving the British forces out of Boston on 
the 17tli of March, 1776, and had himself proceeded to New- 
York, General Ward was left by him in command of the 
Eastern Department. He liad been suffering, however, from 
serious infirmities of health, and he tendered his resignation 
in April ; but, at the request of Washington, and of CongrefiB, 
he continued in service to the close of the year. 

The services of General Ward to his commonwealth and 
his country were by no means confined to military life. He 
was for sixteen years a Representative of his native town in 

John Armstrong, 188 

the Legislature of Massachusetts, and in 1786 he was Speaker 
of the House of Representatives of that State. 

In 1779 he was appointed a member of the Continental 
Congress, and was repeatedly elected a member of the Federal 
Congress after the establishment of independence. 

He died on the 27th of October, 1800, aged 73. 

A monument at Shrewsbury, after giving the dates and 
details of his career, has the following tribute to his memory 
and character: — 

" Firmness of mind and integrity of purpose were charac- 
teristic of his whole life, so that he was never swayed by the 
applause or censure of man, but ever acted under a deep sense 
of duty to his Country, and accountability to his God. Long 
will his memory be precious among the friends of Liberty 
and Seligion." 




(Centennial Collection.) 

Jomff Armstrong was bom in the north of Ireland in the 
year 1720. He emigrated to Pennsylvania some time between 
the years 1745 and 1748, and settled in the Kittatinny Valley, 
west of the Susquehannah River, then the frontier of the pro- 
vince. He was well educated, and by profession a surveyor. 
In 1750, when Cumberland County was formed, Messrs. Arm- 
Btrong and Lyon by direction of the Proprietaries laid out 
the town of Carlisle. It was resurveyed by Air. Armstrong 
according to its present plan in 1762. In 1763 his office in 
Carlisle with all his books and papers therein was destroyed 
by fire ; a great public loss severely felt for many years after- 
wards in the adjustment of boundaries of tracts of land in the 
large district in which he was the public surveyor. In 1754 
be was sent by Gtovemor Morris on a mission to the colony 

184 John Armstrong. 

of Connecticut in relation to the illegal purchase of lands 
within the Province of Pennsylvania from the Indians by an 
association of persons, in the former colony, known afterwards 
as the Susquehannah Company or Wyoming Settlers. In 

1755, at the request of General Braddock, the authorities of 
Pennsylvania agreed to open roads from Carlisle to the Three 
Forks of the Youghiogheny River, or " Turkey Foot" (near 
the present town of Confluence on the Pittsburg and Baltimore 
Railway), and also to AVills' Creek (now Cumberland), for the 
purpose of more expeditiously furnishing supplies from the 
inhiibited parts of the province to the army of Braddock 
marching against Fort Du Quesne. Mr. Armstrong was the 
surveyor and one of the commissioners selected for this dan- 
gerous duty, which he satisfactorily performed. 

In consequence of the defeat of Braddock, the greater part 
of the Indians in the English interest went over to the French. 
The frontier settlements were destroyed or deserted, many of 
the settlers killed or carried into captivity. Companies were 
organized throughout the province for defence, and in that 
of Cumberland County, commanded by Joseph Armstrong, 
John Armstrong enrolled himself as a private. In January, 

1756, he was commissioned captain of a company in the 
second battalion of Provincial troops, and on the 11th of May 
was made its Lieutenant-Colonel. Colonel Armstrong urged 
as a defensive measure, which was afterwards adopted, the 
erection of a chain of block-houses, extending through the 
Cumberland Valley from the Susquehaimah to the Maryland 
line. Forty miles above Fort Du Quesne, on the east side 
of the Allegheny River, the Indian villages of Kittanning, 
with their cornfields, occupied a fertile plain extending from 
the river to the base of a range of lofty and densely wooded 
hills. From the time of the migration of the Delawares 
westward from the Susquehannah, in the years 1727 to 1729, 
Kittanning was their chief town, and a great resort of the 
white traders from the east, until the descent of the French 
from Canada, under Celeron de Bienville in 1749. After 
the defeat of Braddock, bands of warriors continually issued 
from this hive, and taking the path leading southeastward 

John Armstrong. 185 

across the lofty mountain ridges and deep valleys (in the 
present counties of Armstrong, Westmoreland, Cambria, Blair, 
Iluntingdon, Mifflin, and Fulton), fell with relentless fury on 
the settlements in the Juniata and Cumberland Valleys. In 
the sunmier of 1756, Colonel Armstrong and Governor ^lorris 
concerted a secret expedition against Kittanning. In the latter 
part of August, troops to the number of three hundred and 
seven men, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, under Captains 
Hugh Mercer, Ward, Hamilton, Potter, and Steel, and com- 
manded by Colonel Armstrong, assembled at Fort Shirley, 
the extreme frontier post (now Shirleysburg, in Huntingdon 
County), from whence they marched on the 80th inst., taking 
the Kittanning Path. At daybreak on the 8d of September, 
they surprised and attacked the Indian town, which after a 
eharp conflict was burned, and the chief warrior. Captain 
Jacobs, and about forty other Indians killed. A number of 
white persons were released. The loss of the whites amounted 
to seventeen killed, nineteen missing, and thirteen wounded ; 
among the most severe of the latter were Colonel Armstrong 
and Captain Mercer (afterwards the distinguished General 
Mercer of the Revolution). For the success of this expedition, 
Colonel Armstrong was awarded the highest praise. The 
corporation of Philadelphia presented him with their thanks, 
a piece of plate, and a silver medal, and to each of the officers, 
a medal and a sum of money. During the year 1757, he was 
actively employed in directing the defences of the frontier. 
In 1758, he was prominently engaged in the memorable and 
successful campaign of the army under General Forbes, which 
resulted in the conquest of Fort Du Quesne, where Pittsburgh 
now stands. The Pemisylvania troops numbered near three 
thousand men, the greater part forming the advance division 
under the command of^ Colonel Armstrong.* 

In 1768, the Indian War, usually called Pontiac's War, 
broke out. During its progress Colonel Armstrong collected a 
force of three hundred volunteers from the valleys of Bedford 
and Cumberland, and marched from Fort Shirley on the 30th 
of September against the Indian towns on the west branch of 

* Commissioned Colonel May 27, 1758. 

186 John Armstrong. 

the Susquehanimh. Tlie Bavagea escaped, but their towns at 
Great Island and Myanaquie/ with great quantities of pro- 
visions, were destroyed. 

On the 12th of July, 1774, a meeting of the citizens of the 
county of Cumberland was held at Carlisle, at which spirited 
resolutions were passed, expressing sympathy with the op- 
pressed people of Boston, and appointing a county committee 
of correspondence ; of this committee, Colonel Armstrong was 
a prominent member. His name also appears at the head of 
a committee in a letter addressed to Benjamin Franklin, 
President of the Committee of Safety, sitting at Philadelphia, 
expressing the desire and ability, if authorized, to raise a 
complete battalion in Cumberland County. On February 29, 
1776, of the six brigadier generals elected by Congress, Colonel 
Armstrong was the first. He was at the same time directed 
to repair to South Carolina and take command of the forces 
in that colony. He arrived at Charleston, in April, and 
assumed command of the troops there assembled, to defend 
that city from the threatened attack by the British fleet under 
Sir Peter Parker, which appeared off the Carolina coast on 
May 31. On June 4, Major-General Charles Lee, commander 
of the Southern Department, arrived and took the command. 
He retained Genenil Armstrong, with eighteen himdred men, 
at Haddrell's Point, about a mile from the Fort on Sullivan's 
Island. Its commander. Colonel Moultrie, was placed by 
General Lee under the inmiediate orders of General Arm- 
strong. The British fleet bombarded the fort for ten hours 
on the 28th of June, and were completely defeated. They 
attacked no other point. Thenceforward the fort was called 
Fort Moultrie, in honor of its gallant commander. 

On the 4th of April, 1777, General Armstrong resigned his 
commission in the Continental service, and on the day follow- 
ing, lie was appointed first Brigadier-General of the State of 
Pennsylvania. On June 5th, the Supreme Executive Council 
of the State appointed and commissioned him Major-General 
and Commander of the State troops. General Washingtoa 

' At the junction of Kettle Creek with the west branch of the Sosq 

John Armstrong. 187 

wrote to General Armstrong on the 4th of July expressing 
** his pleasure at this honorable mark of distinction conferred 
upon him by the State." 

During the summer of this year, he was actively engaged 

4iirecting and erecting and maintaining defensive works at 

IBillingsport and other points on the Delaware River, and in 

jfrequent conferences with the State Council, at Philadelphia, 

On September 11th, at the Battle of Brandy wine, the State 

droops under his command were posted at the Ford, two miles 

"fcelow Chad's, but had no opportunity of directly engaging in 

~Ahat memorable conflict. After the retreat of the American 

.^rmy, his division was employed along the Schuylkill River 

"throwing up redoubts. At the Battle of Germantown, on 

October 4th, General Armstrong was ordered by the Com- 

3nander-in-Chief to attack with his forces the Hessian troops 

<Jovering the left flank of the enemy — ^as a diversion ; a service 

gallantly and successfully executed. 

On the 19th of the same month, he was ordered to Phila- 
delphia, to take command of the militia in case of an invasion. 
On the 20th of November, 1778, he was elected by the 
<ieneral Assembly of Pennsylvania, a member of Congress for 
the years 1779 and 1780. He was again elected for the same 
oflice for the years 1787 and 1788; with this last service his 
public career closed. 

In the summer of 1779, a stockade fort was erected at 
Xittanning by a detachment of troops under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Stephen Bayard, who named it " Fort Armstrong," 
^y order of Colonel Brodhead commanding at Fort Pitt, and 
Xn the year 1800 a new county was there formed, and also 
^amed Armstrong in honor of the general. The present 
Handsome and flourishing town of Kittanning is the county 
^oat. His youngest son, who bore his name, was secretary of 
"^Var under Madison* 

General Armstrong was a member of the Presbyterian 
denomination, and was most prominent in establishing the 
^rst church built in Carlisle in 1757. His death occurred in 
tliat town, on March 9, 1795, and there in the old burying- 
^^Tound his remains repose. 

188 John JSixOTfL 



(Centennial Collection.) 

When I accepted the mvitation, I had the honor of receiving 
in October, 1875, from the Committee on the Restoration of 
Independence Hall, to prepare a memoir of the life of John 
Xixon to be presented at the meeting of American Uteratiy 
requested to assemble in Independence Chamber on July 
2, 1876, the centennial anniversary of the adoption of the 
" Resolutions respecting Independency," I was doubtful if I 
should be able to fulfil my engagement, so little was known 
of his public services. That ho was a merchant highly 
esteemed; the second president of the Bank of Xorth America, 
and had read and proclaimed publicly to the people for the 
first time the Declaration of Independence, were the only 
prominent facts known even to his descendants. It seemed as 
if the limited "two pages of fool's cap" could not be supplied. 
But careful and laborious investigation among published and 
unpublished archives, revealed incident after incident throwing 
light upon his important career, until at last when the rough 
material was sifted and shaped into its present form, the im- 
probable two pages had been duplicated a dozen times. It is 
presented in its extended size, so that those who come after us 
may be made fully acquainted with the life and services of 
one of the country's early and pure patriots. 

John Nixon, who read and proclaimed publicly to the people 
for the first time the Declaration of Independence, was bom 
in the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1733. The exact date 
of his birth is uncertain, but on April 17, 1734-85 (0. S.), 
when two years old, he was baptized at Christ Church by the 
rector. His father, Richard Nixon, is believed to have been a 
native of Wexford, County Wexford, Ireland, but if so, when 
he came to this country is unknown. That he was a bom 

John Nixon. 189 

Irishman has been sought to be established from the taucX, that 
his son, the subject of this memoir, was, as will be seen later, 
a member of "The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick," a social 
society formed in 1771, whose prerequisite to membership was 
being descended from an Irish parent in the first degree, or to 
have been a native of Ireland, or a descendant of a former 
member ; but, as a mother is a parent as well as a father, she 
might have been the one of Celtic birth and not he. This 
view is strengthened by the fact that there is an heirloom in 
the family, in the shape of an old and very large sea -^ 
chest with these initials on the top in brass nails, G. S« 
a not uncommon method with the early emigrants * 

to this country for denoting and memorizing the period of 
their departure from their homes, and the arrangement of the 
letters would show that the initial of the surname was " N/' 
while "G" and "S" represented respectively the Christian 
names of the emigrant husband and wife. 

The earliest mention we have of Richard Nixon is the record 
of his marriage to Sarah Bowles at Christ Church, by the 
Eev, Archibald Cummings, on January 7, 1727-28 (0. S.). He 
was a prominent merchant and shipper, and in 1738 purchased 
the property on Front Street, below Pine, extending into the 
Delaware River, afterwards known for nearly a century as 
Nixon's Wharf. In 1742, he was chosen a member of the 
Common Council of Philadelphia, which position he continued 
to hold until his death. Pending the French and Spanish 
War, which was ended by the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, con- 
cluded on the 7th of October, 1748, FrankUn urged upon the 
citizens to associate together for the purposes of defence, and 
two regiments of "Associators" were accordingly formed, one 
for the city and the other for the county, which were divided 
into companies, one for each ward and township, and of the 
Dock Ward Company, in the City Regiment, Richard Nixon 
was chosen captain. The Dock Ward at this time was, and 
continued up to the present century, the most important and 
influential ward in the city. He was a prominent member of 
Christ Protestant Episcopal Church, Philadelphia, and one of 
the vestrymen during the years 1745, 1746, and 1747. He 

190 John Nixoru 

had four children, all of whom were baptized there, and three 
of them who died in infancy were buried in its ground, where 
he himself fomid a restuig place also on the 6th of December, 
1749 (0. S.). Uis personal property after his decease was 
appraised at £20,000, a no inconsiderable sum in those days. 
His wife survived him many years, dying July 25, 1785, at 
the advanced age of eighty years, and was buried at Christ 
Church, where reposed the remains of her husband. 

John Nixon, the only child who survived his father, and 
the subject of this notice, early took a leading interest in 
public affairs. In March, 1756, at the age of twenty-three, 
during the excitement of the French War, he was chosen by 
a majority of votes of the freemen of Dock Ward, Lieutenant 
of the Dock Ward Company, " in the stead of Mr. Thomas 
Willing, the late lieutenant of said company, who was pleased 
to resign his commission." This company was a sort of home 
guard, and doubtless the same as the one formed in 1747, 
of which his father was the first captain. He succeeded to 
the business of his father, at the old place on Front Street, 
with Nixon's wharf in the rear, adjoining the warehouses of 
Willing & Morris, the most considerable merc*hants in the 
province or indeed in the colonies. His first transaction of 
which we have any knowledge is one which, with the light 
of modern ideas, is not calculated to be looked upon with 
favor. We find him in March, 1761, with Willing, Morris, & 
Co., and other prominent merchants of the city, signing and 
presenting to the Assembly of Pennsylvania, a remonstrance 
to a petition that had been presented the previous month by 
citizens of Philadelphia against the importation of slaves, and 
in consequence of which a l}ill had been prepared laying a duty 
of £10 per head on each negro brought from abroad. The 
importers, in their remonstrance to the bill, represented that 
the province was suffering great inconvenience for want of 
servants, and "an advantage may be gained by the introduc- 
tion of slaves, which will likewise be a means of reducing the 
exorlntant price of lal)or and in all probabilities bring our 
commodities to their usual prices." They represent that they 
have "embarked in the tnide" of importing negroes through 

192 John Nixon. 

are too familiar to permit of repetition here, but they kept 
the Colonies in a state of constant ferment, and in no plac-e 
was this more the case than in Philadelphia, where in all the 
measures of these trying times John Nixon took an active 
part. The inhabitants of Boston, being anxious to know how 
far they would be sustained by other portions of the C!olonies 
in their eflfort to withstand the tyranny of the British Crown, 
sent Paul Revere to Philadelphia with a circular letter, dated 
May 13, 1774, requesting the advice of the citizens of Phila- 
delphia upon the bill closing the Port of Boston. Imme- 
diately upon its receipt on May 20th, a town meeting was 
called, and held at the City Taveni, and resolutions were 
passed appointing a committee of correspondence, with direc- 
tions to answer the letter from Boston, and assure the people 
of that town " that we truly feel for their imhappy situation, 
and that we consider them as suffering in the general cause." 
Of this committee Mr. Nixon was a member, and on the fol- 
lowing day met a portion of the committee, who prepared, 
signed, and sent " Tlic letter from the Committee of the City 
of Philadelphia to the Committee of the City of Boston," 
which contained the key-note of the Revolution in these 
w^ords: "It is not the value of the tax, but the indefeasible 
right of giving and granting our own money (a right from which 
WE CAN NEVER RECEDE), that is the qucstiou." 

On the 18th of June a meeting of citizens was held in the 
State House Yard, at which Thomas Willing and John Dick- 
inson presided, when it was resolved that the Act closing the 
Port of Boston was unconstitutional, and that it was expedient 
to convene a Continental Congress. A committee of corre- 
spondence was appointed, directed to ascertain the sense of 
the people of the province with regard to the appointment of 
deputies to a general Congress, and to institute a subscription 
for the relief of the sufferers in Boston. Mr. Nixon was made 
the third member of this committee, the first and chairman 
being John Dickinson. The authority of the committee being 
doubtful, they recommended that at the next general election 
a new permanent committee should be regularly chosen, which 
was accordingly done, and he was again duly returned. He 

John Nixon. 193 

was a deputy to the General Conference of the Province, 
which met at Carpenters' Ilall, July 15, 1774, and remained 
in session until the 22d, with Thomas Willing in the chair and 
Charles Thomson for its clerk. The important action of this 
body was the adoption of resolutions condenming in strong 
terms the recent acts of Parliament, and recommending the 
calling of a congress of delegates from the different colonies. 
Mr. Nixon was also a delegate to the Convention for the 
Province of Pennsylvania, held at Philadelphia from the 23d 
to the 28th of January, 1775, which, among other things, 
unanimously endorsed and approved the conduct and proceed- 
ings of the late Continental Congress — the famous first Con- 
gress of September 5, 1774. 

The open strife between the mother country and her 
colonies had now fairly begun, and on the 19th of April, 
1775, the first conflict of the Revolution took place at Lexing- 
ton and Concord. It was not until the night of April 24th 
that the intelligence of these fights reached IMiiladelphia, and 
the sensation caused by the news was intense. A meeting 
was held in the State House Yard, at which it was computed 
that eight thousand people were present. One brief resolution 
was passed, in effect that the persons present would ''associate 
together to defend with arms" their property, liberty, and lives 
against all attempts to deprive them of their enjoyment. Tlie 
committee of correspondence elected the previous autumn be- 
came in this emergency an authority not contemplated at its 
formation. The members entered at once upon the task, and 
desired that all persons having arms should give notice, so 
that they might be disposed of to those wishing them. The 
"Associators" immediately began to enroll themselves into 
companies, and drills were held daily, and sometimes twice in 
the day. The companies were formed into three battalions ; 
and the " Third Battalion of Associators," consisting of about 
five hundred men, and known as the " Silk Stockings," was 
officered by John Cadwalader, Colonel ; John Nixon, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel ; Thomas Mifflin and Samuel Meredith, Majors. 
The first known appearance of these " Assoeiators" in public 
was early in May, when the ofiicers met the southern dele- 

194 John Nixon. 

gates to the Continental Congress about two miles from town, 
and escorted them into the city. A few days later a similar 
compliment was paid to the delegates from the Eastern States. 
Samuel Curwen, the loyalist, who was in Philadelphia at the 
time, has preserved an account of this reception in his diary. 
He writes: "The cavalcade appeared first, two or three 
hundred gentlemen on horseback, preceded by the newly 
chosen city military officers, two and two, with drawn swords, 
followed by John Hancock and Samuel Adams in a phaeton 
and pair." The Congress duly met on Tuesday, May 10th, 
and on the 15th of June, upon the motion of Thomas John- 
son, Jr., of Maryland, George Washington was chosen unani- 
mously Commander-in-Chief of the Army raised and to be 
raised, and his first appearance in public in his military 
capacity was made five days later, when upon the commons 
near Centre Square he reviewed the City Associators, number- 
ing about two thousand men. On the following day he set 
out for Cambridge, escorted for some distance by the City 

A "Committee of Safety for the Province of Pennsylvania" 
having been appointed by the Assembly in June, 1775, John 
Nixon was made a member on its reorganization, October 20, 
1775, and continued an active and prominent member of the 
body until its dissolution, July 22, 1776, on the formation of 
the Council of Safety with David Rittenliouse at its head, 
and out of the two hundred and fifty-eight meetings which 
were held between October 20, 1775, and July 22, 1776, he is 
recorded as being present at one hundred and ninety-seven. 
Of this Committee of Safety, Franklin was President and 
Ilol)ert Morris Vice-President, but, owing to their being 
al)sont so often from the meetings by reason of other public 
duties, application was made to the Assembly for authority 
to choose a chairman pro tern, at any time when there was a 
quomuti^ and the president and vice-president absent, which 
was granted, and under this authoritv Mr. Nixon was chosen 
the first chairman, November 20, and at all subsequent meet- 
ings, when he was present and the president and vice-president 
absent, he was selected to fill the chair. He was Chairman 

John NixoTL 195 

of the Committee on Accounts, and all orders for the payment 
of money for public purposes were drawn upon him. In 
May, 1776, upon information being received that the enemy's 
vessels were coming up the Delaware, he was requested by 
the committee to go down to Fort Island and take charge of 
the defences there, and in July, he was placed in command 
of the guard ordered to be kept in the city, which was com- 
posed of four companies, one from each battalion. It was in 
the month of July also that he performed that act which 
entitles him peculiarly to a commemorative notice in this 
centennial year. 

The resolution for Independence, which had been offered in 
CJongress on the 7th of June by Richard Uenry Lee, was 
finally adopted on the 2d of July, one hundred years ago, and 
on the following 4th the reasons for that Independence as 
set forth in Jefferson's immortal Declaration were agreed to. 
On the 5th, which was Friday, Congress passed the following 
resolution : — 

^^Besolvedy That copies of the Declaration be sent to the 
several Assemblies, Conventions and Councils of Safety, and 
to the several commanding officers of the Continental Troops, 
that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the 
Head of the Army." 

A copy of this resolution was sent the next day by the 
President of Congress to the Committee of Safety, whereupon 

it was 

^^ Ordered, That the Sheriff of Philad'a read or cause to be 
read and proclaimed at the State House, in the City of Phila- 
delphia, on Monday the Eighth day of July instant at 12 
O'clock at noon of the same day the Declaration of the Repre- 
sentatives of the United Colonies of America, and that he 
cause all his officers and the Constables of the said city to 
attend the reading thereof. 

''Besdved, That every member of this Committee in or 
near the city be ordered to meet at 12 O'clock on Monday to 
proceed to the State House where the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence is to be proclaimed." 

The chronicler, Christopher Marshall, records a "warm sun- 

196 John Nixon. 

shine morning" for Monday, July the Eighth. The CJommittee 
of Inspection met at eleven o'clock in the Hall of the Philo- 
sophical Society on Second Street, and went in a body to the 
Lodge, where they joined the Committee of Safety. The two 
committees then went in procession to the State House, where, 
standing on the platform of the observatory which had been 
erected by the American Philosophical Society to observe the 
transit of Venus, June 3, 1769, John Xixon read and pro- 
claimed, to a great concourse of people, in a voice clear and 
distinct enough to be heard in the garden of Mr. Norris's 
house on the east side of Fifth Street, the Declaration op 
Independence publicly for the first time. It is recorded 
that it was received with heart-felt satisfaction, and that the 
company declared their approval by their repeated huzzas. 
Thomas Dewees was at this time Sherift' of Philadelphia, and 
as he had the alternative of reading it himself or causuig it to 
be read, Mr. Nixon was selected, doubtless from his prominence 
as a citizen and as a member of the Committee of Safety. 
There is now deposited in Independence Hall a broadside copy 
of the Declaration, printed at the time, which was found 
among some papers of John Xixon, and is possibly the very 
one from which he I'ead and proclaimed it on the eighth of 
Julv, 1776. 

Towards the close of July, the Philadelphia Associators 
were called into active service. New Jersey was threateneil, 
and the several battalions marched to Amboy in its defence. 
Their service lasted about six weeks, when they returned to 
the city, and remamed until December, when they were called 
for again, this time to serve immediately under the com- 
mander-in-chief. At Washington's suggestion all the Asso- 
ciators of the City and Liberties were formed into one brigade 
under the command of Colonel Cadwalader, whereupon Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Xixon succeeded to the command of the third 
battalion, and on the lOtli, the city troops, twelve hundred 
strong, were in full march for Trenton. Washington, in writ- 
ing to the President of Congress from Trenton Falls, under 
date of December 13, 1776, says: "Cadwalader with the 
Philadelphia militia occupies the ground above and below 

John Nixon. 197 

the mouth of Xeshaminy River as far down as Dunks' Ferry, 
at which place Colonel Xixon is posted with the Third Bat- 
talion of Philadelphia." Ilere Washington directed redoubts 
to be thrown up, and, if the enemy attempted to cross, a stiind 
was ordered to be made against them, and on the 22d, he 
issued an order to Cadwalader specifying '* Colonel Nixon's 
regiment to continue where it is at Dunks' Ferry." This ferry 
was the important post to guard on tlie Delaware, as it was 
fordable, and it was the point assigned for the crossing of one 
body of the troops on Christmas night to attack Donop and 
the Hessians near Mount Holly, while Washington crossed 
higher up the river. How, owing to the floating ice at this 
point, only a few officers got across, and how Washington 
took the enemy by surprise and gained a signal victory over 
them without the aid of these troops, are well known to all, 
for with this event is connected one of the much controverted 
points in our history — ^the disaffection of Joseph Reed. 

It becomes necessary to advert to this subject in this place 
for the reason that in the controversy which ensued between 
Reed and Cadwalader, and which called forth the celebrated 
pamphlets bearing their names. Colonel Kixon was an actor. 
On page 24 of General Cadwalader 's "Reply to General Joseph 
Reed's Remarks," appears this certificate : — 

" I do hereby certify that in December, 1776, while the 
militia lay at Bristol, General Reed, to the best of my recol- 
lection and belief, upon my enquiring the news, and what he 
tho't of our affairs in general, said that appearances were very 
gloomy and unfavorable; — ^that he was fearful or apprehensive 
the business was nearly settled, or the game almost up, or 
words to that effect. That these sentiments appeared to me 
very extraordinary and dangerous, as I conceived, they would, 
ai thai time^ have a very bad tendency, if publicly known to 
be the sentiments of General Reed, who then held an appoint- 
ment in the army of the first consequence. 


FhHadelphta, March 12, 1783." 


198 John NixoTL 

That Joseph Reed at this time contemplated transferriiig 
his allegiance from the Continental Congress to the British 
King the light of historical research leaves no room for doubt. 
On the 1st of January, 1777, the time limited to accept the 
privileges of Howe's proclamation would expire, and if the 
Battle of Trenton had proved a defeat to Washington instead 
of a brilliant victory, Joseph Keed would have accepted its 
provisions and committed openly the treason he meditated in 
his heart. It was Washington's success and not Reed's 
unswerving patriotism that saved him. These conclusions at 
least ai*e reached after a careful and diligent examination of 
the subject from all available standpoints. 

The Philadelphia Associators remained with Washington 
until late in January, and took a gallant part in the Battle 
of Princeton on the second. In a letter written by Reed to 
Thomas Bradford from head-quarters at Morristown, dated 
Januaiy 24, 1777, he says : " General Cadwalader has conducted 
his command with great honour to himself and the Province, 
all the field officers supported their characters, their example 
was followed by the inferior officers and men, so that they 
have returned with the thanks and praises of every general 
officer in the army. * * * It might appear invidious to 
mention names where all have behaved so well, — ^but Colonel 
Morgan, Colonel Nixon, Colonel Cox, your old gentleman 
[William Bradford], and Majors Knox and Cowperthwaite, 
certainly ought not to pass unnoticed for their behaviour at 
Princeton.'* This campaign is the only active service in 
which we know the Philadelphia Associators to have been 
engaged, except wintering at Valley Forge in 1778. 

All means of supplying the army having failed, a new plan 
was established in the spring of 1780 by the formation of an 
institution called " the Bank of Pennsylvania for the purpose 
of supplying the army of the United States with provisions 
for two months." The plan was that each subscriber should 
give his bond to the directors of the bank for such sum as he 
thought proper, binding himself to the payment thereof in 
specie in case such payment should become necessary to fulfil 
the engagements and discharge the notes or contracts of the 

John Nixon. 199 

bank. The securities thus given by ninety-three persons 
amounted to £315,000, Pennsylvania money, Robert Morris 
and Blair McClanachan being the largest contributors at 
£10,000 each, while John Nixon and many others subscribed 
each £5000. The bank was opened July 17, 1780, in Front 
Street, two doors above Walnut, and was governed by two 
directors and five inspectors ; the first director being John 
Xixon and the second George Clymer. The entire amount 
secured was called for, and the last instalment was paid in 
November. In May of the following year Robert Morris, 
then Superintendent of Finance, submitted to Congress "A 
Plan for establishing a National Bank for the United States of 
North America," and on the 31st of December, " The President, 
Directors, and Corporation of the Bank of North America" 
were incorporated. This was the first incorporated bank in 
the United States ; and it is of interest in this connection and 
may not be generally known, that for this reason, when the 
National Banking Act of February 25, 1863, went into opera- 
tion, which provided that all organized banks accepting its 
provisions should adopt the word " National" in their title, 
the Bank of North America was permitted specially to accept 
the provisions of the Act without changing its original title, 
so that, although a national bank, its title is simply '* The 
Bank of North America." Thomas Willing was the first 
president of this bank; and upon his appointment to the 
presidency of the Bank of the United States on its formation, 
Mr. Nixon, who had served as a director from January, 1784, 
was elected in January, 1792, to succeed him, and continued 
in the office until his death, on the 31st of December, 1808, 
at the age of seventy-six years. 

Mr. Nixon held many positions of public and quasi public 
importance. In January, 1766, upon the Assembly of the 
Province passing a bill for the " Regulation of Pilots plying 
on the River Delaware," he was selected with Abel James, 
Robert Morris, and three others to officiate as Wardens of the 
Port of Philadelphia ; and the next year was appointed one 
of the signers of the Pennsylvania Paper Money, emitte<i 
by authority of the Act of May 20, 1767. In November, 

200 John Nixon. 

1776, Francis HopkiiiBon, John Nixon, and John Wharton 
were coiLstituted by Congress the Continental Navy Board ; 
and in December, 1778, the Supreme Executive Council of 
the State confirmed John Nixon, John Maxwell Nesbitt, and 
Benjamin Fuller as a Committee to settle and adjust the 
accounts of the late Committee and Council of Safety ; while 
in August of the following year he was appointed by Congress 
one of the Auditors of Public Accoimts, whose chief business 
was to settle and adjust the depreciation of the Continental 

He was treasurer of the " Society for the Encouragement 
of American Manufactures and the Useful Arts," established 
in 1787, and one of the founders of the " Philadelphia Society 
for the Promotion of Agriculture," formed in February, 1785. 
In 1789, upon the reorganization of the College, now the 
University of Pennsylvania, he was elected one of the Board 
of Trustees ; and in the same year, under the Act of March 
11, 1789, incorporating " The Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens 
of Philadelphia," he was elected <jne of the fifteen aldermen, 
to serve for seven years. It must be remembered that the 
position of alderman at that period was very different from 
the oflice of the same name at the present day. Then it was 
one of honor and not of reproach, and the duties, similar to 
those of the present select council, with certain judicial func- 
tions attached. In the gnind Federal procession on the 4th 
of July, 1788, celebrating the adoption of the Constitution of 
the United States, Mr. Nixon represented Independence *' on 
horseback, bearing the stafl' and cap of Liberty ; under the 
cap a white silk flag, with these words, * Fourth of July, 
1776,' in large gold letters." 

Mr. Nixon was a man fond of social enjoyment, and as early 
as 1760 was a member of the celebrated Fish House, — "The 
Colony in Schuylkill," and in 1763, we find him one of the 
Mount Regale Fishing Company, which met at Robinson's 
Tavern, Falls of Schuylkill, every other Thursday from June 
to October, and was composed wholly of men of wealth 
and fashion — the leaders of Society in that day — aa may bo 
seen from the names of Shippen, Chew, Hamilton, Francis^ 

John Nixon. 201 

McCall, Lawrence, Swift, Tilglimau, Allen, Hopkinson, Will- 
ing, Morris, and Kixon. He was also an original member 
of " The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick" composed of persons 
having Irish blood, and was present at the &mous dinner 
given to Washington on New Year's day, 1782. To the 
Pennsylvania Hospital he was an early and repeated con- 
tributor, and served as one of the managers from 1768 to 

After the reorganization of the land office in 1792, Mr. 
Nixon purchased largely of lands in the outlying counties 
of the State which, like most of such adventures, proved 
unsuccessful. At the time of his death, he was the senior 
member of the firm of Nixon, Walker, & Co., shipping mer- 
chants, composed of himself, his only son Henry Nixon, and 
Mr. David Walker. His residence was on Pine Street below 
Third Street, adjoining that of the Rev. Robert Blackwell, 
Rector of St. Peter's Church, while Fairfield on the Ridge 
Road, immediately north of Peel Hall the site of the present 
Girard College, was his country seat. Mr. Nixon was married, 
October, 1765, in New York, to Elizabeth, eldest child of 
George and Jane [Currie] Davis, and had five children, four 
daughters and one son ; Mary, wife of Francis West ; Eliza- 
beth, wife of Erick Bollman ; Sarah, wife of William Cra- 
mond ; Jane, wife of Thomas Mayne Willing ; and Henry, 
who married Maria, youngest daughter of the Honorable 
Robert Morris. Mrs. Nixon died August 31, 1795, at the 
age of fifty-eight, and was buried in St. Peter's Church-yard, 
at the comer of Third and Pine Streets, Philadelphia, where 
she reposes in the same grave with her husband. 

In appearance, Mr. Nixon was a fine, portly man, with a 
noticeably handsome, open countenance, as may be seen from 
his portrait by Gilbert Stuart, painted late in life, in posses- 
sion of his grandson, Mr. Henry Cramond.^ His maimers were 
dignified and rather reserved, while he was noted for kindness 
of heart, high sense of honor, sterling integrity, and firmness 

' A miniiitiire painted by Peale in 1772 is in poflsession of his grand- 
daaghter Miss West. 

202 Chief Justice Williarn Allen. 

of decision. In the early days of the revolutionary struggle, 
Mr. Nixon shared the conservative views of his fellow towns- 
men and copatriots Robert Morris, Thomas Willing, and. 
John Dickinson, but after the edict of separation had been 
amiounced, none were more eager or earnest in the cause. 
He was a strenuous opponent of the old constitution of the 
State, and a firm adherent of the party formed to effect its 
change. The closing item of his will shows the sentiment 
of the man better than any other words can portray them. 
" Having now, my children, disposed of my estate m a manner 
that I hope will be agreeable to you all, I request and earnestly 
recommend to you to live together in terms of the purest love 
and most perfect friendship, being fully pursuaded that your 
happiness and that of your respective fitmilies will, in a great 
measure, depend on this. These are my last words to you, 
and I trust that you will have them in particular and long 



(GeDteuuial Collection.) 

No Pennsylvanian of his day stood higher in public esteem 
than William Allen, and no name is more intimately connected 
with the " Old State House," or Independence Hall, both in 
its origin, and in its history, and with Philadelphia itself, 
than his. 

Bom in 1703, the son of William Allen, a successful Phila- 
delphia merchant, wealthy, well educated, and of command- 
ing intellect, he accepted judicial office at the earnest request 
of the most eminent men of the colony. 

His father died in 1725, while his son was in Europe, leav- 
ing him a large fortune, which he so well managed that when 
he resigned the chief justiceship in 1774, he was probably 

Chief Justice William Alien. 203 

the richest man in Philadelphia.* The salary of his office he 
refused to appropriate to his own use, and always gave it 
away in charities. 

He it was, who, on the 15th day of October, 1730, made the 
£j8t purchase of the ground on which Independence Hall now 
stands for a " State House" for Pennsylvania. He paid for it 
^vith his own money, and took the deeds in his own name, at 
the request of Andrew Hamilton, chairman of the committee 
to procure a site, and subsequently the architect of the edifice 
erected thereon. When all the difficulties of the enterprise 
^w^ere removed a few years afterwards, he conveyed the pro- 
perty to the appointed authorities, and was re-imbursed by 
the Pi-ovince. 

In 1735, William Allen was made the mayor of the city, 
and in the next year, 1736, when the "State House" was 
nearly completed, he inaugurated its "banqueting hall" by 
^ving therein a great feast to the citizens and all strangers 
in the city, — a feast described in a contemporary account, as 
^^the most grand, the most elegant entertaimnent that has 
iDeen made in these parts of America." 

Bred a merchant, and the son of a merchant, he was largely 
engaged in commercial and manufacturing enterprises in 
IPennsylvania, especially in iron furnaces, in several of which 
iie had a large interest. And, like all the men of wealth in 
"that day, he acquired and held large tracts of land. His estate 
lay chiefly in what is now the anthracite coal region of Penn- 
sylvania, and from him the thriving city of AUentown derives 
its name. He also possessed extensive lands in New Jersey. 

Governor Thomas, writing to the Bishop of Exeter, on the 
23d of April, 1748, relative to some funds the Bishop had 
raised to aid the German Palatines, says, " if I might be per- 
mitted to advise, the money raised for this purpose should be 
lodged in a safe hand in London subject to the draft of Mr. 

' His father's will, dated 30 May, 1725, proved September 30, 1775, is 
recorded in the Register's office of Philadelphia. The Penn proprietary 
estate was of coarse larger, bnt at the date mentioned, the chief justice could 
probably command more ready money than the Penn family, one of whom, 
the last governor, was one of his sous-in-law. 

204 Chief Judke Waiiam AOen. 

William Allen, a considerable merchant, and a very worthy 
honest Gentleman in Philadelphia, that he might see it regu- 
larly apply'd to the uses intended."* 

For many years Mr. Allen sat as a member of the Penn- 
sylvania Assembly. In 1737, he was appointed justice of a 
special court organized for the trial of some cases of atrocious 
arson. In 1741 he was made recorder of Philadelphia, then 
an office of great responsibility. 

During his entire career, he ever upheld by personal exer- 
tions, and with the most liberal pecuniary aid, whatever the 
interests, or the needs, of Pennsylvania, or America, required. 
Xotably was this the case in the old French War of 1755- 
1762, a time when aid rendered was aid indeed. 

In 1751, William Allen was appointed chief justice of 
Pennsylvania, and held the office till 1774, the long period 
of twenty-three years. The Supreme Court of the Province 
was held in the west room of Independence Hall, directly 
opposite that in which Independence was voted, and the Con- 
tinental Congress sat. 

In that chamber presided Chief Justice Allen, with a 
dignity, learning, impartiality, and intellectual force, equalled 
by few, and exceeded by none, of those great jurists who have 
ever adorned the ermine of Pennsylvania, and made immortal 
the renown of her supreme judiciary. There, too, is now 
preserved with care, the very bench upon which he sat, when 
before him pleaded the gifted fathers of that illustrious bar, 
which, a little later, gave a national fame to " Philadelphia 
lawyers," which is still, after the lapse of a century, most 
brillia;itly maintained. 

No law reports were published at that day, and none of hia 
decisions are now accessible, except the few that Dallas col- 
lected after the revolution from lawyers' notes and prefixed to 
the first volume of his reports, the first ever issued in Penn- 

Appreciating the pleasures of literature, and the need of 
learning to the well-being of a state, he joined heartily in 

1 Historical CollectioDs, American Colonial Ghorch, vol. ii. PenDfljlFaoia* 
p. 257. 

Chief Justice William AUen. 205 

educational measures with Franklin, and gave him effectual 
aid, in founding that "College at Philadelphia," which is now 
BO well known, as " The University of Pennsylvania." 

He was prominent among those gentlemen of Philadelphia 
who were the first Americans to originate an expedition to 
the Arctic regions to discover the Northwest Passage — a field 
in which a New York merchant,* a century later, acquired 
great credit. To Pennsylvania, and to William Allen and his 
friends, is due the high honor of first projecting and endeavor- 
ing, by American enterprise, to effect the solution, in the 
middle of the eighteenth century, of that great geographical 
problem, which still defies the science of the world. 

The following extract from a letter of Chief Justice Allen 
to Gtovenior Penn, on this subject, shows at once the breadth 
of mind of the man, and his great appreciation, in a public 
point of view, of what he well terms " the noble design." 

Phila., Nov. 18, 1752. 

SiE : As I am quite assured that every thing that regards 
the interest and reputation of the provmce ot Pennsylvania 
will ever be regarded by you, I therefore beg leave to solicit 
your favor in behalf of myself and many others of the mer- 
chants of this place. Notwithstanding the repeated attempts 
of gentlemen in England to discover the Northwest Passage 
\i'itnout success, yet there has appeared among us a spirit to 
undertake that noble design, which, if effected, will redound 
to the honor of your province, and the advantage of us, the 

By the inclosed paper, over which if you will be pleased to 
cast an eye, you will perceive that last year we had intended 
to put our design into execution, but by the extremity of the 
winter and other accidents, it was postponed till next spring, 
at which time, as we have bought a vessel and all other mar 
terials, and engaged navigators and mariners, we shall proceed 
in the a&ir, and dispatch the vessel from here the latter end 
of March ; and are in great hopes by avoiding the mistakes 
of former attempts, and pursuing, as we think, more proper 
measures, to be able to effect the discovery of the passage, or, 
at least, put it out of doubt whether there is one or no.^ 

A lover of the arts he was Bh early friend and patron of 

' HeDry GrinDell. 

' MS. letter io Library of Penna. Hist. Society. 

206 Chief Justice WiUiam AUen. 

Benjamin West. And he lived to see his judgment verified 
by the great success of his young friend in England. This 
produced an intimacy between West and the Allen fiamily, 
which lasted till the death of the former while President of 
the Royal Academy. There is still preserved, among the 
Chief Justice's descendants in England, a splendid picture by 
West, of a family fete in the grounds of Governor John Penn's 
magnificent seat of "Lansdowne," upon the Schuylkill — 
those exquisite grounds now embraced in the magnificent 
Park, occupied by the grand Centennial Exposition of 1876 
— which contains portraits of the Governor and his wife, 
Ann, the eldest daughter of Chief Justice Allen, whom he 
married on the Slst of May, 1766, of all the Allen fiamily, 
and of West himself. The latter was present on the occa- 
sion, and the bexiutiful, joyous, scene so impressed him, that 
he painted the picture to preserv^e its remembrance, and 
presented it to the Governor, saying, as he did so, " that he 
had never executed a better painting." These facts were told 
the writer by Mr. John Penn Allen, the governor's nephew, 
one of the twin sons of Andrew Allen, when showing him 
the picture at his house in London in 1867. 

In his family relations Chief Justice Allen was very happy. 
His wife, whom he married on the 16th of February, 1733, 
old style, was Margaret Hamilton, daughter of Andrew 
Hamilton, and sister of James Hamilton, both of whom were 
eo highly distinguished in the annals of Pennsylvania, By 
her he had four sons, John, Andrew, William, and James, 
and two daughters, Ann, the wife of Governor John Penn, 
the last Proprietary Governor of Pennsylvania, as above stated, 
and Margaret, the younger, married on the 19th of August^ 
1771, to James deLancey of New York, the eldest son of 
James deLancey, the Chief Justice, and then the Governor of 
New York, and himself, from his father's death on July 80, 
1760, to the Revolution the head of that fiamily, and the 
political party in New York known by its name. 

John Allen, the eldest of *he sons of Chief Justice Allen, 
and James Allen, the youngest, both died before their father, 
the other two sons and the two daughters survived him. 

Chief Justice William Alien. 207 

Advancing age and the persuasions of his family,^ being 
then in his seventy-first year, and perhaps the political state 
of the country, caused Chief Justice Allen to resign his high 
office in 1774, and Benjamin Chew was appointed chief justice 
in his place. Opposed to the encroachments of British power, 
and feeling acutely the grievances of the colonies like all the 
men of standing in America at that time, he believed in re- 
dressing those grievances by continued constitutional means, 
and not by rebellion against the sovereign to whom he had 
sworn allegiance. He was even ready to resort to arms to 
force the Ministry to abandon their oppressive and unconsti- 
tutional course, but not to fight against his King. In the 
very next year, in October, 1775, he gave his "half of a 
quantity of cannon shot belonging to him and to Turner" — 
the latter a joint owner with him in an iron fiimace — "for 
"the use of the Board of the Council of Safety," which body 
^' returned thanks for his generous donation."* In these sen- 
timents all his sons coincided ; John, the eldest, was, in 1776, 
elected a member of the Provincial Congress of New Jersey, 
l)ut finding himself in the minority, soon left it and never 
Tetumed. He died in Philadelphia in February, 1778. He 
married, April 6th, 1775, Mary, daughter of David Johnston, 
of New York, of the old and well-known New York and New 
Jersey family of that name, by whom he left two sons, William 
and John, his only children. William Allen, the third son of 
the Chief Justice, was one of the first Pennsylvania officers 
commissioned by Congress, and with his regiment served un- 
der Montgomery in the Canadian Campaign of 1775. He ap- 
plied to Congress for leave to resign when the Declaration of 
Independence passed, which w^as granted on the 24th of July, 
1776.* Andrew was a member from Pennsylvania of the 
Continental Congress, was a leading Whig, and served also in 
the Council of Safety. James served in the Pennsylvania 
Assembly of 1776, as member from Northampton, with ability 
and courage. Returning to his country seat in that county, 

* MS. Diary of James Allen. 

• Pennsylvania Colonial Records. 

' Journals of Congress, 1776, p. 283. 

208 Chief Justice WiUiam AUen. 

after it adjourned, he lived in retirement a non-combatant 
In November, 1776, shortly before the fall of Mount Wafihiug- 
ton, he visited the American camp on Ilarlaem Heights, and 
was received and lodged at his headquarters by General 
Washington with great politeness.* He was subsequently 
summoned before the Committee of Safety for " disaffection," 
but was finally permitted to remain at his country house in 
Northampton County, where he died in 1778. The following 
extract from his MS. Diary expresses not only his own views, 
but those of the majority of the people of the Colonies at the 
time it was written. "Alarch 6th, 1776. The plot thickens, 
jKjace is scarcely thought of. Independency predominates. 
Thinking people uneasy, irresolute, and inactive. The Mo- 
bility triumphant. Every article of life doubled. Twenty- 
six thousand troops coming over. The Congress in equilibrio 
on the question of Independence, or no. Wrapt in the con- 
templation of these things I cry out, '0! Rus quando ego te 
aspiciam, &c.' I love the cause of Liberty, but cannot heartily 
join in the prosecution of measures totally foreign to the 
original plan of resistance." 

Chief Justice Allen went to England on a visit not long 
before his death. He had lost his wife several years previ- 
ously, and decided to remain in England until matters were 
more quiet in America. He resided in London, and died 
there in September, 1780, in the seventy-seventh year of his 

Andrew Allen, his second son, bom in June, 1740, was a 

man of very great ability, and was Attorney-General of Penn- 
sylvania for many years, while his father was its Chief Justice. 
He was elected a delegate from Pennsylvania to the Conti- 
nental Congress, and took an active part in the proceedings 
of that body, until he resigned his seat towards the close of 
1776. In December, 1776, when Howe's Army was expected 
in Philadelphia, a persecution of all opposed to indepen- 
dence began. " Houses were broken open, people imprisoned 
without any color of authority by private persons, and, as 

1 MS. Diary of James Allen. 

Chief Justice William Allen. 209 

was said, a list of 200 digafFected persons made out, who were 
to be seized, imprisoned, and sent off to North Carolina ; in 
which list, it was said, our whole family was put down. My 
brothers, under this dreadful apprehension, fled from Phila- 
delphia to Union, where I went over to them. Soon after, 
against my judgment, they all went to Trenton, and claimed 
protection from General Howe's Army. From whence they 
went to New York, and there they now are, unhappily sepa- 
rated from their &milies, and like to be so for some time. I 
was informed of this at Bethlehem by General Gates."* 

From this time the Aliens supported the Crown. William 
became the Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment raised in his 
own province, called the " Pennsylvania Loyalists," and com- 
manded it throughout the war. He was very witty, afiable, 
and of remarkably fine manners, and as much a fiavorite with 
his officers and men as he was in society. He never married, 
and after the war lived in England. He died in London, 
July 2d, 1838, at the great age of eighty-seven years. It was 
of him, and not of his fiither, the Chief Justice, after whom 
he was named, of whom it was said, when he resigned his 
command under Congress to that body, as above stated, that 
he did so " not because he was totally unfit for it, but because 
the Continental Congress presumed to declare the American 
States free and indejKindent, without first asking the consent 
and obtaining the approbation of himself and wise family." 

Andrew Allen, after he resigned from the Continental Con- 
gress and joined Howe at Trenton, in December, 1776, took 
no active part in the contest. He returned to Philadelphia 
with Howe's Army in the autumn of 1777. With all his 
&mily he was included in the Pennsylvania Act of Attainder 
of March 6, 1778, and his estate confiscated. Li 1792 he was 
pardoned, and re-visited Pennsylvania. Under Jay's treaty 
of 1794, he attempted to recover from the State moneys paid to 
it by some of his former debtors on land contracts made before 
the war, but fistiled. Later he went again to England, and 
resided there. He died in London in March, 1825, in his 

' MS. Diary of James Allen. 

210 Chief Justice WiUiain AUeru 

eighty-sixth year. He married " the beautiful Sally Coxe," 
as she was called in Philadelphia, on the 21st of April, 17G8. 
She was a daughter of William Coxe, of New Jersey, by his 
wife Mary Francis, of Philadelphia. Mrs. Allen died in 1801, 
in her seventieth year. Their children were : 1. Andrew, an 
accomplished man, from 1805 to 1812 British Consul at Bos- 
ton, and subsequently a resident of Burlington, New Jersey, 
for a number of years. lie was much in Philadelphia in 1826, 
where the writer's father, William Heathcote de Lancey, Pro- 
vost of the University of Pennsylvania, 1828-33, and subse- 
quently Bishop of Western New York, 1839-65, knew him 
very well. A letter of the Bishop to his own father,^ in 1826, 
says that Mr. Andrew Allen was the author of certain articles 
in the Church Register of that time, which attracted much 
notice, signed A N. lie returned to England subse- 
quently, and died at Clifton, near Bristol, December 3d, 1850, 
without issue. 2 and 3. John Penn Allen and Thomas Dawson 
Allen, twins, born 25th October, 1785 ; both of whom were 
living in 1868, in good health, at the age of eighty-three ; the 
former a gentleman in London, where the writer knew and 
visited him, and the latter a clergyman of the Church of 
England, residing in Gloucestershire. Both are now dead 
without issue. 4, Ann, 5, Elizabeth, 6, Maria, all of whom 

* John Peter de Lancey, of Mamaroneck, Westchester County, N. Y., the 
youngest brother of the James de Lancey who married Margaret Allen, as 
stated in the text; born 15 July, 1753, educated at Harrow School, in Eng- 
land, and the Military School at Greenwich ; entered the regular British 
army in 1771, was a captain in the 18th, or Royal Irish, Regiment of foot, 
and served with it, till William Allen, the brother-in-law of his brother 
James, raised the Provincial Corps, the " Pennsylvania Loyalists," when he 
was offered and accepted the commission of its Major. He served with it 
until the corps was disbanded, when he rejoined his regiment, and continued 
therein till 1786, when he returned to America, and resided till his death on 
the 30th January, 1828, at his grandfather Heathcote's old seat at Mamaro- 
neck, of which he was the proprietor. His wife was Elizabeth, daughter of 
Colonel Richard Floyd, of Mastic, Suffolk Co., N. Y., the head of that old 
Long Island family ; to a younger branch of which, belonged the William 
Floyd who signed the Declaration of Independence, and was the first U. S. 
Senator from New York, who was one of Richard Floyd's first cousins. 

Chief Justice William Alien. 211 

died unmarried; and 7, Margaret, who married in Philadel- 
phia, Jmie 20th, 1793, George Hammond, the first British 
Minister to the United States after the peace of 1783. She 
died December 8, 1838 ; and her son is the Edmund Ham- 
mond whom Mr. Gladstone on his retirement from office in 
1870, created a peer by the title of "Baron Hammond," for 
nearly fifty years of consecutive service in the British For- 
eign Oflice, in which he was a "clerk" from 1824 to 1854, and 
** paid Under Secretary" from 1854 to his elevation. He is 
still living. 

James Allen, the Chief Justice's youngest son, married, 10 
March, 1768, Elizabeth, daughter of John Lawrence and Eliza- 
beth Francis, a cousin of the mother of his brother Andrew's 
wife, above mentioned, and had one son, James, who died 
without issue, and three daughters : 1. Ann Penn, bom 11 
May, 1769, married James Greenleaf, 26th April, 1800, and 
died in September, 1851, aged eighty-two ; 2. Margaret Eliza- 
beth, who married the distinguished Chief Justice of Penn- 
sylvania, William Tilghman, July 1st, 1794, and died four 
years afterwards, on the 9th of September, 1798 ; and 3. 
Mary, who married, November 27th, 1796, Henry Walter 
Li\ang8ton, of Livingston's Manor, New York, and died 
there December 11th, 1855, upwards of eighty. She was the 
lady who was so famous for her graceful and profuse hospi- 
tality, and was so long known in New York society as " Lady 

None of the descendants of Chief Justice Allen are now 
residents of Philadelphia; and the name, for more than a 
century the synonym in that city for high ability, political 
power, great wealth, and the first social position, is there no 
longer known. The man to whom, and to whose connections 
by his marriage, she owes her famed " State House" — Ame- 
rica's Hall of Independence — sleeps in a foreign land ; and the 
names of Allen and of Hamilton and of Penn, with which it 
so long resounded, are no longer heard within its historic 

212 Dr. WiUiam Shippen, tfte Elder. 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Amongst those who emigrated from the Mother Comitiy 
for the purpose of bettering their fortunes, and not to escape 
religious persecution, was Edward Shippen (b. 1639), a son of 
William Shippen of Yorkshire, gentleman. The family occu- 
pied a position of importance, for we find the Rev. Dr. Robert 
Shippen (a nephew of Edward Shippen) principal of Brazen 
Nose College and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford. 
Another nephew was William ShipjHjn, the lamous leader of 
the Jacobites, the " downright Shippen" of Pope, of whom 
Sir Robert Walpole repeatedly said, that he was not to be 
approached by corruption, and whose courage and integrity 
in parliament procured him (Dec. 4, 1717) the glory of a war- 
rant of the House of Commons committing him to the Tower 
for " reflecting on His Majesty's poreon and Government."* 

Edward Shippen emigrated to Boston 1668, where he as a 
merchant amassed a handsome fortune. He brought with 
him his notions as a member of the Established Church, for 
he at once joined the Artillery Company, but in 1671 he mar- 
ried Elizabeth Lybrand, a Quakeress, and became a member 
of that sect. 

The most cruel, the most unsparing persecutions and deeds 
of blood known in the history of the human race are those 
which have boon done in the name of Christ. The Fathers 
of New Enffland were not behind their brethren of other 
sects, and accordingly Edward Shippen shared in the ** jail- 
ings, whippings, and banishments, the fines and imprison- 
ments" inflicted on the inoffensive Quakers. In 1698 a meteor 
appeared, and therefore " a fresh persecution of the Baptists 
and Quakers" was " promoted," and reached such a pitch that 

1 Debates in Parliament, 1717-21, p. 20. 

Dr. William Shippen^ the Elder. 213 

Mr, Shippen was either banished or driven to take refuge in 
Philadelphia,* It seems to have taken about a year to dispose 
of his estate in Boston, and transfer the proceeds to his new 
house (1693-94). He did not quit Boston without erecting a 
memorial on " a green" near to " a pair of gallows, where 
several of our friends had suftered death for the truth and 
were thrown into a hole.'' lie asked leave of the magistrates 
" to erect some more lasting monument there, but they were 
not willing." 

His wealth, his fine personal appearance, his mansion styled 
"a princely place," his talents and high character at once 
obtained for him position and influence. Very soon after his 
arrival in Philadelphia (July 9, 1695), he was elected Speaker 
of the Assembly, Pemi, who always gave the most anxious 
consideration to his selection of oflicers for the province, named 
tim in the Charter, Oct. 25, 1701, the first Mayor of the 
City of Philadelphia. In 1702-4 he was President of the 
Governor's Council. In this last year he withdrew from the 
Society of Friends, and also from public life, although he con- 
"tinued to advise concerning public aftairs until his death, Oct. 
2, 1712, 

His son, Joseph Shippen, bom at Boston Feb. 28, 1678-9, 
<iied at Germantown 1741; removed to Philadelphia 1704 
^th his father. In 1727 he joined Dr. Franklin in founding 
"the Junto " for mutual uiformation and the public good." It 
"Was the forerunner of our now numerous scientific institutions. 
One of the subjects to which special attention was given was 
practical anatomy. By his wife, Abigail Gross, of Huguenot 
descent (Le Gros), he left three children surviving him. The 
daughter, Anne, married Cliarles Willing. 

Edward, the elder, bom July 9, 1703, generally known aa 
of Lancaster, where he resided during the latter period of his 
life, was much esteemed and respected throughout the pro- 
"vince. Amongst other claims to consideration may be men- 
t;ioned that he "laid/)ut" Shippensburg, and was one of the 
founders (1746-8) of the College of New Jersey, at Newark 

' It is qnite possible that " he was invited by Peon'' (Address, etc., by 
^. W. E. Hornor, Hazard's Beg., x. p. 66). 


214 Dr. William ShippeUj the Elder. 

in that State, removed 1753 to Princeton, of which he was 
Trustee for twenty years. He was active in church affiurs. 
Of his two sons, Edward,* the elder, became Chief Justice of 
Pennsylvania ; and the younger, Joseph, a graduate of Prince- 
ton, 1753, rose to the rank of Colonel in the Provincial Army. 
As such he commanded the advance in Gheneral Forbes^s expe- 
dition for the capture of Fort Duquesne. He was also a poet 
of considerable merit. After the troops were disbanded he 
made a visit to EurojK), and on his return was made Secretary 
of the Province. 

The sixth child and younger surviving son was Williami 
Shippen, generally known as Dr. William Shippen, the Elder^ 
more especially the subject of this paper, because ho was a 
member of the Continental Congress. He was bom at Phila- 
delphia, Oct. 1, 1712, where he died, Nov. 4, 1801. We are 
told that he applied himself early in life to the study of medi- 
cine, for "which he had a remarquable genius, possessing that 
kind of instinctive knowledge of diseases which cannot be 
acquired from books." He seems to have inherited his 
father's eager desire to explore the domains of physical science, 
and no doubt that the Junto had its influence in shaping his 
course in life. An eminent physician of this city says : " It 
is most probable that he acquired those ideas of the impor- 
tance of the study (practical anatomy), which induced him to 
impress ui)on his son the propriety of making himself master 
of the science, in order to aid the establishment of those 
lectures he afterwards so ably delivered."* There is no record, 

* There seems to have been as mach confusion in regard to these Edwards 
and Josephs as in regard to the Doctors William Shippen. Mr. Griswold 
(Republican Courts p. 15) has fallen into a mistake. In the Memoir of 
Chief Justice Shippen, portfolio, 1810, by Dr. Charles Caldwell, Edward, 
the emigrant, is confounded with his grandson, Edward of Lancaster. 
Hazard's Reg., iv. p. 24] , repeats the same error. In Princeton College, by 
Bev. S. D. Alexander, Secretary Joseph Shippen is represented to be the 
son of Dr. William Shippen, the elder, instead of nephew, and brother to 
Dr. William Shippen, the younger, instead of cousin. 

• Contributions to the Medical History of Penna., by Dr. Caspar Morris, 
Memoirs of Hist. Society of Pa.. 2d cd. of vol. i. p. 360. American Medical 
Biography, by James Thacher, M.D., Boston, 1828, vol. ii. 8. ▼. William 

Br. Wmam Shippen, the Elder. 215 

60 &r as I know, as to when and where he received his degree 
of Doctor of Medicine, but he speedily obtained a large and 
lucrative practice, which he maintained through a long and 
respected life. He was especially liberal towards the poor, 
and jt is said, not only gave his professional aid and medicines 
without charge, but oftentimes assisted them by donations 
from his purse. He was very successful in his practice, but 
was so fer from thinking that medicine was much advanced 
towards perfection, that it is said, when he was congratulated 
by some one on the number of cures he effected and the few 
patients he lost, his reply was : " My friend ! Nature does a 
great deal, and the grave covers up our mistakes." Conscious 
of the deficiencies for medical education in America, and 
animated by a patriotic desire to remedy them. Dr. Shippen 
trained his son for that profession, sent him to Europe, where 
he had every possible opportunity for obtaining a knowledge 
of the various branches, and on his return (May, 1768) encour- 
aged him to commence a series of lectures on anatomy in one 
of the large rooms of this building (the State House), and thus 
to inaugurate the first medical school in America. 

It has been stated that Dr. Shippen was one of the founders 
and for many years a Trustee of Princeton College (Thacher) 
but that honor is due to his brother Edward, as already men- 
tioned. Dr. Shippen 's son, however, was a graduate of the 
Class of 1754, and for many years a Trustee of the College, as 
well as his uncle. 

Dr. Shippen was by no means given to politics, but the 
outlook for the Americans at the close of the year 1778 was 
very dark and dreary. It was at this moment that he was 
called upon to take part in the councils of the nation. On the 
20th Nov. 1778, he was elected to the Continental Congreas 
by the Assembly of Pennsylvania. Daniel Roberdeau was 
one of his colleagues. The vote cast for Dr. William Shippen, 
the Elder, was 27. At the end of the year, Nov. 18, 1779, he 
was re-elected. His advanced years and his professional duties 
would have furnished ample excuse to any less patriotic citizen 
for declining the thankless position, but an examination of 

216 Dr. WiUiam Shippen^ the Mder. 

the Journals of Congress* shows that Dr. Shippen was always 
steadily at his post, and that his votes and conduct were those 
of an honest, intelligent, high-minded, patriotic gentleman, 
who thought only of his country's welfarc. 

The Junto, in which Dr. Shippen took an earnest part, was, 
as already mentioned, more or less the origin of the American 
Philosophical Society. Of this latter institution he was for 
many years Vice-President. For twenty-five years he was 
first physician to the Pennsylvania Hospital, He was one of 
the founders of the Second Presbyterian Church, and a mem- 
ber of it for nearly sixty years. He was so very abstemious, 
that he never tasted wine or any spirituous liquor until during 
his last illness. He possessed the powerful frame and vigorous 
health for which his race was noted. He rode on horseback 
from Germantown to Philadelphia in the coldest weather, 
without an overcoat ; and but a short time before his death 
walked from Germantown to his son's house in Philadelphia, 
a distance of about six miles.* 

His mode of living was simple and unostentatious. His 
temper was so serene and forbearing that tradition says it was 
never ruffled. His benevolence was without stipt. He lived 
beloved, and "at the great age of ninety years he bowed his 
reverend head to the will of his merciful Creator, regretted 
and lamented, and was buried in the graveyard of the church 
to which he had been so useful." 

» By some strange perversity which seems to attend the yarioas members 
of the Shippen family, Dr. William Shippen, the Younger (the son), has been 
of late years substituted for Dr. William Shippen, the Elder (the father), as a 
member of the Continental Congress. The error, as far as I can trace it, 
appears to have originated in Lanman's Dictionary of Congress, and to have 
been imported into the Catalogues of Princeton and the University of Penn- 
sylvania, Alexander's History of Princeton College, and other works. But 
besides the Journals of Congress and of the Assembly, already quoted, other 
authorities are Thacher citing the Medical Repository, Dr. Wistar's Bulo- 
giura on the younger Shippen, 1809, Journal of Medical and Physical 
Sciences, vol. v.. Dr. Joseph Carson's Hist. Medical Dept Univ. Penna., 
Dr. Wood's Address on the occasion of the Centennial Celebration of the 
Founding of the Pennsylvania Hospital, etc etc. 

« MSS. of R. Buchanan, Esq. 


Joseph Montgmnery. 217 



Among the names which adorned the Continental Congress 
one seems to have been lost to view. We refer to the Rev. 
Joseph Montgomery, A.M., elected to Congress by the Assem- 
bly of Pennsylvania in Nov. 1780, and again the year follow- 
ing. It seems strange that not only that excellent historian 
Jtured Sparks in preparing a list of those illustrious men of 
yore should omit the name of him to whom we refer, but that 
Mr. Lanman in his valuable Dictionary of Congress should 
also feil to make any reference to the services of Joseph 
Montgomery. We can only account for this omission, from 
the £Eict that his successor in that famous body was John 
Montgomery, and unfortunately both generally signed their 
names J. Montgomery. With this introductory note we shall 
give very briefly the main facts in his life. 

Joseph Montgomery, the son of Robert and Sarah Mont- 
gomery, was bom in the county of Armagh, Ireland, in the 
year 1732. His parents removed to America and settled in 
what is now Dauphin County, about 1787 or 1788. Joseph 
received a classical education, and graduated at the College 
of New Jersey in 1755. In 1760 both the colleges of Phila- 
delphia and Yale conferred on him the degree of A.M. Mr. 
Montgomery was licensed to preach by the Presbytery of 
Philadelphia between the meetings of Synod in 1759 and 
1760. He was ordained by the Presbytery of Lewes between 
the meetings of Synod in 1761 and 1762, and became pastor 
of the congregation of Georgetown, Delaware. This relation 
was continued until 1769, when we find him in charge of the 
congregations of New Castle and Christiana Bridge. How 
long he remained the pastor here is not known, but towards 

218 Joseph Montgoincry. 

the close of 1779 we find him at Paxtang without a charge, 
owing to ill state of health. In the wpring of the foUowmg 
year he was on the frontiers of Northumberland Comity 
assisting in alleviating the miseries of the distressed inhabit- 
ants, which generous services, President Reed acknowledged 
with grateful tlianks. In November, 1780, the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania elected Mr. Montgomerj^ to the Confederated or 
Continental Congress, and again in November, 1781 — serving 
from December, 1780, to Decemb^, 1782. Owing to continued 
bad health he declined a further election. In 1783 he was 
appointed by the Assembly one of the commissioners to settle 
the Wyoming controversy, of which body he was chairman. 
In this capacity he served imtil May 31, 1787, when he 

Ui>on the formation of the new county of Dauphin, Mr. 
Montgomery was appointed by the Supreme Executive Coxmcil 
its first regist<»r and recorder. The same year (1785), the 
Presbytery of New Castle rej)orte<.l to the Synod, " that, in 
consequence of Mr. Joseph Montgomery's having informed 
them, that through bodily indii^position he was inca{>able of 
officiating in the ministry, and having also accepted an office 
under the civil authoritv, thov have left his name out of their 
records." lie died, nmch lamented, at Ilarrisburg in the early 
part of the month of October, 1794, and was buried at Pax- 
tang Church graveyard. Mr. Montgomery married, previous 
to the Revolution, Miss Rachel Pcttit, of Philadelphia, Hia 
widow and three children survived him — John, Sarah Pettit, 
and Elizabeth. Sarah married Thomas Forster, and Elizabeth 
Samuel Laird, both distinguished lawyers and representative 
men in the interior of the State at the beginning of the present 
century. Mrs. Rachel Montgomery survived her husband a 
few years, dying July 28, 1798. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

April 6,1751. 


