Skip to main content

Full text of "The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography: PMHB."

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 






CD 00 o:5tne 










■ • 
• • « 


« < • • • 

* t *■ f m 

• • 

■ • 

« •• • • 

• • 

. 4 • • 

• • • « 

• • • • 

• * 


The Political Ideas of John Adams. By FrancU Newton Thorpe, 
Ph.D., LL J) 1 

Thomas Rodney. By Bimon Oratx, Beq. {Oontimted) 47, 180 

The Cock-Fighter. An unpublished poem by Franeie Hophineon 73 

An Early New Jersey Poll List. By Hewr^ C. Bhinn 77 

The Lost Will of Qeorge Taylor, the Signer. By Jamee B, Lauo 82 

Addenda and Corrections to Paintings by Gilbert Stuart, Not Noted 
in Mason's Life of Stuart. By Mantle Fielding 88 

Notes and Queries 92, 204, 204, 388 

Book Notices 06, 204, 208, 304 

Journal of Col. John May of Boston, 1780 101 

"A Whitemarsh Orderly Book,'' 1777. Found in the collections of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 205 

Letters from the Massachusetts Archives. By George A. Taglor 220 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. By Eenry D, QUpin 224 

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. Contributed l^ Profeeeor 
R. W. KeUey 243 

Robert Street, Artist. By Mantle Fielding 226 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. {Illuetrated.) 
{Continued.) By Mafor W. A. Newman Borland, AJf., MJ)., 
FJL.0J3 267, 364 

America's First Bathtub. By George A. Beid 202 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. {Illuetrated,) By Hon. 
Hampton L. Carton 301 

The Washington Pedigree; Corrigenda and Addenda. By Charlee 
H. Browning 320 

List of Officers 307 

Index 401 



Vol. XLV JANUARY. 192I No. 177 











For Side at 1300 Locutt Stnti, PhilMlelphla. Price 7S cmiti 

per Number, or f3«00 per year 



James Wilson and James Iredell. A Parallel and a Contrast. By 

Hon. Hampton L. Carson, LL.D, {Portraits) 1 

Thomas Rodney. By Simon Gratz, Esq. {Contintted) 34 

Charles Tjee — Stormy Petrel of the Revolution. By Edward Robins, 

M.A 66 

Notes and Queries 96 

Book Notices 100 


Copies of all the volumes of this Magazine can be obtained at the 
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zucker, in the very 
beet manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges, 
gilt top, for $4.25 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub- 
scribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good condition, on the 
receipt of $1.25 per volume and the postage. 







Vol. XLV. I -L 

A TAHAi L. • * t - . . >• 

BY ir.".:: . ^ ■ • -' v 

Mr. Pk:;sii>ent aisd Mfr^^^'H. i : : - N htw ( x\\<h ina 
Bak AstfOCXATio>r : 

I visit your State witli pcHuliar pli a>un\ Vov y^ m.'s 
past I have maiiitaiiiLil tho most a;rreor*;u«- rj!.iti<-Ti> 
with your reprosentative>5 in the Amerit^an Unr A.'^sot i;- 
tiou, and season afler season have n'i»<'\^Ml Aiui .»* 
larged my friendships. Tlhi frr»^at wia-V t* f .- !»• ;' r 
done tlirough the co-ordinatod .i*t:"n "'1 
forty-eight States is (inickenod > - :5 : i- 
sonal contar»t which gives ze-1 U, ••,, -• ' 
and strengthens the ties whi^-J i - • 
Sontii, tiie East and the AVes^ 1.. ;" 

fe^sional brotherhood. But - -i* • . .: a 

closer tie which appeals to r,^- •; ' t • . : - .. 1 n ive 
but to mention it, to secure v.»i*r h« artv re- oirnition of 
it^ worth. 

James Wilson ot Pe^ins>ivania, a Signer of the Dec- 
laration of Ind^'i***:' *. '. i\ a Framer of the Constitution 

• . I 

* iVn add J.' » •■•'... North Carolina Bar ABBOciation, ai 

Aahovilli*. N ' 

^ 1 


:.C3. ,"A:h:j;s ,»;:,?€;: i.x.j; 





Vol. XhV. 1..C1. No. I, 

A TAKATJ-KL AN!' '. « • \ . •• ..- . ' 


i.'^u AssorjATioN: 

I \'isit y(»ur Stalo with pt^'ullar pleasure. For yi^ars 
pa-t I have rnaintainoJ the most a^reeablo relatn>rj^ 
with your reinvsentatives in the AnnTieau liar Associ.:- 
tioiL, arjd season after st\ason have roiiowrd aud en- 
larged my friend 4iips. The A? tliat i;5 hv .j: 
done througli the eo-ordinatod a^'tiou of tlie Pars <,f 
forty-eight States is ([uickeii^Hl by that delii^htfiil per- 
sonal eontaet wliich givcd ze^t to our annual reuni'^ns, 
and sfreugtliens the tic^s which bind the N'orlli aiid tlie 
Soai^, the Kast and the West together in a ^roi\i pro- 
fessional brotherhood. But there is an older and a 
closer tie whieh appeals to m^t most strongly. I have 
but to mention it, to s^^eure j'-'ur hearty reoognition of 
]t6 worth. 

James AVilson of Pennsylvania, a Signer of the Dec- 
laration of Independence, a Framer of tlu? Constitution 

*An addresB deliverrd before the Xorth Carolina Bar Asf^ociation, at 
A8hp\ille, N, C. June 29, 1920. 

Vol. XLV.— 1 1 



4 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

quest for pennission to bring them home to a final rest- 
ing place. That wish has been gratified. I thank you 
with an overflowing heart. 

Do I need to announce my su^ectf For years it has 
been shaping itself in my mind, and your cordial invita- 
tion has furnished me with a long coveted opportu- 
nity. I shall speak of Wilson and Iredell, and particu- 
larly of their opposing theories of Constitutional 
interpretation as embodied in the case of Chishohny 
Executor, versus Gteorgia, 2 Dallas, 419, the most fa- 
mous and important case of that era. We can thus re- 
new our allegiance to the Constitution, and review the 
principles upon which that allegiance rests. 

In these days of seething discontent, when the waters 
of the great deep are stirred, it is well to face the 
perils of the present with a tranquil faith in the wisdom 
of the Fathers, who builded even better than they knew, 
and to proclaim with unfaltering courage our belief that 
in American Constitutional Freedom is to be f oimd the 
strongest buttress of rational liberty and the most de- 
pendable insurance of the world's brightest hopes. 
James Iredell, when but a boy, wrote: **It does not 
follow that everything we receive from education is 
wrong, nor because we stUl continue to revere truths 
our fathers taught us to revere, that this must be the 
effect of prejudice. ' ' 

James Wilson, a native of Scotland, and a student at 
St. Andrews, Glasgow and Edinburgh, at the age of 
twenty-one emigrated to New York, in the year 1765, 
and some montiis later arrived in Philadelphia. He 
read law in the office of John Dickinson, and supported 
himself as a tutor of the classics in the college at Phila- 

James Iredell, a native of England, of Irish extrac- 
tion and of the blood of the redoubted Ireton, the son- 
in-law of Oliver Cromwell, at the age of seventeen came 
to Edenton, N. C, via Boston, in the year 1768, to fill 

The Saint Memin Portrait 


James WUson and James IredeU. 5 

the office of deputy comptroller of his Majesty's cus- 
toms at Boanoke, N. C, an office which he held untU 
April, 1776. He read law m the office of Samuel Johns- 
ton, the naval officer of the Crown, whose daughter he 
subsequently married. 

It is interesting to note the characters of the legal 
preceptors of the Scotdi and Irish-English lads. It 
will enable us to judge of the intellectual and political 
influences by whidi both were surrounded, while still 
yoimg and their minds were in plastic condition. John 
Dickmson was the author of the ** Farmer's Letters'* 
which in renown and in their telling effect were un- 
equalled by any other serious political essays of the 
Revolutionary era. His foreign reputation as a pam- 
phleteer exceeded that of any other American excepting 
Franklin. He was talked of in the salons of Paris, was 
likened to Cicero, and was noticed and applauded by 
Voltaire. These letters and his authorship of numer- 
ous other State papers and addresses led Bancroft, the 
historian, to call him * * The Penman of the Revolution. ' ' 
He wrote the famous "Liberty Song," in which the 
well known lines occur : 

"In freedom we're bom, and in freedom well live, 
Kot as slaves, but as freemen, our money well give. 
United we stand, but divided we fall." 

He became a member of the Continental Congress, 
an ofiScer in the army, the Governor of Delaware, a 
member of the High Court of Errors and Appeals in 
Pennsylvania, and a Framer and Signer of the Con- 
stitution of the United States. 

Samuel Johnston, the preceptor of Iredell, while not 
so widely known, was a lawyer of great powers. His 
political creed was expressed in a letter to his pupil, 
written at the time when the first constitution of Nortii 
Carolina was being considered: *' After all it appears 
to me that there can be no check upon the representa- 
tives of a people in a democracy, but the people them- 


6 James WUson and James Iredell. 

selves; and in order that the check may be more effi- 
cient, I wonld have aonnal elections." He was anxious 
to secure the rights of property, individuals and minori- 
ties, against the tyranny of majorities, the capricious 
fluctuations of the masses. To effect this as far as 
priEtcticable, he was disposed to limit and restrain the 
powers of the Legislative Assembly by organic laws. 
In 1780 he was a member of the Continental Congress, 
and in 1787 was elected Governor of his State. He 
was eminent in the Debates of the first State conven- 
tion called to ratify the Federal Constitution, and was 
its ardent supporter, and, after its qualified rejection, 
presided over a second convention which added North 
Carolina to the circle of the Union. He was then sent 
to the first Senate of the United States. 

Such were the preceptors of Wilson and of Iredell. 
Though both pupils were possessed of strong and orig- 
inal minds, which ripened into intellects of bold and 
independent strength, developing upon somewhat di- 
vergent lines, yet it is not a hazardous surmise that 
each owed much to precept and example, and happily 
drew from their surroimdings the most nourishing and 
wholesome principles which equipped them for the dis- 
tinguished parts in the American drama which they 
were destined to fill. 

Wilson after several years of practice at Beading and 
Carlisle, Pa., and Annapolis, Md., where the traditions 
of his successes at the bar still linger, returned to Phila- 
delphia and soon stood in the foremost rank, attracting 
such attention as to be conmdssioned by Louis XVI as 
Avocat (Jeneral de la Nation Frangaise a Philadelphie, 
while Washington, passing by the Wythes and Pendle- 
tons of Virginia, selected him as the preceptor of his 
nephew Bushrod Washington. He was for six years, 
though not continuously, a member of the Continental 
Congress, and was one of the Signers of the Declaration 
of Independence. As an orator he held high rank both 

1 M 

James Wilson and James Iredell. 7 

as an advocate and a parliamentary debater. He was 
one of the ablest and most active of the members of 
the Federal Convention, was one of the Signers of the 
Constitution, and his speedies in the ratifying Conven- 
tion of Pennsylvania are regarded by students as 
among the most illuminating expositions of the work of 
that day, ranking with the papers of Madison, Hamil- 
ton and Jay collected under the title of **The Fed- 
eralist/* In 1790 he was chosen as Professor of Law 
in the University of Pennsylvania — ^the first publicly 
established law school in the United States, and his 
lectures, as published after his death in three volumes, 
constitute an interesting and valuable contribution to 
the literature of the profession, particularly as pointing 
out the differences between the American system and 
the English as described by Blackstone. 

Iredell, though never conspicuous as an orator, stead- 
ily forced his way to leadership. He became a deputy 
Attorney General, and later Attorney General, a Coun- 
cillor of State and a judge of the District Court. He 
was an active political writer. Two of his efforts de- 
serve special mention: his discussion in a Newbem 
paper tmder date of August 17, 1786, of the subordina^ 
tion of the Legislature to the Constitution, which was 
embodied in his argument in the case of Bayard vs. 
Singleton, 1 Martin, 42, and his ** Reply to the Objec- 
tions of George Mason. *' Both of these papers raised 
him in the opinion of competent judges to the position 
of the ablest legal reasoner in his State. Indeed, it has 
been said, that they attracted the attention of Wash- 
iQgton and led to his choice of Iredell to the bendi of 
the Supreme Court of the United States. 

With this general review of the positions and attain- 
ments of the two men, it is now in order to examine 
with some particularity their views as statesmenlike 
lawyers upon the nature of constitutional government, 

8 James Wilson cmd James Iredell. 

as a proper introduction to their judicial views of the 
great instrument they were called upon to construe. 

Unfortunately we are without a record of the debates 
in the Continental Congress. The thirteen volumes of 
the Journal disclose only motions, reports, resolutions 
and ordinances. Hence we can only judge from acts 
what views that body entertained of its own powers. 
There is, however, in the closing part of the third vol- 
ume of Wilson's Works an elaborate argument by Wil- 
son entitled Considerations on The Bank of North 
America, published in 1785. So far as I know this is 
the earliest exposition of views concerning national 
sovereignty under the Articles of Confederation in the 
shape of a legal argument. 

In May, 1781, Robert Morris, the superintendent of 
Finance, laid before the Congress a plan of a bank, 
which was approved by a series of Resolutions, provid- 
ing that a Charter should be granted so soon as sub- 
scriptions should be fiUed, directors chosen and applica- 
tion made to Congress. It was also recommended to 
the States that they provide by law that no other bank 
or bankers should be established or permitted within 
the States during the War : that the notes to be issued 
by the bank, and payable on demand, should be receiv- 
able in payment of all taxes, duties and debts due or 
tiiat might become due or payable to the United States : 
that the legislatures be asked to pass laws making it 
felony without benefit of clergy to counterfeit such 
notes, and to pass such notes knowing them to be coun- 
terfeit, and also providing against fraud or embezzle- 
ment by the officers and servants of the bank. The con- 
ditions of subscription having been complied with, Con- 
gress granted a Charter under the title, * ' The President 
and Directors of The Bank of North America, ' ' to cer- 
tain individuals, of whom Wilson was one, on the 31st 
of December, 1781. This was done by an ordinance of 
incorporation, a copy of which was forwarded by 


James WUson and James Iredell. 9 

Morris to the (Governors of each State asking for such 
State action as might be judged necessary to give the 
ordinance its full operation. Pennsylvania responded, 
on the 18th of March, 1782, by an Act for preventing 
and punishing the counterfeiting of the common seal, 
bank bills and bank notes of the Bank of Nort^ Amer- 
ica, and on the first of April of the same year passed 
an *'Act to incorporate the subscribers to the Bank 
of North America, ' ' reciting the ordinance of Congress, 
vesting all the powers usual to corporations in the 
same individuals as were named in the Congressional 
Charter, and declaring that this act should be construed 
and taken most favorably and beneficially for the cor- 
poration. Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode 
Island passed laws substantially similar. In 1785, the 
Treaty of Peace being eighteen months old, the repeal 
of the Pennsylvania act was attempted. 

It was in opposition to this that Wilson's argument 
was made. He insisted on two points of great interest, 
and occupied advanced groimd, anticipating by many 
years the views of Hamilton as Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, and the decisions of Marshall. He even antici- 
pated the doctrine of the Dartmouth College case. The 
argument shows the depth, the boldness and the orig- 
inality of Wilson as a constitutional lawyer, and is as 
remarkable for its simplicity as for its strength. 

He presented but two questions: first, Is the Bank 
of North America constitutionally instituted and organ- 
ized under the charter by Congress t and second, Would 
it be politic in the legislature of Pennsylvania to re- 
voke the charter it had granted! Both of these he re- 
garded as of '* national'' importance. 

Observe the use of the word national, and consider 
the time when it was used. The only existing frame of 
Federal Government at the date of the charter — ^De- 
cember, 1781 — was under the Articles of Confederation, 
and was but nine months old. Those Articles were 


10 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

reported to Congress late in 1777 by a Committee aj)- 
pointed in July, 1776, but the requisite number of States 
had not ratified them until March, 1781. Observe now 
the difficulties that Wilson had to overcome. The Sec- 
ond Article declared that, **Each State retains its sov- 
ereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, 
jurisdiction and right which is not, by the Confederar 
tion, expressly delegated to the United States in Con- 
gress assembled. '* In none of the Thirteen Articles 
was there a delegation of the power to grant charters 
of incorporation. Congress, however, had exercised the 
power and had acted, being '* convinced, *' as the Pre- 
amble to the Ordinaace of Incorporation declared, * * of 
the support which the finances of The United States 
would receive from the establishment of a national 

Wilson met the situation without evasion. He con- 
ceded that there was no express delegation of power 
to sustain the Act, but he denied that the power was 
one of those reserved by the Second Article to the 
States. Herein lies the boldness and the originality 
of his conception. He divined the thought, now so 
familiar to us, that the government, resulting from the 
union of several governments separately incompetent^ 
possessed inherent sovereignty over matters of general 
concern. He clearly saw that a government of limited 
powers, but entrusted with the accomplishment of cer- 
tain objects beyond the readi of the confederating 
states, was as to those objects inherently supreme. He 
argued that none of the States previous to the Con- 
federation could have chartered a bank for North 
America — ^**in other words, commensurate to the 
United States. '^ No State could pretend to exercise 
any power or act of sovereignty over all the other States 
or any of them. Hence the incorporation of the Bank 
by Congress did not rest on any power, whidi, under 
the Articles of Confederation could have been or must 

James Wilson and James Iredell. 11 

have been expressly delegated. But though Congress 
derived from the particular States no power, jurisdic- 
tion or right which was not expressly delegated, it did 
not follow that the United States had no other powers 
than those expressly delegated. *'The United States 
had general rights, powers and obligations, not derived 
from any particular States, nor from all the i)articular 
States, taken separately, but resulting from the union 
of the whole, *' and therefore it had been provided by 
the Fifth Article of the Confederation **that for the 
more convenient management of the general interests 
of the United States delegates shall be annually ap- 
pointed to meet in Congress • • • For many purposes 
the United States must be considered as one imdivided, 
independent nation, and as possessed of all the rights, 
powers and properties by the law of nations incident to 
such. ' ^ Now mark these words : * ' Whenever an object 
occurs, to the direction of which no particular State is 
competent, the management of it must, of necessity 
belong to the United States in Congress assembled. 
There are many objects of this extended nature.*' He 
cited the purchase, sale, defense and the government 
of lands not within any State as covered by the Resolu- 
tion that the western territory should be divided into 
distinct States. An institution for circulating paper 
and establishing its credit over the whole United States 
was of the same general character. The Act of Inde- 
pendence, made for the general interest, and before the 
Articles of Confederation, was of the same character. 
The Confederation was not intended to weaken- or 
abridge the ri^ts of the United States. It was not in- 
tended to transfer general sovereignty to particular 
States or to any of them. The sovereign powers result- 
ing from the Union were vested in and had been exer< 
cised by Congress before the Confederation, and re- 
mained vested. * * The Confederation clothed the United 
States with many, though, perhaps not with sufficient 


12 James WUson and James IredeU. 

powers ; but of none did it disrobe them. • • • Rights 
may be vested in a political body, which did not previ- 
ously reside in any or all the members of that body, 
derived solely from the imion of those members.*' 

I need not pursue the matter. The outline given in- 
dicates the vast scope of his thoughts. It is not too 
much to say that in Wilson's reasoning is to be found 
the marrow of all subsequent arguments in favor of 
the incidental and implied powers of the present Fed- 
eral government. He anticipated in substance the rea^ 
soning of Marshall in Cohens vs. The State of Virginia, 
6 Wheaton, 381, and pointed out the basis on which 
rest so many of the subsequent decisions of the Su- 
preme Court of the United States to the effect that 
where the object sought to be accomplished is national 
in its character, the government of the United States 
has the power to use any means to accomplish that ob- 
ject not expressly prohibited. In short, Wilson, in 
1785, had sounded tiie keynote of National Sovereignty. 

In support of his second point that it would not be 
politic for Pennsylvania to revoke the State charter, 
he urged, first, that the proceeding would be nugatory, 
because the recall of the State charter could not repeal 
that of the United States, and, second, because though 
the legislature might destroy the legislative operation, 
yet it could not undo the legislative acknowledgment 
of its own act. The act formed a charter of compact 
between the legislature and the bank. This he proceeded 
to sustain by a demonstration almost identical with the 
reasoning of Marshall La Fletcher v. Peck, 6 Cranch, 
87, and in the Dartmouth College case, 4 Wh. 518. 

Two years later, we find Wilson, as one of the 
Framers of the Constitution of the United States, con- 
tending on all points that a National government was 
preferable to one purely federative, and that it did not 
involve the destruction of the Ladividuality and sover- 
eignty of the States. In matters of national concern 


James Wilson and James IredeU. 13 

there had to be national snpremacy. Of necessity there 
must exist in every government a power from which 
there was no appeal, and which for that reason, might 
be termed supreme, absolute and uncontrollable. 
Where did the power reside! In Britain, in the Parlia- 
ment, but the British Constitution was just what the 
British Parliament pleased, *^To control the power 
and conduct of the legislature by an overruling Con- 
stitution was an improvement in the science and prac- 
tice of government reserved to the American States/' 
The underlying principle, however, was that the su- 
preme power resided in the people and they never 
parted with it. '*If the error be in the legislature, it 
may be corrected by the constitution ; if in the constitu- 
tion, it may be corrected by the people. There is a 
remedy, therefore, for every distemper in government, 
if the People are not wanting to themselves. • • • • 
If we take an extended and accurate view of it, we 
shall find the streams of power running in different 
directions, in different dimensions, and at diffei^ent 
heights, watering, adorning and fertilizing the fields 
and meadows, through which their courses are led ; but 
if we trace them, we shall discover, that they all orig- 
inally flow from one abundant fountain. In tiiis consti- 
tution, all authority is derived from The People/^ 

Such were the political creed and its expression of 
James Wilson. 

I now turn to James Iredell. On the 26th of August, 
1787, while the Federal Convention was still sitting in 
Philadelphia behind closed doors, and its work and the 
views of members were still unknown to the public, 
Iredell, writing to Richard Dobbs Spaight concerning 
the decision of the lower court in the famous case of 
Bayard vs. Singleton (1 Martin, 42) used this remark- 
able language. **In regard to the late decision at New- 
bem, I confess it has ever been my opinion, that an act 
inconsistent with the Constitution was void; and that 

14 James WUson cmd James IredeU. 

the judges, consistently with their duties^ conld not 
carry it into effect. The Constitution appears to me 
to be a fundamental law, limiting the powers of the 
legislature, and with which every exercise of those 
powers must, necessarily be compared. • • • • The 
Constitution, therefore, being a fundamental law, and 
a law in writing of the solemn nature I have mentioned 
( which is the light in which it strikes me) , the judicial 
power, in the exercise of their authority, must take no- 
tice of it as the ground work of that as well as of all 
other authority; and as no article of the Constitution 
can be repealed by a legislature, which derives its whole 
power from it, it follows that the fundamental unre- 
pealahle law must be obeyed, by the rejection of an 
act unwarranted by and inconsistent with it, or you 
must obey an act foimded on an authority not given 
by the people, and to which, therefore, the people owe 
no obedience. It is not that the judges are appointed 
arbiters, and to determine as it were upon any appUca- 
tion, whether the Assembly have or have not violated 
the Constitution ; but when an act is necessarily brought 
in judgment before them, they must unavoidably de- 
termine one way or another. If it is doubted whether 
a subsequent law repeals a former one, in a case judi- 
cially in question, the judges must decide this ; and yet 
it might be said, if the legislature meant it a repeal, 
and the judges determined it otherwise, they exercised 
a negative on the legislature in resolving to keep a law 
in force which the Assembly had annihilated. This 
kind of objection, if applicable at all, will reach all judi- 
cial power whatever, since upon every abuse of it (and 
there is no power but what is liable to abuse) a sim- 
ilar inference may be drawn ; but when you once estab- 
lish the necessary existence of a/ny power, the argument 
as to abuse ceases to destroy its validity, though in a / 

doubtful matter it may be of great weight.'* 
Thus did the great North Carolinian fourteen years 


James Wilson and James IredeU. 15 

before the ease of Marbnry vs. Madison (1 Cranch, 137) 
proclaim doctrines which have made Marshall famous. 
Critics of language and of legal logic may well hesitate 
before awarding primacy to either, but none can deny 
Iredell's claim to priority of statement. I would not 
have it thought that the doctrine was novel. George 
Wythe of Virginia had announced it in Commonwealth 
vs. Caton, (4 Call, Va. 5-21) in 1782, so too did David 
Brearley of New Jersey in 1784, in the case of Holmes 
vs. Walton (referred to in State vs. Parkhurst, 4 Hal- 
stead (N. J.), 444, Appendix) and James M. Yamum 
of Bhode Island in 1786 in the case of Trevitt vs. 
Weeden, all of which preceded the case of Bayard vs. 
Singleton. But the significance of Iredell's masterly 
presentation of his views is that the letter which I have 
quoted was in answer to a complaint of Spaight that the 
decisions of the judges were ' ' an assumption of author- 
ity," and that ''the State instead of being governed 
by the representatives in General Assembly would be 
subject to the will of three individuals who united in 
their own persons the legislative and judiciary powers, 
which no monarch in Europe enjoyed and which would 
be more despotic than the Boman Decemvirate, and 
equally as insufferable. ' ' In 1792 in the case of Bow- 
man vs. Middleton (1 Bay 252) the Supreme Court of 
South Carolina held an act of a Colonial legislature 
passed in 1712, as ipso facto void because in contraven- 
tion of Magna Charta. In view of this striking list of 
cases from New England to the Carolinas, all prior to 
Marbury vs. Madison, the well informed student of our 
legal development may well smile at charges against 
John Marshall of indulgence in novelty of doctrine or 
usurpation of power. 

In 1788, Iredell, over the signature of Marcus, pub- 
lished a pamphlet entitled ** Answers to Mr. Mason's 
objections to the New Constitution Becommended by 
the Late Convention at Philadelphia.*' Of this paper 


16 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

it has been said, '^the author was immediately recog- 
nized by his vigor, as a giant by the imprint of his 
foot.'* There were eleven objections and as many spe- 
cific answers all closely reasoned. I shall present but 
one — ^the fourth — as a sample of Iredell's method. 
**Mr. Mason has asserted, *that the judiciary of the 
United States is so constructed and extended, as to 
absorb and destroy the judiciaries of the several 
States. ' How is this the case? Are not the State judi- 
ciaries left uncontrolled as to the affairs of that State 
only? In this as in all other cases, where there is a 
wise distribution, power is commensurate to its object. 
With the mere internal concerns of a State Congress 
we are to have nothing to do. In no case but where the 
union is in some measure concerned, are the Federal 
courts to have jurisdiction. The State judiciary will 
be a satellite waiting upon its proper planet : That of 
the Union, like the sun, cherishing and preserving a 
whole planetary system. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ^iu not every man 
see how irrational it is to expect that any government 
can exist which is to be fettered in its most necessary 
operations for fear of abuse f 

During July of 1788, the State Convention, consisting 
of 280 members, met at Hillsborough, N. C, to consider 
the adoption or rejection of the Federal Constitution. 
The President was Samuel Johnston, then Governor of 
the State, the preceptor and the father-in-law of Iredell. 
He was a Federalist, and the leaders in debate upon 
the floor were Iredell, Davie, Spaight, Maclaine and 
Steele. Against them was arrayed the most influential 
politician in the State. Wilie Jones, a democrat in 
theory, an aristocrat in habit, living sumptuously and \ 

clad in fine linen, but stealing his way into the hearts j 

of farmers by smoking with them and chatting of crops, t 

ploughs and cattle. With him were Oaldwell, a divine, ;! 

who dwelt in the mountains, and, though a man of the 
closet, ruled the views of his people through his char- \, 

James Wilson and James Iredell. 17 

itable ministrations, and Jndge Spencer of ^^a candid 
and temperate disposition, ' ' and Timothy Bloodworthy, 
** smith, farmer, doctor, watchmaker, wheelwright and 
politician. ' ' Jones sought to cnt off debate at the out- 
set by moving that the question upon the Constitution 
should be put **as every man's mind was made up.'' 
This was promptly and successfully opposed by Iredell. 
Then Caldwell submitted abstract propositions, the ab- 
surdity and impracticability of some of which were ex- 
posed by Iredell, and the debate was on. We are told 
by the biographer of Davie that Iredell was **the lead- 
ing spirit in the whole body, conspicuous for his grace- 
ful elocution, for the apt application of his varied learn- 
ing, his intimate knowledge of the working of schemes 
, of government, and his manly and generous temper." 

The record shows that the burden of argument in favor 
of the Constitution fell upon Iredell, who spoke more 
; frequently and at greater length than any other on the 

I floor. His brother wrote him : * * I wish you could com- 

municate your talent to me : There is no waste of lan- 
guage in your speeches. You say more in five words 
than is commonly expressed in fifty. ' ' But Jones held 
his forces too well in hand to be beaten. The Conven- 
tion determined neither to ratify nor to reject, but to 
recommend a declaration of Bights and twenty-six 
amendments, which in the main were similar to those 
suggested in Virginia, and to await the action of the 
other hesitating States. It was not until after the Fed- 
eral Government had been actually organized in March 
of 1789, and then through a second Convention in No- 
vember of that year that North Carolina entered the 
Union. Among all the men of his State Iredell stood 
forth as the most conspicuous champion of the Con- 
stitution, like a Roman propugnator in the thick of the 

It is a most impressive circumstance that the two 
men whose characters and careers I have but sketched, 

Vol. XLV.— 2 

18 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

both of them of foreign birth, but nurtured from early 
manhood nnder American colonial conditions and 
tested by the fires of the Revolution, after displaying 
a remarkable similarity of tiiought and action, should 
approach each other on converging lines of public duty { 

and finally find themselves, during the last ei^t years i 

of lives all too brief, associated as colleagues in the 
final interpretation of the great organic instrument ^ 

which one had helped to frame and the other to advo- 
cate. It is a no less impressive circumstance that in 
the first and only intellectual battle between them they 
should differ radically, a striking illustration of the 
freedom of thought fostered by our institutions. It is 
far more impressive still that such was the strength 
and originality of their conflicting views that each has 
been since regarded as the founder of a distinct school 
of Constitutional interpretation. The happy conse- 
quence has been that each school moderated tiie excesses 
of the other, and just as in celestial mechanics the el- ( 

liptical pathways of the planets resulted from the con- 
flict between centripetal and centrifugal forces, so in 
the domain of constitutional jurisprudence the rounded 
harmony of our system is the direct though unforeseen 
resultant of the disagreement between Wilson and Ire- 
dell in Chisholm's Executor vs. Gteorgia (2 Dallas 419). 
Before considering the renowned case which I have 
just named, let me pause to analyze the conditions 
which made such disagreement inevitable. The men 
differed in natural temperament. Wilson was of a 
sanguine, speculative, philosophic bent, with many of 
the qualities of a Locke or a Montesquieu. Iredell was 
of a colder, less imaginative type, practical and busi- 
ness like. Wilson had been classically educated at the 
Scotch Universities, and had made himself familiar 
with Greek and Latin literatures, and the works of the 
great historians, and publicists. Herodotus, Thucyd- 
ides, Plato, Tactitus, Livy, Clarendon, Grotius, Puf- 

/ ^ 

James WUson and James IredeU. 19 

f endorf y Vattel and Burlamaqni were among his favor- 
ite anthers. Iredell had never been to an university, 
was largely self tanght and preferred to dip into Coke- 
Littleton or Sellon's Practice and had saturated himself 
with Blackstone. He was ten years younger than Wil- 
son and had not acquired his breadth of view. But be- 
hiad differences of temperament and education was the 
more important matter of contact with men. Wilson 
had spent a few months in New York before coming to 
Philadelphia, and before settling down to practice in 
the Colonial capital, had practiced law in Beading and 
Carlisle in Pennsylvania, and in Annapolis, Maryland. 
Iredell after reaching Edenton had never strayed. 
Wilson became a member of the Continental Congress, 
in close contact with statesmen from all parts of the 
old Thirteen, was familiar in the most intensive sense 
with all the weaknesses and defects of the Confedera- 
tion, and knew, as but comparatively few men knew, the 
need for a strong National Government. He had never 
been a judge of local courts, nor an Attorney Gteneral, 
and hence, while looking broadly at public affairs, had 
never learned the practical difficulties of enforcing rem- 
edies, nor addressed himself to purely administrative 
problems. Iredell had been a Deputy Attorney Gen- 
eral, a District Court Judge and finally Attorney Gen- 
eral, and necessarily had viewed legal questions arising 
within his State from the standpoint of their practical 
enforcement. He had never been a member of Con- 
gress, nor was he a member of the Federal Convention. 
His first field of action on an elevated plateau was when 
he served in the North Carolina Convention. 

It is plain, I think, that Wilson would not have been 
true to himself had he not maintained the theory of 
National Sovereignty, and that Iredell could not have 
been expected to do otherwise than maintain the doc- 
trine of State Bights. 

We are now ready to consider and appreciate the 

20 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

manner in which both men bore themselves in the 
mighty judicial debate which marked the climax of their 
life achievements. 

In judging of the merits of the respective arguments 
advanced by Wilson and Iredell in support of their 
respective contentions we must divest ourselves, if such 
a thing be possible, of all knowledge of our own con- 
cerning the later decisions of the Supreme Court which 
have settled the method of construction of the Constitu- 
tion. We must put ourselves in their positions con- 
sidering a strictly novel question with minds unembar- 
rassed by any previous determination. It is only in 
this way that we can appreciate the originality, the 
boldness and the force of each man's view. I shall 
confine myself to the opinions of these two justices, first 
because I am not discoursing upon the case at large, 
and next because in these two opinions is to be found 
the sharpest contrast of doctrine. In short, it is be- 
cause of this, that each man has been since regarded 
as the founder of separate schools of Constitutional 
thought. I shall begin with Iredell, because as the 
junior justice he opened the judicial discussion, and 
his opinion is the first to appear in Dallas's report of 
the case. 

The suit was by Chisholm, Executor of a citizen of 
South Carolina, and himself a citizen of that State, 
against the State of Georgia. The cause of action does 
not appear, but the form was in assumpsit and from 
the return by the Marshall it appeared that process 
had been served on the Governor and Attorney General 
of Georgia. The suit was brought originally in the Su- 
preme Court of the United States, and did not reach 
there by appeal. Georgia refused to appear. There- 
upon the Attorney General of the United States moved 
^ ' That unless the State of Georgia shall, after reason- 
able previous notice of this motion, cause an appear- 
ance to be entered in behalf of the said State, on the 




James Wilson and James Iredell. 21 

fourth day of the next term, or shall then show canse 
to the contrary, judgment shall be entered against the 
said State, and a writ of enquiry of damages shall be 
awarded/' Ingersoll and Dallas of the Philadelphia 
Bar, the Court then sitting in Philadelphia, presented 
to the Court a written remonstrance and protestation 
on behalf of the State, against the exercise of juris- 
diction in the cause, but, in consequence of positive in- 
structions, they declined taking any part in arguing the 

£dmund Eandolph, the Attorney General, who had 
been Governor of Virginia, and who had taken the in- 
itiative in the Federal Convention by presenting what 
is historically known as the Virginia Plan, then pro- 
ceeded to discuss the motion under four forms, which 
it seems had been arranged ' ^ at the pleasure of the 
court:'' 1st, Could the State be made a defendant in 
OMy case in the Supreme Court at the suit of a private 
citizen of another State? 2nd, If so, would assumpsit 
lie? 3rd, Was the service made a competent service? 
4th, By what process ought the appearance of the State 
to be enforced? 
Iredell and Wilson considered but the first two points, 
Iredell called it a ' ^ great cause, ' ' and began, as might 
be expected from his exact training and experience as 
a pleader, with a precise statement of the issue. **The 
action, ' ' said he, * 4s an action of assumpsit. The par- 
ticular question then before the Court is, will an action 
of assumpsit lie against a State?" In abstracting this 
particular question from the general one, whether a 
State can in any instance be sued, you will observe that 
Iredell considered the second proposition of primary 
importance. In this circumstance alone we have the 
clearest revelation of the quality of Iredell's mind. 
Trained as a deputy Attorney General, and by subse- 
quent experience as Attorney General, and accustomed 
as a district judge to view process critically, he men- 

22 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

tally inquired: **What is the form of action t Is the 
form of action sustainable? Is the process usual and 
regular? Does it raise the main question? If it does 
not, clearly it would be premature to pass on the deeper 
question of power, and extra judicial to express senti- 
ments not necessarily involved. Although Hiese fea- 
tures are not expressed in terms, I think that every 
exact lawyer will agree with me that they are discover- 
able in Iredell's method of dealing with the case, and 
exhibit in the clearest li^t the eminently judicial quali- 
ties of his mind. It was the record he looked at, and 
it was the record that bounded his vision. **Will an 
action of assumpsit lie against a State? K it will, it 
must be in virtue of the Oonstitution of the United 
States, and of some law of Congress conformable 
thereto.'' There you have, in Iredell's own words, the 
crux of his opinion. The answer justifying the form 
of process resorted to must be found in the Constitu- 
tion a/nd in an Act of Congress. He reviewed the entire 
judiciary Article of the Constitution, and pointed out 
that it provided, inter alia, for original jurisdiction in 
the Supreme Court in '* controversies between a State 
and citizens of another State. ' ' He then turned to the 
13th Section of the general judicial Act of 24th Sep- 
tember, 1789, entitled An Act to establish the Judicial 
Courts of the United States, which provided * ' That the 
Supreme Court shall have exclusive jurisdiction of all 
controversies of a civil nature where a State is a party, 
except between a State and its citizens : and except also 
between a State and citizens of other States." The 
Constitution was particular in expressing the parties 
who might be the objects of the jurisdiction, but, in 
respect to the subject matter, used the word ** con- 
troversies" only. The Act of Congress qualified the 
word '* controversies" by the word *' civil," a well war- 
ranted qualification, for it could not be presumed by 
any reasonable man that the general word ^^controver- 

James WUscm a/nd James Iredell. 23 

sies" as used in the Constitution was intended to in- 
dnde criminal cases, which in all instances respecting 
a State were nnif ormly of a local nature and to be de- 
cided by State law. **What controversy of a civil 
nature could an individual maintain against a State t 
The framers must have meant one of two things: 
Either, 1st in the conveyance of that part of the judicial 
power which did not relate to the execution of the other 
authorities of the general government (which within 
the restrictions of the Constituion were full and dis- 
cretionary) to refer to antecedent laws for the construc- 
tion of the general words used; or, 2nd to enable Con- 
gress in all such cases to pass all such laws as they 
might deem necessary and proper to carry the purposes 
of the Constitution into effect, either absolutely at 
their discretion, or at least in cases where the prior 
laws were deficient, if any such deficiency existed.'* 
He scouted as novel and untenable the argument of the 
Attorney General in these words : **Hi8 construction I 
take to be this: "That the moment a Supreme Court 
is formed, it is to exercise all the judicial power vested 
in it by the Constitution, by its own authority, whether 
the Legislature has prescribed methods of doing so, or 
not. ' My conception of the Constitution is entirely dif- 
ferent. I conceive that all the Courts of the United 
States must receive, not merely their organization as to 
the number of Judges of which they are to consist, but 
all their authority, as to the manner of their proceed- 
ing, from the Legislature only. ♦ ♦ ♦ Having a right 
thus to establish this Court, and it being capable of 
being established in no other manner, I conceive it 
necessarily follows, that they are also to direct the 
manner of its proceedings ♦ • • Subject to the Consti- 
tution, the whole business of organizing the Courts, 
and directing the methods of their proceedings where 
necessary, I conceive to be in the discretion of Con- 
gress. If it shall be found on this occasion, or on any 

24 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

other, that the remedies now in being are defective, for 
any purpose it is their dnty to provide for, they no 
doubt will provide others. It is their duty to legislate 
so far as is necessary to carry the Constitution into 
effect. It is ours only to judge. We have no reason, 
nor any more right to distrust their doing their duty, 
than they have to distrust that we all do ours. There 
is no part of the Constitution, that I know of, that 
authorizes this Court to take up any business where 
they left it, and, in order that the powers given in 
the Constitution may be in full activity, supply their 
omission by making new laws for new cases; or, which 
I take to be the same thing, applying old principles to 
new Cases materially different from those to which 
they were applied before. * * * If therefore this Court 
is to be (as I consider it) the organ of the Constitution 
and the law, not of the Constitution only, in reSpect to 
the manner of its proceeding, we must receive our di- 
rections from the Legislature in this particular, and 
have no right to constitute ourselves an Offidna 
hrevium, or take any other short method of doing what 
the Constitution has chosen (and, in my opinion, with 
the most perfect propriety) should be done in another 
manner. ' ' 

He then referred to the 14th Section of the Judicial 
Act, and, after enumerating the special writs there 
mentioned such as scire facias, habeas corpus and ''all 
other writs not specially provided for by statute which 
may be necessary for the exercise of their respective 
jurisdictions,'* pointed out that these according to the 
express terms of the statute must be ''agreeable to 
the principles and usages of law.'* He then pro- 
ceeded, in a most exhaustive discussion of English 
cases, covering page after page, to demonstrate that 
the remedy against the Crown was not by way of 
assumpsit but by petition. He refused to recognize 
the analogy of suits against corporations to suits 

James Wilson and James Iredell. 25 

against a State. Corporations were creatures, States 
were sovereigns. They did not owe their origin to 
the government of the United States. They were in 
existence before it, and derived their authority from 
*'the same pure and sacred source as itself; the volun- 
tary and deliberate choice of the people.'* The distinc- 
tions between corporations and a State were so pal- 
pable that he could never admit that a system of law 
calculated for one class of cases was to be applied, as a 
matter of course, to the other without admitting, as he 
conceived, that the distinct boundaries of law and Legis- 
lation would be confounded ^^in a manner that would 
make courts arbitrary, and in effect makers of a new 
law, instead of being (as certainly alone they ought to 
be) expositors of an existing one J' 

In conclusion, he said : * * I have now, I think, estab- 
lished the following particulars: — 1st, That the Con- 
stitution, so far as it respects the judicial authority, 
can only be carried into effect by acts of the Legislature 
appointing Courts and prescribing their methods of 
proceeding. 2nd, That Congress has provided no new 
law in regard to this case, but expressly referred us 
to the old. 3rd, That there are no principles of the old 
law, to which we must have recourse, that in any man- 
ner authorize the present suit, either by precedent or 
by analogy. The consequence of which, in my opinion, 
clearly is that the suit in question cannot be maintained, 
nor, of course, the motion made upon it be complied 

Wilson's point of view was diametrically opposite. 
Instead of first looking at the record, he looked first at 
the Constitution. He saw a vision of the Nation that 
was to be, his mind qiiivering witii ecstasy as he looked. 
He divined the future, while reflecting on the past, and 
rose to heights of judicial inspiration. He saw a strong 
principle at work destroying technical difficulties as 
acid eats into metal. As Copernicus tore himself away 



26 James WUson and James Iredell. 

from Ptolemaic doctrines and established the heliocen- 
tric theory, so Wilson announced the basic principles 
of National Sovereignty. 

His opening words are these : ^ * This is a case of un- 
common magnitude. One of the parties to it is a State : 
certainly respectable, claiming to be sovereign. The 
question to be determined is, whether this State, so 
respectable and whose claim soars so high, is amenable 
to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. This question, important in itself, will depend 
on others, more important still; and may, perhaps, be 
ultimately resolved into one, no less radical than this 
— *do the People of the United States form a nation?' '* 

He examined it first by the principles of general 
jurisprudence. He inquired into the meaning of the 
word Sovereign. **To the Constitution of the United 
States the term sovereign is totally unknown. There is 
but one place where it could have been used with pro- 
priety. But even in that place it would not, perhaps, 
have comported with the delicacy of those who ordained 
and established that Constitution. They might have 
announced themselves * Sovereign' People of the 
United States: But serenely conscious of the fact, they 
avoided the ostentatious declaration.' ' ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ **In 
one sense the word sovereign had for its correlative, 
subject. In this sense the term can receive no applica- 
tion, for it has no object in the Constitution of the 
United States. Under that Constitution there are cit- 
izens but no subjects. * Citizen of the United States.' 
* Citizen of another State. ' Citizens of different States. ' 
*A State or citizens thereof.' The term subject occurs, 
indeed once in the instrument, but ta mark the contrast 
strongly, the epithet * foreign' is prefixed." 

He then examined the meaning of the word State. 
In his view it meant ^ ' a complete body of free persons 
united together for their common benefit, to enjoy 
peaceably what is their own, and to do justice to others. 

James WUson and James Iredell. 27 

It is aa artificial body. It has its affairs and its in- 
terests. It has its roles ; it has its ri^ts, and it has 
its obligations. It may acquire property distinct from 
its members. It may incur debts to be discharged out 
of the public stock, not out of the private fortunes of 
individuals. It may be bound by contracts and for 
damages arising from the breach of those contracts. 
• * * * If justice is not done ; if engagements are not 
ful£Qled, is it upon general principles of right, no less 
proper, in the case of a great number, than in the case 
of an individual, to secure, by compulsion, tiiat which 
will not be voluntarily performed? Less proper it 
surely cannot be. The only reason, I believe, why a 
free man is bound by human laws is thai he hinds him- 
self. Upon the same principles, upon which he becomes 
bound by the laws, he becomes amenable to the courts 
of justice which are formed and authorized by those 
laws. If one free man, an original sovereign, may do 
all this, why may not an aggregate of free men, a col- 
lection of original sovereigns do Ukewiset K the dig- 
nity of each singly is undiminished, the dignity of all 
jointly must be unimpaired. A State, like a merchant, 
makes a contract. A dishonest State, like a dishonest 
merchant, wilfully refuses to discharge it : the latter is 
amenable to a court of justice : upon general principles 
of right, shall the former when summoned to answer 
the fair demands of its creditor, be permitted, proteus- 
like, to assume a new appearance, and to insult him and 
justice, by declaring I am a sovereign Statef Surely 

He then drew together the branches of the argument 
by this bold and striking declaration. Each word is 
fraught with meaning, and contains a pregnant 
thought: ''As a Judge of this Court, I know, and can 
decide upon the knowledge that the citizens of Georgia 
when they acted upon the large scale of the Union, as 
a part of *'The People of the United States'' did not 

28 James Wilson and James Iredell. 

surrender the Supreme or Sovereign Power to that 
State, but, as to the purposes of the Union, retained it 
to themselves ; 05 to the purposes of the Union, there- 
fore, Georgia is Not a Sovereign State. If the judicial 
decision of this case forms one of those purposes, the 
allegation that Georgia is a sovereign State is unsup- 
ported by the fact. ' ' 

Those sentences contain the crux of Wilson's opin- 
ion. If I may be pardoned for introducing a medical 
term into a legal paper, I would say that they constitute 
the foetus of the National doctrine. 

He then examined the question by the laws and prac- 
tice of different States and Kingdoms, displaying a 
wide range of reading, and, in reviewing English 
authorities, cited the Mirror of Justices and Bracton 
to the effect that in receiving justice the King should 
be placed on a level with the meanest person in the 
Kingdom. *'True it is,*' he admitted, '*that now in 
England the King must be sued in his courts by Peti- 
tion ; but even now the difference is only in the form, 
nbt in the thing. The judgments or decrees of those 
courts will substantially be the same upon a precatory 
as upon a mandatory process.'* 

He then asked : Could the Constitution of the United 
States vest a jurisdiction over the State of Georgia! 
By slow degrees and many historical examples he 
worked his way to the final thought that as the Con- 
stitution was the result of the united wills of all the 
people of the United States, including the people of 
Georgia, it was competent for a United People, distinct 
from the individual aggregations of people constituting 
separate states, to bind itself by the terms of its con- 
stitution which was the product of the union, and to 
exact obedience to national mandates even from the 
States themselves. The Constitution was framed not 
for the States, nor by the States, but for the Nation 
and by the People of the Nation. I am not using his 

James WUson and James IredeU. 29 

words, but I have, I think, summarized accurately his 
contention. He pointed out that in England the body 
politic was Parliament. The People were nowhere. 
The Eong, the Lords and the Commons together formed 
the corporation or body politic of the Kingdom. In the 
United States it was the people who spoke the Govern- 
ment into existence. The truth was often lost sight of 
by the exaltation of the States. **The States ^ rather 
than the people, for whose sake the States exist, are 
frequently the objects which attract attention." The 
inaccuracy of political conception was fostered by in- 
accuracy of common speech. **Is a toast asked? *The 
United States,' instead of 'The People of the United 
States* is given. This is not politically correct. The 
toast is meant to present to view the first great object 
in the Union. It presents only the second. It presents 
only the artificial person, instead of tiie natural per- 
sons who spoke it into existence.'* When Homer 
enumerated the other nations of Greece whose forces 
acted at the siege of Troy, he arranged them under 
the names of their Kings, but when he came to the 
Athenians he called them the People of Athens. 
Demosthenes always addressed his countrymen as * * Oh, 
Men of Athens.*' **With the strictest propriety, there- 
fore, classical and political," Wilson declared *'our 
national scene opens with the most magnificent object 
which the nation could present. 'The People of the 
United States' are the first personages introduced. 
Who were those people ? They were the citizens of the 
United States each of which had a separate constitu- 
tion and government and all of which were connected 
together by Articles of Confederation. To the pur- 
poses of public strength and felicity, that Confederacy 
was totally inadequate. A requisition on the Several 
States terminated its legislative authority; Executive 
and Judicial Authority it had none. In order, there- 
fore, to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, 


30 James Wilson and James IredeU. 

ensnre domestic tranqnillity, to provide for the common 
defence, and to secure the blessings of liberty^ those 
people, among whom were the people of Georgia, or- 
dained and established the present Constitution. By 
that Constitution legislative power is vested, Executive 
power is vested, judicial power is vested. The question 
now, opens fairly to our view. Could the people of 
those States, among whom were those of Georgia, bind 
those States and Georgia among the others by the 
legislative, executive and judicial power so vested? If 
the principles on which I have f oimded myself are just, 
this question must unavoidably receive an affirmative 
answer. If those States were the work of those people; 
those people, and, that I may apply the case closely, 
the people of Georgia in particular, could alter as they 
pleased their former work. To any given degree, they 
could diminish as well as enlarge it. Any or all of the 
former States powers, they could extinguish or trans- 
fer/^ The inference was plain that those people, in- 
clusive of the people of Georgia co%Ud vest jurisdiction 
or judicial power over those States and over the State 
of Georgia in particular. 

Had they done so? Did ** those people" mean to 
exercise their undoubted power? Did ** those people'' 
intend to bind * * those States ' ' by the Legislative power 
vested by the Constitution? Surely it could not be 
contended that the Legislative power of Congress was 
meant to have no operation on the States. Did the 
people of the United States intend to bind the Several 
States by the Executive power of the national govern- 
ment? The answer must be in the affirmative. Ever 
since Bracton's day it had been a maxim that ^Ht would 
he superfluous to make laws, unless those laws, when ^ 

made, were to he enforced.** When the application of 
them was doubtful or intricate, judicial authority was 
necessary. One of the declared objects of the Constitu- 
tion was to establish justice. Whoever considered * * in 



James Wilson and James Iredell. 31 

a combined and comprehensive sense the general tex- 
ture of the Constitution, ' ' must be satisfied that the 
People of the United States intended to form them- 
selves into a nation for national purposes. **They in- 
stituted for stLch purposes a national government, com- 
plete in all its parts, with powers Legislative, Execu- 
tive and Judiciary, and in all those powers extending 
over the whole nation. ' ' It would be indeed incongru- 
ous that with regard to such purposes, any man, or 
body of men, any person natural or artificial should be 
permitted to claim successfully an entire exemption 
from the jurisdiction of the national government. 
Such a claim, crowned with success, would be repug- 
nant to our very existence as a Nation. All trains of 
deduction converged and united upon this point. 

Finally, the express language of the Constitution put 
the matter beyond all doubt. **The judicial power of 
the United States shall extend to controversies between 
two States. '* Clearly one of the States must be a de- 
fendant. *'The judicial power of the United States 
shall extend to controversies between a State and cit- 
izens of another State." Could legal language be 
clearer, could all the niceties of the strictest pleading 
describe with more precise accuracy the cause now de- 
pending? ^^ Causes, and not parties to causes are 
weighed by justice, in her equal scales : On the former 
solely, her attention is fixed: To the latter, she is, as 
she is painted, blind/' Tried by all the touchstones 
of general jurisprudence, by the laws and practices of 
States and Kingdoms, and by the Constitution of the 
United States, from all combined, the inference was 
that the action would lie. 

Chief Justice Jay, and Justices Blair and Cushing, 
in separate opinions, concurred in this. 

I confess that I do not know where to find through- 
out the whole mass of judicial utterances since that 
August term, 1792, more impressive presentations of 


32 James Wilson and Ja^^es Iredell. 

a fundamental question from opposite points of view 
than those of Wilson and Iredell. But when I consider 
that they are the first to be encountered in the books, 
and are the products of minds working without the 
assistance of prior adjudications, I regard them with 
admiration. Yet while in seeming opposition, they are 
not in antagonism. Nowhere does Iredell confute or 
attempt to challenge Wilson's majestic reasoning. No- 
where does Wilson pause to notice Iredell's conten- 
tion that the powers of the Constitution relating to the 
Judiciary can become effective only through an Act 
of Congress. The result has been, happily for our- 
selves, that both doctrines have stood. Wilson's the- 
ory and its propulsive force have supplied the neces- 
sary stimulus and energy to Congressional action. 
Iredell's protest against spontaneous constitutional 
self enforcement has protected us against excessive or 
capricious exercises of judicial power. Wilson's opin- 
ion is in itself a constitutional dynamo: Iredell's a 
constitutional regulator, without which the engine 
would have thrashed itself to pieces. 

The case of Chisholm, Executor, vs. The State of 
Georgia and the opinions of the Judges are not as well 
known and not as frequently read as they deserve to 
be. This is largely due to the fact that two days after 
the decision was pronounced, such was the anti-federal 
fury, the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution was 
proposed to Congress and formally acted upon in De- 
cember, 1793. It was not declared adopted by the sev- 
eral States until January, 1798. In the meantime the 
Court refused to bend, and after a year rendered judg- 
ment by default and ordered an inquiry of damages. 
The plaintiff, however, confronted by a Statute of 
Georgia denouncing the penalty of death against any 
one who presiuned to enforce any process, prudently 
awaited action on the proposed amendment. In Feb- 
ruary, 1798, the case of HoUingsworth vs. Virginia (3 

James Wlhon and James Iredell. 33 

Dallas 378) being before the Court, it was declared 
that, in view of the amendment, jurisdiction was re- 
nounced ^'in any case past or future, in which a State 
was sued by citizens of another State, or by citizens 
or subjects of any foreign State/' Hence interest in 
the case as a precedent slept xmtil awakened in the 
Virginia Coupon Cases, (114 U. S. 270) and Hans vs. 
Louisiana, (134 TJ. S. 1) in 1889. In the last named 
case the whole subject of the suability of a State is 
fully discussed by Mr. Justice Bradley. 

The value of the utterances of Wilson and Iredell 
can never be lost. They form a part not only of the 
pattern but of the texture of our national jurisprudence. 
They struck as by intuition, directly on the results of 
reasoning which is still considered sound. Time, which 
gnaws and diminishes many reputations, has left theirs 

In the quiet burying ground of the Johnston family 
at Edenton, on the 20th of November, 1906, a cenotaph 
to the memory of James Wilson was dedicated in the 
presence of the Governor and Chief Justice of North 
Carolina and the Gfovemor of Pennsylvania. It stands 
but a few feet away from the grave of Iredell. Thou^ 
Pennsylvania claimed and now guards the ashes of her 
son, the memory of the close association of these two 
useful and productive lives is preserved in North Caro- 


Vol. XLV. 

34 Thomcts Rodney. 


(Ocmtinued from Vol. XLIV, page 308.) 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. May 25*^ 1807. 
My dear Son 

This Morning the Governor waited on me and 
Shewed me a Smnmons, for M^ Mead, M'. Poindexter, 
M'. Shields and myself Also for Col. Fitzpatrick to 
Attend the Circuit Court in Virginia in the Oase of 
M'. Burr on the 22* of this Month which day was past 
before the Summons arrived here — ^whether the Cause 
will be delaid or not till the Fall Circuit and our attend- 
dance then be required or not cannot now be told by us 
but I think the Governor said you Expressed a wish 
that we might acknowledge the Summons and say 
whether we can attend or not or at what time or some- 
thing of that purpose — ^If the Cause should be put oflf 
tiQ the fall Circuit, or to some time when a Special 
Court may be ordered, and the Government think our 
Attendance Essential I suppose we must Attend — ^but 
my Absence Cannot well be dispensed with here for 
some time yet, tho Judge Leek arrived here to day and 
will take his Seat on the bench tomorrow, as our 
Supreme Court Commenced today. This is the Court 
Blennerhassett, Floyd, Balston and Tyler were bound 
to appear at and are all here to take their trials, but 
the Att''. General M^ Lewes has sugested to the Court, 
that he is of Opinion that the Circuit Courts here and 
not the Supreme Court have jurisdiction in Federal 
Cases; and he has desired to be heard on that Subject 

Thomas Rodney. 35 

tomorrow and the Mail will go before any Decision can 
take place — The Supreme Court has hitherto Assumed 
and Exercised the jurisdiction under the Act of Con- 
gress Vesting the powers of a District and Circuit 
Court, in some Court or Courts of this territory — ^And 
the Government seems to have favored this by refer- 
ring Federal business in Several Instances to the 
Supreme Court but the Att^. General being of a Dif- 
ferent opinion procured Balston & Floyd to be Indicted 
at the Wilkinson Circuit — ^Yet at the Circuit the Grand 
Jury Could only Enquire for the County in which they 
sat and not for the territory — ^Whereas the Jury Sum- 
moned to attend the Supreme Court are from all the 
four Coimties on the Misisipi, twelve Jurors being 
ordered from Eadi Coimty and the rest generally — 
from them the Grand Jury are drawn and of Course 
Enquire for the whole territory as forming one Dis- 
trict — Yet the late & Present Att''. Gen*, say that the 
Federal power granted by the act of Congress, Vested 
in the then Ixisting Superior Courts of tiiis territory 
and that by an Act of Assembly passed soon after the 
powers of the then Superior Courts were transferred 
to the Present Circuit Courts, and that the Federal 
powers Could not Vest in the Supreme Court which 
did not Ixist till Established by the Same Act which 
fransferred the powers from the Superior Courts to 
the Circuit Courts as af s*. — ^But the Judges Concluded 
that Congress Intended to vest the powers granted in 
the highest Court of Law in the territory — ^and there- 
fore assumed those powers in the Supreme Court the 
highest Court of Law and the only one which had gen- 
eral Jurisdiction — This difficulty however renders it 
uncertain what will be done with the Burrites before 
mentioned but I rather suppose Blennerhassett and 
Tyler may be sent to Virginia, and governor Harrison 
has written very favorably of Floyd — and he perhaps 
may be sent to Kentucky — ^I shall be loth not to Comply 

36 Thomcts Rodney. 

with what the Government may think necessary bnt it 
will be a great disadvantage to leave here Immediately 
without settling my accounts and disposing of my prop- 
erty, for I could hardly think of returning here again — 

Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcBwr A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Jime 14*^ 1807. 
My dear Son 

The Supreme Court has been Sitting here three 
weeks and adjourned yesterday — ^I was absent the last 
week because were Completing the Sessions of the 
Board of Commissioners, which we dosed yesterday 
and have nothing more to do but report &^ 

Balston and Floyd were Indicted at the Circuit Court 
of Wilkinson County, their Counsel Plead to the Juris- 
diction of that Court and avered that the Supreme 
Court had Jurisdiction in Federal Cases — The Att''. 
Gen'. Lewis Demurred to that Plea and on this Issue of 
war joined The question was referred to the Decision 
of the Supreme Court — and was argued in the Second 
week of the Court by the Atty. GtenK on our Side, and 
by, Fielding, Turner, M'. Teyler and M'. Ejiox on the 
other (Harding who had filed the Plea was unwell and 
could not Attend) The Court took time to Consider 
and Delivered their opinion on Mxmday of the last week 
— Bruin and Leek were in favor of the jurisdiction of 
the Circuit Court, but my opinion was in favor of the 
Supreme Court — Thus the Majority of the Court gave 
the jurisdiction to the Circuit Courts. After Deliver- 
ing in my Opinion I retired from the Court to the Board 
— ^Balston and Floyd after this were put to answer at 
the Circuit Court, and Blennerhassett & Tyler were 
Discharged and also the witnesses from their Recog- 
nizances taken for their appearance at the Supreme 
Court &•. — ^M'. Blenneiiiassett Lnmediately went off to 

Thomas Rodney. 37 

his former residence in Virginia. While the Supreme 
Court Exercised Jurisdiction in Federal Cases their 
officers were obliged to act, and it necessary for them 
to know whether they will not have a right to Claim 
the Fees &•. allowed by Law to the Clerks and Mar- 
shals of the Federal Courts — ^The Sheriflf in particular 
who acted as Marshal was at Considerable Expense as 
well as trouble — I wish you to Consider the Law and 
Consult the Sect^. of the Treasury on this Subject — 

Some of my friends abroad I find have been a little 
alarmed about the Lying publication of Ashley in one 
of the Carolina papers — Ashley is known here to be 
one of the greatest Villians in the Country, and there- 
fore was fitly selected by M'. Burr to answer his ne- 
farious purposes — ^But who Could believe me guUty of 
altering a Becognizancef Burr and his surities were 
obliged to Becognize on such Conditions as I prescribed 
or he must have been Committeed — ^What Liducement 
then Could I possibly have to alter the Becognizancef — 
The thing is so absurd that no one Can believe it — 
The Charge is absolutely false. No Motive whatever 
however powerful Could Induce me as a Magistrate to 
Deviate from the path of rectitude. 