Aug. 2,1752. 


Dec. 22,1729. 


Mar. 8, 1731. 


Oct. 5, 1738. 


Sept. 2,1742. 


June 13, 1744. 


Aug. 3,1746. 


Jan. 6, 1748. 


Mar. 4, 1748. 


April 13, 1748. 


Oct. 18,1748. 


Feb. 24,1750-1. « 

Aug. 17, 1750. 


June 26, 1756. 


Jan. 17,1757. 


Oct. 27,1747. 


Oct. 13,1721. 


Mar. 15, 1727. 


July 26,1729. 

Feb. 23,1733. 

Aug. 8, 1738. 

Oct. 2, 1738. 

Aug. 1,1741. 

Sept. 17, 1744. 
July 12,1745. 

Aug. 15, 1746. 

Oct. 27,1750. 

Dec. 11,1750. 

Dec. 11,1752. 

Aug. 21, 1754. 

April 30, 1755. 

Sept. 6, 1756. 


Dec. 1, 1720. 


Sept. 18, 1754. 


Sept, 16, 1754. 


Jan. 26, 1742-3, Annia, 

Oct. 25,1714. 


Sept. 6,1716. 


May 20,1726. 


April 3,1727. 


Jan. 28,1730. 


Dec. 26,1728. 


Ap Evan, 

Aug. 4,1733. 


Mar. 25, 1751. 



Anthony-Alexander, son of 

George. [Alexander. 



Lydia, dau. of Richard. 

Sfannah, dau. of RichanL 

Rebekah, dau. of Richard. 

John, son of Richard. 


Elizabeth, widow. 

Rebekah, wife of Richard. 

George, son of George. 

William, son of William. 

dau. of George. 

Margaret. Wife of William, 

Rowland-Thomas, son of Jos. 

Mary. [gers' Ground. 

Mary,wifeof Archable. Stran- 

Susannah, dau. of Lawrence. 

Mary, dau. of Lawrence. 

Susaimah, wife of Lawrence. 


John, son of James. Sweeds' 

Christopher. [Ground. 

Larrance, son of Larrance, Jr. 

Abigail, dau. of Larrans, Jr. 

James, son of John. 



Robert, son of William. 






John, son of Thomas. 

Stephen, son of Richard. 

Charles, son of Richard and 

Charles, son of Richard. Q^nt. 
Capt. Richard. 
Mary. Strangers' Ground. 
Gerard, son o? Evan. 
Stephen, son of John. 


Jteeords of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Oct. 30, 
Aug. 14, 
Dec 19, 
June 4, 
Aug. 25, 
Feb. J, 
Jau. 4, 
Dec. 26, 
Dec. 28, 
Nov. 27, 
at, 26, 
July 30, 
July 25, 
Mar. 10, 
Jan. 21, 
Aug. 24, 
Aug. 13, 
Mar. 19, 
July 29, 
June 11, 
Jan. 13, 
Aug. 8, 
Feb. 28, 
April 22, 
July 2, 
Jan. 7, 
Feb. 20, 
April 16, 
Dec. 29, 
Aug. 5, 

1755. Appleby, 




1716. Appleton, 



1751. Archdal, 
1728. Archer, 


1741. Aries, 

1752. Aria, 
1740-1. AnuBtrong, 

1726. Arundel, 
1755. Aeh, 

1732. AAbey, 
1783-4. Aahby, 

1727. Aaheton, 
1780-1. " 


1786-7. " 
1745-6. " 
1767. " 

1742. Ashley, 
1710. Aahton, 

Sept. 29, 1711. 

June 28 1714. 

Sept. 15, 1714. 
Mar. 4, 1716-7. 

April 26, 1717. 
Dec. 10, 1718. 

Aug. 22, 1726. 
May 30,1727. 
.Tan. 23,1727-8. 
Jan. 15,1729-80. 
June 16, 1738. 

Mary, dau, of John. 
Hannah, dau. of John. 

dau. of John. 

Hannah, dau. of John. 








JoHcph, son of John. 

George, son of John. 


Stephen, son of John. 

dau. of John. 

William, of Dublin Mer't 


Joseph, eon of Henry. 

Massey, dau. of James. 

Mary, wife of James. 

Holx^rt, son of Ralph and Sa- 

Deboruh. [Hannah. 


Ralph, eon of Ralph. 

Robert, eon of Ralph. 



John. Strangers' Gro'd, poor. 

Charles, son of Robert and 

Thomas, eon of Robert and 

Hamiali, uau. of Jonathan and 

Mary, dau. of Abigail. 
Jonatlian, son of Jonathan and 

dau. of .Jonathan and Hannah. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Ralph and 

Hannah, wife of Jonathan. 
Robert, Esq. 
Marj", alias Finney. 
James, son of John. 

222 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 


The stated meeting of the Society was held on the eTening of January 
8th, 1877, the President, Mr. John William Wallace, in the chair. 

The minutes of the last stated meeting were read and approved. 

The Secretary announced the death of Joseph Carson, M.D., a member of 
the Society since the year 1847, and long one of its council. The remarks of 
the Secretary, recognizing the valuable services Dr. Carson had rendered tht 
Society, his excellence us a citizen, and his eminence in his profession, wert 
ordered to be placed on the minutes of the Society. 

Dr. Edward Shippen, U. S. N., read an historical sketch of the ground on 
the banks of the Schuylkill on which the Naval Asylum stands, and of the 
Asylum itself. 

On motion of Mr. Chas. Boberts, the thanks of the Society were tendered 
to Dr. Shippcn for his entertaining address. 

The report of the Council was read, showing the additions to the library 
during the year 1876 comprised 1017 volumes, 640 pamphlets, 32 maps, 47 
manuscripts, and 203 miscellaneous articles, among the latter a gift from 
the artist, Mr. Williams, a beautifully executed oil painting of Stenton, the 
country mansion of James Logan, built in 1727. 

A stated meeting of the Society was held on the evening of March 12, 
1877, Vice-President Mr. George de B. Keim in the chair. 

The order of business being suspended, Mr. Charles A. Esling read a pa- 
per on the Headquarters of Washington at Brandywine. 

The number of additions to the collections of the Society since the pre- 
vious meeting was 551 bound volumes, 582 pamphlets, 16 manuscripts, 105 

The folllowing cniulidates were nominated for office, to be voted for at the 
annual meeting in May : — 

President. Recording Secretary, CotmciL 

John William Wallace. Samuel L. Smedley. Joseph J. Mickley, 

John A. McAIliater, 
Vice-Presidents. Treasurer, John B. FelL 

Horatio Gates Jones, J. Edward Carpenter. 
George de B. Keim. 

A called meeting of the Society was held on the evening of April 16, 1877. 
The proceedings which took place at that time will be found on page 149. 

Notes and Queries. 223 


The Finb Arts in Philadelphia.— Mr. Titian R Peale has presented to 
the Historical Society of PennsylvaDia some papers once in the possession 
of his father, Charles Wilson Pcalc, which, with truuscriptions from the 
unpublished memoirs of the elder Peale, throw lipht on an attempt made 
in the winter of 1794-95 to establish in Philadelphia an association for the 
encoiuiigcment of the fine arts. 

The first paper in the series is dated December 29, 1794 ; it states the objects 
of the movement, and bears the names of a number of well-known citizens, 
together with those of the following artists: Charles Wilson Peale, Guiseppe 
Ceracchi, William Birch. James Peale, William Rush, and John Kckstem. 

The liev. Burgiss Allison, of Bordcntown, New Jersey, presided, and 
Major Kichard Claiborne, of Virginia, acted as secretary. The society 
thus formed was christened the Columbiannm, and gave promise of success, 
but its life was a short one. 'I'he proposal that the students of the academy 
should be allowed to draw from living models, shocked the sense of propriety 
of some of the members, and they resigned from the society, which in a little 
over a year from the time of its organization ceased to exist. 

We cannot allow ourselves to trespass to any extent on this interesting 
collection, forming as a whole a valuable contribution to the history of one 
of the most creditable institutions in our city, and as such it shall appear in 
an early number of this Magazine. One letter, however, from Benjamin 
West to Charles Wilson Peale, which has no connection with the subject to 
which the other papers of the collection refer, can be used with propriety, 
and will be read with interest, not only as a pleasant memorial of the writer, 
but on account of the reference to bis painting of the Death of General 
Wolfe before Quebec, which, through the courtesy of the Queen of England, 
thousands of our citizens had the pleasure of seeing in the art department 
of the Centennial Exhibition. 

Dexr Mk, Pbkl. :- ^''•'>°''' •^'"'« ^l. 1771. 

I received your kind letter wrote on your first arrival in Maryland, it gave 
me great pleasure to find you safe on the other side the water, and that 
there was so fair a prospect to you in painting. I hope your health will last 
as your merit must always continue to procure you employment Mr. Jen- 
ning called yesterday to acquaint me of this opportunity of writing you 
which I could not let pass without droping you these few lines. 1 have bad 
much sickness since you left this place so as to deprive my making use of the 
pencil for six months and more, but at present 1 enjoy good health and am at 
work on the second picture for His Majesty, fhe approbation the Picture of 
Regulos met with from him procured a commission for two more of the same 
size. The one I am painting on at present is the subject of Heamilkar swearing 
hit son Hannabel when only nine years old. 1 have painted a picture of the 
death of Gen'l Wolfe that has procured me great Honour. 'Fhe Hannibal 
and the Wolfe are the two pictures of the most consequence I have painted 
since you left here — the others not worth mentioning to you. 1 hope it will 
not be long before 1 shall have the pleasure of seeing some of your paintings 
over here. Everything here in the painting way goes on with great rapidity, 
the last Exhibition at the Royal Academy was the superior one that has 
ever been in l^ndou, every Artist here endeavouring to out do his Compe- 

224 Notes and Queries, 

titor. I hope yon wanting one in Maryland will not let yon loose that great 
desire for improvement you carried from here. 

All your old friends are every day enquiring after you, when I heard from 
you, how your health was last, and how painting goes on with you. I shall 
be much pleased yon will now and then give me a line or two that I may 
satisfy their inquiries. 

My little boy that was when you were here is now become a man he is in 
breeches and goes to school. 
Mrs. West is in good health and desires to be kindly remembered to you. 

I am, dear Mr. Peele, 

With truth and affection, 

Your obedient and Humble servant, 
Mr. Charles W. Peelk. B. West. 

Philadelphia in 1782. — In the second part of "The Narrative of the 
Prince de Broglie," translated by Miss E. W. Balch, of this city, and pub- 
lished in the April number of the Magazine of American History, we have 
interesting glimpses of Philadelphia in 1782. Christ Church is spoken of in 
it, as being the handsomest building in the city, but to the eye of the writer 
of the narrative, accustomed to the elaborate interiors of the Cathe<lrals of 
France, it seemed strange that it was not "decorated either with pictures or 
gildings, but only with some pillars, an or^an, and a great velvet cnrtain 
which covered the altar." The State-house is described as ** a building liter- 
ally crushed by a huge massive tower, square and not very solid." ITie 
account of the Continental Congress is fresh and interesting; the room in 
which it held its sessions is spoken of as large " without any other ornament 
than a bad engraving of Montgomery, one of Washington, and a copy of 
the Declaration of Independence. It is furnished with thirteen tables, each 
covered with a green cloth. One of the principal representatives of each 
of the thirteen States sits during the session at one of these tables. The 
President of the Congress has his place in the middle of the hall upon a 
sort of throne. The clerk is seated just below him." 

The Chevalier de la Luzerne conducted the Prince de Broglie to the house 
of Robert Morris to take tea, and a delightful picture of social life in onr city- 
is found in the record of the visit, which is as follows : ** The house is simple 
but well furnished and verv neat. The doors and tables are of superb 
mahogany and polished. The locks and hinges in brass curiously bright. 
The porcelain cups were arranged with great precision. The mistress of the 
house had an agreeable expression and was dressed altogether in white ; in 
fact, everything appeared charming to me. I partook of most excellent tea, 
and I should be even now still drinking it, I believe, if the Ambassador had 
not charitably notified me at the twelfth cup that I must put my spoon across 
it when I wished to finish with this sort of warm water. He said to me : it 
is almost as ill-bred to refuse a cup of tea when it is offered to yon, as it 
would be indiscreet for the mistress of the house to propose a fresh one, when 
the ceremony of the spoon has notified her that we no longer wish to partake 
of it." 

In different parts of this narrative interesting mention is found of Wash- 
ington, Robert and Gouvemeur Morris, Robert R. Livingston and others of 
revolutionary fame, while the whole is a pleasing picture of the social and 
political period of which it treats. 

Baron Stirgbt/s House at Manhktm, Pa. — When Gen. Howe, in the 
winter of 1776-77, advanced his army so far across Jersey as to render 
Philadelphia too exposed a place for the Congress to hold its sessions, that 
body retired to Baltimore, and a number of families, the heads of which 

Notes and Queries. 2SJb 

were active leaders in the revolution, left the city for points of greater safety. 
The surprise and defeat of the British at Trenton and Princeton removed 
all immediate danger of the capture of Philadelphia, and Congress and 
citizens returned to it. The relief thus furnished, it was evident to many, 
would be but a temporary one, as Philadelphia was, without doubt, the 
objective point of the British commander, the capture of which he looked 
forward to as the final stroke to be given to the American cause, and they 
at once set about securing places of refuge where, in event of another 
ofifensive movement on the part of Sir William against the city, they could 
remove their families. Robert Morris was one of this number, and the letter 
of his wife to her mother, Mrs. White, informing her of the purchase of the 
residence of Baron Stiegel at Manheim by Mr. Morris, in which his family 
resided when the British took possession of Philadelphia in the fall of 1777, 
is an interesting addendum to the paper of Dr. Dubbs printed in the last 
number of the Magazine : — 

"April 14, 1777. "We are preparing for another flight in packing up our 
furniture and removing them to a new purchase Mr. Moms has made 10 
miles from Lancaster; no other than the famous house that belonged to Sted- 
man and Stiegel at the Iron W^orks, where you know I spent G weeks, so am 
perfectly well acquainted with the goodness of the house and situation. The 
reason Mr. Morris made this purchase, he looks upon the other not secure 
if they come by water. 1 thiuK myself very lucky in having this Asylum, 
it being but 8 miles, fine road, from Lancaster, where I e.\j>cct Mr. Morris 
will be if he quits this, besides many of my friends and acquaintances. So 
1 now solicite the pleasure of your company at this once famous place instead 
of Mennet, where perhaps we may yet trace some vest apes of the late owners 
folly and may prove a useful lesson to us his successors.*' C. U. IL 

Historical Map op Pennsylvania.— In this very excellent map, pub- 
lished in 1875, 1 do not find laid down or mentioned a considerable stream in 
Columbia County, now known as Roaring Creek. It rises in the Township 
of Roaring Creek, runs thence through Locust into Catawissji. thence back 
into Locust, thence through Franklin, striking the line between Franklin io 
Columbia County, and Mayberry in Montour County, and becoming the 
boundary line to where it empties into the Susquehanna, about three miles 
below the mouth of the Catawissa. The south branch of Roaring Creek 
rises in Conyngham Township, and runs its entire length, and at its confines 
striking Northumberland County, becomes the boundary line between 
Locust Township in Columbia County and Northumberland County, and 
thence turning north into Franklin Township, empties into Roaring Creek 
proper, about six miles above its mouth. Neither the name nor the stream 
v& mentioned by Heckewelder. The original name was undoubtedly ** Pope- 
metang," and the authority is contained in the following extract from the 
" Minutes of the Board of Property," which is given in full, spelling and all 
as it appears. 

At a meeting of the Agents (the Governor being absent at Northampton) 
on Tuesday the 1st day of May 1770 Present The Sec'ry Mr. Tilghman 
The Auditor Mr. Hockley The Receiver Gen'l Mr. Physick The Surveyor 

Gen'l Mr. Lukens. , ,. 

^ Q 1 John Duffield not appearing tho' duly served with 

WiCHOLAS SH<KPPRR I ^^^j^ ^^^ l^owA procced to enquire into the merits 
_ ^^ I of the dispute upon the representation of Shoeffer 

John Dufpield J ^^^ j^ appears that Duffield has the prior aj)plica. 
tion but it is located upon the mouth of Roring creek or run about < miles 
from Fort Augusta and Nicholas Sheffers Application is located upon the 
mouth of Fopemetang creek which is about 17 miles from Fort Augusto 

226 Notes and Queries. 

That both these creeks have obtained the name of Roaring creek and the 
Board are of opinion that Dnffield's location most be confined to the mouth 
of that creek called Roaring creek which is nearest to Fort Augusta and 
most agreeable to the distance from Fort Augusta mentioned in the location 
And that the land at the mouth of Popemetang be surveyed for Sheffer 
unless there be some other locatiou than l)uffields prior to Sheffers on thst 

place. ^ . ^ 

Minutes of Board of Property page 217 certified 11th Feby 1785 David 

Kennedy Sy. Id. off. 

Yours, John G. Frbbub, Bloomsbarg, Pa. 


Altbration in thb Pratbr Book in 1776.--In the proceedings of the 
Virginia Convention, among resolves regarding ludepenaence and measures 
for the defence of the Colony, I find on July 6, 1776, a resolution ** that the 
following sentences in the Morning and Evening Service shall be omitted, 
* Lord ! save the King, and mercifully hear us when we call upon thee.' *' 
Other changes in the old Prayer Book of similar purport were directed, and 
a form of prayer was prescribed in place of that for the King ; the new form 
asking for divine guidance for the Magistrates of the Commonwealth. As 
no edition of the Book of Common Prayer was issued until 1785 (when the 
** Proposed Book" was made), the alterations ordered must have been made, 
if made at all, in the copies of the English Prayer Book in use in 1776. 
Was any change similar to this ordered in the other Colonies, and if so, by 
whom? R. R. 

In Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 61, 1 find the following incident men- 
tioned that I have not noticed elsewhere. While a portion of the army were 
stationed at the Isle aux Noix, '* without apprehension of danger, the officers 
were in the practice of visiting a Canadian hut on the western shore of the 
river to drinK spruce beer. The scouts of the enemy had observed this inter- 
course, and formed an ambuscade of Indians, who suddenly attacked an 
unarmed party within eighty yards of the camp and in sight of the army, 
killed and scalped Captain Adams, Ensign Cufbertson, and two privates, 
and made prisoners Captain M'Lane and Lieutenants M'Farran, M'Allister, 
and Hogg, with two privates ; Captain Rippy and Lieutenant Rush made 
their escape in a canoe. I think the party was from the Pennsylvania line." 
Can any one give additional information ? J. S. W. 

James Morton. — Can any one furnish information regarding James Mor- 
ton, of Aberdeen, Scotland, whose descendants emigrated to America ? One 
of his sons, Samuel Morton, was the father of Robert Morton, whose diary 
was printed in the first number of the Pennsylvania Maoazins ; another 
son was John Morton. The records of the Society of Friends record that 
Samuel Morton was of " Aberdeen, G. B." S. 

Robert Strettbll Jones married Ann, daughter of Joseph Shippen. I 
am preparing a genealogy of the Shippen Family, and would like to receive 
any information in regard to his descendants. Charles R. Hildbburn. 

Thomas Lriprr, a prominent citizen of Philadelphia in Revolutionary 
times, came to America in 1764. lie was the son of Thomas Leiper, of 
Strathavon, Scotland, and Helen Hamilton. She (t.e. H. H.) is said to have 

Notes and Queries. 227 

MoDged to the family of Hamilton, of Ripe (connected with that of Stone 
House). Can any one g^re any information as to where a record of the 
ftmily is to be found ? B. P. B. 

JoHX Nixon. — Any facts bearing npon the life of Colonel John Nixon, 
of Philadelphia, or upon his ancestry and family, or those of his mother Sarah 
Bowles, are solicited by Charlbs Hknrt Hart. 

Gardnbr. — Can any reader of the Magazine give information in reference 
to Coos Gardner, Commander of Privateer *' Stark'* about the year I780t 


Fifth Street Grave-yard.— I have frequently noticed in newspapers 
mcconnts of the old grave-yard on the east side of Fifth Street north of 
Chestnut, directly in front of the Fifth Street Market House. I am unable 
to find any such accounts at present. Will not some one acquainted with 
the history of this spot send a memorandum of it to the Magazine, that it 
may be preserved in an accessible form ? L. 

Translator of Chastrlluz's Travrm. — Has any satisfactory informa- 
tion ever been elicited on this frequently asked question 7 If so, it certainly 
has never had the general circulation that its interest warrants. 

Trimble. — Can any one give the maiden name of Elenor, wife of Alexander 
Trimble? They were married previous to 1755. Her second husband was 
Nicholas Young. T. 

Tarhee, Crane of the Wyandottes. — Information regarding him, not in 
print. Instrument of writing with his signature attached. Portrait, wood- 
cut, engraving, oil or pencil sketch. Date of death. Information of any 
description tending to elucidate a history of his life which has been under 
way for over a year. Correspondence solicited by S. W. 

Francis Shallus. — I have been told that Francis Shallus, the compiler 
of the Chronological Tables, had Indian blood in his veins. Can any one 
give information 7 M. G. 

The First American Flao. — At the reception of Greneral Lafayette by 
the Legislature of Pennsylvania on Tuesday, February 1, 1825, at the State 
Capitol, Harrisburg, the Speaker of the Senate, Hon. William Marks, in 
welcoming the distinguished visitor, made this allusion : " General : You 
will, no doubt, be gratified to behold adorning this temple of liberty, a relic 
of the Bevolntionary times, the first American flag that ever was unfurled 
in the British Channel, and which was made under the direction of that dis- 
tinguished philanthropist. Dr. Benjamin Franklin." In whose possession was 
this flag, and what has become of it ? W. H. £. 

The Crisis (page 115). — An inquiry regarding this publication appeared 
in the London N. and Q. some time ago (5 S. iii. 487), and although it failed 
to elicit any information regarding the writers of the articles it contained, 
extracts from the correspondence which ensued, and from the work, may pos- 
sibly interest some of the readers of the Magazine. 

228 Notes and Queries. 

** The first narobcr of this very remarkable publication, which sacceeded 
the North Briton^ Binaley's Journal, and The Whisperer, appeared January 
21, 1775, and it certaiuly existed till July 27, 1776, when the eightieth number 
was brought out." 

The numbers bear various signatures, such as '* Gasca," *' Brutus," and 
*' Junius," and are addressed " To the King," ** To the People," ** To the 
Rieht Honourable Lord North," " To a Bloody Court, a Bloody Ministry, 
and a Bloody Parliament." No. 14 is entitled " The present Necessary 
Dbfknsivb War on the Part of America, justified by the Laws of God, 
Nature, Reason, State, and Nations ; and, therefore, no Treason or Rebel- 
lion." Another number contains *' 'ITie Address, Remonstrance, and Peti- 
tion of the City of Loudon" against the measures of the government relating 
to America ; with the King's Answer, which it says " would do Honour to 
any Bucher, Monster, or Tyrant on Earth:' Number twelve contains a 
Poem called " The Prophecy of Ruin," of which the following, after describing 
a tyrannical monarch, is a specimen : — 

" Should luch A Kin? succeed to England*» throne 
(Tho' bom a Briton, they muit blwik to own) ; 
Should ho in meannea bred, laugh at all /at9, 
The senate keep by bribet, hnd fraud in au>ej 
That parliaroent to loyal mandatet true, 
With Enaland^i ruin, shall fix Boiton*i too ; 
Her diarieri shall destroy, her rightt invade, 
Her commerce ruin, and the town blockade ; 
Shall fill that place, with men by ilaughter fed. 
To rob the ttarving people of their bred ; 
And fix hj force, some curst oppreetive lawe. 
Made through Scoti villainy (without a cause) ; 

Should I then live, I'd rather league with Hell, 
Or rise in arme, and gainst that King rebel 
Than be his elave, and by all thatsjfut/ and good, 
I'd rather see my children roll in blood.** 

No. 72 is inscribed ** To the most infamous Minister that erer diflgraced 
this country. Lord North," and No. 46 is headed— 

** Go on, vile Prince, by lawless strides, and try 
How soon your Crown will fade, your empire die. 
By your base nrts America shall rise ; 
The name of Slave and Oeorge alike despise. 
Great Britain's sons will fight in freedom's eauie, 
And gladly bleed to save their rights and laws." 

As a specimen of the prose the following passage will be snflScient to give 
an idea : — 

'* Te conspirators against the liberties of mankind at St. James's, in St 
Stephen's Chapel, in the House of Lords, or amongst the bench of Satanical 
bishops, you must surely think there is no God to judge, or hell to receire 
you ; or you could never be so far abandoned as to stain vour hands, and con- 
sent to dye the plains of America with the innocent blood of her inhabitants.'* 

It has been tnought by some that Tom Paine was in some way connected 
with this publication, but such ideas have no doubt arisen by confusing these 
papers with the ones written by him in America under a similar title. Paine 
was in this country so early in 1774 that he could have had nothing to do with 
the matter. That ** No. 3" was actually burned by the Sheriff of London, as 
stated in the extract from Marshall, there can be no doubt. A letter from 
London to a gentleman in Philadelphia (see Force, 4th S. vol. i. p. 118) has 
the following passage : *'Ton have herewith inclosed the late English papers, 
and a peculiar fiery piece called the Crisis wrote professedly in favour of 
Liberty and America and which from its freedom, has suffered martyrdom at 
Westminster and the Exchange by order of a prostituted Parliament." 

Some numbers of the '* Crisis" will be found in Force's Archives, bat only 
a few. The question of their authorship is well worthy of inveetigration. 

F. D. STomL 

Notes and Queries. 229 

Joseph Kirkbridk, son of Matthew and Maudlin, of the parish of Kirk- 
Isrlde, county of Cumberland, England, was born 7 m. 29, 1662. He arrived 
lu Pennsylvania in 1681, and settled in Falls Township, Bucks County, where 
he, at first, followed the trade of a carpenter. On the 13th of 1st mo., 1688, 
he was married to Phebe Blackshaw, daughter of Randall and Alice, at 
Middletown Meeting. Phebe died 7 m. 29, 1701, having given birth to six 

Joseph married, second, Sarah Stacy, daughter of Mahlon and Bebecca, of 
Burlington, N. J., 10 m. 17, 1702, at Falls Meeting. In his marriage certi- 
ficate he is called a yeoman. Sarah died .9 mo. 29, 1703, leavinc^ one child. 

On the 17th of 11 mo. 1704, he married his third wife, Mary Yardley, of 
Makefield Township, widow of Enoch Yardlev, and daughter of Robert and 

Fletcher, at Falls Meeting. By her he had seven children, making 

fourteen in all. 

Joseph died 1 m. 1, 1737, in the 75th year of his age. 

His descendants are entirely too numerous to mention. 

His daughter Sarah married Israel Pemberton, a grandson of Phineas and 
Phebe, and his daughter Jane married Samuel Smith, the historian of New 
Jersey. 8. B. 

JossPH KiRKBRiDB (page 116). — In answer to the Query of " H." in the 
last number of the Magazine, I state that some information of the family 
can be found in the History of Bucks County, and that numerous descendants 
are still living in the lower end of the county in Falls, Lower Makefield, and 
other townships. W. W. H. D. 

Daowortht (page 116). — Capt. Dagworthy, afterwards General D., 
formerly (about 1775 to 1783) resided in Sussex County, Delaware. There 
he had a large landed estate obtained from William Penn or Lord Baltimore. 
It consisted of some 25,000 or 50,000 acres, principally cedar swamp, then 
valuable for the timber. He built a fine house and lived in handsome style, 
married and left one daughter, who married the Hon. William Hill Wells, 
M. C. from Delaware. Bv this marriage there was issue one son, who was 
named after his mother, Dagworthy. This son was a member of the Phila- 
delphia bar, and married a daughter of Dr. Lehman, of Philadelphia, and 
left issue one son, William Lehman Wells, M.D., who can possibly furnish 
some further information in regard to his great-grandfather. 

Roxborough, Phila., May 27, 1877. D. Rodney Kino. 

From the Writings of Washington, by Sparks, it appears that Dagworthy 
had been an officer in the Canada expedition during tne old French war, and 
had received a Ring's commission ; he had, however, commuted his half-pay 
for a specific sum, which rendered his commission obsolete. In 1755-56, 
while stationed at Fort Cumberland, he held but a captain's commission from 
the Gk)vernor of Maryland, and commanded only thirty men from that Pro- 
vince. Col. Washington did not acknowledge his claim to supreme rank, 
and he, Dagworthy, cannot be said to have successfully contested precedence 
with the officers of the Virginia Regiment on account of the royal commis- 
sion he had once been honored with. It is true Washington allowed Capt. 
Dagworthy to command at Fort Cumberland, but accepted no orders from 
him. On the 5th of December he wrote to Governor Dinwiddie from Alex- 
andria, " I can never submit to the command of Col. Dagworthy since you 
have honored me with the command of the Virginia Regiment." The ques- 
tion regarding precedence in this case was referred by Governor Dinwiddie 
to General Shirley the Commander-in-chief, and as he delayed, Washington 
visited Boston and obtained from him a decision in his favor, and an order 


230 Notes and Queries. 

that, in case it should happen that Col. Washing^ton and Gapt. Dagworth? 
should join at Fort Cumberland, Col. Washington shonld tkke command. 
(See Sparks, vol. ii. p. 133.) 

In 1755, a Captain Dagworth commanded the Maryland Bangers, 50 men, 
under Braddock. Sargent, in his history of the Braddock ezj^ition (note 
to page 328), calls him Ely Dagworth, and states that *' he obtained one of 
the lieutenancies in the 44th made vacant by the action of the 9th of July. 
His commission dated from 15th July. In 1765 he had risen no higher.'* 
Mr. Sargent speaks of this officer as the one who claimed superior rank to 
Washington in 1756; if such was the case, there is some mistake regarding 
his name, as Sparks designates him as John Dagworthy. (See Index.) In 
1758 a Col. Dagworthy, of Maryland, was with General Forbes. F. D. 8. 

Lady Christiana Griffin (page 116). — The Honorable Cvrus Griffin, of 
Virginia, President of the Continental Congress, married a Scotch lady of 
rank, Christina, eldest daughter of John btuart, sixth Earl of Traquair, 
Baron Stuart of Traquair, Baron Linton and Cabarston, by his wife, Chris 
tiana, daughter of Sir Philip Anstruther, of Anstrutherfield, Cooniy Fife, 
Scotland. A grandson of hers. Dr. James L. Griffin, is, I believe, still living 
in Gloucester County, Virginia, and is said to be the present representative 
of the Stuarts of Traquair. David G. Haskims, Jr., Bo9t<m. 

Gov. John Penn (page 115).— The attention of Dauphin is called to the 
article on WMlliam Allen in this number of the Magazine, from which it 
appears that there is a portrait of Gov. John Penn. M. M. 

Edward Whallbt thk Regicide (page 55). — Will you allow me to make 
a few suggestions in regard to the Whalley pedigree printed in your first 
number ? I am inclined to consider it as unsatisfactory, for the reason of its 
inherent improbability, leaving the question of the death of the Begicide 
untouched. That is, I am willing to allow that we are so far from knowing 
with certainty when and where Whalley died, that I think any theory is 
entitled to careful examination. 

But in the present case, Edward Whalley is said to be bom in or about 
1615 (he was a Colonel in 1645), and to die in 1718. That is, it is claimed 
that he was one of the extremely rare class of centenarians. Yet bis will 
makes no allusion to this fact, but calls him only ** sick and weak in body." 

Again, being aged one hundred years or thereabouts, in his will he speaks 
only of three sons and three daughters, without allusion to remoter issue. 
Then he speaks of his brother Ratliffe as of one living, and certainly of his 
wife KlizAoeth as surviving him. 

Mark Noble, in his Memoirs of the House of Cromwell, gives quite an 
account of the Whalleys. He savs that the Begicide married the sister of 
Sir Greorge Middloton, and that she died either in, or just before, 1662. He 
adds, that there were several children, of whose career nothing is known, 
except of Mrs. Goffe, and of John, the oldest son. 

This John Whalley, he says, was a member of Parliament, for the town 
of Nottingham in 1659, and the borough of Shoreham. He married the 
daughter of Sir Herbert Springate, and had a son Herbert. This Herbert 
Whalley was in 1672 in possession of some of the family estates, and we may 
infer that John was dead. 

If this Maryland story be accepted, we must find that Whalley took a second 
wife in the New World, which, indeed, a centenarian might well do. But 
this idea is opposed by the statement that Whalley was met in 1681 by two 
of his wife's brothers with this family. Indeed, the Robins account of 1769 
does not seem to imagine any second wife. It may be noted here that Sir 
George Middlcton, the known brother of Mrs. Whalley, was a violent royalist 

Notes and Queries, 281 

I would, therefore, suggest to Mr. Robert P. Robins the following points : 
That search be made to see if lands were granted to Edward Middleton, and 
secondly, to Edward Whalley. Next to find out when the sons died, and their 
ages, if possible. Lastly to trace the dates in regard to the Robins family. 

As to a coincidence of family names with those of the Whalleys and 
Crorowells, trifling as such evidence is, I fail to find it. The Regicide's 
brothers were Thomas and Henry ; his father was Richard ; his uncles 
Walter, John, and Thomas. On the Cromwell side his uncles were Oliver, 
Robert, Henry, Richard, Philip, and Ralph. 

The Maryland settler had sons John, Nathaniel, and Elias, surely not 
family names with the foregoing. 

I desire, however, to make one suggestion. We know nothing of the 
Regicide's younger children. May not a son of the same name, an Edward 
Whalley, «fr., be the person sought, who died in 1718, an old man, but not a 
centenarian? He might have passed by his mother's name (Middleton) 
first, and for many reasons might have been shy of acknowledging his rela- 
tion to the Regicide. 

Family tradition might well have confounded his travels with those of his 
father, and, leaving the bones of the Regicide to rest undisturbed in New 
England, we may concede that his son may have died in Maryland. 

In brief, is it not much more probable that two of the same name have 
been combined, than to fancy that Edward Whalley's stormy and harassed 
life was an example of such extreme vigor as is implied in the word cente- 
narian ? 

I think Mr. Robins' communication is worth study, but it certainly demands 
much additional examination of the Colonial records, and of the wills, deeds, 
and family records of all the parties mentioned. 

Boston, June, 1877. W. H. Whitmore. 

The Whalley Family. — The interesting paper of Robert Patterson 
Robins in the late publication of the Society gives some importance to the 
following, copied from the " Visitation of Nottinghamshire** published by 
the Harleian Society. 

Minneapolis, Minnesota. E. D. N. 

Richard Whalley, of Kirton, married Frances, daughter of Sir Henry 


Thomas married Mary, daughter of Thomas Peniston. 

Elizabeth " Wm. Tiffin, mercer in London. 

Edward " 1st, Judith, daughter of John Duffel, of Rochester, 

2d, Mary Middleton. 
Henry " Rebecca Duffel, sister of Edward's first wife. He 

was Advocate General. 
Robert, Lieutenant under Cromwell, died unmarried. 


Children of Major-General Edward Whalley. 

ByfirU wifey Judith Duffel. 
John, born A. D. 1633. 
Frances, wife of Colonel Goffe. 

By second wife, Mary Middleton, 

282 Book Notices. 


Chester {and its vicinity), Delaware County, in Pennsylvania^ taith Genea- 

logiccu Sketches of some old families. By John Hill Martik, Esq. 

8yo. pp. 330. For the Author, 217 S. 3d St Philadelphia, 1877. 

The lover of local history will find in this volame a store of carious iofor. 
mation presented in a readable arid pleasant form. The number of authori- 
ties quoted, the references to unpublished manuscripts, and the traditions col- 
lected are evidences of the years through which tne work of its production 
has extended. It has indeed been a labor of love, and every page testifies 
to the truth of the words used by the writer in closing his volume, that ** thus 
ends one of the most agreeable occupations of his life." In preparing his 
history Mr. Martin has spared no toil : newspaper files have been ezammed, 
documents and records inspected, muster-rolls copied, and inscriptions from 
tombstones transcribed ; the histories of upwards of one hundred families are 
given, and the volume is rich with reminiscences of the past; and after read- 
ing it one almost feels that he has seen the old Swedish settlement of Up- 
land grow into the present flourishing town of Chester. One of the most 
pleasing passages in Mr. Martin's book is the description of the old inn long 
Known by the name of " Thurlow's." It was our intention to give an ex- 
tended extract from this chapter, but as our space is limited we shall be 
obliged to postpone doing so until the next number. 

Mr. Martin's volame is well printed, and must prove a yaloable addition 
to the historical literature of the State. 

A History of the United States of America, including some important 
facts omitted in the smaller histories, designed for general rectdtna and 
for Academies. By Josiau W. Leeds. l2mo. pp. 468. Philadelphia : 
J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1877. 

This volume, written by a Friend, contains a concise and excellent accoant 
of the settlement, growth, and government of the United States. 

Impressed with the undue prominence given in the text-books of onr 
schools to the wars in which tne country has been engaged, and to a corre- 
sponding neglect in them " of matters relative to the Indians (save that they 
were barbarous savasres), the slaves, and other items of interest bearing upon 
our country's welfare," it has been the aim of the author of this book to supply 
the missing links, and to point out the *' moral loss occasioned by a state of 
warfare, together with its exceeding expensiveness « ♦ ♦ ♦ and to promote 
a knowledge of those things in the past and present history of onr coantry 
which tend to its peace, prosperity, and true renown." 

Mr. Leeds, in the title of his book, modestly claims to furnish some infor- 
mation " omitted in the smaller histories," but on a number of obscare points 
it will be found superior to many works of greater pretension. 

This book is a valuable epitome of the histery of our country, and will be 
found a useful handbook in any library. 

The Washington^Crawford Letters, being the correspondence between 
Oeorge Washington and William Crawford, from 1767 to 1781, con- 
cerning western lands. With an appendix, etc. etc. By C. W. Buttba- 
FiELD. 8vo. pp. 107. Cincinnati : Kobert Clarke & Co., 1877. 
This correspondence, covering a period of nearly fourteen years, is a contri- 
bution to the history of the settlement of the southwestern portion of our 
State, and to that of Lord Dunmore's war. 

From it we can also gather facts regarding the business character of 
Washington, and learn the importance he attached to investments in 
western lands. The volume also conteins a biographical sketeh of Golonel 
William Crawford, whose awful death by torture in 1782 near Sandusky 
Washington deeply felt, sadly closing, as it did, an interconrse in which eaca 
party concerned nad learned to know the other's worth. 






Vol. I. 18TT. No, 8. 




▲KD Maryland, to treat with the Iroquois or Six Nations 

OF Indians, in reference to the lands west of the 

Allegheny Mountains. 

Edited by B. Alonxo Brook, Secretary of the Yirglnla Historical Society. 

(Oontinued from page 132.) 

Annapolis, Wednesday^ 23d. 

This morning the "Wind being at S. W. and Inclining more 
to the Southward, I went and acquantcd the CommissionerB, 
on which they Determined to Sail, accordingly I went and 
acquanted the Captain of our Yacht with their Resolution, 
who Immediately w^eigh'd and got under Sail, in order to 
turn it out to the mouth of the Harbour, leaving the Barges 
and four hands to bring off the Commissioners &c. after Break- 
fefit, I went to warn the rest of our Company to repair to 
Esqr. Jennings's, that the Commissioners Design 'd to Embark 
about 11 O'clock ; about 10 they went to his Excellencies, 
and Returned him their thanks for the Great Civilities shown 
tham while in Annapolis, and after their Compliments to his 

234 Journal of William Black 

Lady, took leave and Retum'd to Mr. Jenning's from whence 
to his landing, where we were waited on by Philip Thomas 
Esqr. Loyd* Esqr. Mr. Thomas Lee and several other 

Gentlemen of Distinction, where we took Barge to go on 
board the Margaret, then lying of the mouth of the River, 
and by 12 O'Clock we came up with her, and in an hour after, 
was out of Sight of Annapolis Wind at S. W. 15 min : past 
4, had Chester River on our Starl)oard and Patapsco on our 
Larboard Side, at which time we were at Dinner, but properly 
speaking, some of us made but one Meal a day, and that last- 
ing from morning till night. The Biscake Barrell standing 
open upon deck by the Pump, every other minute one hand 
or another, would be Diving in it, so that you might hear our 
Grinders, like so many Hoggs under a Peach tree in a very 
high Wind : the Wind blowing very weak, we made little or 
no way, having a strong Tide of Ebb against TJs towards the 
Going down of the Sun, seeing a Boat and Canoe a Fishing 
Inshoar, wo liail'd them, with, have you got any Fish, which 
they returned with, have you got any Rum, we Answered, 
yes, will you come on Board and Taste it, then they unty'd 
and made Directly for Us, but was very much Surprised with 
the manner of Reception they met with, which was as follows: 
We had the Blundorbush ready loaded, and Stil'd on the 
side they were to board Us, Littlepage who was to Act the 
part of a ilan of Wars Lieutenant, was Accoutred with four 
Load Pistols, and the like number of Swords, which with his 
lac'd hatt and Romantick Countenance, made an app'nce much 
like another Black-beard, several more of our Company was 
Arm'd with a Drawn Sword & Cockt Pistole, several pistoles, 
three fowling Pieces Loaded, and some Drawn Swords lying 
in view on a Table on the Main-deck, in this manner was we 
Equip'd and Stationed ready to receive the poor Fishermen, 
when they came near enough to observe our Postures &c, they 
immediately lay on their Oars & paddles with no small concern 
to know what we was, but on a little time the Ebb Tide draw- 
ing them along side (which they did not observe being so 

' Edward Lloyd, President of the Colony, 1704-14. 

Journal of WiUiam Black. 235 

surpriz'd) Littlepage ask'd them in a Sailor like manner, If 
they would come on board and Serve his Majesty, to which 
they made no Reply, but kept gazing at us like so many 
Thunder-struck persons, at last with a Discharge of our Great 
Gun and small Arms, Flourish 'g our Swords round our heads, 
we desir'd them to come on board Directly, else wo woud Sink 
them, on hearing of which, as if Recovered from a Trance, 
they call'd out to one another, with marks of the Greatest 
fear Imaginable, in their Countenances, pull about ! pull about! 
for Gods Sake ! with all the Eagerness possible they Sett to 
pulling and padling as if pursued by a Spanish privateer, on 
which calling to hawl up the Bardge, an Man her, it being 
done, Littlepage & my Self, got in with each a pair of Pistols 
and a Sword, and made directly after them, on which, they 
did mend (if possible) their Strokes, pulling for life directly 
to the Shoar, now & then, now and then one or other of them 
would look behind, & then cry out, pull away, pull away, or 
we are all taken, at last they gain'd the Shoar, and so soon 
their Vessels Struck the Ground, they got their Jackets on 
their Shoulders, & without the least c^ire of them, made 
directly for the Woods : to have seen Us pursueing, hollowing, 
and brandishing our Swords, & them flying with their whole 
might, one time looking behind them to see how near we 
were, then before them to see how far they were from the 
Shoar, was a Scene Suflicient, to Create pleasure and a Laugh 
in Gentlemen less Blyth and Gayly disposed, than the Honour- 
able Commissioners or any other of their levee; on their 
gaining the Land, we tum'd and lay on our Oars (it being all 
we wanted to Surprise them a little,) which as soon as the 
fear and terrible concern they were in, allowed them time to 
look behind and observe, they Rallied, Seeing this, and being 
now on Terra firma, in some measure freed from that dreadful 
Apprehension of serving his Majesty, they opened on us all at 
once, like so many Hounds on a warm Scent, calling us a 

parcel! of , if we would only come ashoar Man 

for Man, they would teach us what it was to Fire Guns at 
People, and fright them in so unaccountable a manner ; after 
Exchanging a little Billingsgate with them, we returned on 

236 Journal of WxUiam Black. 

Board, where we found the rest of our CJompany very much 
pleased with the Adventure. It was now quite calm, about 
Daylight Shutting in, we had a small Breeze from the S. S.W. 
which in a little time shifted to S. E. the forepart of the 
Night appeared Cloudy, looking very Squaly, when I betook 
my Self to my Cabbin, when in a very little time I got into 
the Drowsy Gods' Dominions, where let me rest, till you turn 
over the leaf. 

On Board the Maroarbt, Thursday the 24th. 

At five O'clock this Morning I made my Appearance on 
Deck, at which time we came to Anchor Oft* Sacifrace* River 
and Opposite to Spitsuisy' Island, not having Wind enough to 
Stem the Ebb Tide, which runs very strong so high up the 
Bay, Several of the Levee and my Self went ashoar on the 
Western side of the Bay and call'd at the House of one Mr. 
Phrisby* in Baltimore County, where we made but a short 
stay, till we put oft* for our Yacht again, and by the time we 
got on Board, she was under Sail, with a fine Breeze at E. and 
be N. it was now 9 O'Clock, at which time went to Breakfast : 
at 11 O'clock and off" Turkey point (having but little Wind) 
the Commiss'rs &c. went on Shoar at the Point, where they 
tarried about an hour, and then retum'd on Board : Here the 
Prospect was exceedingly Agreeable, the Land in several 
places Jutting out in Promontories in the Bay, you see at one 
time a Considerable way up Elk, North East, and Susque- 
hannah Rivers, which runs a good way in the Countrj% espe- 
cialy the later several hundred miles it api)ear'd but narrow 
all the way we could observe, from its mouth, which is on the 
Codd of a Spacious rounding Bay, the Land from the Shoar 
rises to a considerable heigth so gradually, which together 
with the so uncommon Verdure of the Trees, yielded a pros- 
pect Superior to any I ever saw of a Country so overgrown 
with Woods, it was now 3 O'Clock when we were off the 
Mouth of Susquehannah, at which time we went to Dinner ; 
about the Setting of the Sun, came to Anchor before the North 
East Town, Composed of two Ordinaries, a Ghrist Mill, Bake^ 

1 Sassafrai. < Spesatis. ' Friibj. 

Jmmal of WHliam Blaek. 237 

house and two or three Dwelling Houses, in Cecil C!ounty & 
province of Maryland : I went directly on Shoar in order to 
Dispatch some letters (which the Commissioners had received 
in Annapolis) to Gentlemen that were to provide us with 
Horses &c to convey us to Philadelphia ; I received a Letter 
in one of the Public houses for the Commissioners, from the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, which was Lodg'd there in order 
to Advise them, that the Indians were not yet arriv'd at the 
place of Treaty, nor were they Expected in any short time, 
the letter was as follows : 

To the Honourable Thomas Lee Esqr. 

Phila. May 20th 1744. 

Sir: I was not favour'd with your Letter of the 11th List't 
before yesterday Evening : I am in some doubt, whether j'ou 
may not have reached the place mentioned for vour Landing, 
even before it comes to mv hands. I expect hourly to hear 
of the Lidians being on their Journey to tne place of Treaty ; 
but as from their Custom of Travelling with their Families, 
and hunting upon the Road for their Subsistence, they may 
possibly Exceed the time : I wish for your Ease and better 
Accommodation, you would proceed to Philad'a Where I 
shall be exceedingly well pleased to kiss yours and Colonel 
Bonley's hands. I am witn a very great Regard. 


Your Most Oblig'd humble Ser't 


Notwithstanding, we were lying before a Town, the Com- 
miss'n and all the rest of the Company chose to by on board, 
as the place, by its appearance did not promise the best of 
Entertainment, about 9 at Night we all went to bed. 

Ox Board the Maroaret, Friday the 25th. 

This Morning the Baggage was sent up to the Public House, 
where the Commissioners and their Levee in a little time 
followed ; here we Din'd, and Drunk the best Cask Cyder for 
the Season that ever I did in America : the Commissioners 
being Liform'd the Post from Philadelphia, was to pass 
through this place at Night, they wrote to the Governor the 
following Letter. 

238 Journal qf William Black. 

To the Honourable Williain Gooch Esq. Governor of Virginia. 
May it Please your Honour. 

We Arrived here last Night and Received a Letter from 
the Governor of l^eimsjlvania, dated the 2l8t that he dayly 
expected to know, t\n\t the Indians were on their way, but as 
they Travel slow, he Kecommends it to us, to come to Phila- 
delphia, and we shall take that way and leave this to-morrow. 

Before we loft Annapolis, there was an Express from Connul 
"Weiser, with an ArtfuU Letter relating to the Indian Afiair, 
which they say is Logan, tho Weiser bigns it ; a Good deal 
of Expense is propos d in favour of the jmdians, and they are 
persuaded that there will arise some difficulty, by our having 
no other Interpreter but Weiser. 

The Commissioners from Maryland are not settled, Weiser 
tells them plainly, that the Indians aroused in matters of such 
moment, only to talk with Governors : Dulany is changed 
for Jennings ; but as the lower house, permitted the Governor 
to take money out of their Treasury for the Indian Treaty, 
they have named two of their Body to be Commissioners, and 
have drawn Instructions for them, Lidependent of the 
Governor ; this was taken warmly by the Upper House, and 
we left them in a warm Dispute which will possibly end in 
Eejectinc: the Commissioners from the lower House, and it 
may be found Necessary for the Governor to be at the Treaty. 

"the Post is to pass thro' this place Immediately, so that 
we hope you will Excuse the hurry we are in and believe us 
to be with the Greatest Respect. 

Your Honours 

Most Obedient & 

DutifuU Servants. 


We wrote twice from Annapolis to which We beg to be 

The Commissioners, and two or three more lodg'd at the 
public House, Colonel Taylor, Mr. Lewis and my self went 
on board the Margaret. I must not forget, that in the fore- 
noon, the Coni'rs and their Company went to the Prin- 
cipio Iron Works, in order to view the Curiosities of that 
place, they are under the management of Mr. Baxter, a Vir- 
ginian, And was at Work forming Barr-Iron when we came 

Journal of William Black. 239 

there ; for my part I was no Judge of the Workmanship, but 
I thought everything appeared to be in very good Order, and 
they are allowed to be as Compleat Works as any on the 
Continent by those who are Judges. 

Maryland North East, Saturday the 25th. 
This Morning by the time Aurora had banished the twink- 
ling Starrs, I got from my Bed, and after rowzing the rest of 
my Fellow Lodgers from sleep's lethargy, we steer'd our 
Course for the Public house where we foimd the rest fast 
lockt in the Arms of Deaths younger Brother ; the Morning 
was Chiefly taken up in packing in Baggage and sending of 
the Waggon, and 40 Min. past 9, the Commissioners and 
their Train set out on our Way for Philadelphia: At the 
Line Dividing Maryland and Pennsylvania, and about 9 miles 
fix)m 2forth East, we were met by the High SherilT, Coroner, 
and under Sheriff of New Castle County with their Whit« 
Wands, who came at the Desire of the Governor to Conduct 
us thro' their County ; at 12 O'Clock arriv'd at Ogle Town 19 
Miles from North East, where we Stop'd and Refreshed our 
selves with Bread & Cheese, Punch and Cyder, Our Horses 
with good Planter's Oats, after which proceeded on to Wil- 
mington, a Town 12 Miles further, in one way passing thro' 
New Port a little Village on the Road and Eight Miles from 
Ogle Town: Arriv'd at Wilmington 10 Min. past 8 P.M. 
•where we Din'd ; This Town stands on Christine Creek, about 
three quarter of Mile above where it runs in to Delaware 
Eiver, the Houses are Brick, most of them largo and well 
Built, and tho' an Infant place, of about two years standing, 
there are now upwards of one hundred and fifty Families in 
the Town chiefly Merchants and Mechanicks, there was sev- 
eral Ships and other small Vessels on the Stocks a Building, 
and several other Branches of Workmanship and Commerce 
seem'd to go on Briskly: after Dinner, we set out about 4 in 
the Afternoon, crossing a pretty large Creek calVd by the 
Dutch, Brandywine, Nine Miles from Wilmington, and at 
the Line Dividing New Castle and Chester County's were 
waiting the High Sherifl:*, Coroner and imder Shli*. of Chester 

240 Journal of WiUiam Bla/ch 

County, who Conducted us to Chester Town Six Miles farther, 
where we arriv'd a few minutes before 9 at night, and put at 
Mr. James Matthew, the most Considerable House in the 
Town ; most of the Company being very much &tigued with 
the Day's Ride being very warm, they Inclined for Beds soon 
after they alighted, and tho* for my own part I was not very 
much tir'd, yet I agreed to hug the Pillow with the rest. 

Chester iv Pennstlyaklil, Sunday the 26th. 
This Morning, by the time the Sun retum'd to Enlighten 
My Bed Chamber, I got up with a Design to take a view of 
the Towm It is not so large as Wilmington neither are the 
Buildings so large in General, the Town stands on a Mouth 
of a Creek of the same name, running out the Delaware and 
has a very large wooden Bridge over it, in the middle of the 
Town, the Delaware is rockon'd three miles over at this place, 
and is a very good Road for Shipping ; the Court House and 
Prison is two tolerably large Buildings of Stone, there are in 
the Town, a Church dedicated to St. Paul, the Congregation 
are after the manner of the Church of England ; A Quaker 
Meeting, and a Sweed's Church ; about 10 of the Clock fore- 
noon, the Comm'rs and us of their Levee went to St. Pauls, 
where we heard a Sermon Preach'd by the Reverend Mr. 
Backhouse on the 16th Chap, of St. Luke 80 & 81st Verses, 
from this some of us paid A Visit to the Friends who were 
then in Meeting, but as it happened to be a Silent One, after 
we had sjit about 15 Min, they Shook hands and we parted, 
ft'om this Retum'd to our Inn, where we had a very good 
Dinner, and about 4 in the Evening set out for Philadelphia, 
Accompanied by the Shifs, Coroner, and several Gentlemen 
of the Town, past thro' Derby a Town 7 miles from Chester 
Standing on a Creek of the same name and at a Stone Bridge 
about half a mile further,* was met by the Sheriff, Coroner, 
and Sub-Sheriff of Philadelphia Countj", Here the Company 
from Chester took their leave of Us and retum'd from this 
passed on three miles further to the River Schuylkill, where 

1 At the Blue Bell, oyer Cobb's Creek. 

Journal of William BlacL 241 

we found waiting for Ub Richard Peters Esqr. Secretary of 
the Province, Robert Strettell," Andrew Ilamilton,' And 

' Bobert Strettell, a wealthy Irish Qaaker, removed with his family to 
Philada. in 1736. He was probably a son of Amos Strettell, of DubliD, who 
in 1703 purchased 5000 acres of land in Peuna. Robert Strettell was snc- 
cessively Member of Common Council, 1741, Alderman, 1748, and in 1751 
Mayor of Phila. In Dec. 1741, he was appointed one of Provincial Council^ 
and in Jan. 1756, during the absence of Gov. Morris, he presided over that 
body. He died in Phila., and in his will, which was admitted to probate 
June 24, 1761, he devises "All my Proprietary Rights in West Jersey" and 
*'all my Greek, Latin, and French authors." He was bu. in Friends' 
Oround June 12th, 1761. His widow, Philotesia, dan. of John Owen, of 
London, d. in Philada. June, 1782, and was bu. in Friends' Ground on the 
28th of that month. 

' Andrew Hamilton, the father of him mentioned in the text, was the most 
eminent and the ablest of the lawyers of the Colony in his day. He was a 
native of Scotland, and was born in the year 1676. Nothing is known of his 
early history. The family tradition is that he fled from his native country 
in consequence of having killed a person of note in a duel. It is more likely 
that he may have been involved in some of the political difficulties during 
the reign of King William. For some time after his arrival in America, he 
concealed his name under that of Trent. Whatever the cause may have 
been, all danger to himself had passed in the reign of Queen Anne, as he 
was on the 27th January, 1712, admitted to Gray's Inn and called to the 
English Bar; a step taken to secure reputation and to promote his ad- 
vanoement in the Colony, which forbids the presumption of felony or crime. 
He resided first in the Eastern Shore of Virginia, and afterwards in Kent 
County, Md. He married a lady of fortune and family, Mrs. Anne (Brown ) 
widow of Joseph Preeson. He enjoyed a handsome practice in Chestertown, 
and a great reputation for ability in 1712. He was soon after appointed a 
Member of the Provincial Council ; and in 1717, Attorney General of Peniv- 
sylvania, which position ho resiprned in 1726 to make a second visit to Eng- 
land; after his return in 1727 he received from Governor €U)rdon the ap- 
pointment of Prothonotary, in consideration, not only of his legal qualifica- 
tions, but also of " the considerable service he had done to the Proprietors 
in this Province and Country." In 1727, he was elected a Member of the 
Assembly from Bucks County, and was returned to the same seat for twelve 
successive years. He took a leading part in public affairs — was Chairman 
of the most important Committees, the author of most of the Addresses to 
the Governor and to the Proprietors and to the English Government, and 
the draughtsman of the Act of the Assembly. 

He was Recorder of the City of Philadelphia in 1728. And in November 
1737, he was appointed Judge of Vice Admiralty. In 1739, he was elected 


242 Journal of William BlacL 

ficveral other Gentlemen of Philadelphia, who Receiv'd ub 
very kindly, and Welcomed us into their Province with a 
Bowl of fine Lemon Punch big enough to have Swimm'd 
half a dozen of yoimg Geese ; after pouring four or five Glasses 
of this down our throats we cross'd the River about two 
hundred yards over, and riding three short miles on the other 
side brought us into sight of the famous City Philadelphia, 
but it being some minutes after the time of the Sun taking 

Speaker of the Assembly ; and with the exception of the year 1733, he filled 
the chair uninterruptedly till his final retirement, because of age and in- 
firmities, in 1739, when he declined all further public service. On one 
occasion he was unanimously appointed by the House a Trustee of the Loan 
Office, and entrusted with the building and disbursements for the State 
House, sacred to all An\pricans as the Cradle of Liberty — the Hall of Inde- 
pendence — the designs of which were furnished and entirely carried out by 
Mr. Hamilton. Andrew Hamilton's defence of the Printer John Peter 
Zenger indicted for Libel before Chief Justice De Lancey and the Supreme 
Court of NewTork in 1736, is one of the earliest and boldest assertions of 
the Liberty of Speech and Writing. It occasioned wide-spread comment 
at the time. Mr. Hamilton acquired a noble estate in Lancaster County. 
The Town of Lancaster was laid out on his property in 1728. He died at 
Bush Hill— which now forms a part of the City of Philadelphia—in 1741, 
and was there buried. 

His son James Hamilton was Deputy Governor in 1748-54, Governor 
1759-63, and President of the Council in 1771. He was the only native 
Governor of the Colony before the Revolution. He was a liberal patron of 
the Arts and Sciences, and encouraged and fostered public enterprises. 
He was President of the American Philosophical Society before ita union 
with the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, under the auspices of 
Dr. Franklin. He died in 1782. 

The only daughter of Andrew Hamilton, the elder, married William 
Allen, Provincial Chief Justice, a man of great wealth, one of the daughters 
of whom married John Penn, son of Richard Penn, the last proprietary 

Andrew Hamilton, the younger, married a daughter of William Pell ; their 
son William was one of the earliest patrons of art and collectors of pictares 
in this country. He cultivated the art of ornamental gardening. His 
residence was the beautiful seat called the Woodlands, the mansion house 
of which is still standing in the grounds, which are now used as a cemetery. 
The names of Allen and Hamilton are now both extinct— Article in Hido- 
rical Magazine, Aug. 1868, by J. F. Fisher. For other account of the 
ancestry of Andrew Hamilton, the elder, see History of Independence EaU, 
by F. M. fitting, Boston, 1876. 


Journal of William Black. 248 

his Departure from that to another Country and the Starrs 
beginning to twinkle, we cou'd only observe it was the Town : 
The Governor's House being the iii-st on that Side of the Town 
which we enter'd, the Secretary Introduced the Commis- 
sioners and next their Levee to his Honour, who came to his 
Gate where he received Us with Great Civility and bid us all 
heartily welcome to Philadelphia, after this Ceremony was 
over, he led the way to the Hall, where we was presented 
with a Glass of Wine, and after some talk on the Stay of the 
Indians, and his Eecommending us to the Care of Mr. Secre- 
tary, and Mr. Robert Strettell, who liad provided Loilgings 
for us before, we took leave of the Governor for that night, 
after having Received an Invitation to Dine with his Honour 
the Tuesday following, and was Conducted to the House of 
Mr Strettell where we all Sup'd and where the Commis- 
sioners & Mr. Lee had a pressing Invitation to stay while in 
Town, which after some ExciLses on the one side, an Intreat- 
ing on the other, they agreed to. Colonel Taylor and Mr. 
Lewis had a Lodging provided for them at Mrs. Arthur's in 
Wallnutt Street, Colonel Thornton and Mr. Little^mge was 
Lodged at Widow Meredith's in Front Street, Mr. Brookes 
and my self, went along with the Secretary to his House 
w^here we were to put up, by the time we got there it was past 
11 O'clock ; he ai)i)ear*d Exceeding Complaisant and very 
agreeable to Us, and as I understood he kept Bachellor's 
house, I was the more pleas 'd ; after otferhig Us a Glass of 
Wine, which we desir'd to be Excus'd from at that time, we 
were lighted to a very well furnished Room, where my 
Fellow Lodger and I, after undressing from our Riding Gar- 
ments, went to Bed in order to pass that part of the twenty 
four Hours which was between us and Morning, in a State 
Resembling that of the Departed, where those that are so 
Dispos'd may follow me, and they who are Inelin'd otherways 
may pass their hours with a Bottle and their Friend or with 
something else a . 

Philadelphia, Monday the 28th. 

The Fatigue of our Journey Sitting somewhat uneasy on 
ITs, made us keep Bed longer than our Inclinations approved, 

244 Journal of William Black. 

]>eiiig prone to View the City, the Character of which had 
80 much excited our Desii-e ; about 7 O'Clock we were call'd 
by the Waggoneer to take our Baggage, which we accord- 
ingly had brought up to our Room, at 9 we eat Breakfast 
with our new Landlord, after which, he was so good as to go 
with us to view the City ; the Shipping was what first En- 
gaged Us, in going to which we were Accidentally Join'd by 
the rest of our Company, the Commissioners excepted ; we 
went on Board the Tartar privateer, a fine Ship near 300 
Tons newly Launched, which they were Rigging with the 
greatest Expedition for a Cruising Voyage, from this we 
went to several more Wharfs where there lay any Vessels, 
and every where cou'd observe a very Considerable Traflick, 
in Shipping and unshipping of Goods, mostly American Pro- 
duce ;* after our Curiosity in this Respect was satisfy'd, we 
was Introduced by our Guide to Mr. Andrew Hamilton's, 
where was Mr. George McCaul* and several other Towns Gen- 
tlemen, who kindly wclcom'd us to Philadelphia, and after a 
few Glasses of Wine, we Departed for another Ramble I 
stumbled from the rest to the Commissioners' Lodgings, who 
had been waiting on his Honour the Governor, where they 
had a Conference on the Indian Treaty, on their return, the 
following Letter was Dispatched to his honour Governor 
Gooch by an Exj^ross to Annapolis. 

To the Honourable William Gooch, Esq., Governor of Virg*. 
May it Please your Honour. 

We arriv'd here in the Evening of yesterday, this day we 
were an hour with the Governor, who uses us with great 
kindness, and we have advised with him about the Indian 
Treaty; he tells us the Indians or their Speaker mistook 
one Moon, and they have no Advice of the Indians being on 
their March, so that we are like to wait some time, which 

■ In 1723, Michael Royal advertises for sale a new sloop on the stocks at 
the drawbridjofe. The activity of ship building was very g^at. There were 
shipyards at Vine and Race Streets, and near the Old Ferry. Many ves- 
sels were sold as fast as they were built, for English and Irish hooseg abroad. 
— Watson^a Annals, ed. 1857, vol. i. p. 228. 

« McCall. 

Journal of William Black. 245 

will Increase the Expense. The Governor is possitive, that 
at least £200 value of Goods shoud be brought here, to be 
given the Indians, as a part of the Consideration at the 
Treaty; no Promisses of a Reward to come will do with 
them, without something in hand, and Since we are to be 
Advis'd by this Governor, and it seems reasonable to Us, we 
shall have the Goods bought, and we hope your honour will 
approve of it. This £200, the £100 to Wieser, and the 
charge of maintaining the Indians, which will be above £200 
more, will leave us little to Support our Expensive Journey ; 
so that we hope your Honour will Permitt us a further credit 
by the Post, or rather Bills from the Receiver General, else 
we shall be under Difficulties. The Assembly here upon the 
Warr with France have ordered a Present of £300 to the 
Indians, and they have given the Governor an unlimited Vote 
of Credit for his Expenses when he makes the Present, which 
is to be when we meet them. Maryland will make a Present 
then, and if wo appear empty handed, we shall appear Con- 
. temptible in the eyes of the Indians. 

This goes by Maryland Express to Annapolis, and from 
thence we desire Mr. Jeimings to send one to your Honour, 
and we hope the necessity will warrant the Expense. 

Our last was by the Post to North East, in the Government 
of Maryland. 

We are with great Respect, 
Sir, Your Honour's 

Most Obedient and Faithful Humble Servants, 


I Din*d with the Commissioners at Mr. Strettell's, the rest 
of the Company with Mr. Secretary Peters ; in the Afternoon 
his Honour, the Governor, waited on the Commissioners, and 
spent some time with them at their Lodgings, and afterwards 
went to the CoflTee House, from thence to the Governor's 
Clubb, which is a Select IS'umber of Gentlemen that meet 
every Night at a certain Tavern, where they pass away a few 
Hours in the Pleasures of Conversation and a Cheerful Glass ; 
about 9 Of the Clock, we had a very Genteel Supper, and 
afterwards several sorts of Wine and fine Lemon Punch set 
out the Table, of which every one might take of what he best 
lik'd, and what Quantity he Pleas'd, between the hours of 10 

246 Journal of WiUiain Black. 

and 11, the CommiBBioners withdrew, and with them the rest 
of their Company, I went directly to my Lodgings, and before 
11 struck I was in bed. 

Philadelfhia, Txieaday the 29th. 
This morning I got up almost with the Sun, and having 
several Journal Entries to make, set about them till Break- 
fast, which I Eat at my Lodgings, afterwards took a turn in 
the Qarden, where I had a very pleasing Prospect of the 
Fields and Inclosures, and found I was Lodged in a very Airy 
and Agreeable part of the Town, a little after 12 O'Clock in 
Company with ]Mr. Secretary and Mr. Brookes, I went to the 
Commissioner's Lodgings, where we found them Join'd by 
the rest of the Levee, and in a few min: after we all set out 
for his Honour's the Governor, in order to Dine with him 
according to the Invitation received the Sunday itfight be- 
fore. The Entertainment was very Gnmd, and consisted of 
many Dishes Substantial as well as Curious, with a very fine 
Collation ; after Dinner, the Table was immediately furnished 
with as great plenty of the Choicest Wines as it was before 
with the best of Victuals ; the Glass went briskly round, 
sometimes with sparkling Champaign, and sometimes Rich 
Madeira, Claret, or whatever the Drinker pleas'd. Between 
the hours of 3 & 4 the Governor, Commissioners, and the rest 
of the Company went to hear a Philosophical Lecture on the 
Eye, Ac, by A: Spencer, M:D:, in which he endeavoured to 
account for the Faculties, the Kature and Diseases of that 
Instrument of Sight ; next he proceeded to show that Fire is 
Diffus'd through all space, and may be produced from all 
Bodies, Sparks of Fire Emitted from the Face and Hands of 
a Boy Suspended Horizontally, by only rubbing a Glass Tube 
at his feet. After this, we retum'd to the Governor's, where 
we Drank Tea, and in the evening took leave, and waited on 
the Commissioners to their Lodgings, where I spent the fore- 
part of the night, and with the rest of the Levee departed for 
our respective Lodgings, about 10 at night X got home, and 
in a little time after into Bed. 