The Summons for Witnesses here to attend Burrs 
trial in Virginia Came too late and the Witnesses wait 
to hear whether the trial will be put off or not — ^I con- 
tinue in good health and feel releaved from a great 
burthen by the Closing the Decisions of the Board, my 
duties in future Will not be so laborious — ^we have been 
allowed only $500, dpi'. Each for the last 18, Months 
labor at the Board, Certain the Legislature ought to 
make a further allowance — ^They Can hardly think 
$500, adequate Compensation for 18 months public 
services in this part of the Country — ^I expect you will 
have your family at the Federal City by the time this 
arrives — Give my love to Susan and the Children — 

Thomas Bodney. 

38 Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney. 

Town Washington June 22*. 1807. 
My dear Son 

I wrote to you by the last Mail and did not know then 
that Floyd & Balston were Discharged, which was done 
after I left the Court and went to the Board — ^It seems 
their Counsel Demurred to the Indictment formed in 
Wilkinson County which Demurrer was sustained and 
of Cause the Indictment quashed so that no Accusation 
Remained against them as they had been discharged 
from their Becognizances in the Supreme Court before 
on the Motion of the Attorney General Lewes — and also 
Tyler and Blennerhassett were discharged upon the 
ground that the Supreme Court had not Jurisdiction 
in Federal Cases — Thus all that were accused here of 
being Concerned in Burrs Expedition are now gone — 
It seems as if no Federal Cases Can be tried here till 
the United States Establish District Courts of their 
own, and Certainly It is Material they should do so, or 
their Authority will have but little Influence in this 
western Country where Mischief seems most disposed 
to rear its head. 

It is said by some of Burrs friends here that he 
Expects soon to be liberated and Intends returning 
Immediately to this western County. 

We have Completed the Decisions of the Board and 
are now making out our Report — Judge Leek and My- 
self Intend setting oflf the day after tomorrow to the 
Walnut hills to view that part of the territory — ^Where 
I informed you some time ago I had bought a tract or 
two of land — ^We Expect to git fine fish there too — ^we 
return next week — all is quiet here now Except the 
party and political assperity which you will see prevails 
in the Natchez papers. If they reach you — ^As I have 
never Medled in their politics further than to support 
and defend the Conduct and Carracter of the General 

Thomas Rodney. 39 

(Government, the Local partizans seldom notice me in 
their Contests, yet do not permit me Entirely to Es^- 
cape; Shaw the Editor of the Messenger undertook of 
his own accord to defend me against the Calxunny of 
AsJday but could not do it without droping a small 
spice of his own — ^I let it pass unnoticed, it being very 
different from the general Sentiment of the People 
here, that I probably am Entitled to but little Praise 
as a Judge — The Contrary of which I have heard Ex- 
pressed in all parts of the territory more frequently 
than I could wish. Our public duties require that the 
Gtovemor and Myself should Act in a Polite and Social 
Manner — This perhaps may not be altogether Pleasing 
to some of the party who are abusing him. — If I should 
not be called round as a witness in the Case of Burr, 
yet I shall desire to return home to see my friends next 
fall : and I wish you to mention this to the President as 
I should not wish to do it without his permission tho ' 
it is uncertain whether I shall incline to return or not 
till I advise with my old friends. Yet most of my friends 
here Earnestly solicit my return tho' they wish me to 
go round on account of the Information which they sup- 
pose I may give respecting this Land business &". 

Thomas Rodney. 

Thomas Rodney to OoBsar A, Rodney. 

Town of Washington June 29*^ 1807. 
My dear Son 

The day after the date of my last Letter to wit on 
Tuesday last I was taken very unwell on Wednesday 
Evening had as Violent a Bilious attack as Ever I had 
in my life and a high fever all night two three of the 
young gentlemen sat up with me all night in the Cburse 
of which so much Bile went off that my fever left me 
next Morning, but my puking and purging Continued 
Moderately for a day or two all the Gentlemen and 
Ladies of the town and some from the Coimtry (when 

40 Thomas Rodney. 

they heard I was HI) Came to Visit me and offered 
anything they could do for me, but as I know the Cause 
of these attacks I let them have their way and only 
incourage the discharge of Bile I took nothing but a 
puker and after that a Little sweet oil and Sugar to 
settle the stomach & render the operation of the Bile 
in the Bowels more mild. After Thursday I became 
quite Easy but took nothing to Eat till Saturday when 
a Small degree of appetite returned & yesterday Sun- 
day I left my room and went down stairs and in the 
Evening went over to M'. Chews to Marry a Couple — 
to wit Beverly E. Grayson Esq'. Clerk of the Supreme 
Court And Auditor of the Territory to M". Sarah 
Frieland sister to M'. Chew and a widow to day I feel 
quite Restored & Clear of any Complaint — ^This I trust 
will be a furlo for the Eesidue of the Season — ^Rep- 
utable families are flocking to this Country and many 
of them Incline to settle in this town as a place of health 
till they git used to the Climate — ^by being taken Sick 
I missed my visit to tiie Walnut hills but Judge Leek, 
Doct'. Archer and others who were going with me 
went on. 

The Virginia papers Stated that a Grand Jury had 
been Lnpannelled and Charged in the Case of Burr, 
I suppose shall hear by the next Mail whether the trial 
is over or put off and thereby know whether it will be 
necessary for the Witnesses called from this territory 
to attend or not — ^we have heard by some of the public 
papers that the Floridas are purchased I wish this may 
be true tho ' I Expect the U. S. will have to pay pretty 
dear for them — but the possession of them are so 
necessary to all the back Country on tiie Eastern Side 
the Misisipi that its Value will be quarduply increased 
by having all the outlets to the sea which pass through 
the Floridas — So that the back Country will populate 
probably ten times as fast as it otherwise would do— 

You will find the Natchez papers (if you have time 

Thomas Rodney. 41 

to read them) full of scurrility — ^the Governor in par- 
ticular is Virulently abused by Doct^. Shaw the Editor 
of the Messenger — ^as I have not Meddled hitherto in 
the Local politics of this territory, and as I am not the 
Legal organ of Liformation, and as the Gen^ Govern- 
ment have never asked my advice in any Case I have 
not made any political Communication to them but as 
you have become a member of the Cabinet and may 
be Called on sometimes respecting the affairs of this 
territory, for your own satisfaction and Direction I 
shall in a Subsequent Letter Make such a Communi- 
cation to you as may Enable you to understand the 
situation of parties here, and shall give you a Correct 
view of the Leaders of the* Different parties and their 
objects &". &f. Government have probably a pretty full 
knowledge how parties stood here imder Governors 
Sargent & Claiboume — ^but they have Varied very 
much since — ^If however I shall return this summer or 
in tiie fall it will be unnecessary to make any such Com- 
munication by Letter. 

Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccssar A, Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Aug*. 13*^ 1807. 
My dear Son 

I had prepaired, as I informed you in my last Letter 
by Mail to go on to Bichmond and we were to set off 
tomorrow But having gone out of town the Evening 
before last to Marry Judge Matthews of the Orleans 
territory to a young Lady in our Neighborhood I had 
to Betum in the Night when the air was very damp so 
that I got cold and Was very unwell yesterday — ^Yet I 
had to sit with a smart Fever on in an assembly of the 
People at this town where the most Bespectable People 
in the territory were assembled to Consider the late 

* This was probably stolen — C. A. Rodney. 

42 Thomas Rodney. 

outrages of the Brittish — ^and when they adopted unan- 
imously sundry Resolutions Expressive of their minds 
in respect to tiiose outrages — ^I feel still unwell today 
and in Consequence thereof have declined going think- 
ing that I should only risk my life without being able to 
reach the place of destination in time — this determina- 
tion is approved by all my friends here and Indeed all 
the people who have spoke to me on the occasion ob- 
jected to my going even if well but I was determined to 
go till I got xmwell and the gentlemen of this town for 
that reason Envited me to a public Dinner with them 
to-day as a mark of their Respect and regard before 
my setting off and it was too late to recall this Plan 
after my declining to go as they had previously pre- 
paired for it — 

I was directed by the assembly of the People to send 
on a Copy of their Resolutions to the President and a 
nother to the Mayor of Norfolk &*'. which will go on by 
T. H. W. our Register & Secretary — ^Mead & Shields 
do not propose going on but Poindexter Dinsmore and 
others will from the territory — ^Burr I am told has also 
summoned a Number of Witnesses from this territory 
T. H. W. and Doct'. Hall set off tomorrow — This goes 
by T. H. W. who can inform you more particularly of 
things here and the Cause of my not Proceeding on 
with them. 

Governor Claibom is still here but returns in a few 

God bless you, adieu 

Thomas Rodney. 

P. S. I have Directed Several Recognizances taken 
on the Examinations in the Case of Burr to shew that 
Burrs Recognized is in the usual form observed by me 
and deviates in Nothing Material Certainly if it had 
not been so Expressed he could not have left the Court 
without being Discharged this his Counsel moved to 
have done but the Court refused it — 

Thomas Rodney. 43 

Thomas Rodney to CcMor A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Ang*. 24*^. 1807. 
My dear Son 

As it was Expected I should go on to Bichmond I 
have not reed any Letters lately from any of my Cor- 
respondence to the Eastward — I wrote on both by the 
Mail & Sect''. Williams that I had declined going — ^and 
from the unfavorable Effect this Season generally has 
on me I have reason to conclude I was right in not 
having made the attempt as with the most discreet Cau- 
tion in guarding against the hot Sun & night dews & 
cannot keep quiet well — tho ' I have not been laid up — 
Burr and his friends can say nothing with truth to my 
prejudice, but whatever they may say I wish you to dis- 
charge your duty with dignified and manly firmness 
without being Influenced one way or a Nother by any 
thing they Can Say — Gov'. Claiborne waited on me 
yesterday to take leave — ^He Intended to set oflf for 
Orleans this morning — ^Probably to prepair the Quota 
of Troops required of that territory — ^He thinks Or- 
leans a very Defensible Place ag*. the brittish but as he 
is not much acquainted with tactics I told him I was 
Induced, tho I had never seen the City, to think other- 
wise — as it is accessable on many points and the Ground 
all Low — ^that it was probable too that if we had war 
with G. B. that would be one of the first objects of their 
attention on account of the Extensive Effect the pos- 
session of that City would have on the western Country 
— The Misisipi being the only out let for all their 

You will see by the Natchez Papers that the public 
avowal of Sentiments here agaiast the brittish is unan- 
imous, as well as in the States tho' no part of our 
Country is liable to suffer more by a war with England 
than thi&— Cotton being their staple and England 
abnost the only purchaser. But whether the Event be 
war or not I hope our Government will Continue to act 

44 Thomcts Rodney. 

Decisively and with the Spirit of 1776. Until G. 
Brittain shall relinquis her Wicked Claim of Pressing 
seamen from on board Even our Merchant Ships — She 
has no more Bight to take them from them than from 
one of our seaport towns. If Even a Traitor flies from 
them to us have they a right to demand him? If they 
have why did they not give up Arnold? You are in the 
Cabinet at an Important Period — ^Proceed firmly and 
steadily— Let nothing hurry you into Irregularity yet 
Bemember that wisdom in great Affairs admits of no 
dilatory Pleas she requires Decision 

Thomas Eodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A, Rodney. 

T.of Washington M. T. Sept'. I"*. 1807. 
My dear Son 

It has been more sickly in this town and its neighbor- 
hood this Season than I have known it before, owing 
probably to a severe drouth which has Continued four 
Months — The ground has not been wet two Inches deep 
since August — The Crops of Cotton and Cain therefore 
will be Very Small here — I have been obliged to be 
very Cautious to keep about by avoiding the Sun in the 
day & the dews at Night, but Cannot keep quite well 
for this is the Season of the year that always is most 
likely to affect me — ^I had a severe head ache Sunday 
night but it has got better and by Care I hope I shall 
avoid being laid up — ^Poindexter went on a few days 
after Doct'. Hall — ^I was to have wrote by him to you 
having been the Attorney General of the territory he 
is well acquainted with my usual form of writing 
Becognizances &f. Gov'. W. Grofases going on to the 
Seat of Government in December — ^He and Poindexter 
as you will see by the Natchez papers differed severely 
before Poindexter left this — ^Indeed the governor one 
Way or an other has offended all the Bepublican party 
here, and they treat him witii great assperity — ^The Be- 

ThonMS Rodney. 45 

publicans also displeased at Sec^. Meads being Dis- 
missed from ofiSce and are determined to EUect him 
to the Legislature — ^The Patriotic ardor of Meads Con- 
duct in the Case of Burr was much approved of here 
by the Bepublicans — ^tho it was a little too high toned 
and intemperate in some parts, and I fear he shewed 
too much indiscretion in his Communications to gov- 
ernment, tho I had Cautioned him against this advis- 
ing him to Bepresent facts only to them and leave them 
to judge for themselves &f &f &f It ever is Considered 
Versitile for a govenunent to appoint an officer & sud- 
denly remove without some Evident Cause because 
either the appointment or the removal is Concluded to 
be indiscreet — The People Even in a Bepublican gov- 
ernment like to see Stability — It would in deed be well 
and an Improvement in our System if all Inferior 
Executive officers were appointed for three Years Re- 
movable only for Misbehaviour — The People would 
approve the Stability which this would give, and the 
Changes it would admit at the Expiration of that time — 
and tiie Executives would be more Careful in their 
appointments. The present tenure of office during 
pleasure Induces frequent bad appointments and Cap- 
tious Removals which have a tendency to disorder 

A Son of Col: Charles Pope is here — He was Inti- 
mate with Mead in (Georgia and Mead Imployed him 
to write in the Secretaries office till he was removed and 
now the Poor Fellow has no means of livelihood — If 
any office such as that of Marshall or Clerkship should 
occur in this part of the Country It would be well to 
recommend him — ^his father was a brave and useful 
officer & was wounded in the Revolution. 

I write these things merely for your own informa- 
tion and as a small guide to yourself in what may re- 
spect this part of the Country — 

Thomas Rodney. 

46 Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Sepf . 15^ 1807 
My dear Son 

Since the Oool Weather Conunenced about ten days 
ago I have almost perfectly recovered My health — ^All 
is qniet here Except the Political Squabbles which you 
will see in the Natchez papers Bespecting Gov'. W. — 
Some how or other he has lost the Confidence and Pro- 
voked the Besentment of the Bepublicans without ob- 
taining the Friendship of the Feds further than to 
Excite and Perpetuate the quarrel with the Bepub- 
licans &*. Judge Leek wishes to go for his family this 
Winter which will prevent my Seeing my friends at 
home till next Summer Expecting me on my way home 
I have not heard from any of them for more than a 
month past — ^But by this time T. H. W. must have 
arrived at Bidmiond & Poindexter must be near there 
who will Disclose the Beason of my not going — ^after 
which I shall Expect to hear from — The last Post 
brought no Eastern Mail so that we have nothing official 
Bespecting the Cession of the Floridas yet, tho it is 
believed the Cession is made — ^It was said last Week 
that Smith was Coming to Deliver himself up but I 
have not Seen him yet— I hope you have got over the 
trouble of Moving and got your family settled in the 
Federal City 

Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington Oct'. 18*^ 1807 
My dear Son 

Since writing my last Letter Several Licidents have 
Occurred that increases the Unfavorable aspect of 
affairs in the West — ^In the Orleans papers by the For- 
mer Mail It appears that Judge Lewes of that terri- 
tory in the Course of Biding the Circuit had his Horse 
killed, and the People it seenvs threatend to kill him if 

Thomas Rodney. 47 

he did not depart which he thought it most pradent 
to do tho he was the only territorial Judge then in the 
Territory for Judge Sprig was gone Home and Judge 
Matthews is still near this town and Very HI — The 
Judges there seem to have become Very Unpopular — 
and the (Jovemor here : In fact great Discontent ap- 
pears among the People in both A writer in the Tele- 
graph at Orleans Even advises the People to appeal to 
Bonaparte to inforce the Bights and Privileges Re- 
served to the old Inhabitants in the Cession of Louis- 
iana — ^and Discontent is increasing rapidly in this Ter- 
ritory arising from Conduct of the Governor If you 
read the Natchez papers you have seen what abuse and 
Accusation has turned against him for Some time past 
He has lately in the Course of a short time Dismissed 
a number Staunch and popular Republicans from 
ofiSce^ & yesterday Col. Claiborne, Major Sessions & 
Major Carles, the Field Officers of the first Regiment 
were all turned out of office while holding a Court 
Marshal in this town — Col : Claiborne and Major Ses- 
sions were also Judges of the County Court of Adams 
and were Dismissed from both their Civil and Military 
offices These are all respectable and popular men — 
This affair has Caused great Agitation, and Combined 
with other things Indicates great Disorder if not 
Violence among the Community. 

The Circuit Court for the County Commenced on 
Munday last, I attended on that day with Judge Lecke 
till Juries were Impanelled and left the Court on Tues- 
day to attend other necessary business — ^After which 
Indictments for Libels were found by the Grand Jury 
against George Poindexter, late Att'. General, Col. 
Baker, Doct'. Shaw, Editor of the Messenger and Wil- 
liam Winston, Past Master at Washing and A. Moor- 
house for publications in the Natchez papers Complaint 
was made also ag'. the Governor & against the Editor 
of the Herald but no Presentments found — I will in- 

48 Thomas Rodney. 

close a list of the Grand Jury If I can obtain one in 
time & M'. Poindexter will know them — ^and can inform 
you who are Federal who Republican — Thus you will 
see the Seeds of discord and disorder thickly strewd in 
our territory, as well as that of Orleans If the Cabinet 
read the western papers they cannot avoid noticing 
these Indications of Trouble in the West and it may 
Beasonably be apprehended that the Escape of the most 
Vilianous Traitor and treason that ever was planned 
or attempted in any Country will have a general tend- 
ency to increase the troubles of the West for this 
Country is strewd with the Minions and Emisaries of 
the arch Traitor. There is danger that this territory 
will be Completely Federal in a little time — So many 
of the Republicans have been Dismissed from office 
that most of them that yet remain will probably resign. 
What the Consequence may be is yet uncertain but I 
hope the Administration will adopt such wise and pru- 
dent Measures as will avoid Indangering the loss of a 
part of our Country which has Cost the Government 
so much. Nothing less than wise prudent Experienced 
and Respectable Rulers can aswage the temper and dis- 
content that now prevail — ^Without this there is reason 
to apprehend Violent Struggles in the West. 

Judge Leek Intending to go for his family after the 
Fall Courts are over has agreed to attend to the Court 
& let me Enjoy a little rest for the first time since I 
have been here — So that I mean to Visit the Walnut 
lulls next week to Settle or dispose of a Tract of Land 
I have there — ^You will please to Inform M^ Poindexter 
that Major Carter informed me yesterday that Major 
Trask had lost his little Daughter and tiiat the rest of 
the family were well. 

Expecting me home has prevented my receiving any 
Letters from my friends for a long time — ^I cannot now 
Expect the pleasure of Seeing them till next Summer if 
Judge Leek goes home this fall — Give my love to Susan 
and the Children — 

Thomas Rodney. 49 

P. S. A Gentleman lately from Accomack in Vir- 
ginia who has moved to Orleans waited on me the day 
before yesterday to Deliver the Respectful Compli- 
ments of Doct'. F. Fisher, Doct'. Gardner, OoL Copper 
and Col. Waters old acquaintances and friends in that 
Country — ^he says Doct". Fisher & Gardner are both 
in health and prosperous Situations. 

Thomas Bodney. 

(Written along the side of the page) — I have Con- 
stantly avoided medling in the Local politics of the 
West yet think that you should be rightly informed of 
them for the Direction of your own Conduct as one of 
the Cabinet for what may be said by Either party will 
need a grain of allowance. 

Thomas Bodney to Ccssar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Oct'. [?] 1807. 
My dear Son 

I mentioned in a former Letter that Elisha I. Hall 
Esq^ of Virginia had been here and that I was to have 
traversed the Wilderness with him and T. H. W. If 
I had not been taken Sick — ^The Doct'. wrote to me from 
South West Point on his way home where he went for 
the Purpose of bringing his family to this Country — 
The Doct'. First Studied Physic and then the Law 
which he practised on the Eastern Shore of Maryland 
Some time and then Married and Moved to Virginia 
near Winchester and now Litends to become a Cotton 
Planter in this Country he Desires me to Litroduce 
him to you by Letter that he may tell you all about this 
Country. He staid most of his time Li Washington 
While in this territory, but rode a good deal about to 
see the Country — ^I rode with him Several times ft 
Introduced him to a number of the most respectable 
Planters in our part of the Territory, and he was gen- 
erally pleased with the Friendly Hospitality he met 
with — ^As he Intends to Visit the City of Washington 

Vol. XLV.- 

50 ThomM Rodney. 

I shall Inclose my Letter to him in this to yon — ^The 
Doct'. as we Call him stndied Law wilh M^ Smith Sec- 
retary of the Navy and being a man of Information 
Can give yon a better acconnt of this Country than 
those Transient Visitors who only glance over it for 
Transient purposes — ^I have recovered my health per- 
fectly since the Cool weather Commence — ^the Papers 
inform ns that the Jury have acquitted Burr of Treason 
in the District of Virginia — ^This was apprehended If 
the Court rejected the Evidence of Assembling his 
Forces on Cumberland Island — ^Nevertheless he will 
always be Considered as a Traitor since the public 
knows that this fact Combined with his Plans ft Inten- 
tion has Evidently shewn him to be such — and therefore 
he may Expect to be detested throughout the U. S. by 
all who are Sincerely attached to the government. 
Some of his Agents here however (and this territory 
Contains numbers of them) rejoiced greatly on hearing 
of his acquittal and some of them, I have been told, 
talked of raising his Standard Immediately — ^If no 
Examples are made there is little doubt but his minions 
will be the Cause of great Disturbances in the Country 
— ^I Dined yesterday at Col: Elliss in Company with 
Governor Claiborne and his Lady where Burrs Escape 
was Spoken of The Governor Declared he was so fully 
Convinced of the treason of Burr and his Party that 
Every man of them ought to be hung — ^The Gtov'. was 
to go off today and Intended to Decend the Biver to 
Point Coupre and thence to go by the Tuccapaw 
[Tucapau] where his wifes father lives — ^A friend of 
the Governors hinted to me that he Intended to visit 
the Federal City this Fall with a View of Resigning 
for his Situation Seems to have become Verry Disagre- 
able to him by the Great abuse and Opposition he has 
met with — ^I some time ago several years since observed 
to you that these Western Governments required Men 
of Military Caracter ft Experience in State affairs to 

Thomas Rodney. 51 

govern them — Snch would Command respect imd 
traitors would not Consider it so Easy to stir up Mis- 
chief in the Western Country Gov^ W. has lost all the 
Confidence of the Republicans and is treated with sudi 
abuse & Disrespect by them that he has no Assylum 
but among the Federalists which in a few years bids 
fair to Completely Federalize this Territory — ^the 
Present Lowering aspect in the West can only be dis- 
pelled by the most wise and Considerate Appointments 
— ^If Merit and not favoritism Dictates them the Gen- 
eral Government would soon acquire a degree of Con- 
fidence that Could not be Shaken by Traitors. 

M^ Poindexter has lost his youngest son since he left 
here — I Visited the family since and find that M". 
Poindexter bears the affliction with a great deal of 
decent fortitude — I shall write to him as soon as I git 
a lezure Moment but make no doubt his friends have 
informed him of this disaster before this. — ^I hope you 
ft your family have got quietly Settled at the Federal 
City — ^Present my affectionate regard to Susan ft the 

Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to CcMOur A. Bodney. 

Town of Washington Nov'. 12*^ 1807- 
My dear Son 

I returned the day before yesterday from a Jaunt to 
the Walnut hills the highest Land in our territory, and 
perhaps the Bichest Soil next to the Biver bottom Land 
and Lideed great part of it not inferior to bottom 
Lands. The Lands however are only settled along the 
Bluff of the Misisipi from the big black Biver up to 
the walnut hills and six miles up the Yazoo Bluff I had 
bought 2 small Tracts 2 miles beyond the hills and one 
mile from the Great fishing Lake which is part of the 
old bed of the Yazoo when it fill into the great Biver at 
the W. hills — ^Most of the Land between the Biver and 

52 Thomcbs Rodney. 

big black belong to the U. S. and are all Bich but some 
parts of it much broken with hills and Bjos — ^The Wal- 
nut hills are the Marvels of the Territory and probably 
in a short time after the public Lands are sold will 
begin to outstrip Natchez — Their Crops this year far 
exceed this part of the territory in abundance ^er 
Acre — I found my tract more pleasantly situated than 
I expected — ^My 400, acre tract is on the hills including 
a Valley running through it and a never failing stream 
of Water running through the Valley which has to 
decend one hundred feet before it reaches the Lake, 
yet the road up to this tract is of Easy assent and from 
the bottom of the hill quite Level to the Landing on the 
Eiver at the W. hills — Infact that part of the territory 
will be the most Pleasant and healthy part of the 
Country when Improved — Judge Bay & tumbull have 
80 Slaves at work at the hills and will make 150,000 w*. 
of Cotton this year and a much larger quantity annually 
in future for they had almost all their Land to Clear — 
The General Assembly had adjourned last winter to 
the first Munday in this Month — The Gov', sugested 
that the adjournment was Blegal &*. and yesterday he 
proroged them without day. Most of them were highly 
displeased at this and some of them thought it was done 
to prevent their Complaining of his Conduct SH". they 
have however dispersed — ^I write frequently but 
whether my Letters reach you or not I cannot tell be- 
cause I have not heard from you for a long time The 
Post Office here is in the hands of M'. Winston brother 
in law to the Governor and of late very Lidifferently 
attended to and some Suspect mismanagement as they 
say many Letters have been delaid in the office a week 
or two and one was lately noticed from M'. Branhem 
to have the seal broken before sent away I do not know 
what occasions this alteration of Conduct for Winston 
used to be very attentive. The course of Local Politics 
here you will find best displaid in the Natchez Papers — 

Thomas Rodney. 53 

I cannot tell why Smith does not send my Intelligencer 
Eegularly to this Town — ^I wrote to him a long time 
ago to Direct it to this town or not send it at all — ^I 
git only one in three or four weeks so that it is useless — 
When Burrs Trial is published dont neglect to send me 
a Copy — 

There seems to have been some secret Correspond- 
ence between Burr and Wilkinson that both of them 
seem Inclined to Conceal — ^What is that Delicacy that 
Conceals this Correspondence — ^If the Conduct of 
Either of them be Treasonable is not the other bound 
by the Law as well as the duty he owes his Country to 
reveal it? Can there be any Excuse for an honest mans 
Concealing the treasonable projects of a Traitor? Is 
private Confidence to out weigh Public duty — ^Wilkin- 
sons Caracter was brightning but I fear that Secret un- 
revealed Correspondences will Darken it again. 

Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A, Rodney. 

Washington Nov'. 20*^ 1807. 

My dear Son - •:,::•» ;:••:•••;*-•*•"- ' 

We have Federal Citf-^eVs' ipJli^-lBi^.ranfl Eich- 
mond Papers to the 20^^ of la6t;]^j]rn^ -biit it h&ve not 
heard from you for three jhontljs pfCi5.1^I:^nO)i6"for the 
last mail but being away it was not put in the office — 
Indeed the Office is badly attended here of late — I have 
called on Mail day several times and not found any 
person in the office tho tiie door has always been open 
so that it seems doubtful whether the Letters are se- 
cure in it or not — ^what the reason of this is I know not 
for Winston used to be very attentive — The dissatis- 
faction between the Gov', and Republicans seems daily 
increasing and they seem determined to memorialize 
the Government against his Conduct — Those Repub- 
licans not removed are resigning so that in a Little time 
there will be few or none in office — but as to politics I 

54 Thomas Rodney. 

mnst refer yon to the Natchez papers or to M'. Poin- 
dexter with whom the leading Bepnblicans Correspond 

Thomas Bodney. 

Thonias Rodney to Ccemr A. Rodney. 

T. of Washington M. T. Nov'. 25*^ 1807. 
My dear Son 

Yonr Letter of the 25*^ Ult. came to hand by the Mail 
this Morning — ^I was very glad on receiving it for I had 
not heard from yon so long that I began to be anxions 
and apprehensive something was the matter — ^therefore 
was rejoiced to find yon and family were well and that 
Snsan had bronght yon another Daughter. 

The Virginia Argus came on by this Mail — ^It Con- 
tained M'. Poindexter^s Examination at Richmond — 
I observe by that and other Examinations great 
Struggles were made to Cast all the odium possible on 
the President, Q-en^ Wilkinson and myself — ^L. Martin 
has been by his assertions, violent in his accusation of 
my Conduct and no doubt was very drunk at the same 
time — The modem Thersites ought to remember what 
his PtotOtypcr ?uff erp4 f^P^:*he Correction of Ulysses 
— ^f or i^imil^.blackgirj (J!9nj3^4t — On my Betum from 
the Ftfd^tralrCity torBoyer-i/iSOS, I stoped at Balti- 
moreiiLi Mkrtin i^hii^ on i^^d Introduced himself 
for this was the only time I ever saw him — He was re- 
markably Polite and friendly, and spent the Evening 
with me at the Tavern where I had put up — ^We had 
much Conversation about this Country in the Course 
of which he frequently asserted that the western 
Country would Seperate from the U. States in less than 
ten years and begged me to remember what he then 
said — ^I differed widely from his opinion on the subject, 
and assured him I should do Every thing in my power 
to prevent such a Seperation should it be attempted 
while I should remain in this Country but that I had 
no apprehension of such an Event — ^But when Burrs 


Thonuis Rodney. 55 

attonpt became Evident I was Indnced to think it prob- 
able that Martin was acquainted with such an Inten- 
tion Even before I Came here — ^For I have since ob- 
served several affidavits published which tend to shew 
that he was will acquainted with Burrs Intentions — ^He 
and Burr are sutable Companions — ^Both them are Void 
of both Honor and Veracity & Completely fitted in Dis- 
position to any kind of ViUiany — and both will be Dis- 
pised and Ditested in America as long as the Patriotic 
Love of Liberty and good Government remains. The 
President will be Honored and Bespected as much as 
they are Ditested and Dispised for their Villianous 
attempt to asspurse his Caracter and Conduct As to 
Burrs Soldiership he is only a Pistol Warrior; when 
here^ he trembled at the mention of Wilkinson Name, 
thereby discovering that he thought Wilkinson Superior 
to himself as a Soldier tho' in his boasting Letter he 
had Vainly said ** Wilkinson should be second to Burr*' 
— his LnbicUe attempt to overturn the Government of 
his Country tho' it Evidences the Traitor shews noth- 
ing in it of a great Mind beyond that of Vain ambition 
and Intreague — The C. J. I observe has Extended his 
opinion so as to render the Assemblage at Cumberland 
Island quite Innocent — Therefore Burr will meet with 
no punishment but the Detestation of his Country — ^I 
wrote to yourself and M'. Poindexter by the last Mail 
and have littie to add here — ^I still Enjoy good health — 
The Supreme Court is in Session and wiU hold this 
week and next and then Judge Leak^ returns for his 
family — ^Bruin does not attend, — he was Confined with 
very sore Eyes — ^I shall Expect the Presidents Mes- 
sage and the Pamphlet you mention by the next Mail — 
I have not a doubt but the Message will support the 
P". usual Dignity and Excellence — ^He is like a Bock 
in the Ocean against which the tempest beats in Vain 
and serves only to Pollish and not Injure — So rage in 
Vain his Virulent adversaries — ^His Conduct towards 

56 Thomas Rodney. 

Burr was like Ithurials spear — ^It Exhibited the Traitor 
Fiend in all his old ugly form. 
God bless you all adieu 

Your affect"". Father 

Thomas Bodney. 
Major Carter informs me that M". Poindexter and 
all the family are well — ^If none of them write by this 
mail he will be glad to hear this. 

Thomas Rodney to CcBscur A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Dec^ 24*^ 1807 
My dear Son 

I wrote to you by last mail, and was not then very 
well but have got quite well again — ^By the European 
Intilligenoer it seems as if we should be unavoidably 
plunged into a war or by the Maritime Conduct of 
France and Great Brittain be Deprived of all our Com- 
merce — ^Each one of those Tyrants is Determined that 
no Neutral Nation shall supply the other thus they pro- 
hibit the Commerce of all the rest of the World — ^They 
have become Desperate and regard not the Law or 
moral Eules of Nature or Nations — This then must 
produce a Crisis in respect to this Country that will 
require all the Wisdom of the General Government to 
Manage — ^What can they do If France and Great 
Brittain adhere to their imperial Blockade? Will it be 
prudent to trust our Ships at Sea when they are sure 
to be siezed by one tyrant or the other without resist- 
ance? Or can it be advisable to fight them both? — or 
can we make a friend of one by fighting the other? — 
Or will it be more wise to shut ourselves up like a 
terrapin in its Shell, and by Encouraging Manufactures 
determine to live within ourselves till the storm blows 
over? To mount the winds, sit in the the Tornado & 
direct the Storm, or to attempt this, I fear would be to 
enter on the Stage of Tyrants, for altho I dread noth- 
ing that any foreign Tyrant can do, yet he who can 

Thomas Rodney. 57 

make such Potent ones as now Rule abroad, might after- 
wards become a Tyrant himself — Such has often been 
the Case — and our Country has lately Exhibited an 
Example of what It may produce when Circumstances 
are more favorable to the ambitious — ^But whatever the 
Crisis may be I doubt not the Wisdom and Virtue of 
the Nation will be Competent to meet it. — 

The Legislature of this Territory was, today pro- 
rogued till the first Munday in February — ^It was Said 
they were drawing up a Memorial to the Federal GJov- 
emment ag*. the Governor, but whether this was the 
Cause of their being Prorogued or not I have not heard, 
but it is said some of the Members are much displeased 
at this Interruption of their business. 

Judge Leak set off the day before yesterday to Vir- 
ginia for his family, he will hardly have time to visit 
the Federal City as he aught to be here again by the 
4"* Munday in May. In the meantime I have all the 
Circuit Courts to attend for Judge Bruin is quite unable 
to attend — ^When you write home give my Love to Sally 
& Susan and the Children. God bless you Adieu 

Thomas Bodney. 

Thomas Rodney to Ccsscur A. Rodney. 

Washington M. T. Jan^ 27*^ 1808. 
My dear Son 

Your Letter of the 3*. of December Came to hand by 
last mail — I am very glad to hear that all our friends 
are well — ^but am sorry to hear that you have got your 
hip hurt — ^You do not say how it happened but as it is 
a dangerous joint to git Injured you aught to be very 
careful how you use it till it gits restored — 

The Inclosures — ^M'. Duanes Letter and that Webbs 
Exrs, Came safe to hand — ^M'. Duanes business I have 
put in the hands of M'. Shields who will attend to it — 
Col. Ellis Died last fall and his widow & Extrix M". 
Ellis has not yet informed me whether she will take 

58 Thomas Rodney. 

the Coach or not but I put the Letter in her hands, and 
think it probable she would take the Carriage If there 
was any Market for Cotton (for they have 2 Crops now 
on hand) — Since writing the above M" Ellis Called at 
my House^ on her way to Wood-Lawn, her Buffalo 
plantation, and says she will inform me on her return 
whether she will take the Coadi or not, but inclines to 
take it if she can sell her Cotton so as to Enable 
her to make the necessary Remittance — Judge Bruins 
Besignation has reached the Seat of (Government & of 
course the Vacancy will be filled next Mardi — ^I only 
remind you of what I said in favor of M'. Poindexter 
last Winter — ^He is a warm and Decided Republican 
and a very sincere friend to those he likes, and having 
Executed the office of Att^ Qen\ for several years with 
great Litegrity and ability, stands Customarily in the 
road to that appointment but I fear (for some Cause 
unknown to me) he is not in favor with the new Presi- 
dent yet stands fair, I am told with the President Elect 
I am persuaded they will not git one better qualified — 
It will be material to me that a Successor to Bruin 
should be here by the 4*^ Munday in May because I 
have a strong desire to visit my native state next April 
yet the Republicans & Indeed the People generally ob- 
ject to my going for fear that I will not return — ^For 
they are very ardent to form a Convention to make a 
Constitution and then to apply to be admitted into the 
Union as a State — and wish my aid in this business — 
And for aught I know my Presence may be of use to 
prevent anything untoward in the progress of sudi an 
Event — ^For the People generally seem so dissatisfied 

and angry with the Conduct of Gov'. W that some 

irregular Conduct might take place If not moderated 
by those they respect. 

It appears by the papers that M^ Madison has b^en 
Elected President by a Considerable Majority he will 
probably make the most agreeable successor to M'. Jef- 

Thomas Rodney. 59 

f erson, as being of the same mind in a great degree and 
being also well Versed in his plans & System of police- 
Yet I feel hi^ respect for the Patriotism & Bevolntion^ 
ary Principles of M'. Clinton and M^ Mnnro, and shall 
therefore be sorry if the angry publications of Differ- 
ent Pairtisans should make any Difference among the 
Principals on acct of one being pref erred, which was 
Enevitable — 

In a Republic like ours if a hundred were nominated, 
all aught to be satisfied with the one preferred by the 
People — Therefore M'. Clinton ft Munro will be so, and 
give M^ Madison all the aid in their Power to promote 
the Interest ft welfare of the U. S. — The Present Crisis 
demands a Combination of all the Patriotism and wis- 
dom of the Nation — This will Excite every man who 
loves his Country to Contribute his Mite — ^Adieu. 

Thomas Bodney 

P. S. I know nothing of the Closet politics at [head] 
[torn] quarters but report says that the Sect^ of War 
the Secret^, of the Treasury ft the Postmaster General 
go out with the old President — ^If so M'. Madison Will 
have almost a New Cabinet — ^Yet Even report has not 
Designated the new ministers — They will have an Ardu- 
ous Task on their hands. 

Thomas Rodney to CcMor A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. Feb'. 22*. 1808. 
My dear Son 

I frequently write to you altho I have not received a 
Letter from you for a long time — ^Nor have I received 
the Pamphlets you promised — ^I shall like you to send 
me Capt". Lewis's Travels to the western Ocean when 
published — ^I understand by M'. Shields that M'. Poin- 
dexter is a Candidate to succeed Judge Bruin here in 
Case the Judge Resigns, which I have been told by M'. 
Bragwale one of our bar who resides in Clalbom 
County, he means to do about the first of April after 

60 Thomas Rodney. 

attending the Circuit Courts of daibome and Jefferson 
— ^I know of no Republican Lawyer here more fit for 
that Station and I question if any Could be prevailed 
on to Come from the States more Competent — ^He has 
also been the Attorney General here several years and 
discharged that Duty with ability & attention and you 
know that in the Country from whence our Juris- 
prudence is derived that is the road to the bench — ^I 
hope M^ Shields will be appointed District Attorney, 
and young Pope, (son of Colonel Charles Pope of Dela- 
ware) Marshal of this District. 

The mail has been very irregular for two months past 
— The latest news received from the Federal City, is 
up to the 4** of Jan^. last — ^We have heard of M^ Bows 
arrival at Norfolk but know nothing what his Mission 
has or will Effect — The Planters and Merchants here 
bare the Effects of the Imbargo with patience but would 
be glad to see it at an end without war if possible — The 
Brittish blockading Orders have arrived here, and tend 
in some degree to make the Imbargo Sit more Easy — 
It is Expected from Some Communication received here 
that the Chocktaw treaty will be ratified — ^I rather 
think this will be advantageous to us — I hear nothing 
further of any additional allowances to the Commis- 
sioners who acted west of Pearl Biver — ^We came here 
at the rate of two thousands Dollars a year — Congress 
varied the Compensation after we were here — ^Was this 
Equitable, or can they think it reasonable that we 
should attend to the business in this Expensive Country 
a year and a half which I have done without any Com- 
pensations t If they will not let us have money, it 
would be but just to Compensate us in Lands — ^Tea they 
aught to compensate us generously — ^What would it be 
out of their Pockets to bestow on the Board and its 
oflScers a township somewhere between the Biver and 
the big black! I have seen the Presidents Letters de- 
clining a future Election This determination is truly 

Thomas Rodney. 61 

Patriotic — ^but I wish it may not be attended with dis- 
cord, or danger at this Crisis. 

We observe by the papers that a Violent rupture has 
taken place between M'. Randolph and Gten\ W. and 
that the President has ordered a military Court to En- 
quire into the Generals Conduct — ^This together with 
Burrs Conspiracy, and Mirandas Expedition, Indi- 
cates a Restless Spirit of Discord in our Country — ^but 
I trust the Patriotic Virtue of the people will overrule 
everything adverse to their Liberty and welfare. 

Thomas Rodney 

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney, 

M. T. Town of Washington March !■* 1808. 
My dear Son 

I know not whether M'. Dunbar or M'. Peas, have 
given any of their Correspondents at the Federal City 
any account of the Comet which made its appearance 
above the western Horizon here in the Evening about 
the 20"" of September and was first observed by M'. 
Peas (the Surveyor Gen^ on the 22™" of Sept', and he has 
traced its path since to the 3* of Feb^. or had done so 
when I Conversed with him last — It had then passed 
through an arch of 140 degrees and no doubt he has 
traced it several Degrees since — I mentioned in a for- 
mer Letter that M'. Dunbar had traced its path through 
135 Degrees on the 17"" of January, and had designated 
its path on a large Celestial globe so that it could be 
accurately seen by any person Its Course seemed to be 
from S. W. to N. E. Their observations Commenced 
while it was on the Leg of the Virgin a little below her 
Robe, and in its Course passed over the bright Star 
Lyra in the Harp — ^I went several times to view this 
Phenomina through M'. Dunbars glasses, which are the 
best we have in this part of our Country — ^Indeed they 
are Excellent. 

I expect He and M'. Peas, after their observations 

62 Thomas Rodney. 

are Completed, (for I believe the Comet is not out of 
their View yet) and corrected, Will publish them for 
the Information of the World, & particularly other 
Observers of the Same Phenomina — and they will tend 
to shew that this territory is not altogether in the dark 
or destitute of Scientific men — ^Indeed I believe their 
observations have been made with sudi accuracy and 
attention as will not only do Credit to themselves but 
tend to the Improvement of Astronomy in respect to 
the Phenomina of Comets which is no doubt very De- 
fective at present — ^For even the most skillful and En- 
lightened Astronomers have yet very strange and 
absurd Ideas about Comets — ^Ideas totally Inconsistant 
with the Infinitely wise order and Regulations of the 

Even some if not all our most Enlightened Astron- 
omers Consider the Comets as Wandering, as it were, 
at random through our Solar System, within the Orbits 
of the other Planets and liable to rua foul of them or 
bum them up &^&^ — This is surely nothing better than 
Scientific nonsense & inconsistant with the Nature of 
the Planets, and Principles of the Universe, 

The Comets are no doubt Planets belonging to the 
Solar System, moving in more distant and more Elip- 
tical, or more Eccentric, orbits than the other known 
Planets of our system. Their Atmospheres no doubt 
are Calculated to supply them with a due degree of 
Light and heat in all parts of their Orbits — ^In ap- 
proaching the sxm their Atmosphere having like our 
own the Capacity of baring only a certain degree of 
heat gradually retires behind the body of the Planet 
and forms what we Call the tail, and by this means 
moderates the degree of heat on the body of the planet 
so as to render it Comfortable to the Inhabitants that 
occupy it — ^Again when the Planet is retiring the At- 
mosphere gradually Collects round it again so as to 
afford it a Comfortable degree of heat and light at its 

Thomas Rodney. 63 

greatest distance from the Snn. When the Phenomina 
of the Comets Comes to be better nnderstood by As- 
tronomers, the propriety of what I have here Sugested 
will then appear. This will not reach yon till yon have 
more laznre to read than I expect yon have now — ^We 
have had here no warm weather this winter, bnt we 
have had pleasant Spring weather for abont ten days 
past — I have got one Sqnare of Peas planted and a 
good many small seeds sewn bnt none np yet — Several 
however have their Early Peas stnck — ^Ajb I mnst set 
ont on the Circnit this week I mnst git all my seeds in 
the gronnd before I go away. The Legislature here 
will conclnde their Session this Evening — ^As Gov'. 
Williams Period of OflSce Expires today they have 
doubts whether he can Legally Act longer Unless re- 
appointed — and as the Secretary T. H. W. is absent 
they think an Interregnum will take place — The Gov', 
thinks he has a right to act, Untill he is reappointed 
or a Successor arrives and qualifies &f. I sugested to 
the Members that the Decision of this Question did not 
rest Either with them or the Governor but with the 
Judiciary — and that they could not Decide it, Untill it 
Came in Some way Legally before them — The Misisipi 
is xmusually high at this time and there is an uncom- 
mon Number of Kentucky boats at Natchez so that 
Country produce is Very CSieap — Flour $5. Com 3 bits. 
Bacon 8 dol'. p'. hund"*. — a vast supply of other articles 
Equally Cheap, & many Cheaper — ^beside the great 
number of boats at Natchez they run into Every River 
& Creek in all parts of the Country — I reed, a Letter 
dated 10*^ of Jan^. from Doct'. Hall in which he men- 
tions that he had not reed, a Letter I inclosed to you 
for him — ^If you have not seen him, send it to him at 
Winchester Virginia — 

Thomas Rodney 
N. B. While I was writing this Letter the (Jovemor 
Dissolved the General Assembly. 

64 Thomas Rodney. 

(Written on the side of the first page — ) 
Note — ^we reed, no paper from the Federal City by 
the mail to-day — March 2*. 

Thomas Rodney to CcRsar A, Rodn&y. 

Town of Washington March 18** 1808 
My dear Son 

Tonr Letter of the 28** of Jan', came to hand some 
days ago — Since which we^have had the News by way 
of Tennessee to the 1 of Feb', and by way of Orleans 
to the 15** of the same montibi from the Federal City — 
If it be time that M'. Bow has demanded that the Presi- 
dent should Becind his Proclamation respecting the 
Chesapeake previous to his Negociating, I shall be 
proud to hear that he is Dismissed without further 
Ceremony, and Let Old England Sink with the weight 
of her own Haughty and Imperious Pride for that will 
be her fate in the Course of the Next war she wages 
with America. It is well known to the Statesmen both 
of Great Brittain and France, that if America is forced 
into a war with one or the other of those powers against 
the other, that other must be over thrown — ^Both of 
them therefore are Equally Impolitic to Endeavour to 
force us into a war against either — ^Bonapartes Decree 
of Blockade is an Act of foolery — and the Brittish 
Court have been weak Enough to be fooled by it into 
a Measure Equally mad, and far more Destructive to 

I find the Conflict between GtenK W. on one side and 
Burr & Clark &*" on the other is growing very sharp and 
Inviterate, and as you are situated it will require firm 
guarded and Prudent Conduct to preserve you from 
being drawn into share any part of the Conflict beyond 
what your duty may require. 

Bdrr is no doubt the Prime Mover of the attack on 
the Gteneral, and therefore it is the duty of government 
to support the General against that Host of traitors to 

Thomas Rodney. 65 

their Country — ^Tet if it shonld be proved that the Gen- 
eral ever received a Pension from Spain or ever at- 
tempted or was disposed to separate the western 
Conntry from the Union, I shonld think it not safe to 
let onr Army remain under his Command — ^Tet I hope 
he will make it appear that all those Charges are 
ground [less] for I should Indeed Very much Regret 
see*, an Old Revolutionary proved guilty of thus debas- 
ing his Virtue and Patriotism — ^But whatever the Gen- 
erals former Conduct may have been his Dicided op- 
position to the traitor Burr was highly Meritorious — 
The Generals son is at Orleans at least I have not heard 
of his return nor did I see him when he was up, but 
M'. W". Dunbar told me he Intended Settling in this 
territory to practise the Law and had gone down to 
Orleans for his wife — If he Comes I shall attend to 
your request — ^As the aspect of Public affairs looks like 
an approaching war ; If it should happen my advice to 
government is that they appoint no special Commander 
in Chief — As the Army must be in different bodies, dis- 
tantly seperated, let each army or body of the army 
have its own Commander — accoxmtable only to the 
President or Sect", of War — ^As there can hardly be less 
than 4 or 5 seperate Detachments it will require a Major 
General to Command each. 

I am glad to hear the family are all well, give my love 
to Susan & the Children and Sister Sally. 

Thomas Rodney 

(To be continued.) 

Vol. XLV. 

66 Charles Lee. 






Major-General Charles Lee, about whom I have the 
honour to speak to you tMs evening, is one of the most 
picturesque and one of the most ill-starred figures that 
cross the panorama of Revolutionary history, and it is 
perhaps for this reason that I have chosen him for my 
subject. I have always thought that he would make a 
striking theme for an historical novel, and, although I 
have not the skill to treat him in that way, I shall try 
tonight to sketch briefly the rise, decline and fall, to 
show the bright lights and dark shadows, of this para- 
doxical man of whom it may be said, in charity, that 
he was his own worst enemy. 

Brilliant, imperious, liberal-minded but narrow, vain 
to the verge of insanity, acid of tongue, talented yet 
unbalanced, brave yet treacherous, a lover of animals 
but quarrelsome with men, spirited yet meanly envious, 
— a strange jumble of good and evil — such was Charles 
Lee, who lies buried without the walls of old Christ 
Church in this city, his grave unmarked and forgotten, 
his reputation sadly blackened, and **none so poor to 
do him reverence. ' ' 

Li his entertaining ^^ Essays Historical and Liter- 
ary '^ the late John Fiske has said of Lee : ** Wherever 
a war is going on, it is apt to draw from other countries 
a crowd of officers who come to look on and give advice, 
or perhaps to study the art of war under new condi- 
tions, or to carve out for themselves a career for which 

* An address delivered before the Historical Society of PennsjlTania, 
Maieh 14, 1921. 

^^^■^^^■^*^^^^»^^i^"^i^^«—- ^^^^^ 


Charles Lee. 67 

no chance seems to be offered them at home. This was 
amply illnstrated in the war of indep^dence. • • • 
A swarm of officers crossed the Atlantic in the hope of 
obtaining commands and not less than twenty-seven 
snch foreigners served in the Continental army, with 
the rank of general, either Major or brigadier. I do 
not refer to snch French allies as came with Bocham- 
bean, or in company with the fleets of D'Estaing and 
De Grasse. I refer only to snch men as obtained com- 
missions from Congress, and were classed for the time 
as American officers. Some were drawn hither by a 
noble, disiaterested enthusiasm for the cause of polit- 
ical liberty; some were mere selfish schemers or crack- 
brained vagrants in quest of adventure. • • • Among 
the former there were five who attained real eminence 
and have left a shining mark upon the pages of his- 
tory. '^ Here Fiske alludes to De Kalb, Lafayette, Pu- 
laski, Kosciusko and Baron Steuben. And he adds: 
^^But in the eyes of the generation which witnessed the 
beginning of the Revolutionary War, none of the Euro- 
pean officers just mentioned was anything like so con- 
spicuous or so intermting a figure as Charles Lee. 
He was on the gpround before any of these others; 
he had already been in America; he came with the 
gpreatest possible amount of noise ; he laid claim to the 
character of a disinterested enthusiast so vehemently 
that people believed him.'* 

Personally, I think that General Lee was more sin- 
cerely interested in the American cause when he first 
attached himself to it than John Fiske gives him credit 
for being, but we all know how this tempestuous Eng- 
lish soldier weakened in the end and finally betrayed 
it. It is certain, at least, that he took up the rights 
of the Americans with tremendous energy, by act, and 
word, and pen, and for a time enjoyed a prestige over 
here which threatened to submerge the far nobler, more 
efficient but less spectacular Washington. 

68 Charles Lee. 

When Lee reached New York in 1773,— he had been 
here before dpring the English campaigns against the 
French — everything that was known about his past 
career tended to foster this prestige. For he had al- 
ready played an active and noisy part in European 
life, and bore the reputation of being a man of aristo- 
cratic lineage, a brave and experienced oflBcer and a 
virile pamphleteer in the cause of ideal democracy. 

Charles Lee came of an old Cheshire family, and was 
bom at Demhall in 1731, his father being of the British 
army. Part of his youthful education was received in 
Switzerland where he acquired a good working knowl- 
edge of French and the classics and where his environ- 
ment gave him that love of free government and hatred 
of tyranny for which he afterwards became famous and 
which he sometimes vented from the housetops, figur- 
atively speaking, with all the ardor of a modem Fourth 
of July orator. Later he picked up at least a smatter- 
ing of Spanish, Latin and German and set himself to 
study the art and technique of war as it was practiced 
in those days before Napoleon had arisen to show that 
real war is something more than cut and dried science. 
When the time came for him to carry out the teaching 
of this art as a commander in the American Revolution 
he found, much to his surprise, that he was not half as 
successful as a certain colonial named George Wash- 
ington, who didn't know half as much about the art as 
he did. It is said, with what truth I know not, that 
young Lee was given a commission in the British Army 
at the tender age of eleven ; it may be true, because in 
the middle of the eighteenth century there existed an 
abuse — ^we should call it now by the ** short and ugly'' 
name of graft — ^by which children sometimes received 
commissions and their adoring families drew the pay 
accruing therefrom. But when he was fifteen Charles 
was appointed an ensign in his father's old regiment, 
the Fifty-fourth, and it was as a lieutenant in this regi- 

Charles Lee. 69 

ment that he later on went to America and took part in 
the ill-fated campaign against Fort Dnquesne, xmder 
General Braddock. Poor, vain, blustering Braddock. 
When he told wise Benjamin Franklin how he was 
going to push through the forests of Pennsylvania and 
conquer the Indians just as if he were waging a scien- 
tific war in Europe against an open enemy, our Phila^ 
delphia philosopher smiled a pitying smile, for he knew 
that the Indians would fight in the stealthy way they 
wanted to and not according to the rules of war as laid 
down by the hectoring Englishman. And so Braddock 
lost his life for his foolishness, and the expedition came 
to grief; his young aide, George Washington, went 
home, after distinguishing himself, and young Lieuten- 
ant Lee escaped with his life, without realizing under 
what circumstances fate would throw Washington and 
himself together again — ^how they would meet as rebels 
to their King, how they would become warm friends, 
how they would quarrel, and how Lee would die dis- 
mally and almost alone in a Philadelphia tavern, whilst 
Washington, whom he had always secretly envied and 
tried to unhorse, was being acclaimed the saviour of his 
country. Life is full of such contrasts. 

When Lee's regiment finally went into winter quar- 
ters in Albany, New York, he became very friendly with 
the neighboring Mohawk Indians, and was made a mem- 
ber of the Bear tribe under the appropriate name of 
**Ounewaterika** — for when I add that that means 
*' Boiling Water*' you can see the significance of the 
title, for if ever there was a man who was always in hot 
water that man was Charles Lee. He was always 
making trouble, if it didn't come naturally; he had an 
unpleasant way of criticizing his superiors, and he 
could sometimes say very sharp things to and about his 
friends, and the fact that what he said was often true 
did not make his wit any the more palatable. We are 
often content to have truth remain at the bottom of the 


70 Charles Lee. 

Now it appears that Lee, seeking more boiling water, 
took Tinto himself a wife from among the Indian squaws 
— 8i lady whom he enthnsiastically describes as * * a very 
gpreat beauty. ' ' But this encumbrance is soon lost sight 
of, and I am afraid the fickle soldier, who always liked 
the fair sex, did not take the aboriginal Mrs. Lee very 
seriously. Save for this Lidian marriage, he remained 
a bachelor to the end, and it used to be whispered 
among the Chews, the Cadwaladers, the Willings and 
other fair Philadelphians, when he was visiting here, 
that his ugliness and untidy habits had caused more 
than one charmer to refuse him. For Lee was no 
beauty, and people made fun, behind his back, of hia 
tall, scrawny figure and huge aquiline nose, aad of his 
thin legs, which seemed too long for his trunk. He had 
piercing, restless eyes and a sarcastic expression about 
the mouth, and I warrant you that his friends were 
pretty careful what they said to his face, and tried to 
make the best of the dogs with which he surrounded 
himself. He liked nothing better, indeed, than bringing 
his dogs into a drawing room or, better still, having 
them eat at the dinner table, and if anybody objected he 
was apt to say that he had always found his canine 
friends much more attractive and faithful than his 
human friends. 

I must pass over, in a few words, Lee's military 
career prior to our own Revolution. He bought a cap- 
taincy in his regiment, he commanded the Forty-fourth 
Grenadiers and was wounded in the desperate assault 
on Ticonderoga, July 1, 1758 ; he was at the capture of 
Niagara in 1759, and at the capture of Montreal, and 
in all the active service he saw in America he proved 
himself as brave as he was querulous and fault-finding. 
And while he loved to call people hard names he did not 
enjoy criticism directed against himself; he was very 
much like the man who said: ^^I have a keen sense of 
humor except when I am made the subject of it I'' So 

Charles Lee. 71 

when he was quartered in Long Island and a medical 
officer lampooned him, Lee did not see the humor of 
it, and promptly thrashed the offender, whereupon the 
offender attacked Lee, who barely saved his own life. 

The year 1761 found Lee back in London, where he 
received his appointment, in August of that year, 
as Major in the One Himdred and Third Foot, or '* vol- 
unteer hunters** as they were called, a newly-raised 
light corps. He was one of the officers attached to the 
staff of the British Army with which he served as 
lieutenant-colonel in the campaign in Portugal, in 1762, 
and covered himself with glory under General John 
Burgoyne in the brilliant affair at Villa Velha (October 
5, 1762) . He returned home at the peace and was placed 
on half pay. i 

This did not suit the active, critical temperament 
of the Lieutenant-Colonel, who was as restless as he 
was critical, and who, furthermore, wanted to conquer 
in fresh £elds. So he busied himself by inventing a 
Utopian scheme for the founding of military colonies 
on the Wabash and Illinois, and at intervals of leisure, 
he would abuse the English ministry. I think he must 
have had some Irish blood in his veins, for he was 
never so happy as when he was tilting with the exist- 
ing government. He thought the ministry reactionary, 
and said so; he learned to look upon the yoxmg King 
George IH as a narrow, bigoted man, and the fact that 
George was a paragon of domestic virtue did not appeal 
to him at all, for Lee himself was not unduly encum- 
bered either with domesticity or with virtue. As a 
result the Ministers in power, whom he was criticizing 
in season and out, disliked him and refused to him the 
promotion and honors to which he considered himself 
entitled. Thus the brilliant officer went on growing 
in bitterness, and the more republican he became in 
his sympathies the more he hated the royal Houses of 
Hanover and of Stuart. His contempt for the Stuarts 

72 Charles Lee. 

was deep and unquenchable, and one of the finest bits 
of irony for which the Eighteenth Century is distin- 
guished is his * ^ Epistle ' * to David Hume, the historian, 
in which he subtly ridicules the latter for the way in 
which he has '* whitewashed^* the royal House of Scot- 
land in his *' History of England.'* 

As there seemed no further chance of promotion in 
the British army, Lee secured letters of recommenda- 
tion to the Polish government, and in 1764 was ap- 
pointed a major-general in the Polish army and at- 
tached to the personal staff of Stanislaus Poniatowsky 
as adjutant-general. He spent several stirring years 
with the Poles, and on one occasion nearly lost his life 
by being snowed up in the Balkans. We can fancy 
that thereafter he had, in his highly vituperative way, 
some bad things to say about the Balkans. 

After spending several years in Poland, where he 
undoubtedly acquired valuable military experience, Lee 
returned to England, where he intrigued with suffi- 
cient success to procure from a grateful Government 
letters patent for crown grants of twenty thousand 
acres of land in Florida. What a pity that he didn't 
emigrate there and raise oranges ; he might have died, 
in due course, in the odor of sanctity, and orange blos- 
soms, and no one could have written * traitor" against 
his name. 

But what Lee really wanted was rapid promotion in 
the British army, and as he could not secure this, he 
did not hesitate to express his opinion of the British 
Ministry in no uncertain terms. The ministers retali- 
ated by shrugging their shoulders and remarking that 
General Lee was a disappointed and vindictive place 
hunter. This was, no doubt, plain truth, but at that 
time most people in England were place-hunters of 
some kind or other, all seeking little work at large 
salaries. I am under the impression, indeed, that this 
sort of quest is not unknown in America at the present 

Charles Lee. 73 

Early in 1769 Lee went back to Poland, held a major- 
generaPs command in the campaign against the Turks, 
and enlivened the proceedings by telling everybody, in 
season and out, what a poor opinion he had of the com- 
manders above him. 