Jottmal of William Black. 247 

Philadelphia, Wednesday the 30th. 

Rose at 7 O'Clock, and wrote tUl 9, after which went to 
Break£Eist, and after I was Dress'd, I went m order to view 
some more of the Town, and wherever I went, I found every- 
thing come up to, or rather exceed the Character I had often 
heard of Philadelphia, about 12 O'Clock I came to Mr. Stret- 
tell's, where I found the Commissioners and their Company 
ready to set out for Mr. William Allen's, a very Considerable 
Merchant, and Recorder of the City, and a Member of the 
Council, they were Invited to Dine with them to-day, when 
^we were at the Governor's the day before. About 1 O'Clock 
'we Din'd in Company with his Honour the Governor and 
several other Gentlemen of Distinction in the City ; after 
3)inner the Commrs., accompanied by the Governor, Ac, went 
in order to view the Privateers fitting out, there were then 
Ihree getting ready with the utmost Expedition : The Wil- 
mington, a fine Ship, Burthen 300 Tons, Jno. Sibbald Com- 
mander, to carry 24 Carriage and 24 Swivel Guns, with 150 
3nen ; The Tartar, John Mackey Commander, a fine new Ship 
about the Burthen of the Wilmington, mounting 18 Car- 
:riage, 20 Swivel Guns, with 130 Men ; The George Schooner, 
"William Dowell Commander, to carry 14 Carriage and 18 
Swivel Guns, with 120 Men ; there are 4 more a Building 
with all possible Dispatch, besides a fine Bermudas Sloop 
honght the other day for 800 pounds Sterling, and is called 
the de Trembleur, to carry 14 Carriage and 20 Swivel Guns 
and 100 Men ;* ft'om these Warr Castles and Flying Engines 

' This goes far towards sabstantiating the assertion made in the pamphlet 
Common Sense— the subject of the following controversy: republished in the 
Historical Magazine of May, 1869, p. 335. 

"Rural Ship'butlding in New England. 
Extract of a letter from Jamaica, dated June 20, 1776. 

"A pamphlet has been circulated here, under the title of Common Sense 
(the celebrated brochure of Thomas Paine), which was sent hither from 
America. It is written with great virulence against the English Adminis- 
tration, and its Design is to stir up the Colonists to assert their independency 
on the Mother Country. There are many false assertions in it, One of which. 

248 Journal of William Black. 

of Destruction, wo return 'd with Solemn G^ate to the Coffee 
House, where I parted with the Company, the Grovemor and 

Admiral Gaylon has thought proper to contradict, in the Jamaica Oaxdtt, 
in the following words : — 

'* ' I have seen a pamphlet, published in Philadelphia, under the title of 
Common Sense, wherein the Author says that, 40 years ago, there were 70 
and 80-gun ships built in New England ; in answer to which, I do declare 
that, at that period of time, I was in New England, a Midshipman on board 
his Majesty's ship, with the late Sir Peter Warren, and then, there had 
never been a Man-of-War built of any kind. 

*' * In 1747 (after the reduction of Lewisburgh), there was a ship of 44 guns 
ordered to be built at Piscataqua, by one Mr. Messervey; she was called the 
Ajiwn'ca, and sailed for England the following year ; when she came home 
she was found so bad that she never was commissioned again. There was. 
afterwards, another ship of 20 guns built at Boston, by Mr. Benjamin Hal- 
lowcll, which was called the Boston; she run but a short time before she 
was condemned ; and those were the only two ships of war ever bntlt in 
^meriVa— therefore I thought it my duty to publish this, to Hndeceive the 
Public in general — to show that what the Author has set forth is an utter 
falsity. Clark Gatlon.' " 

To the /V//j^er:— 

As Admiral Gdi/lon has taken upon him pnblickly to declare in Opposi- 
tion to the Author of Common Sense, and from his own knowledge, that 
when he was here, forty Years since. " there never had been a Man of War 
of any kind built in New England.'' it is but just that the public shonld be 
informeii that, in the year 1690, a Fourth Rate Ship of War was launched 
at New Castle in Piscataqua River; and in the year 1696. another, whose 
Force is not remembered. The former was the Falkland, and the latter 
IM/ord GiiUeif. 

It is not pnU>able that Admiral Gaylon had any Knowledge of these Ships 
lu'ing built lierw Si> that he cannot be charged with Falsehood ; bat it is 
hojHHl if he should publish any Thing further relating to this Country, he 
will expn^ss himself not quite so jK^sitively. especially if he undertakes to 
pr\n*e a negative. 

The Kvidenoe of the aK'^ve Facts depends on an original Manuscript 
Letter trvMu Mr. F.niersou, formerlv Minister of New Castle, to the late Mr. 


Prin^v ; and it is to be found nmoni: the Colleciion of Mannscripts relating 
to the Uistv^rv of New F.nsrUnd. made by .^0 years' Indus try of that worthy 
Gentleman, up lose? it has Kvu pilfered or destroyed by the Saracen^e 
r»arbarity of the !a:e Ov\*i;iv:on» of the Old ?>>uth Meeting Honae in Boston, 
in an ,Vpartmo:»t of whioh thv\«e valuable Mannscripts were deposited.— 
fVr ^.'Ki'i** .' '.'-; J.* •»• .V. H. fttiifffe. Januarr 14, 1777. 

i>uo huiivirvv. Ar^l thirty^^itcht sh:p« w^re entered at tlw ciutom houie of 
lA^uUnt lu Ui*>t- :sVs^-\,\ 'i's i/;.*o.t»«ani. toI. L p. 440. 

Journal of William Black. 249 

the CommiBsioners^ with their Levee to the Clubb, and I went 
to spend the Evening with a Merchant and Townsman of 
mine; I had not seen him for some years before till that 
Forenoon, when he Invited me to his House. I found him 
at Home according to Promise, & there I spent the forepart 
of the Night very Agreeably. He kept Batchellor House, 
and Consequently more Freedom, than when a Wife and 
Children is to be Conform'd to. I staid till after 11, and 
parted, he making me Promises to be no Stranger while I 
staid in Town, of which there was no great fear, as he kept a 
Glass of Grood Wine, and was as free of it as an Apple-tree 
of its Fruit on a Windy Day in the month of July : I grop'd 
my way to where I Lodged, after having Butted against some 
Posts on the Sides of the Pavement, who kept me in my 
Road ; about the mid hour I got to Bed, where I incline to 
let myself rest till morning. 

' The (Governor of Pennsylvania mentioned in this journal was (^eorge 
Thomas. His office was, more properly speaking, that of Deputy Governor, 
and he held that position from Augost, 1738, to 1747. Previous to his 
appointment he had been a planter on the Island of Antigua, W. I. He 
was detained in London after having received his commission for some time, 
defending the Proprietary rights against the claim of Lord Baltimore to 
jurisdiction over the Lower Counties, and did not meet the Assembly of the 
province he was to govern until August, 1738. Gordon, in his History of 
Pennsylvania, p. 252, says *' Governor lliomas was active, industrious, and 
capable ; attached to the province, but more devoted to the proprietaries 
and the king. In his zeal for His Majesty he overlooked the principles and 
character of the people he was called to govern. He believed himself suf- 
ficiently strong in polemical controversy to shake the opinions for which 
their ancestors had broken the tender characters of kindred and country, 
and which they themselves cherished with enthusiasm. Failing in this, he 
endeavored to intimidate men wlio, though declining to exhibit military 
courage, were no respecters of persons, and had never displayed political 
cowardice. When experience had taught him properly to appreciate the 
Quaker character, and to determine how far and in what manner their 
loyalty could be shown, unchecked by their consciences, he drew from them 
without difficulty whatever he could in propriety demand. His moderation 
and considerate forbearance towards the Quakers during the latter years of 
his administration, were rewarded by the esteem of the people and the con- 
fidence of the legislature." Drake, in his Biographical Dictionary, states 
that he was from 17.52 to 1766 Governor of the Leeward and Onribbee 
Islands; created a baronet, 1766; died, London, January 11, 1775. 

18 (To he continued.) 

250 Occupation of New York City by the British, 




(Oonoluded from pas® 148-) 


Sunday 1st. — "Wq had our preaching m the forenoon and in 
the ev'ning as usual ; and in the aft<jmoon the Congregation 
meeting. At the preachings we had goodly companies of 

Tuesday Sd. — ^Tlie ev'ning meeting was on the Watchword 
and Text. The rebel army begun to re-collect themselves ; 
and the greatest part marched towanls Ilarlem and along the 
East river, some miles from here ; the king's army advanced 
eastward on Long Island, opposite the Ilell Gate, and there- 

Monday 9th, — Whereas the troubles of War were now near 
Watts' House, Phil. Sypher fetched his wife, child, and goods 
back from thence to town, as also the things out of the 
Chapel-IIouBc that had been there ; and it was just high time, 
else they might have been lost ; for this house soon after was 
plundered by the king's troops. Several other people came 
back from those parts. By the measures and proceedings of 
the Rebel army, it appeared evident, that they intended to 
leave the city ; for as they had begun last week, so all this 
week, they removed their sick, their stores, and ammunition, 
and gradually the soldiers marched away. They likewise 
took the bells out of all the Churches and conveyed them 

Wcdnrsday Uth and Thursday 12^A.— Night and day they 
were busy to bring their things away ; and it appeared plain, 
that there would be a change soon ; the reports were various. 
Almost daily there was firing from Long Island to Horn's 
H(X)k, and the ship yards here. 

252 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

withdrew, and the passage was stopped. Some of the king's 
officers from the ships came on shore, and were joyfully re- 
ceived by some of the inhabitants. The king's flag was put 
np again in the fort, and tlie Rebels' taken down. And thus 
the city was now delivered from those Usurpers who had op- 
pressed it so long. 

Monday^ Sept, 16fh. — ^In the forenoon the first of the English 
troops came to town. They were drawn up in two lines in 
the Broad Way ; Governor Tryon and others of the officers 
were present, and a great concourse of people. Joy and glad- 
ness seemed to appear in all countenances, and persons who 
had been strangers one to the other formerly, were now very 
sociable together, and friendly. Bro. Shewkirk, who acci- 
dentally came to it, met with several instances of that kind. 
The first that was done was, that all the houses of those who 
have had a part and a share in the Rebellion were marked as 
forfeited. Many indeed were marked by persons who had no 
order to do so, and did it perhaps to one or the other from 
some personal resentment. Bro. Shewkirk, walking through 
the streets, saw to his grief, that several houses belonging to 
our people were likewise marked ; as Sister Kilbum's, Hilah 
Waldron's, and Sister Bouquet's, King's, Isaac Van Vleck's, &c. 
He wrote afterwards to Governor Tryon, congratulating him 
on the late happy event, and at the same time interceded in 
behalf of the 2 Ww's^ houses. The word of this day was re- 
markable : " Israel shall be saved in the Lord, with an ever- 
lasting salvation ; ye shall not be confounded world without 
end." The following day everything was pretty quiet, though 
almost daily they brought in prisoners, who were lodged in 
the Dutch and Presbyterian churches. The fear one had of 
the city's being destroyed by fire subsided, and the inhabitants 
thought themselves now pretty secure ; little thinking that 
destruction was so near. 

Friday 20th. — Bro. Jacobson came from Staten Island, and 
it was a true mutual joy to see one another ; as, for a couple 
of months we could have no communication with Btaten 

' Widows. 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 253 

Island. By him we heard tliat our people there were all 

Saturday ZlsL — ^In the first hour of the day, soon after 
midnight, the whole city was alarmed by a dreadftil fire. 
Bro. Shewkirk, who was alone in the chapel-house, was not a 
little struck, when he saw the whole air red, and thought it to 
be very near ; but going into the street, he found that it was 
in the low west end of the town ; and went thither. When 
he came down the Broad Way, he met with Sister Sykes and 
her children. She was almost spent carrying the child, and 
a large bundle besides. He took the bundle, and went back 
with them, and let them in to our house ; when he left them, 
and returned with their prentice to the fire, taking some 
buckets along. The fire was then in the lower part of Broad 
street. Stone street, &c. It spread so violently that all what 
was done was but of little effect ; if one was in one street and 
looked about, it broke out already again in another street 
above ; and thus it raged all the night, and till about noon. 
The wind was pretty high from southeast, and drove the 
flames to the northwest. It broke out about White Hall ; 
destroyed a part of Broad street. Stone street, Beaver street, 
the Broadway, and then the streets going to the Korth River, 
and all along the North river as far as the King's College. 
Great pain was taken to save Trinity church, the oldest and 
largest of the English churches, but in ^ ain ; it was destroyed, 
as also the old Lutheran church ; and St. Paul's, at the upper 
end of the Broadway, escaped very narrowly. Some of our 
families brought of their goods to our house. Bro. Shewkirk 
had the pleasure to be a comfort to our neighbors, who were 
much frightened the fire might come this way ; and indeed, 
if the wind had shifted to the west as it had the appearance 
a couple of times, the whole city might have been destroyed. 
The comer house of our street, going to the Broadway, 
catched already ; Bro. Shewkirk ordered our long ladder, and 
the others to be fetched out of our burying ground ; which 
were of service in carrying the water up to the roof of said 
house in buckets ; and by the industry of all the people the 
fire was put out. Several of our people have sustained con- 

254 Occupation of Neio York City by the British. 

Biderable loss : Sister Kilbum has lost two houses ; Pell's three 
houses ; Jaeobson one, and Widow Zoeller her's ; and others 
have lost a part of their goods ; as Lepper, Eastman, Ac. 

There are great reasons to suspect that some wicked incen- 
diaries had a hand in this dreadful fire, which has consumed 
the fourth part of the city ; several persons have been appre- 
hended ; moreover there were few hands of the inhabitants 
to assist; the bells being carried off, no timely alarm was 
given ; the engines were out of order ; the fire company 
broke ; and also no proper order and directions, Ac. ; all which 
contributed to the spreading of the flames. 

Sunday 22d. — The forenoon's preaching was on Lam. 8: 22, 
28. " It is of the Lord's mercies that we are not consumed ; 
because His compassions fail not. They are new every morn- 
ing; great is Thy faithfulness ;" — ^and attended with that sen- 
sation which the present time and circumstances naturally 
afforded ; we thanked the Lord with melted hearts for His 
undeserved mercies, and could practically attest that they are 
new every morning. In the afternoon's Congregation Meet- 
ing the to-day's suitable Watch-word was spoken upon. 
" The Lord God will help me ; therefore I shall not be con- 
founded." In the ev'ning was the usual preaching. 

Monday 28e/. — ^The fire has thrown a great damp on the 
former joyful sensation ; numbers of people were carried to 
Jail, on suspicion to have had a hand in the fire, and to have 
been on the Rebel's side ; it is said about 200 ; however, on 
examination, the most men were as fast discharged.* 

> *' Mr. David Grim, a merchant of New York, who saw the coDflagrra- 
tioD,"— says Mr. Lossing, in his Field Book of the Revolution, vol. ii. page 
613 — " has left a record of the event. He says the fire broke out in a low 
groggery and brothel, a wooden building, on the wharf near Whitehall slip. 
It was discovered between one and two o'clock in the morning of the twenty- 
first of September. The wind was from the southwest. There were but 
few inhabitants in the city ; and the flames, for a while unchecked, spread 
rapidly. All the houses between Whitehall and Broad Streets, up to Bem- 
ver Street, were consumed, when the wind veered to the southeast, and drove 
the fire toward Broadway. It consumed all on each side of Beaver Street 
to the Bowling Green ; a little above which it crossed Broadway, and swept 
all the buildings on both sides, as far as Exchange Street. On the west 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 255 

Bro. Conrad, also, was taken to Jail, but after a couple of 
days he came out again. Daniel Van Vleck expected the 
same, which made his wife and family much distressed ; for 
he had often talked too inconsiderate, and in a wrong spirit ; 
however it blew over. After all, it is observable, that those 
of our people who had kept themselves free from the Infatua- 
tion, were acknowledged as such, and met with nothing dis- 
agreeable of that kmd. 


In November new troubles began on account of the quar- 
tering of the soldiers, of whom more and more come in ; as 
also many of their women and children. Many of the pub- 
lic buildings were already filled with Prisoners, or sick, 
Ac. ; especially all the Dutch and Presbyterian churches, as 
also the French church, the Baptists, and new Quaker meet- 
ing ; and we were not without apprehension, that something 
of that nature might come upon us ; and this the more, as 
the Chapel-House has the appearance of a spacious building ; 
and just opposite the same they were fitting up the fine north 
church^ of the English Dutch for Barracks. 

Sunday lOth. — ^The communicants had a meeting, as many 
as are in town, in which Bro. Shewkirk kept a discourse in 

side it consnmed almost every bailding from Morris Street to Partition (Ful- 
ton) Street, devouring Trinity Church in its way, and destroyed all the 
buildings toward the North River. For a long time the new (St. Paul's) 
church was in peril, for the fire crept in its rear to Mortkile (Barclay) 
Street, and extended west of King's (Columbia) College to Murray Street. 
The exact number of buildings consumed was four hundred and ninety-three. 
The city then contained about four thousand houses." " The ruins," says 
Dunlap, ** on the southeast side of the town were converted into dwelling 
places, by using the chimneys and parts of walls which were firm, and adding 
pieces of spars with old canvas from the ships, forming hovels — part hut 
and part tent This was called Canvas Town, and there the vilest of the 
army and Tory refugees congregated. The Tories of the day attempted to 
fix the crime of incendiarism upon the Rebels, but could not. It was well 
known that the fire had an accidental origin ; yet the libel continued to be 
' The North Dutch Church, in which the service was in English. 

256 Occupation of New York City by the British, 

reference to the ensuing festival, and especially declared bis 
mind on the subject of meddling with State affitirs ; sharing 
in the party spirit ; and partaking of the well-known Infatuar 
tion, Ac. ; as has been the case with too many of us ; though 
entirely repugnant to the mind of Christ, and our Congrega- 
tion principles, which are Bible principles. He put the Bm. 
and Sisters in mind of the repeated advice he had given them 
at the beginning of these troubles, and the requests he had 
made to remain still, and not to mire themselves with that 
spirit ; he showed at the same time from whence it comes to 
be so carried away ; namely from a shallowness of heart, and 
an Itching for. carnal Liberty, &c. 

Saturday 16th. — ^From early in the morning till towards 
noon, a heavy cannonading was heard, tho' at a considerable 
distance; one heard afterwards that the king's troops had 
attacked the lines and the famous Fort Washington, and car- 
ried it ;' several thousands of the rebels were taken prisoners 
Ac. The king's army has been about 2 months thereabouts ; 
and there have been, from time to time, sharp engagements^ 
at the White Plains, &c. ;' till at last they have driven them 
away from the York Island ; and it was a matter of moment^ 
as now one may hope that the communication with the Jer- 
seys will be open'd, as also with the places up the East River; 
so that the Inhabitants may come to the city, and provisions 
be brought in ; especially wood, which is not to be had, and 
is extremely dear ; a cord of oak wood, bought formerly for 
20s. now 4£s. Fort Constitution, or Lee, opposite Fort 
Washington, now Fort Kniphausen, on the Jersey side sur- 
render'd, or was left by the rebels ; and the, king's troops got 
soon master of this part of the Jerseys, and advanced swiftly 
towards Philadelphia. 

Monday 18tL — ^In the forenoon, about 11 o'clock, 2 officers, 
with 2 other gentlemen came to see the chapel and house ; 
Bro. Shewkirk showed them about ; one of the officers asked 

" See Address of Edward P. DeLancey, before the New York Historical 
Society, December 7, 1876, printed in the Magazine of Americaa Hiftory» 
New York, Febrnary. 1877. 

« The battle of White Plains took place on Oct. 28. 

Occupatim of New York City by the British. 257 

whether service was kept m the chapel ; and hearing it was, 
said, it would be a pity to take it ; the other ran about very 
swiftly, and saw every part of the premises. Bro. Shewkirk, 
who easily could guess what the meaning was, as soon as 
they were gone, made application to the present commanding 
Gteneral Robertson, and to Governor Tryon. The former was 
not at home ; the latter received him kindly, but said he could 
do nothing in the matter, as now all the power was lodged 
with the army ; yet he would recommend the matter to the 
Gteneral ; and this he did in a few lines he wrote under the 
petition, referring it to the favorable consideration of the 
Gkjneral. Bro. Shewkirk carried it to him, but he was not 
come home yet, and so he left it there, lie did not know 
that the 2000 and more prisoners taken in Fort Washington, 
had come already to town.* In the afternoon about 4 o'clock 
he saw at once the street before the window full of people. 
The Serjeant of the guard came to the door, and asked whether 
this was the Moravian meeting? He was ordered to bring 
these 400 prisoners here by command of the Generals Smith 
and Robertson. If the latter had ordered it, it may be it was 
done before he came home to his quarters. Bro. Shewkirk, 
who was alone in the house, did not know what to do ; he 
could not go away. By and by the Major who had command 
of the prisoners and another man came in ; they looked at the 
Chapel, and said it was too small ; the latter said he had told 
that before, he had been in the place before now, and knew it. 
He spoke to Bro. Shewkirk, and condoled with him that the 
place should be taken ; they began to doubt of the certainty, 
and thought there was a mistake in the matter; another 
young man of the city who knows Bro. Shewkirk, and has 
now the care of the provisions for the rebel prisoners, was 
likewise inclined in our fevour. These 3 persons went back- 

* Gapt. Graydon, who was one of the prisoners taken at the capture of 
Fort Washington, says : that on the 17th ult. they were marched into the 
city, but previous to entering it " were drawn up for about an hour on the 
high ground near the East river. Here the officers being separated from the 
men, we were conducted into a charch, where, if I mistake not, we signed a 
parole."— See Memoirs, Phila., 1846, p. 222. 

268 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

ward and forward to make another inquiry ; at last one of 
them came back and told he had met with the Deputy Bar- 
rack Master, a Jew ; who had told him they must be here. 
Well — the gate on the men's side was opened. 

The Serjeant of the guard, quite a civil man, advised to 
take all loose things out of the chapel before the prisoners 
came in. This was done accordingly. Phil. Sykes, who was 
come before this time, and extremely welcome, while Bro. 
Shewkirk was alone in the house, assisted herein; as also 
young Wiley ; and it took up some time, during which the 
Major came again, and order'd the Serjeant to wait awhile 
longer ; he would go to Genl. Roberti^on. After some time 
he came back, and addressed !Bro. Shewkirk in a friendly 
maimer; saying, he had believed they would have been a 
disagreeable company ; and took the prisoners to the North 
Church.* Bro. Shewkirk thanked the Major for his kind- 
ness ; maj the Lord reward him as also the other two men. 
The prisoners, with the guard, stood above half an hour in 
the street before our door, and many spectators, of whom 
none, so far as one could see, showed a wish for their coming 
in, but several signified the reverse, and w^ere glad when it 
did not take place. An old gentleman, several weeks after, 
accosted Bro. Shewkirk in the street, and told him how sorry 
he had been when ho saw these people standing before our 
door; he had heard Bro. Rice, &c. After this afifair was 
over, Bro. Shewkirk retreated to his room, and thanked our 
Saviour, with tears, for his visible help ; He has the hearts 
of all men in His hands. If these prisoners had come in, how 
much would our place have been ruined, as one may see by 
the North Church ; not to mention the painful thought of 
seeing a place dedicated to our Savior's praise, made a habi- 
tation of darkness and uncleanness. Praise be to Him and 
the Father ! 

As the winter quarters of the soldiers in this city were not 
settled yet, the apprehension was not over, that some w^ould 
be put to us ; and so one of our neighbors thought, who iu 

' Goraer of William and Falton Streets. 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 269 

time of peace was one of the Common Council men ; but at 
the same time he assured Bro. Shewkirk that as far as he 
knew, none of the creditable and sensible men of the town 
wished it out of spite, &c. Bro. Shewkirk's character was 
well known, but the house was large, and there was want of 

Saturday 30/A. — ^About noon Bro. "Wilson came to town 
from Second River, the passage being now open ; we were 
glad to sec him. lie brought us the news, which was nither 
not welcome, that Abraham Van Vleck's, Waldron's, Ten 
Broeck's families, and also Sister Shewkirk were gone from 
Second River to Korth Branch.^ We now gave it almost up 
to see the latter here this winter, and it seemed most probable 
that she would go to Bethlehem. If they had tarried, as 
Wilson's did, all of them might now already be in, or shortly 
come to town. 


Sunday 1st. — ^Tliis being the first Sunday in Advent, the 
weighty subject of our Lord's coming in the flesh was 
preached upon, both in the forenoon, and in the ev'ning. In 
the afternoon about two o'clock, a company of oflicers came 
into the House, looking for some quarter for themselves. It 
was assured by some that they would not disturb our church 
and service; some talked but of some rooms; others said 
they must have the whole house, and the chapel too. One, a 
Comet of the Light Ilorse, marked one room for himself; 
desired to clear it this afternoon, and lot him have a table 
and a couple of chairs, and he would willingly pay for it. 
After tliey were gone, Bro. Shewkirk, and Wilson who was 
just with him, went to Gcnl. Robertson. The Genl. was 
kind ; he said he had given them no orders ; he intended to 
have no place disturbed where service was kept. He took 
down Bro. Shewkirk's name and the matter ; which chiefly 
was, not to disturb our chapel, nor to desire the whole house; 
Bro. Shewkirk offer'd a couple of rooms if necessary ; and at 

1 Of RaritaD River. 

260 Occupation of New York City by the British. 

last said he would go to Alderman Waddel. He was along 
with the officers iu the street, before they came in, but told 
Wilson he had nothing to do with it ; he only upon their de- 
sire had gone along with them, and hear what he knew of the 
matter, and they should come along with him. When they 
were on the way, they met one of those officers (the Qenl's 
clerk), and indeed him who spoke the most imperiously, and 
that he would have the chapel ; upon which the Qenl. and 
they returned to the Genl's house. The officer spoke here 
quite in another tone, and said he had already told the other 
to look for another place, etc. The Genl. said he would see 
about the matter, and give an answer the next morning. 
The brethren went home, and Bro. Shewkirk held the con- 
gregation meeting for which the brethren and sisters were 
gathered together. Upon this occasion we found again that 
our neighbors were not against us. One said, it cannot be 
that they would take your place, the only place where public 
service was held when there was none in the whole city. In 
the ev'ning the room which the Comet had marked was 
cleared, in ca^e he should come; but none of them came 
again. Some time after, Dr. Edmunds belonging to the hos- 
pital came one day, and with much civility and modesty in- 
quired after a room. Bro. Shewkirk, thinking perhaps it 
might be a means to be free from a further endeavor of some- 
body's being quartered here, and moreover wishing to have a 
man in the house in these days, offered him the room the 
Comet had marked; and after some weeks he came, and 
proves a very civil and quiet gentleman, who causes little or 
no troubles. 

Movday 2d. — ^The commissioners' extraordinary gracious 
proclamation in the name of the King, was published in the 
public papers ; by virtue of which all rebels within 60 days 
may return without suffering any forfeiture or punishment ; 
and it has had a great effect ; numbers are come in, have 
signed the prescribed declaration, availed themselves of the 
benefit of the proclamation, and returned to the peaceable 
enjoyment of their property ; though afterwards some of them 
have shown their insincerity and bad principles, going back 

Occupation of New York City by the British. 261 

again to the rebek. The officers yesterday doubtless thought 
in a hurry to secure lodgings to themselves before the procla- 
mation was published, as now they can't take houses as they 
please. This was also the answer Genl. Robertson gave to 
Bro. Wilson this morning, when he carried in his name, and 
mentioned again our house and chapel. The Genl. said the 
proclamation would settle these matters. 

Tuesday 11 th. — Sister Shew kirk returned at last, safe and 
well, to the joy of her husband, and of the brethren and sis- 
ters. She brought all their and the congregation things safe 
back. Bro. Wilson's whole family came at the same time to 
town ; and though they met with many difficulties in their 
removal, yet it was doubtless the best they could do ; for, in 
the time ensuing, the rebel parties came again into those 
places, and distressed those nmch who had jomed the King ; 
nay carried some of the men away prisoners. 

Tuesday 3l5/. — ^Whereas it is at present very unsafe in the 
ev'nings to be out, on account of several late robberies, and 
persons having been knocked do\\Ti besides, we were obliged 
to submit to the times and circumstances ; and therefore the 
congregation members met at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and 
had a love feast ; to praise together our dear and gracious 
Lord for all his goodness bestowed on us during this year full 
of troubles. At the same time we read the weekly accounts 
of the Unity's Elders' Conference, to the end of the year 1776, 
having had no convenient time to read them before. 

As to our memorabilia, they are mostly fresh in our re- 
membrance. The entrance into the year, and first day was 
particularly blessed ; and we took it then as a strengthening 
for what was to come afterwards, and the event has shown it 
60. In February the troubles began, and several of our peo- 
ple moved into the country, some of whom never returned 
since then; others came back and moved afterwards the 
second time. 

However we kept the Easter season and Whitsuntide with 
blessing ; and upon the whole, the first half year we could go 
on in our usual order. Afterwards we became, on account 
of the troubles of this imnatural war, a scattered congregation 

262 Occupatim i^ NeuT Jtwk C% by the Bntish. 

as we are in part yet ; and we are thankful that we could 
keep the ordinary meetings with the remnant that stayed ; 
with them we had the holy communion on the 11th of Au- 
gust. As &r as we know it of them that are come back after 
this city was again in the hands of its lawful Sovereign, our 
people, in the country and in the town, have experienced a 
gracious protection and preservation of their souls, bodies, 
and properties, especially if compared to what others have 
sustained ; for generally speaking, all have had a share in the 
general calamity ; what by being out of business, travelling 
expenses, the fire, and other casualties. By the dreadful fire, 
indeed, several of our people have sustained great losses. 
That in the present time of deamess our working brethren 
and sisters have had, and have work to earn a necessary live- 
lihood, is a matter of thanks, especially at the total change 
of the former currency. We owe also thanks to the preserver 
of our lives that in the various infectious disorders of which 
incredible numbers of the rebel army have died, we have en- 
joyed health for the most part. And above all, we are very 
thankful that our chapel and house have been preserved to 
us from those destructions which have befallen the most of 
the other places of worship. A couple of times the danger 
was near ; but HE helped. 

We are sensible we have not deserved it, but rather the 
reverse; for but too many of us were not, and conducted 
themselves not as we ought to have done, and as our Lord 
might justly have expected it from us ; yea, we are sensible 
that the inward loss which one or the other has sustained is 
not repaired yet ; and here we must appeal to our compas- 
sionate High Priest to haste and to heal our numberless infir- 
mities. Indeed these times have been a time of shaking, and 
what had no root is dropped oS^ 


MedUiff of Descendants of CoL ITmfuis White. 268 






JUNE 7, 1877. 



During the month of November, 1876, the Rev. Edmmid 
Christian, of Perrymansville, Ilarford Comity, Md., addressed 
a letter to the Rev. "William White Bronson, of Philadelphia, 
stating that the farm, known as " Cranberry Hall," on which 
Colonel Thomas Whit«, the father of Bishop White, was 
buried, had passed out of the hands of the family, and that, 
for greater security, it was very desirable his ashes should be 
removed to the churchyard of old St. George's, Spesutiae, of 
which parish Col. White had been an active and interested 
vestryman. In fact, a formal vote for the disinterment and 
removal had been adopted by the authorities of the parish, 
on the condition that the families interested should give their 

Communication, in person or by letter, was at once opened 
with those who had any claim to be consulted, and the 7th 
day of June, 1877, was fixed upon for the recommittal. 

The Rev. Mr. Bronson, accompanied by his nephew, Mr. 
Henry Reed, repaired to Perrymansville on Wednesday, the 
6th, to be present at the disinterment. Having been met at 
the station by the rector and three of his vestrymen, as also 
by Messrs. William White Ramsay Hall and Henry C. Hall, 
lineal descendants of Col. White, we repaired to the burial 
plot Col. Thomas White had been buried 98 years, and his 
wife Sophia 128 years. Still, the fragments of two skeletons, 

264 Meeting of DesceiidaiUs of CoL Thonias White. 

wonderfully preserved, were unearthed. The space occupied 
by a coffin could be distinctly traced, and even large portions 
of the wood, in a spongy condition, were recovered. Every- 
thing pertaining to the original interment, which could be 
collected, was placed in a new walnut case, and left in the 
church, before the chancel, until the following day. 

On Thursday morning the representatives of three femilies, 
to wit, the Halls, Whites, and Morrises, all lineal descendants 
of Col. "White, and numbering fifty-seven, assembled in St 
George's Church, for the completion of our pious work. 

Of the femily of Mr. Aquila Hall, there were present Mr. 
and Mrs. J. Plaskitt, and the Misses Alverda W. and Elizar 
beth Hall; Mr. Thomas White Hall, and Dr. and Mrs. 
Richard Emory, Mr. and Mrs. Edward Aquila Howard Hall, 
Mr. and Mrs. George W. Mayo, Mr. William George Hall 
and Miss Isabella Berthia Hall ; Mr. and Mrs. William P. C. 
Whitaker and Miss Ellen Ramsay Whitaker ; the Rev. and 
Mrs. William F. Brand ; Mrs. General Barnard and Miss 
Jeannie Brand Barnard ; Mr. Henry Carvil Hall ; Mr. and 
Mrs. William White Ramsay Hall ; Mrs. Dr. John Hanson 
Briscoe, and Miss Maria Reeder Key. 

Of the family of Bishop White : Miss Elizabeth White 
Wiltbank ; Mr. and Mrs. Wm. White Wiltbank, and Misses 
Esther Macpherson and Gertrude Wiltbank, and Master 
William Macpherson Wiltbank ; Mrs. Reed, and Miss Mary 
Bronson Reed, and Mr. Henry Reed ; Rev. and Mrs. Wm. 
White Bronson, and Mr. Wm. White Bronson, junior ; Mr. 
Thomas Harrison Montgomery, and Miss Rebecca Morton 
Montgomery, and Masters James Alan and Samuel George 
Morton Montgomery ; Mr. J. Brinton White, and Misses 
Lydia Biddle and Sarah Frederica White, and Master Wil 
liam White ; the Misses Maria Heath, Catharine Ann, and 
Charlotte White ; Mr. Thomas Harrison White ; Mr. Whar- 
ton White. 

Of the family of Mr. Robert Morris : Mr. and Mrs. Charles 
Henry Hart ; Mrs. Baird Snyder, and Miss Mary White Mor- 
ris, Miss Charlotte Eliza Morris ; Mrs. James Darraeh, and 
Miss Edith Morris Darrach. 

Meeting of Descendants of Col. ITiomas White. 265 

There were also present the following friends of the family 
and others : The Rev. Mr. Christian, rector of St. George's 
Church, SpesutifiB, and Miss Christian, with the vestry of the 
church ; the Rev. George A. Leakin and the Rev. Charles W. 
Rankin, of Baltimore ; the Rev. Thomas F. Davies, D.D. and 
John William Wallace, LL.D., of Philadelphia ; Edward F. 
De Lancej, Esquire, of New York, etc. etc. 

A service for the occasion, prepared by the Rev. Mr. Bron- 
flon, was used, in which the rector of St. George's, the Rev. 
Dr. Davies, of Philadelphia, the Rev. Mr. Brand, and the 
Rev. Mr. Bronson took part. The service, thus used, will be 
found printed on a subsequent page, together with the brief 
addresses of the Rev. Mr. Bronson, of the Rector, and of the 
Rev. G. A. Leakin. 

At the conclusion of this service we repaired to the farm 
and house where Col. White died, and known as " Sophia's 
Dairy." This most appropriate spot had been fixed upon for 
the family reunion, and for hearing certain historical papers. 
Mr. Thomas H. Montgomery, having been called upon to pre- 
side, prefaced the reading of the first paper with certain ap- 
propriate remarks, in which we were reminded of one great 
object of our assembling, to wit, that we "should be taught " a 
fuller realization of the duties and responsibilities which are 
imposed upon us by a respected and honored ancestry ;" that 
we should each strive, " in our several ways and paths, to 
uphold, with honor and dignity, the heritage we find left to 
us by an upright and G^-fearing ancestry ; for this is the 
lesson which the history of earnest men should teach those 
who carry their blood." Mr. Montgomery then announced 
the papers in their order, as follows : — 

A paper on Col. Thomas White, by Mr. William White 

A paper on Bishop White and his descendants, by Mr. J. 
Brinton White. 

A paper on the descendants of Mrs. Robert Morris, by 
Mr. Charles Henry Hart. 

A paper on the Ancestry of Col. Thomas White, by Mr, 
Henry Reed. 

266 Meeting of Descendants of Col. Thomas White. 

It had been intended that immediately after the reading of 
the paper by ^Mr. Wiltbank, a paper on the descendants of 
Mrs. Aquila Hall should be presented, but in lieu thereof 
some appropriate extemporaneous remarks were made by the 
Rev. Mr. Brand, a connection of that branch by marriage. 

The following is a list of the articles relating to Colonel 
^VTiite, which were exhibited at the meeting : — 

Sundry letters to Col. White from his sisters in England, 
Elizabeth White, Mrs. Sarah Midwinter, Mrs. Charlotte 
Weeks, ranging from April 7, 1747, to October 16, 1776 ; dif- 
ferent ones being in the possession of Mrs. Reed, Miss Nixon, 
Miss Morris, and Mr. T. II. Montgomery. 

Business letter book of Col. White, in his own writings 
from May 4, 1751, to December 16, 1775, in the possession of 
Mr. T. H. Montgomery. 

Three account books, journal, day-book, ledger, from April, 
1742, to 1767, in the possession of Mr. T. H. Montgomery, 
being purchased by him, the existence and whereabouts of the 
same having been kindly communicated by Mr. John W, 



Desk of Col. White, with drawers, brass mounted, secret 
drawers, surmounted by chest of drawers ; in possession of 
Mr. T. H. Montgomery. 

Watch of Col. White, afterwards in use by Bishop White, 
and given by the latter's son to Mr. T. H. Montgomery', in 

Will of Col. White, April 15, 1778, at Constant Friendship, 
Harford County, and duplicate, both in writing of Col. White. 

Mourning ring, one of those directed in will of Col. White ; 
in possession of Mr. T. H. Montgomery. (The only one 

Prayer book, London, 1713, of Mrs. Sarah Midwint^, 
"Nov. 1748," given by her to her nephew, Bishop White, 
who wrote in it his own family record. 

Miniature of Col. Thomas White, set in pearls, owned by 
Mrs. C. H. Hart. 

Miniature of Col. Thomas White, owned by Mr, Qeorge 


Meeting of Descendants of Col. Thomas White. 267 

The Bishop of Gloucester's Exposition of the Catechism of 
^he Church of England, London, 1686 ; given to Elizabeth 
Hicigh, the mother of Col. White, by her uncle, the Rt. Rev. 
Henry Downes, D.D., matriculated at Oxford New College, 
SO Aug. 1686, aged 19. Rector of Brhigton, Co. Northamp- 
i:on, 1699. Bishop of Killdla, Ireland, 1717, of Elphin 1720, 
of Meath 1724, of Deny 1727. Died January 14, 1734-5. 
IBuried at St. Mary's, Dublin. This volume contains the 
autographs of Elizabeth Leigh, Col. Thomas White, and 
IBishop White ; the latter signed to an autograph memoran- 
dum on the fly-leaf. 

Coat of arms of Elizabeth White (mother of Col. Thomas 
White), owned by Mrs. George W. White. 

Miniature of Mrs. Charlotte Ramsay, eldest daughter of 
Aquila and Sophia Hall, now owned by Miss Jeannie Brand 

A volume entitled " The Devout Christian instructed How 
to Pray and Give thanks to God," &c., by Symon Patrick, 
D.D., late Lord Bishop of Ely, London, 1718. On the title- 
page is written, "Thomas White, 1719, his Book, given him 
by His Cozen, George White." The above is in the possession 
of the Rev. Wm. White Bronson. 

It may be noted, as a coincidence, that the same office, 
which was participated in by a large share of those present on 
the above occasion, was discharged in honor of Bishop White, 
on the 28d of Dec. 1870, when, at the request of the rector 
and vestry, his ashes were re-interred beneath the chancel of 
Christ Church, Phila. 

The following is the order of service : — 


The Lord's Prayer, by the Rev. T. F. Davies, D.D., Rector 
of St. Peter's, Phila. 
The Lesson : Ecclesiasticus xliv., 1 to 15 v. 

1. Let OB now praise famous men, and oar fathers that begat us, etc. etc. etc.' 

' The Lesson and Psalm were read by the Rev. W. F. Brand, of St. 
Mary's, Harford County, Md. 

268 Meeting of Descendants of CoL TTumuis WhUe. 
The Psalm : Psalm cxlvi. Lauda anima inea. 

Praise the Lord, my soul : while I live, will I praise the Lord ; yea, ai 
loDg as I have auy being, I will sing praises unto my God, etc. etc 

Hymn 202 of Prayer Book, 

Collects ottered by the Rev. W^ White Bronson, Chaplain 
of Christ Church Hospital, Phila. 

Almighty God, who hast knit together thine elect in one commmiion 
and fellowship, in the mystical body of thy Son Christ our Lord ; Grant ns 
grace so to follow thy blessed Saints in all virtnoos and godly liWng, that 
we may come to those unspeakable joys, which thou hast prepared for those 
who unfeignedly love thee ; through Jesus Christ our T^rd. Amen. 

God, whose days are without end, and whose mercies caonot be num- 
bered, etc. etc. etc. 


The sentence of re-committal was read hy the Rev. E. 
Christian, Rector of St. George's, Spesutige, and was as fol- 
lows : — • 

Forasmuch as it pleased Almighty God, in His wise Providence, to take 
out of this world the souls of the deceased, we therefore re-commit their 
bodies to the ground ; earth to earth, ashes to ashes, etc. 

The closing prayers were offered by Mr. Bronson, as fol- 
lows : — 

Grant, Lord, that as we are baptized into the death of thy bleseed Son 
our Saviour Jesus Christ, so, etc. etc. 

Almighty God, we give Thee hearty thanks for Thy servants, long since 
delivered from the miseries of this sinful world, and, as we trust, admitted 
to sure consolation and rest. Grant, we beseech lliee, that at the day of 
judgment, their souls, and all the souls of Thy elect, departed out of this 
life, may with us, and we with them, fully receive Thy promises, and be 
made perfect altogether, through the glorious resurrection of Thy Son, Jesus 
Christ, our Lord. Amen, 

The jrrace of our Lord. etc. 

At this point the Rev. Mr. Bronson addressed the rector, 
wardens, and vestrymen of St. George's, Spesutise, thus : — 

My reverend brother, the rector, and you, gentlemen, the 
wardens and vestrymen of St. George's, Spesutiie, brethren 
heloved : by a vote of your corporat-e body it was resolved, 
the descendants of Colonel White consenting and co-oper»t- 

Meeting of Descendants of Col. Thomas White. 269 

ing, that for greater security the ashes of Col. White should 
he removed to the churchyard of St. George's, Spesuties. 

To your thoughtfulness and regard for the proper care of 
one of the departed in Christ, we are indebted for the oppor- 
tunity now afforded us of paying due and becoming respect 
to an ancestor who may be numbered with those of whom 
the son of Sirach speaks, ^' Their bodies are buried in peace, 
but their name liveth forevermore." 

As the lineal descendants, on two sides, of the &milies of 
our venerated ancestor, we beg leave to tender you our very 
grateful acknowledgments for the high respect thus paid to 
the memory of the departed. 

We have discharged our portion of this interesting, sacred 
work. All that could be recovered, after the lapse of so many 
years, of the ashes of Col. White and of his wife, Soi)hia, 
now lies before you. To you, and to your official custody, 
we entrust the remains, assured that they will be sacredly 
guarded until re-animated by him who has said — 

" I am the resurrection and the life." 

The Rev. Mr. Christian, on behalf of the parish, accepted 
the trust in the following words : — 

Beverend Sir : In the name and on behalf of the wardens 
and vestry of this parish, I accept the sacred deposit that you 
have in such appropriate terms confided to our care. We 
will cherish these honored remains with pious veneration. 
We will regard them as a treasure of inestimable value, and 
while we repudiate all superstitious notions concerning them, 
we will regard the tomb that contains them as a hallowed 
shrine, to which we can often repair for fresh inspirations. 
It is with feelings of pride that we will recall the fact that 
the distinguished individual whose remains are before us was 
long a vestryman of this parish ; that he was the father of 
the most illustrious of our bishops, whose name is venerable, 
and whose memory is dear to every member of the American 
church. A man who was the contemporary and the personal 
friend of the immortal Washmgton ; and whose serene wis- 
dom had a greater agency in organizing and moulding the 


270 Meeting of Descendants of Col. T/ionias White. 

church in this country to suit the genius of our political in- 
stitution than any other person, and who lived many years 
to preside over its councils and shape its legislation. While 
the possession of these hallowed remains confers great honor 
upon us, the position that you and those you represent occupy 
imposes vast responsibilities upon you and them. Col. White 
and his illustrious son have bequeathed a noble and splendid 
legacy to their descendants. The responsibilities are measured 
by the value of that inheritance. The world will hold you 
and them to a rigid accountability for the use you make of 
this rich depository of fame. You wuU be required to trans- 
mit it unimpaired and undimmed to those who are to come 
after you. You will be expected to transmit, if not the same 
splendid talents that were so conspicuous in them, the same 
shining virtues that adorned their character, and the same 
lofty sentiments that inspired their bosoms. Those whose 
ancestors were distinguished enjoy superior advantages over 
their fellow-men, and, unless they move on a higher plane 
than others, will be thought to have forfeited all claim to the 
glorious heritage that has been handed down to them. Per- 
mit me to tell you that you have a higher and a stronger 
motive to impel you in the path of honor and distinction than 
others. The thought of preserving untarnished the proud 
title you bear, ought to be a powerful incentive to grand and 
lofty deeds. Let it not be thought that we are performing 
an idle and useless ceremony. We are performing a duty in- 
spired by the best instincts of our nature. We are following 
the example of that most enlightened people that adorn the 
page of history. The ancient Greeks regarded it as a sacred 
duty to snatch from oblivion the illustrious deeds of their 
ancestors ; they employed the painter, the poet, the sculptor, 
the orator, and the historian to record their virtues and trans- 
mit them to posterity. They were not only impelled by a 
sense of gratitude to their ancestors, but by a desire to hold 
them up as examples to excite the emulation of future gene- 
rations. Nor was this custom confined to the cultivated 
Greek, but the church in primitive times adopted the same 
usage. Some of the finest specimens of sacred eloquence that 

Meeting of Descendants of Col. JTiomas White. 271 

liave come down to us are orations delivered on such occasions 
sis this, by such men as St. Chrysostom, St. Basil, St. Augus- 
-tine, St. Ambrose, and others. Every monument of the dead, 
jfrom mighty pyramids of Egypt to the humblest headstone, 
is a proof that this feeling to commemorate the dead is natu- 
ral and universal. Shallow thinkers may see no use in it, but 
the more thoughtful mind will see a deep philosophy lying 
s,t its basis. In the presence of this assembly, and in the firm 
l)elief of the resurrection of the dead, we deposit these holy 
relics in the bosom of the earth, there to repose until " The 
great Archangel's trump shall somid." 

The Reverend George A. Leakin then said : — 
1 have been requested to speak on some local associations 
which surround this interesting occasion. The residents in 
cities can appreciate a secure resting place for the dead, un- 
disturbed by the encroachments of streets and houses. The 
graves of Macpelah are after the lapse of ages preserved in 
remembrance, and in all human probability this "Acre of 
God" shall experience no interruption until that day when 
earth and sea shall surrender their trust. 

In these times of rapid change, no historic dwelling is 
safe from the spoiler's hand. In vain do hallowed memo- 
ries appeal ; each year lessens the attachment, until the very 
church where our forefathers worshipped, at whose chancel 
the most sacred memories entwine, must yield its materials 
for some neighboring construction. The only relic of the 
origmal St. Paul's Church, Baltimore, is the spring whose 
waters yet rise to refresh the traveller, but this church of 
Spesutise (the surviving sister) is an exception. It is sub- 
stantially the same as when Col. Thomas White worshipped 
here. Its Bible of 1717 remains unimpaired. The lesson 
read this morning was from the same pages which taught 
our forefathers, and as you heard the 44th Chapter of Eccle- 
siasticus, you must have applied these words to the present 


" But these were merciful men, whose righteousness hath 
not been forgotten. With their seed shall continually remain 

272 Meeting of Descendants of CoL Thomas White. 

a good iiilieritance and their children are within the cove- 
nant. Their seed standeth fast and their children for their 
sakes ; their seed shall remain and their glory shall not be 
blotted out ; their bodies are buried in peace, but their name 
liveth for evermore ; the people will tell of their wisdom, and 
the congregation will show forth their praise." 

Besides its spring, this Church has a far greater treasure in 
uninterrupted services which quench the immortal thirst, in- 
vigorate life's weary traveller, and fully realize the Psalmist's 
experience, " All my fresh springs are in thee." 

The examples of the dead rcj^osing in the shadow of these 
walls furnish an irreversible legacy to children's children. 

This ground is hallowed by historic associations, civil, 
social, and ecclesiastical. "Within a few miles was the College 
of Rev. Dr. Coke, connected with a remarkable religious move- 
ment, who applied to Bishop White for consecration in a 
letter marked by interesting facts and important propositions. 

Contemporaneous w^ith Col. Thomas White were James 
Osborne (1743) and Benjamin Osborne (1753). These two 
vestrymen were descended from William, who built the first 
house in the present Ilarford County, the founder of the first 
Baltimore town on Bush River, some eight miles distant, and 
the owner of a ferry which for years was the only route 
between the north and south. 

The Susquehannock Indians living on the opposite shore of 
the bay attacked the early settlers of this region, and stole 
Osborne's oldest son. He and his retainers pursued them across 
the Chesapeake, but failed to recover him. This boy, whom 
he never again saw, was kindly treated by his captors, and an 
old chief told the father that his lost boy was living, and had 
become a chief among the red men, signing the treaty with 
William Penn in 1682. 

These materials woven by some skilful hand may at some 
future day invest this locality with universal interest. 

In the year 1744, the vestry of this church appointed Capt. 
James Philips, Col. Thomas White, Capt. Peregrine Frisbie, 
and Richard Ruff to acquaint the Governor of the death of 
Rev. Mr. Wilkinson and ask him to induct another clergyman. 


Meeting of Descendants of CoL Thomas White. 273 

Capt. Philips had previously presented to Spcautioe Church 
the two acres of land comprised in this tract. His father, 
Philip Philips, accompanied Osborne in the early settlement of 
" Old Baltimore," and attended the ferry which he afterwards 
purchased. Ilis grandson James Philips married Martha, 
daughter of John and sister of William Paca, signer of the 
Declaration of Independence and Governor of Maryland. In 
the eastern part of a field, the site of Old Baltimore, there is 
a burial ground in a grove of large walnut trees. The sur- 
rounding fenc»e has been removed, but in the midst of the 
grove is a fine marble slab covered with moss, which when 
removed disclosed the following epitaph : — 

** Beneath this stone is reposed the body of James Philips, and also in com- 
pliance with his dying reqaest the body of his wife, Martha Philips, daughter 
of John and Elizabeth Paca, born Feb. 3, 1744, married Jan. 25, 1776. 
Died March 6, 1829, having surrived her husband 26 years." 
" May brightest seraphs from the world on high 

Spread their light pinions o'er the sleeping tomb, 

And guard the dust within. Till from the sky 

The Sayior comes to bid the dead rebloom. 

Then may they rise I Together meet their change. 

Together hear the plaudit * Rest, well done !' 

Through spheres of light and spheres of glory range 

And sit with Jesus on his dazzling throne." 

On another farm, a few miles distant, is the private burial 
place of the Ruff fiamily , one of whom, Richard, was with CoL 
"White to consult the Governor. 

A notable man of this locality was Augustine Herman, a 
contemporary of Col. Utie, whose name is perpetuated in 
"Spes-Utie." Herman represented the Dutch Government, 
was subsequently api>ointed commissioner by Lord Baltimore 
to settle the boundary of Maryland and Virginia, of which 
States he made an excellent map, he was a man of science, 
and was rewarded by a large gift of land in Cecil County, 
known as " Bohemia Manor." His descendants were Vander- 
Heydens, Bordleys, Frisbies, Chews, Neales, Mifflins, Ship- 
pens, Jennings, Hynsons, and Randolphs. 

It is probable that the Frisby above mentioned was related 
to the one on CoL White's committee. 

274 Meeting of Descendants of Coc. Thomas While, 

Those immediately comiected with Col. White will give 
you an account of his official and private character. We 
know that he held a high position m the province of Mary- 
land, and all accounts delineate his worth. But there is one 
evidence quite conclusive. The character of the fether is 
reflected in the son, for, as the river is determined by its 
hidden mountain springs, so was the influence of Bishop 
White formed by the daily training of home. A progressive 
growth from infancy, a solidity like the mansion built by his 
father, unimpaired by time, surviving the temporary struc- 
tures of the present day. This permanency from early train- 
ing Bishop White illustrated by his life and enforced by his 

In a review of " Pompeii" the writer observes : " It is the 
characteristic of the noblest natures and the finest imagina- 
tions to love to explore the vestiges of antiquity and dwell 
in times that are no more. The past is the domain of the 
imaginative affections alone. We carry none of our baser 
passions with us thither." I cordially endorse this sentiment, 
over the portal of the past is written " Procul profiini !" The 
recollections of history are wise, her very fragments are valu- 
able. Those who have no past are likely to have no future, 
and you, who have such a past, transmit this legacy unim- 
paired to your descendants! Let your lives embalm this 
scene ! Let your own characters illustrate this day's transac- 

'* Such graves as these are Pilgrims' shrines, 
Shrines to no creed nor clime confined ; 
The Delphian Yales, the PalestineB, 
The Meccas of the mind." 


Washington's Encampment on the Nesharmny. 276 



On the Old York Road in Warwick Township, Bucks 
County, about twenty miles nearly north of Philadelphia, 
stands a substantial stone dwelling, to the history of which 
the attention of the writer was attracted some years ago. In 
it Washington made his head-quarters from the tenth to the 
twenty-third of August, 1777, and the local traditions and 
papers relating to the events of thope thirteen days are not 
devoid of interest. The house stands beside the road about 
one himdred and twenty yards from the northeast end of the 
present bridge over the Little Neshaminy Creek, at the foot 
of a long and rather steep elevation known as Carr's Hill ; and 
about half a mile above the village of Hartsville, formerly 
known as the Cross Roads. I have not ascertained who 
owned the property when the army encamped near it, but 
shortly after it was in the possession of Elijah Stinson, then 
of Reuben P. Ely, and afterwards of Wm. Bothwell, in whose 
family its title yet remains. In dimensions it is about twenty- 
five feet by twenty-seven, is two stories high, fronts south, and 
is elevated eight or nine feet above the present bed of the 
road. At the time of the Revolution it was one of the best 
finished houses in the neighborhood. Within its walls many 
important dispatches were written, and Generals Greene, Lin- 
coln, Stirling, and Lafayette, as well as Pulaski and others, 
gathered under its roof. The main body of the army was 
encamped around this house and on the top of the high hill 
to the north, on ground then owned by two brothers by the 
name of Wallace. 

On the opposite side of the road all orders to the army were 
posted, and a whipping post was erected for the pimishment 
of offenders. 

A short distance east of Hartsville on the Bristol Road, 

276 Washington's Encampment on the Heshaminy. 

another considerable body of the army was encamped, on the 
farm now owned by Major George Jamison. Lord Stirling's 
division of the army was stationed there, and a tradition 
survives in the neighborhood, that here General Washing- 
ton remonstrated with him on account of his convivial 
habits, which seems to be corroborated by the writings of 
Lafayette. Opposite this, on the farm now owned by John 
Ramsey, in Warminster Township, General Conway had his 
brigade of Pennsylvania troops encamped; and here also 
cattle were kept for the army. The Neshaminy Presbyterian 
Church is situated about half a mile further up the stream, in 
the graveyard of which a number of soldiers were buried who 
died during the encampment. Only conmion stones were used 
to denote their resting places, none of which have inscriptions 
of any kind. The old church was used as a hospital. 

It was on the banks of the Neshaminy that Lafayette first 
entered the army, and from his memoirs and correspondence 
we are enabled to obtain some additional information: He 
says that on the day of his arrival there was a review by 
Washington, and the men numbered about 11,000, who were 
ill armed and still worse clothed. The best clad wore hunt- 
ing shirts made of gray linen. As to their military tactics 
they were always ranged in two lines, the smallest men in 
front. In spite of their disadvantages, the soldiers were a fine 
body of men, and the officers zealous in the cause. " Virtue," 
he says, " stood in place of science, and each day added both 
to experience and discipline." He mentions Lord Stirling as 
more courageous than judicious, General Greene as a man of 
talents, and General Knox as having created the artillery. He 
further says, that after the English fleet had disappeared from 
near the Delaware, the soldiers amused themselves by making 
jokes at its expense. These, however, ceased when they heard 
of it being in the Chesapeake. 

Count Pulaski also, first entered the army at this place, 
respecting whom Washington says, " I enclose you a copy of 
Dr. Franklin's letter, and also of Mr. Deane's, couched in terms 
equally favorable to the character and military abilities of this 
gentleman. How he can be provided for, you will be best able 

Washififfton^s Mteampment on the Neshamintf. 277 

to determine. He takes this from me as an introductory letter 
»t hifl own request." 

Court martials were held on the 12th and 16th, at which 
CJolonel Sheldon presided, and respecting which the following 
orders were promulgated on the 19th: Edward Wilcox, 
quartermaster to Captain Dorsey's Troop, for deserting and 
taking a horse and accoutrements belonging to Colonel Moy- 
lan's Regiment, is sentenced to be led round the regiment on 
horseback with his &ce towards the horse's tail, and his coat 
turned wrong side outwards, and then to be discharged from 
the army. The Commander-in-Chief approves the sentence 
and orders it to be put into execution immediately. 

George Kilpatrick and Charles Martin, sergeants, Lawrence 
Bume and Enoch Wells, corporals, Daniel McCarty, Patrick 
Leland, Philip Franklin, Jacob Baker, Thomas Cries, Adam 
Bex, Frederick Ghiines, Daniel Eiiinking, Christian Longspit, 
Henry Winer, and Nicholas Walner, privates in Colonel Moy- 
lan's Regiment of Light Dragoons, charged with mutiny and 
desertion, and adjudged worthy of death — ^the court esteeming 
the prisoners, except Sergeant Kilpatrick, objects of compas- 
sion, and as such recommend them to the Commander-in-Chief, 
who is pleased to grant them his pardon and also to Sergeant 
Kilpatrick. At the same time, the prisoners are to consider 
their crimes of a very atrocious nature, and have by the articles 
of war subjected themselves to the penalty of death. The 
remission of their punishment is a signal act of mercy in the 
Gomjnander-in-Chief, and demands a very great and full return 
of fidelity, submission, and obedience, in any future military 
service which he shall assign them. The prisoners are to quit 
the horse, and enter into the foot service in such corps to which 
they shall be assigned. 

Thomas Farshiers and George House, of Colonel Moylan's 
B^ment, tried by the same court are found guilty of the 
charge of mutiny and desertion, but some favorable circum- 
stances appearing in their behalf, they are sentenced to receive 
twenty-five lashes on their naked backs. The Commander-in- 
Chief remits the penalty of whipping, and they are to be dis- 
posed of in the foot service. 

278 Washington's Uncampnent on the Neshaminy. 

Amongst the officers at the Neshaminy encampment may 
also be mentioned Generals Stephen, Lincoln, and Muhlen- 
berg, Col. Charles Cotesworth Pmckney, and Colonels Bland, 
Baylor, Sheldon, and Moylan, who commanded four regi- 
ments of horse. The latter officer had in charge the Fourth 
Regiment of Pennsylvania Light Dragoons, a corps that saw 
considerable service during the war. 

It appears by Washington's correspondence with Congress 
that as early as July 25th he had ascertained that the British 
fleet in the harbor of New York was on the eve of sailing 
with a powerful force for some destination unknown. He 
was then sixteen miles from Morristown, New Jersey, and 
believing that the enemy were bound for the southward, and 
very probably Philadelphia, set the army in motion for the 
river Delaware. On the 28th he arrived at Coryell's Ferry, 
now Lambertsville, with General Greene's division, where he 
halted for further news. On the Slst his entire command had 
crossed the Delaware, and on that evening and the following 
day had arrived near Gtermantown, where they awaited further 

Under date of "head-quarters, camp near Germantown, 
August 9, 1777," Washington writes: "The disappearance 
of the enemy's fleet for so many days rendering it rather 
improbable that they will again return, I have thought it 
advisable to remove the army back to Coryell's, where it will 
be near enough to succor Philadelphia, should the enemy, 
contrary to appearances, still make that the object of their 
next operation ; and will be so much the more conveniently 
situated to proceed to the northward, should the event of the 
present ambiguous and perplexing situation of things call 
them that way. I was the more inclined to this step, as the 
nearness of the army to the city — ^besides other disadvantages 
— ^afforded a temptation, both to officers and men, to indulge 
themselves in licenses inconsistent with discipline and order, 
and consequently of an injurious tendency." 

On " Sunday evening, August 10th, at 9 o'clock," he writes 
to the President of Congress : " I this minute received your 
favor of this afternoon, transmitting intelligence that a fleet 


WashingtorCa JEncampmaU on the NeshanUny. 279 

was seen off Sinapaxent on the 7th instant. I was about three 
miles eastward of the Billet tavern, on the road leading to 
Coryell's Ferry, when the express arrived. The troops are 
'encamped near the road, where they will remain till I have 
fiirther aceoimts respecting the fleet, which you will be pleased 
to forward to me by the earliest conveyance after they come 
to hand." The Shiapuxent Inlet spoken of is nearly fifty 
miles south of the capes of Delaware Bay. 

Respecting this movement. General Greene writes to his 

brother from the '^ Camp at the Cross Roads," as he calls the 

encampment, as follows: " We have been in and about the city 

of Philadelphia for near a fortnight past, ignorant of General 

Howe's destination. I hope it will not be against Xew 

England, but I have my fears. We were marching towards 

CJory ell's Ferry from the city, expecting the fleet was gone 

jtwardly, when, by an express from the President of Con- 

\j last night, we learned that the fleet are bound west- 

^^rardly. I wish it were true." On the 14th he expresses 

liimself further on the matter to General Varnum : " I am 

tx>tally ignorant yet. This manoeuvre of General Howe is so 

strange and unaccoimtable that it exceeds all conjecture. Our 

;poBition in the Jerseys was calculated to cover the North 

Hiver and Philadelphia, and afford protection to the State of 

UJew Jersey, but the cry was so great for the salvation of 

^Philadelphia that the General was prevailed upon to leave 

OoryeU's Ferry, contrary to his judgment, and march down 

tx> the city, and I expect to have our labors for our pains. 

\Ve are now within about twenty miles of the city, waiting 

"to get better information." 

From a letter of the 15th, sent by General Conway to the 
Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, we learn that 
lis four regiments were very weak, one numbering two 
liundred men, and the other three averaging one hundred and 
eixty men each. In a letter to the same on the 17th, he writes: 
•* I have heard that you had resolved to send seven hundred 
imd fifty men to the Northern Army. I must own to you 
that this resolve seems to me to be nothing else than wasting 
men in a most wanton manner, and at a time when men are so 

280 WaahingtovCa Encampment on the Neshaminy. 

hard to be gott. It seeniB clear to every man in the continent 
this day, that Philadelphia is the enemy's chief object, he 
certainly means to visit that place, and will attempt it before 
this campaign is over. I find that your troops make up the 
strong half of this army, and although your regiments are 
not where they should or might be, yet, they seem to me 
beyond the others. I am sure you could make up an army 
able to stop Mr. Howe's progress ; this must be your chief 
care ; reinforce your regiments, and do not deprive yourselves 
of men which you certainly will want before it is long." 
Here is certainly a high compliment paid to Pennsylvania; 
though asking for more soldiers, he makes the confession that 
those already here from that State " make up the strong half 
of this army." 

On the 17th, General Greene wrote to General Vamum, that 
"Our situation is not a little awkward — ^buried in the countiy, 
out of hearing of the enemy. His excellency is exceedingly 
impatient ; but it is said, if Philadelphia is lost, all, all is 
ruined. It is a great object to be sure, but not of that great 
magnitude that it claims in the measure of the American 
police. Rest assured we shall not remain idle long." 

Washington the same day despatched Lafayette from Ne- 
shaminy with a letter to Congress, in which he says that 
" Contrary to my wishes, but from the necessity of the case, 
I ordered Colonel Morgan to march immediately with his 
corps as an additional 8upix)rt. I hope they will be of 
material service, particularly in opposing the savage part 
of General Burgoyne's force." To General Putnam the day 
previous he wrote : " I have determined to send up Colonel 
Morgan's corps of riflemen, who will fight them in their own 
way. They will march from Trenton to-morrow morning, 
and reach Peekskill with all expedition. You will please to 
have sloops ready to transport them, and provisions laid in, 
and that they may not wait a moment. The corps consists 
of five hundred men." " From an apprehension of the Indian 
mode of fighting," Washington wrote to Gates on the 20th, 
" I have despatched Colonel Morgan with his corps of riflemen 
to your assistance, and presume they will be with you in 

Washington's Encampment cm the Neshaminy. 281 

eight days from this date. This corps I have great depend- 
ence on, and have no doubt but they will be exceedingly use- 
ful as a check given to the savages, and keephig them within 
proper bounds, will prevent General Burgoyne from getting 
intelligence as formerly, and animate your other troops from 
a sense of their being more on an equality with the enemy." 

The 21st must have been a day of doubt and anxiety in the 
American camp. " From the time that has elapsed," writes 
Washington to Congress, " since General Howe departed from 
the Capes of Delaware, there is the strongest reason to con- 
clude that he is going far either to the eastward or south- 
ward, and with a design to execute some determined plan." 
Reasoning thus, he called a council of his general officers, at 
which Lafayette first took his place as Major-General. After 
a careful consideration of the subject, it was unanimously 
concluded : " First, that the enemy had most probably sailed 
for Charleston ; second, that it was not expedient for the 
army to march southward, as it could not possibly arrive in 
time to aflford succour ; thirdly, that the army should move 
immediately towards the I^Torth River." Tlie decision of the 
board of officers was forwarded to Congress for their approval 
by the Commander-in-chief, who, in his letter to that body, 
said : " That I may not appear inconsistent, to advise and to 
act before I obtain an opinion, I beg leave to mention that I 
shall move the army to the Delaware to-morrow morning, to 
change their ground at any rate, as their present encampment 
begins to be disagreeable, and w^ould injure their health in a 
short time. Our forage also begins to grow scarce here." 
Col. Hamilton was sent to carry these resolves to Congress 
and bring back their opinion. " By three o'clock the active 
young aid-de-camp" entered the hall of Congress with Wash- 
ington's dispatches ; after reading these Congress adjourned 
for two hours. 