Once, upon returning from Hungary, Lee nearly died 
of a fever; at another time he fought a duel with an 
Italian officer — ^another matter of too much talk, I sup- 
pose — lost two of his own fingers and kUled the Italian, 
with the result that he had to fly to Gibraltar, whence 
he embarked for London. This was in 1770, and it was 
on his reappearance in England that he wrote the ad- 
mirable '* Epistle'' to David Hume of which I have 
spoken. At this time he was in possession of a private 
income of a thousand pounds sterling a year, through 
the death of his brothers, and grants of land in the 
colonies, but his restless spirit fretted for action; he 
wanted to play a part in the world, and he wanted 
a wide stage to do it in. It so happened that the affairs 
of America were beginning to attract excited atten- 
tion ; the first cloud of the Revolution had arisen, and 
Englishmen were discussing the claims of the colonials 
and the question of taxation. Some thoughtful persons 
contended that the Americans should have all they 
wanted, others echoed the harsh sentiment of old 
Samuel Johnson, who said that the Americans were 
' * a race of convicts ' ' and ought to be thankful for any- 
thing the English allowed them ** short of hjmging!" 
Now to Lee the cause of the Americans honestly and 
sincerely appealed, because it exactly fitted in with his 
own views about personal liberty and free government. 
As time went on, and the troubles across the water in- 
creased, Lee became more and more interested, and 
when the clouds of discontent burst into the flames of 
open rebellion he determined to go to America and en- 
courage the colonials in their just resistance to oppres- 
sive measures. I believe that at this time, before envy 

74 Charles Lee. 

and conceit had altogether mined his character, he was 
really ingenuous in his admiration of the American 
cause and that he was inspired by the best of motives, 
although he doubtless was hoping to play a popular 
role in the new country. An experienced and well- 
known British officer and pamphleteer going over to 
espouse the rights of the Americans was no mean event 
in this crisis and Lee naturally expected to become a 
bit of a hero. Who can blame him up to this i)ointt 
After all, he was, as an officer on half pay, with estates 
in the mother country, taking a risk in what he was 
about to do. His early biographer, Edward Lang- 
worthy, says: ''He was of course absent (in Poland) 
when the stamp act was passed ; but, although absent, 
he did not cease laboring in the cause of America. 
• * • He used every argoment and exerted all the 
abilities he was master of with every correspondent 
he had, in either House of Parliament. * * * He 
gave up security for insecurity, certainty for uncer- 
tainty, he threw himself into the lap of America with- 
out any chance of winning; he staked all on the side 
of her fortune ; if she succeeded, he could not be better ; 
if she miscarried his whole was lost. ' ' 

There is something in what Langworfhy says. Lee 
took up the grievances of the Americans long before 
there was anything for him to gain by so doing; in- 
deed, he was likely to lose by giving offence to certain 
influential persons in the British government, who 
would see to it that this half -pay British officer and 
general in the Polish army would not receive his pro- 
motion in a hurry. There was one gentleman, I am 
quite sure, who wanted to get even with Lee, and nearly 
succeeded later on, and that was his Majesty, King 
George HI, who believed that Americans were a race 
of rebels, although he did not consider them a race of 
convicts. No; I think Charles Lee was really disin- 
terested at this time ; if he had only remained so after 

Charles Lee. 75 

he reached America, and had not had his head tamed 
by adulation, all would have been well. 

Lee arrived in New York in November, 1773, amidst 
the agitation about the tea duties, and was received 
with enthusiasm. He travelled through the colonies, 
meeting Washington and other prominent men, and the 
more openly he expressed his admiration for the cause 
of the colonials the more popular he became. Here 
was a great British general and statesman— for so the 
Americans conceived him — come to encourage them; 
the Americans were properly flattered, and General 
Lee lost his head. He began to think that he was ' ' the 
whole show*' as we would term it now, and to persuade 
himself that he would have to teach the Americans how 
to run things. He had a great contempt for the un- 
trained, civilian generals whom he met, from Wash- 
ington down, and slowly but surely his gnarled heart 
was devoured by a great canker — ^the thought that he, 
and not Washington, should be at the head of the army. 
But I am. anticipating a bit. When Lee first reached 
this country, he was following the role of an orator 
and writer, not a fighter, and in this guise he wrote his 
** Strictures on a Friendly Address to All Reasonable 
Americans," in which he severely handled the Tory 
arguments of the writer of the ** Friendly Address*' 
itself. This was in 1774, and in December of the same 
year, he sent to his friend, Edmund Burke, through Sir 
Joshua Reynolds, the painter, a letter in which he con- 
tended that Americans should trust no one in their 
affairs unless he held some property in the colonies. 
Li order that he might qualify himself, Lee bought an 
estate in the Shenandoah Valley, in Berkeley County, 
Virginia ; to pay for it he borrowed money from Robert 
Morris, giving bills on his agent in England and mort- 
gaging the property as security. Later on, when he 
had taken up arms against the British Government, the 
bills were returned protested, as all his property in 


76 Charles Lee. 

England had been confiscated, and Congress generously 
advanced him $30,000 as indemnity, the money to be 
paid back if he shonld ever recover his forfeited estate. 
Early in 1775, he had resigned his commission in the 
British Army, in a dignified letter which he wrote to 
the War OflSce : **The present measures (of the British 
Parliament) seem to me, * * he said, ^ * so absolutely sub- 
versive of the rights and liberties of every individual 
subject, so destructive to the whole empire at large, 
and ultimately so ruinous to his Majesty's own person, 
dignity and family, that I think myself obliged, in con- 
science, as a citizen, Englishman, and soldier of a free 
state, to exert my utmost to defeat them. ' ' 

Would that Lee could have lived up to this high plane. 
At this moment he was on the best of terms with Wash- 
ington, who admired the English general exceedingly 
and seems to have deferred more or less to his opinions, 
which were always stated in no uncertain terms. When 
Lee went to Philadelphia his advice was eagerly sought 
by many members of Congress; from now until his 
downfall he remained a very important person, and 
even after his court martial, there were some patriots 
who believed in him. 

Three days before Lee resigned from the British 
Army, he had been commissioned by Congress as second 
major-general in the Continental Army, Artemas Ward 
being first major-general and Washington commander- 
in-chief. He accepted the appointment, but with envy 
and much uncharitableness in his heart ; he should have 
the commandership-in-chief , he thought, or, if not that, 
the first major-generalship. For Ward he professed a 
great contempt, and called him ' ^ a f at church warden ; ' * 
for Washington he did not dare show any disrespect, 
but he always felt, until the day of his death, that he 
(Lee) should have been the leader and Washington the 
led. Subsequently, when Ward resigned, Lee was 
second in rank only to Washington, but even this did not 

Charles Lee. 77 

satisfy his greedy soul. Indeed, there came a time when 
some very patriotic persons, finding that the war was 
not going well for the canse of liberty, began to think 
that perhaps Charles Lee would be a better commander- 
io-chief than the Virginian. Joseph Beed must have 
thought so, when he wrote to Lee in November, 1776 : 
**T confess I do think that it is entirely owing to you 
that this army and the liberties of America so far as 
they are dependent on it, are not totally cut off. You 
have decision, a quality often wanting in minds other- 
wise valuable. • * • Oh, General I An indecisive mind 
is one of the greatest misfortunes ftiat can befall an 
army; I often have lamented it this campaign." In 
other days Beed must have realized that the Fabian 
policy which he was here criticizing was the only one 
that Washington, hampered as he was, could have pur- 
sued with any chance of success. No doubt others 
wrote to Lee in the same vein, so that he must have 
finally become sincerely convinced that the saving of 
America really rested with himself. Other generals in 
other wars have had the same hallucination. 

In analyzing Lee's brief military career in the Amer- 
can forces, I do not see any warrant for the value which 
some of his contemporaries placed on his services. I 
suppose it was because of the fact, which we so often 
observe in this queer old world, that when he blew his 
own trumpet, as he was constantly doing, a good many 
people appraised him at his own valuation. Further- 
more, his espousal of the American cause had endeared 
him to many, and those colonists who were frankly for 
separation from the mother country were wild with 
pleasure when he advocated independence — ^as he evi- 
dently did. He must have done so, for it is on record 
that he wrote to Edward Butledge: **By the eternal 
God, if you don't declare yourselves independent, you 
deserve to be slaves 1 ' ' He was ever strong in his lan- 
guage, as when he referred to King George HI as * * a 

78 Charles Lee. 

tyrant," and to the British Parliament as an '^aban- 
doned " institution. In the meantime, as the good but 
fatally obstinate Ejng paced up and down Windsor, he 
must have ^ven many a bitter thought to the recalci- 
trant Lee. For George HE kept a very close tab on 
people, and seldom forgave an injury. 

Lee accompanied Washington to Cambridge, where 
he was received with much deference, and where 
his great reputation had preceded him ; he entered into 
a correspondence with his old friend, Gteneral Burgoyne, 
now in this country with an army — a conference which 
came to naught because the Assembly of Massachusetts 
disapproved of its continuance; he was employed at 
Newport and New York ; he was nominated to the com- 
mand of the American forces in Canada, but was 
counter-ordered to Charleston, South Carolina, where 
he ostensibly defeated the British attack of June 28, 
1776, but the credit for which belonged to Moultrie, and 
when he repaired to New York, his chief business, untU 
the time he was captured, seems to have been to thwart 
Washington in every conceivable way. On his arrival 
in New York, he took command of the right wing of 
Washington's army, and through the resignation of 
Ward, he was now senior major-general and there was 
no one above him but Washington I If disaster came to 
the latter, it seemed probable that Lee would be put in 
his place, to show the Americans what a trained British 
soldier, skilled in the technique and strategy and tactics 
of war, could accomplish. I must confess that it looks 
very much as if Lee tried deliberately to bring this 
about. I need not weary my hearers with a detailed ac- 
count of Washington's campaign against Howe, or of 
the events preceding or following the fall of Fort 
Washington. Suffice it to say that General Lee, instead 
of bringing all his reputed skill and experience to help 
his chief, did everything he conceivably could to upset 
his plans, disobeyed his orders and wrote letters cal- 

Charles Lee. 79 

dilated to increase a certain disaffection then existing 
against (general Washington. When the latter reached 
Princeton, early in December, 1776, Lee, in disregard 
of Washington's orders, marched slowly to Morristown 
instead of crossing the Delaware near Alexandria, just 
as Gates was approaching on his way from Ticon- 
deroga with seven regiments sent down by General 
Schuyler to Washington's assistance. Lee managed to 
have three of these regiments diverted to Morristown. 
Says John Fiske: ^^His design in thus moving inde- 
pendently was to operate upon the British flank from 
Morristown, a position of which Washington himself 
afterwards illustrated the great value. The selfish 
schemer wished to secure for himself whatever advan- 
tage might be gained from such a movement. His plan 
was to look on and see Washington defeated and 
humbled and then strike a blow on his own account. 

Fiske always makes the very worst of Lee, and paints 
him in the blackest colors even when there is little white 
to be seen, but one must admit that his theory is more 
than plausible. Charles Lee, brave soldier, upholder of 
liberty, world patriot, was degenerating into a thing of 
meanness and a potential traitor. Just at this moment 
a strange thing happened to Lee. He had spent the 
night of December 13th at White's Tavern in Basking- 
ridge, several miles from his camp. Eiarly in the morn- 
ing an oflScer (Major Wilkinson) arrived at the inn 
with a dispatch from General Gutes, and Lee, thrusting 
an old flannel gown over his night-clothes, placidly got 
out of bed and proceeded to write a letter to Gates. He 
naturally did not know that a Tory busybody had given 
the British, in camp fifteen or twenty miles away, due 
notice of his presence in the tavern. As he was finishing 
the letter, Wilkinson, looking out of the bedroom win- 
dow, saw a troop of red-coated British soldiers riding 
rapidly up to the house. They were men from the Six- 
teenth Light Dragoons, under command of Colonel 

80 Charles Lee. 

William Harcourt, some of wbom, by a curious coinci- 
dence, had served with Lee in Pbrtugal and remem- 
bered him as a brave if somewat irascible soldier. 

All sorts of stories were told in after years about 
Lee's conduct when he was captured. It was said that 
he betrayed abject terror ; that he begged Harcourt to 
spare his life, and behaved in such a way as to disgust 
Wilkinson and the Britishers who had fought with him 
at Villa Velha. I doubt the truth of most of these 
stories ; I think it much more likely that the American 
general indulged in more profanity than cowardice. It 
was a swearing age, and Lee, I shrewdly suspect, 
could follow out the adage of * * swearing like a trooper. ' ' 
But it was undoubtedly a great shock to his nerves to be 
thus captured, for as the British dragoons crowded into 
his bedroom, and seized him, they cried out that he was 
a deserter from the British army and would be so 
treated by General Howe. Lee knew what that meant ; 
there was more than humiliation in his being thus 
taken ; there was the possibility of a disgraceful death ! 

Without being given time to dress the ^*Hero of 
Charleston," as he liked to be called, was tied on a 
horse, hurried off like a cattle thief to the British camp, 
and finally turned over to Sir William Howe in New 
York. In the meantime Lee's regiments were moved to 
the aid of Washington, in time to take part in the move- 
ment on Trenton. 

Upon his arrival in New York, Lee was treated with 
much more courtesy than he had been by his captors 
at White's Tavern, but he was in a very delicate posi- 
tion. Howe regarded him as a deserter, and was, in- 
deed, ordered to send him to England for trial, but 
just as the prisoner was about to set sail a weighty 
word came from General Washington. Five Hessian 
officers, said the American commander-in-chief, were 
held by him as hostages for Lee 's safety. It is almost 
pathetic to think how faithful Washington still was to 

Charles Lee. 81 

Lee when we see how treaxsheronsly the Englishman 
had treated him. But Washington was a master dip- 
lomat in this matter, for he evidently knew that the 
British wonld be loath to sacrifice five Hessian officers 
and thus anger the German troops and the governments 
which had hired them out to the British. The British 
Ministry, after much discussion, was afraid to make 
way with Lee, and finally instructed Howe (this was as 
late as December, 1777) to treat the American major- 
general as a prisoner of war, '^subject to exchange 
when convenient. ' ' 

Nevertheless, it was a sad day for Lee when he en- 
tered New York as a prisoner, for from that day dates 
his treason to the American standard. We know much 
now that our ancestors never knew, and which, if they 
had known, would have caused them to place Lee in 
the same class with Benedict Arnold. It is all plain 
enough now. Lee, feeling that his life, as an alleged 
deserter, was in great danger, did everything he could 
to propitiate Sir William Howe. It must have been 
for this reason that he told Howe he disapproved of the 
Declaration of Independence, and believed, could he but 
seek an interview with a committee from Congress, 
that he could open the way to a satisfactory adjust- 
ment of all disagreements between Great Britain and 
the colonies. Howe, who was a bit of a pacifist, sanc- 
tioned such an interview, but Congress, very properly, 
would have none of it. The fact was that Lee was com- 
ing down from his pedestal with many Americans, a 
great many of whom were beguming to think that he 
was too erratic and temperamental (that is the word 
we would use to-day) to be a great general. No one 
suspected him of treachery, but at this very moment he 
was planning to deliver the Americans, whom he pro- 
fessed to serve so loyally, into the hands of the vindic- 
tive British. I say vindictive, because we know — such 
are the amenities of war — that if America had not 

Vol xlv.— « 

82 Charles Lee. 

triumphed many of our ancestors wonld have been 
strong up on the branches of the nearest trees or lamp 
posts. As Franklin once remarked to Congress: **We 
must all hang together or assuredly we will all hang 
separately 1 ' * 

Lee, in short, prepared for General Howe a plan 
of campaign against the Americans in which he ** sin- 
cerely and zealously,*' as he expresses it, enters into 
the British interests and recommends an expedition 
to Chesapeake Bay — an expedition which was under- 
taken in the following summer. Of course treason could 
go no further than this ; he had placed himself in the 
same abyss with Bicnedict Arnold, who was later to 
startle the world by his apostasy. But Lee's treason 
was unknown to the public for more than eighty years, 
and might never have been known, indeed, had not the 
document come to light among certain Howe papers in 
1858, and afterwards found its way to the Lenox Li- 
brary in New York. It is in Lee 's handwriting, and is 
endorsed as "Mr. Lee's plan — 29th March, 1777" in the 
writing of Howe's secretary. Sir Henry Strachey. 
There is the evidence, damning and undisputed; 
it is very hard for people who commit their crimes 
to paper and ink to "prove an alibi"! If you 
desire to know more of this "Plan" read George 
H. Moore's book, "The Treason of Charles Lee," 
published in 1860. Curious, when one comes to 
think of it, how this paper was carried to England 
by Sir Henry Strachey and how it remained hidden 
all those years in a country house in Somersetshire. 
There is something of romance in all this, although it 
is a tarnished romance, and when we think what 
CJharles Lee might have done, and how he might have 
shone alongside of Washington and Wayne, Knox and 
Lafayette, Franklin, Morris, Jefferson, and the rest 
of that galaxy worthy of Rome's best days — ^when we 
think of all that, we can only lament. 

Charles Lee. 83 

As naturally nothing was known in the American 
camp about Lee^s treachery, he was warmly welcomed 
when he joined Washingon's army at Valley Forge 
in May, 1778. Washington still believed in him, but 
Lee no longer had about him the glamor of a hero, and 
some people laughed when they told of how he had 
been packed off to New York on a horse, riding along 
hatless and clad in an old flannel wrapper, amid the 
jeers of his captors. 

Why did Lee return to the American forces? He 
had proved himself, to General Howe, such a firm 
friend to Great Britain, by his apostasy, that one might 
suppose he would rather have continued with the 
British. It has been argued, however, that he still 
hoped to supplant Washington, and would finally 
emerge as the saviour of America; thus making 
another political somersault. I can hardly believe this 
theory, because there is evidence that whilst he was at 
Valley Forge, Lee was corresponding with Sir Henry 
Clinton, the successor to General Howe. I am under 
the impression that when Lee was exchanged, it was 
with the definite understanding between him and the 
British that he would do all he could to hinder the 
progress of the Continental army. He certainly seems 
to have acted on such a basis in a very short time. 

Li June, 1778, Sir Henry Clinton evacuated Phila- 
delphia, hoping to cross New Jersey on his way to 
New York without giving battle. Washington followed, 
to attack him on the way. Lee professed himself as 
doubting the success of such an attack. Of course he 
did not want to see the rear forces of his correspon- 
dent. Sir Henry, come to grief I Washington's plan 
was to make an oblique attack on Clinton's rear 
division, to cut it off from the advance division, but as 
Lee disapproved of it, the commander-in-chief directed 
Lafayette to carry the movement out. It was arranged 
that an advance force of about 6,000 men, under Lafay- 

84 Charles Lee. 

ette, was to attack the British rear division upon its 
left flank and engage it until Washington could come 
up with the rest of the army. Then Lee changed his 
mind and solicited the command. Lafayette gracefully 

Lee and his troops came up with Clinton's rear guard 
near Monmouth Court House on the morning of June 
28th. His duty was clear before him ; he had Washing- 
ton 's strict orders, and all he had to do was to go ahead 
and attack according to plan. But this is exactly what 
he did not do; he allowed his division to retreat and 
gave such extraordinary orders that Lafayette, dazed 
and worried, sent a message to Washington begging 
him to come up to the front. Washington hurried up 
and was amazed to find Lee's forces retreating in dis- 
order, with the British close at their heels. Soon he met 
Lee, and then followed a scene which, painful though 
it was, I should dearly love to have witnessed. Wash- 
ington is always depicted to us as a very placid, cold, 
formal sort of a person, but his intimate friends knew 
that he had a fiery temper, which he kept, generally, 
under rigid control, and that he was a very human gen- 
tleman in more ways than one. So I should have liked 
to have stolen a glimpse of the ** Pater Patriae" when 
he displayed a little bit of ** original sin'M 

A Southern sergeant was more lucky than I and thus 
describes the scene: ***I saw General Washington 
coming from the rear of our column, riding very 
rapidly along the right flank, and as he came nearer 
my attention was fixed upon him with wonder ; I never 
saw such a countenance before ; it was like a thunder- 
cloud before the flash of lightning I Just as he reached 
the flank of my platoon he reined up his horse a little, 
and raising his right hand high above his head, he cried 
out with a loud voice: *My God, (General Lee, what 

* Major Jacob Morton. 

Charles Lee. 85 

are you about T' Q^neral Lee began to make some ex- 
planation, but General Washington impatiently inter- 
rupted him, and with his hand still raised high up over 
his head, waving it angrily, exclaimed: ^Go to the 
rear, Sirl' Then he spurred his horse and rode 
rapidly forward/' Thus it was that the commander- 
in-chief, by his lucky arrival, brought victory out of 

Tradition has it that Washington added to his ad- 
monition several very picturesque and lurid oaths. I 
hope he did, although I don't advocate profanity; Lee, 
to whom he had always proved faithful, and who had 
been a thorn in his side for some time, deserved all the 
swearing in the vocabulary of an eighteenth century 
soldier ! 

Immediately Lee wrote to Washington in the tone 
of a martyr. ''From the knowledge I have of your 
Excellency's character," he said, **I must conclude 
that nothing but the misinformation of some very 
stupid or misrepresentation of some very wicked per- 
son could have occasioned your making use of such 
singular expressions as you did, on my coming up to 
the ground where you had taken post ; they implied that 
I was guilty either of disobedience of orders, want of 
conduct, or want of courage. ' ' He brazenly claims that 
the ultimate success of the day was due to himself and 

he adds: '* in this instance, I must pronounce 

that he (Washington) has been guilty of an act of cruel 
injustice towards a man who had certainly some pre- 
tentions to the regard of every servant of his country 
and I think. Sir, I have a right to demand some repara- 
tion for the injury committed. ' ' 

Washingon's reply was brief but admirable. It was 
as follows : 


I received your letter, dated, through mistake, the 
first of July, expressed as I conceive, in terms highly 

86 Charles Lee. 

improper. I am not conscious of having made use of 
any very singular expressions at the time of my meet- 
ing with yon, as yon intimate. "What I recollect to have 
said was dictated by dnty and warranted by the oc- 
casion. As soon as circnmstances will admit, you shall 
have an opportunity, either of justifying yourself to 
the army, to Congress, to America and to the world in 
general, or of convincing them that you are goilty of a 
breach of orders and of misbehaviour before the enemy 
on the 28th instant, in not attacking them as you had 
been directed, and in making an unnecessary, disorderly 
and shameful retreat. ' ' 

To this Lee impertinently replied: **You cannot 
afford me greater pleasure than in giving me the op- 
portunity of showing to America the sufficiency of her 
respective servants. I trust that the temporary power 
of office, and the tinsel dignity attending it, will not be 
able, by all the mists they can raise, to obfuscate the 
bright rays of truth. ' ' 

Lee was thereupon arrested and tried by court-mar- 
tial (July 2, 1778) on three charges : 1. Disobedience 
of orders in not attacking the enemy ; 2. Misbehaviour 
before the enemy in making an unnecessary, disorderly 
and shameful retreat ; 3. Disrespect to the commander- 
in-chief. In August Lee was found guilty on all three 
charges and sentenced to be suspended from command 
for a year. Congress confirmed the findings. 

At the court-martial the distlaguished prisoner 
sought to vindicate himself by declaring that had he 
attacked as Washington ordered, he would have met 
disaster and that he retreated in order to lure the 
British across two deep ravines into a position where 
he could crush them. The court-martial took no stock 
in such a tame explanation, although there were some 
sincere persons of standing and probity who thought 
that Lee had sincerely tried to do his duty, although 

Charles Lee. 87 

throwing himself open to the diarge of gross insubor- 
dination. Such an apologist was * * Light Horse * ' Harry 
Lee, who says in his ** Memoirs of the War in the 
Southern Department of the United States'*; ''The 
records of the court-martial manifest on their face the 
error of the sentence, and it is wonderful how men of 
honor and of sense could thus commit themselves to the 
censures of the independent and impartial. • • • The 
unfortunate general was only guilty of neglect in not 
making timely communication of his departure from 
orders, subject to his discretion, to the Commander-in- 
chief. *' 

Of course Henry Lee could not know what we have 
known since the discovery of **Mr. Lee's Plan;'' he 
would have been the last person on earth to condone 
the General's treason. And he would have been par- 
ticularly chagrined at Charles Lee 's mean treachery to 
Washington, for ''Light Horse Harry" loved the 
latter, and he it was, in this very city of Philadelphia, 
who delivered a funeral elegy on Washington in which 
he called him "first in war, first in peace, first in the 
hearts of his fellow-citizens." I may add here that 
there was no kin between Charles Lee and the Lees of 
Virginia, so far as I am aware. 

Charles Lee subsequently published what he called 
a ' ' Vindication to the Public, ' ' which was an able bit of 
special pleading and convinced some readers that he 
was a martyr, but which otherwise fell flat. One re- 
sult of his court-martial was that he was challenged to 
fight a duel by Steuben, who testified against him and 
whom Lee seems to have slandered ; the challenge was 
refused, but in a few days Lee fought a duel with 
Colonel Laurens, Washington's aide-de-camp, for 
whom Alexander Hamilton (himself to be killed in a 
duel many years later) acted as second. Lee was 
slightly wounded. He bore generous testimony to the 
bravery of his adversary. "The young man," he said, 
"behaved splendidly; / could have hugged himl^^ 

88 Charles Lee. 

Lee was finally dropi>ed from the army, after he had 
addressed one of his characteristic letters to Congress; 
I hardly think it is correct to say that he was dismissed 
in disgrace. He retired to his estate in the Shenandoah 
in the smnmer of 1779, where, in company with his 
dogs and a few favorite books, he lived pretty mnch as 
a recluse. Langworthy, his admiring biographer, 
naively remarks : * *He lived in a style peculiar to him- 
self, in a house more like a bam than a palace. Glass 
windows and plastering would have been luxurious ex- 
travagance * • • indeed, he was now so rusticated 
that he could live in a tub with Diogenes.'* This ref- 
erence to Diogenes, whom Lee never suggested, is 
hardly appropriate, nor does Lee, in his untidy habits, 
suggest any connection with a tub. 

Lee bred horses and dogs, and tried to play the 
farmer, but he was an unhappy, soured, discontented 
man and his farm was operated at a loss. What 
thoughts must have been his. He had come to America 
almost as a conquering hero and finally thought, in his 
vanity, that to him would be the task of saving her, 
and that his name would go edioing down the ages with 
the names of Alexander, and Augustus and Julius 
Caesar, not to mention Cromwell, and Marlborough and 
a few lesser lights. And here he was a discredited 
commander, alone and neglected I 

Lee grew more and more weary of his farm and of 
inaction. He wanted to get away from it and settle in 
some seaport town, where he could learn better what 
was going on in the great world in which he was now 
but a cijAier. Li June, 1782, he wrote to England to his 
sister, Sidney Lee, how much he admired the English 
as compared with any other nation. After denying to 
the Americans the possession of ** truth, honesty, sin- 
cerity and good understanding, ' * he says : * * The New 
England men excepted, the rest of the AmericanB, 
though they fancy and call themselves Republicans, 

Charles Lee. 89 

have not a single Bepnblican qnaUfication or idea. 
They have always a god of the day, whose infallibility 
is not to be disputed ; to him all the people most bow 
down and sing Hosannas ! ' ' 

How the popularity of George Washington did rankle 
within him — ^Washington^ whom he, in his English 
pride, had looked down upon as a raw colonial only 
created to be patronized and led by the great and in- 
fallible Major-General Charles Lee! 

**To be sure,'* Lee goes on to assure his sister, 
** there are many exceptions to the general character 
of Americans,'' and among these exceptiouB he in- 
stances Robert Morris, Richard Henry Lee, of Vir- 
ginia, John Adams, and Dr. Rush, as well as Gen- 
erals Schuyler, Mifflin, Sullivan, Muhlenberg, Wayne, 
Greene and Ejqlox. And he adds: **I have been pe- 
culiarly fortunate in my aides-de-camp, all young 
gentlemen of the best families, fortunes and educa- 
tion of this continent, but above all I should remain 
young Colonel Henry Lee. ' ' 

While we are on the subject of General Lee's letters, 
permit me to recall one which made a great stir in 
Philadelphia society, written during a visit to Philadel- 
phia in December, 1778, to the beautiful Miss Franks. 
The General, as I may have indicated, was not a stylish 
dresser, and it would appear that the young lady had 
accused him of wearing publicly a pair of shabby 
green breeches adorned with a large leather patch. 
When Lee heard the accusation, he wrote her an epistle 
in a sprightly vein. ** Madame," he said, **when an 
officer of the respectable rank I bear is grossly tra- 
duced and calumniated, it is incumbent on him to clear 
up the affair to the world, with as little delay as pos- 
sible. The spirit of defamation and calumny (I am 
sorry to say) is grown to a prodigious and intolerable 
height on this continent. If you had accused me of a 
design to procrastinate the war, or of holding a trea- 

90 Charles Lee. 

sonable correspondence with the enemy, I could have 
borne it ; this I am used to ; and this happened to the 
great Fabins Maximns. If yon had accused me of 
getting dmnk as often as I conld get liqnor, as two 
Alexander the Greats have been charged with the vice, 
I should perhaps have sat patient under the imputation, 
or even if you had given the plainest hints that I had 
stolen the soldier's shirts, this I could have put up with, 
as the great Duke of Marlborough would have been an 
example, or if you had contented yourself with assert- 
ing that I was so abominable a sloven as never to part 
with my shirt until my shirt parted with me, the anec^ 
dote of my illustrious namesake (Charles Xll) of 
Sweden would have administered some comfort to me. 
But the calumny you have, in the fertility of your mali- 
cious wit, chosen to invent is of so new, so unprece- 
dented and so hellish a kind as would make Job himself 
swear like a Virginia colonel. * * * Is it possible that 
Miss Franks should assert in the presence of these re- 
spectable personages, that I wore green breeches 
patched with leather t To convict you, therefore of the 
falsehood of this most diabolical slander, to put you to 
eternal silence (if you are not past all grace) and to 
cover you with a much larger patch of infamy than you 
have wantonly endeavored to fix on my breeches, I have 
thought proper, by the advice of three very grave 
friends (lawyers and members of Congress, of course 
excellent judges in delicate points of honor) to send you 
the said breeches, and with the consciousness of truth 
on my side to submit them to the most severe inspection 
and scrutiny. ' ' 

It is plain, from this jeu d^ esprit, of which I only 
quote a small part, that General Lee sent the offending 
breeches to Miss Franks. As for that lady, her sense of 
humour was at first equal to that of Lee; she looked 
upon the whole affair as a bit of witty fooling. But 
finally, it would appear, some one persuaded her that 

Charles Lee. 91 

the General's letter and the docnmentary evidence ac- 
companying it were an insult. When Lee heard of this 
he wrote her a proper apology in which he graciously 
said: '^Upon the honor of an honest man, if I had 
thought a single sentence of this trash could have 
given you uneasiness, I would sooner have put my 
hand into the fire than have written it. ' ' 

I am sure Philadelphia was thrilled by this corres- 
pondence and by the brashness of Charles Lee, and 
that many were the stories about it that went the 
rounds of the tea tables and caused some of the 
matrons to shake their heads and declare that ''the 
General was a sad wag, and no one ever knew, forsooth, 
what he would say or do next ! ' ' 

Li the fall of 1782, late September, General Lee came 
up to Philadelphia for a visit, and put up at an humble 
little inn, ''The Sign of the Conestoga Wagon, '^ which 
Joseph Jackson tells us, in his valuable history of 
"Market Street, '^ was on the site of the present 410 
Market Street. PhUadephia did not flock to his doors ; 
he must have looked a rather pathetic figure in his 
downfall, as he walked up and dowm High Street (as 
Market Street was then called) and was doubtless 
pointed out by happy fathers to their sons as the man 
who caused the serene Washington to lose his temper 
at Monmouth Court House. There was one old friend 
who was still faithful, however, and that was Colonel 
Eleazar Oswald, who had served under him in more 
glorious times. When Lee was taken down with a high 
fever, as he was two or three days after his arrival, it. 
was Oswald who attended upon him and who heard the 
last words he uttered in his delirium. ' ' Stand by me, 
my brave grenadiers ! ' ' Like Benedict Arnold, his last 
thoughts were of the army, to which he had once been 
an adornment. 

He died on October 2, 1782, at the age of fifty-one, and 
while he died under a cloud, it can hardly be said, as 


92 Charles Lee. 

has been said, that he died literally without one friend. 
The Pennsylvania Gazette for the ninth of October has 
the following notice: **0n Wednesday evening last, 
departed this life, after a short illness, • • • Charles 
Lee, Esq., Major-General in the Polish service, and 
formerly a major-general in the service of the United 
States. His remains were conducted on Friday morn- 
ing, with military honors, from the City Tavern, 
attended by a large concourse of gentlemen of dis- 
tinction and deposited in Christ Church yard. ' * 

There is no question but that Lee was buried with 
honors, and that many eminent persons went to 
the funeral services, among them the President of 
Congress and all the French visitors then in Phil- 

You may notice an apparent discrepancy in the 
record that the (General died in the * * Sign of the Cones- 
toga Wagon '^ but was buried from the City Tavern. 
Joseph Jackson has a theory which probably clears 
up the matter. The City Tavern, he tells me, *Vas 
on the site of the United States Bonded Stores, on 
Second Street, west side, north of Walnut. It was at 
this time (1782) the principal public house in the city, 
the scenes of banquets and musicales, the headquarters 
of the political^ business and other interests of the city. 
It very well might have been regarded a more fitting 
place for the funeral of a distinguished character than 
the very modest tavern on Market, vrtiere it is said Lee 

As Lee's grave is unmarked, and I had no idea as 
to exactly where it was in the old yard of Christ 
Church, I wrote to the Rector, the Reverend Doctor 
Louis C. Washburn, who very kindly referred me to 
the book entitled **A Record of Inscriptions,'' etc., 
compiled by Edward L. Clark in 1864. On Page 13 is 
this entry: **The remains of Major General Charles 
Lee are supposed to rest beneath this spot." (The spot 

Charles Lee. 93 

indicated is jnst outside the church building on the 
south, by the west door) • • • * * No stone marked his 
grave, but tradition placed it next to the grave of Gen- 
eral Mercer near the old wall adjoining Church Alley. 
In 1861 Church Alley was ordered to be widened by 
action of our courts, thus cutting off about eight feet of 
the church yard, which is now occupied by the outer 
sidewalk. All the remains of those who had been in- 
terred in this strip of ground were carefully removed 
and deposited in new coffins immediately next to the 
Church building. The remains of General Lee were 
removed and re-interred at the spot designated." 
That is, between the first and second windows east of 
the southwest door of the churcL 

Perhaps you will think it rather curious and parar 
doxical that Charles Lee ended his earthly career in 
consecrated ground when I read you this clause from 
his last will and testament : ' ^ I desire most earnestly 
that I may not be buried in any church or church yard, 
or within a mile of any Presbyterian or Anabaptist 
meeting house, for since I have resided in this country 
I have kept so much bad company when living, that I 
do not choose to continue it when dead. ' ' 

But for my part I deem General Lee very fortunate 
to have been buried among all those worthies of Christ 
Church whose ashes are reposing in the picturesque 
old yard, and I think he got a **good buryiag'^ (as Sir 
Lucius 'Trigger would call it) that he didn't deserve. 
I suppose if Lee had had his way, he would have been 
planted beside his dogs and horses down on his Berke- 
ley estate in Virginia. One third of this estate, I may 
add, he left to Jacob Morris, of Philadelphia, one third 
to Evans Edwards, both his former aides, and one third 
between William Goddard of Baltimore and Colonel 
Oswald. The rest of his property went to his sister, 
Sidney Lee. 

Before I finish my attempt to sketch Charles Lee's 

94 Charles Lee. 

stormy career, let me remind yon that he once claimed 
to be the real author of the '^Letters of Jxmius,'' and 
that Mb claims were given very grave consideration. 
To the present generation, the name of ** Junius'' — 
that mysterious master of political invective who once 
startled the world — ^to the present generation the name 
of ** Junius'' means little or nothing. The interest in 
his identity is purely academic. But it was not thus 
in the past, and hundreds of books or pamphlets were 
written to prove that this, that or some other person 
was the inscrutable "Junius." The older generation 
will understand that the '^Letters" of "Junius" had 
a definite object — ^to discredit the ministry of the Duke 
of Grafton, which had been formed in October, 1768, 
when the great Lord Chatham was compelled by ill 
health to retire from office. "Junius" fought for the 
return to power of Chatham, who had recovered and 
was not on good terms with his successors. The letters 
are of interest to the student for three reasons : their 
political significance, their style and the mystery whidi 
still envelops their authorship — ^although the generally 
accepted theory now is that they were written by Sir 
Philip Francis. Nevertheless, it is worth noting, if 
only for a moment, that there lie mouldering by the 
walls of old Christ Church the remains of a man who 
once said, in effect: "I, Major-General Charles Lee, 
am JuniusI" 

The friend to whom he said this was Colonel Thomas 
Rodney, of Delaware. Now Lee was what we would 
nowadays call a highly picturesque bluffer, but Rodney 
was of a different type and his story, as far as it goes, 
is entitled to absolute credence. So wben he published 
a letter on the subject in the Wilmington Mirror, dated 
Dover, February 1st, 1803, people believed the writer, 
however much they might distrust what Lee told him, 
for they knew Rodney as a gallant officer in the Revo- 
lution, an intimate friend of Washington, a delegate 

Charles Lee. 95 

to the Continental Congress in 1781 and later, and a 
brother of Oaesar Rodney, the signer of the Declarar 
tion who took the f amons ride from Delaware to Phil- 
adelphia in order that he might arrive in time to make 
his colony safe for Independency. 

''In the faU of 1773,'' writes Rodney, ''not long after 
General Lee had arrived in America, I had the pleasure 
of spending an afternoon in his company, when there 
were no other persons present. Our conversation 
chiefly turned on politics, and was mutually free and 
open. Among other tilings, the letters of 'Jxmius' 
were mentioned, and General Lee asked me, who was 
conjectured to be the author of these letters! I re- 
plied, our conjectures here generally followed those 
started in England, but, for myself, I concluded, from 
the spirit, style, patriotism, and political information 
which they displayed, that Lord Chatham was the au- 
thor; and yet there were some sentiments there that 
indicated his not being the author. General Lee im- 
mediately replied, with considerable animation, af- 
firming that to his certain knowledge. Lord Chatham 
was not the author ; neither did he know who the author 
was, any more than I did ; that there was not a man in 
the world, no, not even Woodfall, the publisher, that 
knew who the author was ; that the secret rested solely 
with himself, and forever would remain with him. 

"Feeling in some degree surprised at this un- 
expected declaration, after pausing a little, I replied: 
' No, General Lee, if you certainly know what you have 
affirmed, it can no longer remain solely with him; for 
certainly no one could know what you have affirmed 
but the author himself. Recollecting himself, he re^- 
plied: 'I have unguardedly committed myself, and it 
would he hut folly to deny to you that I am the author; 
but I must request that you will not reveal it during 
my life; for it never was nor never will be revealed by 
me to any other!^ '' 

Soon after the publication of this letter, Thomas 

96 Charles Lee. 

Bodiiey obtained a Federal judgeship and went to Mis- 
sissippi, where the town of Rodney was named id his 
honor, and it is a tradition in my family that he died 
qnite convinced that Lee and ** Junius'* were one and 
the same. His letter was republished in the St. James 
Chronicle, of London, and created a very respectable 
commotion. Lideed, a certain Dr. Thomas Girdle- 
stone, of Yarmouth, England, published in 1813 a book 
entitled: ** Facts Tending to Show That General Lee 
was never Absent from This Country for Any Length 
of Time During the Years 1767, 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 
1772, and That He was the Author of Junius.*' It has 
for a frontispiece a copi)er plate portrait of Lee which 
is said to have been the best likeness of him extant^ and 
which depicts him as a very scrawny, long-legged man, 
dressed in full uniform, with a huge nose and sardonic 
expression of countenance, and in front of him one of 
his favorite dogs — an animal that suggests a cross 
breed between a pomeranian and a black pig. 

After trying to prove great similarity between the 
handwriting of Lee and ** Junius,'* Dr. Girdlestone ob- 
serves that the General was often in England when hie 
was supposed to be on the continent, at the time that 
the Letters of ** Junius'* were appearing, and he says: 
**Lee supported an alibi not only by a series of fic- 
titiously dated letters from different parts of the con- 
tinent, but by occasional trips to Paris, and to other 
parts, where he could mix with the English, and pre- 
tend to be on his return from his Polish campaigns, 
or from such parts of Italy or France, as his health 
might have required him to visit." 

In the course of a detailed argument, with which I 
shall not bore you, the author gives us aa amusing 
glimpse of Lee which I may venture to quote. GirdlCh 
stone merely mentions it to prove that Lee was fre- 
quently in England during the summer of 1770. He 
says: "A person who is still living • • • perfectly 
recollects to have accompanied General Lee, Colonel 

Charles Lee. 97 

Butler and Sir Charles Davers to Bushbrooke Church, 
about May, ITTO, as sponsors to his eldest son, Captain 
Charles Sydney Davers, • • • and that just as the 
baptism was finished, an ass came from the church- 
yard up to the font, which circumstance occasioned 
General Lee to make such ludicrous observations as 
could never be forgotten by those who had been pres- 
ent. • • • The person who was at the baptism de- 
clares that (General Lee was moving from and to Bush- 
brooke the greatest part of the summer, that when at 
Bushbrooke he was constantly writing with books and 
papers before him, and that he was a terrible nuisance 
to the cook, for he had chosen the kitchen for his place 
to write in, and that his night cap and dressing gown 
were only taken off a few minutes before the dinner 
was ready to be served upon the table.*' 

No wonder that Charles Lee was not a favorite with 
the ladies when he had such untidy habits. I am com- 
pelled to believe that Miss Franks spoke truth when 
she accused the General of having a patch on those 
green breeches. 

As for Dr. Girdlestone, I have gone over his argu- 
ments very carefully, and find them far-fetched and 
inconclusive. I am inclined to share the popular 
opinion that Sir Philip Francis was ** Junius.** 

Lee's faults, and particularly that vanity which was 
his undoing, brought their own punishment. He had 
hoped to supplant Washington and go down to the ages 
in the army of conquering heroes. Had he been con- 
tent to be Washington's faithful lieutenant his name 
would have been inscribed on an imperishable roll of 
honor. But how different was the outcome. A dis- 
grace by court-martial, treason, bitter disappointment, 
and now obscurity. If, perchance, his spirit ever re- 
visits the glimpses of the moon, and looks in some night 
upon Christ Church yard, let him be thankful that he 
lies there in such good company, despite that sneering 
command in his last will and testament. 

Vol. XLV.— 7 

93 Notes and Queries. 


Two Lettebs of GovnN<tt Gbobob Thomas to John Penn. [Peon 
MamuBcriptSy Historical Society of Pennsylyania.] 

PhiUd*. Nov*'. 4"'. 1740. 

D'. Sir 

The Execution of his Majesty's Oonmiands to raise a number of j 

Men for the Expedition, the negotiating Bills for the parent of them, ^ 

the providing Victuids k Transports for them, k attending their Disci- 
pline, added to the disputes I have had with the Assembly, have so 
engaged my whole time, that I think I ma^ depend upon your excuse 
for not writing so often, as I should otherwise have done. It has been 
a tryal both of my Constitution k Temper. Whether I have conducted 
myself as I ought to have done, I leave to your Brother to inform 
you, who^ by being upon tiie Spot, was enabled to form a true judg- 
ment both of my Conduct k Intentions. I am accused to the King, k 
Friends in England are to support the Assembly in all that they have 
done k said against me. The loss of the Government is one of the ^ 

least Evils that is to befall me. I am really concerned. Sir, that I 
ever risoued my Character amongst such a low, sordid k hypocritical 
sett of Feople, k that is all the concern I have upon my Mind. As 
for the loss of the Government, I should esteem it a favour to be dis- 
charged from it; for I see it is neither possible to gain Credit or Money 
by it. As for the latter, I can solemly say. That I have expended above 
£1000 Sf. out of my own Fortune since I left England, besides what j 

my attendance on Ifi Baltimore's opposition cost me there. This there- * j 

fore is principally intended to thank ^u for the appointment you ! 

were pleased to make of me, k to desire that ^u will provide a Succes- 
sor by the next June, unless you shall be willing to release me from my 
af^reement made with you in England. The Assembly have Deny'd to 

S;ive me the usual Support, k the Perquisites of the whole Government 
o not exceed Seven Hundred pounds V ann"*. at most, from whence it 
may be easily seon, that it must be an Injury to my Family to remain - 
longer here. If you think fit however to consent to such a Releas e , I 
shall be willing to stay the four years out. I am not forgetful of the 
obligation I am under to sive yon twelve months notice <rf my intention 
to quit the Government; but 1 hope you will dispense with that^ since 
another may be appointed by the time before mentioned. If I were to 
advise in regard to a future appointment, it should be rather to give 
a Salary to make your Governors independent, than to insist upon 
receiving any part of what th^ oet^ k to persuade one of your own 
Family to undertake it; tho even m that case, I can very wttl foresee, 
as much opposition k discontent, if not more, than even I have met 
with; since my strict k just attachment to your Family is not one 
of the least of my Crimes. Your Enemys, which all pass under the 
name of Friends, are grown wanton with too much liberty k are 
scheming to throw the Government into the King's hands. 

I have given no orders to M'. Dunbar this year k shall wait your 
resolution on the Substance of this Lettv. If you consent to my 
leaving the Government at the time mentioned, I shall be thankful for 
the earlyest notice of it you can possibly give me, either by the way 
of Boston or N: York, that I may prepare my self accordingly, by 
removing from this place some short time before I am supersedMl, that 
I may not be subjected to the Insults of my Enemies here k be put 
under the necessity ol returning them In such a manner, as may prove 

Notes and Qi^eries. 99 

troubleMme to me. Let me leave the plaoe when I will, no M«i will 
have it in his power to reproach me with Avarice ft Injiutioe, ft I beleive 
few GoTemora have more Friends amongst the best People ft those 
that are most truly your Friends. With your Brother in particular I 
have lived in the grmeet Harmony. 

I am extreamly concerned, that M*. Paris should suffer for his 
attachment to vour Family, ft his Friendship for me. It was what I 
foresaw would happen upon the Election of this sett of malitious, hot 
headed Men; but the Country in the end will be the greatest Sufferers 
by it 1 wish I had it in my power to make him any amends. I am 
lately informed, that M' Charles is joind with M'. Patridge to carry 
on the Complaint against me. If this be true, it will be a good 
evidence to Friends in England of the Intentions of this Assembly, ft a 
proof that I am not the only Person struck at. 

This Province is in a very dangerous Situation in case of a French 
War, ft I very heartily wish your Interests may neither be affected 
here or in Ehisland by the Assemblys refusing to do anything for its 
defence. As tii^ have attacked me ft I have been obliged to trace 
the grounds of their dislike [illegible] to my Proposition for Defence; 
but I have not failed mentioninff your InstrucUons to me on this 
head; to shew that all has been done by yon, which is usual for the 
King to do, in regard to a Militia. 

Am your Brother informs me, That he has wrote to vou ft his Frioids 
in England veir fully on all that has passed here, ft sent you Oofjn 
of the Assemblys Proceedings from time to time, ft as I am very 
much engaged in preparing my Account to be transmitted to the Navy 
Board by this Ship I miut conclude with the sincerest assurance of 
my being with very great regard ft Esteem 

D' Sir 

Y'. most ob^ humb>« Serv^ 

Geo: Thomas. 

Philad*. March 25^. 1741. 
Dear Sir/ 

It will be unnecessary to tell you how acceptable your Letters werot 
which advised me of the general approbation of my Condun^ in the 
affair of the Levies, or tMt 1 have a very sensible pleasiu^ in the 
Commendations given to your Brother, for the part he took in it. 
As I had nothing in view but the serving his Majesty ft the Nation, 
in a matter of so great Concern to both, I was very sollicitous, that 
some part of your Family should join in shewing the Province in a 
Light, as advantageous, as if it were under the inunediate Government 
of the Crown. 

The People, who call themsetves Friends here, have been estreamly 
mortified; but our worthy Attorney General has raised their spirits 
again within these two days, by another Rumour of a ProhabUity of a 
Peace ft that their Affairs will from thence take another turn in 
England* In short nothing that has happened yet will affect their 
Interest here, ft if you do not part with them, they will in the end 
part with you; for they publickly avow their Design to throw the 
Government into the luuids of the Crown, ft from thence, the more 
Confusion the better, as that is the most probable way of brioging 
it about. I wonder you should take so little notice of their refusing 
to do any thing for the Defence of the Province^ considering that your 
Honour, as weu as the Kings is at stake; not to say any&ing of the 
Danger of this City, in case of k Rupture with Franoe. I owne it is 
far up a River; but Pilots are so easily procured at the Capes, that 

are now expert at their Arms, but they will soon grow tired of it, 

100 Notes and Queries. 

ft with out a Law will be like a Rope of Sand. It is a malancholy 
consideration for such as have their All in this Town, ft I can dis- 
cover, that th^ will not submit much longer to it with Patience but 
will apply for a Remedy; which I think it is as much for your 
interest, as theirs, to jofai in. 

Altho I hate gained a Victory, I shall be obliged to quit the Field 
of Battle with precipitation, if no publick Censure from the Ministry 
or Incapacity from tiie Parliament obliges our present GoTemors to a 
Submission; and that, or fallins in with them, must be the case of all 
your Friends. There are, I confess several of the People called Quakers 
very much in your Interest, but these are the People who most wish 
for such an Incapacity, or at least as much as any others. 

As I have talked to your Brother very fully on my own Affairs, to 
avoid giving you any unnecessary trouble, I refer you to him, I have 
hitherto had some reason to complain of being obliged to support my 
Publidc Character at my own Expence ft I am so sick of the Hypocrisy, 
Calumny ft sordid Disposition of these People, that no Reward should 
t^npt me to stay amongst them ; but what that would not tempt me to 
do, my regard for you ft my long personal Friendship with your Brother 
will, ft I will endeavour to content my self to bear any thins rather 
than baulk his Inclinations to see his Friends in England; which his 
Heart seems to be much sett upcm. 

I thank you for your Present, ft as I am no Miser, have allowed 
many to partake with me in the pleasure. I defie you to send me such 
another if you can. I owne it is easily understood, but I have taken 
ffreat pains to persuade Will: Allen to write Notes upon it, for the 
benefit of such Ladies as are curious ft do not understand tiie Latin 
Names of Places, as well a^ of some Qentleman. I read a Section of it 
to a certain Ladv by a way of Experiment, ft I do assure you, she 
listned with great Attention, ft when I told her, it was arrant Bawdy, 
she was amazed, ft pretended to snatch it out of my hand, to throw it 
into the Fire. May your Voyage to Marryland be prosperous, ft your 
trade there be more profitable as well as more pleasant than that for 
Pins ft Needles. I am 

Dr. Sir 

yr faithful ft affect. humb>« Serv*. 

Geo: Thomas. 

JSooli Wotfce0« 

Thb MoCabthts in Eablt AifEBioAif HiSTOBT. By Michael J. 
O'Brien. New York, Dodd, Mead ft Co., 1921. 8vo, pp. 323. 

There is no reason why the Irish-blooded Americans, like Americans 
of other races, should not be given a place in the history of ttiis 
country. Th^ are, however, themsehres to blame if their people have 
been relegated to a place of no importance in American history, for 
among the defidencies of information connected with their earlv settlers, 
nothing is more noticeable than the absence of biographies of individual 
Irishmen or their descendants, or genealogies of American families of 
Irish blood. It is unfortunate that the Irish in America have not 
shown greater industry in this respect. 

Mr. O'Brien, who is the historiographer of the American Irish His- 
torical Society, has investigated the early history of the Irish in 
America more thoroughly than any other hisfcorian. In tiie course of 
his researches he has accumulated a mass of information relating to 
the famous Irish family of McCartiiy, represented in this country since 
as far back as 1636. He has made use of this material in an exceed- 
ingly valuable book about the McCarthys in Colonial and Revolu- 
tionary times. The book is not strictly a genealogy, only a history of 
a famous family, but no attempt has been made to extend it beyond 
the eighteoith century. An illuminated coat of arms of the Mc- 
Carthys is an attractive illustration in the book. 



Historical Society of pEHNSYLvikiiiik 

This Fund which now amounts to $42^000^ is made up of 
subscriptions of $25 each, which have be^i invested by the Trus- 
tees, and the interest only used for tiie publication of historical 
matter. Copies of all publications are sent to subscribers to the 
Fund during their lives, and to libraries for twenty years. The 
fund has published fourteen volumes of Memoirs of the 
Society and forty-three volumes of Tiie Pennsylvania Maga- 
zine of History and Blograpliy. 

Of the Magazine about 25 sets remain on hand. As long as 
this edition laste, persons who subscribe $25 to the capital account 
and wish complete sets of the Magazine can obtain the forty-four 
volumes boimd, and numbers of current volume, for $50 extra. 
These subscribers will also receive all future issues of the Maga- 
zine and Memoirs. 


1300 Locust Stroot, Phllodolplilo. 





Contaiaing Mr. Lloyd's valuable collections of genealogical data 
from Pennaylvania, English and Welsh records relating to families 
concerning which little or nothing has been written. The following 
genealogies embrace an important part of his labors: — 

Awbrey-Vaughan, Blunston, surbeck, Garrett, Gibbons, Heaoock, 
Hodge, Houlston, Howard, Hunt, Jarman, Jenkins-Griffith, Jones, 
Knight, Knowles, Llofd, Newman, Paschall, Paul, Pearson, Pennell, 
Pott, Pyle, Reed, Sellers, Smith, Thomas, Till, Williams, Wood, and 
Wynne. In addition to these genealogies, the volume contains 
Calendar of MSS. in the collection of the late James J. Levick, M.D., 
Births at Bala and Lay Subsidy Rolls for Merionethshire, Flintshire 
and Montgomeryshire. 

Copies of the book, an Svo of 437 pages, indexed, bound in cloth, 
can be purchased from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1300 
Locust Street, Philadelphia. Price, $6.00. 






The Swedish Settlements mi the Delaware, 1638-1664. B7 

Amandus Jokvsojx, Ph.D., Secretary of Swedish Colonial Society. 
2 volt., Svo. 899 pp. 6 maps and 146 illustrations. Price, $6. 

Peniisylvaiiui and the Federal Constitution, 1787-1788. Edited hj 

J. Bach McMastkb and F. D. Stonc Svo. SOS pp. Illustrated. 
Price, $5. 

The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wifamncton, 

DeL, from 1697 to 1773, with abstract of English records, 
1783 to 1810. Svo. 772 pp. Illustrated. Price, $2. 

The Rebtions of Pennsylvania with the British Government, 

1696-1765. By WiirrsED T. Root, Ph.D. Svo. 422 pp. Price, |2. 

Southern Quakers and Sbvery. By s. b. wekks. svo. 4oo pp. 

Price, $2. 

Early History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origin to 

the Year 1827. By Geobqe B. wood, M.D., and F. D. Stoitx, 
Philadelphia, 1896. I6mo. 275 pp. Copiously illustrated. 
Price, $1. 

History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania. By w. r 

Shepherd. Svo. 601 pp. Price, $4.60. 

Memoir of Dr. George Logan of Stenton. By his widow, Debobah 

NoRBis Logan. 4vo. 207 pp. Illustrated. Price, $3. 

Some of the First Settlers of ''The Forks of the Delaware" and 

their Descendants, from the Record Books of First Reformed 
Church, of Easton, Penna., 1760 to 1862. By Rsv. H. M. Kisiteb, 
D.D. Svo. 404 pp. Illustrated. Price, $6. 

History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, 1861-1865. com- 
plied by the Regimental History Committee. Svo. 614 pp. Price, $3. 

Vol XLV APRIL. 192I No. 178 










For Sal« at 1300 Locuit Street, Philadelphia. Price 75 centi 

per Number, or ^.00 per year 



Journal of GoL John May of Bocton, 1789 101 

Thomas Rodn^. By Simon Qraiz, E9q, (Coniinued) 180 

Notes and Queries 204 

Book Notice 204 


Copies of all the volumes of this Maoaziitb can be obtained at the 
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zueker, in the very 
best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges, 
gilt top, for $4.25 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub- 
scribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good condition, oa the 
receipt of $1.25 per volume and the postage. 





Vol. XLV, 1921. No. 2. 



Beaders of the volume entitled '^Ool. May's Jour- 
neys to the Ohio Country in 1788- '89'* have noticed 
thaty while there is a qnite fnll & minute journey relat- 
ing to the year first named, there is none of the year 
'89, but only some few letters. When the Journal & 
Letters of CoL May were published in the Fall of 1873 
by the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, 
it was the belief of the editor that he had! in his i>Oft- 
session all papers bearing on that portion of his an- 
cestor's life. Li that impression he was mistaken. 
There was then in existence, in the library of Prof. 
Edward TuckermaUy of Amherst College, another of 
his grandsons, a journal kept by Col. May in '89. This 
journal came into the hands of the professor through 
his mother, Mrs. Sophia Tuckerman (3d daughter of 
John & Abigail May) ; & that at times he had thoughts 
of publishing it; but the multiplication of other cares & 
duties, and absorption in inquiries connected with other 
pursuits prevented. Accordingly the MS. was left 
unused. Meanwhile, illness supervening, necessitated 
a suspension of all literary labor, & again compelled 

Vol. XLV.— 8 101 


102 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Professor Tuckerman to seek in European travel the 
relief which a tired brain required. 

On returning to his native land, later in the season. 
Professor Tnckerman did not long delay to apprise the 
writer of the MS. in his i>ossession, nor fail, in the 
exercise of his wonted kindness, to tender it to him, to 
be nsed in such manner as might be desirable. In this 
way the writer finds himself in possession, altogether 
nnexpectedly, of papers which in 1873 he did not know 
to exist, & thus enabled to trace Col. May's jonmey- 
ings & experiences in '89 with as much distinctness and 
detail as those of '88. 

Availing of the opportunity which the printing of the 
Journal of '89 furnishes, he uses it to correct an error 
into whidi — naturally enough perhaps — he fell, in the 
absence of all tradition, & all testimony, excepting such 
as could be gathered from the insufficient documents 
then in his possession. The error indicated arose from 
the incorrect dating of a letter (refer to x>age 119th 
of the book published at Cincinnati in 1873) which is 
* * Baltimore, April 9th. ' ' It should have been May 9th, 
as comparison with the MS. journal, since brought to 
light, shows. The theory, therefore, which is intro- 
duced to explain the supposed joumeyings of Col. May 
for that season is entirely set aside. 

Another error, found at the end of the second para- 
graph, of the Biographical Sketch, may as well be cor- 
rected here as anywhere. It is there stated, erro- 
neously, that Jonathan Sabin, who married Mary, sis- 
ter of Col. John, was brother to Silas Sabin, who mar- 
ried Prudence, another sister; whereas the relationship 
between them was so slight that neither of them knew 
what it was. 

Before passing to other matters, we will correct one 
or two other little errors, made in the setting up of 
the type. The wirong insertion of a comma gives Dr. 
Geo. W. May three daughters, instead of two, their 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 103 

names being, re8i>eotively, Sophia Catharine & Juliana 
Gales. The name of fheir mother too shonld be cor- 
rected from Catharine F. Lee to Catharine H. Lee. 

Another mistake of a similar natore, on page 147 
the wrong insertion of a comma, converts three indi- 
viduals named into four. The passage referred to 
should read '^I wrote to him, Nabby, Lucretia Dana, & 
others :'' i.e., strike out the conmia between the names 
Lucretia & Dana. 

On page 20, for Col. Bichard Hatt read Col. Richard 

Col. John May's Journal of 1789. 

. Thursday, 23rd April, 1789. Having arranged & 
settled my affairs at Boston, and shipped goods for 
Baltimore — ^in the sdiooner Bosaima, Jos. Field, Cap- 
tain — ^at 7^ in the morning, I left the town, in company 
with Mr. William Breck, on a tour to Marietta, in the 
Ohio Country, and Kentucky. Li two hours & a half ar- 
rived at Coleman's Tavern in Dedham, thirteen miles 
from Boston, where we oated our horses, & tarried an 
hour for the arrival of Dr. Downer. Set off from this 
place at 11 o'clock, and at 12 arrived at Clark's, Med- 
field, where we dined. Dr. Downer came, and made 
our company complete. Left Medfield at 2, P.M. and 
arrived at Taft's in Uxbridge, forty three miles from 
Boston, at sunset, wbere we lodged. 

Friday, 24th. Bose at 5 o'clock. It rained so very 
hard from S. E. went to bed again, & slept an hour 
and half; then got up for the day; but the rain increas- 
ing prevented our traveling till afternoon, when it 
cleared up. We set off, and arrived at Pomf ret, Conn, 
at 7 o'clock, P. M. Lodged at sister Sabin's, and had 
a good night's sleep. 

Saturday, 25th. Bose at 6, A. M. Though the weather 
was cold & lowering, we pressed on our journey. 
Breakfast at Dr. Lord's, dinner at Windham, & put up 

P"l '^ 

104 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

for the nig^t at Colchester^ ninety eight miles from 
Boston. The day has been a very blustering one. 

Sunday, 26th. Bose at 4, A. M. Gated our horses, 
ft were off at 5 o'clock, lii three hours we were at 
Moodus ( f ) Connecticut river, fourteen miles from our 
starting place. Here we breakfasted, ft on account of 
the height of the wind, could not cross the river. 
Staid at Green's tavern on the East side, ft kept the 
Sabbath. However, at half past three in the after- 
noon, we crossed, without much difficulty, went on 
through Durham woods, and at 7 in the evening, put 
up at Elliott's, where our lodgings were good. 

Monday, 27th. Bose at 4, A. M. and pursued our 
journey. Breakfasted at Brown's in New Haven. 
Bested two hours, then pushed on for Fairfield, where 
we arrived at 5 in the evening. Put up at Penfield's, 
where we had excellent entertainment for the night. 
Nothing remarkable has happened since our departure 
from Boston, only the stage started an hour before 
we did; and we are now twenty-three miles ahead, — 
one hundred sixty-seven miles from Boston by the road 
we have taken. 

Tuesday, 28th. Bose at the usual hour, after a very 
poor night. Owing to fatigue, & i>erhaps eating too 
hearty a supper, I had a most distressing dream, all 
about my family; but I was little like Nebuchadnezzar, 
and in the morning could not remember near all of it. 
Having no soothsayer or Daniel at hand was obliged 
to pursue the journey without an interpretation of 
dream. Arrived at Wentworth, thirteen miles, by 7J 
o'clock, and here breakfast. Thence went on to Hunt's 
at Mamaroneck and there lodged comfortably. 

Wednesday, 29th. Off at the usual hour, and rode 
fourteen miles to Eangsbridge. Breakfasted at Wor- 
tie's. This is fifty miles from Penfield's in Fairfield, 
and fifteen from New York, at which place we arrived 
at 1 o'clock, P. M. My old friend Hardy being full, 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 105 

we went to Hackerd's. In great haste wrote a few 
lines to my better half, by i>08t; and^ being much 
f atigaed, went to bed early. Two hundred thirty two 
miles from Boston. 

Thursday, 30th. Being in snug harbor, I lay & slept 
tiU 6 o'clock, then rose, for the purpose of attending 
to business. Arranged all my pai>ersy & went out to 
execute them, but the parade of the day beginning, 
found I could do nothing. Therefore ^'followed the 
multitude,'' not '^to do evil," but good, so joined with 
the rest in the great business on hand. 

At 11 o'clock, the different corps in the city assem- 
bled, consisting of one company of horse, one of artil- 
lery, two of grenadiers, and one of light infantry, with 
two battalion companies. At 12 noon, they were 
formed in line. At one the procession was in motion. 
The horse in front, then the Committee of the day, 
the High Sheriff & his attendants, after them the Presi- 
dent & Vice President electa the Senate & House of 
Representatives, civilians, the artillery, grenadiers, 
&c. In due time, the President appeared in the gallery 
of the portico, introduced by the Vice President, & 
here took the oath of office. The ceremonial over, the 
procession reformed, & marched off to St. Paul's 
churchy where, with other observances, a sermon was 
delivered by Bishop Provost. At this time a dish of 
good food being more to my taste than one of theology 
or politics, I retired to my own proi>er dinner, — and 
there was w|eU entertained. 

The evening outshone at least the day. The fire- 
works displayed at the Bowling Green very fine. The 
Spanish ambassador's house illuminated in splendid 
style, the French minister's also elegantly. Federal 
Hall likewise in a highly pleasing manner, and many 
other buildings. An allegorical picture of the United 
States, illuminated, excelled them all. The movable 
fire-works were displayed to great advantage to an 

106 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

amazing concourse. A more civil, earnestly attentive 
ft orderly set of people I never before observed on any 
similar occasion* €k>iiig back to my lodgings a little 
after 10 o'clock, ft going to bed at once, I did not sleep 
yrfXL Too innch of the dost that was raised during the 
day got into my Inngs, ft brought on an asthmatic at- 
tack, whidi the air of the chamber was by no means 
fitted to allay, as to all appearance it had been breathed 
over many times. 

Friday, May 1st. Having little comfort in bed, was 
glad enough to rise. Attended to business, ft by 4 in 
the afternoon it was completed. But the wind pre- 
vented our crossing the ferry, else we should have set 
off for Philadelphia. As it was, stayed & slept at my 
old quarters, till 

Saturday, 2nd.; when at 5, A. M. rose, paid bills, 
&c, took breakfast^ & then left in the ferry boat from 
the Great Battery for Elisabeth-town, where, after an 
agreeable sail of one hour ft forty minutes, over a disn 
tance of fifteen miles, arrived. Dr. Downer had busi- 
ness here which detained us two hours. Slept at Bruns- 
wick. Here Wie had one gill of spirits with water, a 
bottle of cider, tea and trimmings for supper, beds to 
lodge in, hay ft oats for our horses, and paid for all 
17/2, lawful money. This the most extravagant house 
we have met with. 

Sunday, 3rd. Off from Bronswick at 5^ A. M. and 
rode ten miles in one hour & two-thirds, when we break- 
fasted ft rested our horses for one hour; then pro- 
ceeded on across the Delaware, at half past one, and 
arrived at Bristol at half past three, where we put up 
for the ni^t. Had an excellent dinner & good lodg- 

Monday, 4th. Off again, for Philadelphia this time, 
at 5^ A. M. At 7i stopt at Waterman's and break- 
fasted. Thence to Philadelphia, where we arrived at 
10^, A. M. Stopped ft dined. Took a walk around the 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 107 

city, whidi found considerably altered & grown larger. 
Several handsome buildings erected lately. General 
training here today. A more miserable militia my eyes 
surely never beheld. In some of the companies, the rank 
& file not more than fifteen, & they the refuse of crea- 
tion. Some contrast this with 1775. Then there were 
five battalions of uniformed troops ; but now only one, 
& that artillery rather loosely disciplined. At 3, P. M. 
took our departure for Baltimore. By travelling three 
hours steadily, we arrived at Chester, where we slept. 

Tuesday, 5th. Started at 5J, A. M. & were at Wil- 
mington at 8, where we breakfasted. At 9 were in the 
saddle again. Dined at Hollinswiorth's at the head of 
the Elk, slept at Palmer's at Charlestown, at the head 
of Chesapeak Bay. The house we are in is full and 
running over. How we are to lodge must be deter- 
mined by & bye. Well, at 10 o*clk. went to bed, in a 
chamber with four beds, & without any ventilator. I 
soon found I could not breathe air used so many times 
over. Gk>t up, opened the only window six inches, and 
then tried to sleep again; but the avenues through 
which my Ixmgs were filled had choked up, & the air 
continued so dopy I was obliged to decamp. I went into 
a lower room, & sat up all night. Dozed about two 
hours, but poorly. At 4 hauled on my boots, & began 
to prepare for journeying, & by blustering round made 
out to get away by 5 o'clock. 

Wednesday, 6th. Were off for Susquehanna. It is 
a cold, windy morning, while yesterday was very warm. 
Am inclined to think, the seasons are hardly more for- 
ward here than at Boston. Asparagus is but just 
come, grain is backward, the trees beginning to blow, 
& the oaks to burst their buds. The brooks out here are 
not so high as they weret last year, at this time. In 
crossing the Susquehanna had a windy time, but got 
safely over. Breakfasted on the West side, dined at 
Chind's and slept at Stamk's in Baltimore. 

108 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Thursday, 7th. Bose at 6 o'clock, with a heavy head- 
ache, & to ease myself walked ahont the room softly 
for several hours. Many wagons in town, but none 
going out very far in the direction in which we are 
boimd. Shall be obliged to tarry here several days, 
which will be tedious enough, att^iding to settling our 
accounts. Visited Mrs. Boyd, delivered letters, &c. and 
went to bed at 10, and slept middling well. 

Friday, 8th. Bose at 5, and busily employed settling 
with the naval officer, & procuring teams to transport 
our effects, but money being scarce, the i)eople want 
the more, and w;ill not wagon so cheaply as they did 
last year. Therefore, have not engaged any as yet, & 
think it probable we shall not till next week. Did, 
however, at 3 o'clock this afternoon, engage five 
wagons, to take our effects to Shipi>ensburg, a distance 
of 90 miles, at £3 per ton. Great exertions to load five 
tons of small packages in so short a time. We com- 
pleted it, hoii^ver, by sunset, & young Mr. Downer 
we;Qt on with the teams. 

Saturday, 9th. Spent the forepart of this day set- 
tling accounts, drafting articles of agreement, & sign- 

128 pair, at LF. for 


per pair amotmtuig to 
19^ 4" 0.8 Ddg. From 


19^ 4" 

Clover seed, to amount 

7" 5^9 

Two casks dieese 

V2r 3" 4 

Keg & charge ( f ) 

or 18" 6 

58^ 19^7 

Mr. Williams has paid 


my accoHTit 
ir sT d 

40^17" 8 

So that he owes a balance of 

17" 17" 11 

58" 15" 7 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 109 

This balance I directed him to forward to Mrs. May, 
at Boston, by the first conveyance. Visited Mrs. Boyd, 
& drank tea with Mrs. B. May. Wrote one letter to 
Mrs. May & another to Mr. Jon\ Freeman, & then to 

Sunday, 10th. Slept till 6^, then rose, washed up, 
wrote a letter to brother Joseph, & attended to other 
matters. It was so excessively ndny, I did not go to 
meeting. Dined with Mr. Jos. Williams, at 4 o'clock, 
delivered my letters for Boston to Capt. Field, who set 
sail immediately, drank tea with Mrs. B. May, supped 
at lodgings, & went to bed at 11 o'clk. The air being 
oross branded, slept poorly. 

Monday, 11th. At 5 arose, attended to a little busi- 
ness, & at 8 took my departure from Baltimore, & stood 
for the wilderness. Travelled 41 miles, & slept at 
Squire Sherman's, where, though the entertainment 
was very good, slept poorly. 

Tuesday, 12th. Set off at 5}, ft breakfasted at Han- 
over, a pretty village of about one hundred houses. 
We are now on a new road from Baltimore to Ship- 
pensburg, ft find good travelling, settled with Dutch 
farmers along tiie way, most of whom are wealthy. At 
the house where I lodged last night, viz. Sherman's, 
quite a large business is going on. He has extensive 
bams, makes 10 hogsheads of cider yearly, 8 hogsheads 
of cider royal, distilling also ^c^skey-cider ft peach- 
brandy in great abundance. The peach brandy as good 
as any from France. In fact, he is making money 
many ways, ft very fast. Dined today at dark's, at the 
foot of Blue Mountain; then crossed Black Gap, a very 
diflScult place ; but by going through it we saved eleven 
miles of road. We arrived at Capt Eappe's at sunset, 
where we slept. 

Wednesday, 13th. Yesterday beiog a fatiguing day, 
ft having no special business, I laid abed in a large 
chamber, 40 x 20, ft 11 ft. high, tiU 6i A. M. The air 

110 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

in this chamber the best I have found since leaving 
Boston. At 8 our goods arrived in excellent order. 
Here we unloaded, and paid £14'' 06s'' 6d, to the Balti- 
more wagoners. 

4"10"0 , to Capt. Field 

0" 12" 9 storage, besides a duty, of which I am 

Shall be hindered here sometime for wagons, as 
people are much engaged with their spring work. Last 
Friday an express went through this place from Pitts- 
burg for New York with intelligence that a party of 
Indians had fallen on some settlers at Grave Creek & 
killed five; and, on their way back, one at Marietta. 
These devils never will be easy, until they are extir- 
pated. We are now 140 miles from Philadelphia, & 160 
from Fort Pitt. To bed at 10 o'clock, & had good sleep 
till morning, which was a great refreshment. 

Thursday, 14th. We were off this morning at 10 
o'clock for Chamberstown, a distance of ten miles ; and, 
as it rained hard last night, the roads were heavy. I 
took this detour to procure wagons, but failed of suc- 
cess. Could not engage any at a less price than 28/ 
per cwt. from this to Pittsburg, or Summerell's ferry — 
a price I did not choose to give. Chamberstown is a 
very pretty country town, containiag about 150 houses, 
with a population mostly Dutch. Shippensburg is 
nearly as large, & so of several other towns of the 
vicinity. Oh, how tedious this waste of time waiting 
for wagons ! I am fearful my patience will not hold 
out so wiell as it did last year. Wind has been at N. E. 
these three days, attended with rain. Went to bed 
at 10. 

Friday, 15th. After a sound sleep, rose at 6. Wiad 
N. £. weather lowering & disagreeable. No wagons 
engaged, time hangs heavily on my hands, & I am at a 
loss for business or amusement, I confess. So here 
goes, to kill time. Method of making whiskey. Take 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. Ill 

1\ bushel of coarse ground rye meal, & put it in a hogs- 
head tihat will hold 110 gallons. Nearly fill it up with 
blood warm wjater, & put in 3 quarts of yeast to fer- 
ment it Let it stand & work for three days, and when 
it becomes stale, put it in the distil. This must have 
a cover of wood, with a hole in the middle of it to put 
the puddle in, in order to keep a stirring until the mix- 
ture boils, then put tiie still head on, and catch the 
spirit. If it is done properly, you obtain 2^ gals, proof 
liquor, or 5 gals, to a bushel, which generally sells at 
2/6 per gal. this makes 7/6 for a bus. and requires the 
labor of one man to make 9 gala per day. They gen- 
erally have a small still through which they run the 
whiskey a second time; & this they call doubling it, but 
I should rather say, rectifying it. 

To make Yeast. Take \ peck of good malt, & put 
over the fire with 4 or 5 gals, water. Let it boil a little 
time, then put in a keg with one head out, and a little 
emp 'tings, or yeast, to set the fermenting process 
agoing. Thus you may obtain good yeasty to be used 
as above. 

Saturday, 16th. At 10 this morning, Mr. Breck & 
myself set off for Pittsburg, a distance of — miles. 
We crossed the North Mountain, & dined at Skinner's ; 
then crossed the Path Valley & the Tuscarora Moun- 
tain, & slept at Bird's, Fort Littleton. In my journal 
of last year I gave a more particular description of 
this combination of mountains ; but in my present state 
am in no mood to describe them again. 

Sunday, 17th. Mounted our horses at 5^, & went to 
the foot of Sideling Hill to breakfast, where our horses 
fared much better than we did. We crossed the Side- 
ling Bidge & Juniata, & dined at Martin's, on veal 
cutlet & trout; thence to Bedford & oated. Here we 
fell in w^th a Dutchman who undertook to pilot us over 
Will's hill. This route would save us 3^ miles in a 
distance of 8 miles; and although the sun was short 

112 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

of an hour high, we undertook it. It seemed necessary 
to go this way as it avoided several creeks too deep 
for a horse to pass without swimming. This hill might 
well be called a monntain, as it is about three miles 
over, and at least one mile high, the most rocky placo 
my eyes ever beheld. However, we began with resolu- 
tion, & made with all our mi^t for the top. We 
scrambled along up for fully an hour, when at length, 
tired out, we attained the summit. 

The prospect looking down was worse than it waa 
coming up. The sun was below the horizon, & black 
night approaching left no time for parley or poetry; 
therefore, we cast ourselves off, and, in about three 
quarters of an hour, tumbled to the bottom. Then 
made the best of our way, sometimes in a brook, some- 
times by the side of it, throughl thick brush, this for 
better than half an hour, when we reached McGaggay's 
and, tired out completely, went to rest. Here observe, 
that when we w^re on the top of Will's hill we had a 
most magnificent view, allways; wa actually over- 
looked the Alleghany mountains on one hand & the 
North mountains on the other. 

Monday, 18th. We were off this morning at 6 
o'clock. The hill we passed over last evening lying 
in the East prevented the sun's maMng his appearance 
till that time. When I mounted my horse I felt as if 
all bones & no sinews, very stiff indeed. Bode 8 miles 
to breakfast, & then 14 more to where Mr. Breck made 
his dinner on mUk. I felt too poorly to eat any thing. 
The road w)e have traversed today is in the glades alto- 
gether, & extremely bad, the horses frequently mired 
up to their bellies. In crossing the Alleghany moun- 
tains, the trees for the most part, I observed, had not 
began to leaf out, though the wild plums were in full 
bloom, & just about as forward as they were last year 
when I passed, — 17 days earlier than this. Everything 
bespeaks the season to be nearly three weeks later than 
last year's. 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 113 

Tuesday, 19th. Having arisen at 5, we pressed on 
our journey. Breakfasted at the foot of Laurel moun- 
tain, at the house of one S *s, where everything was 

so sluttish, that my appetite was not keen enough to 
overcome the disgust. These mountainous regions still 
full of the chill of winter. There was considerable 
frost last nighty & I rode all the morning in my cant- 
sloper.* Put up at Noel's where we slept tolerably, 
although there wete eight persons in the same room. 

Wednesday, 20th. Set out for NoePs at 6 o'clock, 
rode 8 miles, & breakfasted at the worst house I have 
entered yet. Such a slut, such a hog stye! We 
travelled 5 miles more, & then had arrived at Sum- 
merell's ferry, which is the head of navigation on these 
Western wtaters. We crossed, & put up at Summerell's. 
Here we must tarry a couple of days, to rest & clean 
up. This might be made a pretty place of business, 
but the people do not seem to understand it. The in- 
habitants had rather live in a very poor way than take 
a little pains to have it otherwise. Slept pretty well, 
in a high room — charming — open to the air — clean & 

Thursday, 21st. A rainy morning. Wind from the 
S. W. & cold. Kept abed till 7, then arose, & washed 
at a liviag spring from the mountain, where it comes 
out as big as one's thigh. Then had a notable break- 
fast of coffee, bacon, mackerel, bread & butter, & buck- 
wheat cakes. Staid here, & dined; and at 3 o'clock 
set out for Bedstone, a distance of 16 miles up the 
Monongahela, which place wie reached at sunset, having 
rode it in one stage, & were well tired. The country 
through which M^e have passed is called the Forks of 
Youghogany, & is thinly settled; but the best land I 
ever beheld. I have but two faults to find with it. 

* Contoloper. This word, spelled also KenUloper and KhanMlapeTf 
ooeuni several times in Col. May's Journals. It was probably some 
sort of tHopper, or outside garment^ for taming rain. 

114 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

First, hill in great abundance & extremely rich; and, 
second, so heavily timbered that it would make one's 
heart ache to think of clearing it. We put up at Tan- 
nery Hills, a very good tavern, where I had a good 
night. Yesterday, the snow was two inches thick on the 
Laurel motmtains, so say two travellers ; and there was 
not a little frost this morning at this place. Bedstone. 
Friday, 22nd. A pleasant but frosty morning. A 
Mr. Niel has just now caught a sturgeon, 5 ft. long, 
& will weigh 60 lbs. He is a clumsy ugly looking fel- 
low, with a skin as roug^ as that of our dog fiysh. There 
are two sorts of sturgeon in the waters. The other 
kind is a handsomer fiysh; but I have no desire to eat 
of either of them. This place quite small, not more 
than fifty houses, but a prodigious thoroughfare for 
travellers into Kentucky & the Western Country. Not 
less than fifteen thousand souls have taken their de- 
parture hence this summer. Since I was here last year 
two kinds of birds, unknown before, have come to in- 
habit here. One a delightful little red fellow, with 
black wings & a blue bill, who sings also agreeably; 
the other a kind of mack-U gull which dwells on the 
waters, with dark body & white wings, something re- 
sembling a church minister in his robes. As to tiie 
seasons, either they are altered or I am, for I have 
been almost frozen this three weeks. In fact vegeta- 
tion speaks the same way. Somehow, a diange has 
come over me, & things do not appear so bright & 
beautiful as they did last year. But one's feelings 
cannot change the real state of things. This country 
must be of immense value in time. This season is an 
extraordinary one, & my feelings are influenced by 
times and seasons, as mudi as they by causes I know 
not of. [Here follow in tiie original several lines writ- 
ten in some sort of cypher, which after repeated at- 
tempts, the editor finds himself unable to decypher.] 
There are three stores in this place which take con- 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 115 

siderable money, but more prodncei which again is sold 
for cash to people from Marietta, or bomid to Ken- 

Saturday, 23d. At 9 this morning we left Bedstone 
— ^a beautifnl, pleasant day. We lost our way soon 
after starting, & wandered about for an hour, but came 
out all right at last. At sunset we arrived at Eark- 
endal's, thoroughly tired out, & took for a sleeping 
place an old log house, with three beds on the floor, 
on whidi eight people slept. I was awtakened often 
by various noises, once by the barking of dogs & the 
howling of wolves. 

Sunday, 24th. Rose early on a pleasant morning. 
Vegetation is much more forward here than it is 
forty miles back. I hold to my opinion that the sea^ 
son is not so forward here as in New; England. The 
people are almost frightened by the cold weather, & 
its long continuance. After breakfast, my landlord 
took me out to view his plantations. He had a field 
of wheat of 25 acres, 18 of excellent rye, another of 
16 acres oats, & a large one of com. He has besides 
a good stone mill, a saw-mill, a whiskey-mill, & sev- 
eral out houses. He may be called a rich man. Never- 
theless, he treats himself the worst of all, for he lives 
in a house not much better than a stye. Question, 
how much better is a man than a — ^I don't say a sheep 
— ^but than another sort of animal, less savory surely 
when he is alive f At this place we staid, & kept Sun- 

Monday, 25th. Night before last, we had a touch 
of the aurora horealis, which in this country is the sure 
forerunner of rain ; and at 1 in the morning it set in, & 
continued to rain, without intermission, till 12 at noon. 
Yesterday week the rivers were higher than ever be- 
fore known to the white inhabitants, now they are as 
low as they ever sink. Was rapid tiieir rise and fall. 

116 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Soon as the rain ceased, we were off. • Arrived at Mar- 
cus Hnlins a little before sunset. Put np at Elliott's. 

Tuesday, 26tk. Spent the day at Kttsbnrg. Found 
money affairs here at a low ebb. Everybody unwill- 
ing to part with money but very anxious to get it. 
You cannot buy anything without putting money in 
hand, nor sell it & receive your pay back. 

Wednesday, 27th. At 9 o'clock, this morning, Mr. 
Breck & myself left Elliott's, crossed the Monongahela 
to Pittsburg, & thence Mr. Breck departed for Oreens- 
burg, a town on the road to Philadelphia, about 30 
miles from Pitt, to intercept, if he could, the wagons 
ft turn them to Bedstone, while I took a road to the 
left in order to meet them at Cherry's Mills, and turn 
them the same w^y (if there). We were led to this 
movement by the necessity of raising money, & for 
other reasons. 

Lodged at ni^t at one Carpenter's, in a log cabin. 
Through the night, it thundered, lightened, ft rained 
incessantly. I was never in a worse situation in my 
life. Slept but little, ft rose the first chance. The 
weather then clear, but myself little rested. No rest, 
however, to the sole of my foot as yet. I must climb 
the Chestnut Bidge again. 

Thursday, 28th. A clear morning, but a cold ft 
cloudy day. Some allowance to be made for my situa- 
tion, — ^in the region of clouds. At 2 o'clock put up at 
George Antford's, wliere matters ft things mudi too 
promiscuous for my taste. The confusion crazes me. 
Such a port as this worse than the stormy seas. I 
must up & away. The rains of last night have washed 
out the roads, raised the rivers in the usual style, ft 
generally turned up Jack. Not a word can I hear of 
the wagons. This life of suspense, oh, it is like death 
to me ! It is true I have not been totally idle. Such a 
wild goose chase as I have been on ! Have visited Sum- 
merell's. Bedstone, Elizabeth's town. Fort Pitt, ft 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 117 

Greensburg, & now at the S. W. foot of Laurel Monn- 
tain. Wonid to God I was ont of this business, & so 
far on my way home. But the tug of the oar, I fear, 
is bnt just began. The plan of the voyage was good, 
if only everybody else had not done the same. When 
at Baltimore & Shippensburg I had information that 
a number of people had gone out on the same plan. 
Arrived at Bedstone, we found that a vast many had 
gone or were going. So that the trade will be entirely 
overdone. The general agreement is, that Marietta 
is a pretty place ; but there is no money nor produce 
there for purposes of exchange. Therefore, it will 
not do to take our effects there, unless we are ready 
for a dead loss. If We carry them to Pittsburg it will 
be about the same, for a condition of things quite as 
bad is there. Bedstone seems the only alternative, & 
that a poor one. However, I am not without hope 
that by industry & frugality we may save our prop- 
erty; but the prospect of gain is poor. 

Friday, S9th. Although in a perfect bedlam, had a 
middling night. Bose at i o'clock, & found a cold, 
lowering morning. Still waiting for the wagons. With 
nothing to do, my harp hung on the willows ; and, sur- 
rounded with devils, I am to be pitied. For 48 hours 
I have eaten nothing. There is not anything that my 
stomach does not nauseate at. If it does not come 
to soon I must go home — to the long one whence there 
is no returning. My place of sojourn is at the foot 
of Laurel Mountains, — ^not a house within five miles, 
except a little cabia. Our inmates are all Dutch ex- 
cepting the beasts. She who was mistress is dead. The 
old man, a daughter of eighteen, two hired women a 
little older, three hired men, a number of children, be- 
side a bear & five dogs make up our bedlam, as af ore^ 
said. This day pulled off my underwaist coat, not that 
I was too warm, but I had worn it since the 23d of 
April, & was afraid to wear it longer without washing ; 

Vol. XLV.- 


4 : I 


118 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

and I am now considering the question whether I shall 

take cold without it. Oh that I w^ where I would be, 

.: & then would I be where I should be 1 Hope, in the 

jj careless ways in which I am obliged to live, & exposed 

to all sorts of company, I have not caught the i — ch. 

I have been in danger, I suppose, many times. At 2 

•'J o'clock this day fell in with a gentleman from Cham- 

* ' ii ' berstown bound for Pittsburg. I inquired of him re- 

J ' specting Dr. Downer. He informed me that the 

T^ons set off from Ohamberstown on Friday last, ft 

although he had driven fast, he could not overtake 

I them, & that they had taken the old Pennsylvaiua road. 

' . ^ This made it necessary for me to throw myself across 

. . ) '^'' the country, 15 miles North, to Greensburg, to meet 

•• ^ them, or at least to look up Mr. Breck. At this crisis 

of affairs, it was against me that my underclothing 

f^ ^ was in the wash. However, I bribed the w^omen to 

leave their other employment, & put my matters in a 

»^' way to be made up. In two hours time it was done, 

& at half past 4, P. M. I left my comfortless lodgings, 

& rode with as much speed as my horse would carry 

me eight miles to Laffingis 's where the entertainment 

was good. Here I fell in with Col. Parry Sheriff of the 

County of Westmoreland. He was a great talker, ft 

kept it a going till bed time, when we slept together. 

Saturday, 30th — ^Bose at 4 o'clock, & in half an hour 

was off. In three hours arrived at Greensburg, where 

I found friend Breck, but he had not heard a word 

from the Doctor. 

^ After breakfast he set off for Hanna's town in 

''i ' search of the wagons. A dreary experience have I had 

of it this time; truly sick am I of the expedition; as 

well as weary & worn out in mind & body. On this 

long & fatiguing journey I have ridden upwards of 

800 miles since I left Boston. Hope my land tacks are 

almost over for the present, & that I shall behold the 

face of the doctor before summer. At night slept on 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 119 

oat chaff, & rested quite well. This town of Greens- 
burg, a comity town three years old, has thirty odd 
log houses in it, and, I am of opinion, there are not 
thirty beds in tilie whole place. Mr. Breck not re- 

Sunday, 31st. It being Sunday, called in New Eng- 
land a day of rest, ft being disposed to keep it in that 
w^y, did not rise till 7. At 9 breakfasted with Col 
Parry on venison steaks, quails, tea, &c. At 11 Mr. 
Breck returned ft brought intelligence of the wagons 
in good order, nine miles from this place. Hope I shall 
see €hem tonight. Have just spoken with a young 
woman whose husband has recently returned from 
Wheeling. She says that the savages have killed six 
people at that place, and that the inhabitants are mov- 
ing away from some places, ft fortifying in others; 
also that the fear of attacks from the Indians has pre- 
vented many from planting com. From this & other 
reports I have heard, am of opinion there will be an 
Indian war. These reports were so common last year, 
ft so little come of them, that I have paid but small 
attention to them this. Facts, howfever, are stubborn 
things, and I am at length compelled, against my will, 
to believe these hell hounds are bent on mischief. Hav- 
ing made their treaty, ft got all they wanted, they are ^.^ 
now going to work at their proper trade, viz. cruelty 
ft bloodshed. 

Monday, Jime 1st. I rose at 6 with a violent pain 
in my right side. For several days I have been wor- 
ried with pain there, which I was in hopes would dis- 4[ 
appear of itself; but, so far for that, reinforcements ^ 
have been moved up. May be I shall not get better 
of the distress without a doctor. Althou^ it is called 
summer, there is still frost enough to remind one of 
winter. Cold frosty morning this, a fire comfortable, 
flannel waistcoat by no means to be despised. At 10 — 
hallelujah I — our wagons hove in sight. Had not seen 

120 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

them for 18 days. At 2 o'clock all at hand. Left 
Greensbnrgy across the country for Bedstone, and at 
sunset had got as far as Perry's Mills, where the 
wagons. Dr. Dowper & son stayed all ni^t. Mr. Breck 
& myself went on 3^ miles farther to Col. Hodden's 
where we slept. 

Tv^sday, 2nd. Did not rise very early. Am fuU of 
pain yet. Set oft for Bndd's ferry, where we arrived 
at 9 A. M. & breakfasted. '^More ha^te than good 
speed," however. Waited for the wagons till sunset; 
and it took till 9 in the morning to get them all across 
the river. A very poor night, owing to body thor- 
oughly fagged out, & wretched bed. Why cannot the 
people of this country treat themselves at least as 
well as they do their brutes, ft live a little more like 
rational beings f 

Wednesday, 3rd. The wagons were started at 6 
o'clock for Bedstone. After we had travelled 5 miles 
stopped to feed, wjhen news came of rather an appall- 
ing nature, of a violent hurricane near Bedstone, last 
Saturday. We had before heard that half the trees on 
the Alleghany mountains were blown down. We kept 
on, however, till night, when we came within the out- 
skirts of the devastation. I was ahead of the wagons 
Wo miles, ft, it being simset, left them ft my compan- 
ions to sleep in the woods. There I made for the house 
of a farmer named Go, was received, ft well enter- 
tained. And indeed I needed it, for the prospect of all 
my plans failing shook my nerves to pieces, ft I went 
to bed sick, sick. 

Thursday, 4th. Bose early, ft went forward to re- 
connoitre ttie scene of destruction. Such a scene as it 
was, what pen can describe itt Waited till my old 
farmer had cleared the way for nearly a mile. I fol- 
lowed in his wake, till I came where once had stood 
a dense forest of lofty trees, but now about half of them 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 121 

were thrown down a thonsand ways, in the most con- 
fused manner. Not to be dannted, I penetrated into 
it nearly a quarter of a mile, wiiich brought me, as I 
estimated, within 3 miles of my destined port, viz. Bed- 
stone ; but I then saw it wlonld be impossible to work 
through, without long delay, ft as for the wagons, it was 
out of the question. I stood, looked, then turned, 
**lifted up my voice ft wepf *• Gk)d, how infinite art 
thou, how frail ft weak are we'M Forty three days of 
wearing anxiety, of almost incessant fatigue, — and here 
at last shut out ! However, to submit to the inevitable 
is the part of philosophy, as well as of piety. I turned 
immediately back, informed the wagoners that it was 
impossible to proceed, ft halted them on a high hill; and 
here a council of war was called. To go forward was 
impossible; to turn back a distressing thought; while 
to stay where we were would be most disagreeable, in 
fact destructive. We spent three hours couBidering 
the question, what shall we dof reconnoitering, con- 
sulting, comparing viewls. At length we concluded to 
turn our wagons down a creek called Little Bedstone ; 
and here finding a disused log cabin, put our effects into 
it. And I can truly say a more melancholy scene my 
eyes never beheld. Here we settled with our wagoners ; 
ft having paid duties in Baltimore of £23 ft more, ft 
been journeying 43 days, stopping at taverns ft other 
places where charges were high, our cash on hand was 
so reduced that we were obliged to give our joint note, 
payable on demand, for a considerable amount. The 
wagoners' bill from Baltimore to Shippensburg, ft 
thence to this place, at 25/ per Cwt. Penn. Currency ft 

£ s d 

one day allowed ferriage 105^ 12" 

Freight from Boston to Baltimore 4" 10" 

Ditto paid Custom house officer 23" 2" 3 

Storage V 12" 

122 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

£ s d 
viz. Our note 18" 11" 9 to James Welch 

20" 3" 3 to Jno Hindman 
p^d by Jn» May 18" 7" 5 to Jno Thompson 

17" 5" 5 to Jno Herron 

74" 7"10 P. currency 
Several reasons indnced as to go to Bedstone, one 
was that Kentacky & Muskingmn were filled with goods 
of all kinds, as we heard; another was that, going 
thither, we shonld ran some little hazard of loss by 
Indians. But the absolute necessity of raising money 
to pay the wagoners wlas the strongest inducement. 
Any how our plans have failed, but I suppose it is all 
for the best. Here we are in a doleful situation & 
dismal place. All the Paeons grant that our continu- 
ance here may be of short duration. The best we can 
expect will be to save ourselves, probably we shall fall 
short of even that. Slept at ni^t on the grain chest, 
where I could see the stars through the shingles. 

Friday, 5th. Bose at 4^. The sun shone beautifully 
in our rude dwelling, but a fog soon arose which lasted 
till 9, at which time Dr. Downer & myself undertook 
to walk to Jackson's Mills, a distance of 5^ miles, 
through that part of the country where the tornado 
had raged. We went on tolerably well for two miles, 
when we found the trees so mangled, broken, & torn 
that to get along was next to impossible. At times 
we were obliged to make a detour of quarter of a mile 
through the woods, in order to find a passage. After 
travelling stoutly for upwards of tiiree hours we 1 

reached our destination, thoroughly tired. To give a 
full ft particular description of the ravages of the hur- 
ricane is what I shall not attempt. One fact I will 
state will give as good an idea of its prodigious power 
as a thousand details. I saw a black walnut tree, three 
feet through, sound ft thrifty as tree could be; and 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 123 

this was broken short off, five ft. 3 inches from the 
ground. The hei^t wias 136 feet. The force of the 
fall was so great, that the small limbs were mere crom- 
bleSy and the larger ones r^naining hardly more than 
four feet in length. Nearby was^ a house, which was 
unroofed. All the orchard and other trees in the 
vicinity prostrate. The length of the path cut by the 
gust is unknown ; but the breadth was generally about 
4 miles. 

At Jackson's we purchased a boat, 36 ft. long by 12 
wide, for which we paid him in good money £9" 19s. 
She is covered with a good roof, 25 ft. in length, and 
will make us a good dwelling place, as we trust. Got 
back to the cabin well tired, of course. I was taken 
violently sick in the night, & the illness lasted till mom- 
ing. (A passage follows which appears to read thus, 
*'Sprague's Dovers pills'' to some sort of pills used 
in medicine) Perhaps it was ow^g to eating bread 
made of sick wheat. 

Saturday, 6th. Am in a weak & low condition, ft 
have passed a very poor day. Our people have had 
plenty of fine fish, but I have had no appetite to taste 
them. We had a heavy gust last night, attended with 
thunder & a heavy hail storm, but it did not last long. 
We have employed the day in settling our accounts, 
and opening a book for business. Though people are 
in want of everything we have got, they have no money 
to pay for it. 

8v/nday, 7th. A melancholy day to me. Indisposed 
as I have been for several days, I find the mind par- 
takes of the body's feebleness. Some aspects of the 
situation mi^t api>ear romantic to some sorts of 
people, but for me only its solemn considerations make 
any impression. Here am I in the wilderness with 
five tons of goods stored away in a log cabin, 20 x 17. 
Through the roof the stars may be studied to great 
advantage, when the clouds do not intervene. The hut 

124 Journal of Col John May, of Boston, 1789. 

is in a deep valley, the width of which is not more 
than 400 yards. On either side is a tremendous moun- 
tain, at least 300 ft. high ; and the donds are constantly 
manoeuvring overhead. There are generally four or 
five showers a day; & between the showers fishermen 
are passing to the river, a J nule oflF. 

Bead today Mr. Appleton's sermon on the death of 
'Squire Flint, which I like very well. Indeed, funeral 
sermons furnish about as sprightly subjects as any 
I have met with, these several days. Slept poorly, & 
rose early. 

Monday, 8th. Mr. Breck & the Doctor gone for the 
boat. I hope to see them back by 12 o'clock. The 
winds are very shifty. They generally box the com- 
pass two or three times a day. Have received ten 
dollars today for goods. The boat did not arrive till 
7 o'clock. 

Tuesday, 9th. At 5 o'clock we began to move our 
effects from the cabin to the boat; & by indefatigable 
industry by 12, noon, had accomplished it, moving five 
tons & upwards a quarter of a mile. No accident 
occurred, excepting that one cask of nails rolled off 
the dray, ft fell into the river, in about 4 feet depth 
of water, whence we afterwiards fished it out. This 
afternoon we have all been very busy opening goods. 
Our boat will prove, I think, very convenient, and our 
prospects — ^let us hope — will brighten. 

Wednesday, 10th. Bose at 4^. Went immediately 
to business, & continued at it without intermission all 
day. Have taken upwards of $20 cash ; & we are try- 
ing to add to the conveniences of the boat. Wind 
variable, & showers every day. 

Thursday, 11th. Bose at 4, & as yesterday went to 
work at once. Took $20 before breakfast, ft paid for 
our boat in goods. This day's work iu all amounts 
to near £30. What cash we now receive is to pay for a 
dead horse, as it must all go to pay the wagoners, a sum 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 125 

not less than £56. I do not knoT7| how we shall raise it, 
but we shall use every exertion, as we have given our 
word that we will not go down the river until we have 
paid it. Several vague reports have reached us, that 
our people at Muskingum have had an action with the 
savages, routed them, & killed a number — ^a hundred 
according to some stories. I distrust these rumors 
very much. However, we are lying in a place where 
we have no communication with the world, excepting 
through a few creatures almost as ignorant as the brute 

Four nights now I have slept at the house of a Mr. 
Richards, where are tolerably good bed accommodar 
tions. State of health & the want of my own bed 
apparatus compels me to this. Truly I have not had 
a well day since I left Boston. It is hard work to 
perform such a journey, ft undertake what we are do- 
ing, without one sprightly day. Where we are is 50 
miles from Pittsburg, up the Monongahela river. 

Friday, 12th. Bose at 4, walked 1^ miles from my 
lodgings, soaped ft washed at a large ft beautiful 
spring, ft drank a pint. I have a dose of tartar emetic 
prepared, but if I can save the ship without resorting 
to the pumps — ^pumping up through the teeth — shall 
make the effort at least. Busy as a bee, all day. Took 
about $20 in cash, and this at a place where one would 
never think of looking for inhabitants, much less for 
money. We are living certainly at a very cheap rate, 
no rent, no taxes, nor any bills of that description. 
We hang out our lines, to catch fish, ft haul them in 
when we want them. Indeed the fish are excellent, and 
generally we make a meal of one of them, once a day. 
Extremely hot today, with the thermometer at 80^. 
The mid day is, as a rule, hot, whUe the nights & morn- 
ings are cold, so wie have fires in the evening. Not a 
cloud has been seen this day all over the horizon. Went 
to roost at 9 o'clock. 

126 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Saturday, 13th. Bose at 4 o'clock, took the same 
walk as yesterday, washed, & drank the pure mountain 
draught. Returned to the boat, found all asleep, routed 
them out, & we set the store in order. But little busi- 
ness today. Took only £3 cash, & some provisions for 
our own use. A beautiful day, as clear as a bell, the 
third one we have had together. 

Sunday, 14th. A delightful morning, all nature re- 
joicing. The notes of the birds of all kinds so many 
& so incessant, one is almost stunned. By the decreed 
ft usages of our fathers, this day appointed for one of 
rest. Hope I shall be able to observe it as such. Wrote 
a letter to Col. Battelle, informing him of where I am, 
in what hidden work. The day very hot, thermometer 
at 85°. At sunset a beautiful shower, ft the clouds all 
over the horizon like burnished gold most glorious. My 
eyes never rested on a more magnificent spectacle. 

Monday, 15th. Rose at the usual hour. All hands 
employed in making cable. Finished by sunset, & had 
a good one. A number of people here today, but it is 
like stripping the cow after you have milked. They 
have paid away all their money, ft by no device can get 

It is time we were going down the river, but the 
water is too low for us to think of doing it at present. 
We might still trade to any extent if we would take 
produce; but what could we do with it if we had itt 
Slept on board last ni^t on a straw bed. 

Tuesday, 16th. Rose before 4. Hauled in a perch 
wieighing 8^ lbs. as fine ft fat a fellow as I have seen. 
Fish are not plenty at this spot, but by keeping a line 
out always we have them when wanted. They are as 
good a fish as our rock (cod), ft it would puzzle any- 
one to find the difference between them, w^hen properly 

When the sui was an hour high, the Doctor & myself 
took a canoe ft went down the river to a large ripple 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 127 

to ascertain its depth of water. We found it very 
rapid & shoal, ft made np our minds the big boat could 
not pass it. Betamed very tired, ft slept on my straw 

Wednesday, 17th. Bose at 3^, not wbolly satisfied 
in my own mind but that the boat might go down the 
river after all. I want to be at least 12 miles lower 
down the river than now. I procured twto experienced 
men to survey the ripples, ft report At 8 they re- 
turned, ft pronounced them impassable. So here we 
are, laid up, the Lord knows how long. I was afraid 
we might be caught in this way, but we could not get 
ready to move sooner. Certain we have eaten no bread 
of idleness since we came here, ft have taken better 
than $100 so far; have paid for our boat $33, besides 
taking enough for our own stores. If 12 or 14 miles 
further down the river, we might be in the way to in- 
tercept letters going to Muskingum, ft might also have 
opportunities to send some to my dear friend. 

Thursday, 18th. Bose at 3 o'clock, ft w|ent into a 
shower bath I have. It thundered ft lightened all night, 
but with very little rain. I am in hopes the river may 
rise before long, after all, as there has been a heavy 
doud all night towards its head. Yesterday, I pilotted 
a Kentuck boat with two families in it over the ripples. 
I did this by way of experiment, to ascertain if our 
boat might possibly get over. This boat drew only 
7 inches water, ft went over handsomely. Ours draws 
12^ inches, which is too much, ft cannot go over till the 
river rises, wli I pray God may be soon. 

Friday, 19th. Bose at 3, ft had a fine morning walk, 
which I greatly enjoyed, two miles to the boat. Called 
up all hands. We went to spinning fish liues, & made 
great proficiency. We could make four of 22 yards 
length in an hour. The stuff they are made of costs 
3d each, and they sell for 2 shillings. The river seems 
inclined to rise a little. Yesterday five Kentuck boats 

128 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

passed us ; but none of them drew more than 8 inches 
w^ter. They all went over clear, but one of them 
struck twice, & another once ; but they were not much 
hurt. Their effects were not of much value, having 
sent their horses & wagons across to Wheeling. Be- 
fore the day was out, our river had risen about two 

Saturday, 20th. Rose at 3, & ascertained that the 
river had fallen in the night more than an inch. Not- 
withstanding, we cast off our fasts, & dropt down to 
within a few rods of the ripple. Here we stopt, & I 
wtaded in & explored the dhannel, examining here & 
there for more than half an hour. Found rocks that 
had hardly 12^ inches of water on them, & the current 
very strong. But the question was, to hazard the boat 
over, or stay there prisoners all summer. We made 
a bold dash for luck, ft were so fortunate as to go over 
without bumping. The river was so low that we were 
all day, and industrious at that, in getting down to 
Cameras (t) ferry, where we arrived an hour after 
sunset, wiell fagged out, for this has been the hottest 
day of the season* The mercury ranging at 89®. 
Soon after we landed, there came a heavy thunder 
gust which lasted for two hours, & with very vivid 

Sunday, 2l8t. I was too tired to sleep last night, 
& awoke in the morning unref reshed. Bose at 3. The 
situation we have now is better than the former one. 
Hope the business we shall do will prove it to be so. 
At 11, A. M. another violent thunder gust. Heavy fly- 
ing clouds afterwards. Towards evening it was pretty 
clear, excepting in the N. W. where there laid a bank 
which kept up a constant flashing of lightning. Mer- 
cury today up to 90°. Went to bed at 9. At 12 the 
thunder awakened me. By the time I had struck a 
light, the rain came down in great sheets, & the thunder 
& lightning were tremendous. One flash struck within 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 129 

a quarter of a mile of us, tore three trees to pieces, & 
killed seven hogs belonging to Mr. Gartner. 

Monday, 22nd. Rose early, & took np the floor of 
our boat, & cleaned her ont; then properly jointed & 
relaid the floor, put up our shed forwurd, & in fact 
made a fine boat of her. Though we have had several 
showers today, the river has not risen one inch. How 
long, Lord, how* long are we to stay prisoners on this 
Monongabela river t Yet, even if free, should we not 
be at a loss to know where to gof Better is it to stay 
even in misery, if to go farther looks worse. I have 
seen several traders returned from Muskingom who 
have left a large part of their property, unsold, at 
Marietta. Bvening, a little cooler. Thermometer at 

Tuesday, 23d. Slept well, & was up at 4 o'clock, ft 
soon set off for Summerell's ferry, having heard, last 
evening, that Gen. Putnam was there, on his return 
to New England. Though I made all haste, I was too 
late. When I arrived, he had been gone an hour. I 
hoped he would have tarried there all day, as he had 
to buy a new horse, having tired out his old one. My 
disappointment was severe, & I felt for the time almost 
disposed to struggle no longer, but let the world take 
its own way, without help or hindrance from me; for 
do I not labor in vain, & spend my strength & spirits 
for naught t The people where w^ are now come thick 
& fast enough to see our goods, & give them the price. 
They cry out ** cheap, very dieap''; but they go away 
without buying — & why t Because they have no money, 
ft there is none to be had anywhere. Somehow a little 
tires me. I went to bed very tired. 

Wednesday, 24th. Bose at 3, to find our boat had 
sprung a leak through some mismanagement. Some 
of our folks who had altered her loading had made her 
very one sided. When I got up she had not less than 
15 hhds of water in her. Called all hands, ft set the 

130 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 


pmnp agoing; and in about an hour had all right again. 
Wrote Mrs. May yesterday, left the letter at Sum- 
merell's ferry, enclosing others of 7th, 14th, ft 21st 
inst. Little or no business a-doing. The river ex- 
tremely low, ft my spirits to matdi. Health wretched, 
ft all my conveniences at Marietta. From evils of all 
kinds — esi)ecially such as we are now enduring — ^good 
Lord deliver us. For a resource ft occupation, Joseph 
ft myself went into the woods, ft brought back trees 
to be wrought into a tender for our big boat. 

Thursday, 25th. Joseph ft I employed in making 
a dory. Had little to call me off, ft by sunset had her 
complete, all except caulking ft graving. She is a 
pretty little craft, 17 ft. long ft 2^ wide in the middle, 
ft 18 indies deep. We might trade largely if we would 
take produce, ft if money was plenty below it might 
answer; but from all information there is none to be 
had. So one call is as good as another, ft some the best 
of all. From intelligence received a few days ago, the 
places that Were taking ginseng at 2/6 per pound fell 
yesterday, at the little places, to 1/6. From what I 
saw at New York, Philadelphia, ft Baltimore I sus- 
pected a decline was at hand ; ft though I have as yet 
refused taking any, yet if I can sell the goods, ft take 
good ginseng at 1/6, I am not afraid, as it may bear 
keeping one or two years at that price. 

Friday, 26th. The night was cold, but it is a warm 
day. Employed myself finishing the dory. When I 
was at the helm last Saturday, coming down the river 
from Little Bedstone I had a good compass, came slow, 
ft followed the meanderings, which I made out as fol- 

From Little Bedstone N. N. W. one mile to Linn's 
ripple; then same course \ mile to a point on the left 
hand; then W. N. W. 2\ miles to Spears' ripple; thence 
N. N, W. li miles to another ripple; then N. one 
mile ft N. E. i mile; then E. 1^ miles to Sweringin's 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 131 

(t) ferry; then N. N. E. one mile to Gartner's ferry 
(t) ; thence one mile N., i mile N. E. i mile N. W. by 
W., li miles W. N. W. to McClintock's (t) ferry at 
3 o'clock, P. M. (The next sentence appears to read 
''The distance between Gartner's (f) & this place 3^ 
miles in 2^ hours. This slow & hard work") We stopt 
here to receive 40 gals whiskey in exchange for a rifle 
gun, but when it was brought it proved to be half 
water, & we would not take it. The land about here 
is excellent ; but the people are too lazy or too ignorant 
to cultivate it to advantage, and are miserably poor. 

Saturday, 27th. A cold night, & heavy fog in the 
morning. Did not rise till 5 o'clock, the fog continu- 
ing heavy for several hours, which prevented our mov- 
ing. The sun began to disperse the vapors at 7 o'clock, 
& then we employed our wooden sails again; and in 
two hours went two miles to Devoe's ferry, all the way 
with the current. Struck this morning, for the first 
time, but did no damage. The course of the river from 

McCl to Devoes is W li, W. by N. i mile, N. N. W. 

i mile. Here we must stay till the river rises. This 
afternoon, a poor boy was induced to swim a stallion 
across the river. Bight opposite our boat on the other 
side of the river was a bank, & he could not rise it ; and 
turned back. The boy reined in the frightened animal 
too hard, & both were drowned. Three men in a canoe 
that persuaded him in, were afraid to go to him, when 
they might have saved him; but they delayed more 
than seven minutes, & are chargeable with the loss 
of the lad. 

Sunday, 28th. Poorly in health, no reading, no 
preaching, nothing to do. All hands gone to bury the 
drowned. Bull frogs, toads, turtle doves make so much 
noise, they drive away sleep. 

Monday, 29th. ''An ill wind that blows nobody any 
good" — ^tiiou^ poor for us, beautiful weather for far- 
mers. Biver as low, within 3 inches, as ever known to 

132 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

be. Nothing to do but cook, eat, sleep, & hold Colley* by 
the tail. Jonmalizing amounts to nothing, for all is 
intolerable sameness, as we Ue wasting our time on 
these drowsy waters. 
Tuesday, 30th. All the same. Walked out today 

5 miles. Lands good, but hilly, & very poorly culti- 
vated. When I returned from the waDc, I found the 
river had fallen so much it was unsafe to stay on the 
East side, where we had not more than three inches to 
spare, and we must change our place. Yesterday I 
thought we should be obliged to move soon, & had 
pitdied on Pigeon Creek, nearly opposite, as the place 
to move to, as there is a deep place at its mouth that has 
nearly 12 feet water. Therefore at 4 o'clock, P. M. we 
unmoored, & without much difficulty crossed the river, & 
were soon secure in Pigeon Creek, where we must stay 
till the river swells again. 

Wednesday, July 1st. Sixty-nine days since we left 
Boston. I will strive to suppress sighs & lamentations, 
for what living man has a right to complain. Never- 
theless, between me & this book, it must be owned, my 
feelings are tortured, & groans will find their way 
out, if not through the throat, through the finger tips. 
How have I striven, how little accomplished I Surely 
**the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to 
the strong*' — ^that's Scripture, and it's truth too. So I 
sometimes think it might be as well for one to sit down, 

6 sing *'0h be easy." 

At 9 o'clock this morning mounted a little dapple 
gray horse & rode up the banks of the creek 4^ miles, 
in which distance I crossed it seventeen times. I 
visited the house of a Mrs. Colvill, and traded with 
her for nine cheeses, which were pretty good, & a 
quantity of maple sugar. Here as elsewhere no money. 

Thursday, 2nd. Where we are lying it is 12 feet 
deep, as I have stated. But you can wade the river 

Mn abbreviation for melaneholy. 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 133 

almost any where. In places yon can go across it, 
& not find more than nine inches wuter. Still nnw^ll, 
& patience severely exercised. Am meditating a jonr- 
ney to Marietta by land, providing the river does not 
rise in three or four days. If the journey is made, I 
shall be able to form some opinion as to whether it 
will be prudent to go down the river, as far as the place 
named, with our goods. People whom I have con- 
versed with seem to be agreed,^there is no money there, 
& three stores are already opened. 

Friday, 3rd. Got up early to do nothing. Oh. that 
my goods were back again in Boston — or anywhere — 
rather than on this dismal Monongahela river I I can- 
not help recording, this is the severest trial of my life. 
If I am ever happy enough to get out of this, I put 
these thoughts dowin that the lessons of the past may 
not be forgotten. Here week after week, with little 
or nothing to do, no money stirring, & with no sort of 
amusement to divert the mind from gloomy fancies, 
& many thoughts & anxieties about tiiose far away. 
As for our business, to take produce will not do. Gin- 
seng is worse than nothing. Not a penny to be seen; 
& if we give credit we lose everything. The property 
we have here too valuable to be run away from. So we 
must stay, & wait for better times. To crown all, not 
a word from Boston since I left it. 

Saturday, 4th. This the anniversary of Indepen- 
dence; but we poor fellowis must keep it in rather a 
doleful manner, not with the high glee in which I 
shared at Marietta last year. Even if there be no 
money there, they will no doubt celebrate the day this 
year. And it is best they should. In this world of 
disappointments, let us take what enjoyment we can 
get. "Let us eat & drink for tomorrow we die.'* 

"The best laid schemes o* mice an' men 

Gang aft a-gley, 

And lea'e us nought but grief and pain, 

For promised joy." 
Vol. XLV.— 10 

134 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Today, Mr. James Leach from Marietta boimd for 
Boston called, & took lodgings with me. Glad enou^ 
was I to see him. He not only brou^t news from 
Marietta, which I was desirous to get, but will be a safe 
messenger to carry letters to Boston. 

Sunday, 5th. Writing letters, one to Mrs. May, 
others to Joseph May, Jon* Freeman, & my children 
John Jr., Henry K., Catharine C. & Sophia. Had for 
dinner a good boiled dish & roast chickens. Mr. Leach 
with us. 

Monday, 6th. The river rose three inches today, 
& the Water 5° warmer than the air. Put the thermom- 
eter in the water, & the mercury goes up to 82°, take 
it out & it stands at 77°. Took $20 cash, better than 
nothing, but very small business for four men. 

Tuesday, 7th. Went to bed late, slept but little, & 
feel very slim today. The river rises no more. I am 
preparing to go to Marietta over land. About sunset 
Mr. Stratton came to see us, from Washington [Penn.] 
He brought information that some person had shot 

Geo. Washington W (unreadable), an Lidian, in 

consequence of which three parties of Lidians had 
landed on the East side of the Ohio river in order to 
retaliate. The news did not alter my plans, and I set 
off for Marietta, in company with him as far as Wash- 

Wednesday, 8th. Started for Marietta at 5 o'clock, 
and travelled 9 miles to breakfast, when it came on 
to rain. At 10 it held up, when we set off again, & at 
1, P. M. arrived at Washington, where we dined. I 
stayed there all the afternoon, striving to purchase a 
horse which I could not obtain. 

Thursday, 9th. Bargained with a Mr. Adams to 
carry me & baggage to West Liberty, for which service 
I paid $1. Were off at 6 o'clock. The boy who went 
with me took turns with myself in riding the horse. 
A very hot day. A part of it, a very heavy cloud 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 135 

hung on over night, from which incessant thunder. We 
in a wild region, not free from liability to surprise 
from the Indians. We got over the ground as fast 
as we could, but that was slowly. By 1 o'clock we 
had arrived at Charles Well's, a fine plantation on 
the Virginia side, the house & buildings 100 rods from 
the Pennsylvania line. I was well tired when I got 
there. The house is not a tavern, but I informed the 
landlady of my condition, & told her she must recruit 
me, which she did in good style. Soon the tempest we 
had been watching came on, one cloud after another, 
with sharp lightning & heavy thunder all the afternoon. 
Here I lodged, and having changed my route from 
West Liberty to Buffalo Greek discharged the boy with 
the pony. 

Friday, 10th. I am waiting here in expectation of 
seeing Major Tyler who is going down the river tomor- 
row, expecting to go with him. This Mr. Wells, at 
whose house I am, has a fine plantation, a family of 
twenty three souls, a pack of deer, large herds of cattle, 
horses, hogs, & sheep, poultry of every kind; and 
withal carries a considerable woolen & linen manufac- 
tory. I took a violent cold last evening, which has 
attacked me in different ways, viz. asthma, expectora- 
tion, & a very sore mouth. I feel as if I had almost 
lost my senses. 

Saturday, 11th. A miserable night, the last. I set 
off on a horse belonging to Mr. Wells, for the mouth 
of the Buffalo, where I arrived when the sun was two 
hours high. At Absa Wells' found a house full of 
people, and as much noise as at Charles's where I 
came from. I did not think much of my horse, though 
he was caUed a famous one, nor of my riding equip- 
ment. One stirrup leather was broken off, & I had to 
carry it in my hand. After awhile the girt broke, & 
I on a shying horse, with a pile of baggage, & a boy 
behind me. Thus I rode on better than 4 miles, expect- 

136 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

ing to be thrown every minute. However, by balancing 
myself well, I made out to reach the destined place 
without misfortune. On going to bed — ^which I did 
early — ^found my bed was made of hen feathers, with 
the ticking torn in places, yet I was so sleepy that I 
thought I would venture it. In vain! my pipes were 
soon choked up, but I tried not to stir till compelled 
to. Was obliged to get up, & hurry to the window for 
breath. Here I remained for nearly an hour, then 
put on my cantsloper, took my saddle bags for a bol- 
ster, wrapt a blanket about my feet, & laid dow;n on 
the floor, at as great a distance from the bed as pos- 
sible, & right under the open window. In this situa- 
tion I continued to pull for life for near an hour, when 
I felt a little relieved, & dropt asleep. 

Sunday, 12th. Here I am waiting for a passage 
down the Ohio to Marietta. Have a prospect of going 
Tuesday morning with Major Tyler. Took a walk this 
forenoon, something more than a mile to the mouth 
of tlie creek. Here is a little town begun. There are 
eight huts already built, & one pretty good house. The 
country back from here somewhat settled. If the 
people were industrious, the farms might be excellent. 
Even as it is, there are some fine ones. Little trading 
places are scattered all over this country, within 6 or 
8 miles of each other. It has been very hot today, 
rain & thunder at 1 o'clock, but without effect in cool- 
ing the air. The copperhead snake is said to be numer- 
ous in the country where I now am. Several killed 
on this plantation yesterday. The Ohio extremely low, 
but rising a little. Oh that I could have letters from 
Boston I 

Monday, July 13th. Felt uneasy at staying in this 
place so long, & although it rained pretty hard, took 
my baggage & went down to the mouth of the Buffalo. 
Was obliged to cross the creek three times before 
reaching its mouth. 



Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 137 

At this place is a small town, the begiimiiig of 
which was made last year. There are eight small 
houses built here on low gronnd, the people very poor. 
I put my saddle bags and kentsloper into one of them, 
& then went & sat down on bank of the Ohio, ruminat- 
ing on the experiences of the summer. I had' been 
there about an hour, when my ears were agreeably 
alarmed by the sound of a drum & fife, at a distance. 
Looking up the river, I perceived a large boat coming 
down, loaded with a company of soldiers. When they 
came opposite, I hailed them, & it proved to be Capt. 
McCurdy, who invited me to take passage with him, 
which offer I gladly accepted. At 12 o'clock, noon, I 
embarked, and, with my new companions, gently glided 
down the river. It being low in many places, the sol- 
diers were obliged to jump out, & haul the boat over 
the ripples. 

Tuesday, 14th. Slept but little, owing to the inces- 
sant noise made by the soldiers. With the help of oars, 
we dropt down forty miles by 6 in the morning. Then 
came to an anchor & breakfasted, and at 9 started 
again, and by sunset had arrived at Fort Harmar. Be- 
quested the officer of police to put me across the Mus- 
kingmn, which he did; and thus I landed at the old 
settlement. Found all my friends well & flourishing — 
and as to others, they concern me very little. 

The place is materially altered for the better, the 
people high spirited & confident, but wanting, as I had 
heard, in that community without which no wheels can 
run smoothly, viz, cash. Soon after landing, I went 
to the coffee house; procured me a good cup of coffee; 
& after a while went to bed; not to sleep, however, 
for a dog nearby made such a barking & howfling, & 
I wlas attacked by such a host of fleas that sleeping 
was impossible. Bose early, & strolled about the place. 

Wednesday, 15th. Little comfort in bed. Arose at 
3, & took a morning walk. Some of our people have 

138 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

as fine gardens as I have ever seen, filled with good 
things. The improvements to be seen on every hand 
are really surprising. The fields covered with com, 
wheat, flax, &c. The hillsides plentiful with herds, 
game, &c. Dined today with Oen. Harmar. 

Thursday, 16th. Breakfasted with Judge Parsons, 
& spent two hours with Mm, discussing colony mat- 
ters. Then walked to Major Sargent's gardens, where 
I found everything growing luxuriantly, millet, mad- 
der, rhubarb, rice, & cotton, besides a great variety 
of kitchen stuff. Dined wdth the Major, and in the 
evening again taken poorly. Perhaps, this last attack 
owing to my mode of living while coming down the 
Ohio river. 

Friday, 17th. Had a poor night of it. Took a dose 
of the jaundice elixir. Nibbled a little vegetables & 
bacon with Billy Gridley. Moped about the most of 
the day. At noon, died Mr. Joshua Cheever, he having, 
three days agone, fallen from the bridge in Front st. 
a distance of 35 ft. which broke his scull, & in fact 
jammed him into a lump. 

Saturday, 18th. Am better, thank God. The day 
passed in reconnoitering the settlement. I find about 
sixty good buildings ia the city, many of them quite 
large & handsome. In all belonging to the settlement 
at least 400 acres of com, as good as ever was seen, 
which will undoubtedly produce 20000 bushels of grain. 
To day the funeral of Mr. Cheever was held, & I at- 
tended. The body was placed in a handsome black 
walnut coffin. About 16 Freemasons attended, as 
mourners. Two solemn tones were sung by a dioir, 
and Mr. Storms (?) offered an excellent prayer. 

Sunday, 19th. Attended publick worship, where we 
had a very good performance by Mr. Storms (or 
Story), on the death of young Cheever. 

Monday, 20th July, 1789 (on a detached piece of 
paper) . A beautifnl day. Wind S. W. The river ex- 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 139 

tremely low. Dined off a buffalo fish of 16 lbs if^ight, 
with fine yonng potatoes. 