On the morning of the 21st word had been received in 
Philadelphia that the British fleet of upwards of one hun- 
dred sail had been seen on the night of the 14th inst., stand- 
ing in between the Capes of Chesapeake Bay. This intelli- 
gence had been forwarded to Washington by the President 

282 Washington's Encampment on ike NeshanUny. 

of Congress, but the bearer of it doubtless passed Hamiltou 
on the way. 

As no further news of the fleet had been received during 
the day, Congress, upon assembling after its temporary ad- 
journment, ^^ Resolved^ That Congress approve the plan of 
marching the army towards Hudson River, and that General 
Washington act as circumstances require." The news of the 
fleet which President Hancock had sent to Washington, had 
awakened in his mind that caution which so strongly marked 
his character, and without awaiting the return of Hamilton 
he wrote at once to Congress : " I am this moment honored 
with yours of this morning, containing several pieces of intel- 
ligence of the fleet's having been seen off' the Capes of Vir- 
ginia on the 15th inst. I shall, in consequence, halt upon my 
present ground till I hear something further." 

This season of suspense ended on the morning of the 22d, 
when information arrived at Philadelphia that the enemy's 
fleet had entered Chesapeake Bay. As soon as this news 
reached camp on theNeshaminy the greatest activity prevailed. 
Gen. Kash was ordered to embark his brigade and Colonel 
Proctor's corps of artillery, if vessels could be procured for the 
purpose, and proceed to Chester ; or, if vessels could not be 
provided, to hasten towards that place by land with all pos- 
sible speed. Gen. Sullivan, w^ith his division which was sta- 
tioned at Hanover, N. J., w^as directed to join the main army, 
and all the troops were ordered to be in readiness to march 
at an early hour on the morning of the 23d. In the midst 
of the excitement which must have existed on the 22d, news 
was received of the victory gained by Gen. Stark at Benning- 
ton. The following extracts are taken from an order an- 
nouncing the event to the army, which was posted at the 
roadside : — 

" The Commander-in-chief has the happiness to inform the 
army of the signal victory obtained to the northward. A 
part of General Burgoyne's army, about 1500 in number, 
were detached towards New Hampshire, and advanced with 
a design to possess themselves of Bennington. Brigadier- 
Gen. Stark, of the State of New Hampshire, with 2000 men, 

WaahingUnCs Encampment on the Neshaminr/. 288 

mostly militia, attacked them. Our troops behaved in a very 
brave and heroic manner. They pushed the enemy from one 
work to another, thrown up on advantageous gromid, and 
from different posts, with spirit and fortitude, until they 
gained a complete victory over them." 

On the morning of the 23d the army moved down the Old 
York Road, Greene's division in the advance, followed by 
that of Stephen. After a march of about sixteen miles, it 
arrived at Germantown, at the lower end of which, at Sten- 
ton, the former residence of James Logan, Washington made 
liifl head-quarters. On the day the army left its encampment 
on the Keshaminy, Washington wrote to Congress that he 
Avould march the army through Philadelphia, as his officers 
xvere of the opinion that it might " have some influence on 
trhe minds of the disaffected there." From Stenton the 
orders respecting the march through Philadelphia were is- 
sued. They are minute in every particular, as the following 
extracts will show : " The army is to march in one column 
through the city of Philadelphia, going in at and marching 
clown Front Street to Chestnut, and up Chestnut to the com- 


The order of the divisions, the i)08itions of the horse and 
artillery, and the spaces between them were all fjrescribed. 

" It is expected that every officer, without exception, will 
Iceep his post in passing through the city, and under no pre- 
tence whatever leave it ; and if any soldier shall dare to 
leave his place he shall receive thirty-nine lashes at the first 
lalting-place afterwards." The officers were instructed " to 
prevent the people from pressing on the troops." 

" That the line of march through the city may be as little 
encumbered as possible, only one ammunition wagon is to 
attend the field-piece of each brigade and every artillery park. 
All the rest of the baggage-wagons and spare horses are to 
file off to the right, to avoid the city entirely, and move on 
to the bridge at the middle ferry, and there halt, but not so 
&r as to impede the march of the troops by preventing their 
passing them." 

284 Washington's Eneampinent on the Neshaminy. 

" Not a woman bolongmg to the army is to be seen with 
the troops on their march through the city." 

" Tlie soldiers will go to rest early this evening, as the 
general expects the whole line to be on the march at the hour 
appointed'* (4 A. M.). 

" The drums and fifes of each brigade are to be collected in 
the centre of it, and a tune for the quick-step played, but 
with such moderation that the men may step to it with ease, 
and without dancing along or totally disregarding the music, 
as has been too often the case." 

" The men are to be excused from carrying their camp ket- 
tles to-morrow." 

Crowds of citizens watched the march of the troops through 
Philadelphia on Sunday morning, August the 24th, 1777. 
"Washington, with Lafayette at his side, rode at the head of 
the column. It had rained early in the day, and an eye- 
witness feared " that it would spoil the show and wet the 
army." To give some uniformity to their appearance, the men 
wore sprigs of green in their hats. One who saw them wrote: 
*' Our soldiers have not yet quite the air of soldiers. They 
don't step exactly in time. They don't hold up their heads 
quite erect, nor turn out their toes so exactly as they ought. 
They don't all of them cock their hats, and such as do, don't 
all wear them the same way ;" but in the eyes of the writer' 
the spectacle was fine, and inspired confidence. On the even- 
ing of the 25th the army had arrived at Wilmington, and on 
the 11th of September they engaged the enemy at Brandy wine. 

' John Adami. 

Britjish Camp at TRUUiRurFiUN 

froiii ihe i8*to llip ai'.'oi' SrpU'niber 1/7;-, 

madi. by Major r.ENF.RAL OKKY 
j)It theRiiBKLS 
near H'Jf/JJi JttJJt.VJi 7:7 1'i/f, 
<m thi' ■Jo'^ol■ Septembei-, 
Df^iw,, f>y,it- f)/fiWro»tfu 

Sllfrjrd ffn,Uy>u< Iff Hf I'**K Oarv^ lit/i 




R K K K R t, ;" !■. K S - 
iAAA.. ManAi^Cr'.l.'irr-T.VjOi-u.Arnmi ,ii tny fhlnrnns u .taork iht Rr^ttl 
I.Li^lliAsCryatfinb/ylii'Ki'brillriitiidt in ria^Ui, . 

Zn.Thi Kahtit /l^mf mJhJtntT ■ 


ITie Massacre of FlaoU. 285 


or WEST CHBrriB, pa. 

Dkliyersd on the Centennial Anniykrsart op that event at the Dedi- 

For three-quarters of a century after the establishment by 
William Penn of his peaceful province of Pennsylvania, that 
portion of his colony known as the county of Chester enjoyed 
a singular immunity from strife and bloodshed. The time 
arrived, however, when the soil of our goodly county was to 
be pressed by the foot of the invader, and our citizens, there- 
tofore exempt from the calamities of war, were to see their 
fields crossed by hostile armies and made the theatre of mili- 
tary operations, while many of them, throwing aside the 
implements of husbandry, and forgetting for a time the arts 
and employments of peace, were to mingle in the general 

Early in the Revolutionary contest, Chester County became 
the scene of military operations. Our people deeply partici- 
pated m the indignation excited throughout the colonies by 
the oppressive and arbitrary measures of the British Govern- 
ment, and when the call to arms was made, they responded 
with alacrity, and contributed a full proportion of men for 
the service, and evinced a spirit scarcely to be expected among 
a people so generally opposed in principle to the practice of 
war. But a high enthusiasm at that time prevailed for the 
cause of the insulted and endangered liberties of our country, 
animating all ranks and classes, and inciting them to resist by 
arms the progress of usurpation, so that few, not absolutely 
restrained by scruples of conscience, felt disposed to disregard 
the call when their aid was required. 

It is to be remembered also, that while the members of the 

286 The Massacre of Padi. 

Society of Friends — who in principle were opposed to war — 
largely prepondemted in the eastern and central portions of 
the county, the southern, western, and northwestern portions 
thereof were principally inhabited by that sturdy and inde- 
pendent race known as the Scotch-Irish. Many of these 
people had emigrated to America, in consequence of the op- 
pression of the large landed proprietors, shortly before the 
breaking out of the Revolutionary war ; and, leaving the Old 
World in such a temper, they became a powerful contribution 
to the cause of liberty, and to the separation of the colonies 
from the mother country. To show the extent to which they 
engaged in the service, it may be stated that in the campaign 
of 1777, every able-bodied man in the large Presbyterian 
congregation of Brandy wine Manor, in Chester County, was 
in the army, and the gathering of the harvest and putting in 
of the fall crops were performed by the old men, women, and 
children. It was perhaps the only race of all that settled in 
the western w^orld that never produced one tory. The nearest 
approach to one was a man who was brought before a church 
session, and tried upon the charge that he was " suspected of 
not being sincere in his professions of his attachment to the 
cause of the revolution." The Scotch-Irish were a race who 
emphatically feared not the face of man, and who put their 
trust in God and their rifles. 

The descendants of the Welsh and the Swedes were also 
numerous in this county — especially in the eastern and eome 
of the northern townships — and contributed to swell the 
number of those who were ready at the bugle's call, to buckle 
on their armor with alacrity, and fight for liberty. 

To John Morton, a citizen of Chester, now Delaware County, 
a member of the Continental Congress, belongs the high honor 
of having voted for the Declaration of Independence, and thus, 
with Franklin and Wilson, who also voted in its fisivor, secured 
the voice of Pennsylvania. 

The first military force raised in Chester County was a 
regiment of volunteers, of which the gallant Anthony Wayne, 
then a farmer, residing about two miles from this spot, was 
appointed Colonel, and Richard Thomas, Lieutenant-Colonel. 

The Massacre of Padi. 287 

Col. Wayne soon afterwaixls joined the regular army, and the 
command devolved upon Col. Thomas. This regiment was 
raised as early as September, 1775. A second regiment was 
raised soon after the first had been formed, and officered prin- 
cipally by inhabitants of Chester County. Subsequently to 
this and throughout the war, this comity contributed its full 
quota to fill up the armies of the republic. 

It was a leading object of the British, early in the war, to 
occupy Philadelphia, and the campaign of 1777 was devoted 
by Sir William Howe and the tbrces under his command to 
that purpose. The importance of this place in a military point 
of view has been questioned on both sides, and Washington 
and Howe have both been censured for their pertinacity. 
Philadelphia was at that time the largest city in the revolted 
provinces ; it was the scat of the Continental Congress, and 
the centre of the colonies. Although commanding easy ac- 
cess to the sea, it was capable of being readily protected from 
the approach of a hostile fleet, and it lay in the heart of an 
open, extended country, rich, comparatively populous, and, so 
far, but little disturbed by the war. It was, in a sense, re- 
,garded as the capital of the new-bom nation, and the moral 
infl.uence resulting from its occupation by Congress was great, 
&nd it was deemed that an imjHjrtant point would be gained 
by its conquest. While the seat of Congress was secure, men 
xv^ere led to mock at the army which could not penetrate to 
the head-quarters of the infant nation. Another reason was 
the fact that the region around Philadelphia was, owing to its 
X>08ition, and the peaceful disposition of much of its popula- 
tion, less aflfected by the yoke of Britain, and less influenced 
\}y the enthusiasm of the other colonies, after the first excite- 
ment had subsided. In the possession of the British, this dis- 
affection to the cause of the revolution, it was thought by 
t:hem, would tend to strengthen their hold upon the country. 
With this end in view, the British fleet under Lord Howe, 
l>earing a land force eighteen thousand strong, left New York 
in July, 1777, with the intention of approaching Philadelphia 
T)y way of the Delaware River. When about to enter it, 
liowever, the British commander was informed that the 

288 The Massacre of PaoU. 

Americaiis had placed obBtruetiouB in the channel, and he 
therefore proceeded to the Chesapeake, up which he sailed, 
and on the 25th of August landed his forces at what was 
known as Turkey Point, near the head of the bay, with the 
view of proceeding eastward towards Philadelphia.^ 

The departure of the British fleet from New York was the 
signal for the march of the American troops to the south- 
ward. Washington was in some perplexity, being uncertain 
as to its objects, but directed the concentration of the army 
in Bucks County, Pennsylvania,* so as to meet the enemy 
should he attempt to approach Philadelphia, or to proceed 
northward should the New England States prove to be Howe's 
destination. As soon, however, as Washington was informed 
that the fleet was oflT the Capes of the Chesapeake, he turned 
his attention in that direction. On the 25th of August, the 
day the British landed at the Head of Elk, the Americans 
marched to Wilmington, and encamped on Red Clay Creek, 
a few miles below that place. Their whole eflfective force fit 
for duty was about eleven thousand men. 

Washington made immediate preparations to oppose the 
march of the enemy. From the first movements in advance 
from the Head of Elk, active skirmishing, sometimes of con- 
siderable bodies, took place, in which the Americans made a 
number of prisoners. On the 3d of September a severe though 
brief encounter occurred at Iron Hill, Pencader Hundred, 
Delaware, between a division of the British under Comwallis 
and Xnyphausen, and a body of Americans under the com- 

> Howe, in his " narrative," says that, upon finding it would be " extreme] j 
hazardous" to attempt to proceed np the Delaware, he " agreed with the 
Admiral to go up Chesapeake Bay, a plan which had been preconcerted 
in the event of a landing in the Delaware proving, upon our arriTal there, 
ineligible," which movement is said to have been the treasoaable suggestion 
of Charles Lee. See Treason of Charles Lee, by Geo. H. Moore, N. Y., 1860- 

* The movements of Washington from the time he entered Pennsylvania 
until he passed through Philadelphia, on his way to Brandywine, will be 
found in the article entitled " Washington's Encampment on the Nesh*- 
miny," by W. J. Buck, p. 275. 


Ihe Massacre of Fadi. 289 

mand of Gen. Maxwell.' On the 8th the American army took 
its position behind Red Clay Creek, the left resting upon 
Newport, and the right extending a considerable distance up 
the creek to Hockesson. Here a battle was anticipated. 
Washington, however, from the movements of the enemy, saw 
that their object was to turn his right, cross the Brandywine, 
and cut off his communication with Philadelphia, which, 
if successfully carried out in the position which he then 
occupied, would have hemmed him in between the British 
army and their fleet, where he must have been overpowered, 
or compelled to fight his way out under every disadvantage. 
He accordingly, after reconnoitering the enemy, withdrew to 
Chads' Ford, on the Brandywine, where he arrived on the 
9th of September, and took up his position on the east side 
of the stream, and entrenched himself on the high ground 
immediately north of the present Chads' Ford Hotel. Max- 
well's light infentry occupied the advanced posts, and during 
the night of the 10th threw up defences on the west side, at 
the approaches to the ford. At this spot, in the beautiful 
valley of Chester County's classic stream, Washington re- 

' Gen. R. Fitzpatrick, an officer under Howe, wrote to the Countess of 
Ossorj, from the Head of E]k (Sept. 1, 1777) : *' We have had a most tedious 
Toyage from New York to this part of the Continent, where we have found 
no enemy to trouble us hitherto, as our antagonists hare very wisely adopted 

a system of avoiding fighting A soldier of ours was yesterday 

taken by the enemy beyond our lines, who had chopped off an unfortunate 
woman's fingers in order to plunder her of her rings. I really think the re- 
turn of this army to England is to be dreaded by the peaceable inhabitants, 
and will occasion a prodigious increase of business for Sir J. Fielding and 
Jack Ketch. I am sure the office of the latter can never find more deserving 

objects for its exercise The maps give us very inaccurate accounts 

of the country, and our spies (if we have any) give us very little intelligence 
of our enemy; we heard different stories every moment, but none to be de- 
pended upon. General Washington dined here with a great attendance 
of officers two days before our arrival, and is now supposed to be between 
this and Philadelphia, which is about sixty miles from this place. The in- 
habitants are almost all fled from their honses, and have driven their cattle 
with them ; so we do not live luxuriously, though in a country that has every 
appearance of plenty, and is more beaatiful than can be conceived, wherever 
the woods are at all cleared." 

290 ni€ Massacre of Paoli. 

solved to take his stand, and do battle in defence of the Cily 
of Brotherly Love.^ 

On the evening of the 9th of September the British army 
entered Chester C!ounty in two divisions, one of which, nnder 
Gen. Knj'phausen, encamped at New Garden and Kennet 
Square, and the other, under Comwallis, a short distance be- 
low Hockesson Meeting House. Early next day they united 
at Kennet Square, whence in the evening the forces under 
Knyphauscn advanced towards Welsh's tavern, now known 
as the Anvil, probably for the convenience of water, and 

* The charms of the Bcenery of Chester Gountj have found frequent ex- 
pression in poetry as well as in prose ; but nowhere more suitably, or with 
more spirit, than in the language of her own son, the late T. Buchanm 
Read. The reproduction of the following lines, from his " Wagoner of the 
Alleghanies," is particularly appropriate at this time. 

The hour was loud, but louder still 

Anon the rage of battle roared 
Its wild and murderous will ; 

Prom Jefferis down to Wistar's ford, 

From Jones to Chads, the cannon poured^ 
While thuudertMl Osborne Hill. 
Oh, ne'er before fled holy calm 

Fron^ont its sainted house of prayer 

So frighted through the trembling air 
As from that shrine of Birmingham i 

Oft through the opeuing cloud wo scanned 
The shouting lenders, sword in hand, 

Directing the tumultuous scene ; 
There galloped Maxwell, gallant Bland, 

The poet-warrior, while between, 
Binging o'er all his loud command. 

Dashed the intrepid Greene. 

Here Sullivan in fury trooped, 

There Weed on like an eagle swooped, 

With Muhlenberg — where they were grouped 
The invader dearly earned his gains- 

And (where the mad should only be, 
The fiercest champion of the free) 
The loudest trumpet-call was Wayne's ; 

While in a gale of battle-glee, 
With rapid sword and pistol dealing 
The blows which set the foemen reeling, 

Sped "Light-horse Harry Lee." 

Hie Massacre of Paoli. 291 

those under C!omwallid remained encamped on the hills north 
and west of Kennet Square. 

On the morning of the 11th the army divided into two 
columns — one division, under Knyphausen, marching directly 
through Kennet and Pennsbury Townships to Chads' Ford, 
by the Philadelphia road ; and the other, under Comwallis, 
and accompanied by Sir William Howe, taking a circuitous 
route, traversing portions of the townships of Kennet, East 
Marlborough, Newlin, West Bradford, East Bradfoixl, and 
Birmingham, crossing the west branch of the Brandy wine at 
Trimble's Ford, a short distance south of Marshalton, and 
the east branch mainly at Jefteris' Ford, and approaching 
Birmingham ^Meeting House from the north : the object of 
these movements l>oing to hem the Americans in between the 
two forces, and thus make them an easy prey. 

The column under Comwallis set out about daybreak, and 
that under Knyphausen about nine o'clock. A very dense 
and heavy fog continued until a late hour. The column un- 
der Knyphausen skirmished with the advanced parties of the 
Americtm army sent lorwaixl to harass the march of the 
British troops. Maxwell's corjw, which occupied the hills 
west of the Brandy wine, was driven across the stream after a 
severe engagement, and joined the main body of the Ameri- 
can army, which was ranged in order of battle, awaiting the 
attack of the enemy. Several detachments of the Americans 
subsequently recrossed the creek and assailed the British, 
who were laboring to throw up entrenchments and plant bat- 
teries. A footing having been secured on the western bank. 
Gen. Maxwell returned in force, and a warm conflict ensued ; 
the Americans driving the enemy from the ground. Tlie 
sliarpness of the skirmish soon drew upon them ovenvhelm- 
ing numbers, and the Americans were again repulsed. Knyp- 
hausen paraded on the heights, reconnoitering the American 
army, and by various movements appeared to be making dis- 
positions to force a passiige of the stream, and every moment 
the attempt was expected to be made. 

Gen. Comwallis, with the larger division of the British 
army, under the cover of the hills and forests, and aided by 

292 The Massacre of PaoU. 

the fog, proceeded in the circuitous route a considerable dia- 
tuuce unobserved, and must have reached the hills south of 
Trimble's Ford about the time that Eiiyphausen moved from 
his position east of Kennet Square. Some cannons were dis> 
charged at this point (and cannon-balls have been found in 
the vicinity) for which it is difficult to account, unless they 
were designed to notify Knyphausen that they had gained a 
midway position, or to direct him to march to the Ford. 

Gen. Sullivan, who commanded the right wing of the Ame- 
rican army, had received instructions to guard the fords as 
high up as Buffington's — now Little's — just above the forks 
of the Brandy wine, and scouting parties were sent out in 
various directions to watch the movements of the enemy. 
About one o'clock intelligence was brought that the enemy's 
left wing was about crossing the Brandywine above its forks, 
and Col. Bland sent word to Washington that a large force 
was seen advancing up the road towards Trimble's Ford, and 
this was confirmed by a note from C!ol. Ross who was in their 
rear, and who estimated the force that he had seen at not less 
than five thousand. Washington, on receiving this intelligence 
of a large division being so far separated from the army at 
Chads' Ford, formed the design of detaching Sullivan and 
Lord Stirling to engage the colunm conducted by Comwallis, 
should he attempt to cross the stream, while he in person 
should cross over with the residue of the troops and attack 
the forces under Knyphausen. 

In pursuance of this determination. Sterling was despatched 
with a considerable force to occupy the high ground in the 
vicinity of Birmingham Meeting House, while other necessary 
dispositions were made upon the left. At the critical moment 
when the plan was about to be executed, counter-intelligence 
was received, inducing the opinion that the movement of 
Comwallis was merely a feint, and that after making demon- 
strations of crossing the Brandywine above its forks, he must 
actually have marched down the right bank of the stream, 
and was about to re-unite his column with that of Knyphau- 
sen. This opinion was confirmed by the report of a number 
of light horse that had been sent to reconnoitre. 

The Massacre of PaolL 293 

While Washington was in a state of painful uncertainty, 
produced by these conflicting accounts, 'Squire Thomas Che- 
ney — a citizen of Thombury township — rode up to the forces 
under Sullivan with intelligence that the main body of the 
IBritish army had crossed the Brandy w me, and was already at 
liand, approaching from the north ; and, being uncourteously 
received by that General, demanded to be led to the Com- 
Tnander-in-Chief. This was done, and, although Washington 
^vas at first disposed to doubt the correctness of the informa- 
i;ion, he was at length convinced of its truth, and immediately 
disposed of his troops to meet the emergency. It is said that 
some of the Gtenerars staff spoke rather sneeringly and in- 
-credulously of the rustic 'Squire's information, which roused 
iiis temper. "If you doubt my word," said he to the Com- 
anander-hi-Chief, "put me under guard until you can ask 
Anthony Wayne or Persib Frazer if I am a man to be be- 
lieved ;" and then turning to the General's Attendants, he 
indignantly exclaimed — "I would have you to know that I 
have this day's work as much at heart as e'er a Blood of you !" 

I will not detain you on this occasion with the details of 
the battle which ensued — the far-famed battle of Brandy- 
wine. SuflSce it to say, that, after a severe contest, which was 
participated in by the gallant Lafayette, the Americans were 
defeated with a loss of three hundred killed and six hundred 
wounded, while the loss of the British was reported at one 
hundred killed and four hundred wounded. Three or four 
hundred were taken prisoners, chiefly of the wounded.* 

* The following account of the engagement at Brandywine is from an 
unsigned letter of a British officer, who took part in the battle, and has not, 
we believe, ever appeared in connection with a history of that event : — 

*• I should have written the Imperial ! consider the pain of the contusion. 
What excessive fatigue— a rapid march from four o'clock in the morning till 
four in the eve, when we engaged till dark. We fought Describe the 
battle. Twas not like those of Covent Garden or Drury Lane. Thou hast 
seen Le Brun's paintings and the tapestry at Blenheim are these natural 
lesemblances. Pshaw I quoth the captain en un mot. There was a most 
infernal fire of cannon and musketry ; smoke ; incessant shouting. * Incline 
to the right I Incline to the left I Halt I Charge !' etc. The balls plough- 
ing up the ground ; the trees cracking over one's head, the branches riven 

294 The Massacre of Paoli. 

A conftiderable part of the British army remained from the 
11th to the morning of the 16th of September in the neigh- 
borhood of the field of battle, the chief portion lying en- 
camped about DilworthtowTi and south of it, on the proper- 
ties then of Charles Dilworth and George Brinton. Gen. 
Howe had his head-quarters at a house near by, still standing, 
and now owned by Elias Baker. During this time they had 
a cattle-pen near Chads' Ford, where they collected and 
slaughtered large numbers of cattle and other animals and 
preserved them for the use of the army. Kearly all the live 
stock in the country for a considerable distance around was 
taken from the inhabitants. In some instances payment was 
made in British gold, but generally no compensation what- 
ever was given. The day after the battle, a detachment of 
the army, under Major-General Grant, marched to Concord 
Meeting House, w-here it was joined on the 13th by Lord 
Cornwallis with some light infantry and British grenadiers. 
From this point they moved to Village Green, a short dis- 
tance from Chester, and there encamped, leaving a detach- 
ment at Concord to guaixi the wounded left in the meeting 
house, and sending another to Wilmington, where there were 
some wounded. 

The Americans, after the battle, retreated towards Chester, 
where they arrived by different roads and at different times 
in the night. On the arrival of Washington at this place 
about midnight, he addressed a letter to Congress, giving 
them an account of the disaster. On the next day the army 
marched by way of Darby to Philadelphia, where it was 

by the artillery ; the leayes falling as in autumn bj the grape-Bbot The 
affair was general. 

The masters on both sides showed eondnct The action was brilliant 
Mr. Washington retreated (*. c. ran away), and Mr. Howe remained master 
of the field. We took ten pieces of cannon and a howitzer ; eight were 
brass, the other two of iron of a new constraction. I took a night-cap lined 
with fur, which I find very comfortable in the now * not summer evenings 
in ray tent/ A ball glanced about my ankle and contused it; for some 
days I was lifted off and on horseback in men's arms." — See McUeriaiafor 
History, by Frank Moore, New York, 1862. 

The Massacre of PaoU. 295 

joined by straggling parties. The main body waa encamped 
near Gemiantown, where they were allowed two or three 
days to rest. 

The question has been frequently mooted whether the fact 
that the British had divided their forces at the Battle of 
Brandywine should not have been discovered sooner than it 
was, and the disastrous defeat which took place have been 
prevented. I entertain the opinion, from a personal know- 
ledge of the entire section of country near where the battle 
was fought, that there was somewhere the most inexcusable 
negligence in not having earlier definitely ascertained the 
movements of the British army. The fords of the Brandy- 
wine where they were at all likely to cross, were all compara- 
tively near to the Americans, and were easily accessible ; the 
country, though rolling, was comparatively open ; the roads 
were substantially the same as now, and their movements 
could have been easily discovered in time to have enabled 
Gen. Washington to have disposed of his troops to the best 
advantage. The distance from Chads' Ford to Jefferis' Ford 
is but six miles, and to Trimble's Ford about seven and a 
half miles. It is now known that small bodies of the British 
light troops crossed at Wistar's (now Sager's) Ford, and at 
Buffington's (now Little's) Ford — the latter on the east 
branch, just above the forks, and both between Chads' Ford 
and Jefferis' Ford — some time before the main body of the 
army crossed at Jefferis' Ford, and yet no information of 
these movements appears to have been communicated to the 
Commander-in-chief Tradition says that the great American 
chieftain was so conscious of the oversight in not having 
sooner discovered the movements of Howe, that he ever 
manifested a dislike and unwilligimess to converse on the 
strategy of that day. 

It has been usual to attribute the loss of the Battle of 
Brandywine to this want of timely intelligence of the move- 
ments of the enemy ; but it is problematical whether the 
Americans could have been successful under any circumstancs. 
The British army was well appointed and well disciplined ; a 
large part of the American army was, at the time, compara- 

296 The Masscbcre of Paoli. 

lively untrained, and this superiority of the British over the 
Americans would probably have enabled them to gain the 
day, even if Gen. Washington had received timely notice of 
all their movements. 

While, however, there was certainly negligence in not hav- 
ing sooner discovered the disposition of the British forces, 
yet we must be gentle with the memories of those who served 
their country in the war of the revolution. It was a period 
far too trying to judge men as on ordinary occasions. The 
Americans were fighting not for fame or power, but for jus- 
tice and liberty. They had left their homes and occupations 
to fight the finest troops of the most powerful nation of the 
world. When we consider the circumstances by which the 
patriots were surrounded, pitted against a foreign foe, and 
with a relentless and treacherous enemy at home, calling 
themselves loyalists, but better known by the designation of 
tories, our only wonder is, that success could attend their 
efforts ; and, looking at all the surroundings and the difficul- 
ties encountered and overcome, the disasters which befell the 
American arms became victories from the first gun which 
was fired in the struggle until the British laid down their 
arms at Yorktown. 

The British steadily pursued their purpose to seize Phila- 
delphia, and occupy it as their quarters during the ensuing 

As it was deemed important to save that city from falling 
into their hands, Washington resolved to risk another en- 
gagement ; for, although the Battle of Brandywine had re- 
sulted unfavorably to the American army, it was considered 
that the British had there gained little more than the battle- 
field, and the ardor of the troops was unabated. 

At that time one of the principal crossing-places of the 
Schuylkill was at Swedes' Ford, near the present southern 
limits of Bridgeport and Norristown, and as the British could 
not well cross lower down on account of the depth of the 
water, it was expected they would make the attempt to force 
a passage at that point, or higher up the stream. 

On the 15th of September, Washington left his camp at 

I7i€ Massacre of PaoU. 297 

Germantown, and with the main body of his army crossed 
the Schuylkill and marched up the Lancaster Road, with the 
intention of meeting the enemy and again giving battle. He 
proceeded to a point near the junction of the Lancaster and 
Swedes' Ford Road, in East Whiteland Township, northwest 
of the Admiral Warren Tavern, and encamped his forces be- 
tween that point and the White Horse Tavern, having his 
head-quarters at the residence of Joseph Malin, now belonging 
to Joseph A. Malin. 

The British commander, having received intelligence that 
Washington was advancing upon the Lancaster Road, re- 
solved to attack him. The portion of his army which had 
been encamped in the neighborhood of Village Green — ^then 
known as the " Seven Stars" — ^left that point, under the com- 
mand of Comwallis, on the 16th of September, and proceeded 
northward towards the Great Valley, by what is known as 
the Chester Road, by way of the present villages of Glen 
Riddle, Lima, and Howellville, and by Rocky Hill and 
Goshen Friends' Meeting House. 

The forces which had remained encamped near the field 
of battle at Birmingham and Chads' Ford, at the same time 
proceeded by way of the Turk's Head, now West Chester, 
and the Boot Tavern, towards the same point, with the view 
of joining the forces under Comwallis. 

On the morning of the 16th, Washington received informa- 
tion that the enemy were approaching by the way of Goshen 
Meeting House, and were already in the neighborhood of that 

The two armies moved to positions between the White 
Horse and Goshen Meeting House, on the high ground south 
of the valley, and both commanders commenced making prep- 
arations for action. Some detachments were made by the 
Americans to reinforce the advanced guard, and keep the 
enemy in check until the army should be properly arrayed. 
To Gen. Wayne was assigned the duty of leading the advance 
and opening the battle. Skirmishing began between the ad- 
vanced parties, and a sanguinary battle would probably have 
been fought, but a rain-storm of great violence stopped its 

298 The Massacre of PadL 

progress. A consultation waa had as to whether the British 
should be received on the ground then occupied by our troops, 
or whether they should retire beyond the Great Valley, which 
was in their rear, and in which the ground was said to be 
wet, and where, in case of a defeat, the artillery would cer- 
tainly be lost. Washington accordingly, after consultation, 
gave the order to move, and the American forces retired and 
formed on the high ground in the Great Valley, east of the 
White Horse and north of the old Lancaster Road, and there 
remained until about four o'clock in the afternoon awaiting 
the advance of the British army. 

The point where the skirmishing took place was on the 
high ground about one mile and a half north of Gkxshen 
Meeting House, and half a mile or more a little west of south 
of the old " Three Tons Tavern," on the property now be- 
longing to the heirs of John Parry, deceased, in the north- 
eastern part of East Goshen Township. A few soldiers were 
killed in the conflict and buried there. A few were also 
wounded, and some prisoners were taken by the British. 

The Americans retired to the Yellow Springs, where, dis- 
covering that their ammunition had been greatly damaged 
by the rain, and that they were not in a condition to engage 
in a conflict, the march was continued to Warwick Furnace, 
on the south branch of French Creek, in the present township 
of Warwick, where a fresh supply of arms and ammunition 
was obtained.* 

The storm lasted some time, the British army during its 
continuance being encamped in the neighborhood of the Boot 
Tavern, on the farm lately owned and occupied by Samuel R. 

' When Howe made the storm on this occasion the excuse for not forcing 
an engagement with Washington, Joseph Gkdloway remarked : " Some men 
thought that the rain was in favor of disciplined troops, who wonld take 
more care of their ammunition from knowledge and experience than undis- 
ciplined, and that others were so weak as to imagine that no weather ought 
to prevent a superior force from attacking a shy enemy when an opportu- 
nity offered ;" but such a remark fell without meaning on the ears of a gen- 
eral who, although personally brave, was so careful of his men that be gave 
as his candid opinion that durinar J"ly and August " troops should be ex- 
posed as little as possible in the field in America." 

The Massacre of PaoU. 299 

Eirk, in West Whiteland Townehip, near Eirkland Station 
on the old West Chester Railroad, which was then owned 
and occupied by Samuel Jeiieris, and between that point and 
the Three Tons Tavern, along the south valley hill. They 
burned nearly all the rails on the property of Mr. Jefferis, 
about ten thousand in number, and the farm lay unfenced tor 
many years thereafter. The head-quarters of Gen. Howe were 
at the Boot Tavern, and of Lord Comwallis at the house of 
Daniel Durborow, a short distance west of the Three Tons. 
Both houses are still standing. 

On the evening of the 17th Comwallis with his division 
advanced to the Lancaster Road in the Great Valley, and 
took post about two miles distant from Enyphausen, and on 
the 18th the entire army joined at the White Horse, and 
moved down the Lancaster and Swedes Ford Road into 
Tredyffrin Township, and encamped on the south side of the 
Swedes Ford Road, a short distance east of the present village 
of Howellville, and between that and the village of Centre- 
ville. Lord Comwallis had his head-quarters on the property 
of Enoch Jones, now belong^g to Franklin Latch, near Cen- 

From French Creek Gen. Wayne on the 17tli was detached 
with his division, amounting to about fifteen hundred men 
and four field pieces, to join Gen. Smallwood, who had com- 
mand of the Maryland militia, and was then in the rear of the 
British army. Wayne was ordered to harass and annoy the 
enemy, and to seize every occasion which might offer to en- 
gage him with advantage, and to endeavor to cut off" the 
baggage-train, and by this means to arrest his march towanls 
the Schuylkill, until the Americans could cross the river 
higher up, and pass dowTi on the east side and intercept the 
passage of the river by the British. 

Gen. Wayne proceeded to the duty assigned him, and on 
the 18th of September encamped about three hundred yards 
a little north of east of this point on land now of H. G. Grif- 
fith, and which was about four miles in the rear of the enemy, 
distant from any leading road, and securely concealed, as he 
believed, from the knowledge of Howe. He established his 

800 Uie Massacre of PaoU. 

head-quarters at the house of a man named Kmg, now of 
Robert Hutchinson, on the east side of what is now called the 
Sugartown Road, and a short distance south of the gate by 
which these grounds are entered from that road.* 

On the 19th of September, Gen. Wayne watched the move- 
ments of the enemy as far as was practicable with the view 
of attacking them, should they attempt to move. On the 
morning of that day, on the enemy's beating the reveille, he 
ordered his troops under arms, and took up the line of march 
for their left flank, and proceeded to within half a mile of 
their encampment, but found they had not stirred, and lay 
too compact to admit of an attack with prudence. In a letter 
to the Commander-in-Chief, written at Paoli after 10 o'clock 
A. M., he stated that the enemy would probably attempt to 
move towards evening.* They did not move, however, but on 

' Wayne was no doabt chosen for this service, as his home was io the neigh- 
borhood, and he was acquainted with the locality. 

* From the Life of Wayne, published in the *' Casket,'* it appears that a 
number of letters passed between Washing^n and Wayne on the 17th, 
18th, and 19th of Sept The following, however, are all we have met 
with : — 

Paoli, half after 7 o'clock A. M., 19th Sept. 
Dear General — 

On the enemy's beating the reveille I ordered the troops under arms, and 
began oar march for their left flank, but when we arrived within half a mile 
of their encampment found they had not stirred, but lay too compact to ad- 
mit of an attack with prudence. Indeed their supineness answers every 
purpose of giving you time to get up — if they attempt to move I shall at- 
tack them, at all events. This moment Gapt. Jones of Bland's Dragoons 
brought in four prisoners; three of them belong to the Queen's Rangers 
and one artillery-man ; they don't seem to know much about the movements 
of the enemy, nor the loss they sustained at Brandywine, but have heard it 
was very great. 

lliere never was, nor never will be, a finer opportunity of giving the 
enemy a fatal blow than the present — for God's sake push on as fast as 
possible. Interim I am your Excellency's most obedient, &o. 

Paoli, I after 10 A. M., 19th 8epk 
Dear General — 

The enemy are very quiet, washing and cooking. They will probably 

attempt to move towards evening. I expect General Maxwell on the left 

flank every moment, and as I lay on their right, we only want you in their 

IJie Massacre of Paoli. 301 

the 20tb, he received what he believed was reliable informa- 
tion that the British commander would take up his line of 
march for the Schuylkill at 2 o'clock on the following morn- 
ing, and he sent Col. Chambers as a guide to Gen. Small wood, 
then near the White Horse, to conduct him to the place of 
encampment. When the junction with his forces should be 
effected, it was his design to advance upon the British rear 
and attack it while in the operation of moving. He had 
already reconnoitered a road leading along their right flank, 
and had determined on his plan of operation. To be in readi- 
ness for this purpose, he directed his men to lie on their arms, 
and, as it was raining, to protect their cartridge boxes with 
their coats, and that no time might be lost after the arrival of 
Qen. Smallwood, he had his own horse brought out, saddled 
and bolstered ready for mounting, and his cloak thrown over 
his horse to preserve his accoutrements from injury from the 
inclemency of the weather. 

He had carefully guarded himself against surprise, planted 
pickets and sentinels, and thrown forward patrols upon the 

te complete Mr. Howe's bnsineeB. I believe he knows nothing of my 
wiomtion, as I have taken every precaution to prevent any intelligence get- 
-ting to him — at the tame time keeping a watchful eye on his front, flanks, 
mud rear. I have not heard from you since last night 

I am your Excellency's most obedient, hnmble servant, 

Anthony Watnb. 

RvADiNO FUBKACB, 6 o'clock P. M. (Sept. 19). 

I have this instant received yonrs of half past three o'clock A. M. Hav- 
ing written to yon already to move forward upon the enemy, I have but 
little to add. Generals Maxwell and Potter are ordered to do the same, 
being at Pott's Forge. I could wish you and those generals to act in con- 
junction, to make your advance more formidable ; but I would not have too 
much time delayed on this account. I shall follow as speedily as possible 
with jaded men— some may probably go off immediately, if I find they are 
in a coodition for it The horses almost all out on the patrol. Cartridges 
liave been ordered for you. Give me the earliest information of ever3rthing 
interesting, and of your moves, that I may know how to govern mine by 
them. The cutting off of the enemy's baggage would be a great matter. 

Tours sincerely, 

Gbo. Washington. 





802 7%« Massacre of Paoli. 

roads leading to the enemy's camp. Between nine and ten 
I o'clock he received a visit from a friendly citizen of the 

J neighborhood — a Mr. Jones — ^who had come to his quarters 

to give information, that a servant of Mr. Clayton, who had 

been taken by the enemy and afterwards liberated, had said 

that he had overheard some of the British soldiers speaking 

* of an attack to be made upon Wayne's detachment during 

the course of the night. Gen. Wayne thought proper, in 
consequence, to take some additional precautions. He des- 
patched a number of videttee, with orders to patrol all the 
roads leading to Howe's camp. He planted new pickets, one 
on a by-path leading from the Warren Tavern to the camp, 
and others to the right and in the rear. In addition to these, a 
horse picket was well advanced upon the Swedes Ford Road. 
And having taken these precautions, he lay in momentary ex- 
pectation of Gen. Smallwood's arrival, to enable him to take 
the offensive. 

Although the British commander did not know where the 
forces under Gen. Wayne lay, there were Thries residing in 
the neighborhood who did, and by these he was infonned of 
the precise locality and of the nature of the approaches to it 
He at once sent G^n. Grey to surprise and cut him off, and 
moved Col. Musgrave with the 40th and 55th Begiments up 
the Lancaster Road, near to the Paoli Tavern, to intercept 
anj' attempt to retreat over that route. The watchword of 
the Americans for that night was " Here we are and there 
they go," and this, the tradition of the neighborhood says, 
through some treacherj', was communicated to the enemy. 

Gen. Grey,* guided by his Tory aids, as is generally believed, 
marched from his encampment near Howellville, up the 
Swedes Ford Road, and massed his troops on that road, as 
near the canij) of Wayne as possible, without betraying a 
knowledge of his approach. From there he moved on up the 
road to what is now known as the Valley Store, at the junc- 
tion of the Swedes Ford and Long Ford Roads, north of the 

' See Penna Mag. of Hist, and Biography, vol. i. p. U. Sargent's Life 
of Andre, 99. Mr. Sargent states that Andr6 was an aid to Grey at PaolL 

I%e Massacre of PaoU. 808 

Admiral WarreiL At this point there was an American 
picket, who fired and escaped. Tradition says the British 
made use of the American watchword, but the picket discov- 
ered they were not Americans, and fired. Gen. Grey then 
proceeded south on the Long Ford Road to near the Admiral 
Warren, where they encoimtered another picket, who also 
fired and escaped ; from there he cautiously moved through 
'the woods and up the ravine through the south valley hill 
north of this point, and near to the present Malvern Station 
on the Pennsylvania Railroad. 

The first intelligence Gen. Wayne received of the enemy's 

sdvance was from one of the videttes whom he had sent out 

in consequence of the notice received from Mr. Jones. Several 

pickets had been silently bayonetted in the darkness, and 

l)eing missed by the patrolling officer, his suspicions were 

aroused, and he hastened to the head-quarters of his com- 

^nander with the information. The troops were immediately 

ordered under arms, and many of them were awakened from 

ilieir slumbers by the cry, "Up, men, the British are on you!" 

TThe night was dark, and being rendered more obscure by the 

surounding woodland, much had to be left to conjecture as to 

tJie point of attack. Having ascertained, however, that the 

<cnemy were advancing upon his right, where the artillery 

"Was placed, Wayne directed C!ol. Humpton, his second in 

<x>mmand, to wheel the division by sub-platoons to the right, 

^nd to march ofi* by the left, and gain the road leading on the 

fiummit of the hill towards the White Horse, being the road 

on which the division had marched two miles the previous 

evening. The division wheeled accordingly, and the artillery 

moved off; but owing to some misapprehension, as is alleged, 

on the part of Col. Humpton, the troops did not move, 

although they were wheeled and faced for the purpose, until 

the second and third order had been issued. In addition to 

this, only part of the force took the right direction, while 

the other part took a wrong one, and were brought within 

the light of their fires, and thus gave the enemy an advantage 

which should have been most assiduously guarded against. 

Gen. Wayne took the light infantry and first regiment, and 

804 I%e Massacre of PadL 

formed them on the right, with a view to receive the enemj 
and cover the retreat of the artillery. 

Gen. Grey, whose forces consisted of two regiments, a body 
of light infantry, and the second and tenth dragoons, was 
enabled, in consequence of the darkness and aided by the 
knowledge of his tory guides, to approach very closely 
without observation. He gained Wayne's left about one 
o'clock in the morning. The troops under Wayne met the 
enemy with spirit, and gave them several close and well* 
directed fires, which did considerable execution. They 
were, however, soon obliged to give way before the supe- 
rior nimiberB of the assailants. Seeing this. Gen. Wayne 
immediately flew to the fourth regiment, with which he 
again received the shock of the enemy's charge, and covered 
the retreat of the rest of his line. After being again com- 
pelled to retire, he rallied such of Col. Humpton's troops as 
had taken the proper course in their retreat, about three 
hundred yards in the rear of the lust stand, where they were 
again formed ready to renew the conflict. Both partiee, how- 
ever, drew off without further contest, and Wayne retreated 
to the White Horse, carrying with him his artillery and am- 
munition, except eight wagons loaded with baggage and 
stores, which, with a considerable amount of iarms, were left 
upon the field, and fell into the hands of the enemy. 

The British forces amounted to nearly double the number 
commanded by Wayne. Gen. Howe had received from dis- 
affected persons such accurate accounts of the strength and 
position of the American forces, as enabled him to give to his 
own detachment so decided a superiority as to insure victory. 
He knew from his guides the precise point where to make the 
attack, and was enabled to move with decision and accuracy^ 
while Wayne was under the necessity of acting, in a great 
measure, from conjecture. 

The British attack was made with bayonets and light 
horsemen's swords only, in a most ferocious and merciless 
spirit. In emulation of a remarkable action which took place 
in the German war, Grey ordered his men to remove the 
flints from their guns, that not a single shot should be fired^ 

Tlie Massacre of Padi. 805 

and thuB gained the sobriquet of the "No-flint Gteneral." 
An officer of the British Light Infantry, in describing the 
attack, writes that, as they approached the camp of the 
Americans, Gteneral Grey "came to the head of the bat- 
talion, and cried out, 'Dash on, light infantry!' and, without 
saying a word, the whole battalion dashed into the woods; 
and, guided by the straggling fire of the picket, that was fol- 
lowed close up, we entered the camp and gave such a cheer 
as made the wood echo. The enemy were completely sur- 
prised ; some with arms, others without, running in all di- 
rections in the greatest confusion. The light infantry bayo- 
netted every man they came up with. The camp was imme- 
diately set on fire, and this, with the cries of the wounded, 
formed altogether one of the most dreadful scenes I ever 
beheld." Another officer of the light infitntry, in writing to 
a friend, said : " Then followed a dreadful scene of havoc. 
The light dragoons came on, sword in hand ; the shrieks, 
groans, shouting, imprecations, deprecations, the clashing of 
swords and bayonets, etc. etc ; no firing from us, and little 
fix>m them, except now and then a few, as I said before^ 
scattering shots, was more expressive of horror than all the 
thunder of artillery, etc., on the day of action."* Even the 
wounded and sick were not spared, and many were killed 
after resistance on their part had ceased. It is this feature in 
the conduct of the British commander which has stigmatized 
it as "British barbarity" and "cold-blooded cruelty," and has 
given to this affistir the title of the Paoli Massacre. 

When the attack commenced, Gen. Smallwood, with about 
eighteen hundred men, was within a short distance of Wayne, 
whom he was hastening to join. Had he commanded soldiers 
of sufficient firmness, his sudden arrival might have greatly 

< In Loflsing'B Field Book of the Bevolntion, vol. 2, p. 164, 2d ed., N. Y. 
1860, the following is given : A Hessian sergeant, boasting of the exploits 
of that night, exclaimed — "What a running abont barefoot, and half 
clothed, and in the light of their own fires ! These showed ns where to 
chase them, while they conld not see us. We killed three hundred of the 
rebels with the bayonet I stuck them myself like so many pigs, one after 
•■other, until the blood ran oat of the tonch-hole of my mnsket" 

806 I%e Massacre of Padi. 

embarrassed the British general, and even given a different 
turn to the affair. The raw militia commanded by him be- 
came, however, excessively alarmed, and could not be brought 
to face the enemy thus unexpectedly encountered, and the 
advance having fallen in with a small part of the enemy who 
were returning from the pursuit, they fled in concision, with 
the loss of one man only, and Gen. Smallwood, with the re- 
mainder of his Romans^ agreeably to the orders of Wayne, 
joined him at the White Horse. 

The loss of the Americans was about one hundred and fifiy 
killed and wounded. The British reported their loss as eight 
killed, but the opinion of the neighborhood at the time was 
strongly against the veracity of this report, as many litters 
were seen to pass that night towards the British camp, and it 
is well known tliat they manifested extreme jealousy with 
regard to the discovery of the extent to which they suffered. 

The next morning the scene of the conflict was visited by 
the people of the neighborhood, and the sufferings of the 
wounded were alleviated as far as circumstances would permit 
It had rained heavily the night before, and to assuage their 
thirst, the water was dipped up with leaves and with the 
broad brims of their hats, from the pools which had formed, 
and given to the men. Fifty-three mangled dead were found 
upon the field, and decently interred by the fiEumers in one 
grave, immediately adjoining the scene of action, on the spot 
marked by yonder monument. 

The unfortunate affair soon became the subject of animad- 
version in the army, instigated, it was said, by those who 
were envious of Wayne's rising reputation, and in conse- 
quence he at once requested an inquiry into his conduct. This 
request was granted, and soon after the Battle of Germantown 
a court-martial was convened. The charge, which was pre- 
ferred by Col. Humpton, was, that Gen. Wayne " had timely 
notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under his 
command on the night of the 20th of September, and not- 
withstanding that intelligence, he neglected making a dispo- 
sition until it was too late either to annoy the enemy or make 
a retreat, without the utmost danger and confusion." Qen. 

I%e Massacre of PaoU. 807 

Wayne made a written answer to this charge against him, 
and, after a full investigation, the C!ourt unanimously acquit- 
ted him of the charge, and further declared that he had done 
everything that could be expected from an active, brave, and 
vigilant officer, under the orders which he then had, and they 
further added : " The Court do acquit him with the highest 

The attack upon Wayne's forces and their consequent re- 
"fcreat, frustrated the contemplated operations against ^e right 
^%?iring and rear of the enemy, and enabled Howe to move 
^without being molested. On the morning of the 21st of Sep- 
*tember he resumed his march, and in pursuance of his pur- 
j>08e to reach Philadelphia, moved down the road leading to 
Swedes Ford, intending to cross the Schuylkill at that point; 
"but there were breastworks on the opposite side of the river, 
<xx^upied by troops placed there by Washington, and seeing 
this, he turned up the river on the west side, with the inten- 
tion of making its passage at some of the fords higher up. 

The American army under Washington, in order if pos- 
sible to prevent the British from passing the river, had in 
the mean time moved from Warwick Furnace, and crossed 
the Schuylkill at what was then known as Parker's Ford, at 
or near the present village of Lawrenceville, in this county — 
the officers and men wading the stream, which was breast- 
Ligh — and marched southward on the east side, by way of 
the Trappe, as fer as the Perkiomen. 

The British commander then made a feint of moving his 
army northward along the west bank of the Schuylkill, with 
the view of inducing the Americans to suppose that it was 
his intention to gain their right, or else by a sudden move- 
ment to seize the ammunition and other military stores de- 
posited at Reading. Washington, deceived by this move- 
ment, returned up the eastern side of the river to the neigh- 
borhood of Pottsgrove, and while he was there. Gen. Howe, 
on the 23d of September, suddenly wheeled his army, marched 
iiipidly down the river, and dividing his forces, crossed with 
little opposition at Gordon's Ford, now PhoBnixville, and at 
Fatland Ford, a short distance below Valley Forge, and pro- 

308 The Massacre of Padi. 

ceeded by easy marches to Philadelphia, which he entered in 
triumph on the 26th 6f September. 

One of the great difficulties with which the American cause 
had to contend, during the entire period of the Revolutionary 
War, after the early enthusiasm had ui some measure subsided 
and war became a stem reality, was the fact that a portion 
of the people were either apathetic or disposed to fiivor the 
British mterest. 

The region bordering on the Schuylkill River, through 
which the armies passed, was largely disaffected towards the 
American cause, and for that reason Washington could pro- 
cure very little reliable information of the movements of the 
enemy. Could he have obtained correct intelligence, he 
might have foiled Howe and sa^'ed Philadelphia. We per- 
haps appreciate too little the difficulties under which Wash- 
ington sometimes labored in obtaining correct information, 
by reason of this disposition among a portion of the people to 
withhold their aid from the struggling cause. 

The British army, in its march from the Head of Elk to 
Philadelphia, occupied about two weeks in its passage through 
Chester County, having entered it on the 9th of September, 
1777, and left it on the 23d of the same month. It traversed 
nearly the whole length of the southern part of the county 
(then comprising within its limits the present county of Dela- 
ware), and also made incursions into several townships not on 
the line of the main route, before making its exit in the 
neighborhood of the present town of Phoenixville and of Val- 
ley Forge, and taking up its winter quarters in the quiet city 
of Penn. This was the only time during the entire contest 
that the soil of our good county was pressed by the foot of 
the invader, if we except the occasional foraging expeditions 
sent out from Philadelphia while it was occupied by the 
British army. 

The plunder and devastation perpetrated by the enemy — 
English as well as Hessians — on the private property of pas- 
sive non-combatants during this period, in violation of the 
proclamation issued by Howe, was enormous and wanton, 
while compensation for any portion of the property taken was 

The Massacre of Paoli. 809 

rarely made by those in command. Many &milie6 were 
stripped of everything they possessed, and left in a state of 
perfect destitution. "The British army had not before 
passed through a district of country so rich in agricultural 
productions, nor one in which every fi^rm-house was so well 
stored with everything tliat could minister to the real com- 
ibrts of life." Hence they did not fail to gather a rich har- 
vest, carrying off horses, cattle, sheep, swine, grain, provisions, 
olothing, and whatever they could lay their hands on that 
oould be used in the camp or on the march. Independent, 
liowever, of the property thus carried off, the wanton destruc- 
"tion of furniture and other articles which they could not use 
^was unworthy of the most barbarous people, and this devas- 
tiation was not confined to the track of the army, but extended 
for a considerable distance on either side. 

For forty years the spot where the patriot dead of this 
£eld lay interred was unmarked, save by a heap of stones; 
"but on the 20th of September, 1817, the Republican Artil- 
lerists of Chester County, aided by their fellow citizens, 
-erected a monument over their remains, appropriately in- 
scribed. On that occasion an address was delivered by Major 
Usaac D. Barnard, and an account of the massacre was given 
ly the Rev. David Jones, then in his eighty-second year, who 
liad been the chaplain to the ill-feted warriors, and who was on 
" the ground on that fatal night and barely escaped. The oc- 
<»8ion was also honored by the presence of Col. Isaac Wayne, 
the son of Gen. Wayne. 

Soon thereafter these grounds, containing twenty-three 
acres, were purchased by the military organizations of Ches- 
ter and Delaware Comities, and set apart as a parade ground. 
On each returning anniversary of the massacre, for many 
years, the citizens, soldiers of these comities, and occasional 
visiting companies from Philadelphia and elsewhere, met 
here to participate in the ceremonies of the day, which, I 
believe, were for some years invariably closed with a sham 
battle. These visits were interrupted by the war of the Re- 
bellion, but since its close they have been resumed. The 

810 The Massdcre of Paoli. 

scene of this conflict is probably the best preserved of any 
that marked the progress of the Revolutionary War. 

Sixty years have, in the progress of time, been added to the 
forty which preceded them, and on this one hundredth anni- 
versary of the day on which the heroes there interred laid 
down their lives that we might live free and independent, we 
meet to dedicate with loving hands a new and more stately 
and enduring monument to their memory. 

It gives me pleasure to add, in conclusion, that while on 
the occasion of the dedication of the former monument, the 
assembly then present rejoiced in the presence of a son of 
Gen. Wayne, we to-day are honored, in the person of our first 
Vice-President, Capt. William Wayne, with a great-grandson 
of Chester County's brave and gallant hero, a gentleman who, 
inheriting the military qualities of his noble ancestor, was 
himself an officer in the Union Army during the late war 
with the South. 


Tlie following Account w from the Diary of Lieutenant afterwards Oen. 
Hunter, in the Historical Record of the 52d Regiment^ and is printed 
in the Historical Magazine, vol. 4, p. 346. N. Y. 1860. 

As soon as it was dark, the whole battalion got under arms. Major- 
General Grey then came up to the battalion, and told Major Maitland, who 
commanded, that the battalion was going on a night expedition to try and 
snrprise a camp, and that, if any men were loaded, they mast immediately 
draw their pieces. The major said the whole of the battalion was always 
loaded, and that, if he would only allow them to remain so, he, the major, 
would be answerable that they did not fire a shot. The general then said 
if he could place that dependence on the battalion, they should remain 
loaded, but firing might be attended with serious consequences. We re- 
mained loaded, and marched at eight in the evening to surprise Gen. 
Wayne's camp. We did not meet a patrol or vidette of the enemy until 
within a mile or two of the camp, where our advanced guard was challenged 
by twovidettes. They challenged twice, fired, and galloped off at full speed. 
A little further on there was a blacksmith's forge ; a party was immediately 
sent to bring the blacksmith, and he informed us that the picket was only a 
few hundred yards up the road. He was ordered to conduct us to the camp. 

I%e Massacre of PaoU. 811 

mad we had not marched a quarter of a mile when the picket challenged, 
fired a volley, and retreated. General Grey then came to the head of the 
battalion and cried ont— -Dash on, light infantry I and, withoat sayiog a 
word, the whole battalion dashed into the wood, and gnided by the strag- 
g^ling fire of the picket, that was followed close np, we entered the camp 
suid gave snch a cheer as made the wood echo. The enemy were com» 
pletely surprised ; some with arms, others without, running in all directions 
in the greatest confusion. The light infantry bayonetted every man they 
came up with. The camp was immediately set on fire, and this, with the 
ories of the wounded, formed altogether one of the most dreadful scenes I 
OYer beheld. Every man that fired was instantly put to death. Captain 
^^^olfe was killed, and I received a shot in my right hand soon after we en- 
-lered the camp. I saw the fellow present at me, and was running up to him 
'wvhen he fired. He was immediately killed. The enemy were pursued for 
'fcwo miles. I kept up until I grew faint from loss of blood, and was obliged 
"tM ait down. Wayne's Brigade was to have marched at one in the morning 
'^o attack our battalion while crossing the Schuylkill River, and we surprised 
'Kliem at twelve. Four hundred and sixty of the enemy were countCMl the 
next morning lying dead, and not one shot was fired by us, all was done 
"^rith the bayonet. We had only twenty killed and wounded. 

Account by an Officer of the Second Battalion^ British Ldght Infantry, 
From an unsigned letter in the Materials for History, edited by Frank 
Moore, N. Y. 1861. 

I have been in a more bloody affair at midnight on the 20th of September. 
"The battalion I served in (the second light infantry), supported by three 
^regiments and some dragoons, surprised a camp of the rebels consisting of 
1.500 men, and bayonetted (we hear) from four to five hundred. 

The affair was admirably conceived and executed. I will (as it is re- 
markable) particularize. I was released from picket at sunset — the pre- 
ceding sunset I mounted— and was waked at nine at night to go on the 
bloody business. The men were ordered to unload ; on no account to 
£re. We took a circuit in dead silence ; about one in the morning fell in 
with a rebel vidette (a vidette is a horse sentinel), who challenged three 
times and fired. He was pursued, but escaped. Soon after two foot 
•entries challenged and fired; these escaped also. We then marched on 
briskly, still silent ; our company was advanced immedfately preceding a 
company of riflemen, who always are in front. A picket fired upon us at 
the distance of fifteen yards, miraculously without effect. This unfortunate 
guard was instantly dispatched by the riflemen's swords. We marched on 
through a thick wood, and received a pmart fire from another unfortunate 
picket — as the first, instantly massacred. We then saw their wigwams or 
huts, partly by the almost extinguished light of their fires and partly by the 
glimmer of a few stars, and the frightened wretches endeavoring to form. 
We then charged. For two miles we drove them, now and then firing scaU 

812 Ihe Massacre of PaoU. 

teringlj fVom behind fenceB, trees, Ac The flashes of the pieces had a fins 
effect in the night. 

Then followed a dreadful scene of havoc. The light dragoons came on 
sword in hand. The shrieks, groans, shooting, imprecations, deprecations, 
the clashing of swords and bayonets, &c. kc. ; no firing from ns and little 
from them, except now and then a few, as I said before, scattering shots, 
was more expressive of horror than all the thnnder of the artillery, Ac., on 
the day of action. 

From the Diary of the Revolution^ by Frank Moore, vol, 1, p, 498. 

Copied from Oaine^s Mercury. 

Sept. 22. Yesterday the British having received intelligence of the situ- 
ation of General Wayne, and his design of attacking their rear should they 
attempt to pass the Schuylkill, a plan was concerted for surprising him, and 
the execution intrusted to Major-Gkneral Grey. The troops for this service 
were the fortieth and fifty-third regiments under Lieutenant-Colonel Mos- 
g^ve, and the second battalion of light infantry, the forty-second and forty- 
fourth regiments, under the general. The last detachment marched at ten 
o'clock last night — the other at eleven. No soldiers of either were suffered 
to load ; they that could not draw their pieces took out the flints. The 
general knew nearly the spot where the rebel corps lay, but nothing of the 
disposition of their camp. He represented to the men that flring would dis> 
cover them to the enemy, kill their own friends, and cause a confosion favor- 
able to the escape of the rebels, and, perhaps, productive of disgrace to the 
British. On the other hand, by not firing, they would know the foe to be 
wherever fire appeared, and a charge insured his destruction ; that amongst 
the enemy, those in the rear would direct their fire ag^nst whoever fired in 
front, and consequently destroy each other. 

General Grey marched by the road leading to the White Horse, and took 
every inhabitant with him as he passed along. About three miles from 
camp he turned to the left, and proceeded to the Admiral Warren, where, 
having forced intelligence from a blacksmith, he came in upon the out sen- 
tries, pickets, and camp of the rebels. The sentries fired and ran off, to the 
number of four, at different intervals ; the picket was surprised, and most 
of them killed in endeavoring to retreat. On approaching the right of the 
camp, the line of fires were perceived, and the li^ht infantry, being ordered 
to form to the front, rushed alon^r the line, putting to the bayonet all they 
came up with, and, overtaking the main herd of fugitives, stabbed great 
numbers, and pressed on their rear till it was thought prudent to order them 
to desist. The forty-fourth regiment, advancing in line likewise, closed op 
in support of the light infantry, putting to the sword such of the rebels as 
the heat of the pursuit had escaped that corps ; whilst the forty-eecond came 
on in a third line as a reserve. Upwards of two hundred were killed and as 
many more wounded. Seventy-one prisoners were brought off — forty of 
them being badly wounded were left at different houses on the road. The 

The Massacre of PaoU. 818 

British lost coosisted of Captain Wolfe aod one or two men killed, Lient. 
Hunter and five men wonnded. It was about one o'clock thk morning 
"when the attack was made, and the rebels were then assembling to move 
towards the King's forces. 

Extrtut from Oeneral Howe's Letter to Lord Oeorge Oermain. 

See Remembrancer, vol. 5, p. 413. 

HsjLD-QuABTEBS, Gebmaktown, Oct. 10, 1777. 
'BAy Lord: — 

The enemy crossed the Schnylkill on the 18th, above French Creek, and 
encamped upon the river on each side of Perkyomy Creek, having detached 
"droops to all the fords of Schnylkill, with cannon at Swedesford and the 
tfbrds below it. 

Upon intelligence that General Wayne was lying in the woods with a 
^sorps of fifteen hundred men, and four pieces of cannon, about three miles 
distant, and in the rear of the left wing of the army. Major-general Grey 
"^ras detached on the 20th, late at night, with the Second light-infantry, the 
forty-second and Forly-fourth regiments, to surprise this corps. 

The most effectual precaution being taken by the General to prevent his 

^^etachment from firing, he gained the enemy's left about one o'clock, and, 

'baving by the bayonet only, forced their out-sentries and pickets, he rushed 

mn upon their encampment, directed by the light of their fires, killed and 

^^roonded not less than three hundred on the spot, taking between seventy 

«uid eighty prisoners, including several officers, the greater part of their 

^rms, and eight wagons loaded with baggage and stores. Upon the first 

mlarm the cannon were carried off, and the darkness of the night, only, 

eaved the remainder of the corps. One captain of light-infantry and three 

men were killed in the attack, and four men wounded. Gallantry in the 

droops, and good conduct in the General, were fully manifested upon this 

critical service. 

• •«•«•** 

With most perfect respect, 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

W. Howi. 

Letter of Cot. Samuel Hay to Col,, afterwards Gen,, William Irvine, 

Camp at thb Trap, Sept. 29, 1777. 

Dbab Colovsl : Since I had the pleasure of seeing you the division under 
the command of General Wayne has been surprised by the enemy with con- 
siderable loss. We were ordered by his Excellency to march from the Yellow 
Springs down to where the enemy lay near the Admiral Warren, there to 
annoy their rear. We marched early on the 17th instant, and got below the 
Paoli that night ; on the next day fixed on a place for our camp. We lay 
the I8th and 19th undisturbed, but on the 20th at 12 o'clock at night the 



314 The Massacre of PaoU, 

enemy marched out, and so unguarded was our camp that they were amongit 
U8 before we either formed in any manner for our safety, or attempted to re- 
treat, notwithstanding the General had full intelligence of their design two 
hours before they came out. I will inform you in a few words of what hap- 
pened. The aunak of the age cannot produce such a scene of butchery — 
all was confusion — the enemy amongst us, and your regiment the most ex- 
posed as the enemy came on the right wing. The 1st Regiment (which 
always takes the right) was taken off and posted in a strip of woods, stood 
only one fire and retreated, then we were next the enemy, and as we were 
amongst our fires they had a great advantage of us. I need not go on to 
give the particulars, but the enemy rushed on with fixed bayonets and made 
the use of them they intended. So you may figure to yourself what followed. 
The party lost 300 privates in killed, wounded, and missing, besides com- 
missioned and non-commissioned oflScers ; our loss is CoL Grier, Captain 
Wilson, and Lieutenant Irvine* wounded (but none of them dangerously), 
and 61 non-commissioned and privates killed and wounded, which was just 
half the men we had on the ground fit for duty. The 22d I went to the 
ground to see the wounded, the scene was shocking — the poor men groaning 
under their wounds, which were all by stabs of bayonets and cuta of light 
horsemen's swords. Col. Grier is wounded in the side by a bayonet, super- 
ficially slanting to the breast bone. Capt Wilson stabbed in the side, but 
not dangerous, as it did not take the guts or belly ; he got also a bad stroke 
ou the head with the cock nail of the lock of a musket. Andrew Irvine 
was run through the fleshy part of the thigh with a bayonet. They are all 
laying near David Jones* tavern. I left Capt McDowell with them to dress 
and take care of them, and they are all in a fair way of recovery. Major 
La'Mar, of the 3d Regiment, was killed and some other inferior officers. 
The enemy also lost CapUin Wolfe killed, and four or five light horsemen, 
and about 20 privates, besides a number wounded. The general officers have 
been in council for three days, and the plan is fixed, but what it is we do not 
yet know. Inclosed you have the state of the British army with their loss 
at Brandywine ; you have it as I have it, and may judge of it as you think 

You will see by this imperfect scrawl how many sorts of ink I have written 
with— *11 borrowed, and the inkstands dry. as I have no baggage, nor have 
had any these four weeks, more than one shirt and one pair of stockings, 
besides what is on my back ; the other officers are in the same way, and most 
of the officers belonging to the division have lost their baggage at Colonel 
Frazer's, taken by the enemy. I have nothing new to inform you of. My 

* Captain Andrew Irvine received seventeen bayonet wounds in all, one of 
which penetrated through his company-book, which, in the confusion, he had 
taken up and thrust into the breast-pocket of his coat to carry ofiT. He never 
entirely recovered, but died soon after the dose of the war Arom the effects of 
these wounds. 