Tuesday, 21st. Clear, serene, middling warm 
weather. Received a letter from my partners Breck 
and Downer, to the effect that they had removed down 
the Monongahela, & shonld await my retom at Pitts- 
bnrg, which probably will be soon. Dined with Gen* 

Wednesday, 22nd. Never wto finer weather, the air 
like crystal, but the waters as low as can be. Spent 
all the fore part of the day settling with Col. Battelle. 
At 1|, P. M. crossed the Muskingom, & dined, in free 
& easy fashion, with Major Donghty. 

Thursday, 23d. Three long & tedions months have 
rolled away since I left my home. Not a single line 
have I had from Boston as yet. In all this time I have 
done business at a loss, & the prospect for the future 
is not cheering. A fire broke out at 9 o'clock this 
morning, at the house of Oen. Tupper, which mi^t 
have done mudi mischief, but happily it was extin- 
gpiished, before it had spread very far. Dined with 
Major Doughty in company; then crossed the river 
at sunset, & made preparations to go up the Ohio. 

Friday, 24th. At 9 o'clock this morning, in company 
with Vanlear (?) Newport Torrey & four others started 
up the river in two small canoes, & ascended by dint 
of hard labor 27 miles by sunset, then encamped in 
the open wilderness. On a bed of green leaves slept 

Saturday, 25th. At 4i under way. At 10 o'clock, 
a hard gust, & a copious fall of raiu for one & half 
hours. Then we went on again till 1 P. M. when we 
were overtaken by another thunder storm, which lasted 
two hours, which over, we stood up the river again, 
& notwithstanding all hindrances, we came through 
37 miles by sunset. Made our bivouac on the wet 
ground, with nothing but my blanket to cover four 
of us. Towards morning, it rained again. 

140 Journal of CoL John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Sunday, 26th. Neither rain nor ^^t gronnd pre- 
vented my sleeping. Hard labor, hard fare & free 
fresh air make a good soporific, and how much to be 
preferred to your close rooms & feather beds. At 3 
o'clock I got np, stiff & sore a little from the exertions 
of yesterday, but willing to take the setting pole again, 
— ^in order to be out of this wilderness, where roam 
wild beasts & wilder men. We had reason to suppose 
a party of the savages had seen us last night; and on 
rising wje could hear the cocks crowing in different 
places around us. This we took to be — ^which no doubt 
it was — signals which the Indians were making to each 
other. We started & kept on till 9 o'clock nearly, when 
it came on to rain, which hindered us three hours. Not 
one single rag of clothes or scrap of paper but was 
wet through. The damage done by the wet to the bag- 
gage would amount to several pounds, if reckoned up. 
We arrived at Zane's, at Wheeling, when the sun was 
half an hour high, tired, wet & mouldy. Here I must 
tarry a day or two, dry, & put my baggage in order. 

Monday, 27th. Slept soundly last night, & feel all 
the better for it this morning. A beautiful day, & the 
wish is strong to be a travelling, but must stop, & try 
to save as much as I can of my baggage. At 5, P. M. 
came on another severe gust, & it rained with great 
force for three hours. After it cleared up I went to 

Tuesday, 28th. Rose at 6, breakfasted at 8, and at 
9 set off for Washington, mounted on as sorry a jade 
as I ever bestrid, ugly, contrary, & heavy as a log. I 
beat, banged, jerked bridle, & swore, but to little pur- 
pose, till 5 o'clock in the afternoon, w^en I found a 
sort of tavern, or whiskey house, where I stopt, having 
travelled 18 miles, through a dreary wild, the most of 
the way. Here I could wet my whistle, & procured 
pork & cucumbers, whidi tasted wjell to a man half 
famished as I was. By the time self & horse were 


Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 141 

sufficiently refreshed, it was 6 o'clock, and a black clond 
was rising in the West; bat 13 miles were still between 
me & Washington. Accordingly, I did not think it best 
to leave the harbor I had made in a hurry, & stopt there 
all night. I crossed the Wheeling river thirteen times 
today, which had risen last night 7 feet, and fell this 
morning 3 feet ; but it is still very rapid. Several times 
I had the water over the tops of my boots, & twice was 
in imminent danger of being swept awlay in the current. 

Wednesday, 29th. At 4 this morning mounted my 
Bosinante, & after hard travelling reached Washing- 
ton at half past 9; thence 7 miles to McC 's (un- 
readable) town, where dined; thence to Col. NoePs ( t), 
where I slept. Here most kindly entertained. 

Thursday, 30th. The night was a rainy one, & the 
weather did not clear till 9 o'clock. As soon as it 
did, I was off for Pittsburg, where I arrived at 11 
o'clock. But the boat was not there, although there 
was plenty of water in the river to float her down. 
My partners are of a heavier & less enterprising dis- 
position than I am, that is certain; or they fear dan- 
ger more, or love their ease better. Their neglect 
to improve the opportunity appears to me inexcus- 
able. At 2 o'clock in Markus Hulen's boat I shall 
set out to find them. The strong current will be much 
agaiQst me, but it would be favorable for them, bring- 
ing them down at the rate of 7 miles an hour. Going 
up stream, against wind & current we made only 7 
miles in all. On stopping for the ni^t, w^ laid down 
on the bottom of the boat, & slept soundly till morning. 

Friday, 31st. The river rose 5 feet during the night; 
& the current this morning extremely strong. At 4 we 
set off; & went to Braddock's Field to breakfast; 
thence to the mouth of the Yohogany in four hours. 
There we found the boat, and my people very busy — 
waiting for me. Made up my mind that as things are, 
our plans all disconcerted, money so scarce, & as we 

142 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

feel so differently, it is better to dissolve partaer- 
shipy make a dividend of the merdiandise, & let each 
one do with his share as he pleases. Laid the matter 
before the others, & argaed the point with them, Dr. 
Dowaier agreeing to the dissolution, while Mr. Breck 
preferred that, so far as we two w^re conoemed, it 
shonld continue. 

Saturday, August 1st. AU day employed in wind- 
ing up the affairs of the concenu Dr. Downer took 
his dividend. It has been a very fatiguing day; but 
I hope for rest tomorrow. 

Sunday, 2nd. The Wind at the West. The river 
falling as fast as it rose. Am afraid I shall get cau^t 
again, though with the boat lightened of some part 
of her load of goods & persons, I don't feel so ap- 
prehensive as I should otherwise. Some part of the 
day spent as it should be; the rest attending to mat- 
ters that needed to be attended to, such as airing my 
clothes, which were full of damp & mould, not hav- 
ing been thoroughly dried from the soaking they got 
on the Ohio river. For seven days have not missed 
of having a hard shower. This watery world wearies 

Monday, 3rd. Rose at 4 o'clock, Mr. Downer's 
things all put up by 9 o'clock, and at 10 they left us, 
with their effects, bound up the river. I believe the 
arrangements we have made are really the best. Had 
our first plans not miscarried, we might have been 
serviceable to each other ; but having nothing to do of 
any account for nearly three months, we have only been 
in each other's way. Spent the rest of the day in put- 
ting things to rights. 

Tuesday, 4th. On getting up this morning, went to 
putting the boat in sailing order. Shall wait for a 
passenger till 7 o'clock, & then shove off, — ^for Pitts- 
burg. At 8, we were under way, & by great exertion, 
without stopping but once (which wias by striking in 


Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 143 

the ripples in the middle of the river) vre arrived at 
the famous port of Pittshnrg at sunset. Here we staid 
all nighty & fared pretty well. 

Wednesday, 5th. Bemained the day at Pittsburg. 
Sold to the amount of about $10, chiefly in shoes. 
Do not expect to start till tomorrow, when I expect 
to be escorted by Capt. Fergason's company of 50 
men, at least to sail in their company. To day, at 4 
o'clock, received a cordial that did me good, viz: a 
letter from my dear partner in Boston, the first I have 
received from her since I left home. Of itself an in- 
estimable treasure, but it came wrapt in some sort 
of delicate French paper. Did that enhance it's value f 
Not at all, for who knows through what hands said 
dainty paper had passed, or to what uses of folly & 
vanity it had been applied? However, who cares for 
the feathers of a bird, or the foul water it has drunk, 
or the dirty seed it has eaten, if so be it brings glad 
tidings t This bird wafted real delight to my thirsty 

Thursday, 6th. It has been extremely hot all this 
week, but today seemed almost beyond mortal endur- 
ance. We have been waiting all day for company, in 
fact we cannot go down the river without more help, 
therefore must wait the motion of Capt. Ferguson. 
The evening delightfully pleasant. The evening air 
here is almost always cool. Am pestered with a sore 
mouth, & am afraid it is scurvy, owing to the mode 
of living. 

Friday, 7th. At 4, P. M. we got under way, and 
arrived at 12 o'clock at night at Big Beaver, 30 miles, 
where We stopt, & slept the remainder of the night. 
A party of Delaware & Seneca Indians were encamped 
within a mile or two of us. 

Saturday, 8th. At 4 o'clock, A. M. got under way 
again; & after a rather toilsome day, arrived, at 1 
o'clock at night, at Mingo Bottom, 45 miles. Much 

144 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

rain today, with thunder & lightning. I kept the hehn 
ten hours without intermission from Pitt to Little 

Sunday, 9th. At 7 o'clock, A. M. left Mingo Bot- 
tom, a settlement of five log huts, or cabins, & not 
more than fifty acres of land cleared. Yet, small as the 
settlement is, here is a store, with a very good assort- 
ment of goods, to the value, as I suppose, of £1000. 
The day is rainy & the wind ahead. At 11 o'clock, ar- 
rived at the mouth of the Buffalo, where I must wait 
one or two days for a Mr. Ludlow, w|ho has purchased 
the boat. At 6 o 'clock, evening, there came on a violent 
rain with wind & thunder, which lasted nearly tiiree 
hours. I went to bed at 11 o'clock, having first seen 
that our arms were in order, as w^ are now in an 
enemy's country, and small handed. 

Monday, 10th. A foggy, but very warm morning. 
It has been extremely hot these five days. The people 
now come on board in shoals, look at the goods, cheapen 
everything, but buy nothing. In the evening, when 
the sun was about an hour high, I went about a mile 
up a steep hill, to the plantation of a Capt McManus 
(or McMeans) to look at some farms. Staid to tea, 
& was joiued at dusk by Mr. Ludlow*, who was ac- 
quainted, he said, with tke^ roads throu^ the woods, 
& would pilot me. I took him at his word, & w^ set 
out, just about dusk, I on a little pack horse, & he on 
foot. We had not gone more than a quarter of a 
mile, before he lost the road. I told him it lay to the 
right, but he insisted on its being to the left, and 
stood right into the thickest part of the woods ; when, 
after some distance traversed, wfe came to a rise of 
land so steep as to be impassable for a footman, much 
more for a horse. We then turned to the left again, 
stiQ going out of the way. We were on Indian ground, 
& the way as dark as pitch; & wie were continually 
among thorns & briars, breaking our shins over old 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 145 

logs & fallen trees, & tumbling into holes. My horse 
fell three times. In fact we were beating about in 
ntter uncertainty & bewilderment for more than two 
hours ; and the sweat was pouring from every part of 
my body. It is quite impossible to give any adequate 
idea of our toil & perplexity. We got out of it, how- 
ever, & came at last to the boat, where I pulled off my 
clothes which were wet through w&th perspiration, coat 

Tuesday, 11th. At half past 4 in the morning, we 
cast off our boat for Wheeling. It is extremely hot. 
Mr. Breck, the Doctor, Mr. Ludlow & myself to navi- 
gate our ship of twenty tons burden. We had enough 
to do for the space of nine hours, when wie arrived 
safe at Wheeling, but thoroughly tired out. Thus after 
toils & struggles innumerable, & hazards not a few, 
during a period of three months & nineteen days, we 
have got to where w:e mean to make a stand, & watch 
for every chance to get our goods off our hands. 

Wednesday, 12th. Employed in moving the goods 
from the boat to the store which I have taken from 
'Squire Zane, at $2 per month, & board at 8 shillings 
a week. It was a work of difficulty, getting the things 
up this very steep hill ; but by patience & perseverance 
wfe accomplished it in eight hours. 

Thursday, 13th. Opened store, and idle starers were 
plenty. They would come, hang around for two hours 
or more, but purchase nothing. We made out to take 
but $10. Have made up my mind at length that, if 
we would do anything, we must take deer skins, furs, 
& ginseng in exchange for goods. The last article will 
require great care in the management, in order to keep 
it good. Seven days since I left Pitt, & have not eaten 
3 oz of meat since I came away. 

Friday, 14th. The weather still hot, intensely. I 
never experienced eight days of heat more hard to 
bear. At 10 o'clock in the morning. Col Sproat & 


146 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

family stopt here, on their way to Marietta; and at 
12 arrived Mr. Benjamin Zane from Sandusky, with 
a considerable quantity of skins & fors. This Mr. 
Zane, brother to my landlord, and now upwards of 
forty years old, wlas made a prisoner by the Indians, 
when he wHs a boy nine years old; & has lived amon^ 
them almost ever since. He married an Indian woman^ 
& has ei^t half-breed children, one of which was with 
him. He still retains the English language, and is a 
man of good manners, & of very considerable property. 
Today we have had two smart showers, with the usual 
accompaniment ; but the air seems all the hotter for it. 

8aturda/y, 15th. Close almost to suffocation. The 
frequent showers & the heat make vegetation to run 
on ten thousand wheels. I am packing a small quantity 
of goods to send down to Marietta, whidi will go in 
charge of friend Breck. (Here follows a quite long 
passage written in cypher.) Though no lack of people 
in the store today, sold but little. The weather a trifle 
cooler, & the river rising in a slight degree. ' 

Simday, 16th. Bose at 4 o'clock, & perused some old 
newspapers from Philadelphia & Carlisle, one as late 
as 29th July, but found nothing of any value to me. 
Some part of the day employed in writing to my con- 
jugal partner & others in Boston; some in wtiting to 
Marietta; the rest more after the New England 
fashion. Wrote in all eight letters. 

Monday, 17th. Took two guineas from a traveller. 
Employed in fitting out Guliehnus for Marietta with 
$250 wiorth of goods. Hope he will do his best, & make 
out well. In t\^o days the river has risen ten feet in «^ 

perpendicular height. Mr. Breck will have a delightful 
trip down the Ohio, & will probably reach his port in 
24 hours. I perish for lack of vision, which means 
for me lack of letters. 

Tuesday, 18th. Pleasant day, river rising, no boats 
passing, consequently but little business. 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 147 

Wednesday, 19th. Biver falliog as fast as it rose. 
A beantiful day. Hangers on plenty. Oh that they 
had cash to match their curiosity I 

Thursday, 20th. Moon changes. This operated on 
the feelings & movements of the women, & brought 
them in shoals, not to hang round like their lords, but 
to buy. Made between 5 & 6 £ cash from them ; & sent 
them aw^y pleased with their bargains. 

Friday, 21st. The river continuing to fall. I have 
every day, morning & evening, to attend the Kentucky 
boats which are passing. Have to go down ft come up 
a hill as steep as our Beacon Hill in Boston. This 
serves to keep my joints limber. Dull business today, 
ft whenever that is the case the dumps acquire the as- 
cendency. Strive as we may, there is a Power above us 
that controls events. Fate holds the strings, ft men 
Uke puppets move hither ft thither as they are led. 
Success is from above. 

Saturday, 22nd. Delightful weather, with a touch 
of the September quality. A good days work, ft ac- 
cordingly great refreshment of spirit. Have purchased 
of different persons skins ft furs to the amount of 100£. 
which has made me a busy day. A few such days would 
set me at liberty. Mr. Breck away, I have to do every- 
thing with my own hands. But I am not one of those 
who are unhappy when alone. Expenses from Pigeon 
creek to Marietta — ^Dar. 

£" 5" d 

Drought from last leaf of Journal 3" 6" 10 

Paid at Wheeling 2 nights ft one day. . . .(/' 5" 

Thence to Washington 0^ 4" 

At Washington (/' 2" 

McCannons .(/'!" 6 

Col Neville's (T 2" 6 

Duncan's Fort Pitt - (/' 2" 10 

4" 4" 8 

148 Journal of Col. John Map, of Boston, 1789. 

Sunday, 23d. A warm day. Spent the chief part 
of it in my store, where I was quiet & cooL Bead 
more today, than I have any day since I left Boston. 
Several little parties of amusement were made up, to 
which I was mudi urged; hut I preferred to stay in 
my own quarters ; for I am fond of the Sabhath, if I 
am not one of its most rigorous observers. 

Monday, 24th. A beautiful day, employed in taking 
care of my peltry. Went to bed very tired, & slept * 


Tuesday, 25th. Fine clear weather, & but little to 
do. The river now as low as when I came here. Have 
just heard the iatelligence that the Indians have fired 
on a party of soldiers & surveyors a little below the 
great Kanawha river. They surprised them in the 
gray of the morning, and out of nine killed seven. 
Mathers (f) ft the corporal of the guard only escaped | 

to tell the story. 

Wednesday, 26th. Bain in the night, ft has been a 
very rainy day from the N. E. This the only day rainy ^ 

throughout which I have seen since I came from home ; 
and though much water has fallen, it is by no means 
sudi a storm as we frequently have in New England. 
I expect, however, we shall have a mighty swelling 
of the Ohio, in a day or two, as it is the only great 
artery that conducts the wiaters of a thousand streams, 
big ft little, to the Mississippi, ft thence to the Ocean. 

Thursday, 27th. It ceased to rain some time in the 
night, ft the river has already begun to rise. Business 

Friday, 28th. Great numbers collected here today, ^ 

women, men, ft boys, brim full of curiosity ft questions, 
but wanting hi cash. From the thousand questions 
asked me found the only escape was by answ:ering in 
monosyllables. The result of this day's tedious labors 
was only about $3.50. The weather good & clear, ft 
the river, as respects rising, at a stand. (Here follows 
a passage in cypher) 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 149 

Saturday, 29th. A cloudy, disagreeable day. Wind 
at N. N. E. Had but little business. Mr. Zane went 
a hunting yesterday, & returned with, a fine deer. This 
about the first fresh meat I have seen since I came 
here, ft before that I seldom had any, so that my diet 
has been pretty much salt meat. To this I attribute 
a breaking out on my body in several places, with irri- 
tation ft itching, a form perhaps of scurvy. Mr. Zane 
raises more than a thousand bushels of com, besides 
wheat, rye, oats, barley, rice, flax, &c. ; but, like others 
in these parts, he neglects his garden, which is not 
good for much, ft affords little or nothing. This year 
he has cut upwards of 150 tons of hay, ft he must make 
money very fast ; but he lives in a very poor way for 
all that. This plantation is as much a frontier out- 
post as Marietta, indeed more so, as there is nothing 
separates it from the Indian wild, 200 miles in width, 
and the whole stretch of the continent in extent. It 
is only five years since this place was besieged by 
more than five hundred of the savages; but they did 
not succeed, and were not permitted to obtain posses- 
sion of it. I now lay aside the pen to drink ** wives ft 
sweethearts. ' ' 

Sunday, 30th. An exceedingly cold morning, enough 
to make me shiver. Wind N. a little E. with show- 
ers, almost cold enough for snow. Grew warmer 
in the afternoon. Mounted my horse, & rode up the 
river to Mr. Chapman's, over an exceeding muddy ft 
hilly road, but in sight of the river all the way. Ate 
a few peaches ft returned. Mr. Zane has nearly 900 
peach trees on his plantation, a great part of which 
hang as full as they can hold; but none of the fruit is 
quite ripe as yet. He has given me an invitation to 
pick as many as I please, ft I expect to have full swing 
in a day or two. Mr. Br — ^n (unreadable) a young man 
from Conigogig who has a store in one end of the 
same building with mine generally goes with me once 

Vol. XLV.— 11 

150 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

a day to visit the orchards & fetch water from a beauti- 
ful spring. On our return we generally take a drink 
together just before dinner. This we stand in need of, 
as we have nothing but water at dinner. Thou^ 
I am fully persuaded that two stores — ^as things are — 
are more than half too mudi, that belief does not pre- 
vent me from living with my next neighbor in great 
harmony. At night, he sleeps up stairs, & I on the ^ 

lower floor, on a straw bed, with such bed covering 
as my travelling baggage can furnish. 

Monday, 31st, and the last of August, and, accord- 
ingly, last day of summer. It is almost as cold as it 
usually is the last day of Autumn. The people have 
sat by the fire all the afternoon, & this evening I find it 
decidedly comfortable. The people who live here pre- 
tend to say, they never saw such weather before; but 
I am of opinion, from observation, that take summer 
& winter through, this climate does not average 
warmer than the county of Suffolk in Massachusetts. ^ 

True rice grows here, & also madder & rhubarb, but, 
on the other hand, their melons are no better than 
ours. Bheumatism begins to pester me, owing perhaps 
to these sudden changes of weather. 

Tuesday, September 1st. Weather still cold. Great 
probability of frost tonight. No boats seem to be mov- 
ing up or down the river, & no business at the store ; 
yet I dare not move for fear of losing chances. I am 
holding Colly* by the tail. 

Wednesday, 2nd. Cold still, with heavy flying clouds. 
Some rain from the S. W. The river again quite low. 

Thursday, 3rd. Fine weather. ^ 

Friday, 4th. I might as well stop this journal. Noth- 
ing to enter upon it, but the same round of rising, eat- 
ing three times a day, & sleeping at night. 

Saturday, 5th. Middling warm. Several arrivals 
from Muskingum. Some business usually comes in 

*See note on page 132. 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 151 

fhe wake of such, bnt not nmclL My landlord has a 
fine lot of peaches. I am amusing myself with cutting, 
drying, & making pickles from them. Have made a pot 
of 5 gals of them, which shall distribute among the 
ladies at Fort Harmar & Marietta. 

Sunday, 6th. Fine pleasant weather. Have done a 
great deal of writing, &, among other things, have been 
over to the island. Oo to bed tired. 

Monday, 7th. More arrivals from Marietta. 

Tuesday, 8th. Nothing to do, nothing to say. 

Wednesday, 9th. A delightful day. Have employed 
myself in overhauling furs & skins, & in picking, cut- 
ting, & drying peaches. Put some into the N. E. spirit 
to give it a flavor. Tomorrow I propose to put up a 
pot of this kind of pickles for Madam Harmar, & 
another for Madam Battelle. Though there is such a 
superabundance of peaches, I cannot bear to see them 

Tuesday, lOth. Will, to amuse & occupy myself, 
write out a few Remarks on my Expedition & the Sea- 
son of 1789. 

Left Boston on the 23d April. Had an agreeable 
time at Baltimore where I found the goods in excel- 
lent order. But here an unlucky & unexpected event 
occurred. I was obliged to pay better than £30^ duty 
on merchandise brought, or else leave it behind. I 
felt this to be hard luck, as it deprived me of travelling 
money. Flour, at the time, came to a quick market in 
Baltimore, & so high the price, that the wagoners chose 
rather to bring flour there than to engage to go over 
the mountains. This made it next to impossible to 
procure wagons to answer our purpose. At length, 
however, I succeeded in engaging some to take our 
goods about 90 miles to Shippensburg, where we stored 
them. From there made several rides round the neigh- 
borhood, seeking for help, ft finally made a bargain 
with one Daniel Elliott to transport the goods to Fort 

152 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

Pitt, or Bedstone; bnt when the time came, he did 
not appear, bnt sent word he conld not perform ac- 
cording to promise. Breck ft myself were at that time 
npward of one hnndred miles off, and Downer was 
obliged to make a new contract. This made a delay 
of ten days, bnt finally the wagons came on, & were 
advanced within 4 miles of Bedstone, when a terrible 
tornado laid prostrate the forests right in the line of 
onr march, cutting a path fonr miles wide. This 
proved a barrier impenetrable for the time ; and, after 
reconnoitering ft consulting nearly a whole day, we 
ordered the wagons down to Little Bedstone, a small 
creek that empties into the Monongahela, five miles 
below Bedstone Old Fort. 

Here we put onr goods into a deserted cabin-, within 
a ^ mile of the river. The next day the Doctor & I 
went through the scene of devastation to Sam. Jack- 
son's, a distance of four miles, ft here bou^t a Ken* 
tuck boat, which was brought down the next Monday ; 
and on Tuesday put our goods on board, opened store 
& did business. All this while the river was falling, 
ft we dropt out at the mouth of the creek. The next 
day we heard of the great depreciation in ginseng, which 
was bringing total confusion to our former plans. We 
thought it absolutely necessary to wait for confirma^ 
tion of the news, which we did, giving out that the 
river was too low to admit of our going down. I did 
not want the inhabitants, who are very inquisitive, to 
be precisely informed of the state of our affairs. How- 
ever, in point of fact, the river did get so low in a 
few days that it was imi>ossible for a boat as big as 
ours to go over the ripples. This continued a long 
time, and after being confined upward of 30 days to 
the Monongahela, & after the disagreeable news in re- 
gard to ginseng was also confirmed, I formed the plan 
of exploring the country that lay betwixt us & Muskin- 
gum, with the imderstanding with my partners that 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 153 

fhe boat should come down the river, if the waters 
arose in my absence. On Wednesday, the 8th of July 

1 set out by land ft on foot, ft reached Washington at 

2 o'clock, and here spent the afternoon ft night. There 
is a number of stores in this little place, as it is a 
county town & centre — all between a number of rivers. 
I critically observed the manner of trade here, ft came 
to the conclusion that it would not answer to bring 
our goods to the place. The next morning, I stood 
for the mouth of the Buffalo, ft reached it by sunset. 
Here is a little town a building right at the confluence 
of the creek with the Ohio. The beginning only was 
made this spring, ft nine houses of good size have been 
erected. In time it will be a good place for trade. I 
remained here a day or two, waiting for a passage 
down the river, & meantime got acquainted with a 
number of stout, wealthy farmers that live back from 
the river some 7 or 8 miles, ft raise a good deal of 
produce. These men, as time rolls on, ft the place 
grows, will be of consequence to the little town. I 
was strongly inclined to bring some or all the goods 
to this place, but other counsels prevailed. I procured 
a passage down the river to the place whither I was 
most strongly drawn, viz, Muskingum; but there 
found, as I feared would be, a condition of things by 
no means encouraging: they wanted everything, but 
had little or nothing to pay for it with, so tiiat I durst 
not venture to come here, in the fear that they would 
prevail on me against myself, ft that I should let them 
have the goods without pay. Here I remark that Ken- 
tucky is, according to report, filled with merchants who 
cannot dispose of their goods, as the dealing medium 
of exchange ginseng has utterly depreciated. Those 
who ought to know say, that there are ten traders there 
where there was but one last summer. And it seems 
to be a prevailing opinion that two thirds of the traders 
referred to will be ruined by this summer's business. 

154 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

The quandary nms very disagreeable & embarrass- 
ing. To stay with, effects in the Monongahela, or to 
take a store on either of its banks would not do; for 
it would not be possible to vend the goods till winter, 
ft then only by receiving produce, which could not be 
disposed of until the following spring or summer, nor, 
perhaps, without going to New Orleans. As to go to 
Kentucky was going farther from home, with no cor- 
responding improvement in the prospect, ft as to go 
to Muskingum was to encounter the risk of being 
cozened out of the whole; I bent my mind seriously 
on Wheeling, ft decided with myself that that was the 
place for our concern to go to. Having made up my 
mind to that, I did not let "grass grow on my tracks,*' 
but settled business at Marietta with all expedition, ft 
turned face up the river. 

Arrived at Zane's Sunday, 26th July, in a deplorable 
condition. Stayed two days to clean up, ft dry clothes 
ft papers ; ft had great reason to expect the boat would 
be down, as the river had risen not a little. However, 
no such thing. Perhaps through feeling themselves 
very comfortable ; perhaps because they did not care 
to encounter the hazards which beset all enterprises 
here just now, ft run the risk of being plundered, or 
murdered even, by the Indians; my partners did not 
choose to quit tiie waters of the Monongahela. Having 
hired a store of Mr. Zane, I set off in quest of the boat. 
Went by land to Pittsburg, a distance of 60 miles, ft 
then by water up the Monongahela, 21 miles, against 
a powerful current. At the mouth of the Yohogany 
I found the boat lying, and I must say with a feeling 
of no little vexation. Here I had been near a month 
beating about, exposed to hardships of one sort ft 
another, heat, thunder storms, drendiings, loss of way 
in the forests, camping out on the wet ground, ftc.; 
ft here they were taking it easy, making no use of op- 
portunity, ft, with all their comforts about them, seem- 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 155 

ingly content bo to stay. Here I had toiled np to them, 
while there was nothing to prevent their drifting down 
to where I was— if they had so chosen. That I diaf ed 
inwardly there is no denying. I resolved to keep my 
feelings to myself, if I could ; but to propose a breaking 
np of the concern. I reported the state of the conn- 
try, & the difficulty, if not impossibility, of disposing 
of the goods to advantage, & proposed a dissolution 
of the partnership. Dr. Downer assented, said he 
would take his quota of the goods, ft do the best he 
could for himself; but Mr. Breck did not care to ven- 
ture himself alone, but preferred to continue the co- 
partnery. The next day, the old concern broken up, 
& Dr. Downer having received his share, the boat was 
dropt down the river. We stopt three days at Pitt> 
one night at Big Beaver, ft one day & two nights at 
Buffalo, & at 12, noon, on the 11th August, arrived 
safely at Wheeling. Next day unloaded the big boat, 
ft put up the goods in the store. The situation is a 
pleasant & agreeable one ; the store a new one, high on 
the bank of the Ohio, with a beautiful island, three 
miles long, stretching directly in front. From the new 
store, there is a delightful prospect, not only of this 
island, but a view also of two miles down the river. 
We are 96 miles from Pitt, 84 from Marietta, ft 31 
from Washington. Here the boats going either to or 
from the settlements, either above or below, always 
stop; here I am handy to the farmers; & here I can 
watch the markets at Marietta^ & send them such sup- 
plies as are needed. 

After a while it appeared advisable that friend 
Breck should take a trip to Muskingum, carrying goods 
with him for sale, sudi as he might hope to dispose 
of to advantage. Accordingly, on Monday, 17th Au- 
gust, he set off with goods to the amount of £75, law- 
ful currency. Information received from him, from 

156 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

time to time, will be very valuable. He may stay there, 
possibly, until we begin to think of going home. 

Friday, 11th. Fine weather, the river low, & busi- 
ness continues dull. 

Saturday, 12th. Warm & lowery. Have pickled 5 
gallons of the best & largest peaches my eyes ever 
beheld. It takes only three of them to weigh a pound. 
Picked them all with my own hand, & took none but 
those which seemed to be the very best. The pickles 
I mean to send to Mrs. Harmar, Mrs. Battelle, Mrs. 
Zieglar. They will furnish something of a variety 
to them. Have also cut & dried a bushel of elegant 
peaches to put into the spirit to ^ve it a flavor. 

Sunday, 13th. A cool & agreeable day. Begins to 
look & feel like autumn. Feel the approaches of age 
as the days, months ft years roll away. Think I am 
endeavoring to do my duty, yet I sometimes have my 
doubts whether I am not wrong in leaving my young 
family for so long a time. A higher powier directs in 
these matters more than we do. The want of intelli- 
gence from home makes the time pass very heavily; 
and a breaking out all over torments me sadly, ft I 
am dosing to try to be rid of it (Here quite a long pas- 
sage in cypher). 

Monday, 14th. Fine Fall weather. 

Tuesday, 15th. Weather same as yesterday. How 
this breaMng out does spread 1 Began about eight days 
ago with one large pimple on my back, the next day 
2, the next 4, then 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, ft so on in geo- 
metrical ratio. Ossa will be piled up on Pelion, if I 
don't find out some way to prevent their increase. 
Have taken 2 oz. glauber salts, am now taking medi- 
camentum. Exposure, wilderness fare, & the Lord 
knows what company I have been in. I cannot explain 
it in any other way. 

Wednesday, 16th. A fine day ft all that. 

Thursday, 17th. ditto. Did considerable business, 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 157 

chiefly loading two floats down the river, Benjamin 
Hnlen^s ft Jacob Fowler's, both bound for the Big 

Friday, 18th. Awoke as usual just at the break of 
day. Heard talking out doors, supposed it might be 
strangers just arrived; and immediately arose, ft 
dressed myself. Found people waiting for me. Pur- 
diased forty deer skins, & had them in my store before 
sunrise, a transaction which restored me a great deal 
to a better feeling. This while Br — ^n, who hangs about 
me like my shadow, was snoring in the other part 
of the building. I diuckled not a little, picturing to 
myself his astonishment wftien he would see the skins. 
Today Mr. John White came down the river. With 
him I traded to the amount of $25, and sent friend 
William (Breck) at Muskingum about £40 worth of 

Saturday, 19th. As heavy a fog as ever I saw. The 
clouds came down & rested upon us until 10 o'clock, 
when it cleared up into a fine day. 

Sunday, 20th. This morning as foggy as yesterday. 
Employed, by myself, as usual, in the store, reading 
some, writing more. Since leaving Boston I have 
not slept one wink by daylight; therefor can accuse 
myself of no waste of time in that fashion, — as the 
way of some is, who feel themselves at leisure. 

Monday, 21st. Foggy morning, but fine clear day, 
the sun very hot. We have had no rain for fourteen 
days. The Ohio lower than ever known; can be forded 
in many places. This gives great opportunity for the 
savages to cross over ft do mischief, which has been 
frequent this summer. According to the best compu- 
tation I can make, the Indians have killed in various 
places about fifty men ft women, taken a number of 
prisoners, ft carried off many horses. 

Tuesday, 22nd. Still foggy in the early morning, 
but excellent clear weather when the fog has disap- 

158 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

peared. BasinesB dull, ft not much, for me to do but 
to watch the progress of affairs on the surface of my 
body. The first settlement made, there was speedily 
a separation into two families; ft they soon began to 
emigrate ft settle in different parts of the body; ft 
these again to send out newt colonies, tOl in fact they 
seem to have taken up all the ground, excepting some 
few necks ft peninsulars. I am now recruiting forces 
to make a combined attack on them, with '^ horse foot 
& dragoons.'' 

Wednesday, 23d. This day five months I left home 
little knowing what a painful experience was before 
me. Happy for mankind that they are not permitted 
to look into futurity, or scan the mighty maze through 
whidi we have to pass in the course of this life. It 
wx)uld paralyze the efforts of many, ft beget indolence 
ft idleness. Instead of attempting great projects, de- 
manding courage ft enterprise, they would settle down 
into utter sloth & supineness. When they are led on 
from one thing to another, & know not tiie end until 
they come right upon it (ft then perhaps in some form 
wholly unexpected) they are receiviag good they did 
not imagine, & doing good, perhaps, in shapes that did 
not enter into their plans. Much self-knowledge is 
gained in the process, that is certain ; ft' much brought 
about, possibly, that other times & generations will 
feel the benefit of. Sometimes, when men attain to 
riches ft honor, it cannot be attributed to their superior 
skill or knowledge ; but their success must be set dowb 
to what we call, for want of a better name, Good For- 
tune. I have had a tolerable share of favors from luck, 
but this year it is against me. But old Job— whose con- 
dition by the way was not unlike mine — ^has put it much 
better than I have, ^^Whatf shall we receive good at 
the hand of (Jod, ft shall we not receive evil.''f 

Thursday, 24th. Fine dry weather, but not much 
business. In the evening arrived Dr. Downer, with 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 159 

others from the South East. These Yankees certainly 
are not a qniet people, like the folks 'round here. One 
of them, in a very little time, will make more noise 
than ten Kohees. Was np till 12 o'clock at night writ- 
ing letters to Muskingom, so as to send back the boat 
early in the morning. 

Friday, 25th. (Written for the most part in cypher, 
ending with ^^ wearisome ni^ts are appointed nnto 

Saturday, 26th. Bose early, & feel wretchedly. Hav- 
ing no assistance, am obliged to keep about, and do 
what little business I can. Wrote several letters to 
Muskingum, & had a chance to send them in the eve- 

Sunday, 27th. Feel no better. Where the devil did 
this accursed Scotch Irish itch come fromf I do be- 
lieve I have it ; but how I caught it there is no telling. 
To be sure there was company enough, & of all sorts 
too. Pandora, with her general assortment of plagues, 
must have been in her worst mood when she poured 
out this torment on mankind. How to get rid of it 
must be the question now. Scratching, with interludes 
of reading, has been the business of the day. (Here 

Monday, 28th. Slept none, and the day unspeakably 
wretched ; but a great & unexpected relief came about 
12 o'clock, viz. letters from Boston. These did real 
service, & were worth more to me than half a druggists 
stock in trade. ^^As cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is 
good news from a far country." The river presents a 
true resemblance to the ups ft downs of this mortal 
life. It is now very low, ft even little boys can wade 
across it, in places. Looking at the river, I read a 
commentary on my own course of life. Although I have 
never risen so high as some have, so, on the other hand, 
I have not fallen so low as others. My pilgrimage has 
been a very checkered one. In very truth I must say, I 

160 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

have experienced pangs of bitter vro^ in these two years 
past; bnt quoth Sam. Johnson, in lines I remember to 
have read somewhere, 

"By woe, the soul to daring action BweHs, 
By woe in plaintless patience it ezoells; 
From patience, prudence, clear experience springs, 
And traces knowledge tliro^ the course of things: 
Thence hope is formed, thence fortitude^ suooees, 
Renown, — whate'er men covet k caress.'' 

This afternoon some road makers were driven in 
by a party of Indians, how large I know not. These 
inroads are not infrequent, so common in fact that we 
think but little of them, perhaps not nearly so much 
as we should. I am generally prepared for them, with 
two pistols and two guns, properly loaded, besides a 
tomahawk at the head of my bed. 

Tuesday, 29th. Nights as restless as ever, & I drag 
through my days heavily. Make out to do some busi- 
ness. Have taken in today several little parcels of 
sang (ginseng), bought 32 fox &i wild-cat skins, re- 
ceivel a canoe load of flour, whiskey, &c, &c. 

Wednesday, 30th. Remarkably fine weather. The 
bottom of the river almost bare. The Indians, in sev- 
eral places, murdering, scalping, plundering. 

Thursday, October 1st. A cold raw morning, & grow- 
ing colder every day. Snow squalls in the course of 
the day. My landlord & several others gone a hunt- 
ing. The Indians killed eight men, tiiree days ago, 
at a little distance from this place. The next 
day, they killed or carried off into captivity four fami- 
lies. As I always sleep by myself in a lone log-store, 
I keep my arms constantly in good order. Tonight 
I shall load these arms, two with buck shot, and a ball 
in the other, besides my pistols which I lay at the 
head of the bed. If the yellow devils come, I intend 
to give them a proper blazing. 

Friday, 2nd. No Indians last night, but a very heavy 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 161 

frost, ice in many places, in fact winter seems to be 
close at hand. 

Saturday, 3rd. This morning, my landlord came 
home, bringing with him the carcases of seven fine deer, 
some of them as fat as mutton. We shall live now on 
venison instead of bacon. A very cold, raw & lowery 
day ; but one of the best days for business have had yet. 
Have taken in near 200 lbs of ginseng, 70 odd deer 
skins & bear skins, to the amount of upwards of £25, 
and delivered out the pay in goods, without help from 
any body; & this just what I like. 

Stmday, 4th. A cold uncomfortable day. There 
have been severe frosts for three nights, and the days 
have also been cold. A Mr. Jones, a baptist preacher 
from near Philadelphia, came here last ni^t, & 
preached today. I heard him all day. He is more than 
a middling preacher, & an agreeable companion to 
boot. This is the second time I have heard preaching 
since I left Boston. Although there is a holding forth 
every Tuesday by preachers of a certain stamp ; whose 
yelling as if they would split their throats & damna- 
tion doctrine disgust me entirely. I can hear them 
well enough, if I have a mind to, without leaving tiie 

Monday, 5th. The weather warmer. The river 
shrunk almost to nothing. Business dull, so am I. 

Tuesday, 6th. Bose at 5, determined to mope no 
longer. Took my gon, & was over the hill just as the 
sun rose. Spied two fine turkeys at roost on a very 
high tree, fired at them with 13 buck shot, & killed 
them both. Was back home again when the sun was 
an hour high, & felt quite elated. Took in consider- 
able sang (ginseng) & that about all. 

Wednesday, 7th. A fine pleasant day. My skin 
troubles much abated. Have been hard at work all 
day handling sang. Have striven not a little to buy 
2000 lbs of sang from a Kentucky Dutchman, but he 

162 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

was solicitation proof; but I am determined to go at 
him again. Never since I became an inhabitant of this 
wicked world have I striven harder about business mat- 
ters than during the last six months. I laid my plans, 
& was determined, if mortal ability would suffice, to 
execute them; but I have been baffled in every way. 
I have no idea of giving out. I had about as Uef die 
as return defeated. 

Thursday, 8th. Bainy morning, but a fine day. 
Eiver beginning to rise, but slowly. Have been play- 
ing out my best cards to the Dutdmian, but have not 
trumped him yet. Have kept his skin full, which is 
the way to deal with men of his kidney, & tried to pre- 
vent correspondence on his part with the many packers 
who come here for cargoes, lest he should send off his 
sang elsewhere. 

Friday, 9th. Have had a good share of custom to- 
day, taken near a hundred weight of sang, by driblets, 
also some peltry. My Dutchman still holds out. Dur- 
ing the night considerable rain with thunder. 

Saturday, 10th. After some manoeuvring, march- 
ing & counter-marching, attacks & feints, the bargain 
completed, my Dutchman capitulated; & was allowed 
to march out with all the honors of War. Closed the 
bargain with him for 1700 lbs. sang. Had to employ 
all my tactics, however; for two other men, as I have 
since found out, were working against me all the time. 
Whether this be a fortunate or an unfortunate pur- 
chase time must determine. It will at any rate take 
off some of my goods, & so far is a stroke towards 
deliverance & freedom. My unsold goods I must leave 
behind, or sacrifice. 

Sunday, 11th. Improved the day as it ought to be 

Monday, 12th. Bose early, & went to business. The 
more fuss & bluster a man makes, in business as in 
other matters, the more credit he gets with some folks. 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 163 

Most keep the drams a-beating & the colors a-flyingy 
^whatever I may think of the state of affairs in the 
camp. If I fail — ^thank the Lord I can say that — ^it 
will not be for want of effort on my part. Sure am I, 
I do more business in a day than neighbor Br— n in a 

This morning a passenger down the river gave in- 
formation of two lads, respectively 10 & 12 years of 
age, by name Johnstone, taken prisoners by two In- 
dians in the Christian dress & wearing beaver hats. 
These Indians hung 'round till almost night, looking 
for horses, but finding none retired into the wilder- 
ness about 6 miles, taking the boys with them ; & there, 
maldng a fire, laid down to sleep, each Indian having 
a boy on his arm. The boys, of course, did not rest 
quiet, but when they thought the Indians soimd asleep, 
slipped down towards the fire. There they concerted 
a plan of killing the Indians, & escaping. The eldest 
took the lead. He seized one of the rifles, aimed it 
at the head of one of the Indians, & then passed it into 
fhe hands of his younger brother, enjoining him to 
fire when he saw him, the elder, strike the tomahawk 
into the head of the other savage. This was completed, 
according to the plan, the boys got safe away, &, com- 
ing back, informed the inhabitants that they heard 
their captors say, there were fifty warriors lurking 
'round, about 25 miles off. This roused the people in 

Tuesday, 13th. An uncomfortable day. A number 
of the stoutest & bravest men mustering to go on a 
hunt after the Indians made a considerable parade. 

Our braves returned having found one of the In- 
dians dead, but the other, with a ghastly wound, only 
half dead. He looked so horribly, they dared not go 
near him, but let him escape. 

Thursday, 15th. A rainy day. 

Friday, 16th. Rose early, took my gun, & was off 


164 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

on another stroll for game. Was in Inck again, killed 
three tnrkeys, & was back a little after sunrise. We 
have had a spell of snowing for fonr days, but little 
rain however. The river so low that there is no pass- 
ing excepting in canoes. The snn has been scaroely 
seen for four days. 

Saturday, 17th. Bose at day break, having been 
awake three hours, took my gun, & went into the woods. 
Kept a good lookout for Indians, but a better for tur- 
keys. Killed four stout fellows, and wounded a fifth, 
whidi I chased till I was thoroughly blown; then 
turned & left him. Took the four dead ones, & came 
home, & found, by the time I got there, that I did not 
want the fifth, as I was wiell tired carrying the four. 
This hunting has become an old affair, and, as the 
charm is worn off, I believe I shall hunt no more. 
What I have done was doxie on principle, viz — ^to cir- 
culate the blood. 

Sunday, 18th. Cloudy, raw, & cold. I am hanker- 
ing to see the sun, also am desirous for Mr. Breck's 
return. I urged him to be here by the 15th inst. Ten 
days ago he wrote me on business matters, & the same 
day I had written to him he wrote to me. I trust he 
will see the necessity, now, at this part of the season, 
to be a^stirring. 

Monday, 19th. Bose early, ft have been full of busi- 
ness. Wheels & machinery well in motion now. Out 
of the twenty-four hours did not spend more than half 
an hour in eating. The rest of the time exerted every 
faculty and every limb. I trust I have now averted a 
defeat. I have a plan laid which if I can accomplish 
win throw me well ahead. My practice is, generally, 
to write till 11, & sometimes till 12 o'clock, at night; 
so that in fact I am in business eighteen hours out of 
the twenty-four. My last business is to write in this 
journal; and, consequently, under the circumstances, 
it cannot always be very correct. It will show one 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 165 

thing at least, that, whatever I may have around me, 
I go to bed sober. 

Tuesday, 20th. A busy day. Have a sore throat, 
& the middle finger of my right hand is much jammed. 
I can spare neither the finger, nor the organ of speech. 
Letters from Boston received by Walcutt. 

Wednesday, 21st. Am using the day packing sang 
& putting casks in order. Wagon load of salt of John 
McCall, at 21/ per bushel, & shall load him back to- 
morrow. This the third wagon which has been here 
since it was settled. As to the Indians, they keep lurk- 
ing 'round us. Some days two, & others three, are 
seen lurking about, — spies no doubt. As I sleep in a 
lone building, I keep my arms all loaded, near at hand, 
& ready to use at any moment. 

Thursday, 22nd. Rose very early, & by 10 o'clock 
had loaded & sent away John McCall with seven large 
casks of ginseng & ten bundles of deer skins & furs. 
The whole weight 2000 lbs. I am to pay him £16 
Penn' money or 12"16 L. M. (lawful money?) His 
wagon loaded full. Mr. Breck not arrived. What sang 
I have taken is very good, but the people were loath 
to dig it at 1/6, and I would not take it if dug before 
the first of September. In 15 days from that time, 
there came a frost & rain, which knocked it all down, 
so that the diggers had only 15 days to work in. Some 
years it is good to gather till the middle of November. 
If it had been so this year it would have made some 
thousand weight difference in our favor. 

Friday, 23d. A fine pleasant day, but I believe a 
weather breeder, for I feel wofuUy; head, heart & 
hands are all weary, and not being crowded with busi- 
ness I have had time & chance to find it out. This tak- 
ing in & properly securing & packing deer skins, furs, 
sang, &c, is wearisome business for one pair of hands. 
In the space of one month I have taken in upward 
2800 lbs sang, some of it quite green (this I have 3 

Vol. XLV.— 12 

166 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

for 1) & most of it wants smming two, three, or four 
days, and, on account of showers sometimes, mnst be 
taken in three or four times a day. I have also taken 
about 1400 lbs of deer skins & furs. These also must 
be aired & packed in the nicest order. These all paid 
for in goods, & an account must be kept of all that 
goes out & all that comes in, which I have done in 
proper form. I sometimes write six, seven, or eight 
letters a day, never less than three. Besides which 
write in my journal every day. Have used up two boxes 
of wafers since I came from home. Certain it is I spend 
no idle time until 11 or 12 o'clock at night, then, some- 
times, sleeping as I do in a lone house, I spend an 
hour or so in meditation. But I will not complain of 
my lot; for was I not, like the rest of my race, bom 
to care & toil? Whither can I flee from the hurry of 
business, or whither shall I go from anxiety & caref 
If I go to the Western waters, behold it is there; if 
I return to Boston, lo it is there; if I take the wings 
of a ship, & escape to the uttermost parts of the sea, 
even there shall its hand lead me, & its right hand shaU 
hold possession of me. So, on tiie whole, it is best to 
keep on doing our duty, not fretting with what can- 
not be helped, & seeking to be content with what is 
allotted to us. However, it is much easier to talk 
or write about resignation than to practise it. 

Saturday, 24th. This may be called a rainy day, 
the second I have seen since leaving Boston. These 
heavy, continuous rains, while they injure the roads, 
help the rivers, & mightily the poor travellers im- 
prisoned at Bedstone, in number upwards of 500 per- 
sons, many of whom have been detained there two 
months or more. Such will have reason to sing for 
joy. So rainy I have done no business, except to 
write twk> letters & post books, both by candle light. 

Sunday, 25th. Late in the last evening, arrived two 
boats from Marietta. I saw them two miles off, & 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 167 

knew ihem at once. Hoi)ed Mr. Breck might be in one 
of them, bnty Tery much to my disappointment, he was 
not. In one of the boats came as passenger a Mrs. 
Bilderback, who with her hnsband was taken by the 
savages at Short Creek, 8 miles from here, early in 
last Jnly. The day after she was taken she was separ- 
ated from her hnsband, & committed to the care of 
one Indian, who travelled with her alone fifteen days. 
When the rest of the band joined them, they had killed 
her hnsband, & bronght his clothes to her, & showed 
them as a trophy. She was carried back into the wil- 
derness to many of the Indian towns, & thence to the 
Miamis, where she w^as released. She is a yonng 
woman of abont twenty-three years of age ; & left be- 
hind her two children, one of which was a nnrsing 
child. When she went away from this place, I gave 
her calico enongh to make slips for her children. These 
Kentnck fellows give me some annoyance. I went to 
my store on some little piece of business, when a num- 
ber of them crowded in, drank & noisy, and I conld 
not get rid of them for two hours. I was obliged to 
pick a quarrel with one of them, & push him out. 
Where is Ben Hulen, with my mare and saddle? (Pas- 
sage obliterated) 

Monday, 26th. Lowery, cold weather, & but little 
a doing. Mr. Breck has not come, & I am weary wait- 
ing for him. 

Tuesday, 27th. Tolerable weather. The river risen 
a very little. I went out in the morning, & shot two 
turkeys. In the evening — ^to my no small relief — Mr. 
Breck arrived. 

Wednesday, 28th. Have been busy all day talking 
over matters & things with my partner. I am trying 
to persuade Mr. Breck to buy all the stock remaining 
on hand. Have inventoried the whole, & now make 
him an offer of a beaver hat & suit of broad-cloth 
clothes, if he will say what he will give & take. How- 

168 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

ever, he is very different in temperament from my- 
self, & moves slowly. I shall not know anything about 
it tUl he has chewed the cud upon it awhile, in the 
morning, perhaps, after he has slept upon it. 

Thursday, 29th. A rainy day. After breakfast Mr. 
Breck announced that he had concluded to take the hat 
& 'clothes & set a price. This suits me exactly; & he 
agrees to give £190 for the stock. He has my note 
for the hat & clothes. 

Friday, 30th. Employed in settling accounts, & ar- 
ranging matters with Mr. Breck, packing sang, deer 
skins, &c. The river risen 6 feet. A Mr.* Woodbridge, 
with a young family, from Norwich (Connecticut), ar- 
rived here, this evening, bound for Marietta. 

Saturday, 31st. Closed matters with Mr. Breck. As- 
sisted in fitting out Mr. Woodbridge. About sunset, 
Mr. Parsons arrived from Fort Pitt, & brought a bud- 
get of letters, the postage 7/, one of them dated as 
early as July, & others as late as 4th October. 

Sunday, November 1st. Feeling somewhat at leisure, 
I put on my ruffled shirt and best clothes, whidi I 
have not done before since I came here, & went up the 
river, two miles, in a canoe, to visit a Mr. Martin & 
lady, who live on the Indian shore. We dined on veni- 
son, com pork, & plenty of roots & vegetables. This 
Mr. Martin married a daughter of my landlord, some 
time ago, & went on to Ihe place where he is now 
living, this Spring. He has a fine family already, has 
built a house, raised ten acres of com, put in ten acres 
of wheat, & withal added another baby to the family. 
If people out here — such is the fertility of the soU, 
& such the abundance of good things — can manage to 
build them a log-hut near some good spring of water, 
& plant them a little land with com, they are rich 
enough. The woods will furnish them with plenty of 

* This may be Mrs. It is difficult to make out whether tiie writer 
intended to write Mr. or Mrs. 


Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 169 

superfluities. Turkey are mudi more numerous here 
than in our country, & as yet much fewer i)eople to 
eat them. 

Monday, 2nd. Spent this day in bargaining with 
Mr. Breck relative to the homeward bound goods, & 
finally closed with him. 

Tuesday, 3rd. Busy in settling accounts with my 
old customers all 'round, arranging matters with my 
late partner, &c. &c. 

Wednesday, 4th. Bode out seven miles to see a 
Mr. Hall, who is to carry my things over the mountains 
at 15/ per hundred. I suffered severely from cold. 
It snowed all the fore part of the day, & the snow 
lay on the mountains four inches thick. 

Thursday, 5th. Another cold day. But I had busi- 
ness enough to keep me W;arm, dispatching my skins 
& sang, (14 horse loads) weight about 2900 lbs. This 
carried on horses 250 miles. Each horse has a bell, & 
there is a driver to every five horses. Tomorrow I set 
my face towards home. 

Friday, 6th. Spent the fore part of the day in writ- 
ing letters to Muskingum, packing my clothes, &c. 
Dined at 2 o'clock. At 3 left Wheeling, without com- 
pany, to traverse the woods to West Liberty, a distance 
of 12 miles. After laboring with extremely bad roads, 
& crossing the creek seventeen times, I at length 
reached the place at 6 o'clock, without any accident 
except losing my spur. I look upon this 12 miles as 
being as good ps a day's work, after having gone 
through all the ceremonies of quitting my old habita- 
tion & connexion. 

Saturday, 7th. Bose at day break, & sallied forth 
to look up a spur somewhere; but to no purpose. It 
turned out a rainy day. I am afraid I shall have to 
wait till tomorrow for the packers; & having started 
homewards, feel a little impatient. Besides I have a 
visit or two to make at the moutii of the Buffalo; & 

170 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

probably shall go to Fort Pitt before I begin in earnest 
to dimb the mountains. 

Sunday, 8th. Bained all day, yesterday, and as black 
an evening as ever I saw. My packers not come, there- 
fore I spent Sunday at Major Sprig ^s at West Liberty, 
This a good publick house in a pretty little village, 
only two years old, the seat of Justice for Ohio county. 
It contains upward of thirty dwelling houses, most of 
which are taverns. Late at night the weather cleared 
up, at 12 o'clock, & today is very pleasant. 

Monday, 9th. Left my bed at 2 o'clock, A. M. called 
up the host, and it being a fine, bright, moonshining 
morning, assisted the packmen for some time. Took 
breakfast, and at 5 o'clock set off for Washington, in 
company with the packers. We had eighteen horses 
loaded, & five men who took care of them, each man 
having a horse. There were two other men besides 
myself. So that in the troop there were twenty-six 
horses, & eight men, — a small number. I travelled with 
them only two hours. They moved so slowly, & made 
such a confusion, that I was glad to be quit of them, 
& to start off Hirough the wilderness alone. Traversed 
most intricate paths, through mud often up to the 
horse's belly. However, I made out to reach Wash- 
ington in ten hours, a distance of 21 miles. In that 
distance was quite lost three times. I am fairly tired, 
& so is my little rockaway, for it has been very warm, 
We both of us have sweated like rain. I mean to tarry 
at this place till the packers come up. 

Tuesday, 10th. In the course of four days, I have 
made out, with great industry, to get 51 miles from 
Wheeling. Saturday I didn't ride, it being rainy; but 
studied, which shakes up one's brains quite as much 
as the riding does the rest of the body. At 7 o'clock, 
last evening, my packers arrived, having passed the 
wilderness of 21 miles. 

Wednesday, 11th. A bright night when I went to 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 171 

bed ; but in the night there sprang up a violent storm 
of wind & rain, which lasted till morning. Bose at 
the usual hour, had my horse fed, & brought up, & 
about sunrise mounted him. Had not ridden far before 
it set in to rain. The roads bad enough before, now 
became worse. I rode in the rain 11 miles, through a 
wild country where I saw no houses. Glad was I when 
this stage ended« While I was eating my breakfast, 
the weatiier cleared up, & became very warm. I made 
out to cross the Monongahela, and arrived at Sum- 
merill's ferry on the Yohogany at sunset, tired & sick. 

Thursday, 12th. Feel poorly this morning. Have 
taken cold, or rather the distemper which rages every 
where on this side of the Alle^iany mountains. Ate 
breakfast here, and at 9 o'clock set out on my lonely 
journey. Such travelling I However, I made out 20 
miles, & put up at Antford's, the Dutchman, where 
were not less than fifty souls. Among these was a 
Mr. Linsey, with a family consisting of himself, wife, 
ft nine children, boxmd for Kentucky. They appear 
to be a family of note. 

Friday, 13th. Bose early, pursued my journey^ with 
roads in a worse condition than yesterday, ft myself 
sicker. But across the Laurel mountains, & arrived 
at Ankelley's (f), sun half an hour high, I was glad 
to rest. I made out 22 miles. If my horse had not 
been of the first quality, I should not have travelled 
10 miles. 

Saturday, 14th. Bose at 5 o'clock, called up the boy 
who slept in the same chamber, ft had him make the 
fire. Then I got up ft dressed, but was much fitter 
to keep my bed, for I was really sick. But if it is 
dreadful for a traveller, at a little distance from home, 
to give out ft lay sick at a tavern, it is much more so 
when at a distance of 450 miles away. Accordingly, I 
summoned all my resolution, ft banged round till it 
was light, when I mounted, ft sticking to my text better 

172 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

than parson does to his, rode 36 miles, to Todd's 

tavern. On the crest of the Alleghany mountains to 
day. When I was on the top was on the ridge pole of 
the continent. 

Stmday, 15th. Last night, soon after I put up, came 
on a severe thunder gust. One bolt of the lightning 
struck within seventy rods of my quarters. The clap 
wiiich followed was as heavy & as handsome as ever I 
heard. Had good entertainment here, but I was so 
sick I coxdd not enjoy it. Bose at 6, but although it 
had not ceased raining, & I was in snug quarters, & 
sick enough to lie by, the idea of approaching winter 
& of the great distance I was from home overpowered 
every other consideration, & urged me on. Grossed 
the Sideling Bidge, & travelled 35 miles. 

Monday, 16th. Arrived at John McCairs, Fort 
Louden, very tired & sick. Li coming over the last 
mountains I rode through a heavy thick cloud. Here 
I was almost frozen, although on both sides the moun- 
tain it was hot & smoking. While in the cloud, which 
was about half an hour I could detect the odor of 
sulphur plainly; and my kentsloper was nearly wet 
through, although it did not rain. 

Tuesday, 17th. Little rest last ni^t, ft feel wretch- 
edly today; but the thought of winter ft the journey 
still before me keeps me on my legs. This day agreed 
with John McCall to carry my skins ft furs to Philar 
delphia, ft also agreed with Jeremiah Hamilton to take 
two ( f ) wagon loads of sang to Baltimore. The dis- 
tance to Philadelphia 150 miles, to Baltimore 98. I 
pay £5 per ton to Baltimore, and £9 per ton to Phila- 
delphia. These loads are to start on Thursday 19th 
inst. At the same time I start for Baltimore, with 
intention to do what business I have there, ft then meet 
my wagon at Philadelphia. This is a hard stint I have 
set myself, but I must strain every nerve & muscle to 
perform it, keeping home in view enough to clap the 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 173 

spur into me once in awhile, bat not so much as to inter- 
fere with business. To day has been warm & smoky. 
Last ( f ) Saturday night was a great aurora horealis, 
or Northern light, said to be the greatest ever known 
in these parts ; but I have seen greater in our section. 

Wednesday, 18th. Took breakfast at Gapt. Pattens, 
and at 10 o 'clock set off for Mercersburg. On my way 
bought seven barrels of flour, three superfine @ 28/ 
and four fine @ 26/. I bought these to make three 
tons. Being obliged to pay for tons, I am determined 
they shall carry it I arrived at Mr. Erwin's at 12 
o'clock, in hopes to find my packers there, but they had 
not come. It is a cold, but fine clear day. 

Thursday, 19th. Baw, cold. Packers not come. 
Took my horse & went back to North Mountain. Here 
I found them, at 3 o'clock, P. M. I hurried them on; 
& arrived back at my lodgings at sunset. The wagoners 
were waiting here. I set to work without delay, & had 
them loaded by 8 o'clock in the evening, & then tired 
& sick w^nt to bed. 

Friday, 20th. Bose as soon as it was light. Set- 
tled with the packers, ft started the wagons off. Then 
set out myself for Baltimore, ft although the days are 
mere nothing arrived at Tanney town, a distance of 
50 miles, & here slept. 

Saturday, 21st. Bose at daybreak, & set out imme- 
diately. Had ridden about 5 miles when it commenced 
raining, & continued to rain all day. Nevertheless, 
rode 42 miles, & put up at Bum's, at sunset, within 
8 miles of Baltimore. 

Sunday, 22nd. Up as soon as could be, & pushed 
on for Baltimore, where I arrived at 8 o'clock in the 
morning. Hadbut just put up at Starrik's, when there 
came on a violent gust of snow ft hail which lasted 
fifteen minutes. I was glad to be comfortably housed. 

Monday, 23d. Find fatigue is almost wearing me 
out. Feather beds seem likely to finish what influenza 

174 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

began; & there has been a violent attack on my poor 
shattered Inngs. Hope to feel better tomorrow, when 
I shall be expecting the wagons. Dined today with 
Mr. Crosby^ the dishes being salt-fish & roast chickens. 

Tuesday, 24th. This is the fortieth anniversary since 
my Inngs began to blow; and now it is very certain 
they are mnch ont of repair. Feather beds & ropy air 
prove to be too mnch for them. I have great reason 
for thankfulness that I have been preserved so many 
years, through all I have gone through. Spent the 
evening with my friends at Mr. Crosby's. 

Wednesday, 25th. My wagons did not arrive till 12 
o'clock. Still unwell. Impatience has got strong hold 
upon me. Signs of an approaching storm, sky wild & 
angry, the tides swell, & every bone & every old scar 
& wound announce the approaching war of elements. 
The results of my sxunmer's work are lying unloaded 
on the wharf; & it is quite uncertain whether I can 
get them on board the only vessel now in Baltimore 
bound for Boston. I am under the necessity of being 
in Philadelphia in two days to receive my other wagon; 
& tomorrow is Thanksgiving day throughout the states. 
A pretty situation for a man who is sick enough to be 
abed. But I rely on Him who never fails the man who 
tries to do his duty. My faith does not fail me that I 
shall yet accomplish all these things. 

Thursday, 26th. The last night exceedingly stormy; 
and a wearisome night was appointed unto me. This 
morning by no means favorable to travellers* If I 
wait till the storm is over, I have a prospect of com- 
pany to Philadelphia; and on all accounts I believe 
it is prudent I should. But disappointment in regard 
to my plans prevents all enjoyment. At 12 the rain 
abated, & I set off. Bode 13 miles to Skerrett's, when 
it came on to rain again. Dinner being ready, we stopt 
over. As it continued to rain hard, ft Gunpowder Falls 
were impassable, we staid all night. 



Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 175 

Friday, 27th. Bose early, & with difficulty got across 
those ngly dangerous falls. Breakfast at Bnsh town; 
thence rode 12 miles to the Susquehanna, and dined. 
The tides were tremendously high yesterday, [but] 
had run out so low, & the wind w&s so very strong 
down the river, both boats were fast aground. We 
could not cross till sunset. We then crossed 6 miles 
to Charlestown, where we slept. In crossing the Sus- 
quehanna my friend's horse jumped overboard. Pre- 
vious to that mishap I had lent him my blanket & sur- 
cingle; and both accordingly got wet through. 

Saturday, 28th. Bose at 5 o'clock, A. M. and, using 
all the art & industry I was master of, got away at a 
\ after 6, it being still dark as night & very lowery. 
After riding about two miles in the dark, became suspi- 
cious, from tiie way in which the wind struck me, that 
I was wrong. Soon came to a little hut, where I hailed. 
The people inside answered, that I was astray. Turned 
about, and with the loss of li miles, recovered the right 
ground, & stood for Philadelphia, where I arrived at 
9 o'clock, much fatigued, after a ride of 16| miles, in 
a thick fog. Forgot to mention in the proper place, 
that the name of my companion from Baltimore is Low- 
ell (f) from London, a worthy good man, of about 
fifty years of age. He & I together met with many 
difficulties by reason of floods, and the almost total 
desertion of the Susquehanna waters [of their usual 
channels.] The poor man was so fatigued with rid- 
ing 40 miles, & his saddle chafed him so badly that I 
lent him my blanket & surcingle to ease him somewhat ; 
but in crossing the ferry his horse got overboard; & 
all his baggage, my blanket included, got wet. Yester- 
day, early in the morning, he met his wife & family, 
travelling, Baltimore-wards, in the stage. A fortunate 
circumstance for him, as he was nearly beat out, and 
was going to Philadelphia to fetch them. He proved 
to be a man of rather more feeling than usual ; for, on 

176 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

parting with me, he wept, thinTring of the variety of 
scenes we had passed through together, & in so short 
a time. 

I performed the rest of the journey with diligence. 
Bode through the State of Delaware, with the usual 
traveller's experience, eating, drinking, oating. Just 
as I was out of it, 6 miles beyond Chester, at a quar- 
ter of a mile's distance, I observed a great concourse 
of people, at the other end of the plain; & soon was 
met by two boys & some men leading out a couple of 
fine looking horses for a race. I expected them soon 
after me, & under some apprehensions of a mishap in 
that case, crowded sail to get out of the way. I had 
but just joined the crowd when the two boys, mounted 
on the steeds, began the race ; and, in less than a min- 
ute, one of them had his brains dashed out against a 
tree. Thus ended the horse race & the life-race both 
together. Good God I what can be more uncertaia than 
this human life! 

Sv/nday, 29th. Kept house all day at Nickols's, in 
Market st. sign of the sign of jClonnastago wagon. I 
expected to find my wagon waiting for me; but as I 
was obliged — dot 'em — ^to wait for them, this did not 
prove a particularly comfortable or edifying day. 

Monday, 30th. Having a mattress to sleep on, had 
a good night's rest, & rose something brighter than 
usual. Found my wagon arrived. Went to the post- 
office & found letters both from my partner & from my 
friend, for which I here record my thanks. Have been 
busy all day in unloading my wagon, settling with the 
wagoners, & looking up purchasers for the load they 
brought. Think I shall find a middling market for my 
skins. Also found that there were two schooners in 
port belonging to Boston, owned by E. Parsons. In 
one of them I intend to send some freight. 

Tuesday, 1st December. Rose with so severe a head 
ache tiiat at 3 o'clock in the afternoon I was obliged 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 177 

to quit bnsiuess; having sold aU my skins & fars; and 
settled with McCall, having paid him £25" Os" 9d for 
one load from Wheeling to Philadelphia. I have 
bought about 1000 lbs sang for deer skins^ pound for 
pound. I should nearly have completed my business 
in this plaee, if my head had not been full of pain. 
I am quartered in a noisy house, where are sixteen 
members of Convention, besides the usual transient 

Wednesday, 2nd. Pleasant weather. This day set- 
tled all my business in Philadelphia. 

Thursday, 3rd. Rose in the morning, undetermined 
whether to set out or not, but at 10 o'clock the spirit 
moved too strongly to be resisted, & I budged; the idea 
of being homeward bound adding fresh strength to 
man and horse; and by half past 5 had ridden 37 miles, 
and put up at Maidenhead. It has been very windy 
& cold all day, & it was with difficulty I crossed the 

Friday, 4th. Bose at 5 o'clock, & by 6 was started. 
Kept constantly in motion, except one hour at break- 
fast, & half an hour to oat at 2 o'clock. Made out to 
ride 46 miles, & slept at Elizabeth's town. The day 
has been cold & windy. 

Saturday, 5th. Was up at 6 o'clock, and as soon 
as the day broke was on the road. Arrived at Newark, 
6 mUes, it was so cold I stopped & took breakfast ; & 
then was off again on my last stage to New York. 
Was detained one & half hours at the three ferries, and 
arrived in the city at 12. When half way over the 
North river, it came on to snow, and continued snow- 
ing till evening, when it turned to rain. 

Sunday, 6th. A fine clear day. My breeches have 
such holes at the knees that I hold myself excused 
from going to meeting; but this is no excuse for not 
keeping the day as it ought to be kept, namely as a day 
of rest. Am lodged in a house resembling Noah's 
ark, in one respect certainly, inasmuch as it is filled 

178 Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 

with all sorts of creatares. Shall quit as soon as I 

Monday, 7th. Day employed in settling with Col 
Bichard Piatt. Called on Mr. Thompson, in whose 
hands I left several notes for collection. He had en- 
tered snit against S K ^ & will be able to re- 
ceive the money in January. Passed this city of New 
York as it were in review before me, in its business 
aspects that is. A hive of bees seems to be the suit- 
able emblem by which to describe it. — a hive in the 
summer, when Nature has decked the earth with all 
kinds of flowers, & the bees do not work without their 
pay : neither will these New Yorkers, for they will not 
hand you over something for nothing — ^not even civil- 
ity—unless they get back their quid pro quo in profit 
All Yankees who resort hither, & mind their own busi- 
ness, find their account in it. 

Tuesday, 8th. At 10 o'clock, A. M. left New York, 
& rode the first stage of 20 miles ; then oated my horse, 
& refreshed myself. Thence on to Horse-neck. Am 
once more in the land of abundant stone-wall, and of 
large droves of fat hogs ; where, moreover, the women, 
besides having handsome faces, wear blue stockings 
& ride on pillions. A wuidy day & cold this has been. 

Wednesday, 9th. Bose at 6 o'clock, & started on 
my journey immediately. A cold stinging morning; 
and the roads not only very hilly & stony, but also very 
rough & hobbly. I nevertheless made out to ride 37 
miles to Stratford. Find I have taken a bad cold, & 
am almost sick. 

Thursday, 10th. Bose at day-break, and a little be- 
fore sunrise started. Bode two mUes to the Housar 
tonic river, got up the ferryman, & crossed ; kept on to 
New Haven, & there breakfasted at 11 o'clock. The 
morning cold & frosty, & the road very hobbly. Made 
out a ride of 42 miles, & slept at Fuller's in Berlin. 
Far from well all day, am feverish, am all but sick, 
believe I may say — quite. 

Journal of Col. John May, of Boston, 1789. 179 

Friday, 11th. Bose at the usual hour^ rode to 
Wethersfieldf & breakfasted at H. May's. He went on 

with me to Hartford see his daughter Sh [or to 

see his daughter's children?] Had not been there more 
than an hour before it set in to raio, & continued rain- 
ing heavily all day & night, but cleared away in the 
morning, leaving the roads muddy exceedingly. 

Saturday, 12th. Left Hartford at 10 o 'dock. It was 
a very cold windy day, but I made out to ride to Ash- 
ford by the time it was dark. 

Sv/nday, 13th. Was up at the dawn of day, after a 
night of but little sleep; & was off by 7 o'clock. It 
was a cold stinging morning, and the road all hillocks 
& holes, slippery with ice, & broken with hobbles. It 
took four hours to go to my brother's, in which time 
suffered much from cold, as I had to creep along with 
patience almost exhausted. 

Monday, 14th. At Pomfret today. Went on foot 
to S. E. Williams 's, but he was gone to town meeting. 
So I kept on to the meeting house, did my business with 
him, and returned to sister Sabin's at 1 o'clock, & there 
dined at 2. After that paid a visit to sister Silas, & 
slept there. Since Tuesday last, have been quite un- 
well, & have had but little sleep. 

Tuesday, 15th. Breakfasted at Pomfret, and at 10 
o'clock, A. M. set out on my last division for Boston. 
Found the roads as bad as usual. With only one hour's 
cessation rode tilldark, arrived at Ammidon's, & slept. 

Wednesday, 16th. Bose early, & by diligent travel- 
ling arrived at Boston at 5 o 'clock, P. M. with a thank- 
ful heart, and mind immensely relieved. Found the 
dear family in a good condition of health, and I be- 
lieve as glad to see me as I wiaB to see them. It was 
pleasant, most pleasant, to see them where they were — 
in old Boston; but — ^truth to tell — ^I should prefer to 
see them all together in that beautiful land of abun- 
dance from which I came, where in time industry is 
sure to be as profitable as it is honorable. 

180 Thomas Rodney. 


(Ck>ntiiiued from page 06.) 

Thomas Rodney to Cwsar A. Rodney. 

Wafihington, M. T. May 2*. 1809. 
My dear Son 

Yours of the 19** of March came to hand by the Mail 
before last bnt I was absent when the Mail returned — 
My d&vice respecting yourself you ivill find in a former 
Letter. The appointments menf . by you Came on in 
the papers before your Letter — I doubt whether the 
government can part with M^ Gallatin Conveniently 
at this Important Crisis at least — ^His turn of mind 
sutes his office and he is a Vigilent officer & pays great 
attention to his department in and altho he is not a 
favorite of mine I shall not deny him what he merits — 
I like Economy but not that partial kind which deals 
out money too liberal in some directions and too 
nigardly in others — Genuine Economy is uniform and 
always (in govenmients) aught to be Impartial [?] for 
as Constitutionally public money is a Compensation for 
public Services — ^it aught always to be in proportion to 
the services — The Partial Bepeal of the Embargo has 
been of no benefit here to the Price of Cotton — ^It got 
up to 13 dols but has fallen again to ten a hundred — 
By our latest accounts (to wit to the 16^ of Jan'.) the 
French have beat the Brittish out of Spain so that no 
doubt the Emperor is in full possession of that Country 
— ^I presimie this will bring about Peace unless Eng- 
land should Determine to defend the Spanish American 
Colonies, who seem to aim at Independence (which I 
wish them to obtain) but in this Case Napoleon will 

Thomas Rodney. 181 

turn all his force against England herself in good 
Earnest to destroy her. Present my Eespects to M^ 
Poindexter. I am sorry he did not succeed but tell him 
that such things sometimes turn out for the better in 
the End — ^I mentioned to Major Carter & M'. Stark his 
being in want of money and they are Exerting them- 
selves to dispose of his Cotton to the best advantage. 
I have not written to M'. P. D. Exx)ecting that if he was 
appointed he would have Come on but will write as I 
now presume he will attend the Ensuing Sessions of 

Judge Leak rides the Spring Circuit but as soon as 
the Supreme Court is over will set off for his family 
and probably will not return till next Spring so tiiat 
the laboring oar will fall on me again unless our new 
Judge M^ Martin Comes on — Gen". Wilkinson is at 
Orleans and as the Brittish are busy in the French West 
Indies, will probably have nothing to do, and it is said 
will move most of the troops to this territory on ace*, 
of their health but your information will be better than 
mine on this subject — We have had green peas here 
two weeks, and my wheat will be fit to cut this week — 
Wheat that grows here is equal to that of Delaware or 
Maryland — ^and the ground produces more. I raised 
last year about 45 bush' on an acre & a half and this 
year 1 acre will produce 20 to 25 bus*. 

I have not heard from Dover or Delaware for a long 
time — ^Know not what has become of them — 

Thomas Bodney 

P. S. The People of this Territory are a mixed mul- 
titude and Include a great Variety of Caractors among 
those are Some who Fled here to the Brittish in the 
Early part of our Bevolution — Some who came while 
the Spaniards Buled here — There are too renegades 
from the States who having been punished there fly 
here where they are not known — Some of them reform 
and become good Citizens — others pursue their Evil 

Vol. XLV.— 18 

182 Thomas Rodney. 

way and give onr Conrts some trouble — ^Bnt the far 
greater part of the Citizens are good Republicans and 
are animated by a firm aotive and Energetic Spirit of 
Patriotism not Exceeded in any of the States — ^They 
turned out to oppose Burr's Conspiracy with such 
readiness and alacraty as Military Men that nothing 
more [torn] have been asked of them — ^Yet [torn] they 
approved the general tenor of the [torn] President's 
Conduct they were Induced by some Circumstances to 
believe that his Mind had been prejudiced in some 
Degree by Misrepresentations against the Inhabitants 
of this Territory — ^This they Attributed to person who 
they thought did not Merit so much of his Confidence — 
There are few more generally acquainted with the 
People here than I am — ecnd I believe that on any 
ardent & just occasion the Bepublicans would support 
the General Government with as much Energy and 
Alacraty as any part of the Union I mention Ihis to 
dispel any unfavorable Ideas that may have been 
Entertained at Head Quarters — ^In fact this territory 
is the Bxdlwork of the western Country. 


Thomas Rodney to Ocesar A, Rodney. 

Town Washington M. T. Sept'. 30*^ 1809. 
My dear Son 

I flattered myself some time ago with the hope of 
having it in my power to visit my friends in Delaware 
next Winter but Judge Leak went off for his family 
last June and is not expected back Untill next Spring; 
and Judge Martin of N. C. our new Judge has not yet 
arrived nor is it known here when he will come — ^I re- 
ceived a Letter from him in July in which he proposed 
being here in that month but July, August & September 
have passed away and we have heard nothing further 
from him, so that the whole duties of the Superior 
Judiciary have remained on my Hands since May, and 

Thomas Rodney. 183 

I have three or four Comities yet to hold the fall Cir- 
onit Courts in two others I have already passed through. 
It is not only Expensive but laborious to be on the Cir- 
cuit and sit alone for better than two months. Espe- 
cially in such Uncomfortable Court Houses as we have 
yet in this new Country — ^I sincerely hoi)e that when 
there is occasion to appoint another judge for this Ter- 
ritory that some gentleman of the Law in the Territory 
will be preferred — Our gentlemen at the bar here are 
numerous and many of them not inferior to any that 
Can be had in the States who would come to this 

Special Pleading is adhered to in our Courts perhaps 
with as much Strictness Elegance and propriety as in 
any of the States, so that Even the Young Lawyers 
are obliged to read their books and be very attentive 
to their business or want bread — ^beside there are sev- 
eral gentlemen in the territory who have read the Law 
but have declined the practice — ^I have said this much 
because for 4 years past I have felt the burthen and 
inconvenience both to myself, by being left so often 
alone, and to the people by the delay of their business 
as it requires two Judges to hold the Supreme Court 
and there are so many Counties that one judge unless 
he had an Iron Constitution Cannot attend them all the 
full time required to git through the business of each — 
But the unfortunate situation of the Country for want 
of a market makes delay at present no very great in- 
convenience — ^Indeed there is so little money, and the 
Country so much in debt that if the Courts were to go 
through their business, the Country would be in a great 
measure ruined ; for the most wealthy people in it canr 
not pay their debts at this time — ^Yet when this is the 
Case Suits are always multiplied. 

We hear that the Brittish Minister which was prom- 
ised to settle all our Differences has arrived — ^But after 
the principles they have avowed; and their Condem- 

184 Thomas Rodney. 

nation of the Condnct of M'. Erskine, what can they 
propose that will not condemn their own Cabinet or 
offend onrs? Their disposition has been uniformly 
offensive toward the U. S. since the Peace of 1783 to 
this time — ^is the outrage they have Committed on the 
Condnct of their own Minister because he Endeav^. to 
assuage the irretation, any Evidence of their Inten- 
tion to propose anything reasonable or Acceptable to 
us? Certainly not. What then is left for us to dot 
Must we shut ourselves up in our own Country and all 
our Surplus produce, and all our Shiping be left to 
rot and waste on our hands ? The People Indeed have 
bourne this, while there was a prosi)ect of its produc- 
ing advantageous Effects, but will the Enterprising 
Spirit and Industry of the Americans bare to have 
their hands always tied? I presume not — What Else 
can they do? Is it not time after so many outrages, 
and provocations for them to range all their Marshal 
spirit, aU their Virtue & Patriotism, all their Enei^ 
and fire, and Present a firm, bold, determined and war- 
like Front to Great Brittain ; and tell them as we did 
heretofore, that since Every peaceable and persuavive 
Measure has faild, we are prepaired to defend our 
rights at the point of the Bayonet? 

But I stiU hoi)e tiiat the people will Confide in the 
wisdom of our government, and that they will pursue 
those measures that wiU be most calculated to secure 
the safety and promote the prosperity of our Country. 

General Wilkiason and a Considerable part of the 
army are Expected at Fort Dearboum near this town 
in a few days — The Gen", wishes to reside in town but 
will find it difficult to git a House that will be Con- 
venient — ^It has been more sickly here than usual — The 
new Gov', has been sick almost Ever since he came, and 
his fevers still pursue him but Intermit — ^I have had 
several short attacks but as I am my own Physician, 
I soon git well ; yet I have to avoid the sun as much as 

Thomas Rodney. 185 

possible as the heat of the Climate is the Chief adver- 
sary — The Gov', has appointed M'. Shields AW. Gen- 
eral of the Territory — ^he has attended in that office at 
the Circuit Courts in the two uper Counties, and ac- 
quitted himself very handsomly. Since I wrote to you 
last I have visited the Walnut hills, and two small 
tracts of land I have there — ^two young gentlemen of 
the bar went up with me, M'. Sturgers of Kentucky, 
and M'. W. D. Winston of Virginia. We had three 
Fishing parties on the great fishing Lake while up ; and 
Caught an abundance of fine Fish; and had our feast 
served up on the bank, near a fine spring of sweet 
water — ^but while up and Endeavour*, to Explore the 
Country round my own land one very warm day, the 
Cane was so strong and thick that we could not pro- 
ceed far — ^Yet not liking to be disappointed I fatigued 
myself into a fever whidh returned after Intermitting 
the third time before I attempted to Check it. Then 
I began with the White Oak bark tea made cold and 
very weak — and the Fever was off in less than 2 days-^ 
and Indeed Ceased Immediately to Interrupt my rid- 
ing — Since I have been here, I have found it far more 
Efficatious than the Peruvian bark, & so do all who use 
it and it is much pleasanter being neither bitter nor 
sour. Its cooling Estringency is what subdues the 
fever — It must be put in Cold water and will be strong 
Enough to take in ten minutes — W. O. Boss of Orleans 
but formerly of Pensylvania Called to see me yesterday 
and said he passed 2 or 3 months in Delaware and left 
you well — This is- the first I have heard of you for 
several months Past Except by Major Carter on his 
return. He informed me that M'. & M". Poindexter 
Intended to spend the summer at Winchester so that 
I suppose you will not see them tUl Congress meets; 
before which time I shall write to him if the Courts do 
not prevent it. Give my love to Susan [torn] Children 
— ^I can only say I wish to see them, without having 

186 Thomas Rodney. 

any prospect of it at present — ^but when Leake and 
Martin both arrive, I think I may be Exonsed in a trip 
to Delaware — ^Present my respects to the President 
If he remembers their fate in 1781, he will not dread the 
Brittish in 1810, 

Thomas Eodney 
P. S. Stubom facts show that Napoleon got a sore 
dmbbing on the Danube — ^but it will only retard the 
fate of Austria & Spain a little longer — ^Bonaparts 
Mission will probably not end untill he Bestores the 
Jews as he has promised to do — ^When Providence de» 
signs to destroy a Nation it turns their wisdom into 
folly — The Conduct of Qt. B. Indicates that they how- 
ever Potent at present, are in the road to Destruction. 
The U. S. thrown into the scale of her Enemies must 
bare her down. 

Thomas Rodney to WUliam Duane, 
Editor of the Aurora, Philadelphia. 

Town of Washington M. T. Nov'. 3* 1810 
ly. Sir 

I sincerely thank you for the firm and steady manner 
in which you have advocated and supported the Union, 
and the Federal Government of the United States ; and 
for the firm and Constant watch and guard which you 
have kept against the Tyrany imd wicked designs of 
Great Brittain ; for she in fact is our only Enemy, our 
only inveterate adversary; the only Power in Europe 
which wishes and seeks to subvert our Union and Inde- 
pendence : All Europe beside are Interested in our wel- 
fare and Independence, and of Course are our friends ; 
well knowing that while we maintain our Union and 
Independence the Naval Tyrant of the Seas can never 
prostrate the World again at his feet — ^As to the Sons 
of Erin Let them fly to America as fast as they can; 
they never can Expect to Enjoy Liberty under the 
Brittish Government ; and we have Vacant Lands suffi- 

Thomas Rodney. 187 

dent for them all where they will enjoy all the Sweets 
of Liberty — ^And they deserve to be received with open 
arms by tiie Americans, from the noble part which most 
of them, then among ns, acted in our Bevolntion — and 
from the friendly dispositions which those now in Erin 
shewed in favor of onr Liberty and Lidependence — As 
to the FloridaSy we an^t to acquire them in some way 
— ^Yet the Mode or Manner of doing this must be left 
to the Federal Government; But Every Citizen has a 
right to advise them on this head. I would not take any 
undue advantage of the present disordered State of the 
Spanish Empire; but as there can be little doubt but 
that the Emperor of the French will accomplish the 
Conquest of Old Spain and Portugal in Europe, I am 
Clearly of Opinion that if the Spanish Colonies in 
America have the Spirit and Courage to assert their 
Independence, it will be the Interest and even the duty 
of the United States to befriend them. 

I am with friendly respect 

Y^ most obedient 

Thomas Bodney 

N. B. You may make sudh use of this letter as you 
think proper ; but need not Expose my name unless you 
think it material. 

Note — ^In 1722 there were about 200 Inhabitants at 
New Orleans, The Chief Fort however was on the Mobil 
— The govemm'. had been on Isle Measure or Cat 
Island — ^but the harbor being stoped up was removed 
to the mainland on the Coast of Beloxi about 14 leagues 
to the west of Mobile between Fensacola & Pearl 
Bivers — ^It is called 27 leagues from Mobile to Pensar 
cola and from that to Si Josej^ 20 leagues ; and from 
that to St Marks on the Appacacha Biver 30 leagues 
All this barren Coast of Land is Sandy but the waters 
abounds with fine fish and Oysters and the Islands with 
game — ^wild fowl Larks and Woodcocks. 

Charle Vomc Vorager 

188 Thomcts Rodney. 

In the Latter part of 1722 Bienville, then Gov', of 
Louisiana moved the Seat of Qovemmt. to N. Orleans — 
Pensacola had been taken by the French in 1720 — ^but 
at the Peace of 1722 was restored to the Spaniards — 
and held by them untill Ceded to Britton in 1763. The 
Canadian French first discovered the Misisipi in 1763 
at the Illinois — ^and in 1682 Motf. De Salle Descended 
that Great River to its month — 

The Country of the Arkanzas or Arkansaw is Dis- 
scribed by Charle Voinx and Boisour as well as De la 
Viga to be the finest in Louisiana. 

i: : Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney. 

Town of Washington, M. T. Nov'. 7^. 1810. 
My dear Son' 

For three or four days past the weather has been 
Cool and moist after a drouth of 3 months, and for 
many weeks the atmosphere has been a mere Cloud of 
dust and of course unfavorable to those who were sick 
and low, yet it has not been generally to say sickly — 
Since the cool moist weather set in it has braced me 
considerably aad I feel much better and begin to £!at 
and increase a little in Strength but am stUl so weak 
can take but little Exercise — Col. Tilton arrived at 
Orleans after a Voiage of 4 weeks and four days — ^He 
wrote to me the 26^ of last month that he would Cross 
the Lakes and be at the Landing on this side on Satur- 
day last (the 3*^ of this Instant) so that I expect him 
here this Evening or tomorrow — The old Register 
T. H. Williams is now here and will be ready to deliver 
over the Becords and Office Papers to the new Register 
— The former being now Collector of the Port of Or- 
leans was to have been there by the 20*^ of last month 
but was taken very iU here and is still Confined. I told 
him of Col. Tiltons appointment to succeed him here 
in the Registers Office and he wished the Col. to arrive 
before he left here that he might Deliver over the Office 

Thomas Rodney. 189 

Records & papers himself which will now be the Case— 
M'. Poindexter was at Orleans when Col. Tilton ar- 
rived there but was to sail (I believe for Baltimore) 
the 27^ of last month — ^Toung Robert Benvist brother 
to Mrs. Shields goes round with Poindexter to complete 
his Education at the University of Philad'. And his 
friends (as they design him for the Law) are very De- 
sirous that he should read & study that Science in your 
office and under your direction. They were anxious 
that I should write to you by him but I was not well 
enough to write when they left here; and I advised 
them that you could hardly reply positively to his ap- 
plication to study with you untill you shall know how 
he Conducts himself at the University — ^I think Robert 
has promising talents, and he has generally Conducted 
himself Prudently here where he had all his friends 
around him and has been I am informed anxious to 
learn, but as I was not at the last Examination of our 
Schools I do not know how far he is advanced in his 
Education — ^Young Robert Dunbar Unkle to Mrs. 
Shields has also gone on to the University of Philad\ 
but his Parents and friends have said nothing to me 
respecting him, tho all the family, which is very large, 
are very friendly toward me, and are most of them 
wealthy Planters — ^Both these boys have hansome 
Property that with Industry & Economy (for which the 
fanuly are remarkable) may become wealthy in this 
country The Country between the Arkinsaw and the 
Great River Misisipi is reported by De la Viga (De 
Sotos Historian) by Oarle Voiux and by Boson to be 
the Richest and finest tract of Country in all Louisiana. 
I am anxious if I recover my health to git round next 
spring to see if one (or a Company) could not procure 
a tract of Land in that part of the Country (which was 
lately Ceded to the United States by the Osage Nation) 
which would make it worth while to form a Consider- 
able Settlement there. If this Could be done I would on 

190 Thomas Rodney. 

my Betam Explore that part of this Conntryy and fix 
on the most Eligible part to lay out such a tract and 
form a Settlement — ^The tract of fine Country is large 
and few or no Indians in it, and no white people only 
low down on the ArkinsaWy and on the banks of the 
Misisipi. Whereas the finest part of the Country lies 
higher up the Arkinsaw and between the Low Grounds 
of that Biver and the Misisipi. The Land is high and 
level and much like our lands in Little Creek and Duck 
Creek necks as to soil — The Pecans and other nut and 
fruit trees grow over it and all the timber, and trees 
are fine and flourishing; And the Climate is pleasant 
and Calculated to produce all sorts of Valuable Ar- 
ticles — Grain, Tobacco, Lidigo, Cotton, and all the 
finest kinds of fruit and Especially Vines &°.&°.&°. and 
is well watered. When De Soto passed through it there 
was no part of Florida near so popular — ^It was Cov- 
ered with Cities & Villagesi, ^ut subsequent Indian 
Wars & the Small Pox has left not a Village Standing 
in it but a few of the Osarks or Akansas near the mouth 
of the Arkinsaw. 

There were no French Grants in that Country I be- 
lieve ( T) [torn] but that of Mr. Law whidh was after* 
wards Surrendered to the India Company and seems 
to have been long since relinquished for I do not find 
that any of the old large Grants made by the French 
during the Misisipi Bubble has been Claimed, since 
western Lousiana, was Ceded to Spain in 1763 — but 
there is some small Spanish Grants on the lower part 
of the Arkinsaw and one pretty large one to old M^. 
Winters which Extends to White Eiver — as I am inr 
formed — ^but the finest part of the Country is above all 
these — ^In 1787 I might have [torn] one hundred mile 
square on the west bank of the Misisipi on [torn] own 
terms and was much pressed to accept of sudh a grant 
[torn] Spanish Ambassador; which would have in- 
cluded all or most of that fine part of the Country; but 

Thomas Rodney. 191 

I would not hold snch a Grant nnder a Dispot — ^There 
are nnmerons Salt Lakes a long the ArkinsaWy by which 
means I have no doubt bnt I conld raise as fine fiish 
and oysters there as the world affords — ^bnt this Ex- 
periment has never yet been tried at any of the Salines 
in our western Country tho there is no doubt with me 
of its Success when properly managed not only Salt- 
water fish ft oysters but Lobster, Grabs and Clams, 
ftcftc. may be raised there without mudi Expense — 

I feel no Axiety to Enrich myself but it would give 
me pleasure to do something for our young rising flock. 

Thomas Bodney 

N. B. I have always been remarkable Lucky in drawr 
ing prizes in Lotteries. I therefore wish you to pro^ 
cure me three Tickets in Washington Monument Lot- 
tery with my name on them and advise me of their num- 
bers — and I will ,send you a draft on the bank at 
Philad* next Month or in Jan^. for $30 — ^In doing this 
I shall Contribute to raising a Memorial in honor of the 
old General and stand a chance of acquiring ten, twenty, 
thirty or fifty thousand Dollars to myself. 

T. B. 

Thomas Rodney to CcBsar A. Rodney. 

M. T. Town of Washington Nov'. 14*^ 1810 
My dear Son 

I wrote my last mail, but since that, to wit on Satur- 
day last, Col. Tilton arrived in good health ft Spirits. 
He resides at my House, and is to move the Becords 
and Papers &c of his office up to my House to-day. 
They would have been here by this time, but a light 
rain prevented in Deed he would have moved them be- 
fore but the old Begister T. H. W. (The now Collector 
of the Port of Orleans) was here in town very sick — 
by Col. Tilton I received Letters from several of my 
grand children which I shall answer — The Collector of 
Orleans has been here since Augast last, three or four 

192 Thomas Rodney. 

weeks ago he accidentally fell out of a Gallery about 
ten feet high and fell on his head, which laid him up 
three or four days, after whidi he got better, and In- 
tending to be at Orleans by the 20^ of last month he 
went over the Biver to arrange his business at his 
Plantation before he went away; on his Betum here 
he was Seized with a violent Fever, which opperated 
Violently on his head; and no doubt proceeded from 
the Injury Sustained by his fall before mentioned. He 
still Continues HI, and there is some doubt of his re- 
covery — ^If that office should become Vacant no doubt 
there will be many applicants, but as the Q-ovemment 
have had a recent Instance of Ihe bad Effect of appoint- 
ing random Carracters to such offices, I presume the 
President will wish to appoint a Person whose Prin- 
ciples, Integrity and faithful honesty, may be depended 
on — ^Hitherto I have Objected to living at Orleans, but 
have now been longer enough in this Country to dia- 
cover that it is as pleasant, and as healthy, as this part 
of the Country; and Enjoys many advantages we do 
not have — ^I have suffered here for want of fish and 
oysters which are plenty there ; and almost Everything 
can be had Cheaper there than here, whether coming 
there oversea or down the Biver ; besides if I was there 
it would be more Convenient to send such things to my 
friends in Delaware, than from here — ^and the only office 
I would accept there would better Enable me to do this 
That of Governor, Collector or that of District Judge — 
Either of which I would accept when Vacant — ^If the 
President should see proper to appoint me — ^but I would 
not accept of any office there which would oblige me 
to Execute those abominable Dispotic Laws whidi are 
passed by the French in that Territory; Contrary to 
the Principles of the Qovemm*. of the United States — 
Indeed if I was Governor I never would Consent to 
such, or approve Laws that are Calculated only to make 
it a French Province again — ^And in my opinion the U. 

Thomas Rodney. 193 

S. had better transfer it to France at once than to make 
it a State Untill the American Settlers become more 
numerous than the Frendi — This Information and that 
respect^, offices is for yourself only; and only to be 
acted on when any occasion happens to give the oper- 
tnnity — ^therefore you will bare it in mind Dear CaBsars 
Cloaths are packed up in his trunk, and ready to go 
round but I think it best to detain them untill the Spring 
when there will be less risk by sea — and as they are 
mostly summer cloaths, they will be useless till then — 
I continue to mend slowly, but think I have gained 
faster since I had my old friend and Companion CoL 
Tilton with me — ^yet I remain so week that I can Exer- 
dse but Little — ^I have learned an Indian Remedy for 
the Gravel, which is Equal if not Superior, as a Dis- 
solvent and Diuritic to the Lorrel hill Vine; and pos- 
sesses greater animating and Exhilerating qualities — 
So that if the Doctors had been able to have Expelled 
dear little OsBsar's fever I had no doubt of my being 
Competent to have Eradicated his old Complaint in a 
short time Doct'. Daniel and Doctor Rollins, thought 
his Complaint the gravel ; but Docf". Cox thought it an 
Incrustation of the blader ; and mentioned that he had 
seen several Cases of that kind; yet this would have 
made no difference, as to the Effect of the Remedy I 
have mentioned — ^It is a small shrubby plant which does 
not grow here, but grows abundantly in the southern 
part of West Florida, toward the seai^ore. It is pretty 
much like box and is the remedy used for the Venereal 
disease by the Indians — ^They also call it, when made 
into tea, the Liquor of Valour on account of its ani- 
mating and Exhilirating Effects — The leaves are first 
cured in the sun or over some Coals — and then boiling 
water is poured on them as in making other teas ; and it 
must be taken warm. 

Present my love to Susan and the Children, and to 
Sister Sally if still at your House. — 

Thomas Rodney 

194 Thomas Rodney. 

P. S. Oar Territorial Legislatare is now Sitting in 
this town bnt I believe have not Compleated any busi- 
ness yet — ^The Governor and all the publick officers who 
reside here are well — ^Col. Cushing with five Q-unboats, 
and three Companies of the Second Regiment I believe 
are on their way to Mobile, bnt why he has been ordered 
there I Do not know — That part of West Florida west 
of Pearl River are said to be quietly Enjoying Inde- 
pendence — Gh)v'. Folk has sent to Cuba for assistance 
to subdue them, but we are informed here that those 
for Independence in Cuba are most numerous and are 
for following the Example of west Florida — Some dist- 
turbance in Cuba is not Improbable as the Marquis of 
Sumeralis is removed and a New Q-ovemor to take his 
place. I see by the Election of Col. J. Hazlet for Gov- 
ernor that Delaware is looking up once more. 

T. B. 

Thomas Rodney to Ctemr A. Rodney. 

M. T. town of Washington Nov'. 20*^ 1810 
My dear Son 

I rested better last night and feel better this morning 
than I have done since I was taken sick — ^I Considered 
the Medicine recommended by you but none of it suited 
my Constitution or habit — ^I have used nothing but what 
this Country itself affords — ^It abounds in medicinal 
plants affording medicine for almost every disease this 
Climate is subject to — ^pukers, purgatives, sodarifics, 
and Estringents, I have used only the white oak bark 
tea to Check and Control my fever for which purpose 
it is far superior to the Jesuits bark — ^I have used the 
sweet gum balsam to Check and Control an ugly Cough 
and Expectoration whidi was troublesome — ^and some- 
times the alkaline balsam to regulate the stomach, and 
the Castor oil dissolved by alkali to regulate the bowels 
the parrunchrista is native and abundant here and any 
quantity of that oil might be made here — ^I found that 

Thomas Rodney. 195 

the sweet gam bark tea, the parsimon bark tea or the 
white oak bark tea would check my lax but caused by 
that means the bile to accumulate or a sour acid, and 
disorder the stomach, but since the oranges have got 
ripe and Game up here I have taken to drinking orange 
beverages sweeted by loaf sugar, plentifully; and this 
by its Diuretic operation has stoped my lax without 
injuring my stomach. There is a plant whidi grows 
abundantly in west Florida near the sea which I have 
no doubt is Equal if not superior to the Lorrel hill vine 
for the gravel — ^It is a powerfull Dissolvent and Diur- 
retic as well as Sodorific and is equal if not superior 
to opium in Exhilirating the animal Spirits — ^I had no 
doubt had dear Little Caesar got over his fever but that 
this plant when got, would soon have Eradicated his 
gravelly Complaint but it does not grow in our Terri- 
tory nor are the Doctors here acquainted with it — nor 
have they any other remedy for the stone or gravel ex- 
cept the slow one of the alkali — ^tho ' I know the nitrous 
acid would do this when rendered mild and safe to take 
by other ingredients yet a Vegetable remedy is more 
safe and more convenient to take. The Indians make use 
of the plant above mentioned for the cure of the Vene- 
rial complaint — ^Dear Caesar's Cloaths are packed in his 
trunk and ready to be sent off, but it being late in the 
Season I think it Safest to send them Early in the 

Col. Tilton arrived here last week and resides with 
me and has moved the Land Office to my House — ^Has 
got the books & papers arranged and is Doing business. 
He came in good health and still remains well — The 
old Register (now Collector of the port of Orleans) has 
been in this Town since August last when he was about 
to go to Orleans he was taken very HI, and still con- 
tinues so — ^It is thought that a fall he got about 4 weeks 
ago has been the cause of his Hlness — ^he attempted to 
sit on or lean against the rail of a gallery which stood 


196 Thomas Rodney. 

9 or 10 feet from the ground — It was rotten, gave way 
and he fell to the Ground head foremost — and since his 
Illness he has Chiefly Complained of his head and he 
looks as if the Injury was dan^rous. Since I have been 
sick I have suffered so mudi for want of fish and 
Oysters, the only things Could have Eaten That I have 
Seriously reviewed the Situation and Climate of Or- 
leans where fish and Oysters are always plenty in 
season — and indeed almost all other articles pl^itier ft 
Cheaper than here. All the French writers who men- 
tion Ihat place say it is Equal in healthyness and pleas- 
antness to the South of France and Even to Mont 
Pillau ( f ) — ^This perhaps may be a little exagerating, 
yet from all I have heard of it since I have been here, 
it is at least aa healthy as this part of our Territory. 
It is only fatal to strangers who arrive there at an Im- 
proper time or when the Yellow Fever is there; but the 
old Inhabitants are never sickly and seldom take even 
the Yellow fever — ^And it Enjoys so many advantages 
beyond those this part of the Country affords that my 
old objections to it have Vanished — So that if any Post 
I would accept off should become Vacant there and the 
President should think proper to appoint me, I should 
now prefer Orleans to this place, altho, from the respect 
and regard with which the people of this territory 
have always Expressed and Evidenced toward me I 
should regret leaving them — ^but I am advancing in 
years and need those Comforts which necessary to my 
health without the mind itself declines, but as yet my 
mind Betains its Vigor in Bemimbering, Compairing 
and Comprehending Ideas in a much greater Degree 
than I expect to Enjoy at this time of life — ^In fact my 
nervous System seems yet to retain all its usual tone 
but quickness of bodily motion — ^Yet I recollect but 
three Posts at Orleans that I would remove there for, 
to wit, that Governor that of Collector or that of Dis- 
trict Judge, for I would not accept a Territorial Judge- 

Thomas Rodney. 197 

ship there to Execute the tyrannical Laws made by the 
French Inhabitants of that Territory Contrary to the 
principles of the Oonstitation of the United States — 
And if that Territory is made a State before the Amer- 
ican Inhabitants at least equal the French Congress as 
well transfer it to France at once. — ^If I were at Orleans 
I should be Convenient to send any rarety that this 
Country affords, or other things to my friends in Dela- 
ware — ^but it is Difficult to do this from here — ^All ar- 
ticles but a very few that the Land or water affords are 
Cheaper at Orleans than here — ^but what I have said on 
this Subject is at present only for your own informa- 
tion — and only to be used when you see occasion. When 
any of the offices I have mentioned may happen to be- 
come Vacant — Present my love to Susan ft the Chil- 
dren, I shall if well, probably write again by next mail — 
and wrote by the mail before last. 

Thomas Bodney 

Thomas Rodney to Ccssar A. Bodney. 

Town of Washington M. T. December 4«» 1810 
My dear Son 

I wrote to you the mail before last and by the 3' mail 
before that — ^We have had the weather cool for two 
weeks past, accompanied about twice a Week with large 
White Frosts and between them moderate Showers of 
Bain so that I have been mending slowly but am still 
too weak to Exercise much — ^Hitherto I have thought 
but Little about public affairs, yet in my last Letter 
mentioned my willingness to remove to Orleans in Case 
either of the offices therein mentioned became Vacant 
and the President should think me fit to fill such an 
office so as to make the appointment. This Change of 
Sentiment is out of regard to my own Comfort and 
Convenience, for I cannot Expect to be more respected 
and regarded anywhere than I am and have been by 
the People of this Territory since I first arrived among 

Vol. XLV.— 14 

198 Thomas Bodney. 

ihem— -Indeed fhey seem so much attached to me that 
whenever I mention Visiting my Connections & friends 
in Delaware they always object to it for fear I should 
be Induced not to retnm — ^In tmth they universally 
seem to view me as the Patriarch and Father of the 
Territory — ^Hitherto I have been too feeble to attend to 
Politics — ^but our Troops here lately being put in 
motion Indicates that the Government have determined 
on some degree of Spirited activity — Colonel Cnshing 
two weeks ago with three Companies of the Second 
Begiment and six Gunboats descended the Misisipi 
from Natchez — ^Destined as said for Fort Stodart on 
the Mobile, and two days ago the remainder of the 
Second Begiment moved off to Natchez (with the Artil- 
erists of the new raised Troops from the Cantonment 
near this town) to descend the Misisipi in the Residue 
of the Gunboats ; and the remainder of the New raised 
Troops only wait for boats to follow— but their Desti- 
nation is not generally known here Tho every one Con- 
jectures they are Destined to take possession of west 
Florida, so long neglected to be done by our Govem*- 
ment — ^This measure will receive the Universal appro- 
bation of this part of the Union Even if we had not 
Legal Claims to that Tract of Country it being Essen- 
tial not only that the back Country should have the 
free use of the Bivers and outlets to the sea which 
pass through that District but that we should keep any 
and every foreign power from having the possession 
of that country so as to prevent us from the use of 
those numerous Bivers and outlets which pass through 
it — ^Various reports are in Circulation here resi)ecting 
the Floridas, one is, that Pensacola has been Delivered 
over to the Brittish, and that the Brittish flag was flying 
on the fort there — another that the Bevolutionary Gov- 
ernment of west Florida had sent all the men they could 
raise against Mobile and Pensacola — That one of the 
Kempers with three hundred men had gone on by land 

Thomas Rodney. 199 

to Pensacola and had marched in and taken possession 
of the town withont opposition but that two Brittish 
Officers came ont of the Fort and after Conversing with 
them Kemper and his men retired 4 miles backward — 
That Col. Canady a Lawyer of Tombigbee, with the 
Besidne of the new Government forces and some men 
from Tombigbee and others raised below the line had 
blockaded Mobile on the land side so as to prevent any 
supplies going to the Fort by land bnt yonng M'. 
Thomson one of onr bar here says he left Pensacola 
Eight days ago, That there was then a Spanish Gar- 
rison there of 150 men — ^that he called at Mobile, and 
saw Governor Fonlke there with a 150 men to defend 
that place, and that Fonlke told him he Expected 2000 
Troops from the Havana, and when they arrived he 
shonld march against Batton Bonge &". that the Bevoln- 
tionary forces had mardied with Intent to take both 
Mobile ft Pensacola — That they took- with them 4 pieces 
of Cannon and two pieces of light-Horse artillery and 
says nothing farther of them — ^how far these reports 
may be Credited I know not, bnt presume they cannot 
be fully relied on, nor is it material if our Troops have 
orders to take possession of that Country as there can 
be no Force there Competent to withstand them. While 
. I was at the Lake three trading Vessels returned there 
from Pensacola — ^While there they saw the Spanish 
Troops reviewed, and said they amounted to only 300 
men. Diminutive in stature, none of them Exceeding 
5 feet in hei^t and all Washanangoes, and the most 
ordinary looking troops they had ever seen — ^I believe 
they have received no ladditional troops since — of 
course even if so disposed they will make but feeble 
opposition to our army — ^nor do I suppose that the 
Bevolutionists of Florida will make any resistance to 
our troops, as the Sentiment when I was at the Lake 
app'. more in favor of our taking possession of West 
Florida than in favor of a Bevolution at their own risk. 

200 Thomas Rodney. 

Ool. Tilton Oontinues in great health and is busy every 
day in his office, as there is hardly a day but more or 
less of the purchasers of public land are paying money 
into the hands of the Treasurer or Beceiver of the 
U. S. for land- 
Present my love to Susan and the Children. I re- 
ceived the History of Cbili by Col. Tilton. The last 
letter received from you was dated about the time Col. 
Tilton sailed — have not heard since whether you have 
moved or not. 

Thomas Bodney 

Thomas Rodney to Ccesar A. Rodney.* 

Town of Washington M. T. Dec'. 10*^ 1810. 
My dear Son 

Two letters will go on to you by the next mail — ^The 
first was Intended to go by the last but it was so Wet 
and Stormy I could not send to the office — The last of 
our Troops (Except the Sick and Convalescent) left 
here yesterday. The others went by water but the last 
detadiment having no boats but what were necessary 
for the baggage & stores, are to march to Fort Adams, 
by Land, and perhaps further for their Destination 
being Unknown here remains as yet a secret — Gen*. 
Hampton has not yet arrived but it is said he is to meet 
them on the Biver to Explain their Destination but 
this being known at head quarters requires nothing said 
on that head to you. Gov'. Claiboume and Gov'. Homs 
have both gone below with, or at the same time of the 
first detachment — ^and it was rumoured yesterday here 
that Gov'. Claiborne was to Issue a proclamation which 
he had left at Natdiez to be printed showing the desti- 
nation of our Troops to take possession of Florida and 
that he the Gov', was appointed G^nerallissimo of the 
Expedition with power to call out the Militia of both 

* His last letteiv— He died Jan. 2, 1811. 



Thomas Rodney. 201 

Territories and to govern Florida after taken posses- 
sion of that no notice was taken of the Bevolntionary 
Government there, but that the (Jov'. was only to ne- 
godate with the Spanish officers &"•&" all this seems to 
be a wild kind of random news and seems to amuse the 
public for the moment but as the first detachment has 
been gone now a week the Event of their destination 
must be known here in a few days — ^I am told today that 
the Presidents Proclamation (not Governor Clai- 
homes) is published in the. Natchez paper of this morn- 
ing but have not yet seen it — ^Doct^ McDowel informs 
me that he met Gov^. Holms on Fryday last, and M^ 
Freeman (The Surveyor (Jen*, of this Territory) near 
M'. OConners below the line that Gov'. Olaibome had 
gone down the Biver from Fort Adams with the Begu- 
lar Troops ; and that Gov*. Holms told him the Doct'. 
that their Destination was Batton Bouge — The Doct^ 
says that the Bevolutionists have got 150 of our De- 
serters in the Fort and are well supplied with Cannon 
Arms & Amunition, and he presumes unless a Com- 
promise takes place our Troops will be resisted by the 
new Government — ^He says also that the New Govern- 
ment have sent 500 men against Mobile— that he was 
at Batton Bouge last week, and they had news that the 
Floridas and the Havanah were delivered by the Span- 
ish Junta to the Brittish and that there was a Brittish 
74 at Pensacola &". — This however seems to be all ran- 
dom news. I know not what has Induced Gov'. Holms 
and M". Freeman to venture unattended below the line 
— ^If the New Government there should resist our 
Troops they may be made Hostages — our first detach- 
ment having left Fort Adams on Fryday may have 
reached Batton Bouge yesterday or Today, so that 
probably the Orleans Mail, the day after tomorrow, 
may inform us what they are about — ^Dec'. 12"* — ^M'. 
Snodgrass, a reputable man from Green Ville was at 
my House this morning just after I had read the Presi- 

202 Thomas Rodney. 

dents Prodamation respecting West Floridar— M'. 
Snodgrass says he saw a yonng man at Green Yille 
just returned from Batton Bonge who said he was 
there when M'. Osbonmey (a yonng man who had been 
sent from here down there by Governor Claibonme 
with the Presidents Proclamation) arrived there that 
he was suffered to read the Proclamation and then the 
Commanding officer ordered him to be Confined in the 
Calabous — ^that all the new Government Troops ordered 
to Mobile were ordered to return to Batton Bouge and 
that he met 80 of them going there — ^that there were 
200, of our old Deserts in the Fort, and when the Com- 
manding officer ordered M^ Osboum to the Calabous 
he Pointed to their Independent Colors flyiag on the 
flagstaff, and told him it would take a good deal of blood 
to pull them Down — ^The young man said further that 
on his Betum he stoped awhile at St. Francis Yille at 
the mouth of Bayou Sara, where the new Governor 
SMpwith ft Legislature were sitting & that he saw Gov'. 
Claibonme ft GoV. Holms there — ^That several of the 
Citizens of that town were pleased with the project of 
the U. S. taking possession of that Country and had 
taken the Oath of Allegiance to the U. S. but Claibom 
in talking on the business with a member of the Legis- 
lature, was referred by him to Gov*, SMpwith but Clai- 
bom replieid he new no such Gov', [torn] upon being 
informed of this, Skipwith Lnmediately [torn ft cov- 
ered by the seal] Batton Bouge — Gov'. Claibom left 
there and went over to Point [covered by seal] Coupe 
( f ) but gov. Holms had set of to go to Batton Bouge 
tiio' [covered by seal] had advised him not to go — and 
the young man says if he does go there he will be 
ordered to the Calabous — as they seem determined 
there to Defend their Independence— This however is 
all report — nothing official has arrived here yet — ^the 
mail probably will bring some thing but too late for 

Thomas Rodney. 203 

me to notioe it. Nevertheless it will go on to Govern- 

I cannot approve the Idea of annexing that District 
(if we git possession of it) to the Orleans Territory 
for it will be indnding in that Territory aU the Bivers, 
Lakes and outlets to the sea between the Tardala ( f ) 
and the Sabine which cannot be a wise Begolation in 
any point of view — ^In my opinion it wonld be far more 
wise to connect it to the M. Territory, and then Divide 
the M. T. into two Territories^ by a strai^t North line, 
as drawn from the sea, to the Tenessee line — ^then aU 
these Territories wonld have ample ontlets to the sea. 

Thomas Bodney 


204 Notes and Queries. 


Lbtteb or Hon. Samttel HuirrmoroN, Puesident, to Hon. Benja- 
min Fbankun, France, 1781. — [Franklin Papers, Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania.] 

Philadelphia March 2. 1781 

You will receive herewith enclosed, the Ck>py of a resolve of Con- 
gress of the 27*^ Ulto, ezpreedng the high Sense that they entertain 
of the distinguished Bravery & military Ckmduct of Captain John 
Paul Jones. 

Conformable to the enclosed Resolve, you will please to communi- 
cate to his most diristian Majesty, the high Satisfaction Congress 
have received from the Information of M' de Sartine, that the Con- 
duct and gallant Behaviour of Captain Jones have merited the Atten- 
tion of his most Christian Majesty, and that his Majesl^s Offer of 
adorning Captain Jones with the Cross of military Merit is highly 
acceptable to Congress — 
I have the Honor to be with very high Respect & Esteem 


Your most obedient & 

most humble Servant 
Sam. Huntington President 
The HonoraUe 
Benjamin Franklin Esquire 

JSooH JHottue. 

The GovEBNiOBNTS or Ettbofe. By Frederic Austin Ogg, Ph.D., 
New York, The Macmillan Co., 1920. 8vo, pp. 775. Revised Edition. 

The first edition of this work was published in 1913, since which 
date the structure, functions and prc^lems of government have under- 
gone important changes in every European state. The volume has 
acoordJjigly been rewritten througliout. The general plan of the 
present volume differs from that of the first edition. A number of 
chapters dealing with the govemmoits of minor states have been 
omitted. Chapters devoted to Austria^Hungary have likewise been 
dropped, and no attonpt has been made to cover the governments of 
the several lesser states which have risen from the wreckafle of the 
former Habeburg dominion. On the other hand, the space allotted to 
Great Britain is almost doubled, that given to France is practically 
tripled, cuid a dosing chapter undertakes to set forth the salient 
features of Soviet Government in Russia. Italy ocmtinues to be treated 
somewhat briefly because of the general similarity of the Italian and 
French political systems. Switzerland is dealt with substantially as 
before. In the case of Germany the chapters describing the govern- 
ments and parties, both of the Empire and of Prussia up to 1918, have 
been retained; but two chapters added outline German political develop- 
ment during the Great War, and describe the republican institutions 
set up in 1918. 



Historical Society of Pennsylvanm 

This Fund which now amounts to $42^000, is made up of 
subscriptions of $25 each^ which have been invested by the Trus- 
tees^ and the interest only used for the publication of historical 
matter. Ck>pies of all publications are sent to subscribers to the 
Fund during their lives, and to libraries for twenty years. The 
fund has published fourteen volumes of Memoirs of the 
Society and forty-four volumes of Tiie Pennsylvania Maga- 
zine of History and Biography. 

Of the Magazine about 25 sets remain on hand. As long as 
this edition lasts, persons who subscribe $26 to the capital account 
and wish complete sets of the Magazine can obtain the forty-four 
volumes bound, and numbers of current volume, for $50 extra. 
These subscribers will also receive all future issues of the Maga- 
zine and Memoirs. 



1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia. 



Containing Mr. Lloyd's valuable colleetions of genealogical data 
from Pennsylvania, Englisii and Welsh records relating to families 
concerning which little or nothing has been wriUen. The following 
genealogies embrace an important part of his labors: — 

Awbrev-Vaughan, Blunston, Burbeck, Garrett, Gibbons, Heacock, 
Hodge, Houlston, Howard, Hunt, Jarman, Jenkins-Griffith, Jones, 
Knight, Knowles, Lloyd, Newman, Paschall, Paul, Pearson, Pennell, 
Pott, Pyle, Reed, Sellers, Smith, Thomas, Till, Williams, Wood, and 
Wynne. In addition to these genealogies, the volume contains 
Calendar of MSS. in the collection of the late James J. Levick, M.D., 
Births at Bala and Lay Subsidy Rolls for Merionethshire, Flintshire 
and Montgomeryshire. 

Copies of the book, an 8ro of 437 pages, indexed, bound in cloth, 
can be purchased from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1300 
Locust Street, Philadelphia. Price, $6.00. 

John W. Jordan, 





The Swedish Settlements on the Dehware, 1638-1664. Bj 

Amandus Johnson, Ph.D., Secretary of -Swedish Colonial Society. 
2 vols., 8vo. 899 pp. 6 maps and 146 illustrations. Price, $6. 

Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution, 17874788. Edited bj 

J. Bach McMasteb and F. D. Stonc. Sto. 803 pp. Illustrated. 

Price, $6. 


The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wihnington, 

Del., from 1697 to 1773, with abstract of English records, 
1783 to 1810. 8vo. 772 pp. Illustrated. Price, $2. 

The Relations of Pennsylvania with the British Government, 

1696-1765. By WiNFBBD T. Root, Ph.D. Svo. 422 pp. Price, $2. 

Southern Quakers and Slavery. By s. B. Weeks, svo. 400 pp. 

Price, 12. 

Eariy History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origm to 

the Year 1827. By Geobgb B. wood, M.D., and F. D. Stonk. 
Philadelphia, 1896. 16mo. 276 pp. Copiously illustrated. 
Price, $1. 

History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania, fiy w. r. 

Shephisro. Svo. 601 pp. Price, $4.60. 

Memoir of Dr. « "^ Logan of Stenton. By his widow, deborab 

NoRBis I.IOGAN. 4vo. 207 pp. Illustrated. Price, $3. 

Some of the First Settlers of ''The Forks of the Delaware'* and 

their Descendants, from the Record Books of First Reformed 
Church, of Easton, Penna., 1760 to 1862. By Ret. H. M. Kieftkb, 
D.D. Svo. 404 pp. Illustrated. Price, $6. 

History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, 1861-1865. Com- 

piled by the Regimental History Committee. Svo. 614 pp. Price, $3. 

>— x,-,i^li 

VoL XLV JULY. 1921 No. 179 











For Sale at 1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia. Price 75 cents 

per Number, or $3.00 per year 



"A Whitemarsh Orderly Book," 1777 — Found in the collections 

of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 205 

Jitters from the Maasacliusetts Archives. By Qaorge A, Taylor . . 220 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. By Henry D, Gilpin 224 

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. Contributed by Professor 

R. W. Kelsey 243 

Robert Street, Artist. By Mantle Fielding 225 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. (Illustrated.) By 

Major W. A. Xrwrnan Dortand^ A.M.y M.D., F.A.CM 257 

Americ4i's First Batlitnb. By George A . Reid 202 

Notes and Queries 294 

Book Notic4»s 298 


Ck>pie8 of all the Tolumes of this Magazine can be obtained at the 
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zucker, in tlie very 
best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges, 
gilt top, for $4.25 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub- 
scribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good condition, oa the 
receipt of $1.25 per volume and the postage. 






Vol. XLV. 1921. No. 3. 


Head Quabtebs at Whitemabsh, Nov. 18**. 1777. 

Paroll, Westminster; Countersigns: Winchester, 
Woodbridge ; 

Major Genl for tomorrow Green, 

Brigadier Irvine, 

Field officers : Lieut ColL Patton, Major Vaughen ; 
Brigade Major Stoddard. 

Detail is same as yesterday. 

The Goverment of the State of Pennsylvania Hav- 
ing appointed Comisioners in Each County thereof, 
to Collect Blankets and Cloathing for the army: all 
officers Sent Bound in the State for that Purpose are 
by their Comanding officers to be Call,d in as Soon as 
Possible with what deaths they have. A Detachment 
Equal to the Daily Guard is to parade tomorrow morn- 
ing at half after three o^Clock Precisely on the Grand 
Parade with one Days Provision Cook'd — the Brigade 
Majors will have their men Drawn out at Retreat Beat- 
ing and See that they are PVoperly fix'd for the Duty. 
Coll J. C. Hall will Comand the Detachment and under 
him Liu*, Coll Burr and Major Addams 

Detail as follows &c. &c. 
the Remains of the Late Capt Foster of the 15** Vir- 
ginia Reg*, will be Inter,d this afternoon at four a 

Vol. XLV.— 15 206 

206 ''A WUtemarsh Orderly Boole;' 1777. 

Clock with the Honours of Wair. Richard daibome 
Esqr is appointed Brigade Major to Gen' Wedens 
Brigade, and is to be obeyd as Such — 

Head Quabtees— Novemb 19*^., 1777 

Parol — ^Holland — Countersign — ^Hanover, Hamburg. 

Major Gen*, for tomorrow Sullivin 

Brigadier Woodford 

F. officers Liu* Coll. Wolford 

Brigade Major Major West Williams 

The Pennsylvania Field officers are desired to Bring 

in their old Commissions and receive new ones 

All the Gen', officers are desired to assemble tomorrow 
at 10 O'clock in the forenoon at Gen*. Huntington's 
Quar*. in order to settle the Bank of the Field officers 
of Horse who are to attend This Board of Q^n*. officers 

and exhibit their respective Claims . 

All arms unfit for service which are Deposited in the 
Several regiments and Corps are to be Sent Immedi- 
ately to the Commissary of Military Stores who will 
send them to be repaired. 