The Massacre of PaolL 815 

compliments to Mrs. Irvine and Mrs. Armstrong ; let her know the General 
is yery well, and lodges near onr camp. 

I am with great respect, 

Yonrs affectionately, 

Samuel Hat. 

P. S. — The officers of the division have protested against Gten. Wayne's 
conduct, and lodged a complaint and requested a court martial, which his 
Excellency has promised they shall have. This has brought down his pride a 
little already.—^is^oWcoZ Magazine, N. Y., 1859, p. 349. 

Copy of a Memorandum in the Handwriting of Capt, Thomas BucTianan 

of First Pennsylvania Regiment. 

At the affair of Paoli, in the fall of 1777, I was sent forward to Gen. 
Smallwood, that Iny at the White Horse, to get him to cover our retreat and 
fix a place of rendezvous, &c. He sent me forward to try to stop as many 
of his broken troops that had taken the road to Downingtown. On coming 
near to there, I found where some of his artillery had thrown a field-piece 
ii\to a limekiln, and had broke the carriage. I went on to Downingtown, 
and fixed a guard on the road to stop the runaways ; got a wheeler and 
blacksmith to mend the carriage, and went down and put the cannon on the 
carriage, &c. 

From SaffeWs Records of the Revolution. 

Head-Quabtebs, Toameksiko, Oct 11, 1777. 

The Court of Inquiry, of which Lord Stirling is President,' now sitting at 
the President's quarters, is to inquire into the conduct of Brigadier-General 
Wayne, viz., that he had timely notice of the enemy's intentions to attack 
the troops under his command on the night of the 20th ult. ; and, notwith. 
standing that intelligence, be neglected making a disposition until it was too 
late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger 
and confusion. The President will give notice when the Court can enter 
on the inquiry, and when the parties and evidence are to attend. 

Georgr Washington. 

From Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, vol 3, p. 372. 

Shortly after the 20th of September Gen. Wayne addressed the followinff 
letter to Washington. 

Sib : I feel myself very much injured until such time as yon will be kind 
enough to indulge me with an inquiry into my conduct concerning the 
action of the 20th of September. 

Conscious of having done my duty, I dare my accusers to a fair and candid 
hearing ; dark and insidious friends I dread, but from an open and avowed 

* It oonslsted of Oenls. MoDongall and Knox, Gols. Spencer and Glark. 

316 The Massacre of PaoU. 

enemy I have nothing to fear. I have no other mode of showmg them forth 
to open view than through yonr means. I must, therefore, beg ma imme- 
diate investigation by a Court Martial. Tomr compliance will much oblige 
your Elzcellency's most obedient humble servant, Akthont Watks. 

* The action of the night of the 20th of September near the Warren has 
been variously and very erroneously represented. 

However sanguine some persons were in their attempts to detract from the 
merits of the General, and worthy officers of his division, who, with no- 
paralleled bravery, stood the bayonets of the enemy, saved all the artillery, 
and effected an honorable retreat in the face of every difficulty and danger, 
now find themselves egregioasly deceived in proffering a charge which must 
have proceeded from the worst motives and the worst of hearts. A general 
court martial, of which General Sullivan was President, was held the 25th, 
26th, 27th, and 30th of October, for the trial of Brigadier-General Wayne, 
on the following charges, viz, : — 

That he had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops 
under his command, on the night of the 20th of Sept. last, and, notwiUi- 
standing that intelligence, neglected making a disposition until it was too 
late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger 
and confusion.- 

Upon which the Court pronounced their sentence as follows: — 

The Court, having fully considered the charge against Brigadier-General 
Wayne, and the evidence produced to them, are unanimoudy of opinion 
that Qen, Wayne is not guilty of the charge exhibited against him, but that 
he on the night of the 20th ultimo did everything that could be expected 
from an active, brave, and vigilant officer, under the orders which he then 
had. The Court do acquit him with the highest honor. 

The Commander-in-Chief approves the sentence. The following is the 
General's defence : — 

After the expiration of five weeks, during which period the tongue of 
slander has not been idle, I am happy to bring my case before a court of 
whose honor and impartial judgment I cannot have the least donbt. I shall 
not intrude on the patience of this court by any useless prefiue, but proceed 
to answer the charge. 

The first part of the charge exhibited against me, that " I had timely 
notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under my command," is 
very readily answered. 

I shall briefly notice what these gentlemen call a timdy notice. A Mr. 
Jones, an old gentleman living near where we were encamped, came to my 
quarters between nine and ten o'clock at night, and informed me befbie 
Colonels Hartley, Broadhead, and Temple that a servant boy belonging to 
Mr. Clayton had been taken by the enemy and liberated again, who said 
that he had heard some of their soldiers say that they intended to attack me 

* Sxtract of a communication dated White Marsh, ad of Kov^Bber, 1777. 

The Massacre of PaoU. 817 

that night. Although thii coald not be deemed a sufficient notice upon 
any military principle, yet I immediately ordered out a number of videttes 
in addition to those already planted, with directions to patrol ail the roads 
leading to the enemy's camp. I also planted two new piqaets, the one in 
front on a blind path leading from the Warren to my camp, the other to the 
right, and in the rear, which made on that night not less than six different 
piquets. I had, exclusive of these, a horse piquet under Captain Stoddard, 
well adyanced on the Swedes' Ford Road, being the very way the enemy 
marched that night But the very first intelligence which I received of their 
advancing was from one of the videttes which I sent out in consequence of 
the timely notice from Mr. Jones, who had only time to g^ about a mile before 
he met the enemy. Immediately on his return the troops were all ordered 
to form, having been warned to lay on their arms in the evening, for a pur- 
pose which I shall presently mention. At this time it was raining, and in 
order to save the cartridges from wet, I ordered the soldiers to put their 
cartouch-boxes under their coats. This, gentlemen, does not look like a 
surprise, it rather proves that we were prepared either to move off or act as 
the case might require, when once apprized which way the enemy were ac- 
tually advancing. To have made any move previously to ascertaining that 
fact, might have been attended by fatal consequences, totally subversive 
of the views of the Commander-in-Chief. So soon as it was discovered that 
the enemy were pushing for our right, where our artillery was planted, 
Major Ryan carried my orders to Col. Humpton and to the division to wheel 
by sub-platoons to the right, and to march off by the left, and gain the road 
leading on the summit of .the hill towards the White Horse, it being the 
very road on which the division moved two miles the previous evening. The 
division wheeled accordingly, the artillery moved off, but, owing to some 
neglect or misapprehension, which is not uncommon in Col. Humpton, the 
troops did not move until a second and third order were sent, although they 
were wheeled and faced for the purpose. At the very time this order for the 
retreat was at first given, and which I presumed was obeyed, I took the 
light infantry and the first regiment, and formed them on the right, and 
remained there with them and the horse, in order to cover the retreat. If 
this was not making a disposition, I acknowledge I know not what a dispo- 
sition is. 

Those troops met and received the e^my with a spirit becoming free 
Americans, but were forced to give way to numbers. The neglect or mis- 
apprehension of Col. Humpton had detained the division too long, otherwise 
the disposition would have been perfect. I was, in consequence, necessitated 
to form the fourth regiment to receive the enemy and favor the retreat of 
the others ; this Col. Butler and the officers of the infantry of that regiment 
were concerned in and witness of. About three hundred yards in rear of 
that I again rallied such of the divisions as took the proper route ; those who 
went a contrary way and out of supporting distance, perhaps Col. Humpton 
can give the best account of. Here I have a fair and ample field for recrim* 

318 The Massacre of Paoli. 

ination were I so disposed. I shall waive the sabject, and beg leave to read 
the orders which I received from time to time from his Excellency, Gen. 

In the eyes of gentlemen and ofBcers I trnat that I stand justified for the 
part I took on that night. I had the fhllest and clearest advice that the 
enemy woold march that morning at two o'clock for the river SchoylklU, 
and, in consequence of this intelligence, I had reconnoitred a road leading 
immediately along the right flank of the enemy, with Cols. Hampton and 
Hartly, and had the men lying on their arms, to move (as soon as Oen. 
Smallwood should arrive) not from but to the enemy. For this purpose I 
had sent Col. Chambers, as a guide, to conduct that officer into my rear, 
who, with his division, was expected to arrive every moment, from two in 
the afternoon until we were attacked, at which time he was within a short 
distance of our rear, and retreated to the White Horse. 

I shall just put a serious question or two, and then submit the matter to 
the decision of this court Suppose that, after all these repeated orders 
from his Excellency, and the arrival of Gen. Smallwood, I had retreated be- 
fore I knew whether the enemy intended to attack me or not, and that they 
should have marched for the Schuylkill that morning, which they actually 
did, would not these very gentlemen have been the first to default me for 
putting it out of my power to attack their rear T Would not his Excellency, 
with the greatest justice, have ordered me in arrest for cowardice and dis- 
obedience of his repeated peremptory and most pointed orders ? Would not 
I have stood culpable in the eyes of the world ? Would I not justly have 
merited immediate death or cashiering? I certainly would. What line 
could I follow but the one I trod T What more could be done on the occa- 
sion than what was done T The artillery, ammunition, etc., were covered 
and saved by a body of troops who were rallied and remained on the ground 
more than an hour after that gentleman, Col. Humpton, the prosecutor, had 
effected his escape from danger^ although, perhaps, not without confiuion. 

I hold it needless to say any more, or to take up the time of this court on 
the occasion. I rest my honor and character, which to me are more dear 
than life, in the hands of gentlemen who, when deciding on my honor, will 
not forget their own. 

The Evidence of Capt, James Wilson, of the First Pennsylvania Regi- 
ment. See Historical Magazine, vol. 3, p. 375, N. Y. 1859. 

That on the night of the 20th Sept', Genl. Wayne Personally placed me 
With the Light Infantry, his orders to me Was, stand like a Brave Soldier ' 
and Give them fire, his Orders I Obey'd as Long as Possible, but the 
Enimy being too numerous fors* me to Give Way to the middle Fence, 
Where I Rallied about Thirty men and Gave them the Last Fire. 

Ja. Wilson, 
Oapt Ist Begi 


Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 819 

(On the back, in the handwriting of Lord Stirling, are the following ques- 
tions and answers : — ) 

Q. " What distance was the Light Infantry advanced from ye right of ye 
Division when you received the enemy ?" 
A. " 300 yards." 

Q. " How long was ye placed to oppose the Enemy before they came to 
jon at Firing distance 7" 
A. *' Aboat 8 minntes, k then not above a rod distance." 





(Oontinued from page 167.) 

Of what is generally called a Religion, viz., a person openly 
contracting or uniting himself to God, and acting according 
to his prescribed laws and commands, either through fear or 
love, they have certainly (as I have said before) no outward 
form ; therefore they have neither preacher nor meeting, no 
Formal Doctrine, no Formal Prayers; but when occasion 
ojSers we see that some confess and worship the Creator of 
all Things ; they have usually a quantity of superstitions ; if 
some of them are argued with, and such truths presented 
which they cannot deny, they apparently acknowledge and 
do not Contradict them; but perhaps a few minutes after- 
wards they will make a laughing-stock of them and scorn 
them. And they sometimes ask very foolish questions, for 
they have many silly fancies about spirits, about their dreams, 
and their sorceries; they believe that there are spirits in 
everything, in stones, rivers, trees, mountains, roads, Ac, with 
which their old men can talk ; sometimes they make offerings 
to these spirits, to incline them to protect them, and give 
them good luck in hunting and in battle. 

A certain Indian was on a long journey through the bush 

320 Notes on the Lvquois and Delaware Indians. 

with a German, and one evening, as a very heavy rain was 
coming on, they were building a hut ; the Indian wanted to 
drive stakes into the ground ; but, as the ground was stony, 
and the stakes would not go in, he began to speak to the 
spirits in the stones, telling them they must give way, so that 
he could drive the stakes into the ground, or he would force 
them to yield; presently he entreated them, saying, "My 
Friend ! I and my companion want to stay here to-night, and 
you must let me drive these stakes into the ground ; so give 
way a little, or I will dig you out of the ground and throw 
you into the fire." And thereupon he worked hard, every 
now and then speaking harshly, as if he w^ere striving or 
fighting with some one. The German laughed at him ; but 
he said, '' You see that I am beating, for the stones are giving 
way on one side. We poor Indians cannot use iron instru- 
ments like you Europeans ; but we have other means, which 
we have learned from our Grandfathers, and we have it much 
easier if we talk to the spirits, and call them friends, and min- 
gle threats therewith, then we succeed." 

They consider their sorcerers (Conjurors) prophets, for they 
can make them believe whatever they wish. These sorcerers 
are very well paid for their advice, which they give when 

A small round hut about four feet wide is built for them^ 
and covered with hides, or skins, or carpets ; then a quantity 
of hot stones is carried into the hut, and they go within, as 
if they wished to sweat, and begin to sing and talk to their 
Familiar Spirits, until they seem to be drunken or swooning 
on account of the heat; occasionally they ask for a little 
water to cool themselves. In the mean time a whole house- 
ful of Indians sit around the hut quite devoutly; some call 
out to him : " Grandfather ! Father ! Brother ! hold 
out, cheer up, until thou hast entreated and moved thy Fa- 
miliar Spirit." And this they do until a crow, or a fox, or a 
wolf, or any other wild animal comes to him in the hut and 
brings him the desired answer. The Sorcerer, or CJonjuror, 
says nothing until he comes out of the hut, and then such an 
answer passes for an oracle, or a divinely true answer. The 

Ncftes en the Iroquois and Ddaware Indians, 821 

©orcerer sometimes receives the value of 8Z. to AL currency for 
euch an answer, according as it is something important, and 
WA the people who have asked for the advice are able ; and it 
must always be paid for beforehand, before he goes into the 
lut. But many a one has been killed, if the thing did not 
<K)me to pass, and the people found that they had been de- 
ceived, yet they often can give reasons enough why it did not 
liappen as they had said. 

There is very little to say about their government or man- 
ner of governing and justice, excepting what pertains to their 
transactions and demeanour with other nations, for in that 
Tespect they take great pains : Each nation of the six tribes 
sends Deputies to the great Council at Onontago once or twice 
^ year to confer with each other ; they are very slow in com- 
ing to a decision in the Council, and have good rules which 
are looked to and kept inviolably, and when their delibera- 
tions are at an end, these rules are repeated once more, and 
the people are admonished to heed them. 

In this Council they treat each other in a very fiiendly and 
moderate manner: The wisest men among each nation are 
sent thither to bring forward any business in the name of the 

The young people are certainly allowed to listen to the 
others, but even if 100 were present, no one would speak a 

One of them makes a statement ; thereupon each of the 
envoys considers it in silence by himself, and afterwards they 
meet and decide the affair. 

All the other nations are as if in fear of the Council at 
Onontago ; and, because they find out what their neighbors 
are doing through their spies or reconnoiterers (whom they 
always have, for they are very distrustful and suspicious), on 
this account they hold their old Councils before people who 
have intercourse with spirits, or before sorcerers and such. 

They are very just in keeping their contracts or promises ; 
but there is little justice among them, for they cannot punish 
any one for an offence, except with death, which very seldom 
happens. When any one has done anything that is consid* 

822 Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians. 

ered worthy of death, the most eminent men of the nation 
meet and examine into it, whether the charge is true or fake; 
for no one is charged with or accused of anything among 
them except of murder or robbery. If it is found to be true, 
the friends of the guilty person try to api)eafie the injured 
party with gifts, and then they are present at the tribunal. 
When the crime is too great, and the guilty person is a noto- 
rious murderer or thief, that is, has been guilty several times 
before, then they counsel his own tribe to kill him, his tribe 
advise his own femily to tell him the sentence, and then his 
nearest friend, and very seldom any one else, kills him. 

The criminal is made drunk, and perhaps a quarrel is begun 
with him by the one who is appointed to do it, who then 
charges him with his offence, and at the same time informs 
him of the cause of his death. And in the ensuing quarrel he 
is killed, and the rum bears the blame, so that the avenger 
of blood has no power over the doer of the deed. 

After their children are 14 or 15 years old, they have no 
other discipline than kind words and friendly admonitions, 
for fear the children might avenge it some time or other, and 
strike them on the head in their old age. As for the rest, 
there is entire peace and harmony among old and young in 
their villages ; but if it should happen, as it does sometimes, 
that in drunkenness one person bites another's finger, nose, or 
ear, there is nothing more required than that the person 
should acknowledge his fault, and go into the woods and get 
a healing plant or root, or pay some one to do it. They do 
not take it ill of one another, and do not avenge such a thing 
if they are reconciled, for the Bum has done it ; for then a 
new quarrel would arise from the drunkenness itself. 

A person might be among them 30 years and even longer, 
and not once see two sober Indians dispute or quarrel ; when 
one of them has a deadly hatred to another, they endeavor to 
smother their anger, and are soon reconciled when it is pos- 
sible ; otherwise either one or the other must leave the coun- 
try, or be continually in danger of his life. 

They never fight each other unless they are drunk ; Butziir 

Notes on the Iroquois and Delaware Indians, 323 

'when two sober wise men fight, then death follows, for they 
seldom yield until but one remains. 

When friends come to them in their dwellings, they receive 
tiiem very cordially. When deputies or ambassadors from 
"their allies (those whom they are friendly to) come to them, 
*hey give them the best they can get ; for this end all the 
^oung men are ready, so that when one of their leading men 
^tj^% them, they go out and hunt, and bring everything they 
<»n obtain to the house where the envoys are, even if their 
own families suffer want. 

Concerning their Warriors. We cannot say with certainty 
concerning their number and the number of their warriors, 
ibr they are very much scattered about the streams which 
4ow into the Mississippi, and around the Lakes or Seas of 
Oanada and among the French. 

The Maquaische are considered to have about 100 warriors 
wX home. 

The Oneider perhaps as many. 

The Tuscarrora have about 150. 

The Onontager not many over 200. 

The Cayjucker about 500. 

The Sinicker about 700 at home, or not far from home. 

The Six Nations live about 400 miles from Lancaster ; if 
^e could go there in a straight line, it would be much nearer ; 
l)ut we cannot travel directly there on account of lofty moun- 

The Onontager lie the farthest to the north, about 450 
miles from Lancaster, as the road goes. 

The Sinicker are the nearest to us. 

The Maquaische are the nearest to Albania, and live the 
farthest east of the Six Nations. It is about 200 miles from 
Albania to the Sinicker, who live principally towards the 

The Onontager live in the middle, and have the Sinicker 
and Cayjucker to the west or southwest. 

The Tuscarrora, Oneider, and Maquaische live to the east 
of them. 

(To be continued.) 

324 The Wharton Family. 



Thobias "Wharton,* who emigrated to Pennsylvania at an 
early date, was the son of Richard Wharton,* of Kellorth, in the 
Parish of Orton (or Overton),* Westmorelandshire, England. 
His parents were members of the Church of England, and on 
the lt)th of October, 1664, he was baptized in All Saints 
Church, Orton. At what period he adopted the tenets of the 
Friends I am unable to discover, but at the time of his mar- 
riage he was certainly in full membership with their Society. 
The marriage took place January 20, 1688-9, O. S., at the 
Bank Meeting House in Philadelphia, where he and Rachel 
Thomas, in the quaint phraseology of their marriage certificate, 
"having declared their Intentions of taking each other in 
marriage before several public meetings of the People of God, 
called Quakers," . . . "according to the good order used 
amongst them, whose Proceedings therein, after a deliberate 
Consideration thereof, were approved by the said Meetings: 
They appearing Clear of all others. Now these are to Certify 
all whom it may concern, that for the full accomplishing of 
their said Intentions, this Second day of the Eleventh month, 
called January, in the Year One thousand Six Hundred, 
Eighty and Eight. They" . . . "appeared in a public 
Assembly of the aforesaid People and others mett together 
for that end and purpose . . . and (according to the Example 
of the holy men of God recorded in the Scriptures of Truth) 
in a Solemn manner, he the said Thomas taking the said 
Rachel by the hand, did openly declare as followeth — ^Friends, 
in the presence of God and before you his people do I take 
Rachel Thomas to be my wife and do promise to be a faithful 
and loving husband, until death separate us." After record- 
ing a similar declaration on the part of Rachel, the certificate 

* See Clark's BritUh Gazetteer, London, 1852. 


ITie Wharton Family. 826 

proceeds — ^'^And the said Thomas Wharton and Rachel 
Thomas, as a further Confirmation thereof, did then and there 
to these Presents set their hands, Thomas Wharton. 

Rachel Wharton." 

Among the witnesses were Micah and James Thomas, 
Sen., also Samuel Richardson, William Salway, and William 
Southeby , about that time members of the Provincial Council, 
John White, then speaker of the Assembly, and William 
Bradford, the celebrated printer. 

Rachel Thomas was born Sept. 1, 1664, in Monmouthshire, 
Wales. She survived her husband nearly thirty years, and 
died in Philadelphia, June 10, 1747. 

Thomas Wharton was principally engaged in mercantile 
pursuits, and was unambitious of political distinction ; he was, 
however, on October 6, 1713, elected a member of the Com- 
mon Council of the city of Philadelphia, and gave an active 
Bttendance to his duties in that position until his death. He 
remained during his life an earnest member of the religious 
denomination to which, in his youth, he had attached him- 
self. He died in Philada. July 81, 1718, leaving a consider- 
able estate to be divided between his children. 

Thomas and Rachel Wharton had eight children, all b. in 

3. Joseph, b. Nov. 25, 1689 ; bn. Jaly 24, 1690. 

4. RicHABD, d. unm. Philada. Mar. 5, 1721. 

6. Mart, d. anm. Philada. Jao. 10, 1763, aged 67. 

6. Jambs. 

7. Thomas, m. Christ Church. Philada. Sept 12, 1728, Mary Onrry. In 

his will, proved 1730, he styles himself '' Mariner," and bequeathes 
all his estate to his wife. She m. 2dly, in 1736, Richard Qrafton. 

8. Raouel, d. nnm. ; bn. Aug. 7, 1735. 

9. John, m. Mary Dobbins. 

10. Joseph, b. Ang. 4, 1707; m. Ist, Hannah Carpenter; and 2dly, 
. Hannah Ogden. 

9. John Wharton* (Thomas,* Richard*) m., Chester Co., Nov. 
2, 1727, Mary, dau. of James Dobbins. She was b. 1696, and 
I Philada. Jan. 10, 1763. After his marriage he resided for 

326 JTie W/iarton Family. 

many years in Chester Co., of which from 1730 to 1737 he 
was annually selected coroner. He had five children. 

11. Jambs, bu. Philada. May 4, 1785, aged 53 yean ; m. Ist, Mary Hogg ; 

and 2dly, Christiana Bedd. 

12. Thoxas. b. Chester Co., 1735 ; m. 1st, Susannah Lloyd ; and 2dly, 

Elizabeth Fishboume. 

13. John, d. Oct. 22, 1799, aged 67 ; m. Rebecca Chamless. 

14. Bacbbl, m. William Crispin. 

15. Mart, m. Baxter. 

10. Joseph Wharton' (Thomas,* Richard*), b. Philada. Aug. 
4, 1707; m. Ist, Philada. March 5, 1729-30, Hannah, dau. of 
John Carpenter,* by his wife, Ann Hoskins. She was b. 
Philada. Nov. 23, 1711, and d. July 14, 1751. He m. 2dly, 
June 7, 1752, Hannah, wid. of John Ogden, and dau. of 
Robert Owen, by his wife, Susannah Hudson.t She was b. 
Phila. March 16, 1720-1, and d. Jan. 1791. He was a very 
successful merchant, but toTvards the close of his life retired 
from business, and lived at his country seat. Walnut Grove, 
which soon after his death was made famous as the scene of 
the Meschianza. He d. in Philada. and was bu. in Friends 
Ground, July 27, 1776. By his 1st wife he had eleven chil- 
dren, all b. in Philada. 

16. Thomas, b. Jan. 15, 1730>1 ; m. Rachel Medcald 
^ 17. Samuel, b. May 3, 1732 ; m. Sarah Lewis. 

18. Joseph, b. March 21, 1733-4 ; m. Sarah Tallman. 

19. Rachel, b. Jane 7, 1736 ; bu. Jan. 6, 1736-7. 

20. John, b. Jan. 17, 1737-8; d.l770. 

21. William, b. March 12, 1740 ; m. Oct. 15, 1767, Snsannah, dau. of 

Jacob Medcalf bv his wife Susannah Hndson, b. Jane 6, 1734» 
He d. s. p. Will proved, Philada. Jan. 21, 1805. 

22. GiOROB, b. March 13, 1741-2; bu. March 17, 1741-2. 

23. Charles, b. Jan. 11, 1743-4 ; m. Ist, Jemima Edwards ; 2d]7, Eii«abeUj^ 

Richardson ; and 3dl7, Hannah Redwood. 

24. Isaac, b. Sept. 15, 1745 ; m. Margaret Rawle. 

25. Carpenter, b. Aug. 30, 1747 ; m. Elizabeth Dayis. 

26. Bekjamin, b. Feb. 12, 1749-50 ; d. Sept. 8, 1754. 

♦ Bon of Samael Carpemter, many years a member of the Provliicial Conn— 
oil, and Treasurer of the Province, by his wife, Hannah, daa. of Abrahaor^^ 

t Daughter of William Hudson, sometime Mayor of Philada., by bis wifo, 
Elizabeth, dau. of Samuel Richardson. Richardson was a member of th^ 
Provincial Council, 1688-93. 


7^ Wharton Family. 327 

By hiB 2d wife he had seven children. 

27. Mary, b. April 3, 1755 ; m. William Sykes. 

28. Robert, b. Jan. 12, 1757; m. Salome Chancellor. 

29. Benjamin, b. April 29, 1759 ; d. April 9, 1764. 

30. James, b. Jan. 3, 1761 ; d. Jan. 9, 1761. 

31. Rachel, b. Aug. 27, 1762 ; m. William Lewis. 

32. Hudson, b. Feb. 21, 1765 ; d. Aug. 10, 1771. 

33. Franklin, b. July 23, 1767 ; m. Mary Cliftoo. 

11. James WHART0N*(John,*Thoma8,*Richard*)m.lst,MaTy, 
^u. of Peregrine Hogg, sometime of Philada. but finally of 
Xondon, Mercer, by his wife Mary Fitzwater.* She was bu. 
IPhilada. April 13, 1772, aged about 35 years. He m. 2dly, 
Sept. 14, 1773, Christiana Redd, who d. before him. During 
i;he Revolution he was the proprietor of a rope-walk, and 
iumished a large portion of the cordage for the vessels of the 
State Navy. He was bu. in Friends Ground, Philada. May 4, 
1785, aged 53 years. Of his seven children all but the last 
named were certainly by his first wife. 

34. Reynold, m. 

35. Jambs. 

36. Rebecca, d. unm. Aug. 31, 1807, aged 46. 

37. Peregrine, b. Fob. 14, 1765; m. Jane Brown. 

38. George, m. Mary Doughty. 

39. Morris. 

40. Deborah Olatpoolb, m. Philada. May 7, 1795, Isaac H. Jacluoii. 

12. Thomas WHARTON,t Junr.* (John,* Thomas,' Richard*), b. 
Chester County, 1735 ; m. 1st, Christ Church, Philada. Nov. 
4, 1762, Susannah, dau. of Thomas Lloyd,:]: by his wife, 
Susannah Keamey.§ She d. Oct. 24, 1772, and he m. 2dly, 

* Daaghter of George FitEwater, who, with his parents, Thomas and Mary 
Fltxwater, of Ham worth, Middlesex, Eng., was among the companions of 
Penn on his first visit to Penna. in 1683. 

t A biographical sketch of Got. Wharton will be published hereafter. 

t Son of Thomas Lloyd, and grandson Thomas Lloyd, President of the 
Council, 1684 to 1688, and again 1690 to 1693. 

$ Daaghter of Philip Kearney, of Philada., by his wife Rebecca, daughter 
of Lionel Britton. In the "Hill Family," by J. J. Smith, Philada., 1854, she 
is said to have been Susannah Owen ; but Susannah, wife of Thomas Lloyd 
and daaghter of Philip Kearney, is a party t/) a deed from Bebecca Kearney, 
et a]., to Edmund Kearney, and in the will of Joanna Kearney, who was also 
a party to the deed, Susannah Wharton is named as a niece of the testatrix. 

328 The Wharton Family. 

Dec. 7, 1774, Elizabeth, dau. of William Fishboume,* by hi 
wife, Mary Tallman. She was b. Sept. 1752, and d. Philada— 
April 24, 1826. He d. at Lancaster, May 22, 1778. By 
first wife he had five children. 

41. Llotd Wbabton, m. Marj Rogers and d. a. p. 

42. Kearney, d. Jan. 4, 1848, aged 82 ; m. Maria Salter. 

43. Wtlliam Moore, d. Aug. 14, 1816, aged 49 ; m. Ist, Mary Wate 

and 2dly, Deborah Shoemaker. 

44. Sarah Norris, d. 1836, aged 64 ; m. lat, Dr. Beojamin Tollman ; anc 

2dly, Samuel Courtauld. 

45. Susannah, bu. Philada. Feb. 2, 1773. 

By his 2d wife he had three children. 

46. Mary, b. Sept. 7, 1775 ; d. unm. Philada. June, 1799. 

47. Thoxas Fibhbournb, b. Not. 10, 1776 ; d. unm. Philada. Jan. 1865. ^ 

48. FisHBouRNE, b. Aug. 10, 1778; m. 1st, Susan Shoemaker; and 2dl]^^.7i 

Mary Ann Shoemaker. 

13. John Wharton* (John,* Thomas,* Richard^) m. Philadi^^B. 
June 24, 1761, Rebecca Chamless. He was a shipbuilder it^^ 
Philada., and during the Revolution, built for the Pennsyl 
vania Navy two men-of-war, the Experiment and the 

mgton. He was a member of Continental Navy Board, 1778 

1780. He d. Philada. Oct. 22, 1799, aged 67 years. 
children were 

49. Chamless. b. 1769 ; d. April 20, 1775. 

50. Chamless, d. unm. Philada. Oct 22, 1802, aged 22 years. 

14. Rachel Wharton^ (John,* Thomas,* Richard*) m. 
Meeting, Philada. Dec. 10, 1762, William Crispm, son of SilaiJ 
Crispin, of Burlington, IST. J. He was a commissary of the 
American Army. Collector of Excise. • He d. Philada. April 
24, 1797, aged 60 years. They had six children. 

51. William. 

52. Sarah, m. William Leris. 

♦ His father, William Fishboume, a member of the Pr^Tindal Ckmndl, 
1723 to 1731, wa8 bom in Talbot County, Md., where his pareots, Balph and 
Sarah (Lewis) Fishbonme, then resided. William Plshbonrne, the elder, 
settled in Philada. before 1700, and in 1702 married Hannah, danghter of 
Samuel Garpenter^see note, page 326. 

Ihe WhaHm Family. 829 

53. ESTHKB. 

54. Rachel. 

55. Mart. 

56. Thomas, ba. Sept 23, 17B1, aged 3 yeanu 

16. Thomas Wharton* (Joseph^* ThonuiB,* Richard'), b. 
Phila. Jan. 15, 1730-1 ; m. Friends Meeting, Philada. Rachel, 
dau. of Jacob Medcalf, by his wife Hannah Hudson. She was 
b. Feb. 21, 1729-80. " He was a merchant of great wealth and 
influence, and of the sect of Quakers. In the enterprise of 
Galloway and Goddard to establish "The Chronicle," a leading 
newspaper, he was their partner; and the parties supposed 
that Franklin, on his return from England, would join 
them. Previous to the Revolution, Franklin and Mr. Whar- 
ton were correspondents. In 1774, Washington records that 
he "dined with Thomas Wharton." {Sabine^ s Loyalists.) Like 
many other Friends, he was at first actively opposed to 
the oppressive measures of the British Government, and a 
signer of the non-importation agreement in 1765 ; but when 
the colonies resorted to arms his sympathy was entirely with- 
drawn from their cause. His prominence among the Friends, 
the majority of whom had pursued a similar course in regard 
to the active prosecution of the Revolution, made him an 
object of suspicion to the authorities of the newly arisen 
commonwealth, and in Aug. 1777 he and several other Friends 
were arrested, who, on their refusing to sign a parole, were in 
the following month exiled to Virginia. In April, 1778, they 
were allowed to return to Philada. Mr. Wharton, however 
was proscribed as an enemy to his country, and lost his estate 
under the Confiscation Act of Penna. He d. near Philada. in 
the winter of 1782. 

(To be continntd.) 


Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvania. 



Articles of ffreightmeut, covenanted, indented, and nuA^ 
the seventh day of March, 1697-8, between Owen Thomas, o i 
the County burrough of Carmathen, mercer, owner of tt*-* 
good shipp called the William Galley, now riding in tt»^ 
river of Towy, of the one part, and David Powell, of the park 
of Nantmell, in the county of Radnor, and John Morris, o 
the parish of KarbadamfjTieth, in the said county of Radno 
yeomen, of the other part : Witnesseth that the said Davi 
Powell, John Morris, and several other persons hereimto su 
scribed, being desirous to goe beyond seas for Pensilvani 
have covenanted and agreed to and with the said Owe 
Thomas, ow^uer of the said shipp, and Samuel Haines, maste 
thereof, for a voyage or passage in the said ship by God' 
grace, in manner and form following (vizt.). 

The said Owen Thomas, owner of the said ship, and th 
said Master, covenant and grant by these presents, to an< 
with the said David Pow^ell and John Morris, that the 
with the first and next good wind and weather that God shal 
send after the tenth day of May next ensuing the date abov 
written, shall depart from the said river of Towy, and direct! 
sail for Philadelphia in Pensilvania, with the said paeaenge 
and such goods and wares as they shall sett aboard, or lay i 
the said shipp, on the River Tow^y, and being arrived or com( 
to the sd. port of Philadelphia, or so nigh to the same as sh 
safely and conveniently may come, shall there tarry for th 
space of ffive day.s next after her arrival, there to dischargc^^ 
and unload the said passengers, wnth all the goods and 
that shall be freighted and laden in her by them, freely o: 
shore, upon the Key of Philadelphia. 

And it is further covenanted and granted between the sd* 
parties, that the sd. David Powell and John Morris as well 
for themselves as also for all othoiN the passengers hereunto 

Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvanicu 831 

subscribed, do hereby promise aiid engage to pay for them- 
selves and all other passengers from 12 years of age and up- 
wards unto the said Owen Thomas, the sum of flive pounds, 
in manner and form following (vizt.) ffifty shillings for each 
of them att or upon the sixth day of April next, at the town 
of Rhayader upon the River Towy, and the other ffifty shil- 
lings att or upon the day of their entering aboard the sd. 
shipp, and for every passenger under 12 years of age the sum 
of ffifty shillings each, before the day of their going aboard 
for the sd. voyage, and that all sucking children have free 
passage, and fireight free of and for all wares and goods for 
said passengers, not exceeding twentie tunns weight, and that 
the sd. goods be unloaded at the charge of the said owner and 
master of the said shipp at the port of Philadelphia aforesaid. 

And it is further covenanted and agreed between the sd. 
parties, that in concidcracion of the payments aforesaid by 
the sd. passengers, the sd. owner and master of the sd. shipp 
do covenant and grant to and with each and every of the said 
passengers, to find them during the time of their being aboard 
for the said voyage with sufficient meat, drink, and cabins, 
and all other necessaries, at the proper cost and charges of the 
said Owen Thomas, owner, and Samuel Haines, master of the 
said shipp. 

And it is further covenanted between the said partys, that 
the said David I^owell and John Morris, together with the 
other passengers hereto subscribed, shall make themselves 
ready to appear before the owner or master of the sd. shipp 
att the Burrough of Carmathen, upon the said tenth day of 
May next, and in case the wind and weather do not then 
serv- e to hoist sailes for the sd. voyage, that the sd. passengers 
do covenant and grant to find and maintain themselves with 
meat, drink, and all other necessaries, for the space of ffivc 
days, next after the said tenth day of May, and in case the 
paiiscngers be forced to stay longer after the said five days for 
wind, then the owner or master of the sd. shipp covenant and 
grant to find them with meat, drink, and other necessaries 
for fourteen days next after, and no longer. 

Provided, also, that the said shipp be not in readiness for 
the sd. voyage, att the sd. tenth day of May, that then the 


Welsh Emigration to Pennsylvania. 

owner or master of the sd. shipp do find and maintain the sd. 
passengers with meat, drink, and necessaries until the sd. 
shipp be fully ready. 

And it is further covenanted and agreed between the said 
parties that every master of a family among the sd. passen- 
gers having a wife and children, or a considerable family, shall 
pay att the time of their going aboard, ffive shillings encour- 
agement to the Doctor belonging to the said shipp, and all 
single persons, except servants, pay one shilling apiece. 

And also it is agreed by the sd. partys, that the said David 
Powell and John Morris shall bring to the said owner or 
master the sd. shipp a positive account of the number of pas- 
sengers intended for the sd. voyage, by the twentieth day of 
this instant, March ; and it is further covenanted between the 
said parties that the sd. Owen Thomas will find cellars, fiee 
without any hire, for the goods and wages of the passengers 
to abide until they be sett aboard the sd. shipp. 

And finally and lastly, it is mutually covenanted and 
agreed by and between the said parties, for themselves, their 
heirs, executors, and administrators, to observe, Ailfill, and 
accomplish all and singular the grants, articles, and agree- 
ment herein before specified or mencioned to be observed, ful- 
filled, and accomplished by virtue of these presents. 

In witness whereof, both the sd. Partys have hereunto their 

hands and seals interchangeably sett the day and year first 

above written. 


Sealed and delivered in the sight and presence of us. 



Dftvid Powell, 

for 11 passengers. 

Thomas Jermau, for 3 

John Morris, 




John Powell, ** 2 

Margaret Jones, 




James Price, " 2 

Edward Moore, 




John Vaikaw, " 1 

Thomas Powell, 




Lymley Williams, " I 

Thorny Griffith, 




Ann Lewis, " I 

Rees Rees. 




Thomas Watte, " I 

Edward Nicholas, 




Waiter Ingram, " I 
Benjamin Davis, " 2 

Winnifred Oliver, 




Evan Powell, 











Note. — The above agreement was probably carried oat in good fidth by 
the captain and owner of the ship, as the passengers named were in Phila- 
delphia in March, 1699. 

Robai Morris. 883 



(CenteDnial Collection.) 

In presenting a brief memoir of the life of Robert Morris, 
1 1 is impossible to forget the biting sarcasm and sharp wit of 
flufiis Choate's memorable toast, — ^^^ Pennsylvania's two most 
distinguished citizens, Robert Morris, a native of Great Britain, 
ci,nd Benjamin Franklin, a native of Massachusetts." It is to 
jx)rtray the life of one of these " dtizens" that I have been 
invited here to-day. 

Robert Morris, the Financier of the American Revolution, 
^v^as bom in Liverpool, Kingdom of Great Britain, on the 20th 
of January, 1738-34, old style, or what would be, according to 
t:he modem method of computation, January 81st, 1784. His 
father, also Robert Morris, came to this country and settled 
sxt Oxford on the eastern shore of Maryland prior to the year 
11740. He was there engaged in the tobacco trade as the fac- 
t:or of Foster Cunliflfe, Esq., of England. His tombstone in 
W hitemarsh burial ground, Talbot County, Maryland, records, 
"that " A salute from the cannon of a ship, the wad fracturing 
liis arm, was the signal by which he departed greatly lamented, 
«8 he was esteemed, in the fortieth year of his age, on the 
12th day of July, MDCCL." 

Robert, the son, at an early age came to Philadelphia, and 
entered the counting-house of Mr. Charles Willing, one of the 
:fir8t merchants of his day, and subsequently in 1754, at the 
age of twenty, formed a copartnership with his son Thomas 
"Willing, which lasted until 1793, a period of thirty-nine years, 
and the firm of Willing & Morris became the best known and 
largest importing house in the colonies. In October, 1765^ 
Tipon the arrival of the " Royal Charlotte," carrying the ob-' 
noxious stamped paper for the colonies, a town meeting was 
lield at the State House, to prevent the landing of the stamps. 

&84 Robert Morris. 

and a committee was appointed to wait upon John Hughe? 
the stamp distributor, and demand his resignation of the o 
fice. . On this committee Mr. Morris was appointed, and fron 
Hughes' letters* it would appear that he and James Tilghmai 
were the spokesmen on the occasion. Later in the same y 
Mr. Morris signed the Non-Importation Resolutions an 
Agreement of the Merchants of Philadelphia, and in Januarj' 
1766, was appointed one of the first wardens of the port or 
Philadelphia, by the Assembly of Pennsylvania. Upon th* 
formation of a Committee of Safety for the Province, in Jan 
1775, Mr. Morris was made vice-president, Franklin being th 
head, and continued in the office until the dissolution of th 
Committee, in July, 1776. 

The appointment of Mr. Morris, by the Assembly of 
sylvania on the 3d of November, 1775, as one of the del^a 
to the second congress, then in session at Philadelphia sin* 
May 10th, was his first entrance into important public li 
Soon after he had taken his seat he was added to and mad 
chairman of the Secret Committee, which had been selected i 
September, to contract for the importation of arms and amm 
nition. On the 11th of December, he wa« designated as 
of the committee to devise ways and means for furnishing th 
colonies with a naval armament, and subsequently, on the fo 
mation of a naval committee, he was made a member. 
April, 1776, Mr. Morris was specially commissioned to n 
tiate bills of exchange, and to take other measures to piocor^ 
money for the Congress. When Richard Heniy Lee's resola- 
tion of June 7th came up for final action on July 2d, the day 
we celebrate, he, with John Dickinson, Thomas Willing, and 
Charles Humphreys, voted against independence; and after- 
wards, on the FOURTH, when the Declaration was submitted for 
approval, he and Dickinson absented themselves from their 
seats in Congress. His action was of course much oommented 
upon, and John Adams, the most ardent and at the same time 
the most severe and censorious of his contemporariee, wrote to 
General Gates : " You ask me what you are to think of Bobert 

> 2 Hazard's Register, 247. 

Sobert Morris. 885 

Morris t I will tell you what I think of him. I think he 
has a nmsterly understanding, an open temper, and an honest 
heart ; and if he does not always vote for what you and I 
think proper, it is because he thinks that a largo body of 
people remains who are not yet of his mind." This query 
was doubtless oocasioned by the apparent inconsistency of 
Mr. Morris's action with his views expressed to General 
Gates, in a letter written from Philadelphia on April 6th, 
1776, in which he says : — 

"Where the plague are these Commissioners? If they 
are to come, what is it that detains them? It is time 
"we should be on a certainty, and know positively whether 
liie liberties of America can be established and secured by 
x^Gonciliation, or whether we must totally renounce connec- 
"^ion with Great Britain, and fight our way to a total inde- 
jpNidence. Whilst we continue thus firmly united amongst 
ourselves, there is no doubt but either of those points may 
T)e carried ; but it seems to me wo shall quarrel about which 
of these roads is best to pursue, unless the Commissioners 
4kppear soon and lead us into the first path, therefore I 
wish them to come, dreading nothing so much as even an 
appearance of division amongst ourselves." Mr. Morris's 
reason for this course was that he considered the act prema- 
ture and unnecessary, that the colonies were not yet ready for 
independence; and that his motives wore respected and sanc- 
tioned by his constituents, and his patriotism never questioned, 
are shown by the fact that on the 20th of the same month, he, 
alone of the members who had voted with him, was roH'lected 
a delegate. On this same day he wrote "Fi'om the Hills on 
Schuylkill" to Joseph Reed : "I have uniformly voted against 
and opposed the Declaration of Independence, because, in my 
poor opinion, it was an impi'opor time, and will neither pro- 
inote the interest nor redound to the honour of America ; for 
it has caused division when we wanted union, and will be 
ascribed to very diflferent principles than those which ought 
to give rise to such an important measure. I did expect my 
i^nduct on this great question would have procured my dis- 
mission from the great Council, but find myself disappointed. 

836 EobeH Morris. 

for the Convention has thought proper to return me in the 
new delegation, and although my interest and inclination 
prompt me to decline the service, yet I cannot depart from 
one point which first induced me to enter the public line. I 
mean an opinion that it is the duty of every individual to act 
his part in whatever station his country may call him to, in 
hours of dijBiculty, danger, and distress. Whilst I think this 
a duty, I must submit, although the councils of America have 
taken a difierent course fix>m my judgment and wishes. I 
think that the individual who declines the service of his 
country because its councils are not conformable to his ideas, 
makes but a bad subject ; a good one will follow if he can- 
not lead." Subsequently, on the 2d of August, when the 
engrossed Declaration was laid on the table to be signed, 
he subscribed, with firm hand and unfiiltering heart, his 
signature to our Magna Charta. This act was not incon- 
sistent with his earlier course, for in that brief month great 
changes had taken place. 

He cannot, however, be said to have been, like Sam. 
Adams, " Burning for Independence," for while he was ever 
earnest in his exertions to withstand the encroachments of 
the British crown, he afterwards, on several occasions, ex^ 
pressed his great regret for the act. In October, 1777, after 
the surrender of Burgoyne, he wrote to Q^tes : — 
, "Mr. Johnson, and, indeed, all the other Maryland dele- 
■: gates, are at home forming a Constitution. This seems to 
be the present business of all America, except the army. 
It is the fruit of a certain premature declaration which, you 
know, I always opposed. Mj opposition was founded on the 
evil consequences I foresaw, or thought I foresaw, and the 
present state of several of the colonies justifies my apprehen- 
sion. We are disputing about liberties, privileges, posts, and 
places, at the very time we ought to have nothing in view but 
the securing of those objects, and placing them on such a foot- 
ing, as to make them worth contending for amongst ourselves 
hereaft;er. But instead of that, the vigor of this and several 
other States is lost in int^tine divisions; and unless this 
spirit of contention is checked by some other means, I fear it 


JRcbert Morris. 887 

will have a banefiil influence on the measures of America. 
Nothing do I wish for more, than a peace on terms honorable 
and beneficial to both countries ; and I am convinced it is 
more consistent with the interest of Great Britain to acknow- 
1^ our independence, and enter into commercial treaties 
with us, than to persist in attempting to reduce us to uncon- 
ditional submission. I hope we shall never be reduced to 
such a vile situation, whilst a true friend of America and 
freedom exists. Life would not be worth having, and it is 
better to perish by the sword, than to drag out our remaining 
days in misery and scorn ; but I hope Heaven has better 
things in store for the votaries of such a cause." 

In December, 1776, when Congress retired to Baltimore on 
the approach of Comwallis, a committee, consisting of Mr. 
Morris, G^eorge Clymer, and George Walton, was appointed 
to remain in Philadelphia, with extensive power to execute 
all necessary public business. It was just at this period that 
Washington wrote to Morris, from above Trenton, that unless 
he had a certain amount of specie at once, he would be unable 
to keep the army together, and could not foretell the result. 
Morris on his personal credit borrowed a sufficient sum, for- 
warded it to Washington, and enabled him to finish the vic- 
tory over the Hessians at Trenton, by his success at Princeton. 

On the 10th of March, 1777, Mr. Morris was a third time 
sent as a delegate to Congress, and soon after was placed on 
the Committee of Commerce, which succeeded the Secret Com- 
mittee. When Hancock, in the fiiU of this year, on account 
of his ill-health, decided to resign his place in Congress, Mr. 
Morris was urged to accept the Presidentship, but he de- 
clined to serve, as it would interfere entirely with his private 
business, and disarrange his public engagements. Henry 
Laurens was therefore chosen as Hancock's successor. In 
November, Mr. Morris was selected with Elbridgo Gerry to 
repair to the army, and confer confidentially with the Com- 
mander-in-chief, as to the best means of providing for the 
Army. On the 18th of December, he was again re-elected to 
Congress, and on the 9th day of July, 1778, led the Pennsyl- 
vania delegation, in signing the " Articles of Confederation 

888 JRobeH Morris. 

and Perpetual IJnion between the Statee,^ under which the 
government was carried on until supplanted, ten years later, 
by the Constitution of the United States. In August, he was 
appointed a member of the Committee of Finance, and in the 
spring of 1780, organized the Bank of Pennsylvania, "to supply 
the army with provisions for two months," and to it subscribed 
j£10,000. Early in the year 1781, Congress found it necessaiy 
to organize the Executive departments of the government, and, 
*' whatever may have been thought, in regard to the candi- 
dates suitable for the other departments, there was but one 
opinion in Congress and in the nation as to the proper person 
for taking charge of the finances, then in a dilapidated and 
most deplorable condition. The public sentiment everywhere 
pointed to Robert Morris, whose great experience and succesB 
as a merchant, his ardor in the cause of American liberty, hia 
firmness of character, fertility of mental resources, and pro- 
found knowledge of pecuniary operations qualified him in a 
degree far beyond any other person for this arduous and 
responsible station."' Accordingly, on the 20th of February -» 
at a time when Mr. Morris was a member of the Assembly 
of Pennsylvania, he was unanimously chosen to the office o€ 
Superintendent of Finance. This action was communica 
to him, by the President of Congress, in the following letteri 

** Philadelphia, February 21, 178L - 

"Sir — By the enclosed copy you will be informed i 
Congress have been pleased unanimously to elect you. Sir, 
the important office of Superintendent of Finance. 

It is hoped that this important call of your Country 
be received by you, Sir, as irresistible. 

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of esteem 


Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

Robert Morris, Esquire" 

On the 13th of March, Mr. Morris sent his reply to 
gress, in which he made certain stipulations as a conditiion 

» Jared Sparks' " Life of Gouvemeur Morris," vol. i. p. 231. 


Robert Morris. 889 

precedent upon his accepting the office. This led to a con- 
ference with a committee of the Congress specially appointed 
for the purpose, which resulted in the passage of certain reso- 
lutions on the 20th of March and 21st and 27th of April, in 
effect assenting to Mr. Morris's conditions ; and, upon receiv- 
ing, from the President of Congress, copies of these resolutions, 
Mr. Morris, on May 14th, accepted the office of Superintendent 
of Finance. In his letter of acceptance, which is a noble eulo- 
gium upon the man who wrote it, he says : " In accepting 
the office bestowed on me, I sacrifice much of my interest, my 
ease, my domestic enjoyments, and internal tranquillity. If I 
know my own heart, I make these sacrifices with a disinte- 
rested view to the service of my country. I am ready to go 
further; and the United States may command everythino 


t^liis period until Noveml)er 1st, 1784, when he resigned, he 
oontinued to fill this arduous and responsible post. 

In so brief a notice it is impossible to recount the duties 
"which this appointment imposed ; but it was a herculean task, 
Avhich he managed so as to bring order out of chaos and suc- 
cjesB out of doubt. When the exhausted credit of the govem- 
xnent threatened the most alarming consequences ; when the 
»rmy was utterly destitute of the necessary supplies of food, 
<3lothing, arms, and ammunition ; when Washington almost 
l)egan to fear for the result, Robert Morris, upon his own 
<5redit and from his private resources, furnished those pecu- 
niary means without which all the physical force of the coun- 
try would have been in vain ; without Robert Morris the 
Bword of Washington would have rusted in its sheath. A 
dispassionate foreigner, Carlo Botta, in his History of the 
American Revolution, says : "Certainly the Americans owed 
and still owe as much acknowledgment to the financial opera- 
tions of Robert Morris as to the negotiations of Benjamin 
Franklin or even the arms of George Washington." 

One of the earliest official acts of Mr. Morris was to submit 
to Congress, in the same month as he accepted his appointment, 
** A Plan for Establishing a National Bank for the United 

840 jRobert Morris. 

States," and, on the Slst of the following December, " The 
I^resident, Directors, and Corporation of the Bank of North 
America" were incorporated. This was the first incorporated 
bank in the United States. The Assembly of Pennsylvania 
having in 1785 annulled the charter of the bank, Mr. Mor- 
ris, at the earnest solicitation of many citizens, consented to 
become a candidate for the Legislature, in conjunction with 
his friends Thomas Fitzsimmons and George Clymer, in order 
to obtain, if practicable, its renewal. He was consequently 
elected the following year, and although failing in the first 
effort, his exertions were subsequently crowned with success. 
When peace had once again fiillen upon the land of his 
adoption, and a fundamental law was necesssary to be formed 
for its governance, Mr. Morris was chosen a delegate to the 
memorable convention which met in Philadelphia, May 25th, 
1787, and framed the Constitution of the United States. It 
was he who proposed Washington for president of that con- 
vention, and during its entire session Washington was his 
guest. During the deliberations of the convention he strenu- 
ously advocated the choice of senators for life, and that they 
should be " men of great and established property — an aris- 
tocracy." In the course of one of his speeches, he used these 
weighty words, which deserve to be studied carefully at the 
present day, with a healthy recollection of our present con- 
dition : " History proves, I admit, that men of large property 
will uniformly endeavor to establish tyranny. How shall we 
ward off these evils? Give them the second branch, the 
Senate, and you secure their weight for the public good. 
They are responsible for their conduct, and this lust of power 
will ever be checked by the democratic branch, and thus form 
the stability of your government. But if we continue chang- 
ing our measures by the breath of democracy, who will con- 
fide in our engagements? Who will trust us? Ask any 
person whether he has any confidence in the government of 
Congress under the Confederation or that of the State of Penn- 
sylvania, he will readily answer you 'No.' Ask him the reason, 
and he will tell you it is because he has no confidence in their 
stability." In October, 1788, he received a renewed mark of 

342 Robert Morris. 

with a full, well-formed vigorous frame, and clear, smooth, 
florid complexion. Ilis hair, sandy in youth, was worn when 
gray, loose and impowdered. His eyes were bright blue, of 
medium size, but uncommonly brilliant. There are four por- 
traits of him. The earliest by Charles Wilson Peale, now in 
Independence Ilall, was never like the original, and Mrs. 
Morris could not bear it in her sight, or to hear it mentioned 
as a likeness of Air. Morris. The second, a miniature by 
Trumbull, is now in Virginia, in possession of his grand- 
daughter, Mrs. Ambler. The third was painted by Robert 
Edge Pine, the English artist, for whom Mr. Morris built a 
house in Eighth Street below Market, and is the most familiar 
one, as from it all the engraved portraits have been taken. It 
is believed to have been a very fair likeness, and is now in 
possession of the family of his son Henry Morris. The latest 
portrait was painted by the great genius Gilbert Stuart, and 
is a masterpiece of this great artist's work. As you look upon 
the canvas you forget it is inanimate, and feel as if you were 
in the very presence of the man, while that intuitive some- 
thing tells you it is like as life. The original is in New York, 
m possession of the family of his son Thomas Morris, and a 
duplicate is in possession of his granddaughter Miss Nixon, 
of Philadelphia. 

Mr. Morris possessed naturally great intellectual qualities. 
His mind was acute, penetrating, and logical. His conversa- 
tion was cheerful, affable, and engaging. His public speak- 
ing was fluent, forcible, and impressive, and he was listened 
to always with the profound attention and respect his great 
exj)erience and practical good sense so justly merited. In 
debate, his argumentative eloquence is described as being of a 
high order, expressing himself in a terse and correct manner. 
His extensive public and private correspondence was conducted 
in a graceful, clear style. His manners were gracious and 
simple, and free from the formality which generally prevailed, 
while at heart he was an aristocrat, and looked upon as the 
leader of the aristocratic party in the republic. He was 
noted for his great cheerfulness and urbanity of disposition, 
which even under the most distressing circumstances never for- 


Francis Ligfdfooi Lee. 843 

sook him, and £rom the prison house in adversity as from the 
counting-house in prosperity, he sent familiar notes filled with 
amusing and sprightly expressions; but his sarcasm and invec- 
tive were as sharp and severe as his benevolence and kindness 
were unbounded. In all his misfortunes he seldom uttered a 
complaint, placing them where they justly belonged — to his 
ambition for accumulating wealth. None of the many worthies 
of the Revolution stood higher in the esteem or approached 
nearer to the heart of Washington than Robert Morris. The 
paier patrice^s adopted son, George Washington Parke Custis, 
says, " If I am asked — * And did not Washington unbend and 
admit to familiarity and social friendship some one person to 
whom age and long and interesting associations gave peculiar 
privilege, the privilege of the heart V — I answer that fiivored 
individual was Robert Morris." In the fall of 1798, when 
"Washington repaired to Philadelphia to superintend the or- 
ganization of his last army, called together on the apprehension 
of war with France, "he paid his first visit to the prison 
liouse of Robert Morris. The old man wrung the hand of the 
Chief in silence, while his tearful eye gave the welcome to 
such a home." Well may we repeat Whittier's words : — 

" What has the gray haired prisoner done ? 

Has marder stained his hands with gore 7 

Not so ; his crime 's a foaler one : 

Qod made the old man poor." 

0. H. H. 


(" MARK twain")* 

(Centennial Collection.) 

This man's life-work was so inconspicuous, that his name 
^ould now be wholly forgotten, but for one thing — ^he signed 
the Declaration of Independence. Yet his life was a most 
useful and worthy one. It was a good and profitable voyage, 
though it left no phosphorescent splendors in its wake. 

344 Francis Lightfoct Lee. 

A sketch of Francis Lightfoot Lee can be useful for bnt 
one purpose, as showing what sort of material was used in 
the construction of congressmen in his day ; since to sketch 
him is to sketch the average congressman of his time. 

He came of an old and excellent family ; a family which 
had borne an unsullied name, and held honorable place on 
both sides of the water ; a family with a reputation to pre- 
serve and traditions to perpetuate ; a family w^hich could not 
afford to soil itself with political trickery, or do base things 
for party or for hire ; a family which was able to shed as 
much honor upon official station as it received from it. 

He dealt in no shams ; he had no ostentations of dress or 
equipage ; for he was, as one may say, inured to wealth. He 
had always been used to it. His own ample means were in- 
herited. He was educated. He was more than that — ^he was 
finely cultivated. He loved books ; he had a good library, 
and no place had so great a charm for him as that. The old 
Virginian mansion which was his home was also the home 
of that old-time Virginian hospitality which hoary men still 
hold in mellow memory. Over their port and walnuts he 
and his friends of the gentry discussed a literature which is 
dead and forgotten now, and political matters which were 
drowsy with the absence of corruption and "investigations." 
Sundays he and they drove to church in their lumbering 
coaches, with a due degree of grave and seemly pomp. Week- 
days they inspected their domains, ordered their a&irs, at- 
tended to the needs of their dependents, consulted with their 
overseers and tenants, busied themselves with active benevo- 
lences. They were justices of the peace, and performed their 
unpaid duties with arduous and honest diligence, and with 
serene, unhampered impartiality toward a society to which 
they were not beholden for their official stations. In short, 
Francis Lightfoot Lee was a gentleman — a word which 
meant a great deal in his day, though it means nothing what- 
ever in ours. 

Mr. Lee defiled himself with no juggling, or wire-pulling, 
or begging, to acquire a place in the provincial legislature, 
but went thither when he was called, and went reluctantly. 

Francis Lightfoot Lee. 845 

He wrought there industriously during four years, never seek- 
mg his own ends, but only the public's. His course was 
purity itself, and he retired unblemished when his work was 
lone. He retired gladly, and sought his home and its supe- 
rior allurements. No one dreamed of such a thing as " inves- 
tigating" him. 

Immediately the people called him again — this time to a 
seat in the Continental Congress. lie accepted this unsought 
office from a sense of duty only, and during four of the dark- 
est years of the Revolution he labored with all his might for 
his country's best behests. He did no brilliant things, he 
made no brilliant speeches ; but the enduring strength of his 
patriotism was manifest, his fearlessness in confronting 
perilous duties and compassing them was patent to all, the 
purity of his motives was unquestioned, his unpurchasable 
honor and uprightness were unchallenged. His good work 
finished, he hurried back to the priceless charms of his home 
once more, and begged hard to be allowed to spend the rest 
of his days in the retirement and repose which his faithful 
labors had so fairly earned ; but this could not be , he was 
solicited to enter the State Legislature; he was needed there; 
he was a good citizen, a citizen of the best and highest type, 
and so he put self aside and answered to the call. He served 
the State with his accustomed fidelity, and when at last his 
public career was ended, he retired honored of all, applauded 
by all, unaccused, unsmirched, utterly stainless. 

This is a picture of the average, the usual Congressman of 
Francis Lightfoot Lee's time, and it is vividly suggestive of 
what that people must have been that preferred such men. 
Since then we have Progressed one hundred years. Let us 
gravely try to conceive how isolated, how companionless, 
how lonesome, such a public servant as this would be in 
Washington to-day. 

Note. — The Robject of this sketch was bora on the fourteenth day of 
October, 1734, and died in April, 1797.— Eo. 



GeneralJamea Potter. 


"General James Potter, of the PenDsylvania Militia, of whom little * 
knowD." — See note^ p. 18, No. 1, Pbnnstlvania Maoazinb of HmoBr ^^ 

BlOORAPHT, 1877. 

Intelligent persons who have made Pennsylvania history ^^ 
object, who have ever consulted Scott, Watson, Day, Haz^^* 
Trego, Reed, Sergeant, Huston, Sypher, or Egle, know a g^^^^ 
deal more of General Potter than of the Robert Morto'^y 
whose " diary," the above note is intended to illustrate.* 

Active public service in various positions for more tl^^^ 
thirty years has left James Potter a record, most of it in prii i"^^ 


' This annotation was not made without consideration, as but little 
known of James Potter, in general history, commensurate with the 
he rendered his State. The view expressed was confirmed by the follo**^**^ 
extracts from an article printed in the Historical Record, of Angost, 1^^^ 
by Mr. John B. Linn, of Bellefonte, Centre County, Pennsylvania ^- 

" General Potter," he says, " left a vast quantity of correspondence, 
bracing letters from all the prominent characters of the Revolution, 
General Washington to Lady Harriett Ackland ; yet no memoir has e 
appeared of this most trnsty of Washington's Generals ;" and again, " Yet 
one can this day tell where his bones are mouldering." Since the pnbl 
tion of Mr. Linn's article, he has issued his valuable History of the 
Valley, in which we have his later investigations regarding Gen. Potl^^^ 
The interesting reply that has been elicited will, we think, by its freshne-- 
vindicate the truth of the note to " Morton's Diary," as but little that 
contains will be found in any of the authorities cited by our coiresponden 
as containing more regarding James Potter than of Robert Morton, a &ct no 
surprising, as the latter never held any public position, and his journal 
only printed on account of the interesting historical data it contained. — En^ 



Qtneral James Pbtter. 847 

books, which entitled him to a more extended, if not more 
respectful notice. Yet this very omission affords an oppor- 
tmiity to inform oar readers something of this gentleman, 
that they may judge what his fellow-citizens thought of him 
one hundred years ago. 

A very extended notice of his career could be prepared 
from the material at hand. This is judged to be unnecessary. 
A life of which so much is known and on the record, is quite 
independent of the decoration of a post-obituary. 

A true pedigree, if not a very extended one, is a thing not 
to be despised, and in attempting to tell of Potter's history, 
it is proper to trace him from the start, to show that his 
connections have occupied first-rate position in the great 
-Pennsylvania, outside of the three original counties. That 
his family have furnished two other General Potters, one 
United States senator, a governor of Pennsylvania, several 
members of Congress, law Judges, and representatives m the 
State Legislature. The General served with great accept- 
ance in civil and military positions ; in private life, one of the 
most enterprising and successful of all our Revolutionary 
officers. A stout, broad-shouldered, plucky, active man, five 
feet nine inches in height, of dark complexion, an excel- 
lent representative of the Scotch-Irish race. His judgment 
and energy overcame the want of education. What he had 
of that was unusually primitive. 

John Potter and wife, the parents of General Potter, came 
to America with John Hamilton and Isabella Potter-Hamilton, 
a sister of Mr. Potter, in 1741, "aboard ye good ship Dunne- 
gall," landing at Newcastle, Delaware, in September of that 
year. Mrs. Potter-Hamilton and a child died, and were 
buried there. She left only one child, Katherine Hamilton, 
who married in 1760 General JamesCtambers, of "Loudon, 
Pranklm County. He first met his " Dear Kitty" at " Sheriff 
Potter's, in the "neighborhood of Shippen's fiurm," now Ship- 
pensburg. Potter was established in Cumberland County, 
Pennsylvania, in 1746. Upon the formation of the county he 
was appointed its first sheriff. His commission was October^ 

348 General James Patter. 

1750 ; his second commissioD, 1754. This brings us to the 
James Potter of whom " so little is known". 

He was bom on "the bank of the river Foyle, Tyrone, 
Ireland, in" 1729, and was about twelve years of age when 
his father landed at Newcastle. At twenty-five years of age 
he was a lieutenant in a border militia company ; in 1755 he 
was captain of a company in the victorious Kittanning cam- 
paign under Armstrong, and ever after this the general and 
he were attached friends. In 1763 and '64, he was in active 
service as a major and lieutenant-colonel. During all this 
busy period of his life he was a successful farmer. 

He was prominent in the political agitation consequent upon 
the dispute with the mother country. There was no meet- 
ing of the patriotic inhabitants of the then large county of 
Northumberland, held without his presence and led by his 
advice. He was a colonel in 1775. Appointed a brigadier- 
general April 5, 1777,' with John Armstrong as first; John 
Cadwalader, second; Samuel Meredith, fourth. In 1781, 
Vice-President of the State. In 1782, commissioned a major- 
general. In 1784, one of the council of Censors, and was 
within a few votes of defeating for President the most distin- 
guished man in the State, John Dickinson. He served in the 
field in his military capacity through the whole Revolution, 

^ The services of General Potter in the Pennsylvania campaign of 1 777 
were very distinguished With the troops nnder his command in the conn- 
ties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Delaware, he obtained for Washington 
important information regarding the movements of the enemy, and with great 
vigilance gave all the annoyance possible to the foraging parties that were 
sent out of Philadelphia. 

On the 11 th of December, while the army nnder Washington were on their 
march to Valley Forge, after a portion of it had crossed the Schuylkill at 
Mat8on*8 Ford, it was found that the enemy under Comwallis were in force 
on the other side. " They were met," writes Washington, " by General 
Potter, with part of the Pennsylvania militia, who behaved with great 
bravery, and gave them every possible opposition till he was obliged to 
retreat from their superior numbers." In tbe spring of 1778, Washington 
wrote from Valley Forge, ** If the state of General Potter's affairs will admit 
of returning to the army, I shall be exceedingly glad to see him, as his 
activity and vigilance have been much wanted during the winter." — Ed. 