Head Quabtebs Whitbmabsh Novemb'. 20**., 1777.^ 

Parol C sign 

Major Gen* for tomorrow Ld Sterling 

Brigadier Maxwell 

F. Officers . . L. Col. Richardson, of 5 North Car- 


Brigade Major Major Magowen. 

Liu* John Mercer is by the Judge Advocate Gen', ap- 
point Judg Advicate Gen. and is to be Respected as 

James Munroe Esqr. f ormely appointed Aid d. Camp 
to Major Gen. Lord Stirlling is now reappoint*. a.d. 
camp to his L 'ship and is to be Respected as such. 



A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 207 

M^ W". Montroy is appoint Paymaster to the 3*. Vir- 
ginia Regi"' and is to be Bespected as Such, The 
Colther as Beceiy*. about 400 more Blankets The Sev- 
eral brigades are to Send for their quota of them. 

The Sick are to be sent to hospitals but before they 
are removed applycation is to be made to D'. Cochran 
or other Director of the Hospitals for Directions, un- 
less the Place to which they are to be Sent has been 
Priorly Pointed out in Gen', orders — ^No more Sick men 
are to be sent to Buckingham meeting house 

A Sergant and 12 orderly men are to be sent to 
Buckingham, in order to Take Care of the Sick — 

A gen*. Court martial where Gen*. Sullivan was 
President was held on the 3*. Instant and on Divers 
othe days to the 17*^. Inclusivly For the Trial of Major 
Gen', Stephens Charged with 1"* unofficer like behavour 
on the march From the Clove ; 2* unofficer like manner 
in the action of Brandywine and Germantown; 3* 
drunkenness — 

The Court Declare their Oppinion and Sentence as 
follows, Viz: 

The Court having Consider*, the Charges against 
Major Q^n*. Stephens is of oppinion that he is guilty 
of an unofficer Like Behavour in the retreat from 
Germantown owing to Inatention or want of Judgment, 
and that he has Been Frequently Intoxicated since in 
the service to the prejudice of good order and Milli- 
tary dicipline Contrary to the 5***. Artie*, of the 18 sec- 
tion of the Artie'" of war — Therefore Sentence him 
to be dismis*. the service. The Court find him not 
guilty of any other Crimes he was charg^. with and 
therefore acquite him as to all others Except tiie Two 
Before mentioned — . 

The Commander in Chief approves the Sentence. 

On Tuesday Evening a Black gelding with a Saddle 
and Bridle the property Major Gen^ Armstrong were 

208 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 

Taken from Head Quarters. The horse is 4 years old 
about 14 hauds high Switch Tail without any white 
Natural marks Shod alround, fore shoes new, who ever 
will deliver him to the oner or to Coll. Biddle shall be 
reasonably rewarded for his Pains. 

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Novemb'. 21*. 1777 

Parole Counf sign 

Major Gen" for tomorrow Sulivine 

Brigadier Wayne 

F. Officers Lt Coll. Burr, Major Adams 

Brigad Major Hitchcock 

Detale the same as yesterday. 

Those Paymasters of regiments who have drawn any 
pay for officers or men in Coll Morgan's rifile Corps 
are Immidiately to Pay the Same over to the Pay- 
master of that Corps. 

A Datachment of 80 men with proper officers are to 
parade this day at 3 o 'Clock in the afternoon on the 
Grand Parade — 

Detail &c. &c. 

Complaint is made that by the Carelessness of the 
Butchers the hides are greatly damaged in Taking them 
off; the Issuing Commis" are Injoyned to Inspect the 
Butchers thay Employ and see that thay take off the 
hides with Proper Care No women coming out of 
Philad'. are to be permitted to pass the first guards 
without being told they cannot return again, if upon 
being inform*, of this, they Chuse to Come out they 
are to be allowed to pass the guards into the Countrie. 
The Gen*, of Horse will give this in charge to all the 
parties of Horse. 

The officer of the day report that sentries from the 
Picquats Keep fires by them; this dangerous Prac- 
tice is absolutely forbiden and officers of guards are 
without faile to Visit all their Sentries Between every 


A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 209 

relief to see that they are alert and keep no fires, and 
in Bad and Cold weather they are to releave the Sen- 
tries every honr. They are also to see that the Sen- 
tries are well-informed of their dnty and Instruct such 
as are Deficient. 

on the Right G V V CDF. Men 

BarrenMll Church, l_2 — 3 — 3 — 2 — 70 
Piquet guards. 

D. 0. Camp at Whitemabsh 21'' NoV". 1777. 

Col Eyres or the officer commanding the artillery of 
the State of Pennsylvania will immediately send to 
Allen Town at least two of the Ammunition waggons 
& one bridge cart, all the ammunition belonging to the 
two Iron pieces and as much of that fitted for the 
brass six pounder, as the commanding officer shall 
think may be spared at present — a conductor is to be 
sent for the careful delivery, and storage of the am- 
mimition, who will return on the delivery of these 
stores to Lieut Col. Heigher or such other person as 
may have the care of the state stores, at that place. 
General Irwin will furnish a Sergeant guard. The 
Horses and wagons are immediately to return — Coll 
Bull will point out siome proper place ten or fifteen 
miles up the country to which the two iron pieces are 
forthwith to be sent — The Conductor will apply to 
Coll. William Henry if at Allentown, or to the State 
Armorie there and by the return waggons bring to 
camp such repaired arms and accoutrements as are 

(Signed) John Armstrong 

Major General. 

H*. q'. Whitemarsh Nov. 22, 1777 
Major Gen*. L*. Sterling 

Brig'. Gen". Smallwood Officers of the day 

L\ Col. Ford— Major Lockhart for tomorrow 

Brigade Major, Barber. 

210 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 

The gen*, conrt-maxtial of the line of w*. Col. Gray- 
son is pres\ ia to sit tomorrow morning at 9 o'clock 
at the honse where Gen*. Huntingdon's quartered for 
the trial of all prisoners w*. shall be brought before 
them : an Orderly Serg*. f". each brigade to attend the 
court — L\ Col. Heth, Lieut. Col. Becker, and Major 
Taylor & a Cap\ f™. eac5h Continental brigade present 
are to compose the members of the court — All the 
gen*, officers present in camp are desired to meet at 
Lord Sterling's quarters tomorrow at 10 o'clock in the 
forenoon to settle the ranks of the field officers of 
horse, who are to attend the board, and exhibit their 
respective claims. 

The brigade commanded by Gen*. Patterson and 
Learned are to form one division under the com*, of 
Major Gen*, the Baron de Kalb. 

The horses taken yesterday by the scouting party 
commanded by Col. Bobst assisted by a party of our 
light horse, are all to be brought to the Q'. Gen*, quar- 
ters tomorrow morning at 10 o 'clock and sold at public 
vendue; the produce of the sale is immediately to be 
divided by the D. Q'. M. Gten*. between the captors. 

After Orders : 

Lt. Col. Smith will detach from the troops under his 

C 8 P 

com*. 1. 2 - 50 - to be ready to march this afternoon 
precisely at 4 o'clock with one days provisions cooked. 
Capt. Jarvis will com*, the detaehm*. & apply immedi- 
ately to Col. Biddle F. M. Gen*, for a guide & further 
directions. — A sub", of horse with 12 P. dragoons will 
parade at Col. Biddle 's q". precisely at 4 o'clock to- 
morrow morning when orders will be ready for the 

Head Quabtees Whitemarsh Novemb 23*. 1777 

Parol C sign 

Major Gen*, for tomorrow .Sullivan 

Brigadier Scott 

''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 211 

F. officers Lt. Col. Lytle 

Brigade Major from Woodford's Brigade, Riddle 

The Court of laquiry held the 18*^ Instant of which 

Coll. was President, to Enquire into the Conduct 

of Coll. Price of the 2* Maryland Begi'. Report; as Fol- 
lows Viz — 

The Couri; after Considerijig the Evidences that ap- 
pear*, are of Opinion that the reports circulating to 
the Prejudice of CoP Thomas Price are without the 
Least foundation 

A Detachment of 50 men are to parad Percisly at 
4 OClock this afternoon on the Grand Parade with one 
days Provisions. 

A subaltern of horse with 12 Sight Dragoons are to 
Parade at Coll Biddle's Quart' at 4 oClock Tomorrow 

The Gen". Court Martial of the line ordered to sit 
today is to sit tomorrow morning at 9 oClock at Gen*. 
Huntingdon's Quarters. 

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh November 24*"*. 1777. 

Parol Countersign 

Major Gen', for tomorow Lord Stirling 

Brigadier .Irvine 

F. officers Coll. Price, Major Polk 

Brigade Major Parker 

Information Having been given that Divers of the 
Late Sutlers and some of the Inhabitants have opened 
Tiplinghouses within and adjacent to the Encampment 
of the army, by which the Design of Banishing the Sut- 
lers from the army is in a Great Measure frustrated 
the Deputy Quartermaster Gen*, is Required forthwith 
to make Diligent Enquiry and Examination for Dis- 
covering such Houses and supressing them and to as- 
sure all who are Driving this Pemissous trade that if 
Continued any Longer their Liquors Shall be siez*. and 

212 "A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' Yin. 

they expelld from the Neighbourhood of the Army on 
Pain of the Severest Punishment if they Return — 

The Legislature of the State of New Jersey having 
made provision for Suplying their Troops with Cloths 
and Blankets all o£Scers Sent thither for the purpose 
of Colecting those Articles are by their Comanding 
o£Scers to be Immediately Becalld. 

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Novemb'. 25**. 1777. 

Parole, Rutland; Countersign; Stafford, Troy 

Major Gen*, tomorrow DeKalb 

Brigadier .Woodford 

F. Officers Coll Thomson, Lieut. C. Smith 

Brigade Major Stoddard 

For the Information of the Troops lately arrived. 
The Gen*", order issued some time since is repeated 
That Tattoo is not to Be beaten in Camp. — 


Taken from two privates a Pair of Brass mounted 
Pistols Supposed to be Stolen. The owners may have 
them by applying to Capt. Cristy of the 3*. Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment. 

Head Quabtebs Wh*. marsh Novm*. 26*^ 1777 

Parole C. Sign 

Major Gen* Sullivan 

Brigadier Maxwell 

F. Officers 

Brigade Major 

If any gentleman of the army can give Information 
to the Gen*, of Shoes, Stockings, or Leather Briches 
in quantities he will be Exceedingly obliged to them; 
he will likewise be obliged to any of the Gentlemen 
officers for recommending Proper Persons to Collect 
Those articles. 

Gen'. Smallwood and the Colls, of the Maryland 
regiments are to meet tomorrow morning at 9 Clock, 


A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 213 

at Gen'. Smallwoods Qrts. to State as far as they Can 
the rank of all the other officers in their reginients 
and the dates of their Commissions anght to bare, 
where there are Contests for rank amongst the Colls, 
they are to State their Claims. 

The money for the Payment of the army for Sep- 
tember is Expected Every Honr. 
regimental Paymasters are Immediately to make out 
their abstracts, for the month of October and deliver 
them to the Paymaster Gen', for Examination. As an 
alteration in the Payment of rations is now under Con- 
sideration of Congress it is recomended to the Com- 
manding officers of regiments not to add their ration 
accounts to their Pay rools until their determination 
is known, which will be Signify*, in Gen*, orders. The 
Paymaster Gen*, has Complain*, of the Slovinly earless 
manner in which some of the Cap^ Make out their 
Payrolls. The regimental Paymaster is not to receive 
any but such as are made out fare and agreeable to the 
Form some time since given out by the Paymaster 
Qea\ when the Regimental Paymaster is to furnish 
such Cap**, with who have not yet received the same. 

No regimental Paymaster is to leave the Service 
without first applying to the Commander in Chief Nor 
any new Paymaster appointed without obtaining his 

A Cap*. Sub', and 50 men of L*. Stirling Div°. are to 
Parade at the Commissarys Gen*. Qu**. at the 2* House 
over the Bridge on the Skipack road at 3 oClock this 
afternoon witii one day Provisions to ascort some Bag- 
gag*, waggons— 

H^ Q'. November 27**. 1777. 

Parole C. Sign 

Major gen\ tomorrow. .Lord Stirling — 
Brig'. Patterson. 

Field officers. .Col Beaty L\ Col. Cobb— 
B. M. Williams. 

214 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 

A detaching of 300 men are to parade tomorrow 
mommg on the grand parade precisely at half after 
three o'clock in the morning. Col. Da^. Hall, L*. Col. 
Craig and Major Tyler, are appointed field oflScers for 
the detachm\ 

This detachm*. is to take one days provisions cooked. 
Twelve light dragoons are to go on the same command 
and to repair this evening to Col. Biddies quarters. 

After orders. 

A detadim^ of 100 men to be under command of 
Cap*. Craig are to parade tomorrow morning at sunrise 
on the graad parade with one or two days provision 
and boxes full of ammunition ; they will be absent from 
camp one week near the enemy's lines, and are to go 
prepared accordingly. 

H*. Q". WmTEMABSH November 28*^. 1777. 

Parole C. Sign. 

Major Gen', for tomorrow. .DeKalb 
Brig'. . . Poor 

Field officers Col. Gunby, Major Hogg — 
B. M. McClure 

At a gen*, court martial held the 24** inst of wh. Col. 
Q-rayson was pres*. Major Ross charged with *' leaving 
his arms in the field in the action of the 4** of Oct', near 
Germantown'^ was tried and acquitted with the highest 
honor. The Com.-ia-chief approves the court's judg- 
ment. Major Boss is released from his arrest. 

Detail for guard the same as yesterday. 

The gen*, court martial of w*. Col Grayson is pres*. 
is to sit tomorrow morning at the tavern next to Col 
Biddle's quarters. 

HpAn QuABTBES Novemb'. 29*^. 1777. 

Parol C. Sign. 

Major Gen', for tomorrow Sullivan 

Brigadier -Wayne 

*'A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 215 

F. o£Scers Coll Marshall 

U. Coll Campbell. 

Brigad Major McClintock 

The officers Commanding regiments are to see that 
their mens arms are put in the best order Possible 
and of the loaded ones such as can be drawn are to be 
drawn and the others discharge, the first fare day at 
eleven oClock in the forenoon but to prevent the wast 
of Lead the arms of Each regiK or Brigad are to Dis- 
charge their pieces into a Bank of Earth from which 
the Lead Can be Taken. 

A Court of Inquiry -is to sit tomorrow morning at 
9 oclock at Gen*. Gist Quar*. to Liquire into the Con- 
duct of Cap* Andrew Slhull of the 4"" Penns*. regim in 
ordering the Paymaster of that regiment to pay Cap*. 
Wuits a sum of money, for a purpose suppose*, to be 
unwarrentable. Coll Gist appointed President of this 
Court L*. Coll Barber and Major Ross are to be mem- 
bers Coll. Spencer is appointed President & Major 
Boyd and Cap*, of Coll Lees regiment members of a 
Court Liquiry to sit tomorrow morning at 10 Clock 
at Presidents Quar**. to Inquire into the Conduct of 
Lieut. Bannald of Coll. Malcoms regiment for abusing 
Dan*. Masserly, Esq', and other persons in the 2* of 
Last August as is Exhibited in their Deppositions 


Two bay stray Horses are at Abraham CSiarlworths 
about two miles in the rear of the Camp 

Head Quabtbbs Novemb'. 30*^. 1777. 

Major Gen' Green 

Brigadier Smallwood 

F. officers Coll Cortland 

Major Smith 
Brigade Major of Leameds? Brigade on the 25** of 

Novemb^ Instant the Honourable Continental Congress 

pass', the following resolve viz 

216 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 

Resolved that Gen". Washington be Directed to Pub- 
lish in Gen", orders that Congress will spedily take 
into consideration the merrits of Such officers aa have 
distinguished themselves by their intripidity and their 
attention to the health and Dicipline of there men and 
adopt such regolations as shall tend to Entroduce order 
and good Dicipline in the army and render the Sitaa- 
tion of the officers and Soldier Tvith respect to the 
Clothing and other Necessarys! more Elegable than it 
has Hitherto been. 

For as much as it is the indisspensable duty of all 
men to adore the superintending Providence of Al- 
mighty God to acknowledge with gratitude there obli- 
gations to him for Benefits Becei'd and to Implore 
such further Blessings asi they Stand in need of and 
it having pleased him in his abundant mercy not only 
to continue to us the innumerable bounties of his Com- 
miTi Providence but also to smile on us in the Prosa- 
cution of a Just and Nessary war for the defence of 
our unalainable rights and libertys — ^it is therefore 
recomended by Congress that Thursday the 18th day 
of Decemb, Next be Set appart for Solemn Thanks- 
giving and Rraise, that at one time and with one Voice 
the good People may Express the gratfull Feeling of 
their Hearts, Consecrate them Selves to the Sirvice 
of their divine Benefactor and that together with their 
Sincear acknowledgments and offerings they may join 
the panetant Confession of their Sins, supplications for 
such further Blessings as they may stand in need of — 

The Chaplains will Properly Notice this recommen- 
dation that the day of Thanksgiving may be duly ob^ 
served in the army agreeable to the Intention of 

The regimental Paymasters is to Call on the Pay- 
master Gen*, tomorrow and receive the Pay for the 
month of Septem'. Those who have Deliver*, in their 

, .«^ iju^^v^^ .■..b. ijj ^.j^^nB0^i^e<B>^PiiiH jwvsei^M^i^^ 

''^ Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 217 

abstracts for October may receive for that month 
also. — 

Head Quabtebs Wh*.mabsh Decemb'. 1**. 1777. 

Parol Countersign 

Major Gen' Stirling 

Brigadier Irvine 

F. Officers Coll Wasson 

L^ Coll Stoddard 
Brigade Major Mcgovem 

M'. Kob*. Dnncon is appointed Paymaster to 4^. 
North Carolina regiment and is to be respected as such. 

A QenK Court Martial is to sit tomorrow at 9 Clock 
at the Tavern next to Coll Biddle's Q'. For the Triel 
of all Prisoners which Shall be Brought before them. 

Coll Ogdon is aippoint President of this Court L*. 
Coll Simes Major Starret & Major North & a Captain 
the 1** & 2* Pennsylvania Maxwells, Conways, Wood- 
fords, Scotts, Poors, Pattersons & Leanards Brigades, 
are to be members of the Court. 

The officers are to make out their muster rolls to 
the first of December, the Term of time for which the 
men Enter* for is to be Inserted in Every musterroll 
The Noneffectives are not to be inserted a Second 
Time. Officers must pay a strict attention to the orders 
which have been Issued respecting this part of their 

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Decemb'. 2*. 1777. 

Parol . . Chatam Countersign . . . Camden, Burk 

Major Gen', for tomorrow: the Baron DeKalb 

Brigadier Muhlenburg 

F. Coll Bredford and 

Major Thomas of Maryland Mi'. B. M. Hitchcock 

Betums are to be made Early tomorrow Morning 
of all officers and Men in the Several Brigades and 
Corps who have not had the smallpox. Every Coll or 

218 ''A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 

officer Commanding a Begt or Corps is to make an 
Immediate Return to the Paymaster-gen', of Every 
Paymaster who has belonged to or Done Duty as 
Such in any Eegt. or Corps, the Place of their abode 
and the time when they left the Service — 

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh Decembr 3*. 1777. 

Parole Countersign 

Major Gen'. Tomorrow Sullivan • 

Brigadier Weeden 

F. Officers Coll. Livingston, Major Wells. 

Brigade Major Minnes 

At a gen". Court Martial of which Coll. Grayson was 
President Held the 26, 27, 28 and 29 of Novembr last 
Major Howard appeared before the Court Charg*. with 
l"*. Wounding Cap*. L^ Duffy with his Sword, abetting 
a riot in Camp & S'' in the front of the men at his re- 
quest assembl*., attemping the Life of Cap Duffy with 
a loaded firelock and fixed Bayonet being utterly Sub- 
versive of good order and MUlitary Disipline. — The 
Court having Considered the Charge and the Evidence 
are of oppinion that Major Howard did not Inten- 
tionaly wound Cap\ Duffy, and therefore acquit him 
of the first Charge, upon the 2*. Charge they are of 
oppinion that however Justifiable the motives were by 
which Major Howard was at first actuated — his Con- 
duct is, and the end was Such as Tended rather To 
Promote than suppress a riot — ^they therefore Sentence 
him to be repromanded in Gen', orders — With respect 
to the 3*. Charg — ^the Court are of oppinion that it is 
not supported by Evidence & therefore acquit him of 
S*. Charg 

Cap*. Duffy appeared before the Court Charged with 
— 1** aiding & abbetting a riot 2* Assembling and abus- 
ing Major Howard in the Execution of his office — 

The Court haveing Considered the l"*. Charg and the 

y^- V 


A Whitemarsh Orderly Book/' 1777. 219 

Evidence, are of oppimon that Cap^ Dufify behaved 
with a warmth which tended to Produce a riot — and do 
Sentence him to be reprimanded in Gen\ orders — 
upon the 2* Charge they are of oppinion that Major 
Howard when Cap'. Duffy struck him had diveated 
from the Line of his duty and Consequently was not 
in the Execution of his office they do tiierefore acquit 
Cap* Duflfy of the 2* Charg 

The foregoing Oppinions are approve*, by the Com- 
mander in Chief and the Sentences of reprimand ap- 
pear to be pronounced with great Justness on an Ln- 
propriaty of Conduct unbecoming the Qharrectors of 
officers whos duty it is to Suppress all riots and Tumult 
& Set Examples of moderation decency and order — 

The officers and men of the Company raised by the 
late Cap*. Calderwood are to be Anexed to Cap*. Nevies 
Company in Coll. Malcoms regiment — 

Head Qxtabtebs Whitemabsh Decemb'. 4**. 1777 

Parol Countersign 

Major gen'. Tomorrow Greene 

Brigadier Woodford 

F. Officers Coll Tupper, Major Eeid. 

Brigade Major Claiborne 

Detale the same as yesterday 

Head Quabtebs Whitemabsh December 4**. 1777 

Parol Countersign 

Brigadier Woodford 

Field officers Colonel Tupper 

Brigade Major Clasboum 

the Details the same as Yesterday 

220 Letters from the Massachusetts Archives. 



[Authority — Mass. Archives.] 

^^PMladelphia 18 July 1755 
Five oclock P. M 

We have in the absence of Governor Morris who is 
over Sasquehanna received the melanchoUy news of 
the Defeat of General Braddock it is contained in a 
small bit of Paper dispatched by Coll. Innes from 
Fort Cnmberland at Wills Creek & was forwarded by 
Governor Sharpe It speaks for itself & needs no com- 
ment & you will no doubt communicate it to the Gen- 
erals & Admirals & governors in the Continent with all 
possible Expedition. 

Your honours — 
most obedient 
Humble Servant 
Bichard Peters, 
dk. of the Council 
It is not an hour since the News arrivd & no other 
particulars are come to the knowledge of the Council 
Governor De Lancey" 

[endorsed] **Kich*. Peters Clerk of the Councils' 

Governor Delancy 
Dated 18 July 1755" 

[To the Inhabitants <& Planters of PensUvania in 

America — ] 
** Charles E. 

Whereas his Ma*** In consideracion of the Greate 
Merritt & faithfull Service of S'. William Penn de- 

-■^J ■ ^I^^PHT W 

'JP- . M 

Letters from the Massachusetts Archives. 221 

c^ast & for Divers other good causes him hereunto 
moveing hath been Gratiously Pleased by Letters Pat- 
tents beareing Date the 4*^ Day of March last to give 
& grant unto W". Penn Esq', sonn & heire of the sd. 
S'. W". Penn all that Tract of Land in America called 
by the name of Pensilvania as the same is bounded 
on the East by Delaware River from twelve miles Dis- 
tante Northwards of New Castle Towne unto the three 
& fortieth Degree of Northeme Latitude if the s*. 
Eiver Doth Extend Soe ffarr Northwards and if the 
Sd. River shall not Extend so ffarr Northward then 
by the Sd River Soe ffarr as it doth Extend. And 
from y* head of the Sd River the Easteme bounds to 
be Determined by a Meridian line to be Drawne from 
the head of the Sd River unto the Sd three & fortieth 
Degree, (the Sd Province to Extend Westward five 
Degrees in Longitude to be Computed from the Sd 
Easteme bounds. And to be bounded on the North by 
the begining of the three & fortieth Degree of Norih- 
eme Latitude : And on the South by a Circle Drawne 
att twelve miles Distance from New Castle, Northwards 
& Westwards unto the begining of the fortyeth Degree 
of Northeme Latitude. And then by a Streight line 
Westwards to y*. Limit of Longitude above menconed 
Together with all Powers Pr heminencyes [pre- 
eminencies] & Jurisdicons Necessary for the Goverm*. 
of the Sd Province As by the Sd. Letters Pattents. 
Refference being thereunto had, doth none att Large 

His Ma"* Doth therefore hereby Publish & Declare 
his Roy". Will & Pleasure. That All persons Settleing 
or Inhabiteing within the Lymitts of the Sd. Province 
Doe Yeeld all due Obedience to the Sd W°. Penn his 
heires & Assignes as absolute Proprietaries & Gov- 
emo" thereof as alsoe to the Deputy or Deputys, 
Agents or Leiutenn**. Lawfully Commissionated by him 
or them according to the Powers & Authorityes granted 

Voi* XLV.— 16 

222 Letters from the Massachusetts Archives. 

by the Sd Letters Pattents, Wherewith his Ma"" Ex- 
pects & requires a Beady Complyance from all persons 
-whom it may Conceme as they tender his Ma**~ Dis- 

Given att the Court att Whitehall the 2* Day of 
Aprill in the three & thirtyeth yeare of is Ma**** Eeigne 

By his Ma"*' Commande 

To the Inhabitants & 
Planters of Pensilvania 
in America*' 

Suffolk Go. Court Files {Mass) [Tabitha Lake's 
{later Tabitha Thomas) Letter] 

*' London August 26'* [1689] 
*' Dear Brother 

I received your letter dated from panselvanea and 
am sory to hear of your troubles and according to your 
order I have sent you in the Spring several goods by 
Cpt. Losson of one and Mr Suttliffe [t] of which I 
hope you will take care to make returns of for that 
sort of furs would now be a good commodity in Eng- 
land I hope you will do what you can for to make 
retume for I have sent most of what I have in you 
hand : I hope you will consider it Brother accordingly 
I went to my sister Lake and told her what you rit to 
me and I gave her all the good words I could and she 
said that she had no letter from you in a year and 
she said that she did not order you to be arested and 
her brother was not at home but she would speake with 
him and returne me her answer which he did in to [2] 
days after and then she told me she was satisfied that 
he was a very rich sufficient man and she desired no 
better then in his hands, so when I see I could not 
prevent I did tel her that you would give up what you 
had in your hands to the creditours and she said you 
might if you could I did not tel her that you were gon 

Letters from the MassacJmsetts Archives. 223 

from nne England I did not thinke it convenient for 
she did thinke that he whome she had intrusted to be 
the Govemer and they were sure he wase not in prison 
for any Debt but upon the account of [torn] lure of 
England — I desire you to secure yourself for they will 
do you all the myschef they can pray be well advised 
in what you do I would not have you take so much 
care fore the diildren since she will not have it so 
but for your self so expectmg to have retumes from 
you I rite to you at large by Cap. Losson so with mine 
and my sisters Love to you I am your Loving sister 

Tabitha Lake." 
[endorsed] **To M' Lancelott Lake 

Att Boston Li 

p Capt Bant New England 

Q. D. C. 
[also] ' ' Tabitha Lake to 

Lancelot Lake p 
Gilbart Bantt 24-9 

[also] ** Lake vers Somers 

Jan^. 1691 

'n ' '^^^g^^HMl ,1 ■ ■ I IM^^^^^^M 

224 Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 



Mr. Gilpin, a son of Joshua and grandson of Thomas 
Gilpin of Philadelphia, was bom in 1801 and took his 
degree in arts at the University of Pennsylvania in 
1819. In 1832 he was api)ointed Attorney of the United 
States for Pennsylvania, in 1837 Solicitor of the Treas- 
ury of the United States and in 1840 Attorney Gteneral 
under Van Buren. He was President of The Pennsyl- 
vania Academy of the Fine Arts and Vice President 
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, He was a 
contributor to the Atlantic Souvenir, American Quar- 
terly and the Democratic and North American Eeviews. 
His library was one of the largest and best selected 
private libraries of the country. He was one of the 
leading benefactors of the Historical Society. 

The Editor has thought it well to print the following 
excerpts from his Common-place Book as showing his 
diligence in the pursuit of knowledge and the orderli- 
ness with which he arranged his studies, even in the 
beginning of his career. 

A Common-Place Book in which I intend to note down 
my readings and my observations thereon. 

Philadelphia, June 25, 1819. 
I have this day finished my examination for a 
Bachelor's degree which I have been fortunate enough 
to obtain as well as one of the three collegiate honors. 
As henceforth the line of my studies will be altered, 
and my plan of reading entirely different I have deter- 
mined to keep a faithful & accurate account of the 

* In the poBaeaaion of Thomas Lynch Montgomery. 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 225 

works which I peruse and to make remarks thereon 
more or less freely according to the nature of the work. 
And notwithstanding the opinion of Dr. Johnson I can- 
not but think it an excellent method to promote at 
once industry and knowledge. 

It is just two years and a half since I entered Col- 
lege — during that time I have read many books and 
studied many subjects tho I cannot but think I could 
have done more and that more effectually had I studied 
privately ; however I do not regret the time that I have 
spent there since it was the only way for me to obtain 
a degree which the world at least considers as impor- 
tant for a professional man. 

I have read either at school or college most of the 
ancient Classics particularly the Latin; some I have 
studied with attention others have been passed over in 
the superficial manner which they too generally are — 
As however it is proper that I should have a perfect 
knowledge of them I shall commence a general review 
1. of the Greek and 2. of the Latin — I shall begin 
with the Greek historians — ^then proceed to the Poets, 
Orators & Philosophers — ^and afterwards follow the 
same plan with the Latin. 

July 5. Brandywine. The last week has been em- 
ployed in removing from the city &ca. so that I have 
been very idle and indeed this is the first day I have 
done any thing seriously — I find that I have not 
brought Herodotus down with me so that I cannot yet 
commence my historical plan — ^I have determined how- 
ever for the present to employ myself in studying 
Greek & Latin — ^by, first translating them into English 
and then turning them back into the original — ^an ex- 
cellent way to obtain a good knowledge of a language — 
This morning I translated the two first pages of the 
1st. Philip, of Demosthenes; and the 1st Chap, of 
Cicero de Senectute I also read the Articles Demos- 
thenes & Cicero in Brewster — ^I cannot think that 

226 Extracts from a GommofirPlace Book. 

Demosthenes accepted the cup from Harpalus — I must 
investigate the subject — Altogether an idle day — 

July 6. Commenced Italian and was employed at it 
until 10 'dock — translated a page & a half of Demost. 
& a chapter of Cicero — In the afternoon I was idly 
engaged in reading a little book **Oontes de Voltaire. '^ 
He could write tales in a most engaging manner. 

July 7. Re-translated the first page of Demosthenes 
and the 1st Chapt. of Cicero into Greek & Latin — ^I find 
this method more difficult than I expected, but I feel 
confident that there cannot be any way better adapted 
to give us a knowledge of a language, than to make, 
in this manner, its best writers, our instructors. 

July 8. Engaged with Italian & French till 11 o 'clock 
— ^translated two pages of Demosthenes — in afternoon 
I wandered into the woods & having a Virgil in my 
pocket read his Life and the three first eclogues — ^it 
seems strange that he should have been so anxious 
that the Eneid should be burnt — especially as he had 
thought it long before worthy of being read before 
Augustus & Octavia. 

July 13. For the last three or four days I have been 
engaged — so that I could not find time for Demosthenes 
or Cicero — ^I have however written the greatest part 
of my oration for the commencement, done something 
at French and Italian & finished Virgil ^s Bucolics p — 
17 to 63. How very difficult a species of poetry must 
the Pastoral Poetry be — ^I do not remember a single 
modem Pastoral Poet, except perhaps Gesner, who is 
good for any thing. But in Virgil, every thing is 
simple and beautiful, & natural, while we have no rude 
or rustic expressions 

July 16. I at last have got back to Demosthenes 
& this morning translated a page and a half — read also 
the first Gteorgic 1.1 to 100 How curious to a modem 
must his compliment to Augustus (1-24-42) appear — 
to ask a person in an address of 20 lines what part 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 227 

of the heaven he will choose & what he will preside 

July 18. Translated a page & a half of Demosthenes 
into Greek and began to read over Valpy^s Greek 
Grammar with notes attentively read preface &c. & 
page 1-17. 

July 20. Translated a chapt. of Dem. into English 
& a page of Cicero into Latin read Valpy p. 17-34 — 
to the Verbs — the coincidence between tiie Greek & 
Latin nouns is very striking, & clearly proves that the 
latter are derived from the Greek — ^I have also con- 
tinned my French & Italian — ^the Ital. is much easier 
than I had expected — tho' I had thought it was much 
more like the Latin than it is — 

August 1. I returned from Philadelphia yesterday 
after the commencement — ^I have been so much engaged 
about it for the last 10 or 12 days that I have had 
little time to attend to any thing else — as however it 
is now proper to begin seriously to study I propose 
as the most effectual wiay so to do to make a regular 
division of my time — ^Law being the chief object of my 
studies I consider that as the principal object — ^Latin 
& Greek, Italian & French are scarcely less important 
however — Let this be the plan — Monday, Wednesday 
& Friday till 8 o'clock— Greek or Latin— from 8 till 2 
(dinner) Blackstone &c. — ^aftemoon reading & society 
— on the other days — ^French or Italian instead of Gr. 
& Lat. — rise at 5. go to bed at 11. — ^as it is now my 
intention to begin Herodotus I read, as introductory, 
to-day his life by Beloe— Tytler's ffist. p. 16-39. 

August 2. Bead as introductory to Herodotus — ^Mil- 
lot Elements of General History p. 1-206 — This is not 
a good elementary book — too little attention is paid 
to chronology & it is filled with many remarks which 
are by no means new — ^he however very properly 
avoids mixing together sacred & profane History — 
the Abbe appears to prefer the Spartans to the 

228 Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 

Athenians — ^but how is it possible to prefer the country 
which ^4n the period of nearly 1000 years produced 
no poet, orator, historian, or artist of any kind'' to a 
country which stood unrivaled in every splendid ac- 
quirement. — a savage to a civilized people. 

August 5. Italian & French lesson — At last got an 
opportunity, to begin Blackstone — read the 2 first chap, 
of the Introduction p-1-63 — I admire it very much 
but shall not form an opinion of the work till I have 
finished il^The Edition is the 4th Oxf. 410.1770. 

August 6. Having read such preparatory books as 
I thought necessary I this morning began Herodotus. 
The edition I use is that of Gale a learned divine of 
the 17th Century — f ol, Lond. 1679 — ^it does not appear 
to be a very good one but I must content myself with 
it — at least for the present — read to day the 12 first 
chap, of Clio — p 1- 6 — Bead also Blackst. p- 63-120 
which finishes his admirable introduction — ^I shall de- 
fer opening a Common-place book on La/w until I com- 
mence a second reading & shall have acquired a little 
more knowledge of its general principles — ^began one 
however to day on History — 

August 7. Eead the first 6 chap, of the first Book 
of Blackstone— p. 120-237. 

August 8. Did an Italian lesson which should have 
been done yesterday — As I think it proper to keep 
up my knowledge of mathematics I have determined 
to devote a few hours every week or two to them — 
to day I reviewed part of the Diflferential Calculus 

August 9. Bead Blackstone p— 237-306. 

August 13. Having been in Philadelphia on business 
since the 10th. I have done nothing in the way of 
study — I however employed two afternoons at the 
Library in making a list of the works & authors in the 
antiquities of Gravius, Gronovius &c which will be 
very useful to me in reading the ancients — 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 229 

Angast 14. Besides my Italian lesson I this day read 
Blackstone p 300-366. 

Angast 15. I spent two or three honrs to-day at the 
Differential Calcnlns. 

Angast 16. I this day read the 9 last chapt. of the 
first Vol. of Blackstone p. 366-486.— else from the 13th 
to the 25th chapt. of Herodotus p — 6-10. 

Angast 17. Italian &o — Bead the two first Chap- 
ters of the 2. Book of Blackstone p — 1-20. 

Angast 18. Bead 3 ch. of Blackstone p 20-78 — ^also 
from the 25th to the 34th. ch. of Herodotus^ — p 10-14; 
and I have seldom read an equal portion of history so 
delightful as the admirable address of Solon to Croe- 
sus — The passage in the 32 Ch. — ^relative to the term 
of human life is curious & important — and will be the 
subject of remark in another place — 

August 19. Besides my Italian & French, I could 
only find time to day for 2 ch. of Blackstone p 78-120. 

August 20. Bead Blackstone— p. 120-179— also 23 
chapters of Herodotus p 14-21 — ^where he first begins 
to treat of the Grecian States 

August 21. Bead Blackstone — ^p. 179-200 — also did 
a long Italian & a French lesson 

August 23. I did little in the way of study to-day 
except something at the Differential Calculus. 

August 24. As I should wish to finish Blackstone 
this month I must be more industrious — ^to-day I read 
p 200-344^ 

August 25. Read p. 344-470 of the 2d. Book of 
Blackstone; the 23d. Ch. finishes the subject of real 
property, a subject perhaps the most abstruse in legal 
science and **to reach to the full meaning of which*' 
Sir Edward Coke's advice of a second perusal — ^nay 
perhaps of a great many more — ^must be followed by 
every student — To-day I also read Herodotus p — 21- 

August 26. To-day — ^F. Corbin being here — could 

230 Extracts from a Common-Plc^e Book. 

read nothing but ''Mazeppa'* a new poem by Lord 
Byron also the * ^ Sketch-book of Geoff ry Crayon** — 
the 2 first papers of the latter are very good — ^the 3d 
middling — ^the last nntrue — ^it is not the tribe of book- 
makers who study the old folios in the British Museum 
— ^they would be loth to take so much trouble — ^as to 
Mazeppa — ^I cannot but think that the age is fast de- 
clining in taste which can admire this & many other 
effusions of the noble author — 

August 27. Bead Blackstone p. 470-520 which fin- 
ishes the 2d. Book — ^also 6 ch. of Book HE. p — 1-35 — 

August 28. Bead Blackstone p 85-253 and also my 
Italian lesson. 

August 29. I this day read from the 17th to the 
24th Ch. of the 3d B. of Blackstone p— 253-386— His 
observations (Ch. 21, 22) on the common remarks, of 
the barbarity of law-latin & norman french, the uncer- 
tainty & length of law proceedings, the multiplicity 
of laws &c — are very correct & true — & the chapt. on 
the trial by jury is admirable. 

August 30. Bead Blackstone p 386-455 which finishes 
the 3d Book — also p 1-118 Book IV. — the concluding 
observations of the first Chap, have been fully proved 
by the experience of many years & it is to be hoped 
that the present efforts of parliament will soften the 
severe punishments of a code **so dreadful that far 
from diminishing will increase the number of offend- 
ers**. Also read a few chapters of Herodotus — ^p 

August 31. After a hard day*s work I finished the 
Commentaries of Sir William Blackstone — ^I have sel- 
dom read a book more contrary to my expectations, I 
had heard indeed that he treated the dry subject of 
the law in a very handsome manner but had no idea 
that work on so abstruse a subject could be written 
with a beauty & elegance that might entertain the 
most superficial reader. Perhaps it would be going 

Extracts from a Gommon-Place Booh. 231 

too far to say that its style is the finest in the English 
language but yet I mnst confess I know none superior 
— ^Altogether it is a work worthy of the subject and 
if as Montesquieu has foretold that beautiful fabric 
shall sink beneath the decays of time & the corruption 
of ages — posterity will here view the best record at 
once of its simplicity & greatness — ^aad perhaps pro- 
nounce it with the author **the best birthright, the 
noblest inheritance of mankind". 

September 7. Took my French & Italian and read 
Pastoret 158-369. which finishes what I wanted to know 
of this book — Confucius as a moralist, is far superior 
to the other two— but how poor all their laws appear 
when compared' with the noble system I have been 
reading in Blackstone. 

September 19. In Philadelphia since the 12th — on 
the 14th I entered myself a student of law in the office 
Mr. J. Ingersoll — To-day I was engaged in writing 
off a copy of my si)eech to send to England — 

September 21. Yesterday and to-day 1 was finish- 
ing my speech and writing letters &c. to England — 
also did a French & Italian lesson. 

September 22. This day I read 38 chapters of Herod- 
otus — ^p. 74-90 which finishes Clio— I had formed a 
plan to read the Greek historians regularly thro* but 
in a month I am obliged to alter it — every page of law 
shews the absolute necessity of an intimate acquaint- 
ance with modem history — ^I shall therefore turn to 
that leaving Herodotus to some future day — ^but shall 
first make an abstract of Clio and some maps to ex- 
emplify it so that when I have leisure I may return 
to it with advantage — 

September 23. I this morning began Sullivan *s Lec- 
tures on the laws of England — read the Introductory 
discourse p. I-XLIH by Stuart — It seems strange 
that Mr. Hume should so frequently & with so little 
authority attempt to deny so many of the ancient liber- 


232 Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 

ties of the commons of England — ^read also the 6 first 
lectures p. 1-92 — Took my French & Italian lessons — 

September 24. Bead Sullivan *s Lectures p. 92-210 — 
the accoimt of the Feudal System appears a remark- 
ably clear & excellent one so far — ^made an abstract 
of Clio — See Common place Book — History. 

September 25. Bead only 5 Lectures this morning 
p 210-271 — ^took my French & Italian lessons — ^and 
made a map of the world as known to Herodotus mark- 
ing only the places mentioned in Clio 

September 26. Made a map of Asia Minor as men- 
tioned in Clio — 

September 27. Bead Sullivan *s Lectures p 271- 
403-fini8hed my maps in the afternoon. 

September 28. Finished Sullivan *s Lectures p. 403- 
538— a book of considerable information— it gives me 
a much clearer idea of the feudal System than I had 
before as well as of the rise and causes of many dif- 
ferent tenures, fictions of law, &ca. — Began my course 
of modem history with the 14th. Vol. of the Universal 
History — ^it is my intention to take this as my text 
book, and read Tacitus, Suetonius, Gibbon, &ca — as I 
go on read to day from p 1-29. Also French & Italian 
lesson — 

September 29. Began Sullivan 's Lectures again and 
read the Introduction & p 1-92 — also Universal Hist, 
p 29-75. This part is taken almost literally from 
Tacitus — 

September 30. Bead Sullivan p 92-222 I took my 
French & Italian lessons — In the afternoon read the 
Universal History p 75-142. which brings us to the 
death of Gtermanicus — ^the noblest, bravest & best man 
whom Bome had seen for many years. 

October 1. Bead Sullivan p 222-362. Also the Uni- 
vers. Hist. p. 142-210 — ^when the wretdi Tiberius re- 
tires to Capreae. 

October 2. Finished this morning the second read- 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 233 

ing of Sullivan's lectures p. 362-538. And besides my 
French & Italian read Univers. Hist. p. 210-238 the 
execution of Sejanus. 

October 3. Read Univers. ffist. p. 238-262. which 
finishes the reign of Tiberins. 

October 4. I this morning examined myself on Sul- 
livan and began again the 2d. Vol. of Blackstone — read 
p. 1-44. Also read the reign of Gains Caligula in the 
Univers. Hist. p. 262-325. 

October 5. Took my Italian & French lessons, read 
Bl. p 44-120, and the Univers. Hist, p 325-365— to the 
death of Claudius 

October 6. Eead Bl. p. 120-223 and Univers. History 
p 365-467 — to the Death of the tyrant Nero — ^it is rather 
curious that Lucan & Persius two of the boldest writers 
of Rome should appear in so tyrannical an age — ^and 
that poets so young should have left us such admirable 
works — ^the 2d & 5th. Satires of Persius are amongst 
the noblest remains of antiquity. 

Nov. 2. Arrived at this period when according to 
Mr. Gibbon the Decline of the Empire began I end the 
first division of my history & return to consult the 
original authors of that division and commence with 
Tacitus — ^the perusal of whose works I regard with 
more pleasure than those of any ancient writer. 

November 4. Read 4 Bl. p 220-322— took my French 
and Italian lessons — ^and began Tacitud — read his life 
and the first 12 ch. p 1-11. 

November 5. Finished the 2d reading of Blackstone 
p. 322-443 — ^which has increased my admiration of his 
noble work which can never be read too often — ^I only 
wish I had the memory of Adrianus when I read it- 
read 12 ch. of Tacitus, p. 11-15. 

November 6. Busy all this morning at a map of the 
western lands — ^wrote to England also took my French 
& Italian lessons 

November 14. All this last week I have been en- 

234 Extracts from a Common-Place Booh. 

gaged at a map of the western lands except that I have 
read to the 75 ch. of 2. book of the Annals p. 15-61. 

November 15 — I this morning began Lord Coke's 
first Institute the commentary upon Littleton — the 8 
vo. ed. in 3 vols witii Mr. Hargrave's notes — read to 
day the various prefaces &ca p I-LVI. & part of the 
1st Sect, f ol. 1-6 a — ^I also finished the 2d. book of the 
Annals & read to c. 8 — 3. 1. — ^p 61-68. 

November 16. Bead Co. Litt. to Sect. 6 & Tac. p 
68-77 and took my French & Italian lessons — 

November 17— Read Co. Litt— S. 6-18. and Tac. p. 

November 18. Besides my Ital. & French I this 
morning read Co. Litt — Sec. 18-36. which brings us to 
the chap, on Dower — b& yet I have not come to any 
thing so dry & disagreeable as I have been led to ex- 
pect — ^and indeed I fancy these accusations generally 
arise from the ignorance or idleness of the Student — 
it has indeed as yet been quite entertaining — I also 
finished the 3d. book of the Annals of Tacitus — ^p 85-92. 

November 19. Bead Co Litt. Sec. 36-56 — ^which fin- 
ishes the cap. on Dower some parts of which are not 
quite so clear as the preceding — 

November 20. Took my French & Italian lessons 
and read Co Litt. to middle of Sect. 58 — ^a very little 
but as I was engaged with some gentlemen yesterday 
& to-day I could only read that & Tac. p 92-96 

November 21. I made to day an Analysis of Span- 
ish grammar as I wish to learn that language in the 
course of the winter — ^I read also a few chapters of 
Tacitus p. 96-102 

November 22— Bead Co Litt. S. 58-68— and Tacitus 
to c. 40 — His brevity is astonishing — ^the observations 
in c. 32, 33, little more than J a page — ^would employ 
many pages of the learned philosophers of the present 
day — 

November 23 — ^Bead Co Litt S. 68-85. which finishes 


Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 235 

the first book — It would not do many landholders & 
their officers the least harm to read Sir Ed. Coke's 
advice to them & (whidi would be more difficult per- 
haps) to follow it— vid. fol. 59, 61, 62. I also finished 
the 4th book of the Annals — ^there is some mistake in 
my edition I fancy at the end of the 40th. chapt. as the 
sentence appears very confused — also took my French 
& Italian lessons — 

November 24. I was fully employed till dinner in 
reading the note of Mr. Hargrave continued by Mr. 
Butler on the feudal system — & consulting the authori- 
ties — ^I do not see the use of introducing so much about 
the civil law — ^the 3d & 6 Sect, are very useful to the 
Student — read what remains of the 5th Book and to 
the 11 ch. of 6th of Tacitus — Sejanus has gained but 
posterity has lost much from the rapacity of time — 

November 25. Began the 2d. book of Co Litt. & read 
from S. 85-96 and Tacitus p 130-138— and my French 
& Italian. 

November 26. Bead Co Litt S. 96-107— few better 
instances of his quaintness can be found than the last 
passage p. 71a — ^and finished the 6th book of Tacitus — 

December 31. Bead Co Litt S. 734 to the end — 
which finishes Co. Litt. with the year — on looking over 
the studies of the year, I do not find any reason to 
reproach myself with idleness tho' I hope next year 
by adopting a more regular system I shall be able to 
read more — since leaving college (where I was the first 
six months of the year) — I have read Sir W Black- 
stone's Commentaries twice attentively — Sullivan's 
Lectures also twice — ^Lord Cokes 1st Institute — ^All the 
works of Tacitus & a number of less important works 
— & since I returned to Philadelphia half the day has 
generally been employed in writing at the ofl5ce. 

February 1. (1820.) During the last month I have 
been very idle and gone out a great deal, I have also 
neglected the languages very much and it is therefore 


236 Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 

my intention to turn over a new leaf and be more in- 
dustrious ; as there are exactly 6 languages that I wish 
to perfect myself in I shall devote an evening to each 
every week, Monday, English, Tuesday Latin, Wednes- 
day, Q'reek; Thursday French, Friday Italian, Satur- 
day Spanish. 

February 19. Having some writing in the morning 
I did not think it worth while to begin Bacon as it was 
Saturday, but perhaps the true reason was that I 
wished to read Ivanhoe a new novel by the best of 
novel-writers. Perhaps I spent the day very idly but 
I am not of the same opinion as many persons that 
reading a novel occasionally is either a very great 
waste of time or that it renders the mind unfit for other 
studies — There is no character I despise more than 
a novel reader that is one who can pore forever over 
the trash of a circulating library and enjoy nothing 
else, and then it is I grant a waste of time and very 
injurious to the mind. A good novel instructs us more 
in the manner of the age and cotmtry where the scene 
is laid than auy other kind of writing, and we are told 
by Florian that when he had searched in vain all the 
other records of Moorish Spain he found in their 
romances the most useful and important fund of in- 
formation. But to me I confess the chief inducement 
to read a novel is the entertainment it affords — ^the 
mind sometimes becomes wearied with the sameness or 
the obscurity of a law treatise — tiiere are times when 
history itself cannot please — ^and then it is that the 
relaxation of poetry or a novel makes us return them 
with new vigor — Cato and Camden it is said, and surely 
they will not be called weak and indolent, learnt new 
languages at an advanced period of their lives merely 
to read the fictitious tales of Greece and Spain. 

It is long since I have read a novel and shall not 
perhaps look at one again for many months ; but I am 
confident that I shall not study ** Pleas and Pleading' ' 

■ lUi ^M^— ^rjp^T'M^^^p^r^^^'^— J ^ "^' 

Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 237 

with less attention, while I am sure that I have derived 
a great deal of inf onnation as well as pleasure, from 
reading Ivanhoe. 

June 12. Sir John Fortescue was bom about the 
year 1390 — We are accustomed to look upon this as a 
barbarous period — ^but this work shews the marks of 
a well cultivated, as well as noble mind, and is admir- 
ably calculated to increase our esteem for a system of 
laws which tho greatly altered in the course of four 
centuries (perhaps in some cases for the worse) are 
eminently calculated to promote the freedom and hap- 
piness of the subject — ^he has selected with great judg- 
ment the points of comparison between his own & the 
civil law — so as not to leave room for a moment's hesi- 
tation on its superiority — & tho the latin may not bear 
a comparison with that of the augustan age, it is cer- 
tainly far superior to that of most Law writers of the 
same period, and indeed many parts of the work are 
written with remarkable strength and beauty. 

Jxme 13 — ^As I do not wish to begin my Ld Coke be- 
fore I go into the country I have determined to read 
2 short but very important works Gilbert's & Wright's 
Tenures — ^began the former & read to day the pref . & 
p 1-32. and Dio * p. 746-753.— I think Caligula was the 
most extraordinary character I have ever read of — he 
seems to have lookd upon the senators as the most con- 
summate fools, & to have treated them as such with 
all the coolness imaginable — ^It is impossible to refrain 
from smiling at his speech to the senate p. 748. 

June 22. Eead Wrights Tenures p. 57-134 — ^I also 
looked over the last number of the Edinburgh Eeview 
(65), but only found time to read the 2 articles which 
appeard most interesting, the first, & the last — ^the first 
a splendid critique on Ivanhoe & worthy of that inimit- 
able work — ^nothing but prejudice however could ui- 

* Cassius. 

Vol. XLV.— 17 

238 Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 

dnce them to think it inferior to any but Old Mortality 
— the critique on Dtemosthenes gives the truest char- 
acter of that great orator, that I ever recollect to have 
met with — From the small number of his orations that 
I have read — ^perhaps I am not able to appreciate his 
merits — ^but three or four Phillippics have taught me 
to join almost with enthusiasm in an opinion which 
has remained the same and nearly uncontested for two 
thousand years — the critic has truly said that he is 
*' without any ostentation of profound reflection or 
philosophical remark — ^without the glare & attraction 
of prominent ornaments" — ^in Demosthenes we never 
think of the beauty of the language, whilst in Cicero 
we stop often to admire the finely tumd period, & ele- 
gance of expression — ^but in Demosthenes it is the sovl 
which pervades every word, which strengthens & con- 
nects every argument, which leads us irresistibly — 
not to admiration of the speaker — ^to conviction — he 
stops to* catch a figure — ^to polish an expression — ^but 
with his eye & his thoughts fixed on one object — he 
rushes to it and bears along the opinions of his heal*ers 
by a simplicity, a strength, a closeness of argument 
which joined to the vigour, and correctness of his 
language — ^rendered the opposition of the talents and 
corruption of Athens alike unavailing — ^No remark is 
more correct than that *'the vigor, the sublimity of 
Demosthenes of which we read so much is not discov- 
erable in detachd parts — ^in striking & brilliant pas- 
sages, but in the effect of the whole** At first I was 
accustomed to look for & read these passages & was 
uniformly disappointed — ^it was not til I had read the 
whole, that I was at all able to judge of them — & it a 
pleasure to me that that judgment has not differd from 
that of the greatest men of all ages — The remark of the 
critic is, from my own experience, as true in opinion 
as beautiful in expression — ^**that an attempt to give 
the effect of any of his orations by selection, or the 


Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 239 

merit of the whole by splendid passages, would be as 
hopeless as to produce an adequate idea of the bound- 
ing elasticity— ^tiie matchless symmetry and etherial 
attitude of the entire Apollo, by the production of a 
finger or an ear*' — 

October 7. I this morning again closed my Ld. Coke 
— ^I find that I have been considerably longer reading 
it tiian I was last year. Tho I have no reason to alter 
ihe opinion I then formed of it. If it be true that to 
appreciate the beauties & know the excellencies and 
advantages of the English language we must devote 
our days and ni^ts to Addison — ^it is not less true that 
to imderstand the english laws we must apply to the 
writings of Sir Edward Coke with unwearied diligence 
the maxim of Horatius ^^noctuma versate manu, ver- 
sate diuma". 

Oct. 8. I have now arrived at the close of another 
year and on looking over my different stories and the 
amount of them I do not think that I have been idle 
tho I might have been more industrious — ^I have been 
gradually forming more regular habits of study and I 
am firmly convinced that only by so doing shall I be 
enabled to devote my self to it as I ought and I hope 
that at the end of the succeeding year I shall have it 
in my power to look back to my studies with still 
greater satisfaction — My knowledge of law the great 
and important object of my labors has I hope and I 
think widely expanded but it is a science which requires 
a greater exercise of the mind and the memory than 
any I have yet engaged in and I am not discouraged 
that my long and patient labors should sometimes be 
forgotten in a few months. From my historical and 
miscellaneous reading I have derived each day new 
pleasures and I have found that it is in the original 
writers that the mind will be best satisfied — ^that the 
waters are purest at the fountain whence they spring. 

I have become a good f rench scholar and seldom find 

240 Extracts from a Common-Place Book. 

myself at a loss in reading that language — while I have 
learned to appreciate the beauties of the italian, a 
delightful language which I shall continue to cultivate 
with diligence — ^I have not neglected however, for the 
more elegant pursuits of literature, those branches of 
natural science which should never be forgotten en- 
tirely amidst our other occupations and I have been 
able by devoting a leisure hour still to keep the recol- 
lection of them in my mind. 

March 17. (1821.) Read Tidd's Eeferences 254-260 
— I spent my leisure yesterday & to day in skimming 
over a book I have long wished to see — ^P^tronius Ar- 
biter — & I find it much less gay & interesting than I had 
expected and far more indelicate — ^yet I could not help 
smiling at the eagerness with which the old commenta- 
tors introduce all that is indecent to illustrate him — The 
edition which I read is one whidi swells to 886 pages a 
text that might be contained with ease in 50 many are 
intirely composed of notes few contain more than 5 or 
6 lines of the text. It may well be imagined I did not 
read all this voluminous nonsense — 

August 5. Sunday. Tin. Hist, to the end of ch. 12 — 
Such is the end of this mighty empire 2,200 years after 
Romulus had just collected his robbers on the seven 
hills — The boldness of youth — ^the glories of manhood 
are not disgraced in the last moments of dissolution 
and I am not ashamed to drop a tear at the late tho 
inevitable fate. 

I have now traced it gradually rising by prudence 
or by arms from the crafty but politic Octavius to the 
warlike Trajan & virtuous Aurelins — a point at whidi 
historians have presumed to fix the era of greatness — 
I have seen the darkness which veiled the earlier & 
doubtful ages of decline brightened for a moment by 
the maturity of the youthful Alexander — ^the courage 
& conquests of Aurelian— or the virtues of Tacitus 
and Florian men not unworthy of the ancestor whom 


Extracts from a Common-Place Booh. 241 

they claimed — ^I have seen the energy of a single em- 
peror establish a new religion and a new metropolis - 
a religion which has spread over the most celebrated 
nations & often triumphed over the temporal power 
but which in the East was taught to bow to the just 
& prudent authority of the emperors till it gave way to 
the victorious arms of an infidel & a barbarian — ^I have 
traced the empire reviving with ancient lustre tmder 
lulian — ^the prince — the soldier — the philosopher — 
brightening for a moment from the splendor of the 
generals & lawyers of lustanian — ^then gradually sink- 
ing thro the course of 900 years by internal weakness 
& external power till it was bounded by the most of 
Constantinople — ^at last while the crescent was plant- 
ing on the walls ; the cross gleamed for an instant from 
the virtues of the last Constantine and then sunk for 
ever — ^Perhaps the first Caesar who fell beneath the 
avenging dagger of Brutus in raising tiie mighty fabric 
might envy the last of his imperial race who ably re- 
fused to survive the accumulated ruin of fifteen ages 
& willingly sunk the last of the empire of Eome. 

August 6. I abstracted & reduced to writing the 
cases & points in the last section of Mr. Feame. 

September 1. Since my father has been ill I have 
not read regularly tho I believe I have not any day 
entirely neglected my law or my history. I have read 
Feame — ^thro the section on executed & executory 
trusts & the cases particularly the two long reports of 
Bagshaw & Spencer in Collect. lur. 280-310— A 2 Atk 
570-584 & supposed by the masterly comments of Mr. 
Feame I have presumed to differ with lord Hard- 
wicke — ^I have also gone thro the three sections on Per- 
rin & Blake twice & shall finish the subject, I hope to- 
morrow, by reading the different reports of that 
celebrated case — ^I have finished the history of the 
Goths — of the Ostrogoths in Italy — of the Vandals — 

242 Extracts from a Common-Place Booh. 

& of the Snevians in the 19th volume of the Universal 

September 2. Bead the report of Perrin & Blake in 
4 Burr. — Black, Bep. — ^Doug. — Collect: lurid: — & 
Sir. W. Blackstone 's argument in Cam. Scac : — ^the last 
& Yates* I opinion in Collect: lur. are admirable — 
It is not a little surprising that the greatest chancellor 
& greatest judge that England has ever had sh'd each 
have endeavored thus to break thro an established law 
& introduce an arbitrary & discretionary rule in its 
place — read Un. Hist, of the Franks to 377. 

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 243 




Hsverf ord College, Pa. 

Johann Christoph Sauer (Christopher Sower), the 
writer of the following letter, was bom 1693 in Laa- 
sphe, a village not far from Marburg, Germany. He 
came to America in 1724 with his wife and their infant 
son Christopher (bom 1721). In the spring of 1725 
the family removed to Ephrata, Pa., where they re- 
mained about six years. In 1731 they returned to 
Gtermantown and settled there permanently. Christo- 
pher Sower, the elder, died in 1758. 

He was a pharmacist by trade, but is best known for 
his publishing activities. In 1738 he received a print- 
ing outfit from Gtermany and began at once to print in 
Gterman for his fellow countrymen in America. Alto- 
gether he published over two hundred works in Ger- 
man and English, most of them of a religious nature. 
His son Christopher became the well-known Bishop of 
the Church of the Bretiiren, in Germantown. The 
name of the first Christopher Sower, printer and pub- 
lisher, is still retained by the Christopher Sower Pub- 
lishing Company, of Philadelphia. — ^For further details 
of the life of the first immigrant see Charles G. Sower, 
Genealogical Chart of Descendants of Christopher 
Sower. Philadelphia, 1887. 

^A transcription of the German original of this letter may be 
examined in the Library of Haverford OoUege. 

244 An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 

The German original of the following letter is in the 
library of the -University of Gottingen, Germany. In 
the labor of transcribing and translating it, the chief 
credit should go to my former teacher, Dr. Adolph 
Gerber. The letter, apart from its important histori- 
cal data, is so full of human aspiration, religious sin- 
cerity, and wonder stories of the New World, as to 
deserve a permanent place in the romance of early 

R. W. Kelsey 

Germantown, Dec. 1, 1724. 