General James FMer. 849 

and was trusted by all its leaders, Washington, Greene, 
Pickering, Mifflm, and his fellow -brigadiers. His residence 
was in Penn's Valley in the present Centre County, from 
1772 to the time of his death, in November, 1789, at which 
moment he was one of the associate or bench of justices of 
Northumberland County. He left one of the most extensive 
and valuable estates in Pennsylvania. 

Much more could be said of this Pennsylvania militia-man, 
but it is not necessary to encumber this brief sketch with a 
record, which has been so faithfully published by the State in 
the Colonial Records^ and the Pennsylvania Archives by Hazard, 
and as it continues to be by Linn & Egle. His remains rest 
in the venerable and picturesque burial ground at Brown's 
Jklill, about ten miles south of Chambersburg, in Franklin 

General Potter was married twice: first wife, Elizabeth 
CJathcart, of Philadelphia, by whom a daughter — 

1. Elizabeth C. Potter, married James Poe, of Franklin 

Second wife, Mrs. Mary Patterson, of Mifilin County, by 
"whom — 

2. James Potter, " the Judge," who married Mary Brown, 
of " Brown's Spring," Kishacoquillas Valley, Miflain County. 

8. Mary Potter, married George Riddles— secondly, Wil- 
liam McClelland, of Northumberland County. 

4. John Potter, died unmarried. 

6. Martha Potter, married Andrew Gregg (U. 8. Senator), 
^Df Centre County. 

6. Margaret Potter, married Edward Crouch, of " Walnut 
lEills," Dauphin County. A. B. H. 

Habrisbubo, 1877. 


Hecords of Christ Churchy Philaddphia, 


BURIALS, 1709-1760. 

(Oonttnued from pftf^ 2S1.) 

William, son of John. 
Isaac, son of Isaac 

Ann, dau. of ye widow. 
Hannah, dau. of Isaac. 
Mar^ret, widow of John. 
Sarah, dau. of Isaac. 
Sarah, wife of Isaac. 
Thomas, son of the widow. 
Mary, wife of Richard. ' % 

Isaac. [Gem 

Greenwood, of Barbadoes, 
Anne, wife of Samuel. 
Thomas, son of John. 

Eleanor, wife of Robert. 
Rebecca, wife of Thomas. 

Nicholas, son of William. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Edward 
Elianor. [In&nt 

Elizabeth. [dalen. 

Ann, dau. of John and Mag- 
John, son of John and Mag- 

Mary. Strangers^ Ground. 

James, son of James. ^ 
Elizabeth, dau. of James. 

Ann, wife of James. 

June 10, 1739. 


Aug. 12, 1739. 


Nov. 6,1740. 


Feb. 22,1740-1 


May 24,1741. 


May 10,1744. 


April 30, 1745. 


Jan. 29, 1745-6 

!. « 

Sept. 11, 1748. 


Jan. 23,1748-9 

1. " 

July 23, 1751. 


July 4, 1752. 


Sept. 30, 1726. 


Nov. 22, 1728. 

A sice. 

Oct. 16,1727. 


Nov. 15, 1751. 


Sept. 5,1721. 


Mar. 30, 1725-6 

K '\ 

Nov. 28, 1729. 


June 1, 1742. 


April 27, 1744. 


Jan. 10,1730-1 

. Austin, 

Feb. 15,1738-9 


Dec. 19,1732. 


June 12, 1712. 


June 25, 1712. 


Aug. 2,1727. 


Dec. 1, 1741. 
Oct. 11,1734. 


Aug. 10, 1735. 

44 "^^ 

Oct. 3, 1737. 


Aug. 23, 1744. 


Aug. 27, 1759. 


Oct. 8, 1759. 


Nov. 12, 1759. 


Records of Christ Churchy Fhiladelphia. 



uly 24 

Oct. 7 





Oct. 12 

IMar. 17 

3far. 5 

^ug. 8 

Sept. 2 

July 24 

3Iay 20 

Oct. 24 

Dec. 6 

J^an. 8 

May 8 

Oct. 7 

July 9 

Aug. 19 

Aug. 18 

Oct 15 

Aug. 8 

July 4 

Nov. 11 

Sept. 10 

July 80 

Sept. 18 

May 28 

Aug. 22 

Aug. 15 

Oct 2 

July 80 

Oct 10 

Aug. 22 

Aug. 8 

Sept 29 

June 28 

Aug. 6 

Nov. 20 

April 18 

April 18 

Feb. 12 

Aug. 26 

Sept 16 

787. Baily, 
750. Baird, 
728. Baker, 





.733-4. " 



.735-6. " 

.740-1. " 










































































Elizabeth, wife of Br. Patrick. 

Elizabeth, wife of John. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 

Anne, wife of John. 

Simon, son of John. 


Martha, wife of John. 

Isaac, son of John. 


John Moore. 

Francis, son of John. 

John. Poor. 

Elizabeth, wife of Baker. 





Richard, son of Richard. 

James, son of William. 

Mary, dau. of William. 

Merriam, wife of Edward. 

Jacob, son of James. 

son of James. 

Mary, dau. of Nathaniel. 


Phcebe, dau. of Tliomas and 

Esther. [Hester. 

Anne, dau. of Anne. 


Marv, wife of John. 

Wilhemina, dau. of Anne. 

Rebecca, dau. of Peter and 

William. [Mary. Gtent. 

Rebecca, dau. of William. 

Joseph-Davis. Poor. 

Dorothy, wife of Joseph. 

Anne, wife of Alexander. 

Samuel. PalL 

John, son of Peter. 

Andrew, son of Thomas. 

William, son of Peter. 


John, son of Sarah. Base bom. 

Ann, dau. of Thomas. 


Records of Christ Churchy Philaddphia. 

Dec. 21 
June 29 
Nov. 3 
June 15 
Sept. 2 
Sept. 21 
May 3 
Sept. 9 
Mar. 8 
Dee. 20 
Aug. 10 
July 29 
Jan. 2 
Dee. 4 
Aug. 6 
Oct. 10 
Sept. 1 
Mar. 19 
Aug. 15 
June 6 
Aug. 1 
June 26 
Nov. 21 
Nov. 24 
July 12 
April 2 
Sept 11 
Oct 80 
July 16 
May 8 
July 4 
June 20 
June 10 
Nov. 14 
April 9 
Oct 29 
Dec. 12 
Dec. 19 
Oct 11 
Aug. 4 
April 10 
Sept. 8 
July 5 
Dec. 3 
July 3 
Nov. 15 

1723. Barnes, 
1747. " 

1735. Bamett, 
1742. Bams, 

1751. Barret, 

1756. " 

1727-8. Barrett, 

1752. Barron, 
1725. Barry, 

1712. Barten, 
1754. Bartholomew, 
1754. " 
1756. Bartleson, 

1713. Barton, 
1756. Baas, 





1731. Basset, 

1736. Bastick, 

1737. " 

1740. Bath, 

1741. " 

1742. Baty, 
1726. Bayer, 
1730. Baynton, 

1739. " 

1714. Bealy, 

1756. Bean, 

1756. " 

1743. Bears, 
1734. Beavan, 
1734. Beaver, 
1754. Beazley, 
1742. Becket, 
1721. Beckett, 
1749. Bedenson, 
1751. Bedison, 





Elizabeth, wife of John. 

Jane, dau. of Charles. 



Mary, wife of James. 

Anne, wife of John. 

Thomas, of Barbadoes, 

Peter, son of Margaret 

Thomas, dau. of Andrew. 


dau. of Sabas. 

Henry, son of Ye Widow. 

Anne, dau. of Andrew. 


Robert, son of Robert 


Frances, wife of Thomas. 


Jane, dau. of Thomas. 


Ann, dau. of NathanieL 


Henry, son of Heniy. 

Elizabeth, wife of Heniy. 

son of Thomas. 


Joseph, son of Joseph. 

Rebecca, wife of Otto. Gent 

JeflPry, son of Peter. 

Peter, son of Peter. 

Mary, dau. of Peter. 

Capt. John. 



Elizabeth, widow. 


John, son of Thomas. 


William, son of the Rev. 

John. [William. 


William, son of the widow. 

Records of Christ Church, Philaddphia. 




H'ov. 15, 1756. Bedson, 

Oct. 17, 1716. Beeckam, 

June 28, 1727. Beekes, 

July 19,1727. Beeks, 

^pril 28, 1740. " 

IN'ov. 26, 1755. " 

-Aug. 1,1756. " 

June 16, 1742. Beers, 
July 24,1744. 
July 13, 1745. 

Sept. 20, 1721. Bell, 

Aug. 1,1728. " 

Dec. 16,1730. " 
Aug. 11, 1739. 
April 8,1741. 
Mar. 4, 1745. 

Oct. 14,1747. " 
I'eb. 4, 1749-50. " 

May 30, 1742. Benbridge, 

April 17, 1750. Benezet, 

IN'ov. 17, 1753. " 

June 24, 1758. " 

I'eb. 18,1759. " 

May 7, 1745. Benger, 

Dec. 18, 1748. Benham, 

Aug. 22, 1742. Bennet, 

i^Tov. 8,1747. " 

i^Tov. 9, 1716. Bennett, 

Dec. 18,1729. " 

July 9, 1738. " 

Sept 29, 1787. " 

July 12, 1741. Benney, 

IKTov. 14, 1754. Benning, 

Sept. 6, 1756. Bennings, 

3fov. 10, 1744. Bennit, 

Dec. 19, 1739. Berkley, 

July 8, 1740. " 

Oct. 12,1716. Berry, 
Sept 20, 1728. 
Aug. 29, 1742. 
Dec. 11,1747. 

Sept. 25, 1746. Bertley, 

Sept 21, 1738. Berwick, 

Aug. 10, 1725. Bettereon, 

dau. of John. 



infant of John. 

Anne, dau. of Joseph. 
John, son of Joseph. 

son of Joseph. 


Samuel, son of Jonathan. 
Sarah, dau. of Caleb, [garet 
Mary, dau. of John and Mar- 
Joseph, son of William. 
Joseph, son of "William. 
William, son of William. Beg. 

William. Merchant 


James, son of James. 
Stephen, son of Daniel. 
William, son of DanieL 

d!au. of James. 

dau. of Daniel. 



John, son of John. 

Edward. [BAnnah. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Samuel and 

George, son of John. 


Mary, wife of John. 


William, son of William. 

son of William. 



Anthony-Henry, son of Tho's. 

Mary, dau. of Sam. and Mary. 

Saraji. Buried at Germanto'n. 

Ann, dau. of James. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 




(To be continued.) 

864 Proceedings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



The annual meeting of the Society was held on the evening of May 7, 
1877 ; the President, Mr. John William Wallace, in the chair. 

The minntes of the last meeting, and of the called meeting of April 16th, 
were read and approved. 

The President of the Coancil, Mr. Charles M. Morris, presented the 
annual report of that body. 

Among other accessions to the collections of the Society, received doriog 
the year, were the widely-known verses, Home, Sweet Home, and the Star 
Spangled Banner, in antograph by their celebrated aathors, from Mr. Henry 
May Eeim and other children of oar late member General Qeorge M. Keim, 
of Reading. 

A portrait of Christina, Qaeen of the Swedes, after the original by Beck 
in the National Mnsenm at Stockholm; and a portrait by Chas. Wilson 
Peale of Robert Aitken, of Philadelphia, the printer of the first American 
edition of the English Bible. 

Abstracts of the reports of the Librarian, the Treasurer, the Trustees 
of the Publication Fund, of the Building Fund, of the Library Fund, and 
of the Binding Fund were included in that of the Council. 

The Council also reported that a new fund had been commenced, called 
the "Endowment Fund," and that four subscriptions of $5(K) each, and 
several of smaller sums had been received. '' The gentlemen who subscribed 
believed with the Council that the importance of such a fund should be 
constantly had in view, and that every proper effort should be used to make 
it reach at no distant day the sum of fifty thousand dollars." 

The election of officers for the ensuing year was held, and the tellers re- 
ported the following gentlemen unanimously chosen : — 

President, Recording Secretary. Corresponding Secretary. 

John William Wallace. Samuel L. Smedley. John W. Jordan. 

Vice-Presidents. Treasurer. Council. 

Horatio Gates Jones, J. Edward Carpenter. Joseph J. Mickley, 
George de B. Eeim. John A. McAllister, 

John R Fell. 

Mr. Townsend Ward then read a memoir of Charles Armand Tufin, Mar- 
quis de la Rouerie, Brigadier-General in the American Revolution. 

Mr. Vice-President Keim moved the thanks of the Society for the able 
and interesting essay on Armand, and that a copy be requested for preser- 

The President announced the loss by death since the last meeting of two 
members of the Society, Capt. Wm. H. Hart and Thomas Balch, Esq. 

356 Notes aiid Queries. 

coast, making the first good harbor Wween Virginia and New Hampshire.*' 
The date of this docament is February 1st, 1776, and it expresses tnat the 
*' voyage is to be performed in the service of the United American Colonies,'* 
for the monthly hire or freight of £120, Pennsylvania currency, unless the 
said brigantine should be sunk, taken, seized, or destroyed (this passage 
clearly showing the perilous nature of the service on which the vessel was 
employed). Tne vessel did arrive safely, I presume, as the good brigantine, 
I nnd by my grandfather's books, continued for some time afterwards to 
trade with the West Indies and elsewhere. The charter bears the auto- 
graphs of all the committee, Robt. Morris, B. Franklin, and the others. 

Yours, respectfully, D. Bodnkt Kino. 

BOXBOROUOH, PuiLA., Aug. 8, 1877. 

A Lost Volumk op MSS. — The Historical Society of Pennsylvania is in 
possession of two folios in manuscript, containing the registry of German 
and other Redcmptioners. The first volume comprises the period of 1785 to 
1804 ; the other the time after 1817. The intervening volume is wanting. 
Could any of our readers give us a clue to its whereabouts 7 

Hdournots in TDK United States. — " Descendants of the Huguenots in 
the United States will be gratified to learn that the task of writing an ac- 
count of the emigration of their ancestors to this laud, has been taken up by 
the Rev. Charles W. Baird, of Rye, N. Y. Mr. Baird has already been so 
fortunate as to gather for this history a large amount of documentary mate- 
rial, hitherto inaccessible or uuknowu ; and we are assured that he will spare 
no pains to make the work an accurate and exhaustive one. 

**The settlements of Huguenots in America — besides the abortive at- 
tempts at colonization in Brazil, Florida, and elsewhere — were made in Mas- 
sachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, Penn.sylvania, Delaware, Virginia, 
and South Carolina. In all these States there are traces of the refugeef, 
which ought to be carefully preserved. It is believed that not a few fami- 
lies descended from this honored race possess records and traditions relative 
to their flight from France, and their coming to this country, which would 
be of great interest and value. Some of these familes have already commu- 
nicated with Mr. Baird, and others would do well to furnish him with any 
facts that may bear on the subject." — The New York Observer^ Dec 23, 

Since the publication of this paragraph Mr. Baird has sailed for Europe, 
with a view of spending a portion of his time, while in that country, in col- 
lecting material for the work on which he is engaged. 

Joseph Montooxert. — The following additional notes regardiniir the Rev. 
Joseph Montgomery, member of the Continental Congress of 178^-81, have 
been handed to us by Dr. W. H. Egle, of Harrisburg. 

[These extracts from a memorandum of Rev. Joseph MontgomerjTf in the 
possession of A. Boyd Hamilton, Esq., are copied verbatim. The entnes begin 
in 1767, and. as will be seen, close in 1775. The book in question has been 
mutilated by having several leaves cut therefrom. Other entries are made 
of receipts and payments, from or to, Eves, Dunn, Jaquet, Patterson, Thomp- 
son, Reed. Pusey, Wood, Bedford, and other well-known Delaware sunuunflt. 
These, however, possess no present interest, and it is not necessary to quote 

" June 16th, 1768. The congregation of Geo : town to Jos. Montgomery, 
for one year's sallary, £120." 

'* June 16th, 1769. To one jrear's sallary due, £120.** [In which period 
he notes that he paid for a chimney for the church, for fencing, ana other 
items £20. 4. 6.] 

358 Notes and Queries. 

" 1775. March 13. Beceived of Col. Haslet, for subsistence mone^, 
£9. 0. 0." 

" Mr. McKean, for salary, £2. 0. 0." [This was probably Gov. McKea^i 
who then resided at New Castle.] 

Early Mbteorolooical Essay.— "The first Meteorology, or Essajr ^ 

Jndge of the Weather, that ever was printed in Pennsylvania, anno IS^^ ^\ 
was written by one of our namesakes, and a well-wisher to our provinc-:^^''* 
affairs, John South worth, etc."— Pa«/onua MSS., The Beehive, No. 496 — 


Capt. William Ea'elyn, of the 4th or King's Own Regiment, was mo 
wounded in a skirmish at Frog's Neck, Westchester County, New Yorter 
October, 1776, and died a few days afterwards in New York City, 
information as to the precise date of his death, place of burial, or his mili 
career in America, will oblige Chas. R. Hildeburit^ 

Moore. — I desire information of the descendants of Thomas M 
John Moore, and David Moore. The former came to the United States pr/ 
to 1718, John in 1727, David in 1722, died in 1726, leaving widow, Ma 
and children, William, John, and James. I am writing a genealogy of 1 
Moore family. J. A. M. P. 

Stranobways. — Is anythmg known with regard to Arthur Strangeways 
referred to by Mr. John F. Watson in his AnncUa of Philadelphia, in the 
account of John S. Hutton (among ** Persons and Characters,' with a por- 
trait in the first edition), as having " died at Boston at the age of 101 years" ! 
The daughter of Strangeways was married to John Hutton, of Bermuda 
(where ?) in Scotland ; and their son John Strangeways Hutton was bom in 
New York in 1684, and was married to Catharine Cheeseman, of that city, 
by whom he had eight children, and afterwards, in 1735, to Ann Yanlear, of 
Philadelphia, by whom he had seventeen children, and died in Philadelphia, 
aged 109 years, December 20, 1792. G. B. Kbbv. 

Doctor Thomas Ruston.-— Any facts bearing upon the career of Doctor 
Thomas Ruston, or upon his ancestry or family, are desired. He built the 
house corner of 8th and Chestnut Sts., Phila. P. 

HoRDiWAN.— Who was the wife o/ Abraham Hordiwan, of Haverford 
West, and of Dr. Richard Hoskins, who came from the Barbadoes ? Dr. 
Hoskins's wife's first name was Esther. Any information will be acceptable 
on these points. Wharton. 

Philip Moore.— Can any one of your readers tell me who his father wm, 
or to what branch of the Moore family he belonged ? He lived in Washington 
County, Maryland, in time of the Revolutionary War, and moved to Fayette 
^nna^' Pennsylvania, in 1780, and from there to the mouth of the Scioto, 
1798 ; was a member of the Episcopal Chnroh ; his wife was Nelly Evans; 
hia sons names were Joseph. Philip, Evan. John, Daniel, and Amos ; danjrh- 
ters, barah, Elizabeth, Rachel, Nelly, and Casandria ; had relatives in New 
Jersey, and I think in Jefferson Connty, Va. W. Moorr. Portsmouth. O. 

Edward Warner.— Information is desired concerning the ancestry and 
family of Edward Warner who died about November, 1754. He was a 

Notes and Queries. 369 

fViend, and described himself as ** of the city of Philadelphia, house car- 
penter/' and sometimes as *' merchant." He seems to have been a man of 
means and position. He married Ann, daughter of William Coleman, and 
sister of the Judge of the same name, who was a yery prominent man in his 
time. R. B. W. 

Information is desired of any or all of the children (William, Elizabeth, 
!9dary, John, and Richard) of Mary Ann Cherry, whose maiden name was 
JEIolienback, and who is supposed to have been born about 1756; lived many 
years at or near Martinsburgh, Ya., and removed to Ohio with her family 
skbont fifty years ago. Any person who has a personal knowledge of any of 
t.lie descendants, whether by tne name of Cherry, Fatten, Harris, or Wvsong, 
can give the address of any person or persons having such knowledge, 
ill confer a favor by making it known to the subscriber. It is desired to 
race the genealogy down to the present day, in complete form, to be incor- 
porated with the records of the other descendants of John Hollenback, of 
l^iartinsburgh, who was bom in 1719, and died in 1793. His other children 
^were Gteorge, Jane Hunter^ Matthias, and John. 

Edw. Welles, WUheiiharre, Pa, 

Hampton. — Any information about Simon Hampton, of Thornbarv, 
Ohester County, Pennsylvania, whose son Samuel married fifth month 10th, 
X753, Sarah, daughter of George Smedley, will oblige, C. H. K. 

JsoFFERiBs. — Sarah Jeofferies married, Philadelphia meeting, tenth month 
7th, 1704, Richard Robinson, of Philadelphia. Who were her parents ? 

N. G. B. 


Thb Whallet Family (pages 55, 230, 231). — In the memorandum pub- 
lished on page 231 of the Magazine, it will be seen that Maior-General 
^halley, by his second wife, Mary Middleton, had a son Edward. 

In the Virginia Rebellion of 1676, after Nathaniel Bacon's death, the 
<»pponcnt8 of Governor Berkeley made their last stand at New Kent, under 
leadership of Drummond, Lawrence, and Major Whalley. Drummond was 
seized by Berkeley and executed, but Lawrence and Whalley fled, in the lan- 
guage of an old chronicler, '* making a clean escape, but which way or to 
what place is not known." 

A few miles above Drummondtown, Accomac County, Virginia, is Sine- 
paxent, an obscure place within the borders of Maryland, affording a most 
secure retreat. 

May not. then, the Major Whalley of Bacon's Rebellion be the son of 
the Major-General, who, if he lived until A. D. 1718, might have been more 
than seventy years of age. and the settler on Sinepuxent ? 

The Sinepuxent settler had a son named Nathaniel, which might have been 
given out of respect for Bacon. , . , - , 

On Herman's Map, published in A. D. 1673, on the south side of the 
Pocomoke River, near its mouth, is a point called Ratclif. Among the 
patents issued by Governor Berkeley, of Virginia, was one to Radcliffe with- 
out Christian name, dated November 9, 1666, for 1200 acres on Crooked 
Creek, flowing into the Pocomoke River, ('ould he have been the brother 
Batlifle spoken of in Edward Whalley's will ? ™- ^, ^e/i. 

On April 9. 1674, there was granted to J. Wallop, alias Wardlaw, 450 
acres on the Swanseacute Creek near the boundary of Maryland and Vir- 

360 Notes and Queries. 

ginia, which flows into the Atlantic. Edward Robins, on March 27, 1676, 
received a patent for 680 acres on Ohincoteagne Island below the Sinepnxent, 
coDiiuencing at the boaudary of Maryland and Virginia. 

Minneapolis, Minnesota. Edward D. Neill. 

Alteration in the Prater-Book (page 226). — In the historical account 
of Christ Church, the late Dr. Dorr, " R. R." will find the following on 
page 180 : — 

1776, July 4th. *' A vestry meeting was held on this memorable day, the 
niiimtes of which we give entire. * At a meeting of the Vestry at the Rec- 
tor's July 4th, 1776, present Rev. Jacob Duch6. Rector, Thomas Cuthbert, 
Church Warden, Jacob Duch6, Robert Whyte. Charles Stednian. Edmund 
Physick, James Biddle, Peter DeHave, James Reynolds, Gerardus Clark- 
son, Vestrymen. 

•• ' Whereas^ the honourable Continental Congress have resolved to declare 
the American colonies to be free and independent States, in consequence of 
which it will be proper to omit those petitions in the liturgy wherein the 
King of Great Britain is prayed for. as inconsistent with the said declaration, 
therefore, resolved, that it appears to this vestrv to be necet^sary, for the peace 
and well-being of the chnrcnes, to omit the said petitions ; and the rector and 
assistant ministers of the united churches are requested, in the name of the 
vestry and their constituents, to omit such petitions as are above men- 
tioned.'" As the vote on the Declaration of Independence did not take 
place until the evening of the 4th of July, 1776, the action of the vestry of 
Christ Church was doubtless prompted by the passage of the *' Resolutions 
respecting Independency" on the 2d of July, and shows the important con- 
sideration which that measure commanded. F. D. S. 

Robert Strkttkll Jonks (page 226). — In the Penna. Hist. Mao., you 
inquire for descendants of R. S. Jones. I think it probable that none of 
his descendants hereabout will see your query. I therefore will answer it. 

Ann Jones married George Fisher, long a distinguished lawyer at Harris- 
burg. She was his second wife. 

Robert Strettell Jones Fisher, Judge Fisher, of York. Has a family. 

His signature " R. Jones F." 
Ann, unmarried. 
Edward married, and had issue. 

Catharine married John Frederick Houston, of Colnmbia, family. 
Elizabeth Jones married Thomas Elder, son of Rev. John. A promi- 
nent lawyer here. She was his second wife. 

Catharine, of Harrisburg, married Samuel Bethel Bonde, of Colombia, 

and had issue. 
Thomas married Margaret Wilson, daughter of J. L. Wilson, of Harrii- 

burg, and had issue. 
John married, and had issue. 

James married Miss Carpenter, of Halifax, daughter of Samuel Car- 
penter, a family. 
Ann JoneSy died nnmarried. 
The Fishers settled in Middletown, Dauphin County. 

Harrisburg. A. B. H. 

[Mr. Hildebiirn. who sent us this query, has received from Geo. Fisher, Esq., 
an extended genealogy of the descendants of Robert Strettell Jones. — Ed.] 

Translator of Chastbllux's Travels (page 227). — An answer to this 
query will be found in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, April, 1869. 

Boston. S. A. O. 





ToL. I. 1877. No. 4. 



Pbnk Club, to gommbmoratb thb onb hundbbd aud 
NiBBrr-FiFTH Abnivbbsabt of hir Landing. 



Gentlemen: The Executive Committee of the Pemi Club 
thought it not unbecoming to gather its friends together upon 
this anniversary of the landing of him whose name it bears 
upon the soil of the State he founded, and their partiality has 
devolved upon me the agreeable duty of expressing the grati- 
fication the members of the club feel at your presence, and the 
heartiness of the welcome they desire to proffer you. They 
are especially glad to receive the learned members of the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania, and to avail themselves of this 
opportunity to bear their testimony to the inestimable value 
of the distinguished services that society has already rendered, 
and the services more distinguished, if possible, which it is 
destined to render in enlightening and elevating the patriotism 
of the citizens of the imperial commonwealth, whose early 
history it has caused to be investigated with so much patience, 
and illustrated with so great discernment. 

It is, indeed, no less an authority than my Lord Bacon, whO| 
26 ( 861 ) 

362 William Penn. 

in "the true marshalling of the sovereign degrees of honor," 
assigns "the first place to the conditorcs imperioruyrij founders 
of States and Commonwealths," and cultivated communities 
have always commemorated with pride the virtues of the 
heroic men who laid the foundations of their strength and 
greatness. Apart, however, from any patriotic interest hi it 
natural to us, the story of American colonization is one of the 
most interesting and attractive episodes in human history. It 
was an age of marvellous amhition and of marvellous achieve- 
ments; and except those sunny years at Athens during which 
the human spirit attained and preserved the serenest and com- 
pletest culture it has ever known, perhaps blood was never 
less sluggish, thought never less commonplace, lives never less 
monotonous than in the early days of the settlement of 

Great scientific discoveries had filled the minds of men with 
thirst for wider knowledge. Mechanical inventions of price- 
less value had awakened in them an euger desire to avail 
themselves of their advantages. By the aid of movable typos 
wise books could be cheaply printed. By the aid of the ma- 
riner's compass great ships could be safely sailed. By the aid 
of gunpowder virgin lands could be rescued from savage tribes. 
The illustrious names of that illustrious time crowd upon our 
recollection, for their renown still fills the world, and their 
surpassing excellence still kindles the flame of a generous 
emulation in all the leading departments of virtuous human 
effort, — in art, in adventure, in discovery of new lands, in 
philosophy, in poetry, in searching for the secrets of nature, 
in subjecting the forces of nature to the will of man, in hero- 
ism, in war by sea and by land, in sacrifices for liberty of 

It cannot therefore do us harm to stand, as it were, a little 
while in the presence of any eminent man of that formative 
period, and by the contemplation of his spirit to quicken our 
own as by coals of fire from off an altar. In Sir Thomas 
Moore's portrayal of the perfect state we are told that " they 
set up in the market-place the images of such men as had 
been bountiful benefactors of the conmionwealth, for the per- 


364 WiUiam Penn. 

fifty years of age. The rapidity of his promotion to great 
offices is very remarkable, when it is remembered that he 
served the Parliament, Charles I., the Lord Protector, and 
Oharles 11., ^^d continued to rise steadily notwithstanding 
the civil war und the frequent changes of administration it 
produced. He was quite evidently a worldly-minded man, 
but he was also wise with the wisdom of the world, and by 
adding to his great services the fitvor of his sovereign, he laid 
the foundations of a noble house, needing only for its security 
that his son should follow m his footsteps, and with filial 
piety accept the wealth, and rank, and fame which were prof- 
fered him. 

The son had been bom near the Tower of London while 
his father was sailing down the Thames to join Lord War- 
wick in the Irish Seas, and had passed his childhood with his 
mother, Margaret Jasper, of Rotterdam, at their country- 
house at Wanstead, in Essex. He was only eleven years of 
age when his father returned from the fruitless attack upon 
Hispaniola, and was consigned to the Tower by Cromwell. 
But at that early age he was profoundly impressed by his 
father's misfortune. When about sixteen years of age he was 
sent to Oxford, and was matriculated as a gentleman com- 
moner at Christ Church. 

At that time the world certainly appeared to be opening 
before his youthful vision in undimmed radiance and beauty. 
The son of a great admiral, who was also a great fiivorite of 
the king and of his royal brother, he entered upon his aca- 
demical career under the most brilliant auspices. Fond of 
study and athletic sports, a diligent reader and a good boat- 
man, he easily won his way to the esteem of his teachers and 
the regard of his fellows, and for a time he satisfied all expec- 
tations ; but for students of high intelligence and sensitive 
conscience, venerable and beautiful Oxford, "spreading her 
gardens to the moonlight, and whispering from her towers 
the last enchantments of the Middle Age," possesses a charm 
which may be a danger. Walking in the spacious meadows 
of his college, or meditating beneath her noble elms, William 
Penn became possessed by the genius of the place, for the 


William Penn. 865 

chief university of the world has always been " the home of 
lost causes, and forsaken beliefs, and unpopular names, ai^d 
impossible loyalties." It was while under the influence of 
this spirit that he was attracted by the doctrines of George 
Fox, and for his stubborn loyalty to what he was then pleaml 
to call his convictions ho was finally expelled. 

To withdraw him as much as possible from the thoughts 
upon which he was at that time intent, his father sent him to 
the Continent, and at Paris he was presented at the court of 
the Grand Monarch, and heartily welcomed. He entered 
with becoming spirit into the enjoyments of the French capi- 
tal, and proved his title to its citizenship by fighting a duel 
in its streets. Thence he went to the famous College of 
Saumur, where he finished those liberal studies which made 
him not only an accomplished linguist, but a man of most 
varied and generous culture. He afterwards travelled 
through France and Italy, and returned to England to dance 
attendance at Whitehall for a brief period, and to share in 
the perils of a naval engagement on board the flagship of his 
father. He afterwards devoted some attention to the law as 
a student at Lincoln's Inn, but he soon joined the staff of the 
Buke of Ormond, then Viceroy of Ireland. While acting in 
this capacity he saw some military service, and apparently 
contracted a strong desire to devote himself to the career of 
a soldier. Indeed, he earnestly and repeatedly sought his 
fiither's permission to enter the British army, but this per- 
mission was steadily refused. 

It was at this interesting period of his life that the authen- 
tic portrait of him now in possession of our Historial Society 
was painted — a portrait which dispels many of the mistaken 
opinions of his person and his character generally entertained. 
It presents him to us, clad in armor, of frank countenance, 
and features delicate and beautiful but resolute, with his hair 
*' long and parted in the centre of his forehead, falling over 
tis shoulders in massive natural ringlets." This portrait 
1t)ear8 the date of his twenty-second birthday and the martial 
xnotto, " Pax quceritur bello.'^ 

It is to William Penn, as presented by this portrait, that I 
especially desire to attract your attention this evening; to 

866 WiUiam Perm. 

William Perm as an accomplished cavalier, a ripe scholar, a 
brave soldier, and in the fall glow of his youthful beauty, the 
product of the quiet years of motherly companionship at 
Wanstead, of the restless, aspiring, combative years at Christ 
Church, of the gay society of Paris, of the studious vigils at 
Saumur, of Italian air and sky, of the depraved court at 
Whitehall, of the chambers of Lincoln's Inn, of the vice-regal 
staff at Dublin, of the joy of battle on the deck beside his 
fether in the Channel, or joining as a volunteer in the attack 
at Carrickfergus. 

This portrait fitly represents him in mail, for his life 
thenceforward was one long battle, relieved only by the brief 
repose of his courtship and his honeymoon in the attractive 
and historic circle in which he found his wife, a circle which 
included Isaac Pennington, Thomas Ellwood, and John Milton. 

It is not my purpose, as it is not my privilege, to detain 
you upon this occasion with any elaborate statement of his 
subsequent life or any elaborate estimate of his character. 
Ample opportunity will be afforded in the recurrence of this 
anniversary and the celebration of it, for the diligent historical 
students who honor us with their presence to-night to arrange 
the details of that life in lucid order, and to praise his cha- 
racter with discriminating eulogy. Its main outlines only 
concern us now, but those outlines are full of instructions and 
of interest for us all. 

We know, and we are glad to know, that his desire to be 
useful to his fellowmen could not exhaust itself even by 
preaching the Qospel as he understood it, in season and out 
of season, but that to this great labor of love he ^ded other 
like labors scarcely less great. He defended the rights of con- 
science. He defended the liberties of Englishmen. He de- 
fended the privileges of jurymen. His first plea for toleration 
was in behalf of the sect with which he had the leaat sympathy. 
In obedience to his convictions of the truth of the creed he 
professed he endured the anger of his father, the loss of a 
peerage, separation from home, opprobrium and contumely 
from men, and frequent and prolonged imprisonment. While 
his spirit was being purified by suffering his mind was being 
widened by high converse with John Locke and Algernon 

WiUiam Pmn. 867 

Sidney ; and at last, when all obstacles to the trial of the ex- 
periment of his principles of government upon a virgin soil 
"were overcome, he could truthfully exclaim, as he received 
the royal charter of his Province : *' God hath given it to me 
in the &ce of the world. • . He will bless and make it the 
fieed of a nation." 

It was, therefore, very precious freight which the good ship 
Welcome brought to these shores the day whose anniversary 
we celebrate, for it carried the sublime religious and political 
principles of William Penn and the illimitable influences of 
his wise and beneficent government, whose comer-stone was 
civic peace, bom of justice, and whose capstone was religious 
liberty, bom of toleration. 

There was doubtless much in his life which was inconsistent 
with the highest standards of the religion he professed, but 
this inconsistency he shared with every man who professes 
the Christian faith, and the contradictions in his career are 
easily reconciled in the light of his youth and early manhood. 
But his virtue and his glory are his alone ; for, in the seven- 
teenth century, he discovered and proclaimed the political 
utility of liberty, of justice, of peace, of a ft-ee press, and a 
liberal system of education — ^the principles upon which rest 
the blessings of the present and the hopes of the future of the 
human race. 

Whenever, therefore, we are pained with the perusal of the 
sad record of his later years, the ingratitude he experienced, 
the embarrassments he suffered, the injustice he endured, afi 
we follow his declining steps to the undistinguished grav€ 
where he lies buried, we may see as in retrospect the long 
pathway by which he travelled thither, and leam the secret 
of the divine inspiration by which the young soldier at its 
banning was transformed before its close into an immortal 
benefactor of mankind. 

Friend of liberty, friend of justice, friend of peace, apostle 
of God, — 

" Live and take comfort— thou hast left behind 
Powers which will work for thee * « « 
Thon hast great allies ; 

Thy friends are exaltations, agonies, and love, 
And man's nnconqnerable mind." 


Battle of GennatUown. 


Am Addbiss Dbuyirbd at Qebmantown upon tbm Owe Hu yDm mi 
Akniybbsabt of tub Enoagbmbht, Ootobcb 4, 1877. 

bt alpbbd g. lambdin, m.d. 


[The story of the battle of Qermantown, as told by Dr. LambdiD, 
in all of its important points with the conclosion arriyed at by the 
of this Magasine, after a careful study of every anthority bearing apoo the 
subject, which in the last few years they have been able to gather together. 

From a military point the views of the editors have reoeived the endorse- 
ment of Gen. W. W. U. Davis, whose long experience in active senrioe must 
give weight to his opinion, formed on the scene of the conflict, with the evi- 
dence in the case before him. 

Dr. Lambdin, in preparing his paper, has given preference in each par- 
ticular to the statement of the person under whose eye the event described 
ONBcurred, and no attempt has been made to reconcile other aooonnts, 
although of creditable persons, when it is known that they were in another 
part of the field. 

The notes that have been added are by the editors, and are given to show 
wherein the views expressed by Dr. Lambdin differ from those of other 
writers. They also designate the authorities from which the statements are 
drawn. When conflicting evidence exists, both sides are given, that the 
reader may draw his own conclusions. — Eds.]. 

In the little book from which I gained my first leflBons in 
American history, I recollect a rude engraving, which was 
said to represent the Battle of Germantown. It was the pic- 
ture of a large stone house, from the windows of which issued 
the flash and smoke of musketr}% while a platoon of Conti 
nental soldiers in elaborate uniform was boldly chargin 
across the lawn in front. The description of the battle giveimrM 
in the text was equally adequate with this pictorial present- 
ment. " On the 4th of October, 1777," it said, " QeneraT. 
Washington's army attacked the British under Sir WilliarcanK" 
Howe at Qermantown, but a body of the enemy, having takezK: 
refuge in Chew's house, was enabled to keep up such a gallinc 
fire upon the patriots as compelled them to retreat." Sue" 

'^ idea inculcated in the youthful mind so: 




Octoker 4.1777. 

Scale ofMWvs. 

S C H 


Battie of Germantoum. 869 

years ago of the event which we are met to eommemorate, 
and such, I dare say, is the popular idea of the Battle of Ger- 
mantown to this very day. Has not everybody heard of the 
engagement at Chew's house? and has not the enclosure 
around that historic mansion been pointed out to all visitors 
to Germantown as the battle-ground? Traditions such as 
this should always command respect, but if, in what is here 
to be told of the Battle of Germantown, Chew's house be 
given a place of secondary importance, it will be only in ac- 
cordance with the good judgment of your committee of ar- 
rangements, who have appointed our present meeting not in 
the garden of the Colonial Chief Justice, but at a spot much 
nearer that on which — if so much can be said of any one spot 
— were decided the fortunes of that eventful day. 

For the Battle of Germantown, I hardly need say to you, 
was very much more than a contest with half a dozen compa- 
nies for the possession of a country house. It was a contest 
for the possession of a widely-extended and strongly-posted 
line, between two armies ; not large, indeed, according to our 
modem ideas, but such as not often met face to face in the 
war for independence. In its general plan it was one of the 
largest and boldest, as it was also, in parts, one of the most 
spirited battles of the revolutionary struggle ; and though it 
produced no very obvious military results, its moral and po- 
litical influence was such as to give the Battle of Germantown 
a place among the most memorable battles of the war. Cer- 
tainly no other engagement of that time has been the subject 
of warmer discussion, or, I may say, has been so wrapped in 
obscurity; and to-day it is no easy task to unravel, from the 
infinite tangle of conflicting accounts, a continuous thread of 
intelligible narrative. Far abler and more learned historians 
than I shall ever be have tried it with but indiflferent success, 
and the most that I can hope to do to-day is to sketch the 
outlines of the battle in such a way as at least shall not make 
more difficult the work of my fellow-students ; and if, in fui 
filment of the task assigned me, I shall be able to add any- 
thing to what is already known, I shall freely acknowledge 
my indebtedness to others, and especially to the officers of 

870 Battie of Germantown. 

the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, who have kindly placed 
at my disposal a great mass of original material which I 
should not have been able to gather for myself. At the same 
time let me say that for the use made of this material I am 
alone responsible. If my paper have any value, it owes it to 
the Historical Society's collections. Its errors and omissions 
are not the society's, but my own. It would have been easy 
to write a more attractive story, for the stock of picturesque 
incidents is as large as the combined imagination of the his- 
torians of a century could make it ; but whatever else this 
paper may lack, I believe it to be truthful, and as I hope to 
make you understand the Battle of Germantown, I shall 
rigidly confine myself to a plain unvarnished tale. 


Let us briefly recall the position of affitirs in the colony at 
the begiiming of October a hundred years ago. The efforts 
to defend Philadelphia had failed with disaster, and on the 
26th of September Lord Comwallis, at the head of his grena- 
diers, made the formal entry into the federal city, whence the 
Continental Congress had hastily adjourned to Lancaster. The 
main body of Howe's army, having crossed the Schuylkill 
at Fatland ford, was encamped at Germantown. "Washing- 
ton was at Pennybacker's Mills, between the Perkiomen 
and the Skippack Creeks, thirty miles from the city, where 
he hoped to receive reinforcements from the Northern Depart- 
ment. His army, which was mainly composed of Continental 
troops, with militia from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and New 
Jersey, had suifered severely at Brandywine and in the rapid 
marches afterward. It was ill-clad, almost unshod, and scan- 
tily fed. The enthusiasm of Pennsylvania in the patriot 
cause, never as exuberant as that of some of the other colonies, 
had been waning as the war dragged on, and now, with the 
actual invasion of the colony, with its capital in the hands of 
the enemy, had almost died out. The outlook was gloomy in 
the extreme. Congress was full of cliques, the army of am- 
bitious malcontents. The news of Burgoyne's surrender had 
not yet come to cheer the drooping spirits of the patriots, and 

Battle of GermantoiDTL 371 

on every hand were discontent and despondency. " Oh, Heaven, 
grant us one great soul!" exclaimed the querulous John 
AdamB ; " one leading mind would extricate the best cause 
inrom that ruin which seems to await it ;" while the venerable 
IParson Muhlenberg cried out, " Now, Pennsylvania, prepare 
t:o meet the Lord thy God !" Almost the only man who pre- 
served an unruffled temper in these times was the object of 
»11 this grumbling and criticism and plotting, the Com- 
xnander-in-Chief, always greatest in adversity, who calmly 
patched events and awaited his opportunity. 

Nor did he have to wait long. The Continentals, it will 
T)e remembered, retained control of the forts and defences of 
the Delaware, and General Howe's first care, after seeing his 
army well posted, was to gain possession of these. " Having 
received intelligence," writes Washington,* " through two 
intercepted letters, that General Howe had detached part of 
his force for the purpose of reducing Billingsport and the 
forts on the Delaware, I communicated the accounts to my 
general officers, who were unanimously of opinion that a 
favorable opportunity oftered to make an attack upon the 
troops which were at and near Germantown."* It was ac- 
cordingly agreed that this attack should be made on the morn- 
ing of October 4th, and the Commander-in-Chief carefully 
prepared his order of battle. 


Germantown at that time consisted of the single street, 
built for a space of about two miles with houses of stone, set 

' See Letter to Congress, Oct. 5th, 1777. 

' On the 28th of Sept. Washington first submitted the question regard- 
ing the propriety of attacking the enemy, to his officers, but it was decided in 
the negative, — Brigadiers Smallwood, Wayne, Scott, Potter, and James 
Irvine, voting that an attack should be made, whilst Major-Generals Sulli- 
van, Greene, Stirling, Stephen, Armstrong, and Brigadiers M'DougaH, 
Knox, Muhlenberg, Nash, and Conway voted to defer doing so until re- 
enforcements expected from Peekskill should arrive. It was recommended, 
however, that the army should be moved nearer the enemy, so that an attack 
could be made as soon as an opportunity should offer. — See Washington 
Papers quoted in Life of Muhlenberg ; Writings of Washington, by Sparks, 
vol. v., p 75. 

872 '»' Battle of Genaariiown. 

clcse to the highway, from which the ferm fences, orchards, 
and mcloBures extended back a considerable distance on each 
side. In an open space m the centre was the Market house, 
just five miles distant from Philadelphia. From the head of 
the village, one mile from the Market house, the street con- 
tinued northward through Beggarstown to Mount Airy, a mile 
distant, and thence another mile to Chestnut Hill, where the 
road branched, the left fork leading to Reading and the right 
toward Bethlehem. On the west of the village the land rolled 
away to the high bluffs of the Wissahickon near its conflu- 
ence with the Schuylkill, while the ground on the east, inter- 
sected by the Wingohocken and other remote tributaries of 
the Delaware, was also well disposed for defence.* General 
Ilowe's army was encamped upon the general line of School 
Uouse and Church Lanes, crossing the town at its centre. 

The left wing, under Lieutenant-General Knyphausen, 
which comprised seven British battalions, forming the Third 
and Fourth Brigades, under Major-General Grey and Brig.- 
Gen. Agnew, three Hessian battalions, under Maj.-Gen. von 
Stim, and the mounted and dismounted chasseurs, imder 
Colonel von Wurmb, extended to the Schuylkill ; the chas« 
seurs were in front and on the flank, and the extreme left 
was guarded by a small redoubt on the bluff at the mouth of 
the Wissahickon, where School Lane joined the Manatawny 
or Ridge Road, one of the approaches to the town from the 
north. Major-General Grant and Brigadier-General Matthew 
were upon the right, with the corps of Guards, six battalions 
of British and two squadrons of dragoons, the line extending 
about a mile to the eastward to the woods near Lukens' mill 
— more lately Roberts' mill, but now, alas ! no mill at all. 
This wing was flanked by the First Battalion of Light Li- 
fantry, 'which was encamped upon the Limekiln Road, while 
the Queen's Rangers, a provincial corps, afterward com- 

1 It has been freqaently stated that the open position oocapied by Howe's 
army invited an attack, bat such criticisms most have been made without 
any knowledge of the ground, llie rough country in front of either wing 
of the British army made its position a strong one. 


Battle of Gennantowru 373 

xinanded by Lieutenant^Colonel Siincoe, were thrown out on 

"fclie extreme right flank toward Branchtown, on the York 

!Soad, these being the two approaches to the town upon the 

'^^ast. The Second Battalion of Light Infantry occupied the 

extreme advance toward the north, being posted, with a bat- 

^•:ery of artillery, on the east of the main street at Mount 

IPleasant, with an outlying picket with two six pounders at 

-Allen's house, on Mount Airj'^, while the Fortieth Regiment, 

"under Col. Musgrave, was encamped in the field opposite 

Ohew's house, nearly a mile in the rear.* General Howe had 

liis head-quarters at Stenton, a mile or so south of the Markel 


Such was the disposition of the troops at and near German. 

town when Washington, who on September 29th had marched 

from Pennybacker's Mills down to Skippack, about twenty^ 

five miles from the city, and on the 2d advanced his camp 

some five miles further, to Worcester Township, prepared for 

his attack.* There appears to have been little effort to keej 

liis movements secret.* " Mr. Washington," writes an oflicei 

of the Second Light Infantry on the night of October 2d (evl 

<iently not relishing his isolated position),* " by the accounts 

' The poBitions of the British are taken from the map drawn by J. Hills, 
Xieat. of the 23d Regt. and Assist. Engineer, published in London by Faden 
in 1784 ; and from the letter of Sir Wm. Howe to Lord George Oermain, 
Oct. 10, 1777. The German Auxtltarien in the War of North American 
Jjiberation, 1776 to 1783, by Max von Eelking, Hanover, 1863, has also been 
consulted, as that excellent work was prepared from original material not 
accessible in this country, 

• Several writers have stated that Howe had his headquarters at the 
Louse subsequently occupied by Washington, opposite the Market house. 
But the best evidence shows that at the time of the battle Stenton was the 
residence of Gen. Howe. See HilVs Map, 

• Pickering's Diary. 

• The Rev. Henry M. Muhlenberg, who resided near the American encamp- 
ment, recorded in his diary, Oct. 3. . . . " There is a report that at 
daylight the British outposts, at Barren Hill and Germantown, will be at- 
tacked."— See Collections Penna, Hint. Soc, vol. i. p. 170. 

• See Material for History, by Frank Moore, p. 55, New York, 1861. 

In speaking of the affair at Paoli, this officer writes, in the letter quoted : 
** They threaten retaliation, vow they will give no quarter to any of our bat- 

874 Battle of Germantovon. 

of some who came in to-day, is eighteen miles distant, wi^ 
his main body. They also say he intends to move near \\» ^^ 
try the event of another battle." Scouting parties had 
peatedly approached the lines, and the pickets had been driv^ 
in for three nights by the cavalry under PulaskL* Sir Geoir^^ 
Osbom, in his testimony before the House of CJommons Co 
mittee, says that he " received from General Howe, who w 
accompanied by his aid-de-camp, only the night before, i 
order to move on with the grenadiers and light infantry 
the guards to Major Simcoe's post, about half a mile in fro 
of the line of infantry, as I might expect the enemy at day^ 
break the next morning ;" adding, " The firing of the enemj^^ 
on the morning of the attack began exactly or near the time 
that Sir William had represented me the night before it 
would do." Being cross-examined, however, and asked did 
he " conceive any other part of the army was surprised," Sir 

ta]ion. We are always on the advaDce post of the army ; our present one is 
unpleasant ;our left is too open and unguarded. We expect reinforcements. 
There has been firing this night all around the sentries, which seems as if 
they endeavored to feel our situation, I am fatigued, and must sleep. Couldgt 
thou sleep thus no more than I could act Sir Wildair in a Ship on Fire; nor 
I at first [entre noiLs)^ but I grant custom, et<;., etc. Yet my rest is inter- 
rupted, I wake once or twice, or more, my ear is susceptible of the least 


* See Letter of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to Judge William Johnson, 
Hist. Magazine, N. Y., 1866, page 202. Col. Pinckney states that after 
driving in the British pickets, Pulaski drew off his command ; *' and when 
the head of Sullivan's Division arrived near the point of attack, we found he 
had laid down and gone to sleep, for which he was severely reprimanded by 
the General." Judge Johnson adds to the statement of Col. Pinckney, on 
what authority he does not mention, the information that Pulaski retired to 
a "farm house," and to the negligence of that officer in allowing the patrols 
of the enemy to learn of the approach of the Americans, he attributes the 
failure of Washington's plan. This charge against Pulaski called forth a 
number of replies. (See Pulaski Vindicated, etc, etc, by Paul Bentaloo. 
Baltimore, 1824. A Reply to Judge Johnson's Remarks on an Article in the 
N, A, Review, etc., by Paul Bentalou, Baltimore, 1826, and an article by 
Sparks in N. A. Review. No. 53, Oct. 1826.) If any further refutation to 
the charge of Judge Johnson is required than those found in the publications 
mentioned, it is in the undeniable testimonv of Lieut Hunter, of the British 
light infantry, that the attack in force was a surprise. 

Battle of Gennantoum. 875 

George Osbom declined to answer the question. Howe him- 
self, though he would not acknowledge the surprise, testified 
that after the drubbing the Americans got at Brandywine he 
did not believe they would hazard another battle.* 


General Washington, who was well informed of the enemy's 
position and movements, prepared his order of battle with 
great care. " The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne,"* he ex- 
plains in his letter to Congress, flanked by Conway's brigade, 
were to enter the town by way of Chestnut Hill, while Gene- 
ral Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, should fall 
down the Manatawny road by Van Deering's mill and get 
upon the enemy's left and rear. The divisions of Greene and 
Stephen, flanked by McDougall's brigade, were to enter, by 
taking a circuit by way of the Limekiln Road, at the Market 
house, and attack their right wing, and the militia of Mary- 
land and New Jersey, under Generals Smallwood and Forman, 
were to march by the old York Road and fell upon the rear 
of their right. Lord Stirling, with Nash's and Maxwell's 
brigades, was to form a corps de reserve. The official order 
further explains that " General McDougall is to attack the 
right wing of the enemy in front and rear ; General Conway 
to attack the enemy's left flank, and General Armstrong to 

* Major Simcoe, according to his journal, was not appointed to the com- 
mand of the Queen's Rangers until the 15th of Oct 1777. and did not join 
the army at Germantown until the 16th. The testimony of Sir George Os- 
hom, however, was given in 1779, after the Queen's Rangers under Simcoe 
had acquired considerable reputation, and Sir George no doubt, in speaking 
of " Major Simcoe's post" alluded to the position of the corps with which his 
name had become identified, which, according to Hill's map, was stationed on 
the Old York Road, as mentioned by Dr. Lambdin. If Sir George was per- 
sonally preftent with the troops he speaks of, Gen. Howe was guilty of a very 
questionable action in presenting him as a witness in the case, as the poet 
surprised was that of the 2d Battelion of Light Infantry at Mt. Airy, two 
miles from where Sir George was posted. The question Sir George declined 
to answer would seem to show that suspicion of the facts existed in the mind 
of his interrogator. — See Howe*8 Narrattue and Simcoe^a JoumcU. 

* See Sparks, vol. v. p. 78. 

876 Battle of Germantoivn. 

attack their left wing in flank and rear." The pickets were 
to be "taken off" — not driven in — ^thoee at Van Deering's 
mill by General Armstrong, those on Mount Airy by Sulli- 
van, and those at Lucan's mill by Greene. Each column was 
to make its dispositions so as to get within two miles of the 
enemy's pickets by 2 o'clock, there halt till 4, and attack the 
pickets precisely at 5 o'clock, " with charge bayonets and 
without firinfir, and the column to move to the attack as soon 
as possible. " The columns were to communicate with each other 
from time to time by light horse, and proper flanking parties 
to be kept out from each column. Each oflicer and man, it 
was further ordered, should wear a piece of white paper in 
his cap, a precaution which, if it was not neglected, evidently 
proved ineffectual to distinguish friend from foe. In addi- 
tion to the troops mentioned, a detachment of militia was 
sent down the west side of the Schuylkill, with orders to 
make a demonstration at the Middle ferry, at Market Street, 
to engage the attention of the enemy and prevent reinforce- 
ments being sent from the city. They showed themselves 
opposite Market Street and fired several cannon shots across 
the river, and though they produced no effect, this demon- 
stration must be mentioned as a part of the plan of the battle.* 
It may be said here that, though the destination of Small- 
wood's column of militia seems plainly to have been against 
the rear of the enemy, the oflicial order gives it minute direc- 
tions to move from White Marsh Church by " the left-hand 
road which leads to Jenkins' tavern, on the Old York Road 
below Armitage's, beyond the seven-mile stone, half a mile 
from which a road turns off short to the right hand, fenced 
on both sides, which leads through the enemy's encampment 
to Germantown Market House," which would simply have 
brought it along with or behind Greene. Practically, how- 
ever, these instructions made little difference, for Smallwood 
only came up toward the close of the action, in time to join 
in the retreat. His movements, therefore, will not concern 
us. Armstrong, too, instead of falling upon the enemy in 

' See Morton's Diary, Penn. Magazine, vol. L p. 13. 

Battle of Germantovm. 877 

:flank and rear, conceived that his " destiny was against the 
foreigners, rather to divert them with the militia than fight 
their superior body;" and, though he succeeded in this so far 
as to keep a considerable Hessian force out of the battle in 
the early part of the day, he had so little general effect upon 
the whole result that we may for the present dismiss him 
from our minds, and confine our attention to the two main 


On the evening of October 3d the army left its encampment 
on Metuchen Hills by the routes prescribed in the order of 
battle. It was a hard march in the darkness^ over rough 
roads, and at daybreak of a dark, foggy morning the right 
wing, which General Washington accompanied, after such a 
halt as the time allowed, reached Chestnut Hill.* As it de- 
scended into the valley approaching Mount Airy the sun rose, 
but soon buried itself in a bank of clouds.* Conway's brigade 
led the column, with Sullivan's division following, and 
Wayne's in the rear of Sullivan's, the whole under Sullivan's 
command.^ Here one regiment from Conway's brigade and 
one from the Maryland brigade were advanced in front,* and 
a detachment, under Captain Allen McLane, of Delaware, 
Was sent forward to take the enemy's picket at Allen's house. 
On Mount Airy.* He fell upon and killed the double sentries, 
W-ith the loss of one man, but the alarm was given, and the 
outpost, after discharging their two six-pounders,' fell back 
Upon the battalion of light infantry* that was already form- 

* " There was an appearance of rain, and the night was dark but remained 
^Tj, ''--Muhlenberg* 8 Journal, Oct. 3d, 1777. 

« Pickering's letter in N, A, Review, Oct. 1826, p. 426. 

• Ool. Howard's letter, Writings of Washington, by Sparks, vol. v. p. 468. 

* Sullivan's letter to Weare. See Writings of Washington, by Sparks, 
Vol. V. p. 464. 

• Ibid. • Memoirs of Wilkinson, vol. i. p. 364. 

' Ool. Howard's letter. Writings of Washington, by Sparks, vol. v. p. 468. 

' Sullivan states that the picket was re-enforced by the light infantry, and 
his account has been generally followed. Washington in his letter to 
Congress writes that the picket " gave way," and that Sullivan, '* following, 


878 Battle of Gennantown. 

ing in line of battle upon the east of the road at Mount 
Pleasant. Conway thereupon formed his brigade to sustain 
the attacking regiments,* while Sullivan drew up his own di- 
vision on the right of the road at Allen's Lane.* For some 
minutes the ground was hotly contested, but the enemy at 
length gave way. Wayne's division having by this tinn^ 
come up, General Sullivan formed it upon the east of the road^ 
and directed Conway to file off to the extreme right, sending 
also one regiment from Wayne's and one fix)m his own divi- 
sion, with Moylan's regiment of light-horse, to further protect, 
his right flank.* These dispositions made, he advanced his 
line,* the light infentry leaving the field, and with it their 

Boon engaged the light infantry and other troops encamped near the picket" 
As this account agprees with Lient. Banter's, of the light iD&ntry, it 

• Sallivan's letter to Weare. See Writings of WashingUm^ by Sparb, 
vol. V. p. 464. 

• Col. Howard's letter, Writings of Washington^ by Sparks, voL t. p. 468. 

• Sullivan's letter to Weare. See Writings of Washingtony by Sparks, 
vol. V. p. 464. 

^ The fullest account of the deployment of the right wing into line will be 
found in Sullivan's letter to President Weare ; and no document that we 
know of, relating to the battle, has been more misused, or has given rise to 
so many false ideas. Sullivan writes : " Upon finding that our left wing, 
which had near four miles further to march than the right, had not arrived, 
I was obliged to form General Wayne's division on the east of the road to 
attack the enemy's right," and again, " No evidence being given of General 
Armstrong's arrival, I was obliged to send a regiment firom Wayne's and 
another from my own division to keep the enemy from turning our right." 
These two passages have been quoted to prove that the commands of 
Greene and Armstrong were intended to co-operate with that of Sullivan at 
Mt. Airy, and some writers have added that Wayne was ordered on gpround 
assigned to Greene in the original plan of the battle. 

To put this construction on the language of Sullivan, althoagh not an 
unnatural one, is to argue that neither Sullivan, nor Washington, nnder 
whose eye he acted, understood the plan of the battle. 

A reference to the map and to the " Order of Battle" will show that it 
was impossible for Greene or Armstrong to perform the duties assigned to 
them, and be near Mt. Airy at the time Sullivan made the attack. Sullivan 
doubtless intended to convey the idea that the non-arrival of Greene and 
Armstrong at the points they were designed against, canaed him to make 

Battle of Germantowru 879 

encampment, but making "a stand at every fence, wall, and 
ditch they passed, which were numerous," the General ex- 
plains, adding that "we were compelled to remove every 
fence as we passed, which delayed us much in the pursuit."* 

It was with peculiar spirit that Wayne's division advanced 
against the British light infantry, for it was that body which 
had made the cruel attack on the camp at Paoli ; and Lieut. 
Hunter, writing a few days afterward, says: "When the 
first shots were fired at our pickets, so much had we all 
Wayne's a£&ir in our remembrance, that the battalion were 
out and under arms in a minute. At this time the day had 
just broke, but it was a very foggy morning, and so dark we 
could not see a hundred yards before us. Just as the bat- 
talion had formed, the pickets came in and said the enemy 
were advancing in force. They had hardly joined the bat- 
talion when we heard a loud cry, ' Have at the bloodhounds I 
revenge Wayne's afiair V and they immediately fired a vol- 

the disposition he did. Equally erroneons are the assertions that the 
" change*' of arrangement at Mt. Airy caused the confasion which occurred 
as the troops of Sullivan and Greene approached the centre of the town. 
This argument is deduced from the ideas that Wayne should not have been 
ordered on the east of the road, and that Sullivan was to confine his atten- 
tion alone to the enemy on the west of the main street. In the first place, 
there was no "change" at Mt Airy, and in the second it would have been 
impossible for Sullivan to have advanced on one side of a road and allowed 
the enemy to remain on the other, and the route assigned to Greene was so 
far to the east as to preclude the idea that any of the enemy near the main 
street were to have engaged his attention. The passages in Sullivan's letter, 
describing the formation of the line of battle at Mt. Airy, are explanatory 
of time, not of action. 

' Col. John E. Howard, then Major of the fourth Maryland regiment, 
states that they were formed in Allen's Lane, two hundred yards from the 
house, and as they advanced they inclined to the left until the road was 
reached ; this movement was, no doubt, to cover the space made vacant by 
the withdrawal of Conway's brigade. Wayne has usually been accorded 
the honor of beginning the attack, but in his own letter he writes : " The 
action soon became general, when we advanced on the enemy with charge 
bayonets." Col. Howard, after describing the retreat of the picket, writes : 
** It is certain no other part of the army was up to us at that time," and we 
see no reason why his statement should be disregarded. 

880 Battle of Gennantown. 

ley." Wayne himself gives a similar account in his enthusi- 
astic style : " Our people," he writes, " remembering the ac- 
tion of the night of the 20th of September, near the Warren, 
pushed on with their bayonets, and took ample vengeance for 
that night's work. Our oncers exerted themselves to save 
many of the poor wretches, but to little purpose ; the rage and 
fury of the soldiers were not to be restrained for some time, at 
least not until great numbers of the enemy fell by their bayo- 

When the attack began. Colonel Musgrave, with the For- 
tieth Regiment, had moved forward to the support of the 
light infantry. He met them retreating, and formed upon the 
left of the road,* when, Sullivan says, "a severe conflict en- 
sued," and the British were pressed back. General Howe, 
at the first firing, at once mounted and hurried to the front, 
to meet his troops retreating. "For shame, light infantry!" 
he cried, "I never saw you retreat before;"* but a grape- 
shot scattering the leaves above his head called attention to 
the force that was advancing, and the general immediately 
turned his horse and galloped back to the camp to prepare 
for the attack. Sullivan continued his advance, having sent 
back word to Washington that he had engaged the enemy's 
left, and asking that Wayne be advanced against the right, 
seemingly not aware, in the fog, that Wayne was already 
moving forward.* Washington, who followed with the re- 

' Wayne's letter to his wife, Dawson's Battles of the U. S., vol. i. p. 328. 

' See Hill's Map. Lt. Hunter writes, , . , ** the enemy were kept so 
long in check that two brigades had advanced to the entrance of Beggars- 
town, where they met oar battalion retreating." Hanter doubtless mistook 
the 40th Reg't for a larger body of troops, as Howe, who was present, men- 
tions no other re-enforcements to the Lt. Infantry bat Masgrave's command. 

* Hunter's diary, in Moorson's Historical Record of the 52(1 Regiment. 
The extract will be found in Historical Magazine^ N. Y., 1860, p. 346. 

^ There can be no doubt that Wayne advanced on the east of the road 
shortly after Sullivan did on the west. Lt. Hunter's account clearly shows 
that Wayne was early in the engagement. The passage in Sullivan's letter 
stating that he sent his aid, Morris, to Washington, to request him to order 
Wayne to advance, has been applied to that part of the battle which took 
place south of Chew's house ; but erroneously so, for Sullivan continaes, that 

Battle of GermantowTL 881 

serve, then advanced a detachment of that body, a part upon 
the right and a part upon the left, and at the entrance to Qer- 
mantown, a mile from where the attack began, the line passed 
Chew's hoose (a fine stone mansion standing several rods from 
the street in a large inclosnre), Sullivan's division upon the 
west, its left resting on the road, and Wayne upon the east of 
the house. 

chew's house. 

The morning was very dark ; a thick fog, rendered more 
dense by the smoke of the cannon and musketry, obscured 
everything, and it was impossible for the soldiers, marching 
over ground broken by roads and houses, to see clearly what 
was before them as they advanced upon the two sides of the 
town. Sullivan, however, pushed on past the present Wash- 
ington Lane, and Wayne as far as the Green Tree Tavern, 
then kept by the Widow Mackinett (the old stone building 
opposite the Haines place). When General Washington, 
with the reserve, arrived at the top of the hill at the entrance 
of the town, he found that Colonel Musgrave, with six com- 
panies of the Fortieth Regiment, had boldly thrown himself 
into Chew's house, and, having barricaded the doors and win- 
dows, was prepared for a vigorous defence. A few shots had 
been fired from the upper windows at Sullivan as he passed, 
but they were not regarded, and Colonel Pickering,* who was 
sent forward with a message to that ofllcer not to waste his 
ammunion, tells us that the first he heard of Chew's house 
was " the whizzing of musket ball across the road, before, 
behind, and above me, as I was returning after delivering the 
orders to Sullivan," whom he had met in the road three or 
four hundred yards beyond. 

Wayoe'B division " advanced with great bravery and rapidity" and passed 
Chew's house abreast with his own, lliis error has given rise to the idea 
that Wayne was recalled to take part in the attack on Chew's hoase, for 
which we find no authority, and that Sallivan requested he should be again 
ordered forward ; but Sullivan's request, it will be seen, was made before 
either he or Wayne had reached Chew's house. 
^ QetN.A. Review, Oct 1826. 

882 Battle of Germantonm. 

Coming back to the house next north of Chew's — Bill- 
meyer's, which, like the other, stands unchanged to this day, 
Pickering tells us that he found a group of officers discussing 
in the General's presence the propriety of moving the remain- 
der of the troops forward, without regard to this impudent 
obstacle, against which a fruitless attack had already been 
made by artillery as well as by infantry. General Knox it 
was who insisted that it was contrary to all military rule to 
leave a castle in one's rear, and that the garrison should be 
summoned to surrender. As General Knox was chief of 
artillery and otherwise a dignified and influential person, his 
view prevailed, and a flag was sent with a summons. Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Smith, a gallant young Virginia staff officer, 
volunteered to carry the flag, an enterprise which some of the 
officers, at least, objected to as useless. As he advanced across 
the lawn he received a shot, which stretched him upon the 
ground and from which he died.* General Maxwell, with his 
brigade and four pieces of artillery, was thereupon ordered to 
attack the house, and an ineffectual siege began, the six- 
pounders of the day makmg very little impression upon the 
heavy stone walls, and the troops within being well protected 
from the fire of musketry.^ There was no lack of vigor on 
the part of Maxwell's men, who repeatedly advanced close to 
the house and tried every means to dislodge the garrison. So 
close, indeed, was the assault that the two New Jersey regi- 
ments of Maxwell's brigade lost no less than forty-six officers 
and men, and one of the officers has recorded that his horse 
was shot under him three yards from the comer of the house.* 
Attempts were also made to fire the house, the Chevalier 
Duplessis and John Laurens, of South Carolina, distinguishing 
themselves among the incendiary volunteers ;* but every effort 

* Lient.-Col. Smith was Deputy Adjutant-General. He died of his wouDds 
on the 23d of October. See Life of Pickering^ vol. i. pages 169-173. 

* See Life of Pickering^ and Pickering's letter in N. A, Review, Oct. 1826. 

* See Proceedings of N. J. Historical Society, Col. E. Dayton's report, 
vol. 9, page 187. 

* See Travels of the Marquis de Chastellux. Major White, of SaUiTan's 
staff, is said to have been one of the officers killed in attempting to 8et fire to 
the house. He died a few days after the battle. 

BatUe of Gennantown. 883 

dislodge the British was ineffectual, and Colonel Musgrave 
^Kxift^intained his position until relieved by General Grey at the 
'^Xid of the battle. 

Greene's command. 

While all this was going on in the northern part of Gter^ 
^xmantown, General Greene, commanding the left wing, had 
^xaoade the circuit of the Limekiln Road, and half an hour* 
>m the time of the attack on Mount Airy had engaged 
le enemy's right. The first body of troops which he en- 
countered was the First Battalion of the Light Lifantry, who 
"^i^ere advanced upon the Limekiln Road beyond Betton's 
AVoods.* General Greene formed his army in line, with 
^Stephens' Division upon the west of the road and his own 
-division, composed of Muhlenberg's and Scott's brigades, 
^mander the immediate command of General Muhlenberg, on 
't:he east, with McDougall's brigade on the extreme left flank, 
^leneral Stephens says : " The two divisions formed the line 

< Washington writes three-quarters of an hour ; Walter Stewart, fifteen 

^niuates ; Marshall, in Ist edition of Life of Washington, half an hour, — 2d 

^ition, a little oyer half an hoar. Pickering says that the firing of the left 

wing was heard as he advanced with the reserve under Washington, and that 

they and Woodford's brigade arrived at Chew's house about tl\e same time. 

' From the order of battle it is evident it was not expected that the left 
wing would encounter the enemy until it reached Luken's Mill. The testi- 
mony of Sir George Osborn shows that the night previous to the battle hia 
battalion was advanced in front of the right wing of the English, and there 
can be no doubt that he was stationed north of a line drawn due east from 
Chew's house, as Chief Justice Marshall, who was an officer in Woodford's 
brigade, which was on the right of the left wing, states that, while rapidly 
pursuing the flying enemy, that brigade got out of its course and was 
arrested by a heavy fire from Chew's house. From this it is apparent that 
the attack must have been made a considerable distance north of Luken's 
Mill, or else it would have necessitated a retrograde movement of Woodford's 
brigade to have approached near to Chew's house. — See First and Second 
editions of Life of Washington, 

As a man by the name of Isaac Woods was killed while looking out of 
the cellar door of a house marked " Andrews" on the map, on the Lime- 
kiln Boad, at the fight going on towards Betton's Woods, it is clear that the 
first attack was at or above that point— See Watson* s Annals of Philadel- 
phiOf vol. iL page 63. 

384 Battle of Germantoum. 

of battle at a great distance from the enemy, and marched £ur 
through marsheB, woods, and strong fences, [so that they 
were] mixed^ before we came up with the enemy," though the 
greatest obstacles must have been encountered after the first 
engagement, in which Lieutenant Morgan, of the Light 
Infiantry, a very gallant young officer, was killed at the head 
of his command.' Colonel Matthew was here detached by 
Stephens with his Virginia regiment, and pursued his oppo- 
nents with great vigor, as will afterward appear. 

The hilly character of the country and the multitude of 
fences and other obstructions soon broke the line, and Wood- 
ford's brigade, whose brave commander was at the time lying 
ill of the wounds received at Brandywine, bore away to the 
right, and, led by the sound of firing, pressed toward Ger- 
mantown, quickening their pace as they advanced, and came 
out opposite Chew's house.* They halted here, and while 
Maxwell was attacking the house from the front, the artil- 
lery of Woodford's brigade opened fire on it from the other 
side — " a windmill attack,"* Wayne afterward called it. The 
remainder of Stephens's division, on the retreat of the enemy, 
pushed on in a similar direction, and thus came upon the 
flank of Wayne's division, already disturbed by the firing in 
its rear, and the two bodies of troops became entangled.* 
" We had now pushed the enemy nearly three miles," writes 
Wayne, with his usual exaggeration — ^he could not have been 
two miles from where the fight began — ^" and were in posses- 
sion of their whole encampment, when a large body of troops 
were advancing on our left flank, which, being taken for the 
enemy, our men fell back in defiance of every exertion of 
their officers to the contrary, and after retreating about two 
miles they were discovered to be our own people, who were 
originally intended to attack the right wing of the enemy."* 

* Letter of Mr. Bancroft in N. A. Review, 1867. 

' See extract from Memoirs of Admiral Gambler, printed in Hut, Mag., 
tol. T. page 69. 

* Chief Justice Marshall, who was an officer in this brigade; see L^ rf 
Wiuhtngton, * Wayne to Gen. Gates. 

* Stephens to Washington. * Wayne's letter to hif 

JSatde of Germantowru 885 

ayne's inaccuracy in details makes his accounts often per- 
exing, but his general impressions may be accepted as cor- 
That Stephens, who was subsequently cashiered for 
runkenness and misconduct on the retreat, failed in his own 
ork and interfered with that of others, has always been be- 
lieved, and, unlike many other things that have always been 
Ti>elieved about this battle, is unquestionably true. The re- 
uniting confusion epded the efforts of Sullivan's column upon 
"tbe east side of the town. 

General Greene, with the remainder of his command, con- 
tinued to advance upon the east side of the Limekiln Road, 
Miaintaming the line of battle, " till," as Lieutenant-Colonel 
^eth explains, " that order was found impracticable, which, 
from the number of post and rail fences, thickets, and in short 
everything that could obstruct our march, threw us frequently 
into the greatest disorder."^ McDougall's brigade, it will be 
Temembered, was upon the left, and was to attack the enemy 
in the flank ; but the extreme roughness of the ground he 
liad to traverse made his rapid movement impossible, and his 
course led him so far to the east and south as to take him 
quite out of the action,* and leave exposed the flank of 
Greene's division, as, with a rapidity of movement that left 
McDougall, as he has himself said, far behind," it turned at 
Church Lane, and advanced toward Germantown. The ac- 
counts of the movements of this wing of the army now be- 
come exceedingly obscure, and it is impossible to describe 
the contest with accuracy. " I happened to be detached," 
writes Colonel Walter Stewart, " and fell on the left of the 
whole, when I engaged the Fifth and Thirty-eighth ; they 

* See Ldfe of Lamb, by Leak, p. 183. 

' J. F. Watson, the annalist, was told by an old resident of OermantowD 
that there was fighting " on Armstrong's Hill by the mill" (see Annals of 
PkHada,, vol. ii. p. 58), which stood sooth of Shoemaker Lane on the 
Wingohocking; and that quantities of ballets had been fonnd there. W« 
find no other evidence that there was fighting in that vicinity, but if there 
was, it was no doubt McDoogall's men that there engaged the enemy. 

• McDongaU's letter to Greene. See Life of Oreene, by Prof. Geo. W. 
Greene, yoL ii. p. 500. 

886 BatUe of Germantown. 

both ran lustily, and I took a little flush redoubt, with three 
pieces of cannon, from them. I had cursed hot work for it 
before they left them."* This little redoubt was at Luken's 
Mill,' and Stewart pushed on to the Market house, where also 
Colonel Matthew, with his Ninth Virginia Regiment, had 
penetrated, taking a number of prisoners, but becoming so 
closely engaged that he was unable to extricate himself in 
the retreat which followed, and was taken prisoner, with his 
command, on Kelly's Hill.* 


The morning was now well advanced, and the two wings 
of the army had approached the central objective point — ^the 
Market house in the middle of the town. But the lines were 
broken and disordered, and the advance had been so retarded 
by the innumerable obstacles and by the impenetrable fog, as 
to afford the British opportunity to re-form their own shat- 
tered lines. Howe had not been idle through the morning. 
Upon the appearance of Armstrong's militia upon his left he 
had sent Minnegerode's battalion of Hessian Orenadiers to 
support the Yagers,* while three battalions of the Third Brig- 
ade, under General Grey, and the Fourth Brigade, under 
General Agnew, supported on the left by two Hessian bat- 
talions, were advanced to resist the American right. General 
Grant also re-formed the right of the British lines to oppose 
the command of Greene.* 

Sullivan's division, with Armstrong's North Carolina E^- 
ment and part of Conway's brigade, had pushed forward 
nearly to School Lane,* upon the west of the town, while 

» Walter Stewart to Gen. Gates. • Sulliyan's letter to Weare. 

• Watson* 8 Annals, vol. ii. p. 37. 

* Von Eelking's Oerman Aiixtltartes, • Howe's letter. 

« It is difficult at this day to decide upon the extreme point reached by 
the command of Sullivan, the authorities being very conflicting. 

Col. Pickering, in his letter of August, 1826. states that he found Sulli- 
van personally about four hundred yards below Chew's house, which would 
be near Washington Lane, immediately north of which, on the west of the 

Battle of Gernuintown. 887 

Greene was entering on the east, but now, according to Sulli- 
van's own account, finding themselves " unsupported by any 
other troops, their cartridges all expended, the force of the 
eTiemy on the right collecting to the left to oppose them ; 
being alarmed by the firing at Chew's house, so far in their 
I'ear, and by the cry of a light horseman on the right that the 

street, a portion of a cedar board fence is standing at this day, riddled 
"Cliroagh and through with ballets fired during the battle. 

Col. Howard, who commanded the troops west of the main street, writes 
t^liat his regiment was halted in an orchard by Col. Hazen, and that while 
lialted ** the British army formed in the School House Lane, directly in our 
front, six or seven hundred yards from us,*' which would place Howard's 
command about half way between Washington and School Lanes. 

Robert Morton, who visited German town the day after the battle, baa 
recorded that the Americans got down as far as the Widow Mackinett's Tay- 
«m, which the editor, in annotating Morton's Diary (see Penn, Mag., vol. i. 
page 15), was under the impression stood near the Market house, but which 
old residents of Germautown assure him was at the Green Tree, as stated 
l)y Dr. Lambdin. 

Watson, the annalist, was told by one Smith, who was a boy at the time 
of the battle, that he gave cider to two of the Americans who lay wounded 
on Wunder's lot, where the old railroad depot stands. These, however, may 
have been some of Greene's men. 

Wilkinson, who gathered his information in Washington's camp shortly 
after the battle, and visited the ground previous to the publication of his 
memoirs, states that the front of the American troops had nearly reached 
the Market house when the retreat took place. 

Col. Tilghman, who was on Washington's staff, wrote to his father Octo- 
ber 6th, that ** we pushed them by degrees ft-om Mt. Airy below the lane 
that leads to the College." This statement of Col. Tilghman's would be 
sufficient, if it could be shown that he was an eye-witness ; but as he de- 
scribes with equal gusto and vivacity the driving of the enemy across the 
town by Greene, it is evident a portion of his account must have been drawn 
from that of another. 

The man who resided west of the school house recorded in his diary that 
he returned to Germantown the day of the battle, and found that a hot en- 
gagement had occurred between the two armies. ... " His poor wife was 
alone up two pair of stairs when a cannon-ball passed through a window 
very near her." Had the British been driven across School House Lane, 
bis dwelling would have been in the midst of the conflict, and it is hardly 
likely his remarks would have been confined to the one incident. 

The English accounts all speak of the engagement being in the upper 
part of the town. 

888 BatUe of Gmnantoicn. 

enemy had got round us, and at the same time diBCOvering 
some troops flying on our right, retired with as much precipi- 
tation as they had before advanced, against every effort of 
their officers to rally them."* Taking this brief description for 
what it is worth, it at least serves to show the confusion 
which existed. How fitr Sullivan's line extended it is impos- 
sible to tell, but as it had by this time lost its compactness it 
probably spread fiar away in the fields. An army that had 
pushed forward, as it had done, across fenced lots and among 
houses and outbuildings, must have been in a sufficiently 
perilous position under the best of circumstances. So when 
General Grey, " turning his front to the village,"* fix)m his 
camp out School Lane, advanced to the attack, the Americans 
could not resist him. To put it plainly, they were repulsed* 
As they withdrew, with the precipitation which General Sul- 
livan describes. Grey advanced across the lots and moving by 
the right flank brought his command into column and enter- 
ing the main street, pushed on toward Chew's house.' Gene- 
ral Agnew, following in the rear of Grey, entered the street 
not far from where we are now assembled, and rode forward 
at the head of his column. As he ascended the hill he re- 
ceived a sudden volley from a party of citizens* who were 
concealed behind the Mennonist meeting-house, and fell mor- 
tally wounded.* On the east of the town Wayne's division, 
as has been explained, had already withdrawn, and General 
Grant, moving up the Forty-ninth Regiment, as General Howe 
relates, " about the time Major-Gteneral Grey had forced the 
enemy in the village, and then advancing with the right wing, 
the enemy's left gave way, and was pursued through a strong 
country between four and five miles." General Washington, 
who had remained at the head of the hill above Chew's house, 

' Letter to Weare. 

' Howe to Lord George Qermaine. 

* Hill's Map and Howe's letter. 

* Philip Boyer is said to hare been the man who shot General Ag^ew. 

' He was carried into a honse near the spot where he died, and his remains 
were removed to his former quarters, the present residence of Charles J. 
Wister. See Loesing's Fidd Book of the RevoltUion, vol. u. p. 319. 

Battle of Germantaum. 889 

fia-w the failure of his well-laid plans, and issued his orders for 
the retreat.* 


Colonel Lacey, who was without a command at the Battle 
of Qermantown, but was an interested looker-on, has given us 
"this striking picture : " I rode forward," he says,* " to where 
the main army was engaged, and had an opportunity of seeing 
the manner in which the business was conducted. We had 

' It is the opinion of some writers that Washington left a single regiment 
to watch Chew's house, and with the remainder of the reserve moved to the 

The authorities for this yiew are the letter of Sullivan to Weare and the 
second edition of Marshall's Life of Washington. Sullivan writes : *' I can- 
not help observing that with great concern I saw our brave commander ex- 
j^osing himself to the hottest fire of the enemy in such a manner that regard 
%€> my country obliged me to ride to him and beg him to retire. He, to 
gratify me, and some others withdrew a small distance ; but his anxiety for 
Xhe fate of the day soon brought him up again, where he remained till our 
droops had retreated." Marshall, an officer in Woodford's brigade, in the 2d 
edition of Life of Washington, states that he found Chew's house guarded by 
« single regiment. 

Opposed to this view is the direct statement of Col. Pickering, made in 
1826, that he was with Washington, and thut the commander-in-chief did 
not pass Chew's house, and the fact that neither the diary of Pickering, the 
letters of Charles Colesworth Pinckney (1820), of Knox, or the account of 
<jo\. Dayton, the writers of all of which were present at Chew's house, fail to 
mention such an important movement. 

The letter of Pinckney and the diary of Pickering state that such a 
movement was contemplated, and the former that Col. Ogden's regiment was 
ordered to remain, but they fail to show that it was executed. It would 
appear from the diary of Pickering that the column of Sullivan retreated 
about the time it was proposed to advance that part of the reserve not re- 
quired to guard Chew's house. As the passage in Sullivan's letter is the 
closing one, and apparently supplementary, and consequently applicable to 
any part of the battle, and as Chief Justice Marshall in the 1st edition of his 
work said, that a brigade from Sullivan's column was found firing at the 
front of Chew's house when the one in which he was arrived in its rear, 
and gives a different version in his subsequent edition, thus invalidating his 
claim to be considered an eye-witness to what took place on the west of the 
house, we cannot but think the view taken by Dr. Lambdin the correct one. 
• See Life of Lacey, by Gen. W. W. H. Davis. 

890 Battle of Germantoum. 

full possession of the enemy's camp, which were on fire in 
several places. Dead and wounded men were strewed about 
in all quarters. When the order for the retreat came, the 
American troops were in much disorder ; those in front driven 
back by the enemy and £a.lling on those in the rear, increased 
the confusion and rendered it impossible to form in such order 
as to oppose the advancing enemy. A general retreat was in- 
evitably necessary to save the American army from a generoi 

It is necessary here to say a few words about General AiX^ 
strong, who was sent down the Ridge Road with the coluis:^ 
of Pennsylvania militia to attack the enemy's left. The ^^' 
treme left of the British line was held by the Hessian Yag^ ^ 
under Colonel von Wurmb, who, apprised of the attack, ** 
many of his brother officers were, was more vigilant th^^^ 
most of them, and kept up a continuous watch througho^*^* 
the night, and at daybreak the approach of the militia w 
discovered.^ There followed a brisk interchange of shots, b 
no real engagement. " We cannonaded from the heights 
each side of the Wissahickon," says Armstrong, " whilst 
riflemen on opposite sides acted on the lower ground-- '^ ^^ 
About nine o'clock, he continues, he was called off to jo i^*^ 
the General, but left a party, under Colonels Eyers am-^»^^ 
Dunlap, who shortly after were obliged to retreat, bringi:B::*-iK 
off their fieldpiece and a second one which Armstrong 
left " in the horrenduous hills of the Wissahickon." 
militia went up the stream to Cresheim Creek, which 
them across above Germantown, " directed by a slow firc^ ^ 
cannon," and there fell in front of a body of the enemy, wk<::>^i^ 
they engaged for some time. "Until then," says G^n€3«:"38l 
Armstrong, " I thought we had a victory, but to my gmr^^^t 
disappointment soon found out our army had gone an hour 
or two before, and we last on the ground."* 

' Von Eel1cing*s German Auxiliaries, Armstrong's letter to Whart^wi 
' He appears to have made no attempt to cross the Wissahickon as ordered, 
* Armstrong's letter to Wharton, Penaa. Archives, vol. v. p. 645. 

JSattle of Gennantown. 891 


Lord Comwallis, who had early heard m Philadelphia of 
le attack upon Howe's position, at once put in motion two 
T>sttalions of British and one of Hessian grenadiers, with a 
e^cjuadron of dragoons, and, getting to Gennantown just as the 
^^Unericans had been forced out of the village, he joined Gene- 
x^»l Grey, and, placing himself at the head of the troops, took 
'txp the pursuit. General Greene effected the withdrawal of 
ifcis forces with considerable difficulty and not without loss, 
^Dolonel Matthew's gallant regiment, or what remained of it, 
>eing left in the hands of the enemy, its heroic commander 
tnd many of his officers severely wounded by the enemy's 
^bayonets. The cannon, too, gave Greene no little care, and 
«it one point beyond Chestnut Hill, when Pulaski's cavalry, 
"^y^hich was in the rear, being driven by the pursuing enemy^ 
xode into and scattered his division, he was in a fair way to 
lose them ; but by ordering his men to join hands he col- 
lected a sufficient number to protect the guns, which, being 
turned upon the enemy, induced him to relinquish the pur- 
suit.* A letter from Wayne to Washington, written at eight 
o'clock in the evening, gives this account of the retreat: 
" After we left the field of battle the troops who took the 
upper route were formed at White Marsh Cliurch under 
Gteneral Stephen. It was thought advisable to remain there 
some time in order to collect the stragglers from the army. 
The enemy made their appearance with a party of light horse 
and from 1500 to 2000 infantry, with two field pieces. The 
troops were ordered off, when I covered the rear with some 
infantry and Colonel Bland's dragoons ; but finding the enemy 
determined to push us hard, I obtained from General Stephen 
some field pieces and took the advantage of a hill overlooking 
the road the enemy were marching on ; they met with such a 
reception as that they were induced to retire back over the 
ridge which they had just passed and give up further pursuit. 
The time gained by this stand," adds Wayne, with a cheerftil- 

' Gk>rdon, who obtained these facts from Greene. See Oordarit toI. iL p. 
524 ; Greene's Life of Greene, toI. ii. p. 417. 

892 Bank of Gennantowru 

ness that no defeat could dampen, " favored the retreat of » 
considerable number of our men, three or four hundred of 
whom are now encamped here, and which I hope will fiwsili- 
tate the retreat of almost all who were scattered ; bo that you 
are now, in my humble opinion, in as good, if not better sita- 
ation than you were before the action of this day/'* Washing- 
ton returned that night to Pennybacker's Mills, and there, 
after twenty-four hours of contiimous hard work, shared alil^^ 
by officers and men, he and his army resumed their camp. 


A sad task remained for the British soldiers and a sadd 
yet for the people of Germantown. For "two hours an 
forty minutes," according to General Knox's watch, the battle 
had waged at their very doors, in their gardens and orchards 
and in their fields; and now, as the fog and smoke lifted and 
the sounds of the contest died away, they ventured forth, 
some to look with anger upon the destruction of their pro- 
perty, others to carry succor to those who lay in wofiil need 
of kindest care.* If we could trust local tradition, we should 

' Life of Wayne, by H. N. Moore, p. 41. 

* The day after the battle, hundreds of the citizens of Philadelphia Yisited 
Germantown to satisfy their curiosity. (See Watson, vol. ii. p. 69.) The 
description of the scene given by Robert Morton will be fonnd on page 14 
of volume 1 of Pennsylvania Magazine. Some of the visitors, however, 
were prompted by more serious motives. " On the day of the battle of Ger- 
mantown," wrote Warner Mifflin (see Friends' Miscellany, vol. v. p. 207), 
** our yearly meeting issued a testimony respecting our peaceable principles. 
I was one, among others, appointed to present it to the commander-in-chief 
of each army. This was a proving time — to pass through opposing armies, 
most of whose minds were probably agitated, and many of them afresh fired 
by the spirit of war, from their recent eng^ement — and with no pasBport 
or shield to protect us from any merciless attack, but our innocence, sheltered 
by the wing of Divine preservation." 

" We lost great part of yesterday with a deputation of Quakers from their 
yearly meeting," wrote General Armstrong to President Wharton on the 8th 
of October, " Wain, Emien, Joshua Morris, and two others declaring their 
own and the innocence of their Body, desiring prejudices against them might 
be removed as a Society, seeking in the world only peace, tmth, and right- 
eousness, with equal love to all men, etc. . . . The General was for aend- 

Battle of Germantown. 398 

conclude that there was not a patch of gi'ound within a mile 
of Qermantown on whicli there lay not at least one dead or 
dying man, but certainly the number was great enough to give 
those good people a fresh horror of barbarous war. The 
entire loss sustained by the combatants was never accurately 
ascertained, but according to the returns collected afterward 
by the Board of War,* the casualties in Washington's army 
were thirty officers and one hundred and twenty-two men 
killed, one hundred and seventeen officers and four hundred 
and four men wounded, and about four himdred prisoners. 
Included in this last number were some fifty officers and 
Colonel Matthews regiment. The British loss was reported 
to be thirteen officers and fifty-eight men killed, and fifty-five 
officers and three hundred and ninety-five men wounded.* 
American writers have generally believed that the British 
loss was understated, but the many advantages of defence 
and protection which the British had in the contest would 
account for the seeming disparity of numbers, and the aggre- 
gate of 1,157 killed and wounded out of the comparatively 
flmall forces engaged on either side shows that the Battle of 
Germantown was no child's play. 

Each army, too, had to mourn severe bereavements. On 
the royal side there was young Morgan, the flower of the 
H.niiy, and the adventurous Agnew, a lieutenant colonel in 
Actual rank, though acting as a brigadier, whose cruel death 
<^Qst a further gloom upon the noways joyous triumph of 
^Lo'we^s army. He lies in the " lower burying-ground" at 
Wisher's Lane, and Lieutenant Colonel Bird by his side, and 
Over their graves, with pious care, the Annalist Watson 
^:^u8ed a slab to be placed that worthily marks the last rest- 
ing place of two noble victims of their King's ambition. It 
"^ras the same loving heart and hand that searched out the 
V>urial places of the patriot dead, and marked for us the 

^tigr them to 70a and to Congress who had banished their friends. . . The 
^^eneral gare them their dinner, and ordered them only to do penance a few 
^itys at PotUgrove until their beards are grown, for which they seemed verj 

1 Gordon, toI. ii. p. 525. ' Remembrancer. 


894 Battle of Germantawn. 

graves of Captain Turner, of JTorth Carolina, Major Irvine 
and six privates, in the " upper burjing-ground," and per- 
formed a nation's neglected duty in the erection of a monu- 
ment to General ^ash, whose death was the severest loss sus* 
tained by the Americans on that day. While riding down 
the main street, leading the North Carolina Brigade into 
action, a shot from the British artillery struck and fractured 
his thigh, at the same time killing his horse. Custis, in hm 
" Recollections," says that " a round-shot, striking a sign-post 
in Qermantown, glanced therefrom, and passing through hia 
horse shattered the General's thigh on the opposite side," 
which was a pretty clever piece of work for a round-shot, and 
if we add to this another statement that the same ball took 
off Major Witherspoon's head,* gives us, if not a new idea 
of what a round-shot can do, at least an idea of the value of 
Revolutionary anecdotes. It is true, however, that Major 
Witherspoon,' a brave young Jerseyman, the much-loved son 
of Parson Witherspoon, of Princeton, was killed in the fight, 
and though we may distrust a part of Custis' details, there 
is no reason to doubt the characteristic picture he gives of the 
fearless North Carolinian : " The fiall of the animal threw its 
unfortunate rider with considerable force to the ground. 
With surpassing courage and presence of mind General Nash, 
covering his wound with both hands, gayly called to his men: 
* Never mind me, I have had a devil of a tumble ; rush on, my 
boys ; rush on the enemy ; I'll be after you presently.' Human 
nature could do n% more. Faint from loss of blood and the 
intense agony of his wound, the sufferer was borne to a house 
hard by and attended by Dr. Craik, by special order of the 
Commander-in-Chief" He lingered in great suffering for two 
or three days and then died, and on the 9th of October, he 
was buried with military honors in the Mennonist graveyard 
at Kulpsville, in the presence of General Washington's anny.' 

* Armstrong to Wharton, Oct. 5, 1777. 

* Major Witherspoon was an aid to Maxwell. See Officers and Men cf 
New Jersey in the RevohUtonary War, by Gen. Wm. J. Stiyker. 

* There can, wc think, be but little donbt that Gen. Nash was wounded som 
distance above Chew's house, most likely abont the time when SnlliTai 

Battle of Germantown. 895 

There are innumerable anecdotes and incidents afloat relat- 
ing to the care of the wounded, but these need not engage our 
attention now. Local tradition ascribes some cruelty to the 
IBritish in this respect, but it was probably only the harshness 
of military discipline, for there is no evidence that the Ame- 
xicans who fell into their hands received less care than their 
own men.* They were removed to such shelter as convenience 
suggested — the Haines house appears to have been used as a 
ifield hospital — and a considerable number, according to Wat- 
son, to the hill at the foot of the town ; but on the following 
days the wounded were carried to the city, to the hospitals 


And so ended the Battle of Germantown. In comparison 
with the great engagements of recent history it seems a small 
affair, but the armies that met there were not to be despised. 
General Howe had probably ten thousand troops available, 
though but a portion of these were actually engaged, and 
among them were not a few battalions of which the Royal 
Service was justly proud and the best of the Hessian auxili- 
aries. Washington's force was, in round numbers, about 

states that a portioQ of the reserve was ordered forward. Major Wither- 
Bpoon was buried in front of Philip Weaver's house near Beggarstown, and 
it is said he was killed by the side of the unfortunate General. Thomas 
X'aine, who, on the morning of the 4th of October, left the camp that Wash- 
ington had occupied and started for Germantown to see the battle, stated 
Ihat the first man he met informed him that the British pickets had been 
driven in and that they were put to flight. Shortly after that he met Qen. 
Nash, who was being carried on a litter. 

^ The contempt in which some of the British officers held the Americans 
is well shown in a letter from Lord Lindsay, written immediately after the 
battle. " This may well be called," he writes, " an unfortunate war for us 
all. Hardly an officer but is now lamenting the loss of one of his brave 
friends, and no man can look at the instruments of their misfortune without 
pitying them still more for having died by the hands of fellows who have 
liardly the form of men, and whose hearts are still more deformed than their 
fi^ires." In direct contrast to this is the remark of the British soldier, 
who said, as he witnessed the interment of the American dead, " don't bnry 
them thus, and cast dirt in their faces, for they also are mothers' sons." 

396 Battle of Geinnantown. 

eight thousand soldiers of the line and three thousand militia; 
hut the latter took no part in the action, which was pecu- 
liarly a Continental battle, and one that has especial interest 
from the fact that nearly, if not quit€, every one of the thir- 
teen States was represented among the troops engaged. Each 
of them had its own heroes there. New Hampshire had sent 
Sullivan ; Massachusetts, Knox ; Rhode Island, Greene ; New 
York, McDougall ; New Jersey, Stirling and Witherspoon ; 
Pennsylvania, Wayne; Maryland, Smallwood; Virginia, 
Muhlenberg and Matthews ; North Carolina, Nash ; South 
Carolina, John Laurens and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney; 
Georgia, Mcintosh.* Have I named them all? No; the 
Delaware regiment was there, and a regiment fix)m Connecti- 
cut. That makes the whole thirteen. We have remembered 
some of these men in the names of our streets; we have 
Washington, and Wayne ; Pulaski, Knox, and Green — ^that 
name should have an "e" at the end of it. The next new 
avenues opened in Germantown should be called for Sullivan 
and Nash. Of the results of the battle and of the events that 
followed it I shall not speak, except to say that the unsuccessful 
Americans seem to have got Inore satisfaction fix)m it than did 
their opponents, who not long after abandoned Germantown 
and removed within a line of entrenchments directly north of 
Philadelphia. Congress thanked the General and his army,* 
and the General and each of his subordinates congratulated 
the troops. " Although," said the Commander-in-Chief, " an 
unfortunate fog, joined with the smoke, prevented the differ- 
ent brigades from seeing and supporting each other, or some- 
times even from distinguishing their fire from the enemy's, 
and some other causes which as yet cannot be accounted for, 
they finally retreated, they nevertheless see that the enemy is 
not proof against a vigorous attack, and may be put to flight 
when boldly pushed. This they will remember, and assure 
themselves that on the next occasion a proper exertion of the 
powers Qx)d has given them, and inspired by the cause of 

' It is said Lachlane Mcintosh joined the armj just after the l>attle of 
* See Journals of Congress^ Oct. 8, 1777. 


J^aUle of Germantoimu 897 

freedom in which they are engaged, they will be victorious."* 
^neral Greene did not take so calm a view of it. He had 
*' the mortification to assure the troops that they fled from 
victory," and he wished " most ardently that the troops could 
he convinced of the necessity of retreating and rallying liko- 
wise," and that "a retreat is not to be considered general 
without the order as such."* He had satisfaction, however, 
in assuring the troops ^Hhat the enemy suffered very 

But is it really true that our countrymen " fled from vic- 
tory ?" It is not an easy question to answer. Perhaps it is 
not worth while to try. But if this account has presented the 
Battle of Qermantown distinctly before your minds, I think 
you will see that General Washington's undertaking failed 
because, under all the circumstances, it was impossible for it to 
Bucceed. The art of war, we must remember, was not in his 
time what it is to-day. Napoleon had not then come upon the 
field. The tactics, both great and small, that Washington had 
learned were extremely simple, and the organization of the 
army was more simple still. That essential instrumen to 
Tnodem warfare, the general staff, had scarcely a rudimentary 
existence. A battle once planned must be carried out precisely 
according to the plan or else abandoned. General Washington 
liimself, in an order issued the week after Germantown, ex- 
pressed this idea very fully. " It is not for every officer to 
Icnow the principles upon which every order is issued, and to 
judge how they may and may not be dispensed with or sus- 
pended, but their duty to carry them into execution with the 
utmost punctuality and exactness. They are to consider that 
military movements are like the working of a clock, and will 
go equally, regularly, and easily if every officer does his duty ; 
but without it, be as easily disordered, because neglect from 
any one, like the stopping of a wheel, disorders the whole."' 
In a general sense, of course this is as true now as ever ; but 
a modem commander does not start his battle as he would 
wind up his watch, and expect it to run of itself, but moves 

* See Records of the Revolviionary War, by Saffell. 344. 
s Ibid., 345. > Ibid., 346. 

898 Battle of Germantown. 

its parts rather as pieces upon a chess board, according to a 
general plan, indeed, but also with reference to emergencies 
as they arise. In this a large and efficient staff is of the first 
necessity, and the greater the scale of the battle, the more 
carefully conceived the plan, the more indispensable the gene- 
ral staff. But Washington and the commanders of his time 
had nothing resembling what we know by this term, and to 
move an army in four detachments on such wide lines, over 
such a country and among such obstacles as were encountered 
at Germantown, without the means of constant communica- 
tion, which should keep every part subject to the Generars 
instant direction, was an enterprise that, according to our 
modem ideas, would not appear promising. That it appa- 
rently came so near success is a warning that we are to apply 
the canons of modem military criticism to the operations of 
a hundred years ago with considerable caution, for the same 
limitations in the strategy and tactics of the day that 
governed the operations of one commander controlled those of 
his antagonist. How far General Washington waa in advance 
of his age as a military commander it is no part of this paper's 
purpose to discuss, but I am sure that no one can study any 
episode in his career as I have just been studying this of the 
Battle of Germantown without feeling more and more the 
man's immense moral stature, which seems to dwarf that of 
every one around him. The dignity, the gentleness, the 
patience, the strength of will, the indomitable courage, the 
unfaltering trust in God, and the unswerving devotion to duty 
through evil and through good report — if these do not con- 
stitute greatness, where are we to look for it ? We do well 
to commemorate the Battle of Germantown, to repeat its story 
and teach it to our children. What matters it whether our 
little army, in that one day's straggle, won or lost ? It is by 
rough ways only that the stars are reached ; by daring and 
by suffering that victory is won ; and surely this story brings 
before us, right here at our very doors, the patient courage of 
the men who carried to its happy end that long and weary 
struggle, and under God's good providence achieved the task 
that was set before them, to make for us an inheritance which 
we by like courage and like devotion only can maintain. 


BatUe of Germantown. 399 



Thk Order op Battle. 
From the Wayne MS, Communicated by the Hon, George Bancroft, 

Order op Battle op the 4th, at Gbbmantown. 

3d Oct. 1777. 

The Troops to be in Readiness to march at six this evening. The Divi- 
sions of Sullivan and Wayne to form the Right wing, and attack the enemy's 
left, they are to march above Monitony [Manatawny] Road. The Divisions 
of Green and Stephen to form the left wing and attack the enemy's right, 
they are to march down the Scipback [Skippuck] road. Genl. Conway to 
march in front of the troops that compose the right wiug and file oflT to attack 
the enemy's left Genl. McDougall to march in front of the Troops that 
compose the left wing, and file oflT to attack the enemy's Right flank. 

Genl. Nash and Genl. Maxwell's Brigades to form the corps de reserve, 
and to be commanded by Major Genl. Lord Stirling. The corps de reserve 
to pass above the Scipack [Skippack] road. Genl. Armstrong to pass down 
the Ridge road and pass by Livcrius Tavern and take guides to cross Wes- 
sahochen [Wissahickon] creek above the head of John Van Deerings Mill 
dam so as to fall above Joseph Warner's new house. 

Smallwood and Forman to pass down the road by a Mill, formerly Danl. 
Morris's and Jacob Edges mill into the White Marsh road, at the Sandy 
Run, thence to White Marsh Church, where take the left hand Road which 
leads to Jenkins's Tavern in the Old Tork Road below Armitages beyond 
the seven mile stone, half a mile from which a Road tnrns off short to the 
right hand fenced on both sides which leads through the enemy's encamp- 
ment to Germantown Market House. 

Genl. McDougall to attack the Right wing of the enemy in flank and rear. 
Genl. Conway to attack the enemy's left flank, and Genl. Armstrong to attack 
their left wing in flank and rear. 

The Militia who are to act on the flanks not to have cannon. Packs and 
blankets to be left, the men are to carry their provisions in their Haversacks 
or any other manner least inconvenient. 

All the Pioneers of each Division who are to march to be left 

with the Baggage and spare artillery, these to be commanded by 

a Sub from each Brigade, and the whole by a field officer — are to 

move in front of their respective Divisions with all the axes they 

^ can muster. 

Every officer and Soldier to have a piece of white paper on his hat. The 
Piquets will be left at Van deering's Mill, to be taken off by Genl. Arm- 
strong, one at Italian [Allen's] House on Mt. Airy by Genl. Sullivan, one 
at Liveans [Luken's] Mill by (Genl.) Green. 

Each column is to make their disposition so as to attack the Piquets in 

in the 

400 Battle of GermaniowfL 

their respective routes precisely at five o'clock, with charged bayonetB and 
withoQt fireing, and the column to move to the attack as soon as possible. 

The columns to endeavour to get within two miles of the enemy's Piquets 
on their respective routes by two o'clock and there halt till four, and make 
the disposition for attacking the Piquets at the time above mentioned. 

The columns of Continental Troops and Militia to communicate with each 
other from time to time by Lt. Horse— Proper flanking parties to be kept 
out from each column. 

CoL. Stewart to Gwr. Gates. 

From the Original in the OcUes* Papers in the New York Historieal 
Society. Communicated by John Austin Stevens, Librarian, 

Camp 26 milks fbom Philada., Oct 12, 1777. 
Mt Dear Sir : The last time I had the pleasure of writing you was about 
the 2nd or 3rd when I g^ve you a small sketch of what had passed after the 
Battle of Brandy Wine untill we crossed the Schuylkill, on the 4th in the 
afternoon we had orders to march at 6 o'clock and march'd all that Night 
towards the Enemy the distance about 1 2 miles ; on account of the darkness 
of the night and badness of some Roads we did not arrive at onr appointed 
place until past 6 O'Clock (the Disposition for Attack you have Inclos'd) at 
which time the attack was begun by Sullivan and Wayne, we however join'd 
in about 15 Minutes, when the Action became very general, at the distance 
sometimes of twenty and sometimes forty yards. We however began to gain 
Ground on them, and in an hour from the beginning their Army was on the 
retreat in all Quarters, the right of our Army got into Germantown where 
they were a good deal annoy'd from the Houses particularly Chews in which 
they had four field Pieces and 500 men, this stop'd the whole right and kepi 
them engag'd for a long time untill the Enemy had time to rally and return 
to the charge, when 1 believe the right stagger'd a good deal and shortly 
gave way. On the left of our Army where Green and Stevens were, our 
success was great When I first engag'd we were a mile and a half from 
Germantown, and before we ended I got to the Market house at German- 
town. General McDougle who was to have attacked the [enemy] on their 
ripht flank, never got to his ground, which Expos'd our flank much and I 
happened to be detached and fell on the left of the whole where I engag'd 
the 5th and 38th they both ran lustily and I took a little flush redoubt with 
three pieces of Cannon from them I had cursed hot Work for it before they 
left them : but every thing appeared in our favour when the Unfortunate 
retreat took place, which cannot vet be accounted for ; it is left on Genl. 
Stevens who certainlr pave the order to the left wing, he is suspended and 
today a Court of Enquiry sits of which Tx)rd Sterling is President Oar 
loss that day is between six and seven hundred the accounts from Philada. 
are preat. Miss T.ncy Lenard is come out and says Genl. Agnieu was killed 
on the spot, Genl. Grant mortally wounded and two Hessian Genl's kiUed 

BcUUe of Gnmantown. 401 

that 52 officers were buried in one day and that they had kill'd on the spot 
780 Priyates ; Indeed every account that has come out since, makes it a 
great deal more but this will do pretty well. They are much alarm'd form- 
ing Abbalies all round Philada., she heard the officers say at dinner, twas 
the severest Blow they had yet met with, twas plan'd with Judgement, 
executed with Spirit and they cant tell why we left it unless for want of 
Ammunition they informed her I lay dead on the field, am very happy they 
are so much mistaken. This afternoon or tomorrow believe wo again advance 
the next Action think will be decisive ; a heavy firing has been these two 
days at the fort, hope in God they will stand it. We are very Impatient to 
hear from you. I am my dear General 

Tr Obliged Sincere Friend, 

Waltsb Stbwabt. 

I hope one day or another to pay you a visit in Canada when you have the 

(SnperscriptSon) — ^To the Honourable Major General Gates Commanding 
the Northern Army. 


FVom the Sparks Manuscripts in the Library of Harvard CoUege. 
Communicated hy John L. Sibley^ A.M., Librarianj with 

permission of Mrs. Sparks. 

Philadxlphia County, Hatfield Township, Oct. 9, 1777. 

Mt DiAR Friend: Good news for America, such perhaps as will re- 
lieve you from that state of suspencc and anxiety which your last to me 
expressed you to be in. The enemy's situation being reconnoitred, Their 
number being nearly ascertained, his Excellency in Council with the other 
General Officers on the 3d Inst, unanimously resolved on the expediency of 
attacking, and accordingly the Army moved at 6 o'CIock in the Evening ia 
4 Columns towards the enemy in the following order : The divisions of Sul- 
livan and Wayne to form the right wing and attack the enemy's lefL The 
divisions of Green and Stephens to form the left wing and attack the 
enemy's right. Genl. Conway with his Brigade to march in front of the 
Troops that Compose the right wing and file off to attack the enemy's left. 
Genl. McDongal to march in front of the Troops that Compose the left wing 
and file off to attack the enemy's right Flank. Genl. Armstrong to fall in 
and attack the enemy's rear upd left Flank. And Smallwood with his division 
anJ Genl. Fourman's Brigade to attack the enemy's rear and right Flank ; 
And Genl. Nashe's and Maxwell's Brigades to form the Corps de Reserve, 
and be Commanded by Major Genl. T^ord Stirling, in this order the columns 
moved on from l.'i to 20 miles agreeable to the distance of their rcspectivi^ 
routes, and at 4 o'CIock made the disposition for attackinsr generally, at .5 
o'clock in the morning when the picquets were to be cut off, which was the 

402 Battle of Germantown. 

Signal for the whole to begin the attack, which soon after became Ckne- 
ral and the enemy were as generally repulsed and drove for near 5 honn, 
when oar Ammunition on the right and in some other parts grew scarce, 
which together with our Troops in the Centre being flashed with sncoess, and 
their officers not attending to preserve their order, they got into Coofosion 
by the pursuit, and contributed to loose one of the most glorious Victories 
perhaps that America for some time may have an opportunity of gaining. 
The retreat commenced in that quarter where very little of their Ammuni- 
tion was expended, and in the midst of Victory at a time when no person 
could account for it, nor can the cause of it yet be ascertained. Tho there 
is a charge exhibited which upon inquiry may perhaps better account for 
the cause. The enemy themselves are amazed and at a loss to account 
for the retreat tho they attribute it to the want of ammunition, part of 
the centres retreating composed of Continental Troops, set the example to 
others to retreat, and the sentiment that it was necessary, from the impres- 
sion of so bad an example in the first instance, lead many more, which in- 
duced Genl. Washington (after many effortA to carry them on to the charge 
were found ineffectual) to order a retreat, which was prosecuted with little 
or no other loss than the field of action, which to our reproach was shameful 
to abandon in the midst of Victory, after taking possession of their encamp- 
ment and baggage with many pieces of artillery and military Stores. 

Your, Ac., Ac, 

Wm. Smaixwood. 

Tmtimokt op the Sooibtt of Fbiknds against Wab. 

Transmitted to Generals Washington and Howe by the CommiUee^ 

James Thornton, William Brown, Nicholas Wain, Warner, 

Mifflin, Joshua Morris, and Samuel Emlen. 

A Testimony given forth from our Yearly Meeting, held at Philadelphia, 
for Pennsylvania and New Jersey, by Adjournments, from the 29th 
Day of the Ninth Month to the 4th of the Tenth Month inclusive, 1777. 
A Number of our Friends having been imprisoned and banished, unheard, 
from their Families, under a Charge of Insinuation that " they have in their 
" general Conduct and Conversation evidenced a Disposition inimical to the 
" Cause of America," and from some Publications intimating that " there 
'• is strong Reason to apprehend that these Persons maintain a Correspon- 
- dence highly prejudicial to the public Safety ;" may induce a Belief that we 
have in our Conduct departed from the peaceable Principles which we pro- 
fess ; and apprehending that the Minds of some may thereby be misled; for 
the clearing of Truth, we think it necessary publicly to declare, that we are 
led out of all Wars and Fightings by the Principle of Grace and Truth in 
our own Minds, by which we are restrained either as private Members of 
Society or in any of our Meetings, from holding a Correspondence with 
either Army; [but are] concerned to spread the Testimony of Truth 

Battle of Germantowru 408 

WLTid the peaceable Doctrines of Christ, to seek the good of all — to keep a 

Oonscience void of Offence towards God and Man — to promote the Kingdom 

the Messiah, which we pray may come, and be experienced in Individuals, 

Kingdoms and Nations ; that they may beat their Swords into Plow-shares 

SLnd their Spears into Pmning-hooks, and Nation not lift up Sword against 

^^ation, neither learn War any more, Isai. ii. 4. And deny in general 

'erms, all Charges and Insinuations which in any Degree clash with this 

nr Profession. 

As to a nameless Paper lately published, said to be dated at Spank-Town 

early-Meeting, and found among the Baggage on Staten Island, every 

person who is acquainted with our Stile, may be convinced it was nevtr 

^Vf rote at any of our Meetings, or by any of our Friends. Besides, there is no 

^ieeting throughout our whole Society of that Name, nor was that Letter, 

or any one like it, ever wrote in any of our Meetings since we were a People. 

"^e therefore solemnly deny the said Letter and its Authors ; and wish that 

"^ose who have assumed a fictitious Character to write under, whether with 

d View to injure us or to cover themselves, might find it their Place to clear 

WIS of this Charge by stating the Truth. 

And as from the Knowledge wo have of our banished Friends, and the 
T)eBt Information we have been able to obtain, we are convinced they have 
done nothing to forfeit their just Right to Liberty ; we fervently desire that 
all those who have any hand in sending them into Banishment, might weightily 
consider the Tendency of their own Conduct, and how contrary it is to the 
Doctrines and Example of our Lord and Law-giver Christ Jesus ; and do 
them that Justice which their Case requires, by restoring them to their af- 
flicted Families and Friends : And this we are well assured will conduce 
more to their Peace than keeping them in Exile. We give forth this Ad- 
monition in the Fear of God, not only with a View to the Relief of our 
Friends, but also to the real Interest of those concerned in their Banishment. 
Having been favoured to meet to transact the Affairs of our Religious 
8ociety, which relate to the Promotion of the Cause of Truth and Righteous- 
ness, we have felt a renewed Concern for the Good and Happiness of Man- 
kind in general, and in the Love of the Gospel have issued forth this Testi- 
mony, for the clearing ourselves and our Friends, and the warning of those, 
Mrho from groundless Suspicions and mistaken Notions concerning us, maybe 
persuaded to seek our Hurt, to the wounding their own Souls and the Loss 
of the Community. 

Signed by Order and on Behalf of the Yearly Meeting, by 

Ibajlo Jackson, Clerk. 

404 JoumcU of William Black. 




OP Indians, in bbpebbnce to thb lands wbst op the 
Allegheny Mountains. 

Edited by R. Alonio Brook, SeoreUry of the YirginU HiitoriMl Soeiety. 

(Oontinued from page 940.) 

Philadelphia, T%ur$day Slit 
Where I left you last night I found myself this morning 
about 6 O'clock, and at 7 I ventur'd up and went to the 
Commissioners' Lodgings, where I BreakfiEusted and wrote till 
near 12 O'Cloek, when I went Home and Dress'd myself, and 
Join'd the Company at the Coffee House, who were to Meet 
there in order partake of the proffcr'd bounty of Mr. Thomas 
Lawrence,^ one of the Honourable Council, Alderman, and i 
Considerable Merchant of the City ; Din'd between 1 and 2 
O'clock in Company with the Governor and several other 
Gentlemen of the Town. After Dinner, the Commissioners, 
with the Governor in his Coach, took a ride two or three 
Miles out to view the Curious Plantation belonging to Mr, 
Turner ;* the rest of the Levee with myself, with some of our 
New Acquaintance, took a turn to the Center House,* where is 

* Thomas Lawrence was the bod of Thomaa Lawrence and Elisabetli 
Lewis. He was in business with Edward Shippen (of Lancaster). He was 
a member of the Common Council, an Alderman, one of the OoTemor'a 
Council, and five times Mayor of the city. He died in his fifth mayoralty, 
April 25, 1753, and is buried in Christ Church g^und, where his yault is 
one of the few on which armorial bearings can be traced. 

' Joseph Turner, whose place spoken of was on the late Turner's Lane. 
He was a partner of Mr. Allen, to whom he was nearly related. He was 
appointed a member of the Governor's Council in May. 1747, and held 
various offices under the Provincial Goyemment. He died at his seat at an 
advanced age in 1783. 

* At Penn Square. 

406 Jcfwmal of WiUiam Black. 

Stall to Stall where they cou'd make the beet Market, wm 
with their Maid behind them with a Basket to carry home 
the Purchase, Others that were designed to buy but trifles, a* 
a little fresh Butter, a Dish of Green Peas, or the like, hfiiA 
Good Nature and Humility enough to be their own Portere*> 
I have so much Regard for the fair Sex that I Imagined, lil^^ 
the Woman of in the Holy Writ, some Charm 

touching even the hem of their G^^rments ; after I had ma< 
my Market, which was One penny worth of Whey and 
Nose Gay, I Disengag'd myself from the Multitude, and ma 
the best of my way to Mr. Strettell's where I Breakfeste^^^^ *' 
after Breakfast I Exchang'd the Conmiissioner's Bills fi 
Gold and Paper Money to the Value of 700 and odd Pounc^^^*^^ 
and after I settled the Account retum'd to my Lodgings, 
order to Dress my self and Join the Commissioners, Ac. w 
Design 'd after Dinner to pay a Visit to Mr. James Loga^=^ - 
who through the Infirmities of Old age hastened on with 
lingering Distemper had Retir'd from Business, to live at 
Beautiful House^ he had about 4 miles from the City : At 
O'clock P.M. : at the Invitation of Secretary Peters, I we 
with him to the three Tunn Tavern in Water Street,' whe 
in Company with the Gentlemen of the Levee & two or th 
more of the Town, I Din'd, and after a few Glasses of G 
Madeira, Mr. Lee, Mr. Littlepage, Mr. Brooks and My self se 
out in order to Accompany the Commissioners to Mr. Logan's 
they were gone before we got to their Lodgings, but with th 
Help of some very good Horses, which we were Obliged to 8om< 
of the Town's Gentlemen for, we soon came up with them, and 
Mr. Strettell & Son, who were with them. We got to Mr. 
Logan's, a few minutes after 3, and found him hid in the 
Bushes, an Expression the Indians used when Treating with 
the Province at Philadelphia, in July 1742, saying "They 
were sorry to find their Good Friend James Logan hid in the 
Bushes," Meaning, it gave them concern their Friend was so 

' Stenton. 

« It stood at the corner of Ton Alley and Water Street, which at th» 
present day runs from 120 S. Delaware Arenae to 121 S. Water Street 


Journal of William Black. 407 

xnuch Oppress'd with Sickness as to be Oblig'd to live a Life 
Hetir'd from Public afltiairs : he had been a very great Ben^ 
factor to the Indians, and Conducted several Treaties with 
-fchem, and they having always found him true to them, had 
an Extraordinary Re^ for hun : The Commissioner had 
some Conversation with him about the Indians, and told him, 
liifl Advice would be of the lust Consequence to them m Con- 
ducting the Treaty, he appeared somewhat Eeserv'd and 
Spoke very little : At last the Tea Table was Bet, and one 
of his Daughter presented herself in Order to fill out the 
IFashionable Warm Water : I was really very much Surpriz'd 
at the Appearance of so Charming a Woman, in a place where 
the seeming Morosness, and Gratified Father's Appearance, 
Promised no such Beauty, tho' it must be allow 'd the Man 
aeem'd to have some Remains of a handsome enough Person, 
and a Complection beyond his years, fcfr he was turn'd oflT 70 : 
But to return to the Lady, I declare I burnt my Lips more 
than once, being quite thoughtless of the wannness of my 
Tea, entirely lost in Contemplating her Beauties. 

She was tall, and Slender, but Exactly well Shap'd her 

Features Perfect, and Complection tho' a little the whitest, 

yet her Countehance had something in it extremely Sweet, 

her Eyes Expressed a very great Softness, denoting a Composed 

Temper and Serenity of Mind, Her Manner was Grave and 

Heserv'd, and to be short, She had a Sort of Majesty in her 

I^erson, and Agreeableness in her Behaviour, which at Once 

Surprized and Charmed the Beholders '} After the Tea Tabic 

^was removed, we were going to take leave, but it appear'd 

xve must first view his Library, which was Custojnary with 

liim, to any Persons of Account, He had really a very fine 

Collection of Books, both Ancient and Modern, he seem'd to 

IRegrate that none of his Sons knew how to use them, and 

that he designed them as a Legacy to the City when he Died :* 

* The ladj bo faTorably described by the journalist was no doubt Hannah, 
second daughter of James Logan, who In 1748 married John Smith, the 
ancestor of our excellent citizen John Jay Smith. 

' The collection now forms a portion of the Loganian Library, and is con- 
nected with the Philadelphia Library Company. 

408 Journal of William Black. 

After the Old Gentlemau had been Complimented on his fine 
Taste we Departed. From this Mr. Strettell carried us to 
German Town about a mile further, where he had a little 
Country House to which he used to come and spend 8om< 
part of the Summer Months, his Wife was then there: Ger — 
man Town about 6 miles from Philadelphia, is a Continu 
Row of Houses on each side of a Public Road, for more tha 
a Mile and a half, the Inhabitants are Chiefly Dutch, and 
a very Good Church with Organs in the Town.* We 
till near Sun-down at Mr. Strettell's Villa, where we w 
very kindly Received by Mrs. Strettell, she appear'd to be 
very Agreeable Woman, and Considering she was in y 
was Admirably well Shap'd : Mr. Strettell had not been lo 
in Philadelphia, he came over from London with a Cargoe o 
Goods about 9 years Since, and had very Gkxxi Success 
Trade, he was one of the Friends, but seem'd not oiuch Al-— 
fected to their under hand way of Dealing and Cloak o 
Religion, he, I really do believe, appear'd what he really was^- 
a very Honest Dealer, and Sincere in everything he Acted 
he was a very Modest Man in Company, Spoke little, bu 
what he said was always worth the Noticing, as he gav 
everything Consideration before he Delivered it ; he was of a 
Crazy Constitution, and Consequently very Moderate in 
Drinking and kept Good horses, tho' I believe that was rather 
Natural, than forc'd for his Health ; he had only one son who 
Liv'd with him, about 19, and was in Partnership with him 
in Trade, he appear'd to be a very Promising Sober and well 
Inclin'd young Man,* and much Attached to Business, even 
Uncommon for his years. We got to Town about Dark, and 
Spent the Evening at the Commissioner's Lodgings, where I 
Sup'd and about 10 at Night went home to my Lodging. 

' Gennantown was founded in 1683 by F. D. Paatorios. Philadelphia at 
that time consisted only of three or four little cottages. 

Gabriel Thomas states that in 1696, all Borts of good paper and fine Ger- 
man linen were manafactnred here. — Watson*9 AnndU^ vol. i. 

' Robert Strettell had two sons ; Amos, the one alluded to, was the ddett, 
the other, John, resided with his grand&ther, John Owen, in LondoiL 

Journal of William Black. 409 

PuiLADBLPuiA, Soturday, June 2d. 

This Morning I Rose about 6 O'Clock and made Journal 
Entries till Breakfast time. Then, I went with Bob Brooks 
to Mr. Kerr's Lodgings where we drunk Tea, then I re- 
turned to Mr. Peters's and wrote till near 12, at which time 
C!olonel Taylor and Mr. Lewis paid me a Visit, I Dress'd 
and with them went to meet the Commissioners at the Coffee 
house,^ from which we were to go to the Tunn Tavern to 
Dine, having an Livitation the day before from the Governor 
who ia a Member of the Clubb or certain Number of Gtentle- 
men that Meet at this house every Saturday to Eat Beef- 
Stakes, and from that is Call'd the Beef-Stake Clubb ; but 
when Dinner came there was more than twenty Dishes besides 
that of Stakes, sometime after Dinner, the young men and 
myself took a turn to the privateer that was Rigging at Mr. 
Andrew Hamilton's Wharf, and after that Mr. Littlepage 
and I went to Mr. Plumsted's,* where we staid till dark, the 
Governor, and the Commissioners having spent the Afternoon 
together, in the Evening went to the Clubb. I had an Ap- 
pointment to meet Mr. Kerr, Capt. Crawford, and two or 
three more at a certain House, and the hour being come, I 
hastened to the Place, I found them all there, and in humour 
to be very Merry, Some of the Company Drunk Punch, others 
Wine, According as their Inclinations led them : We got in 
Discourse on several Subjects which would be Foreign to my 
Purpose to Relate : Only I must put down for a Memoran- 
dum to My Self; What past between two Gentlemen of the 
Company with whom I had no Acquaintance, their Conver- 

' Previous to the openinjir of the London Coffee House at the S. W. cor- 
■er of Front and Market Streets by Bradford in 1754, a public house of that 
name was kept by the Widow Roberts in Front Street below Black Horse 
Alley, and was probably that visited by the commissioners. 

' Either Clement Plamsted j)r his son William ; both were prominent 
citiaens at the time, the former being a common coancillor, and the latter an 
alderman. Clement Plnmsted was a member of the Governor's Council and 
three times Mayor of the city. William was twice Mayor of the city, and 
died in 1765 during the Stamp Act excitement According to Watson, he 
was buried without the pomp which was then customary at the funerals of 
penons of prominence. 

410 Journal of William BlacL 

sation turn'd mostly on Several Characters; the one found 
something that was Praise-worthy in every Body that was 
mentioned, he dropped all their Faults and Talked of nothing 
but their Good Qualities Sought out Good Motives for every 
Action that had the Appearance of bad turned Extravagance 
into Generosity, Avarice into Prudence, & so on through the 
whole Catalogue of Virtues and Vices : On the Contrary th© 
other fell to Cutting up every Fresh Person that was brougW 
on the Carpet, without any Mercy: He loaded them with 
Blemishes, was Silent on all their Perfections, Imputed Good 
Actions to bad Motives, Looked thro' the Magnifying Gl^^ 
on all their DeflEects, and through the other end of the persp^^^ 
tive on Everything that was Commendable in them. In * 
word they were as Opposite in their way of thinking, as 
Black is to White, or Light to Darkness. This Contrast in 
these two, and the eagerness with which they Espous'd their 
Favourite Topicks one of Praising, and the other of Blaming, 
put me on the Serious, to Consider the Motives from which 
they both Acted, I cou'd not help thinking well of him who 
Judg'd so Favourably. But I cou'd not think favourably of 
him who cou'd not think well of any Body, for my part, I 
shall always look on those People who are so Suspicious, and 
cannot have a Good opinion of any, as such, who Possess very 
little Goodness themselves, and Impute their Dexterity in 
observing the faults they Esclaim, more to the Badness of 
their Heads than the Goodness of their Heads. But I was 
somewhat surprised when after the company broke up, I 
Enquired of my Acquaintance the Character of the Disput- 
ants, on his telling these Gentlemen was quite the Reverse of 
what they appeared to be, and what they Argued was merely 
for the Argument Sake, I seem'd satisfy'd, but I cou'd not 
help thinking. Contradiction had a finger in the Pye. To 
conclude we parted about 12 O'Clock at Night; two of the 
Company was so Civil that they wou'd see me to my Lodgings, 
where they wisht me Qood Night, and I got into the ^eets 
as fEist as Possible. 

Jofwrwd of William Black. 411 

Philadelphia, Sunday^ Jane 3rd. 

Rose at 7, took Beveral turns in the Garden with Mr. Peters 
& Bob Brooks, afterwards I went to Mr. Strettells; found 
Colonel Lee not well, having Intermitting Fevers, for which 
he Resol'd to take the Bark ; after Breakfast I retum'd to my 
Room and Dress'd, and in Company with Mr. Secretary, Col. 
Beverley, and some more of our Gang, I went to Christ's 
Church, where I heard a very Good Discourse on the Words 
in the 19 Ch. of Matthew and 46 Verse. This Church is a 
very Stately Building, but is not yet Finished. The Paint- 
ings of the Altar Piece will, when done, be very Grand ; two 
Rows of Corinthian Pillars, and Arches tum'd from the one 
to the other Supports the Roof and the Galleries, the Peughs 
and Boxes were not all done so that everything seem'd half 
finished. I was not a little Surpris'd to see such a Number of 
Fine Women in one Church, as I never had heard Philadelphia 
noted Extraordinary that way ; but I must say, since I have 
been in America, I have not seen so fine a Collection at one 
time and Place. After this Congregation was Dismissed, 
Colonel Taylor, Mr. Lewis, &c., of the Levee went to the 
Commissioners' Lodgings, where we found Colonel Lee ready 
to go to Mr. Andrew Hamilton's* where we were Livited to 
Bine this Day ; about a Quarter after 1 O'Clock we had Din- 
aer, and I do assure you a very fine one, but as I am not able 
to draw up a Bill of Fare, I shall only say, that we had very 
Hear 18 Dish of Meat, besides a very nice Collation ; after this 
tvas over, it was time for to think of going to Church for 
^Afternoon, accordingly, most of our young Company \vith my 
Self, went in order to Visit the Reverend Mr. Gilbert Tcii- 
iiant,* a Disciple of the Great Whitefield, whose followers are 

' The residence of Andrew Hamilton was the once celebrated Bush Hill» 
the site of which is within the present built-up portion of Philadelphia. In 
1791, John Adams, while Vice-President of the United States, resided in 
the Hamilton Mansion, and the letters of Mrs. Adams giye a description of 
it at that time. It was then two miles firom the city. In 1793 Bush Hill 
was used as a Hospital for Yellow Fever patients. 

« The Reverend Gilbert Tennant was the son of the Rev. Wm. Tennant, a 
cousin of James Logan, who conducted successfully for a long series of years 
a school which was popularly known as the " Log College." 

Gilbert Tennant embraced the doctrines of Whitefield and was one of his 

412 Journal of William Black. 

Caird the New Lights ; we found him Delivering his Doo- 
trine with a very Qood Grace, Split his Text as Judiciously, 
tum'd up the Whites of his Eyes as Theologically, Cuff 'd hie 
Cushion as Orthodoxly, and twist'd his Band as Primitively 
as his Master Whitefield^ coud have done, had he been their« 
himself; We were not Converts enough to hear him to E^^n 
end, but withdrew very Circumspectly, and bent our Counee 
to the Quaker Meeting,* where we found one of the Trav^^l- 
ling Friends, Labouring Under the Spirit very Powerfiill 
had he been a little more Calm, and not hurried himself so o 
as if he had not half time to say what he had in his Miik^ ^-^ 
We as well as the Rest of his Brethem, woud have receiv 
more Listruction, but one Sentence came so fast treading 
the heels of Another, that I was in great paiYi of his Choa 
ing : however, we had Patience to hear him out, and after 
little Pause he gave us a Short Prayer, and then Stru 
hands with two Elderly Friends on his Right and Left, 
we broke up ; Li the Evening I went & Spent an hour wi 
Capt. Blair, after which I came to Mr. Strettell's where 
Sup'd and about 9 O'Clock went to my Lodgings, where T' 
had Spent sometime in Reading. I went to Bed 35 Minutes 
after 10. 

Pehjidblphia, Monday j June the 4tii. 
This Morning the Sun hardly saw me in Bed, I was up at 
4 O'clock, and went to Engage Riding Horses and a Waggon 
to Transport us to Lancaster, I found great Difficulty to per- 
suade the People to promise their Horses. As we were not 
certain of the time we shoud be ready to go, at 9 I Returned 
to Mr. Strettell's where I Breakfasted, and Inform'd the Com- 

most zealons and ardnoas disciples ; bis efforts caused a schism in Uie First 
Presbyterian Cburcb, and led to tbe building of the chareh at the oorner 
of 3rd and Arch Streets.— Watson^s Annals, vol. L 288. 

In 1774 Tennant preached in the buildinfjf known as the *' Old Aoademy," 
erected by the admirers of Whitefield.— See Franklin*9 Autobiography. 

' Whitefield in the year 1739 preached on Society Hill to 15,000 pertons. 
His influence was so great that public amnsements, dancing, balls, aad eon- 
certs were suspended. — Ibid., vol. i. 173. 

* Southwest comer Market and Second Streets. 

Journal of WiUiam £lack. 418 

niBsioners of my Suocees. This Forenoon I was Employed in 
"^roting, and Colonel Lee kept his Room all the Day, taking 
^he Bark. After 12, 1 went home and Dress'd in Order to 
^oin our Company who were ter Dine at Mr. Jno. Sober's,* a 
"^ery Considerable Merchant in the City, a few Minutes after 
"H, we had a very handsome Entertainment, Variety of Dishes, 
Serv'd up in the very best manner ; aft^r some Healths had 
^ne round in Bumpers, I slipt away, and Retum'd to Col. 
Xee; this Afternoon I wrote from the Mouth of Colonel 
James Patton, of Augusta County* (who arriv'd in Town the 
day before, and had been in Lancaster in his way hither), the 
Particulars of the Skirmish, that had happened between the 
Inhabitants of the said County, and some of the Shawana 
Indians in December, 1742 :* In the Forenoon Colo. Beverley 
had been with Colo. Patton to the Governor, that he might 
hear from Colonel Patton's Mouth a Relation of the Matter, 
and how that Affiiir Eeallj was, wherein the Virginians had 
been Represented to his Honour and the People of this Pro- 
vince in a very wrong Light, and that Hostilities were first 
begun on their side, but the Governor on hearing Colonel 
Patton, he seem'd Satisfy'd that the Indians were the first 
Aggressors. I eat Supper at Mr. Strettell's, and about 10 at 
^ight went to my Lodgings. 

PHn.ADBLPHiA, Tuesday the 5th. 

Rose at 6 O'Clock, went and Bought a Hundred Lemons for 
Sea-store ; eat Breakfast at Mr. Strettell's, and at 11 in the 

' John Sober was an alderman and a member of Common Council, and 
one of the snbscriberB to the dancing assembly of 174d. 

' Colonel James Patton was a native of Donegal, Ireland, a man of pro- 
perty and owner of a ship, who emigrated to Virginia abont 1738. He ob- 
tained for himself and associates a grant of 120,000 acres of land in the 
Yalley. He settled on the South Fork of the Shenandoah. — CampbeWM 
Fa., 433. 

' In the month of December, 1743, Captain John McDowell, surveyor of 
the land in Bardin's Grant, falling into an ambush, was slain, together with 
eight comrades, in a skirmish with a party of Shawnee Indians. This oc- 
curred at the junction of the North Biver with the James. — CamphdVsVa ^ 

414 Journal of WiUiam Black 

forenoon, with CJolonel Beverley and the Gentlemen of the 
Levee, I went to the State House, where Doctor Spencer Enter- 
tain'd Us very Agreeably with several Philosophical Transao 
tions, first he Prov'd and Illustrated by Experiments, Six 
Isaac Newton's Theory of Light and Colours, also Sevewl 
Curious Objects Shown by the Solar Microscope, together 
with the Circulation of the Blood, all which he perfonrx'd 
very much to the Satisfaction of the Spectators ; then "We 
retum'd to Mr, Strettell's, and from thence with Colonel L^e, 
to Mr. John Turner's, where in company with his Honour 
the Governor and several other Towns Gentlemen we Din'dL 
In the Afternoon Arrived an Express to the Secretaiy, with 
the following Letter from Conrad Weiaer:— 

To Richard Peters, Esq., in Philadelphia. 

Jane the 2Dd, 1744, in the Even'g. 

Sir: This Afternoon about 5 of the Clock, Shickelamy 
Arriv'd Accompanied by his Grandson ; he Informs me, that 
notice had been eiven to the several Towns of the Six Nations 
by the Council ot Onondago ; that their several Deputies shoud 
get ready to set out at such a day for Pennsylvania (which 
was the 18th day of May last). Accordingly the Oneidoe's 
Deputies set out, and after having finished their Canoes on a 
Branch of Susquehannah, they sett oft* and came to Otzininky, 
near a Branch of said River, that comes from Onondago ; but 
they coud hear nothing of the Onondagus, they supposed them 
to be at the head of said Branch Making their Canoes. These 
Oneidoes came along to Idyixogan' a great Branch of Susque- 
hannah, that comes down from the Cayingos and SonickerSy 
they heard nothing of this last Mentionea Indian Deputiee, 
(here the Tuscorara Deputies staid, who had set out with 
them, living near toffether) the Oneidoes arriv'd at Shicke- 
lamy's the 80th of mi Month, only Six Men. Shickelamy 
Assures me, that the several Deputies had certainly set out at 
the said time : As for the Special Messengers, the Council 
at Onondago had proi^is'd to send Shickelamy an Account, 
for he believes the whole Company to be near, and is in haste 
to go home to-morrow ; but I expect still such a Messenger ; 
be It how it will, the Indians are a coming, and Shickelamy, 
will send a Letter from Shomockeor* after they Arrive there, 
if none are sent before by the Chie& of the said Indians 

> Pine Greek. ' Shamokin. 

Journal of William Black. 415 

which I think can hardly be otherways. I must have all 
this to his Honour the Governor, what he may think proper 
to Inform the Governor of Maryland of, I am at a loss because 
no certain time can be mentioned of their arriving ; untill the 
second Messenger Arrive, I cannot write anything to Gover- 
nor Bladen. 

I am a little better than I have been, the Fever abated very 
much last night ; but if these Indians should be so near as 
Shickelamy Imagine, I can be of no Service to the Treaty, for 
I cant go from Home, for having ha<l such a Fever, as I In- 
form'd you of a few days ago, this two weeks every Night, and 
a Continual Sweat upon one every day, and coud not eat at 
all till this very day, when Victuals seem to stay ^yith me, has 
brought me very low down. I am Resigned to Divine Provi- 
dence in all thin^, so in this ; in the meantime, I am hopes to 
recover soon. Shickelamy is very glad that the Conmiissioners 
are arriv'd in Philadelphia : this is all present which I can 
Inform, am in hopes soon to be able, upon the arrival of the 
Second Messenger, to inform more : You will acquaint our 
Governor of this, who is more able to form a Judgment out 
of all this, what to write to Governor Bladen, than i ; no body 
needs to Stirr, I shall write to Lancaster, to order Provision 
to be got ready, I have sent my Son to-day to Mr. Cookson, 
about Six hours before Shickelamy arrived, but must send him 
again so soon as he comes home. With my Kind Bespects. 

I am Sir Yours. 


P. S. — June the 8rd in the morning Shickellamy ftirther 
informs ; that the Interpretor of Albany had been among the 
five Nations, to Invite thorn to Albany to Treat with the 
Governor of New York. 

I Continue under a great Sweat but for the violence of 
Fever I hope is over. 

Be pleas'd to Dispatch my Son as soon as Possible. 

In the Evening in Company with Mr. Lewis, and Mr. 
Littlepage I went to Mr. Levy's' a Jew, and very Considerable 
Merch't, he was a Widdower. And his Sister Miss Hettie Levy 
kept his House. We staid Tea, and was very agreeably Enter- 
tain'd by the Young Lady ; She was of the middle Stature, 
and very well made her Complection Black but very Comely, 

> Probably Sftnuon LtTj, a Bobscriber to the dancing assembly of 1748. 

416 Jmmai of WUUam Black. 

she had two Charming Eyes, full of Fire and Boiling ; Eye- 
BrowB Black and well tum'd, with a Beautiful head of Hair, 
Coal Black which she wore a Wigg, waving in wanting curl- 
ing Bingletts in her Keck ; She was a Lady of a great DeaX 
of Wit, Join'd to a Good Understanding, full of Spirits, aac^ 
of a Humour exceeding Jocose and Agreeable. We took ovmJ^ 
leave and came away well satisfy 'd with the Ladies' Company" ^ 
at 8 O'clock went to hear a Consert of Musick ; the PerformeoK'^^ 
was some Town's Gentlemen, and did Us the Honour of 
Livitation, we staid till past 11, and I left the Company to 
Home to my Lodgings ; Li my way, I was met by a Wonu&xx. 
tollerably well dress'd, and seemd a good likely Perscm 
Appearance, but very Much in Liquor ; I shoud not have ol/- 
serv'd her ; but about twenty yards before I came up to her, 
she made a full stop, and the Moon Shining Bright I coud 
well Observe her ; She on my coming up, look'd me right in 
the Face, which caused me to make a Stop ; She ask'd me 
where I was going, I answered Home ; on this I had Curiosity 
enough to turn her round to have a better view ; on which I 
made the Discovery of her being in a Condition, which of all 

others, least becomes the Sex 

It was after 12 before I went to bed and in my Sleep (I 
thought so much of this Drunken Woman) that I Dream 'd of 
Her all the Night 

Philadelphia, Wtdnuday^ Jane the 6tli. 

This Morning I Rose by 6 O'clock, when I went to the 
Comm'rs' Lodgings, where I was taken up most of the Day 
in some Writtings concerning the Indian Treaty, at 1 O'clock 
the Comm'rs, &c went to Dine with his Honour the Gtovemor, 
from thence returned to their Lodgings : In the afternoon, as 
I was writting I heard two Ladies Discoursing in a Room off 
that wherein I was, on which X sent a Petition begging the 
Favour of a Song, which they had the Goodness to hear, and 
Consented to it, to my no small Satis&ction ; Sup'd with the 
Commissioners, and at 10 O'clock went home to my Room. 

418 JawtnaL of William BlacL 

always against taking of Physic ; he has been it seems brought 
up in a Sect Called Dumplers/ a peculiar sort of Enthusiasts; 
the Daughters of the Sect are kept together in what they call 
a Nunnery, under the Care of Men. When they arrive ai 
Maturity they are at Liberty to Marry : Something has hap- 
pened lately in that Chaste Society, that has Occasioned Cou- 
rad to Remove his Daughter, and perhaps it may have atiect^ 
him so, as to brmg on Siis long ilhiess : We thought that it 
would not be uninteresting to you to leave the Eoad of Bllsv- 
ness, and to touch a little on Particulars, relating to tUU 
useful man. Colonel Patton has been as Zelelous in beha^ 
His Country on the Frontiers, that he has taken a lox^g 
Journey hither, and almost Ck)nvinced Governor Thom^^ua, 
that the Indians were the Aggressors in the Skirmish on ovu 
Frontiers, he left this place yesterday, and stays at Lanca^^C^^f 
until the Treaty begins, at least. 

There is to be very soon Eight Privateers* belon^ng to tlxis 
Town, some of force, and fine Vessels, and in the Keputatio^* 
of these depends much of the Security at present from a FreE:».<^^ 
Invasion. The Indians in the French Intr. have attack'd *-toe 
People on the borders of New England, next to the 1^^^^ 
York Government, this account we saw in a letter fronca * 
Person of Credit at Boston to Governor Thomas, Warr is mn^^* 
Proclaim'd here yet, the Governor waits for the King's Ck^xM^'^ 
mands. Our last was the 28th last Month from this Plac^^ ^ 
We Intreat vour Honour to believe Us, 

With perfect Respect, 

Your Most Obedient & Most Humble Servants, 


A little before 1 of the Clock in Company with the Com- 
missioners and their Levee, I went to Mr. William Logan's 
Merchant,* where with his Honour the Governor and Mr. 

» In 1709, the Tankards from Germany and Holland emigrated to Penn. 
and settled first at Germantown. They were well educated and fine Latinitti 
—the young people of the neighborhood were sent to them to be perfected 
in this language. Alex. Mack was their principal leader. Their converts 
assumed new names, such as, Onesimus, Friedsam, Ac— Watson, i. pp. 23, 
258. An account of the Dunkers or Seventh Day German Baptists, by Dr. 
William M. Fahnestock, will be found in the Btstary of the ReUffumg 
Denominations of the United States, by I. Daniel Ropp. 

■ Vide p. 18. 

• William Lopan, eldest son of James Logan. He was educated in Rig- 
land. He followed commerce as a profession until the death of his father, 
when he moved to Stenton and devoted himself to agriculture. He was a 

Journal of William Black. 419 

Secretary Peters, and some others, we Din'd; after Dinner 
and a Cheerfull Glass, the Commissioners Retum'd to their 
Lodgings, and I went and paid a Visit to Capt. William 
Ulair where I staid about two hours : In the Evening with 
Mr. Littlepage I went a second time to see the Agree- 
able Jewess ; while we was there, came an Acquaintance of 
Alias Levey's to Return a Visit Miss Molly Stamper* Daughter 
of a very Considerable Merchant in the City : The Tea Table 
was set, and while we were Sipping the Warm Water we had 
some Agreeable Discourse, such as is Commonly brought up 
on such Occasions. After this was over Littlepage took leave, 
but I lik'd the Company of the two Fair Ones to Depart so 
soon, to be short I staid till after 9 at Night, Li which time 
I got Entirely Acquainted with the Female Visitant, and 
waited on her Home, when she was so Condescending as to 
Promise me the Pleasure of her Company the Night following 
at the same Place, on seeing her to her Father's Door, I took 
leave And retum'd to my Room very much Satisfied with 
this Literview of a Young Lady every way so Agreeable, and 
with a Design to Cultivate an Acquaintance which Promis'd 
80 much Pleasure and Satisfaction. 

member of the Provincial Goancil, and like bis father a friend to the Indians. 
He received them cordially at his place and educated many at his own ex- 
pense. He travelled mach in this coantrj, and his Jooroal from Philadel- 
phia to Georj^a is still preserved. He executed the conveyance of the 
Loganian Library to the city of Philadelphia.— Watson's AnnaU of PhUa,, 
Vol. i. p. 594. 

' Mary Stamper was the eldest daughter of John and Hannah Stamper. 

She was baptized at Christ Church June 8, 1729, aged three weeks, and was 

therefore just fifteen when our diarist found her so admirable. Her father 

Was a successful merchant in Philadelphia, and in 1769 was chosen Mayor. 

5^e married Sept 19. 1745, William Bingham. Her second son, William 

l^in^am, U. S. Senator from Pennsylvania 1795-1801, married Miss Willing, 

^WboTO great beauty combined with her husband's wealth and -position made 

Ker the leader of Philadelphia society, and one of the most brilliant oma 

IkMnts of the "Republican Court" It is perhaps remarkable that the 

><niiiger Mrs. binirham was a grandmother when but thirty-six years of age, 

lier grandson, William Bingham Baring, afterwards 2d Baron Ashburton. 

'Was bom In June. 1799. and she in August, 1764. The second husband of 

^ary Stamper was Michael Morgan O'Brien. 

(To be continued.) 


Colonel Thomas White^ of MarylantL 




fiMd by him At the meetlBff of the deMen^uiU of OoloMl Whtt« *l SopkliPi ]I»S^« 

MMTfltokd, June T, Itn. 

Thomas White was born in London, in 1704, and was -fcSi^ 

son of William White and Elizabeth Leigh, whose portra*-^^ 
are familiar to us in the originals of Sir Godfrey KnelL 
now in the family. His fi^ther at one time possessed a 
siderable patrimony ; but having, it would seem, parted 
a large portion of it, died in 1708, at an early age, and 1 
a widow and six children, the fifth of whom was our 
then four years old.* 

We know but little of the life of this fEttherless family, 
there is now no possibility, in the lapse of time, of aoqui 
knowledge of the details of their domestic history, beyoi 
which they had none ; for, as to the girls, of whom th< 
were three, they could not, and the two boys did not, fi 
employment in the public service of Great Britain, and th 
there was left of them no trace in the state offices. In 17 
at the age of sixteen, Thomas^ sailed for Maryland, and there 
reason to think that he was of the retinue of Charles Calve 
the cousin of Lord Baltimore, who certainly reached the ne 
world in that year, with a large company of gentlemen, 
succeed Mr. Hart as governor of the province. It is as litt 
doubtful that a voyage like this was largely advertised 
l)lacard8 in the city, and through the shipping merchants 
the agents of the Proprietary, to secure people for the coloa 
and was thus brought by friends, or directly, to the boy 
mind ; the change in the office of ruler being made the 

> In 1704 the Englith took Gibraltar, Queen Anne had Just begun 
reign, and Louis XIV. was still King of France. 

' He had been put to a grammar ecbool, eighteen mitoi from LoiidoB, 
St Alban'i 


Colonel Thomas White^ of Maryland. 421 

sion for alluring descriptions of Maryland, and of some show 
and ceremony in the arrangement of the expedition. Tlie 
list of the party in Mr. Calvert's vessel has been lost on this 
side of the water, but may possibly yet be found in England, 
in the duplicate retained there of the document sent thither. 

We are told, on the authority of Bishop White, that his 
fiither, when he sailed, had been apprenticed to Mr. Stokes, 
the Clerk of the county of Baltimore, and in England thought 
to be a member of the bar of the Province.^ The fee of one 
hundred guineas given this gentleman, that he might bring 
the boy up to the profession of the law, was the only aid ex- 
tended to a youth destined soon to learn that his leader could 
not, in person, secure to him the position which he sought, 
and had paid for. But, as the result of my investigations, I 
must, for the present, anticipate a probable question, and 
acquit Mr. Stokes in this relation of deceit in any form ; and 
I rather infer that his office as clerk, then a most important 
office, and certainly having a close connection with the law 
establishment of the province, misled our ancestor's mother, 
who may have had, in the emergency, no male adviser prone 
to diligent investigation, and who, perhaps, assumed for her- 
self, or was taught to assume, that, as a lawyer and a clerk of 
a court, in the early history of her country, were one and the 
same, so here must be a clerk of a county and a lawyer. 
However this may have been, the boy's (no doubt the 
widow's/ guineas were not thrown away ; for we know that 

' The connection of a stndent with hia principal had been called an "ap- 
prenticeship'* for a long time. Lord Campbell, while not nsing the word as 
contemporaneons, applies it to the first years in his inn of conrt of Henry 
De Staunton, the great chief justice of the fourteenth oentary.—LtVet of e%« 
Chuf Justices, 1. 102. 

« One hundred guineas a year was the usual fee then paid by law students 
in England to become pupils of a special pleader or an equity draucrhtsman. 
Lord Eldon, as Mr. John Scott, was not in a situation to obsenre this cus- 
tom ; but Mr. Duane, the distinguished conveyancer, agreed to let him have 
the ran of his chambers for six months without a fee. Mr. Tidd took one 
hundred guineas from Mr. John Campbell for the first of the three years he 
ftodied with him ; and in the second year not only declined to t»lw the 

422 Colonel Thcmias White, of Maryland. 

some years after reaching here, having become the deputy of 
Mr. Stokes, and purchased books, he practised law, and sooa 
laid up the money with which he bought his lands. This 
we have upon the authority of his son, of whom it may Yx^ 
said that he never reported a rumor — ^nor even a plausible 
inference — as the truth ; and that, rather than rely upon tbao 
of which a doubt might be suggested, he would abandon th< 
point which it otherwise sustained. Bishop White mus 
have had it direct from his fiather, and probably also from hi 
father's contemporaries, that he had conducted causes at th 
Maryland bar ; and there can be no question that such 
the fact, because the bishop conveyed the information to 
Bishop Hobart in 1819. If Mr. Stokes, therefore, was not; 
able to educate his apprentice and representative in the sci- 
ence then in the highest repute, the scholar was taken in 
hand by some one else ; for by the law of the province, which 
had been in force since 1694, gentlemen were subjected to 
examination before admission to the bar, and judges and law- 
yers were directed to wear gowns. Colonel Scharf, the pre- 
sent learned historian and antiquarian of Maryland, has just 
informed me that this enactment remained operative until 
some time after the Revolution ; and we may at once con- 
gratulate ourselves, since it is clear they were thus early 
shown, that our ancestor, for his bravery in extreme youth, 
his patience, his fidelity, and the essential virtue of depend- 
ence upon one Supreme Power, of which in after life he 
showed the full fruits, came in good time to be rewarded m 
the acquisition of what then was an honor jealously guarded 
by the learned body, and acknowledged by all men. 

In his province at that day the standard of personal merit 
to which gentlemen of the gown must conform was high, as 
it was in Pennsylvania ; and I have taken much interest in 
the accounts which those who know of them have given me 

second one hundred, but insisted on returning that which he had had. 
{Camphdrs Lives of the Chancellors, vii. 164, n.) In 1704, the year in 
which Col. White was born, Mr. Salkeld, a very eminent London attorney, 
took Philip Yorke, afterwards Lord Hardwicke, as an articled clerk, without 
a fee. 

Colond Thomas White^ of Maryland. 423 

of the caustic criticisms of alarmed laymen, at the close of the 
last century, remonstrating against the too hasty increase of 
the members of the body the most learned which Maryland 
politically possessed. Her clergy and her legists were dis- 
tinguished and revered.* 

Mr. White, then, wore the gown ; but there is no need to 
enter upon a description of the legal establishment of which 
he was a member. The position in which he is best knowTi 
in Maryland history was one of great importance in the 
county of Baltimore. That county, until 1778, comprised 
the present county of the same name, and the present county 
of Harford, where we stand to-day. He became deputy sur- 
veyor of this vast, wild region, and acted as the representa- 
tive of the Lord Proprietary, the surveyor-general not coming 
between him and his principal ; as fourteen years later, in 
Virginia, did George Washington for Lord Fairfax, laying 
off by metes and bounds the lands which were by him granted 
to the early settlers in return for certain rents, at rates estab- 
lished by a general law. 

I have had access to the records of the land office at An- 
napolis, and have had the aid there of one of the gentlemen 
of the department ; but, agreeably to our anticipation, I have 
not found any evidence of his appointment to this post, and 
our failure so to do has confirmed the theory of the officer 
who made the search with me, that, as had been in the half 
century before, no commissions were then granted in the 
chamber of the Surveyor-General, but that all appointments, 
being made either by the Lord Proprietary, or by the Governor 
for him, were still recorded in the minutes of the CJouncil. 
These we could not reach. 

It is, indeed, welcome to know that a young man, leaving 
his kinsfolk and his home, and visiting a region that was un- 
promising in many ways, where, too, the eligible candidates 
so outnumbered the few posts of importance as to make the 
authority of constable as desirable as in the days of Richard 

' By his will, Colonel White left his law books to his son, " desiring that 
lie will make a donation of the Law Books to one of my Grandsons, if edi^ 
«Ated in that Science." 

424 Cdofnd Thmas Whikj of Maryland. 

XL, came thus to attain to a pofiition of weight and trofit. A 
jELnal confidence was reposed in him by the two adverse inte- 
rests of the time ; for upon his certificate all the titles in Bal- 
timore County, all the rents reserved on lands there, the 
homes of the people, and the revenues of the Proprietary, 
during his term of office depended. There is yet to be seen 
the transcription of many such valuable documents, signed by 
him, in the old records of the government ; and his formal 
declarations, lengthy and precise, are spread largely upon 
pages and pages of that manuscript State library. 

A few notes made here of the history of the Land I>epart- 
ment will aid us to form an estimate of the importance of 
Colonel White's employment. 

A surveyor-general has been the only person who has held 
an office for life in the province. The instance is that of 
John Langford, Esq., who in 1641 was so appointed, and who 
had thus secured to him the income of the post, because (it is 
suggested) one qualified for such a care could not be induced 
to relinquish the emoluments falling to him in an old country, 
fer the hazards of an infitnt colony, on common terms. In 
1648 he died, and Robert Clarke, Esq., who was a deputy-sur- 
veyor before, was appointed in his place, and made a mem- 
ber of the council. The council constituted the nobles of a 
ruler who was, in the regard of the precise lawyers of the 
King's cabinet, a vice-regent. Prom this time deputy-sur- 
veyors were appointed for each county ; and generally, if not 
always, not by the surveyor-general, but by the Lord Proprie- 
tary, or his governor. The surveyor-general thereafter was 
an officer enjoying, as in some degree or other a relative of 
Lord Baltimore, a valuable sinecure, sitting at the council 
board, not for the wisdom of his speech as much as for the 
dignity of his calling, constituting one of a provincial court, 
and at liberty to do everything that others did but to make a 
survey. After Robert Clarke, the surveyor-general had not 
the reputation to be allowed to do that. 

His deputies were independent of him ; were not even, in 
most instances, as has been said, appointed by him; and stood 
towards the provincial authorities in the relation which had 

CoUmd Thomas White^ of Maryland. 425 

been his when Maryland was small enough in population to 
enable the chief to act without representatives. Such a sur- 
veyor-general was Colonel Talbot in 1683 ; succeeded by 
Henry Darnall, Esq., in 1684, who, with eight other gentle- 
men, was made Commissioner, to rule the province during 
Lord Baltimore's absence in England. He was the son of 
Philip Darnall, and a kinsman of Lord Baltimore. Li 1695 
Robert Smith, Esq., who was Chief Justice of Maryland, was 
made surveyor-general. I believe it was about thirteen years 
later that surveyors of coimties were required to take oaths ; 
and the land office has its test-books, old volumes, with the 
form of the long and severe tests on the first page, and the 
signatures of the gentlemen following ; just as all the county 
courts in Maryland, and the Court of Appeals have. 

I at one time thought that Thomas White had made the 
survey of the town of Baltimore, which was laid out some 
ten years after he reached this country, and when, accordingly, 
his age was about twenty-six ; but I find that his immediate 
predecessor in office, Philip Jones, did this. It cannot be 
unlikely that Thomas White aided him, for certainly four 
years later, and possibly sooner, he himself filled the place 
vacated by the death or removal of Jones, and no doubt he 
had had an extended experience before the responsibility was 
cast upon him. 

The records at Annapolis show him to have certified sur- 
veys in 1734. By that date he had married, and was the 
&ther of two children, 

John Hall, Esq., of Cranberry Hall, in Baltimore County, 
became his father-in-law ; a personage of extensive possessions, 
and of high position in the province. Of his wealth there lies 
adequate proof in the title papers, and other records of the 
county ; and of his position I shall refer to but two pieces 
of evidence, each, it may be said, not the less significant in its 
special relation, and to the lay mind, perhaps, the more enter, 
taining and persuasive, because really valueless as legal proof. 
The first is the tradition only recently lost (if actually lost) in 
this vicinity, that he was above the process of the courts, and 
not amenable to the justices on sentence given, because, being 

426 Colanel ThomcLs White^ of Maryland. 

entitled, if in de&nlt, or under accusation, to be tried by his 
peers, tbere was no body of his peers nearer than England. 
This tradition was familiar only a few years ago to the 
common people here. The second, is the fact that, in the 
church records, the ancient books of the vestry of Saint 
George's at Spesutise — whose green enclosure now protects the 
remains of Colonel White — in the lists of births, of marriages, 
of deaths, wherever John Hall's name appears, or the name 
of any one closely allied to him, and the connection is noted, it 
is recorded in a hand bolder than that of the many names 
before and after. Thus there has been spared for more than 
a century and a half, a tribute of reverence for worldly posi- 
tion, in the private register of an establishment which regards 
all men alike, that cannot be doubted, that does not vary, and 
that, no matter what might be suggested of its inconsistency 
with the Church's teaching of the equality of suppliants in 
the house of God, was eminently proper. For these two 
particulars must be taken as of a high order of historic proof, 
and sufficient without the more that is beyond, to show that 
John Hall then was of the civil " powers that be,'^ whom all are 
taught by the Church to honor. The respect thus mutely paid 
him calls to mind the many other forms in which in print and 
manuscript, the names of great persons are noted in a way to 
show also the esteem in which their owners are held. Whilst 
the old clerk of Saint George's was thus, like laborious monk 
at intricate initial, doing homage according to his &ith, the 
commons of England were printing in Acts of Parliament 
their King's name in capitals. 

In noticing John Hall, I may direct your attention for a 
moment to the circumstances of a gentleman of Maryland of 
his day. His house was of brick, with durable and thick 
walls substantially imbedded in an honest foundation, very 
spacious, and wainscotted throughout: furnished only use- 
fully below, but with an attention to elegance and comfort in 
the bedchambers recorded by every historian of his people 
and his era. It was always the central object of a plantation 
settlement, where a court-baron, or a court-leet might be held, 
and was usually, like Sophia's Dairy, approached by water. 

Colonel TTwmas Whiter of Maryland. 427 

For one or two generations, in the latter half of the seven- 
teenth century, the Maryland gentleman was a feudal lord 
without a title, of right the ruler of a manor if his lands ex- 
ceeded one thousand acres, as they mostly did, and adminis- 
tering his affairs upon regal principles, with a Royal proprie- 
tary and a great empire to back him. Uis home was built 
for him by convicts, shipped hither upon commercial arrange- 
ment made through his correspondent in London, and in- 
voiced as culprits, imder sentence duly set out in the manifest, 
for offences as scrupulously indicated. These persons were 
received in the province as chattels, or animals, as they passed 
under the eye of the constable, or sheriff at the port of entry, 
who acted as customs officer. After 1728 it was the law, that 
gentlemen bringing them to the New World, "importing 
them," it was called, should enter them in the public registers 
as felons, and declare the crimes to which they owed their 
predicament. And in this there was regarded the minor con- 
Bideration, that the inhabitants, in being thus advised, might 
te secure ; without prejudice to the weightier reason, that 
the duty due to the government on the human freight might 
"be recovered. 

His state service consisted largely of silver. Besides pew- 
ter for common use, the first settlers had a great deal of ster- 
ling plate that was massive, bearing the arms of their fore- 
jbthers, which, as gentlemen and lineal successors, they 
themselves were entitled to carry. His house servants were 
mulattoes ; and of these in Mr. Hall's time there were proba- 
bly three thousand in the province ; but his field hands were 
negroes, who outnumbered the mulattoes then by about thir- 
teen to one. He ate, in the earlier days, without a fork, 
which was not because he was a Marylander, but because he 
was a man in the wilds where forks were unknown : and one 
of his spirited descendants, but recently passed away, was 
upon the eve of adding, as he indited this, that he cut his 
meat with his rapier, or other weapon, so rarely had the ma- 
tured great-great-grandson " met with a dinner knife" in his 
prolonged researches. It need not be said what he ate, save 
that it was the rich product of a warm country, varied with 

428 Cdond Thomas Wkite^ of Maryland. 

copious supplies from peopled waters. His drink was, for 
many years, sack, of which we have been assured there is 
more frequent mention in the records of the settlement than 
in the pages of Shakspeare. 

In hours of repose he used stools and forms, and some 
benches against the w^alls. His artificial light was yielded 
by oandles made of a hard, brittle wax, of a curious green 
color, that was gotten from the berry of the myrtle growing 
at the raoutli of rivers, and found free from grease, and very 
pleasant to the smell after a careful cooking. These tapers 
were cometimes extinguished, that the sweetly perfumed 
smoke might fill the room.* 

I turn from him as a local sovereign, to regard him for a. 
few moments as a subject. His taxes, payable to the colonial 
powers, and his tithes, due to his ghostly adviser, were mainly 
rated and discharged in tobacco ; if he owed any one money, 
the secret of relief lay at hand in the far-reaching leaves of 
that staple ; were he fined for a bad road, or assessed for a 
contribution to the cost of a good one, or called upon for a 
subsidy by the Assembly, or in need of money itself, his men 
rolled the due tale of casks to the weighing-sheds, and then 
delivered them to the person who cancelled the obligation, or 
met the want for coin which had involved the transfer, and 
himself proceeded forthwith to use them as we do bank notes 
and drafts. 

In 1640 they had, I think, no money here, as current tokens 
passing from pocket to pocket. The authorities, it is true, 

' The annals of the province furnish ns so many details of the personal 
appearance, the dress, of the men and women of that day, and are so acces- 
sible in the citations of the numerous modem works that have drawn from 
them, that I may gratify my wish to be brief in conscientiously omitting 
what would necessarily appear but a paraphrase. The red coat and mfflea, 
with the white scnrf, of Colonel White, are familiar to us in the pictures we 
have of him ; and we know that he wore short breeches and silk stockings ; 
doubtless he carried a sword on occasions of ceremony, and perhaps, as a 
young man, he shared what was then called the folly of youth, in weariog 
diamonds and gold and silver buttons about him, and in having his long 
cuffs kept in place by bits of lead, just as some years ago the ladies ballasted 
their skirts with shot and miniature shrapnel. 

CoUmd Thomas White^ of Maryland. 429 

agree that in commercial transactions a little English or Eu- 
ropean coin was occasionally employed ; and in trading with 
the Indians for beaver-skins and like articles, the peake and 
the roanoke obtained a free circulation ; but in the main the 
colonists used tobacco instead of grain or money. The his- 
tory of Maryland exhibits a nation from its earliest stage, 
when merely by barter its wants are supplied, and presents a 
problem of peculiar interest, in the contrast of the intellectual 
maturity of the highest civilization with the contemporaneous 
and adequate simplicity of primitive customs. Especially in 
manifesting the toleration of the broadest mental develop- 
ment, at a time when the laws of trade and the domestic 
code were those of a country in its infancy, is the story of 
this State significant. A good deal less than two hundred 
years ago the arts and sciences were so well known here, that 
Annapolis was called the modem Athens, but the question of 
money was not an important one in the province. In 1661 a 
mint was established, where shillings were coined, contain- 
ing at least the worth of ninepence in sterling silver, to pass 
in return for tobacco, rated as worth twopence per pound ; 
and thus the currency was fixed as it remained till the Revo- 
lution, six of these shillings, or their vegetable equivalent, 
being at first worth a dollar. By statute, in 1669 men had 
to take the vegetable as a legal tender if their debtor pre- 
ferred to keep the sterling silver for himself; and this, too, 
notwithstanding a depreciation in the weed-money, which re- 
sulted from the too great plenty of the yield. Three years 
before the Assembly had actually passed a law prohibiting 
the planting of tobacco for a twelvemonth ; a folly founded 
on some principles of political economy that the Lord Pro- 
prietary would not countenance ; although one may be en- 
couraged to suspect that, in maintaining the integrity of his 
principle, he did not urge the true doctrine at an inconvenient 
crisis ; for his " disassent" was only signified in the November 
following that first day of February from which the statute 
was to take eifect, and by that time the object had been ac- 
complished. Both the principles which he justly decried, and 
the tobacco which his people sought to check, now flourish 

430 Cclonel Thomas WhitCy of Maryland. 

about us. In Virginia the growth was stopped ; and the 
number of idle negroes was, in conversation and political ac- 
tion, significantly pronounced a sore grievance. The royal 
governor was not here also taxed for a veto, perhaps, because 
no analogous law of suspension could be formulated. Just 
after our ancestor married, the malcontents in Maryland 
could not be restrained, and they wildly destroyed many 
fields, ravaging the crops till the militia came up and dis- 
persed them. 

Tlie Maryland gentleman witnessed all sorts of English 
experiments, conceived somewhat for the establishment of the 
prosperity of his own country, but mainly for the establish- 
ment of securities against its prosperity in prejudice of the 
wealth of Great Britain. He was coaxed to grow grapes, and 
given vines ; but he would not. He was not allowed to 
manufacture, because England made all the fabrics that could 
be paid for. The home government offered a premium to 
those who would increase the use of British iron, by import- 
ing it into the province, notwithstanding the boundless supply 
of iron already here. A contest, manifested and effective in 
the acts of the respective legislatures, the Parliament, and the 
Assembly, was waged for a long while, marked by selfish re- 
strictions on one side, and by schemes of uncloaked retaliation 
on the other. The Assembly, to thwart the home govern- 
ment, alike in checking the inflow of the foreign, and to speed 
the shipment of the domestic metal, gave a bounty to the 
citizen who, after 1719, took up one hundred acres of land, 
and erected furnaces and forges for the working of the ready 
ore ; and secured to him facilities for exportation on his part. 
Colonel White was one of the many men who erected iron- 
works on the Western shore, and took up a great extent of 
woodland there.* 

John Hall in all his time had the benefit of the ]^stal sys- 
tem, secured by private enterprise till 1710, when the British 
Government, in aid of the sheriffs, established a general office. 
The Maryland gentleman helped to pay the premiums given 

' His books mention The Bush River Iron Co., and Stafford Forge. 

Colonel Thomas WhiUy of Maryland. 481 

for dead bears and wolves, crows ana squirrels ; and for the 
capture by the rangers of the wild horses and cattle that made 
this tract unsafe. He cared for the preservation of the deer. 
He sustained an organized force, to fight the border men on 
land, and to clear the coasts of pirates. He was a judge of 
the moral life of his fellows, summoning them (and subject 
himself to summons) before the vestry, to answer the charges 
of swearing, of denial of the Trinity, of the oppression of 
maid-servants and debtors, and of other sins. His children 
while they trembled yearned to hear, and devoutly believed, 
ghost stories ; and his fields were the scenes of wild mid- 
night mysteries, that gave names to their open stage ; and 
that lived, with the names, in the memories of elders not 
i^anting in courage, if also strongly tinged with superstition. 
There is an entertaining instance of this in the traditions of a 
tract till recently in the family, of which one enclosure was 
called "Ha! Ha!" and another, "Ha! Ha! Indeed!" The 
restless spectre that ruled the former, in the deep night, 
announced his presence and his humor in a wild " Ha ! Ha !" 
to whom the unknowable soul in the other field, whether in 
the sympathy of jollity, or in the malevolence of mockery and 
triumph, cannot be said, laughed back in startling notes, 
"Ha! Ha! Indeed!"^ . . . He retained a warm love for 
the land of his fathers, giving home titles to his counties, his 
plantations, his towns, his streets. He died as gentlemen die, 
willing finger rings to many, and a legacy of tobacco to his 
divine ; and left true gentlemen to follow him. 

Thomas White married the daughter of such a gentleman ; 

' In Colonel White's will we find mention of " Line of Ah Ha Indeed 
(being the end of the East Northeast Line of An Ha, the cow pasture)/' 
These tracts among others are also the sabject thereof: Edinburgh, Abbott's 
forest, Constantinople, Antrim, Kilkenny, Londonderry, Eaton's Addition, 
baton's second edition, Gay's Favour, Hathaway's Hazard, Chance, Rum- 
»ey Royal, Hammond's Hope, Paradise, Leigh of Leighton, Royal Exchange, 
Simmond's Neglect ; his tax lists show, besides. Neighbor's AfiSnity, Atta- 
way'8 Trust, Constant Friendship, Harrison's Resolution, etc. etc. These 
tracts were all large. Ah Ha Indeed, for instance, contained 825 acrei. 

432 CoUmel TTiomas WhitCy of Maryland. 

Darned Sophia ; who lived until the eighteenth of June, 1742. 
He had by her three children, all of whom were daughters: — 

Sophia, bom May 8th, 1731. 

Elizabeth, bom January 28th, 1733. 

Sarah Charlotte, bom October 25th, 1736. . 

Her father died in about 1728, and under his will, which 
was not legally executed, but which was carefully obeyed 
by her kinsmen, she acquired the tract of land called Sophia's 
Dairy in the paper, and also two hundred acres, part of 
a tract called Hall's Plains. It is believed that the bride 
was carried by her husband from Cranberry Hall, which stood 
near the old graveyard whence Colonel White's remains have 
just been removed, to a house standing on the plantation 
where we now are, towards the south of this present house, 
facing Bush River. I am told that traces of the foundation 
of the old homestead yet remain. 

Mr. White at this time had the title of Major, but how he 
received it I cannot say. No doubt it was his as the com- 
mander of a battalion of militia, raised for service in de- 
fensive movements against the Indians, and in the difficulties 
that had for some time troubled the authorities of his State 
and those of Pennsylvania, as to the border line, in which the 
lives of many men were lost, and probably inquiry would 
show that there was then a permanent organization of troops 
under the system created in 1715, or a year or so later, for the 
energetic enlistment of soldiers, to be paid while in active 
service. Of this body, the members of the Council were 
Colonels. Perhaps it was found well to make the represen- 
tatives of the counties officers also,- in rank only a grade below 
the principals at headquarters. Major White had a most 
powerful friend at the capital, in the person of the governor, 
Samuel Ogle, who was appointed in 1731, in the room of 
Benedict Leonard Calvert, the brother of the Lord Proprie- 
tary, who came to Maryland in 1727, and taking ill, was 
forced to embark for England, dying on the passage. Gov- 
ernor Ogle, as Bishop White has told us, was an intimate 
companion of Major White, and must have proved his esti- 
mation of him in many ways of which we know nothing, 

CoUmd Tkomas Whitej of Maryland. 488 

for he had considerable power at the time, and was so well 
disposed towai'ds our ancestor, that he conferred, with the 
office mentioned, other county offices and appointments upon 

In 1732, just after Sophia Hall White was bom, Lord 
Baltimore himself came to the province, in order to meet the 
sons of William Penn, and with them to reach an amicable 
adjustment of the oft-recurring troubles touching the limits 
of their possessions. In the conferences which then took 
place, the Archives of Pennsylvania show that Major White 
bore a part, certainly as a surveyor, and perhaps as a military 
man ; but the disagreements of the proprietors were not ended, 
nor did they terminate till after some of the principal actors 
liad got into Chancery, and Lord Hardwicke had been ap- 
pealed to. In 1734, Lord Baltimore returned to England, 
^ud Mr. Ogle was again governor. It was in this year at the 
IjEttest, that Mr. White was made deputy surveyor of the 
ciounty, as I have already stated ; and if his appointment may 
x:iot be attributed to his Lordship's visit, and appreciation of 
ID^. White's services, it may certainly be ascribed to the ele- 
^^^-ation of Mr. Ogle, whose ftinctions as governor had only 
n suspended whilst Lord Baltimore was here. This gov- 
mor fodnd in Mr. White a valued friend, made him an officer 
in rank to the gentlemen of his Council, gave him charge 
the proprietary's lands and interests in Baltimore County, 
nd sought his advice in matters of state. After this time 
here were commissioned two colonels for Baltimore County, 
nd Mr. White was promoted to be one of them. 

Besides thus discharging public duties in behalf of his 
fellows, Mr. White increased his landed possessions, of which 
have recently examined the incontestable proofs in the State 
<ZJapitol at Annapolis. In 1777, his taxable real estate in 
^Harford County alone, comprised seven thousand seven hun- 
dred and seventy-two and one-half acres. 

Like all of his time, and of the hundred years just pre- 
"C^eding, making an election between Holy Church and the 
3Eoly Anglo-Catholic Establishment, he was a vigilant servant 
of God, and in the parish of Spesutiss for many years per- 

434 Cohnd Thoynas White^ of Maryland. 

formed with regularity his duties as a vestryman, whereto he 
was first qualified on the 29th of May, 1731, that term of 
service, by successive re-elections, continuing till the 3d of 
June, 1734. On Easter Monday of 1742 (April 19th), he 
was again qualified, taking, as the record shows, the oaths of 
allegiance, abhorrency, and abjuration — ^tests prescribed by 
the first legislature which assembled after the province was 
restored to the Baltimores, in 1716 — and applied till the 
American Revolution. He acted with the vestry till 1745, 
some three years after the death of his wife, and when his 
last child was nearly nine years of age. 

His daughter Sophia, upon whom it is thought he settled 
this property, married Aquila Hall, on February 14th, 1750 ; 
and it was her husband who erected this house in 1768, the 
year in which Governor Eden came over, by the hands, it is 
said, of five redemptionists, two of whom were masons, two 
carpenters, and one a laborer, who worked with imported 
bricks, and who, when the building was finished, received 
their freedom for their reward.^ Sophia was the only one of 

> The hoase is sixty-four feet front, by fifty-foar feet in depth, regular in 
outline, two stories high, with an attic above. It is wholly without external 
ornament, and the expanse of brick is only relieved by small platforms with 
balustrades and seats, at the doors at either end of the hall, which goes 
through the middle of the building, and by some variety in the laying of the 
rows of bricks that form the tops of the windows, and the moderately pro- 
jecting eaves. It is vast, but too bare and monotonous to be imposing, ac- 
cording to the prevailing fashion of its day, of which many specimens may 
still be seen in Annapolis. There is one there, in particular, at the comer 
of The Duke of Qloucester St. and Condnit St., which differs from this only 
slightly in dimensions. The timbers of the floors and stairways are remark- 
ably fine ; the foundations are enduring monuments of the honesty of the 
work of the poor culprits doomed to lay them ; and the walls are so thick 
as to have resisted a stroke of lightning. They are, I think, nearly two 
feet in thickness. This structure faces southward, and commands a view of 
Bush River, at the distance of about half a mile, at a point where there is 
a wide expanse of water, crossed by the railway bridge of the Philadelphia 
and Baltimore Hoad. The land slopes down easily from the elevation of the 
homestead to the shore, and is under cultivation. Somewhere between the 
present site and the river, the first building of John Hall's time stood, and 
traces of the foundation remain. An old neg^ stated on the day of the 


Colonel Thomas White^ of Maryland. 435 

the daughters who married. The others died, the second 
early, the third late ; Elizabeth, it is not known when, beyond 
the fact that she did not grow old ; and Sarah Charlotte, on 
the 19th of November, 1776, long after her father had carried 
her to his new home in Philadelphia. 

To Philadelphia, Colonel White removed about 1745, and 
on the seventh day of May, 1747, at Christ Church, he 
married Esther, the widow of the late John Newman, and 
daughter of Abraham Hewlings, of Burlington, in New 
Jersey; a lady of much force of character; coming of a 
fiimily that, among Quakers, had constantly adhered to the 
Church of England; and so zealously, indeed, as, in the 
persons of some of its members, to have left testamentary 
direction that later generations be likewise bound to that 
faith. Bishop White was used to speak of her with rever- 
ence and affection. By this marriage Colonel White had two 
children ; William, of whom I have just spoken, and Mary, 
who married Robert Morris. 

His life in the city was an active one, notwithstanding a 
physical misfortune that hereafter shall be alluded to. His 
interests bound him still to his Maryland home, where he 
retained the bulk of his property, and personally supervised 
it twice in each year up to the time of his death. As he had 
there duly considered the general welfare in former years, 
aiding in political movements, and contributing to the estab- 
lishment and maintenance of the church, he also in Philadel- 
phia participated in the government of public institutions, 

family meeting, that he had, some time back, ploughed ap there a spoon, 
which proved to be of fine silver, having the initials " S. H." — Sophia Hall, 
no doubt. From what is technically the rear of the house, if premises so 
uniform and so admirably placed on an eminence commanding fine views on 
all sides can be said to have a back, the summer landscape inland is charm- 
ing, comprising hilly but cultivated fields immediately under the eye, rolling 
away in rich green and brown waves, to the forest far beyond, none of them 
too rugged for the plough. The kitchen and servants* quarters are in an 
outbuilding, some forty feet by twenty in size. A substantial spring-house 
and barn are also at hand. The homestead proper, comprises, I believe, 
five hundred and sixty acres, although the whole tract is of nine hundred 
and eighty-eight acres. 

486 CoUmd Thmas White, of Maryland. 

notably in that of the Philadelphia College ;^ and in hig con- 
tinued devotion to religion it seems just to discern the influ- 
ence that later secured to the true doctrines the un£Eiltering 
allegiance, and the unbroken ministrations of his only son. 

He died in Maryland, in this house, on the 29th of Sep- 
tember, 1779, attended by his wife and son. Mrs. Morris was 
informed of the event in this letter from her brother. 

My Dear Sister : — 

The intention of this letter is not so much to inform you 
yt your honoured Father has paid ye last debt of nature — 
for yt you would have concluded from my letter of this morn- 
ing to Mr. Morris — but to assure you it was with as little suf- 
fering as so great a change admits of; he was ill but five days, 
and during ye greater part of yt time was able to enjoy his 
Book and ye conversation of his friends. For a long time he 
has expected without ye least uneasiness yt every attack would 
be his last, and as this did not arise from discontent at ye 
world or impatience under bodily infirmities we may flatter 
ourselves it was built on a foundation wh this world can 
neither give nor destroy. Our Mother is more shocked at ye 
Event than I had reason to expect, considering she must have 
looked for it so long & been assured of it for these 24 hours 
past ; but I trust it will be ye happiness of you & me, as I am 
sure it will be our endeavour to. make up for her loss. 

With ye hope yt ye information here given will alleviate 

your distress, I am 

Your ever affectionate Brother 

Harford Countt, Sep. 29, 1779. 


Although active, zealous, and successful, the companion of 
the men of his time, for twenty-two years before his death, 
because of a fall from his carriage, Mr. White was a cripple ; 
depending upon canes.* Out of his seventy-five years thus a 

» He was Trustee of the Philadelphia College from Nov. 13, 1749, to the 
time of his death, in 1779. He was one of the Gommissionera of the Peace 
in 1752. — Colonial Records, v. 572. 

• " This," said Bishop White, in his account of his own life, " kept him 
out of all society, except such as could be had at his own hospitable table 
and fireside ; and, except in afternoons, of some of the principal gentlemeo 
of the city, of his own age, who, in those days, habitually assembled at the 
public coffee-house, for society merely." 

ColoTid Thomas White^ of Maryland. 437 

large number were marked by his patient acceptance of an 
impediment to freedom, of the kind which no man can 
admit without grief, and which no fortune can remedy. 
His youth had passed in a victorious struggle with diffi- 
culties, as little desirable, but of another order, surmounted 
in the vigor and confidence of rectitude and health ; his age 
encountered that which could not be overcome. In youth, 
therefore, he acquired experience, skill, the forethought and 
promptitude of the intrepid pioneer and the husbandman; 
while in life's decline it was as natural that he should sup- 
plement these with the silent but eftective acknowledgment 
of a power not to be wrestled with, in his cheerful employ- 
ment of returning seasons still beneficently vouchsafed him ; 
perhaps vouchsafed him in a higher beneficence, in that they 
were seasons of calm not unalloyed. "My Father," said 
Bishop White, " left the world with the reputation of unsul- 
lied integrity through life." 

The mere appreciation of the spectacle thus aflbrded us, in 
the recital of the undisputed results of a well-known career, 
will promote the purposes of eulogy, while protecting us from 
a benevolent suspicion of extravagance in the mind of the dis- 
passionate observer. Colonel White's youth could scarcely be 
contemplated by any one without some enthusiasm of com- 
mendation. He is found cast upon his own resources ere his 
beard has grown ; encountering the awful illness of homesick- 
ness in a wilderness, without mother or kinsfolk, either near 
or within reach of dying entreaty ; pressed upon by unalter- 
able circumstance, significant of the vast difference between 
felicity lost and despaired of, and toil and danger inevitable 
and of only profit to be hoped for. He was encompassed by 
elders, by the law of their nature heedless of the example they 
unwittingly set him ; or perhaps observant and unmanly in 
the rough derision by which, in violation of his nicer sense, 
they sought craftily to beguile him to sully his purity. He 
was unaided in the urgent quickening of his moral instincts ; 
and as he was thus without guide in his election between 
courses known to be dubious, and yet felt, one or other, to be 
necessary, so also he was unenlightened after a hazarded judg- 

438 CoUmd Thomas Whtte^ of Maryland. 

ment by the merited applause, or the priceless censure, of a 
loving arbiter. There is here indicated a struggle which has 
marked the similar situation of all men in their immaturity, 
and the memory of which is, in later years, associated by the 
successful with every image and tradition of the earlier time. 
In a superior degree of sensibility it would be likely that a 
contest of this sort might become dreadful and calamitous. 
Of Colonel White it may be remembered, with a feeling of 
congratulation, that the course which his gentle birth alone 
would have made the more hard for him, was happily less 
rugged and painful because of the concomitant kindness of 
those in power, to which his gentle birth recommended him. 
But this influence was not that which secured the reputation 
for integrity recorded by his son. The picture of his later 
life discloses so much of the strength that was always his, that 
we owe it to him to declare his ultimate bright fortune of a 
character possibly unattainable by men of ordinary power, no 
matter how kind and how opportune the fevors of the great 
about them, and whilst it was the proof of his just use of his 
opportunities, it was not the less the reward of virtues entirely 

' Col. White's field books are now in the possession of Mr. Thomas White 
Hall, of Maryland : his account books, of Mr. Thomas Harrison Montgomery, 
of New York City. It seems hardly necessary, bnt it may be proper to add, 
that the leading authorities in Maryland history have been consulted in the 
preparation of this paper. 

Sanvud Adams. 439 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Samtjbl Adams, son of Samuel Adams and Mary Fifield, 
was bom in Purchase St., Boston, Sept 27 (16 0. S.), 1722. 
His father was a man of good social and political standing, 
universally esteemed and respected; his mother, a woman of 
rare piety and dignity. From boyhood, Samuel Adams was 
surrounded by influences tending to develop those traits 
which so distinguished him in later life. A peculiar earnest- 
ness, steadfastness and persistency in what seemed to him 
right to do or say, were manifest even in early youth. His 
innate love of liberty was fostered by the discussions in which 
his father took so prominent a part. Fragments in school 
books, marked and annotated by the thoughtful lad, indicate 
the early bent and bias of his mind, truly prophetic of the 
man. Fitted for college at the Boston Latin School, young 
Adams entered Harvard University in 1736 at the age of 14, 
his father then being possessed of an ample fortune. The 
subject of Adams' thesis for his master's degree, " Whether it 
be lawful to resist the Supreme Magistrate, if the common- 
wealth cannot be otherwise preserved," was both audacious 
and characteristic. 

Oct. 17, 1749, he married Elizabeth Checkley, daughter of 
Rev. Samuel Checkley: had two living children; Samuel, 
afterwards surgeon in the Continental army (died unmarried), 
and Hannah, who married Col. Thomas Wells, brother of Mr. 
Adams' second wife. A few of her descendants are living. 
Owing to his father's reverse of fortune, added to a disincli- 
nation for the quiet field which the ministry oflfered in that 
day, Adams early decided to enter the political arena, for 
which his mental and moral qualities so admirably fitted him. 
Mr. Adams was one of the first in the country to recognize the 

440 Samuel Adams. 

power of the press, and, from an early period brought himself 
in contact with the world and disseminated his favorite prin- 
ciples through letters addressed "To the Printer/' and pub- 
liched in one or another of the weekly papers. He is known 
to have used over twenty-five different signatures, such as 
CandiduSy Valerius PubUcola, Vindex, etc. These letters show 
the true cliaracter of the man, the true character of the Revo- 
lution of which he has with truth been called " The Father." 
Liberty J Besistance to tyranny ^ Equal righiSy these are the key- 
notes, struck, echoed, re-echoed, till the strange had become 
the fitmiliar ; till the people, with whom Samuel Adams was 
ever at one, heart and mind, were thoroughly indoctrinated. 
Early singled out by the government as dangerous and ob- 
noxious, bribes were vainly offered either to secure him for 
the government or to silence him. Hutchinson writes " such 
is the incorruptibility of the man, that no office, not all the 
wealth in the king's coffers can tempt him." 

In 1765, he was elected member, in 1766 clerk of the Massa- 
chusetts General Court; how faithfully he performed those 
duties a glance at the records shows. His busy pen had ever 
but one aim in its endeavor to reform abuses, to defend a friend 
or to rouse the apathetic. He had so many ways of presenting 
truth, it seemed ever new and fresh. " The eyes of Argus to 
detect all things, the hands of Briareus and every one wield- 
ing a pen !" Compare the famous Appeal to the Worlds written 
in 1769 in defence of Hitncock and others falsely accused by 
government, with the Declaration of Independence, and see 
the seed germ and its development. 

The memorable interview in the Council Chamber, March 
6, 1770, when Adams, as chairman of the committee from the 
people, demanded of Gov. Hutchinson that the troops be re- 
moved from Boston, is a matter of history, and so thoroughly 
dramatic as to suggest a national painting. The wavering, 
vacillating Governor, entrenching himself behind the fialse 
statement " that he had no authority to remove the troops" 
(having already agreed to send away one regiment), and 
Samuel Adams, towering in righteous indignation, " If you 
have power to remove one^ you have power to remove both. 

442 Samuel Adams. 

his bead. ^^ Pardon to all the rest, but for Sam. Adams and 
John Hancock a long rope and short shrift." In the Second 
Congress, Mr. Adams advocated immediate Declaration of In- 
dependence. On nomination of John and Samuel Adams, 
Washington was appointed Conmiander-in-Chief.' The battle 
of Bunker Hill, the siege and evacuation of Boston went fiur 
to prepare the people for Mr. Adams' views on independent 
government. His friend, Richard Henry Lee, June 5, 1776, 
introduced in Congress the resolution that the colonies are free 
and independent States. Mr. Adams took prominent part in 
the discussion, and did much to win over members to the In- 
dependence party ; a subtle powerful agent in the Adams Con- 
spiracj/y as tories were wont to call the Revolution. The 
signing of the Declaration of independence, July 4, 1776, was 
the seal and ratification of the zealous, unwavering resolution 
of years. In 1779, with John Adams and James Bowdom, 
Samuel Adams drafted the Constitution of Massachusetts. In 
1787 he was one of the Convention for ratifying the Constitu* 
tion of the United States ; an advocate of the " Conciliatory 
propositions," his influence went far to prevent its hasty re- 
jection by Massachusetts, whose example was sure to be fol- 
lowed by many other States. In 1787 he was President of 
the Massachusetts Senate; from 1789 till 1798 he was Lieut- 
Gk)vemor, and from that time until 1797, Governor of the 
State, after which he retired from public life. He died in 
Boston, October 2, 1803, aged 81 years 10 days. Through 
petty political animosities his last years were embittered by 
neglect, but he had lived to see the practical working of his 
theory of government. That his country was firee and inde- 
pendent, was reward enough for one whose Spartan simplicity 
of life and taste removed him alike from eAvying worldly 
success and fleeting honors, and the suflfering which wounded 
pride and vanity would have caused to a man of less noble 
His remains, followed by military escort, were placed in 

* This nomination was infonnal. Thomas Johnson, of Maryland, moYed 
the appointment of Washington at the time it was acted upon. — Ed. 

Jonathan Elmer. 448 

tiie Checkley Tomb in the old Granary Burying Ground. 
2^ot even a stone marks his resting place. In 1856, the 
i-emainB were identified, and means taken to render their 
xremoval possible, if at any future time the proposition to erect 
£^ monument over them should be carried into effect 

His noblest monument will be that which must exist for- 
ever in the hearts of his countrymen. 


BT L. Q. C. ELMS&. 

(Centennial Collection.) 

JoKATHAN Elmbb was bom at CedarviUe, Cumberland 
County, New Jersey, Nov. 29, 1745. His fiather, Daniel Elmer, 
was the eldest son of the Rev. Daniel Elmer, who graduated 
at Saybrook, in Yale College, in the year 1713, and was pastor 
of the old Cohansey Presbyterian Church of Cumberland 
County, from 1729 until his death in 1755. He was a descen- 
dant of Edward Elmer, who emigrated to Hartford, Connecti- 
cut, as one of the congregation of the Rev. Thomas Hooker in 
1686. The family was settled in England as early as 1806, 
by the name of Aylmer, or in Latin Aimer. John Aylmer 
^^BB tutor of the celebrated Lady Jane Grey, and was made 
IBishop of London, by the name of John Elmer. 

Jonathan Elmer was well educated, and studied medicine 
in Philadelphia, was one of the first class of ten who graduated 
OS Bachelors of Medicine in 1768, receiving the degree of M.D. 
in 1781. He began early to write on medical subjects, and 
^was said by Dr. Rush to have been excelled in medical erudi- 
tion by no physician in the United States. He was through 
life a diligent student, and having a great fondness for legal 
and political subjects, became a well-informed lawyer, and 
later in life was equal to most ministers as a theologian. In 
1786 he was chosen a member of the American Philosophical 
Society, of which Dr. Franklin was then the President. 

444 Jonathan Elmer. 

Soon after he graduated he married Miss Mary Seeley, 
daughter of Col. Ephraim Seeley, of Bridgeton, N. X, and 
settled m that place as a physician, his practice soon extending 
into the neighboring counties. But his health proving too 
feeble to enable him to endure the long horseback journeys then 
necessary, he soon addicted himself to a political and judicial 
life. In 1772 he was appointed, by Gov. Franklin, sheriff of 
the county, holding that office the legal term of tiiree years, 
notwithstanding his well-known opposition to the tyrannical 
measures of the British government. This was conspicuously 
shown by his selection of a thoroughly Whig grand jury, in 
the spring of 1775, when an unsuccessful attempt was made to 
indict the persons who in the preceding winter had burned a 
cargo of tea stored at Greenwich. He was, from the first, one 
of the active, outspoken Whigs, and, although not a military 
man, as soon as his term of office as sheriff expired, was elected 
an officer of the militia, and aided in organizing that force. 
He was one of the members of the Provincial Congress of New 
Jersey, which met in May, 1775, and again in August, and 
afterwards in June, 1776 ; was one of the committee of that 
body which reported the new constitution of the State, adopted 
July 2, thus anticipating the promulgation of the Indepen- 
dence, declared by the General Congress, at Philadelphia, on 
the fourth. 

In November, 1776, he was chosen by the new legislature 
of New Jersey a member of the General Congress, and joined 
that body in December, at Baltimore, meeting with them when 
they removed to Philadelphia in the spring of 1777. He was 
placed on the medical committee, and visited the various army 
hospitals. He was also for some time a member of the Trea- 
sury Board. Continued to be a member of the Congress in 
1778, 1781-2-3, and again in 1788. In 1784 he was a member 
of the Legislative Coimcil of New Jersey. 

He was elected by the joint meeting of the legislature of 
New Jersey a member of the U. S. Senate in 1789, and drew 
the short term of two years. When this term expired he 
failed to be re-elected, because, through absence, he had not 
voted in fitvor of establishing on the Delaware, at Trenton, 

Abraham dark. 446 

the ten miles square for the seat of the general government, 
and was not again a member of a legislative body. From 
1776 to 1786 he was clerk of the court of Cumberland 
County, and was surrogate from 1784 to 1792. After this 
he was for many years presiding judge of the Court of Com- 
mon Pleas of that county. He was a warm supporter of the 
administrations of Washington and Adams. During the 
later years of his life he was an elder of the Presbyterian 
church, and a frequent and influential member of the judica- 
tories of that denomination of Christians. He died at his 
residence in Bridgeton, in September, 1817, leaving one son, 
whose descendants still reside in that place. 



(Centennial Collection.) 

Abraham Clark, one of the signers of the Declaration 
of Independence, from New Jersey, was bom on the 15th of 
February, 1726. The farm of his father, Thomas Clark, a 
prominent citizen, an alderman, and for several years a judge 
of the county court, was situate between the villages of 
Elizabeth and Rahway, about two and a half miles from the 
former place. The farm-house in which Abraham Clark 
lived, a humble one-story structure, is still standing. His 
great-grandfather, Richard Clark, came to New Jersey from 
the town of Southold, at the eastern extremity of Long Island, 
a district originally settled by Puritan stock from New Eng- 

Although like his ancestors he was trained to the business 
of agriculture, his delicate health led him to devote most of 
his time to pursuits physically less laborious. He was engaged 
in surveying, the transfer of real estate, the examination of 
titles, and in the study of the law which he practised some- 

446 Abraham Clark. 

what as an amateur. In 1767, he was elected clerk of the 
Colonial Assembly, and sheriff of the county of Essex. In 
1774 he became a member of the Committee of Safety, and 
was afterward chosen their secretary. In 1775 he was a 
member of the Provincial Congress, and was elected by them 
on June 22, 1776, a delegate to the Continental Congress at 
Philadelphia. His colleagues frOm New Jersey were the 
£ev. Dr. John Witherspoon, Richard Stockton, John Hart, 
and Francis Hopkinson. 

While a member of this body, on the 4th of July, 1776, 
while the debate on the draft of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was in progress, and perhaps while sitting in Independ- 
ence Hall, in a letter to hb friend and townsman. Col. Elias 
Dayton, he penned the following words, which may serve to 
illustrate the spirit of their author and of the times. " Our 
seeming bad success in Canada, I dare say, gives you great 
uneasiness ; In Times of danger and under misfortunes true 
Courage and Magnanimity can only be ascertained ; In the 
Course of Such a War we must expect some Losses. We are 
told a Panick seized the Army — If so it hath not reached the 
Senate — ^At the Time our Forces in Canada were retreating 
before a Victorious Army, while Genrl. Howe with a Large 
Armament is Advancing towards N. York, Our Congress 
Resolved to Declare the United Colonies Free and Independent 
States. A Declaration for this purpose, I expect, will this day 
pass Congress, it is nearly gone through, after which it will 
be Proclaimed with all the State and Solemnity circumstances 
will admit ; It is gone so far that we must now be a free in- 
dependent State, or a Conquered Country. ... I assure 
you Sir, Our Congress is an August Assembly — and can they 
support the Declaration now on the Anvil they will be the 
greatest Assembly on Earth. . . . We are now, Sir, em- 
barked on a most Tempestuous Sea ; Life very uncertain, seem- 
ing dangers scattered thick around us. Plots against the 
military and it is Whispered against the Senate ; let us prepare 
for the Worst. We can Die here but once. May all our 
Business, all our purposes and pursuits tend to fit us for that 
important event." 

448 Abraham Clark. 

desires and income. His decided conviction of duty led him 
often to take a stand with the minority, which he did not 
hesitate to do at the expense of his own popularity. His 
kindness to those in humble station earned him the creditable 
title, " The poor man's counsellor." Of his personal appear- 
ance, it is said that he was of " moderate height and slender 
frame." His shaggy projecting eyebrows gave to his counte- 
nance an expression of sternness. In private life he was 
" reserved and contemplative." The New Jersey Journal of 
Sept. 21, 1794, published one week after his death, states that 
" he was uniform and consistent, adorning that religion that 
he had early made a confession of, by acts of charity and 
benevolence." "He married about the year 1749, Sai-ah, 
daughter of Isaac Hatfield, who was bom in 1728, and died 
in 1804. They had ten children." 

If he may not be placed among the most prominent of that 
illustrious body who signed the Declaration of Independence, 
he at least did worthy service in the rank and file. Although 
he may not have been a leader among leaders, he was certainly 
a man of great influence in the community in which he dwelt. 

He was for many years a member and trustee of the First 
Presbyterian Church of Rahway. In its graveyard his body 
now lies buried. On the slab which first marked his grave, 
is this inscription : — 

" Finn and decided as a patriot, 

Zealoas and faithful as a friend of the pablie» 

He loved his country, 

And adhered to her cause 

In the darkest hour of her struggle 

Against oppression." 

A more imposing monument was afterward erected by the 
citizens of Rahway, and was dedicated with appropriate cere- 
monies on the 4th of July, 1848. 

Isaac Notris. 449 



(GenteDnial Collection.) 

Isaac Iforris, the second, was bom in Philadelphia, and 
brought up a merchant with his father ; twice visited Eu- 
rope for travel ; was engaged in an extensive business on his 
return, from which he withdrew in 1743. He was endowed 
with good natural abilities, had received an excellent educa- 
tion, and might indeed be called learned ; for, in addition to 
a knowledge of Hebrew, he wrote in Latin and French with 
ease, and his reading was extensive. He possessed a fine 
library containing many of the best editions of the classics, 
and was a liberal patron of literature.^ * His love of books was 
great, and nearly all which I have seen of them contain either 
notices of their authors or of their contents, neatly done in 
his handwriting. In his day they were expensive luxuries, 
and the care which he took of them will be seen in the fol- 
lowing extract from a letter to his brother Charles, then in 
England : " When in London, I lent Mr. Osgood Gee a Latin 
book by Musaeus ; ask it from him, and send it to me ; tell 
him it is hard to take a book from an American, when he 
lives so near the fountain-head, and may get them every day, 
which is not our case; we may want and can't purchase 
books here at any price, except by accident." As mentioned, 
he retired from trade in 1743, and, as he expresses it, "lived 

' John Adams, when in Philadelphia in 1774, visited Fair Hill, then oc- 
cnpied by Mr. Dickinson, which he describes as *' a fine seat, with extensive 
gardens and a very grand Ithrary. The most of the books collected by 
Mr. Norris, the father of Mrs. Dickinson" (Works, vol. ii. p. 379). ITie 
Pennsylvania Oazettey No. 2838, for October 27, 1784, has the following: 
" His Excellency, the President of the State, has presented Dickinson Col- 
lege, Carlisle, with the principal part of the library of the late Isaac Norris, 
Esq., consisting of aboat 1500 Yolames upon the most important subjects." 

460 Isaac Norris. 

downright in the country way." In the following year he 
lost his wife, and was left with two daughters, one of five 
years and one of six months old. After her death his sister 
Elizabeth took charge of his establishment, and except when 
called away by public duties, he went but little to the citjr, 
giving most of his time to reading, the improvement of his 
estate, and the education of his children. Strangers visiting 
the city were often received by him at Fair Hill, which was 
ever open to his friends. At the little meeting-house adjoin- 
ing his plantation on the north, and called after it, worship 
was held on First-day mornings ; and Aunt Logan tells us 
that " all the decent strangers who frequented it on these oc- 
casions were sure of an invitation tp dine with him, where, 
as in the time of his parent, a good table and the warmest 
welcome awaited them." In 1745 he went to Albany as one 
of the commissioners of the province, in order to meet the 
Indians at a treaty; and a journal kept by him is extant, 
which I induced my nephew, Joseph Parker Norris, in 1867 
to print on his private press. It is beautifully executed in 
quarto form, of seventeen pages, and eighty copies of it were 
struck oflEl He and his companions traversed " the Jerseys" 
in chaises, and sailed up the Hudson in a sloop. It took 
nearly seven days to reach Albany, a journey now easily 
made in as many hours by rail. From 1749 to 1755 he 
served as one of the trustees of the Academy and College of 
Philadelphia, and resigned from that body ou account of ill 
health and his residence in the country. It is to Isaac Nor- 
ris, then Speaker of the Assembly, that we are indebted for 
the remarkable inscription placed on the old bell of the State 
House, now preserved in Independence Hall. In ordering it 
from England in 1751, he writes : " Let the bell be cast by the 
best workmen, and examined carefully before it is shipped, with 
the following words well shaped in large letters round it, viz., 
* By order of the Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, 
for the State House in the City of Philadelphia, 1752,' and 
underneath: 'Proclaim Liberty throughout the land, unto 
all the inhabitants thereof. L