Dear brothers and friends, 

Since I left all of you, dear friends, and promised to 
write how we arrived here in America and how we 
lived, many have desired in addition that I should re- 
port somewhat more in detail on the quality of this 
country. Since it is not possible to make a special 
report to each one, many may make shift with one 

The sea voyage has been reported upon. I, there- 
fore, pass it over and will say in short that we sailed 
in 16 hours from Holland to England and arrived there, 
at Dover, where our ship was cleared. We were, how- 
ever, obliged to wait there about 3 weeks for a favor- 
able wind. We were out 6 weeks and 3 days from land 
to land and had neither hot nor cold weather, also little 
storm, but as pleasant weather as in the month of May. 
During the greatest storm we were all, my wife and 
children, on deck by the fire, and baking cookies. Nor 
did we hear of any man that was afraid of the sea and 
the storm. The Palatines had their fun with it. When 
our ship would sometimes roll or pitch, they said: 
*'The lion has fetched another mouthful of water. *^ 
My wife said: *'I thought people would be afraid if 
they saw nothing but sky and water." Our troubles 
were only : 1. That we had not taken an extra ration 


An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 245 

of water along, instead of believing the captain so fully 
that he would give us as much as we wanted. There 
were 3 liters of water per 5 persons per day, which to 
be sure would have sufficed for extra cooking, but the 
beer was used up too soon. 2. The meat was over- 
salted. 3. The cod-fish was soaked in fresh water, to 
be sure, but cooked in the same water in which it was 
soaked. 4. All people on shipboard got lice. 5. The 
greatest trouble was that there were too many people, 
so that quarters were restricted, and with many there 
was not a little stench. Yet we did not suffer from it 
because we three families had larger accommodations 
than the others. 

During this voyage, of 6 weeks and 3 days, we lacked 
only the necessary east wind, and were obliged to sail 
with nothing but tack and head-winds, and it was won- 
derful that the sailors knew so exactly in what part 
of the sea they were. It is 1100 leagues from England 
to this coast, and yet the head-helmsman, though he is 
a young man and had never made this voyage before, 
hit it within three hours when we should see land. Be- 
cause we had a strong wind, we got, however, a distance 
of 23 leagues to the left side of the river called Dela^ 
ware. Q-od, however, sent us a south wind which 
carried us in one day into the river. When evening 
came all were full of joy because we saw the river. 
When almost everybody had gone to bed the helmsman 
begged the captain, since they were close to a sand- 
bank which barred the river, to cast anchor tmtil day- 
break; otherwise they would be in danger, as there 
were only 12 feet of water at that place. The captain, 
however, was not willing, but thought of still getting 
into the river. While the captain was still consulting 
with the sailors, the prow of the ship struck the sand- 
bank although they had scarcely advanced a stone *s 
throw after they had cast the plummet and still found 
7 fathoms. And because the bank was hilly, the ship 

246 An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 

struck ground as many as 18 times, so that we thou^t 
it would go to pieces. Then the people came running 
out in their night^shirts. Simultaneously there were 
heard cries of distress from young and old, but I and 
2 other men were without fear. My wife lay quite still 
and our child slept and did not wake up. In the mean- 
time I remained firm in the hope that none of us would 
come into danger. The captain cried aloud and grew 
quite pale. Because, however, all sails were still set, 
the wind lifted the ship from one hill to the other. Then 
they wished to cut the mast. The head helmsman 
wished to have the three boats lowered and the people 
taken ashore, for we were scarcely half a league away 
from it. The captain forbade it because he was afraid 
everybody might desire to be first and therefore they 
might get drowned sooner than in the ship. When this 
distress had lasted a quarter of an hour, we were in 
deep water again. There we rode at anchor until day- 
break and got a favorable wind. 

Now we were still 100 miles from the boundary of 
Pennsylvania and instead of taking 8 to 10 days, as 
many do in getting up the river, we, with an extraor- 
dinarily good wind, arrived at Philadelphia Sunday 
noon, October first, and while they were casting anchor 
in the river they fired 22 guns. Then a great crowd 
of people came running to see the new comers. Then 
people came and brought apples to divide among the 
people [passengers], others brou^t fresh bread and 
the like, and when I went ashore a man came up to me 
and asked whether I was free and did not owe any- 
thing. I said I did not owe the captain anything, but 
I had to pay something to a Palatine for brandy. The 
man went to get 20 Florins with which I was to pay 
and make my start. N. N. are now free. They are 
living together and have their place free from debt 
this winter aad they have been offered, if they desired 
an allotment for pastures and fields, to get as much as 


An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 247 

they wiEtnted ; they might also cut wood free of charge. 
There have also been made considerable contributions 
for them. N. is also free and his friends in Holland 
have raised 288 Florins for him. I myself, however, 
who had not been suffering any want, was given 10 
Florins by some one without my desire. Then I bought 
some tin because earthenware was said to be very high 
here. Thus the Lord has taken us safely to this coun- 
try. His name be praised. 

Scarcely had I arrived here when I was offered a 
vocation, as a foundry was to be constructed. I was 
to superintend it and, in order to be all the more faith- 
ful, I was to have an interest in the foundry and its 
returns. But because I said that I felt no special in- 
clination and besides had no money for the construc- 
tion, they wanted to advance me up to 1000 Thaler and 
compensate me for losses. I said however that I felt 
no inclination and did not aspire to great things in this 
world and went away, rented a house and moved in. 
Then there came one good friend after another and 
they brought me very many apples, whole baskets full, 
also nuts, wine, spelt, wheat, bread, eggs, turnips, 
cabbage, dried pears, buckwheat, chickens, pork and 
beef, of which I have salted 120 poimds, and presents 
are coming from a distance of 20 leagues [i. e. 60 miles] 
for the newly arrived Schwartzenau people. 

For the rest we have nearly all been ill and those 
who had been well on shipboard have become ill here, 
also people with the strongest constitutions. Those 
however who come here weakly and sickly generally 
grow strong again and live to old age, the doctors say. 
Because they make a change of sky and earth, water 
and air, food and drink, they generally grow strong 
and their whole constitution changes. 

Because one may hold here as much property as one 
wishes, also pay for it when one desires, everybody 
hurries to take up some property. One may choose 

248 An Early Description of Pennsylva/nia. 

where one pleases. The farther one goes, the better 
it is. This continent, as may be seen on the map, is 
ahnost as large as the other three continents together 
and has south of New England, say Spain, Virginia, 
Ne-gro-land, Pennsylvania; north of New Etngland, 
New Holland, the borders of York, New France, unto 
the region lying beyond us, which cannot be inhabited 
on account of the cold. The farther the Germans and 
English cultivate this coimtry, the farther the Indians 
retreat. They are our nearest neighbors and quite 
agreeable and peaceable. They would rather harm 
their own king than a Grerman; they have very simple 
clothing. They do not gather more than they expect to 
eat. If a man's wife dies between seed-titne and har- 
vest, he gathers only for himself ; the remainder is left 
standing. The traders take a few pounds of powder 
and lead and fetch for them whole wagon loads of ox- 
hides, deer-skins and bear-skins. There is also an ex- 
cellent method of leather dressing known here, such 
that a tawer with his own hand may completely dress 
20 deer-skins in about 2 or 3 days so that they may be 
wrought by the tailor. Hence leather is very cheap and 
is worn much, and an honest old friend told me that in 
summer on warm days one may shoot a deer, dress the 
skin, and wear a pair of pants from it on the body 
within 24 hours. 

As for the savages, they are dark yellow, believe that 
there is a God who has created everything and are 
very much afraid to commit a sin. They believe God 
does not like it and is looking on. If one has committed 
a fornication, they stone him to death by the roadside 
right away and anyone who within 20 years passes by 
where the malefactor lies, seeks a rock and increases 
the pile to show the All-seeing that he has a horror of 
such uncleanliness. They also believe that, when they 
are dead, and have lived such a life that the Pure One 
was not pleased with it, they will go to the North where 


An Early Description of Pennsylva/nia. 249 

it is very cold; in that land there is a bad ruler who 
torments them and lets them suffer from the cold. On 
the other hand the good go to the South where it is 
nice and warm, and a good ruler receives them kindly. 
They think more of a hen that is laying eggs than of 
some ducats. They make baskets and brooms and bring 
them here or to Philadelphia and accept blue blankets 
and red stockings, knives, etc., in exchange. The wise 
know full well the meaning of the godhead and call 
God in their language **Acs.*' and speak of him with 
fear, saying that the Acs sees it. Other simple minded 
ones say that the Acs at first made only one man and 
woman. At that time the garden in which he placed 
them was only small. But now that men had become 
many, the garden also lias grown larger ; and similar 
simple minded talk. They are putting most Europeans 
to shame by their behavior. 

The Pennsylvania borders lie between other well 
settled countries, most of them belonging to the Bang 
of England. This country also is pretty well settled 
and is said to have over 100,000 inhabitants, consisting 
of French, Welsh, Swedes, Dutch and Germans. There 
are some companies in this cotmtry that have bought 
it of William Penn, to whom the king and his heirs 
have granted it. Here may one select a piece [of land] 
where one desires, near or far. All inhabitants of this 
country are free to live quietly and piously by them- 
selves and everybody may believe what he chooses. 

Whether the land be good or bad is seen by the trees. 
Where there are many chestnuts and alder trees grow- 
ing, the soil is somewhat poor, but where there are 
many cedars, walnut trees, white and black oaks, sassa- 
fras, poplars, beeches and the like, there it is better. 
In short, this country is a very good and blessed land 
before many other countrieo and must be called, as it 
were, an earthly paradise. Also everything is growing 
nice, straight, high and fast. Many people make a liv- 

250 An Early Description of Pennsylva/nia. 

ing by planting fruit trees and selling the yonng trees 
so tiiat, when somebody chooses a farm, he may at 
once have fruit trees and plant them and gather from 
them the first year. But if one sows seeds himself, he 
may have fruit from them in 5 years. The land is not 
really dear. One takes up 200 acres, promises to pay, 
by installments, witiiin 10 years, and instead clears off 
his debt in 5 years. According as the land is near or 
far from the city [prices vary]. Near the city it is 
high. An acre of woodland is purchased for 1 Florin, 
perhaps also for 2, 3, 4, or more,* according as it may 
furnish good pasture. I scarcely know of any tree, any 
herb, any animal which is with you that is not here; 
any thorn, any thistles, any toads, any cuckoo. On the 
other hand there are a thousand things more than with 
you, whidi do not just occur to me, as sassafras, aloe, 
myrrhs. Brazilwood, precious stones, white coral, lode- 
stone in large quantities. Many a man has bought a 
property for 100 Florins and found 1000 Florins in 
gold, silver, copper ore, and people only lack smelters. 
They gladly give a third part to him who can smelt. A 
false rumor went out that I could smelt. I have there- 
fore been pestered much by the poor people who were 
gold and silver struck. There is also much copper ore 
here. Iron stone occurs iu such great quantities that 
it lies often for a space of some miles only knee-deep 
in the ground, and is rich in iron. They say 100 poimds 
of stone contains 70-80 poimds of iron. Up to the 
present time the iron is not even melted, but they carry 
the iron-stone right away to the forge and bake bars. 
As far as one buys land by the water, so far also the 
water is his. He may fish, dig, hunt there what he 
wishes and is able to do. Neither in the country nor in 
the city are any imposts known, no duty, no excise, no 
contribution, in short nothing but a ground-rent of 
about 20 Kreuzer on 100 acres and twice a year the 
neighbors congregate to repair the roads. There are 

An Early Description of Pennsylvania. 251 

people who have been living here for 40 years and have 
not seen a beggar in Philadelphia. 

The land yields spelt, barley, wheat, oats, buckwheat, 
tobacco, Indian com, also all your garden vegetables 
in great abundance. I cannot describe all the fruit. 
There are seven kinds of peaches. Many a man drinks 
cherry-wine and cider the whole year; also brandy is 
made of them. There is also plenty of domesticated 
cattle. A fat ox of 5-600 pounds is wortii 10-12 Thaler, 
a cow for 7-8 Thaler, a sheep 2 Florins, horses as with 
you, a quart of wine 30, 40, 50 Kreuzer, the strong beer 
3 Batzen^ the weak 6 Pfennig. 

Artisan's work is dear. The English carpenters are 
usually joiners at the same time and receive a Florin 
a day aad board. The carpenters who work on the 
ships — for there are many ships building here — ^get 1 
Thaler 1 Groschen per day. Turner's work is very 
dear, a spinning wheel 5 Florins. There are no stock- 
ing weavers at all in this country. Stockings are there- 
fore dear. A Thaler is paid to knit a pair of stockings 
and the knitters have plenty to do. The linen-weavers 
have three times as high wages as with you. An in- 
dnstrious spinning-girl earns 5 Groschen per day. 
Four Grosdien are paid for carding a pound of wool. 
A day laborer gets 10, 12, 15 Groschen per day, and 
21 times a week meat with his board; in winter 8 
Groschen and his board and nobody works longer than 
while the sun is shining. The day, however, is in sum- 
mer 2 hours shorter and in winter 2 hours longer: 
There is also a special lack of rope makers here. The 
hemp which is raised here has therefore to be exported 
elsewhere in order to make the ropes needed for ship- 
building here. A quart of fish oil is 6 Groschen, honey 
10 Groschen a quart, a poimd of soap 4 Groschen, a 
pound of feathers 10 Groschen. There is no lack of 
chickens, geese, ducks and the like. A pound of butter 

252 An Early Description of Pennsylvcmia. 

is 2 or 2^ Groschen, occasionally 3 Groschen; 12 eggs 
1 Groschen. All spices are twice as high as with yon 
except that which grows in this country and looks like 
pepper. A pound of steel is 8 Groschen, a quire of pa- 
per 8 Groschen, — the poor kind that is made here, 5 
Groschen. As for mills there are no more than 100 in 
this country. The miller takes the tenth part and has it 
run through only once. He who wants tiie bran has to 
separate it from the flour himself. There are also 
bolters in this coimtry so that one may have the flour 
as fine as one desires. I know of 5 fulling mills. A 
farm hand gets 100 Florins a year, a girl 50 Florins. 
There is a lack of all artisans, for, when an artisan 
has collected a sum of money in 3 or 4 years, maybe 
even ia 1 or 2 years, he buys a farm and mo;es into 
the country. 

There are found few stables and bams here, for they 
put the grain up in round piles and thresh it in good 
weather on the ground and because there are scarcely 
3 or 4 days of really cold weather when ice appears, 
they let their cattle run summer and winter in their 
inclosed woodlands. They either fell the large trees 
or take young stems and place them one upon another 
to the height of 6 feet and then let all cattle go where 
they please. They provide all the large cattle with 
bells of different tones in order to be able to find them 
among the many in case the farm is large, for every- 
body reserves woodland and firewood for himself. A 
teamster asks 5 Florins to drive a cart of wood to 
which he hitches 5 little horses. 

House rent is high because the houses are all built 
of bricks. The city has already 2000 houses occupied 
chiefly by English Quakers and merchants; it is situa- 
ted right on the river Delaware, as Mainz or Cologne on 
the Rhine, and has 2 fairs a year. According to appear- 
ances, plainness is vanishing pretty much. The dear 


An Early Description of Pennsylvcmia. 253 

old folks, most of whom are dead by this time, may 
have spoken to their children a good deal about plain- 
ness. It is still noticeable in the clothes except that 
the material is very costly, or is even velvet. Anything 
may be had at Flhiladelphia, but everything is twice as 
dear. A bottle of Cologne water of 15 Pfennig is here 
5 Groschen, an ivory comb 1 Groschen [Florin?], a 
dozen brass buttons, which cost 5, 6, -7 Kreutzer with 
yon, 6-10 Groschen. The wholesale trade is very brisk 
on account of the adjoining countries. The Palatineii 
have brought very many goods with them so that many 
a man has made up to 600 Florins by this trip, for 
everything was free because it was not examined in 
England. There were among the people some who to 
my knowledge had 40,000 sewing needles, a hundred 
of which cost in Holland up to 10 Groschen, here 2 
Thaler. One had sold 300 scythes here at 20 Groschen 
each. Gunpowder is 4 Groschen a pound in Holland, 
here 17 Groschen, a scythe-stone 1 Groschen, here 8 
Groschen, and one had several hundred stones etc., etc. 
P. S. I wrote you, when the first vessel left here, 
by what means a poor man, who has not even 5, 6, 7 
Thaler, may come over here. Now if God wishes to 
have you come here, he will also give you ways and 
means to do so. In case Mr. Kuster, as he desires, 
should obtain free passage from the king, see to it that, 
apart from the ship^s fare, you provide yourself with 
such food as you are accustomed to, dried bread, 
sausages, flour, butter, dried fruit, and something to 
move the bowels, because one easily gets constipated 
on shipboard. And if you, dear friends, should be 
expelled from a place and Gtod should desire to lead 
you here, cling then firmly to the arm of God, as chil- 
dren are wont to do, and do not worry, for where a 
father goes, who has plenty of everything, the children 
may easily follow. In all your doings let this be your 

Vol. XLV.— 18 

254 An Earljf Description of Pennsylvania. 

touch-stone, whether your heart is earthly. Seek only 
heavenly things, otherwise earthly things may flee 
away, or yon may have to leave them. May God goide 
yon according to His will 1 I greet yon all and remain, 

Yonrs affectionately, 

Joh. Chri^toph Saner 
Germantown, 2 leagues from Philadelphia, Dec, 1, 1724. 

Robert Street, Artist. 255 


Robert Street, paiater of portraits and historical 
subjects, was for many years a resident of Philadel- 
phia, where he did much excellent work. 

He was bom in 1796, and exhibited in the Pennsyl- 
vania Academy of the Fine Arts during the period 
between 1815-1817. In 1824 his portraits were shown 
in Washington, D. C, where he painted several well- 
known men. In 1835 Dunlap records the death of 
Street and the artist had the most unique experience 
of calling the author's attention to such a grave error. 
Dunlap corrects his error with many apologies in the 
New York Mirror of the issue of Feb. 28, 1835. In 
1840, Robert Street held an exhibition of his work 
showing over two hundred oil paintings of historical 
subjects, landscapes, and portraits. 

Catalogues of this exhibition are accessible, but un- 
fortunately they give little valuable information re- 
garding the portraits, as they are frequently recorded 
as merely **a portrait of a lady'* or a ** portrait of a 
gentleman.*' This Exhibition opened on November 
18, 1840, at the Artists' Fund Hall, Philadelphia. 

The following list of his paintings should be of in- 
terest to the student of American Art, as little or noth- 
ing has heretofore been published concerning the artist 
or his work. 

Mantle Fielding 
Germantown, Phil'. 


De Bignis, Signor (vocalist). Exhibited at Artists' 

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Blackburn, Dr. (of Illinois). Exhibited at Artists' 

Fund HaQ, Phila., 1840. 

256 Robert Street, Artist. 

Bonaparte, Joseph. Bust, 25" x 30". Owned by John 

F. Lewis, Phila. 
Chambers, Rev, John. Exhibited at Artists ' Fund Hall, 

Phila., 1840. 
Ghibson, John Bannister. Bust, 29"x36". Owned by 

Law Association of Phila. 
Pryor, Mr. Painted in 1821. Exhibited at Artists' 

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Rowland, Judge (of Phila.). Exhibited at Artists' 

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Russell, Henry (vocalist). Exhibited at Artists' Fund 

Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Shaw, Rosina (vocalist). Exhibited at Artists' Fund 

Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Shearer, Hon. Jacob. Exhibited at Artists' Fund Hall, 

Phila., 1840. 
Street, Mrs. Robt. (artist's wife). Exhibited at Artists' 

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Street (Son of Robert Street). Exhibited at Artists' 

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Washington, Geo. Bust, 25"x30". Owned by John 

F. Lewis, Phila. (Founded on the Houdon bust.) 


Maniac Assaulting His Keeper. Exhibited at Artists ' 

Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
Prophecy of Simeon (size 9 ft. x 12 ft.). Exhibited at 

Artists' Fund Hall, Philadelphia, 1840. 
Vision of Heaven. Exhibited at Artists' Fund Hall, 

Phila., 1840. 
View on Chesapeake Bay. Exhibited at Artists ' Fund 

HaQ, Phila., 1840. 
View of Columbia Rail Boad Bridge. Exhibited at 

Artists' Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 
View of Wissahickon Stream, Phila. Exhibited at 

Artists' Fund Hall, Phila., 1840. 

The Second Troop PhUadelphia City Cavalry. 257 



BT W. A. NEWIl&N DOBLAND, A.M., M.D., ir.A.C.S. 

Ifftjor, Mediekl Corp*, U. S. Army; formerly First Lieutenant and 
Surgeon of the Troop (April 1, 1898-NoTember 10, 1003.) 

[For Refereneet aee pages 278-29/.] 

Captaiks of the Old Teoop 

1. Owen Fanes, May, 1775— December 2, 1780 

2. David Snyder, Deo. 2, 1780— April, 1786 

3. Robert HopMna, April, 1786— May 24, 1788 

4. William Bingham, May 24, 1788— May 11, 1792 

5. Major William Jackson, May 11, 1792— July 9, 1793 

6. Abraham Singer, July 9, 1793—1802 

7. Joseph Borden McKean, 1802—1803 

8. Thomas Willing Francis, 1803— May 7, 1810 

9. Thomas Cadwalader, May 7, 1810— Aug. 1, 1814 

10. William Rawle, Jr., Aug. 1, 1814^-1817 

11. John Morris Scott, 1817—1819 

12. Benjamin Say, 1819-^uly 10, 1822 

13. Robert Mihior, July 10, 1822—1823 
Lieutenant Commandant G«orge Heberton Van Gklder 

1823— Nov. 1824 

14. John Price Wetherill, Nov. 1824r-Nov. 1838 

15. Thomas Tustin, Sept. 14, 1844^-April 2, 1846. 

16. John Barington, April 2, 1846— Feb. 12, 1848 

17. Charles H. Hunter, Feb. 14, 1848— August 20, 1850 

Captains op the Pbesbitt Tboop 
Lieut. Commandant Henry Douglas Hughes, Dec. 10, 


258 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Ganjolry. 

Frank A. Edwards, December 10, 1897-^une 4, 

Richard Tilghman, July 26, 1898— September 20, 

Frank Earle Schermerhom, October 14, 1898 — Oc- 
tober 22, 1908. 

John Penman Wood, October 30, 1908 — ^February 
20, 1911. 

Charles Welsh Edmimds, March 3, 1911— July 7, 

John William Good, July 16, 1914— 

John Burton Mustin^ 1919^ 

Chapteb I 


The battle of Lexington was fought on April 19, 1775. 
Five days later, on April 24, news of that memorable 
event reached Philadelphia. At about five o'clock in 
the afternoon of that day, a courier, a special express 
from Trenton, dust-begrimed and travel-stained, gal- 
loped down the Frankford road and into the bounds 
of the city, stopping at each tavern on the way long 
enough only to shout his stirring news, then on to the 
city hall. The fight for national liberty was on, and 
the next morning, April 25, everyone in the city of 
Philadelphia knew it. The important Committee of 
Correspondence of the City and County of Philadel- 
phia, whose authority was recognized and accepted by 
all, immediately convened and transacted what was, up 
to that time, the most important business that had 
come before it. A single brief resolution was passed: 
— **To associate together, to defend with arms their 
property, liberty, and lives against all attempts to de- 
prive them of it.'* It was evident that the time for 
organization, arming, drilling and marching had come. 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 259 

At once active enrollment began. In order to provide 
an armed force for the protection of the city it was 
agreed that * * two troops of light horse, two companies 
of riflemen, and two companies of artillery, with brass 
and iron field-pieces ' ' should be provided immediately,* 
There had already been organized, on November 17, 

1774, a troop of light horse, under the captaincy of 
Abraham Markoe, which ultimately became the famous 
First City Troop of Philadelphia. Enrollment in the 
other organizations authorized by the Committee pro- 
ceeded actively. On May 1, 1775, it was reported 
that * * Two troops of light horse are now raising. Two 
companies of expert Riflemen, and two companies of 
Artillerymen are forming. ^ ^ As early as May 10, 1775, 
some of the companies were ready to parade to re- 
ceive Congress and offer an honorable escort to John 
Hancock. At that time ^^the foot company and the 
riflemen turned out to meet the southern delegates to 
Congress at Gray's Ferry. *' 

April 25, 1775, must, therefore, be designated as the 
date of origin of the Second Troop of Light Horse, 
which in due course of time became known as the 
Second Troop of Philadelphia Light Horse, and ul- 
timately as the Second City Troop. So energetically* 
was the drilling persisted in that as early as June, 

1775, **the three battalions, mustering 1500 men, with 
the artillery companyof 150 men and 6 guns (two 12 
poimders and four brass 6 pounders), the troop of 
light horse [First City Troop], and several companies 
of light infantry, rangers,* and riflemen,^ in the whole 
about 2000 men, marched to the commons^' and pub- 
licly drilled. It was not until sometime later that the 
Second Troop of Light Horse had acquired sufficient 
proficiency in the manipulation of their horses and 
accoutrements to appear in public. 

For some time the two troops were indiscrimi- 
nately known as Philadelphia Light Horse or Philadel- 


260 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

phia Light Dragoons, but ultimately they were distin- 
guished as the First and Second Troops, or were 
frequently indicated by the names of their commanding 
officers. The historical records prove that even ante- 
dating the Eevolutionary period there was in 
Philadelphia a body of horse known as ** Light 
Dragoons, ^ ' which in all probability, was a survival of 
the '^ Independent Troop of Horse of Philadelphia 
City/* which was organized in 1756, and which served 
creditably in the French and Indian War. It is in- 
teresting to note on the muster-rolls of tiie Light 
Dragoons of later date many of the names of the mem- 
bers of the Independent Troop. 

But little is known of the doings of the Second Troop 
of Light Horse, which was authorized on April 25, 
1775, during the first year of its existence. It is 
recorded that in the last week of May, 1776, General 
Washington, the members of Congress, and Generals 
Gates and Thomas Mifflin received the four battalions, 
the Bifle battalion, the Light Horse and three artillery 
companies of the city militia, amounting to near 2500 
men. In 1777, there is on file the first complete roster 
of the Second Troop, which was designated the County 
Troop, in order to distinguish it from the First, or 
City, Troop. This is a muster of the ** Light Dra- 
goons for the County of Philadelphia, with the Bat- 
talion they belong to annexed to their names, indudng 
part of the city. ' ' It is as follows : — ^ 

Captain, Owen Faries, 7. 
Lieutena/nt, David Snyder. 
Cornett, Casper Dull. 



' Griffith Jones, 7. " WiUiam Peast [Priest], 

• Simon Bennett, 2. 2. 

* George Haas, 7. " Jacob Benner, 7. 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 261 











Samuel Neswanger, 2. 

Charles Porter, 6, 

Jacob Gross, 6. 

Paul Cooklis [Corliest], 

Jacob Hopple, 2. 

Andrew Keen, 2. 

Jonathan Leech, 2. 

Henry Miller, 6. 

John Trocksell [Trox- 
sell], 1, 

Christian Steer, 6. 

Isaac Humphreys [Hum- 
phrey], 1. 

Thomas Vanderslice, 6. 

Robert Gregg, 1. 

John Nice, 4. 

John Hxmiphreys [Hxmi- 
phrey], 1. 

Jacob Markley, 4. 

Jacob Wollery [Wool- 
ery], 1. 

" Josiah Pawling, 3. 
"Nathan [Nathaniel] Vaur 
sandt, 2. 
Baker Bams, 1. 
" Jacob Funk, City. 
" Benjamin Watton [Wot- 

ten], 2. 
" Josiah Matlock [Mat- 
lack], 2. 
^ David Davis, 

Bobert Hopkins, City, 
" Isaac Keen, 2. 
» Edward D^uffield. 
^ Thomas Chappie [Chap- 
pel], 2. 
Abraham Duffield, 2. 
" George Benner, City. 
" John Brewner [Bruner] . 
" Samuel Boucher [Butch- 
er, 2. 
Nathaniel Bellew. 
John Braden, 

**Wm. Coats, Lieut. Philadelphia County.*' 

It is interesting to note that even at this early date 
in the list of privates of the Troop appear many names 
that ultimately became famous in Philadelphia annals, 
such as Hopkins, Duffield, Keen, Hxmiphreys, Davis, 
Jones, Leech and Matlack. 

The Militia Law of the Commonwealth, enacted by 
the General Assembly the 17th day of March, 1777, un- 
der which the Troop had been included in the organized 
militia of the city and county of Philadelphia, had 
become inefficient and no longer answered the desired 
purpose, A new law had become necessary, and an 
excellent conception of the composition of a troop of 
horse of this period may be entertained from the fol- 

262 The Second Troop Ph4iadelphia City Cavalry. 

lowing extracts, bearing upon the cavalry, taken from 
the law enacted March 20, 1780 entitled '*An Act for 
the Begolation of the Militia of the Commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania : ' ' — ^ 

**Sect. 8. And whereas it is expedient to embody 
such a number of light horse as will be useful when the 
militia is called into actual service; therefore, 

Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, 
That each of the lieutenants of the several counties 
of this state may form a corps of light horse, not to 
exceed six privates for each battalion of infantry in 
each county, to be taken distributively out of each, 
in case volunteers offer; otherwise at large, through- 
out the county; and the light horse shall be oflScered 
as light horse usually are, and shall be subject to ap- 
pear upon muster days, and shall turn out in classes as 
other militia ; . . . . 

* * Sect. 9. And be it further enacted by the authority 
aforesaid. That the Troop of light horse in the city 
of Philadelphia shall be limited to the number of fifty, 
exclusive of oflScers ; the vacancies thereof to be filled 
in the manner heretofore practiced ; and the said troop 
shall be liable to appear on muster days, and to be 
called out into service as other militia; and the light 
horse of this state when in actual service shall be sub- 
ject to the same rules and regulations as the foot militia, 
and to like fines and penalties for neglect of meeting 
on muster days or turning out on their tour when 
thereunto called ; such fines and penalties to be appro- 
priated as the fines and penalties for like offenses in 
other cases. ' ' 

The two City Troops of Light Horse shared in the 
honor of participating in the first celebration of the 
Fourth of July, of which the following interesting ac- 
count is preserved'*: — ^*'Last Friday the 4th of July, 
[1777], being the anniversary of the Independence of 
the United States of America, was celebrated in this 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 263 

city with demonstrations of joy and festivity. About 
noon all armed ships and gallies in the river were 
drawn np before the city, dressed in the gayest man- 
ner, with the colours of the United States and streamers 
displayed. At one o'clock, the yards being properly 
manned, they began the celebration of the day by a 
discharge of thirteen cannon from each of the ships>, 
and one from each of the thirteen gallies, in honor of 
the Thirteen United States. In the afternoon an 
elegant dinner was prepared for Congress, to which 
were invited the President and Supreme Executive 
Council, and Speaker of the Assembly of this State, 
the Greneral OflScers and Colonels of the army, and 
strangers of eminence, and the Members of the sev- 
eral Continental Boards* in town. The Hessian band 
of music, taken in Trenton the 26th of December last, 
attended and heightened the festivity with some fine 
performances suited to the joyous occasion, while a 
corps of British deserters, taken into the service of the 
continent by the State of Georgia, being drawn up be- 
fore the door, filled up the intervals with feux de joie. 
After dinner a number of toasts were drank all breath- 
ing independence and a generous love of liberty, and 
commemorating the memories of those brave and 
worthy patriots who gallantly exposed their lives, and 
fell gloriously in defence of freedom and the righteous 
cause of their country. Each toast was followed by 
a discharge of artillery and small arms, and a suitable 
piece of music by the Hessian band. The glorious 
fourth of July was reiterated three times, accompanied 
with triple discharges of cannon and small arms, 
and loud huzzas that resounded from street to street 
through the city. Towards evening several troops of 
horse, a corps of artillery, and a brigade of North 
Carolina forces, which was in town on its way to join 
the grand army, were drawn up in Second street, and 
reviewed by Congress and the General OflScers. The 

264 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

evening was closed with the ringing of bells, and at 
night there was a grand exhibition of fire works (which 
began and concluded with thirteen rockets) on the Com- 
mons, and the city was beautifully illuminated. Every- 
thing was conducted with the greatest order and de- 
corum, and the face of joy and gladness was universal. 
Thus may be the fourth of July, that glorious and 
ever memorable day, be celebrated through America, 
by the sons of freedom, from age to age till time shall 
be no more. Amen and Amen.'* 

The intense interest exhibited by Captain Faries in 
the welfare of his Troop is shown by the following 
letter which is characteristic of the time : — ^ 

**To His Excellency Joseph Beed Esq' President 
of the Supreme Executive Council of the Com- 
monwealth of Pennsylvania. 
*' Esteemed Sir, 

** Necessity absolute necessity, compels me to apply 
in Behalf of the Troop raised in Philad* County, for 
a few Horsemen Swords, as they cannot properly 
Equip themselves under two months, knowing that it 
is a Desire near to your Heart that they Should be 
properly trained, it Lnboldened me to make this ap- 

* * Suffer me to assure your Excellency that we shall 
be ready at your call, & allways happy to have you 
at the head of us. 

** Should the favour be granted us of 30 Swords, I 
will be accountable for them, & return them Whenever 
I am ordered. 

& I am Sir, with Esteem 

Your most obe* servt. 
^'GermanTown, 5*^May, 1780.'* ** Owen Ferris*' 

What actual service the Troop saw during the earlier 
Revolutionary times is not known. It is probable that 
for a time, at least, it constituted a portion of the 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 265 

Home Gxiard, and as such it is known to have partici- 
pated on Tuesday, May 23d, 1780, in a review of the 
militia of the city and adjoining districts by President 
Steed of the State/^ Upon this occasion, **The Artil- 
lery, Infantry and Light Horse, together amounted to 
Two Thousand Nine Hundred and Sixty. The whole 
made a very handsome appearance, and gave the 
highest satisfaction to the friends of Liberty and the 
Independence of America. Major-General St. Clair, 
Major-General Wayne, and other Gentlemen of the 
army were present : And the citizens under arms were 
peculiarly gratified with the presence of his Excellency 
the Chevalier de la Luzerne, Minister of France, who 
has on all occasions shewn the closest attention to the 
interest and honor of America, and on the present 
occasion expressed great pleasure at the martial ap- 
pearance of the militia.*' 

President Beed was so pleased at the showing of 
the military that he issued the following notice : — ^ 

* * The President of the State with pleasure embraces 
the first public opportunity to thank the Gentlemen 
of the Tboops op Light Hobse, of Artillery and 
Infantry Miutia, for their numerous and military 
appearance last Tuesday — so respectable a body of 
Citizens armed in defence of American Liberty, after 
five years cruel war waged against it, must afford true 
delight to every lover of his country, and strike our 
enemies, both internal and external, with despair. The 
spirit and attention shown by the oflScers in so short 
a time since their appointment, is a most happy omen 
of their future improvement and success, and we may 
justly flatter ourselves, that their example will diflhise 
its influence through the whole State, combining the 
three great qualities which constitute the Patriot Sol- 
dier, Courage, Discipline, and an Ardent Love of his 

266 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

Chaptbb n. 


Shortly after this review, on June 17, 1780, there 
appeared another roster of the Troop." The officers 
at this time were: — 

Captain, Owen Faries. 
First Lieutenant, John Dover.** 
Second Lieutenant, David Snyder. 

Cornet, Casper Dull. 

The advance of the British forces toward Philadel- 
phia brought to the Troop its first tour of duty. Late 
in June, 1780, it was placed on waiting orders, as the 
following letter indicates : — ^ • 

'*To the Hon'ble, the Supreme Executive Council of the 

State of Pennsylvania. 
* * Gentlemen, 

Agreeable to the Eesolve of Coimcil of 15th June 
last, the Lieutenant of the County of Philadelphia begs 
leave to report that in consequence of the orders con- 
taiaed in said Eesolve, the Gbntlemen composing the 
Troop of Light Dragoons, belonging to said County, 
are duly noticed to hold themselves in readiness to 
March at a short Notice, and Agreeable to Notice given 
the Troop, Assembled together at Flower Town in said 
County, on Monday, the 25th of June [1780], when 
the Lieutenant had the Satisfaction to find the Troop 
in General well mounted and Equipt. 

*'I have the Honor to remain the Councils 

Most Obed' Humble Servt. 

**Wm. Coats, Lieut. C. P.'' 
^^Philada., July 5, 1780.'' 

Lnmediately after this the Troop was ordered into 
active service, with the other Philadelphia troops, to 


in the poBM>4Bii>ii nf hin p'>iiiil<laiight*^r, 

A. M. Stewnrt. of rhila<<i-)phia 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 267 

take part in the New Jersey campaign which centered 
in and around Trentoo/* During liiis tour of duty, 
under its efficient captain, Owen Faries, it was called 
upon to perform numerous and arduous tasks which 
were all cheerfully and ably carried out, and that with- 
out any compensation, at the time, from the Govern- 
ment. For we learn that throughout this entire period 
the Troop was compelled to rely for sustenance solely 
upon its own financial resources, supplemented by the 
generous liberality of its officers. At a subsequent date 
an effort was made to secure from the State a re- 
muneration for the funds thus consumed, and there is 
extant a petition having this object in view, addressed 
to the Governor of Pennsylvania, couched in the quaint 
phraseology of the time and characterized by the usual 
magnificently reckless disregard of the laws of orthog- 
raphy, punctuation and capitalization : — ^*^ i 

*'June ye 26th, 1781. 

**To his Excellency the President & the Honourable 
Council of the State of Pennsylvania. 

**The Philadelphia County Light Horse being sen- 
sible of the Respect and Attention that always should 
be i>aid to our President, present their Compliments 
and request that the Sixpences & Cost that occur 'd 
last year when called to the City of Philadelphia and 
from thence to Trenton; should be taken into Con- 
sideration and that the Couinty Lieutenants should have 
orders to adjust and pay them of, flattering ourselves 
with the Hopes of that we marched with cheerfulness 
and performed with Diligence Every order that was 
Issued, we have not the least doubt but you are 
Conscious of the Extravagant prices we paid whilst 
we lay in the City and of the sums we laid out whilst 
in the Jersey, as none of the Inhabitants would take no 
Certificates when we ware sent on Command we beg 
leave to assure you that there are several more Ex- 


268 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

penses which we dont charge (tho' paid,) and Cannot 
at present obtain receipts for. Now that we are called 
to hold ourselves in readiness at a moments warning 
we mean to obey with spirit and wish only for our 
President to Command us. 

**Col. Coats has assured us that he lay before your 
Honorable Body our receipts for the sums we laid out 
which we requested should be Liquidated. 

** Signed in Behalf of the Troop. 

*' David Snyder, Capten. 
Abraham Duffield, Lt- 
Casper Dull, Conf 
* * Directed, 
To His Excellency, Joseph Reed, Esq'., President of 
;t Pennsylvania. ' ' 

This petition elicited the following response :— ** 

''Col. Wm. Coats, Lt. of P» C, 

Having received an Account of the Expences of the 
Philad. Light Horse during the late Tour, I embraced 
the first opp^ to lay the same before the Council, who 
are disposed to make every reasonable Gratification. 
As it is the first Time we have had an Application of 
this Nature & the Account only contains Names & Sums 
it has been concluded to refer the Account to yourself, 
Col. [George] Smith, & Col. [William] Dean« to liqui- 
date, & after examining the vouchers to report to this 
Board what Sum will be just and reasonable, having on 
the one Hand due Regard to the Men & on the other 
to the publick Interest, in which you will consider that 
what is now done will on future Occasions be a Pre- 
cedent, not only to this Troop, but to all others within 

the State 

"I am. Sir, with due Esteem 

Your Obed. Hbbl. Serv. 
"1781, July 12th. '^ "Joseph Reed.'^ 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 269 

The result of the investigatiaQ was as follows : — ^ 

**To His Excellency, Joseph Beed, Esq'., President 
of the State of Peimsylvaaia. 

Agreahle to your order from Councill dated July 
12th, we have call'd on the Gentlemen of the Troop 
of Light Horse of the County of Philad% to produce 
to us their accounts and Vouchers of their Expend- 
itures when out on the last tour of Duty, and agreable 
to Notiss given we had a full meeting, when it appeared 
that part of the Troop that had done equal duty with 
the others, had kept no account and had no Vouchers 
to produce, not expecting to receive any compensation, 
sixteen of the Troop produced Vouchers, from which 
we where under the Necessity of Averaging a price ^ 
be allowed to each man when on Command by detach- 
ment and where no Provision had been maid for their 
support, aud after mature Consideration have agreed 
that each Person be allowed for two meals ^ day, one 
gill of Bum, twelve quarts of Oats and Hay at night 
for his Horse, the sum of Six Shillings specie the ac- 
count of the number of Days that each person searv'd 
with the amount of what appears to us should be paid 
him accompanies this, which we beg leave to lay before 
Coxtocil, we have the Honour to remain your Exellen- 
cies and the Councils most Obedient Humble Servants, 

I **Wm. Coats, Lieutenant, C-P. 

George Smith, Sub. Lieut. C.P. 
Wm. Deak, Sub. Lieut. C.P. 
**Philad* County Abington, August 18**, 1781.'^ 

One week after the receipt of this letter the minutes 
of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania 
show the following entry under the date of August 24, 
1781: — ^^'An order was drawn on the Treasurer in 
favor of Captain Snyder, of the Philadelphia County 
Troop of Light Horse, for the sum of fifty-two pounds 

Vol. XLV.— 19 

270 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

fourteen shillings and six pence, State money, of the 
seventh of April, 1781, amount of an account of the ex- 
penses of the said troop while on command on a late 
call of militia.*'" i 

The active interest taken by Captain Fanes in the 
cause of the Colonists up to the time of his retirement 
from the Troop is shown by the following letter written 
at this time, probably to the Commander of the Amer- 
ican forces in the vicinity during the British occupa- 
tion of Philadelphia : — ^* 

**Sir, — The Bearer Mr. Eudy goes With four 
Deserters which we took up back of Germantown in 
the Woods concealed. Major Bensell was along with 
me but we gave up any Claim to the Reward & hope 
you will pay the four Militiamen who go along four 
half Joes^' or the Exchange as it Will be a further 
Incouragement to the people. 

I am Your Most Obedt. Servt. 
*' Germantown, 7 Oct, 1780.'' * '*Owen Ferris.'' 

About a month after the return of the Troop to 
Philadelphia from the New Jersey campaign Captain 
Faries was compelled to relinquish his command on 
account of his removal from his home in Germantown 
to Philadelphia. His resignation was announced on 
November 20, 1780, and an election for his successor 
was held on the morning of December 2d, according to 
the following public notices: — 

** Public Notice" is hereby given to the Gentlemen 
of the Troop of Light Dragoons, of the County of 
Philadelphia, That it is expected they will meet the 
Lieutenant of the County on Monday, the 20"* instant, 
at the House of Capt [Eobert] Greggs, late Wright's 
Tavern, precisely at Eleven o 'Clock in the Morning, 
on Business of Lnportance. 

*^ William Coats,^^ Lieut. C.P." 
''Philadelphia County, Nov. 14, 1780." 


The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 271 

*' Public Notice'^* is hereby given to the Gentlemen 
of the Tboop of Light Hobse of the County of Phila- 
delphia, that on Saturday the 2^ of December next, at 
Eleven 'Clock in the Morning, at the House of Cap- 
tain [Robert] Gregs, late Wright's Tavern, An Elec- 
tion will be held for the Choice of a Captain to 
command the said Troop, the late Captain having 
resigned. The Gentlemen are desired to be p»unctual 
in their Attendamce, and are further Notified (by the 
unanimous Vote of the Troop at their last Meeting) 
that no Gentlemen will be allowed a Vote, unless he 
appears properly uniformed and equipped. 

'*Wm. Coats, Lieut. F.C' 

''Philadelphia County, November 23,1780'* 

David Snyder, the former Second Lieutenant of the 
Troop, attained the captaincy at this time, while Abra- 
ham Duffield was elected to the Lieutenaacy." 

At this period in the history of the Troop as a mili- 
tary organization there seems to have been in vogue 
a system of rotation in office which was abolished at 
a subsequent date. For we find, in 1777, a roster nam- 
ing Owen Faries (or Farris — ^the orthography varies) 
as captain. Three years later, in 1780, Faries is still 
captain, John Dover holds the first lieutenancy, and 
David Snyder the second lieutenancy. Toward the 
close of the same year — 1780 — Snyder advances to the 
captaincy, while Faries heads the list of privates, who 
are designated in the official report as ** dragoons." 
This may have been by special arrangement, however, 
Faries having been satisfied with the honor of holding 
the command of the Troop, and, not willing to sever 
completely his connection with the organizatiotn, volun- 
tarily relinquishing the obligations and burdens which 
necessarily devolves upon the commanding officer, and 
resuming his place in the rank and file. As far as we 
know, there are but two other instances of such an 

272 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

occurrence in the history of the Troop, namely, in the 
cases of Captain William Rawle, Jr., and Captain 
Benjamin Say, whose names are included in the rosters 
of the Troop subsequent to their tenure of office. 

The Troop remained at home for a year after the New 
Jersey campaign. In April, 1781, the following notice 
appeared :" 

* * Public Notice is hereby given, To the Gentlemen 
of the Tboop of Light Hobse for the county of Phila- 
delphia, that Monday, the 21st of May, is appointed for 
the Troop to meet, at the House of Captain [Robert] 
Gbegs [sic] y id. said County, at Ten o'clock in the morn- 
ing. It is expected that every Grentleman of the Troop 
will appear properly Equipt and Accoutred, etc. 

** William Coats, Lieutenant Philadelphia County. *' 
*'April25, [1781]. '^ 

'On August 30, 1781, the Troop participated in an 
escort to Gteneral Washington and other distinguished 
officers who were about to leave the city for the cam- 
paign in the South." Immediately following the depar- 
ture of the American army on September 21st, *4t was 
feared that the unprotected state of the country might 
tempt the British to make a descent upon Philadelphia 
from New York.'* The Pennsylvania militia were, 
accordingly, ordered to hold themselves in readiness 
for instant service, as the petition, already quoted, 
states. A portion of the city and county troops, in- 
cluding the light horse, together with commands from 
other portions of the State, were ordered to rendezvous 
at Newtown, Bucks County, and a lookout was also 
established at Cape May. 

John Humphreys was the Quartemmster of the 
Troop at this time, and there is on record a series of 
Quartermaster's Reports, signed by him, for rations 
furnished ** Captain David Snyder's Troop of Light 
Dragoons of Philadelphia County. *'•* From these re- 
ports, which are here reproduced in full, we learn that 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 273 

on September 27, 1781, the Troop mustered one captain, 
one lieutenant, and twenty men in the rank and file. 
Pour days later, on October 1, the roll showed one 
captain, one lieutenant and thirty-four men in the rank 
and file. On October 5, it included one captain, one 
lieutenant, one quartermaster, and thirty-three men in 
the rank and file; while on October 8, there are noted 
one captain, one lieutenant, one comet, one quarter- 
master, and thirty-four men in the rank and file — ^a 
most curious condition of ebullition on troop affairs. 
The Quartermaster's Beports for the Newtown cam- 
paign are as follows : — 

** Provision Betum for Capt. David Snyder's M. L. 

Dragoons, Philada. County 

Newtown September 27*^, 1781. 
** David Snyder, Captain. 

Capt Lt Bank ft file. Ratlona. Dayi. TotaL 

1 1 20 22 2 44 

'*Beced. the above. 
John Humphrey, Qr. M.'* 

** Provision Betum of Capt. David Snyder M. L. 


^'Nutown September 29^ 1781. 

Capt Lt Rank A file. for two days. 

1 1 20 24 48 

David Snyder, Captain 
''Becd. forty Eight Bations. 
John Humphrey, Q. M.^' 

** Provision Betum for Capt. David Snyder T. L. 


Newtown October V^ 1781. 

Capt Lt Bank A file. for two days. 

1 1 34 38 76 

** David Snyder, Captain. 
^^Beceived Seventy Six Bations. 
John Humphrey.'* 

274 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

** Provision Betnm of Capt. David Snyders M. L. 


Newtown Oct. 3*^ 1781. 

Capt. Lt Rank A file. for two dayi. 

I 1 34 38 76 

**AbrnL Doffield, Lieut.'' 

** Provision Return of Capt. David Snyders M. L. 


*^ Newtown Oct. 5^ 1781. 

Capt Lt Or. M. Rank A file. For three or three days 

days. Rations. 

II 1 33 38 114 

* * Sr. please Issue two Days Bum for the above men. 

''By Order of J. Hanna, A. D. 0. 
'*Colo. Crispin. 

''David Snyder, Captain. 
"Beceived one hundred and fourteen Bations for 
three days provisions and two days Bum. 

"John Humphrey." 

"Provision Betum of Capt. David Snyder Light 
Dragoon Philad^a County Militia. 

"Newtown Octo'r 8^ 1781. 

Captain. Lt Cornet Qr. M. Rank A file, for two days. 

III 1 34 78 

"David Snyder, Captain. 
"Beceived seventy Eight Bations 

"David Davis.'' 

"Provision Betum of Capt. David Snyder M. L. 


"Oct. 14^ 1781. 

Capt Lt Comet Qr. M. Rank A file. 

1 1 1 1 31 38 76 for two days. 

David Snyder, Capt. 
"Beceived Seventy Six Bations. 

"John Humphrey, Q. M.'' 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 275 

** Provision Return of Capt. David Snyder's M. L. 


** Newtown Oct. 16^ 1781. 

Capt. Lt Cornet Qr. M. Rank 6t file. 

1 1 1 1 31 38 for one day. 

** David Snyder, Captain. 
*'Rec'd thirty Eight Rations. 

*'John Humphrey, Q. M.'' 

* * This is to Certify that Samuel Butcher hat a four 
Horse waggan to Haul the Baggage for the Troops of 
Light Dragoons Philad'a County Militia in Lnploy- 
ment for Twenty Two Days. 
** Newtown October 16*^, 1781. 

*' David Snyder, Capf 

**To Col. [William] Dean, S. L. C. P.^' 

The camp at Newtown was struck on October 20th, 
the troops returning to Philadelphia. The surrender 
of Lord Comwallis on October 19*^ virtually ended the 
war, although the treaty of peace was not signed at 
Paris until 1783. With the cessation of camp duty the 
Troop resumed the usual routine of a militia organiza- 
tion. On Saturday, November 3*, 1781, an interesting 
event occurred. On that day twenty-four stands 
of British colors, taken at Yorktowtn, reached Phila- 
delphia and were escorted into town by the local volun- 
teer cavalry including the city and county troops. The 
trophies were carried down High [Market] street, 
preceded by the French and American colors and taken 
to the State House,*^ where they were presented to Con- 
gress, thetti in session, and * * laid at their feet. ' '" 

The usual spring and fall days of exercise, as ap- 
I)ointed by the militia law, were carefully observed by 
the Troop, as is indicated by the following public 
notices :" — 

** Philadelphia county, April 3, 1782. Notice ia 
hereby given to the teoop of ught hobsb that they are 

276 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

to meet Colonel [Eobert] Correy's" battalion, on Mon- 
day the 27** of May; the place of rendezvous will be 
at the late dwelling of Colonel Archibald Thomson" 
[sic] J deceased, in Norrington [Noniton] Township :•• 
It is expected the troop will attend at eleven o'clock in 
the morning, properly eqnipt and accontered [sic]. 
The fines for non-attendance are as follows : that if any 
commissioned officer shall neglect or refuse to attend 
on any of the days appointed for exercise in companies 
as aforesaid (unless prevented by sickness or some 
other unavoidable accident,) such commissioned officer 
shall forfeit and pay the price of three days labour : and 
any non-commissioned officer or private, and all en- 
rolled persons, so refusing or neglecting (except as 
before excepted) shall forfeit and pay the price of one 
and a half day 's labour ; and on a battalion day, a field 
officer shall forfeit and pay the price of six days labour, 
and a commissioned officer under that rank the price 
of four days labour, and a non-commissioned officer or 
private, and all enrolled persons, refusing to meet and 
exercise, the price of two days labour, (excepting as 
before excepted). 

** William Coats, lieutenant of Phila. county/' 
**The Teoop op Light Hobse are notified" to meet 
Tuesday, the 26*^ of November [1782], at 10 o'clock in 
the morning, at Chestnut-hill, the place of * rendezvous' 
of the 7** or Germantown battalion [Colonel Matthew 
Holgate] : They will be careful to appear properly 
equipped and accoutred. 


On May 13 of this year [1782] the French minister, 
Luzerne," formally announced to Congress the birth 
of the Dauphin of France. On this occasion he was 
esscorted to the State House by the City Light Horse 
[First City Troop], and was there received by the Con- 
tinental troops, as well as by the County Troops, and 
the City ArtUlery." 

The Second Troop Ph4ladelphia City Cavalry. 277 

Lying, as it did, on the outskirts of the city, the 
County Troop was compelled to cover much territory 
in its troop drills and exercises. Gtermantown, Chest- 
nut Hill, Frankford, Oxford township, Bustleton and 
other boroughs were the scene of its manoeuver, as the 
following, and other, notices indicate: — 

* * The Tboop of Light Hobse of the county of Philar 
delphia, will please to take notice, that they are to meet, 
properly equipt and accoutred, on Monday the 16*^ of 
June next, at 10 o 'clock in the morning, at the house of 
Captain Eckart, at Whitemarsh. 

**Wm. Coats, Lieutenant P. C.'"* 
''Philadelphia County, May 31, 1783/^ 

''PuBMO NOTICE is hereby given to tiie Tboop op Light 
Hobse of the County of Philadelphia to meet on the 
2(P of Oct., [1783], at Busseltoun [sic] to join the First 
Battalion, commanded by Col. Benjamin M'Veagh.^ 
'*Wm. Coats, Lieut, of the County of Philadelphia.^^ 

* ' The Tboop op Hobse will meet the Second Battalion, 
commanded by Colonel [Matthew] Holgate," the 4**" of 
May, at Germantown. 

**WiLiiiAM Coats, 
Lieutenant of the County of Philadelphia. ' ^* 
^* April 17, 1784.'' 

''The TBOOP OP hobse will take notice to meet the 
fifth battalion, commanded by Col. [Matthew] Jones, 
on Fbiday the 22^ of October [1784], at the place of 
rendezvous, near the Merion Meeting House, on Lan- 
caster Boad. 

** William Coats, 
Lieutenant of the County of Philadelphia. ^ "* 

With the single exception of the voluntary retirement 
of the Comet, Casper Dull, no changes are noted in the 
list of officers of the Troop for some time. Thus, we 
find, in 1784, **A Return of the Officers of the Troop 

278 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

of Light Horse of the Connty of Philadelphia,^' as 
follows : — ''* 

** David Snyder, Captain. 
Abraham Duffield, Lieutenant. 
Isaac Hnmphries [Humphreys], Comet. 
^^Philada County, March 9*^, 1784. 

^*Wm. Coats, Lieut. C. P.'' 
* * Directed, 

John Armstrong, Esq. Secretary.'' 


^8charf and Westcott, vol. i, pp. 295-6. 

* P&nneylviinia Paoket, May 1, 1775. 

* Pewnsylva/Ma Packet, June 6 and 12, 1775. 

^The ranyers were ''regular or irregular troops or other armed men, 
employed in ranging oyer a region either for its protection or as ma- 
rauders.^ Military rangers are generally mounted, but may fight on 
foot if occasion requires. — Century Diotionary. 

^Riflemen, formerly, were men armed with the rifle, when most of 
infantry carried muskets. 

* Pennaylvania Archives, Second Series, vol. xiii, p. 593; also. Sixth 
Series, vol. i, p. 979. 

^ Oriffith Jones was married on October 31, 1760, to Janet Barr; and, 
in Zion Lutheran Church, on Deo^nber 9, 1774, to Rebecca Morgan, On 
July 24, 1776, he was gunner in the First Company of the Artillery 
Regiment. In December, 1776, he was a member of Captain Joseph 
Cowperthwaite's company of the First Philadelphia Battalion of Militia, 
On March 3, 1777, he was appointed by the Navy Board to command 
the Fire Ship "Strumbelto," On September 12, 1777, he was appointed 
Sergeant in the 6th Co., of the Artillery Regiment. He is recorded, in 
1777, as a member of Captain Faries Troop of Horse. He was a wealthy 
tanner, residing in Grermantown. That he was a man of considerable 
means is proved by his advertisement in October, 1780, offering "a re- 
ward of $4000 for information of persons who have been damaging 
his property." {Pennsylvania Packet, October 28, 1780.) He owned 
extensive lots on the e&st side of Front Street between Sassafras [Race] 
and Vine Streets {Pennsylvania Packet, June 19, 1783). In 1791, he 
is recorded at No. 259 South Third Street, as a house carpenter [builder]. 

* Simon Bennett, probably the son of Abraham Bennett and Mary 
Harrison, who were married in March, 1749; on August 13, 1777, was 
appointed a member of the Committee for Lower Dublin township to 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 279 

drive off the cattle on the approach of the British. On July 3, 1792, 
he was elected Captain of the County Troop of Horse. His son, Samuel 
Bennett J merchant, of Philadelphia, was married on NoTember 23, 1796, 
tto Ruth Dohel, of Bristol. A John Bennett, in 1794, was a private in 
the 3d Company, 4th Regiment PhUa. City Militia^ Col. Andrew Guyer. 

* George Haae, of the Northern Liberties, was married in Zion Luth- 
eran Church, on April 5, 1768, to Ma/rgaaet Hagin, He died on Decem- 
ber 1, 1811, leaving an estate of $4000, for which letters of adminis- 
tration were granted to Zaohariah Bowman, His grandson, George 
Haas, (bom in 1823), died on October 24, 1849, at his home, Meeting 
House Lane, Grermantown, in his 27th year. 

'^WiUiam Priest [probably the correct spelling], died on February 
20, 1791, intestate, and letters of administration were granted to Mary 
Lodge, A WilUam H, Priest was living in Philadelphia in 1844. 

^ Jacob Benner, 8r,, in 1786, lived in New Street near Third, and, 
in May, 1786, he and his son, Jacob Benner, Jtr,, mariner, were executors 
for George Benner, brother of Jacob Benner, Sr. In 1788, Jacob Ben- 
ner, JSfr., lived in Bustleton, in the township of Lower Dublin. In 1791, 
he is recorded as a brickmaker at No. 72 Elm Street. He died on 
Septanber 22, 1793, leaving a son, Jacob Benner, Jr, In 1785, a pri- 
ate in the Sixth Company, 4th Battalion, Col. William Wills; married, 
on July 4, 1790, in Zion Lutheran Church, to Margaret ta Bartils), and 
three daughters — Margaret, Elizabeth, and 8ophia^-one of whom was 
married to Peter Rees. His widow Mary Benner, died in 1828. A 8ar(ih 
fienner, widow of Jacob Beimer, was bom in 1760, and died at her 
residence. Spruce Street above Thirteenth, on June 2, 1840, in her 80th 

^Bomuel Nesumnger {NeMwinger) , of Lower Dublin township, Phila- 
delphia County, was one of a Committee appointed, on July 12, 1777, 
for Oxford, Lower Dublin, Moreland and Byberry townships, to drive 
off the live stock as soon as the British should appear. He owned a 
water gristmill in Lower Dublin. His will was made in 1798; and he 
died in 1805, leaving a son, Samuel "Neswanger, Jr,, (died June 6, 1824), 
who was always an invalid; a daughter, Ann (wife of George Sommers), 
and a daughter, Elizabeth (wife of Enoch Addis), 

^ Jacob Gross died about June 20, 1809, letters of administration 
being granted to Dorothy Gross, and security being given by George 
Gross, Jacob Gross and John Gross, cordwainers. 

^^ Andrew Keen, son of Dcmiel Keen (bom in Oxford township, Phila- 
delphia County, in 1722-23) and Elizabeth MoCarty (married Janu- 
ary 6, 1751-2), was bom, in Philadelphia, August 6, 1752, and baptized 
at Trinity Church in Febraary, 1753. From July 14,1776, to February, 
1777, he was a private in Captain Rudolph's Neff's company of Colonel 
Robert Lewis J. Deane's Regiment of Foot.. In September, 1777, he 
joined the cavalry, in Captain James Craig's troop, and then the Troop 
of Horse commanded by Captain Fearis [Faries], in which organiza- 
tion he remained until the middle of July, 1778. He was subsequently 
called out twice, serving several weeks each time. On April 8, 1777^ 

280 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

he was married, in Old Swedes' Church, to Margaret Toy (bom Janu- 
ary 22, 1766; died in Philadelphia, March 6, 1839, aged 83 years), 
daughter of EUas and Barbara Toy, her father being a descendant of 
BUas Toy, a Swede of New Jersey, who was bom in October, 1664, and 
his wife, Oertrude NeUon (bom in 1671; married in February, 1690). 
A personal commutiication from Andrew Keen's great-granddaughter, 
Mrs. B. 9. Banks, of Philadelphia^ states that "he fought in the battles 
of Monmouth, Trenton, Assanpink Crecdc, and Princeton, and in the skir- 
mish near Holmesburg. He served with the rank of Major on the 
staff of Qeneral Washington, and was present at the crossing of the 
Delaware. He also witnessed the execution of Major Andre." He died, 
in Philadelphia, on August 3, 1838, aged 87 years. — Qregory B, Keen, 
"The Descendants ci JOren Kyn, the Founder of Upland." 

^Jonatha/n Leech, yeoman, of Lower Dublin township, Philadelphia 
County, died in May, 1825. He was unmarrried, and left his estate to 
his sisters, Hannah, wife of Malachi Fiaher, and Rehecoa, wife of Cfeorge 
Terkee. His will was made on February 28, 1811. 

^ Henry Miller, baker and shopkeeper of the city and county of Phila- 
delphia, died shortly after October 26, 18(^ (the date of his will), 
leaying his estate to his wife, Mary Miller (late Steelman), On April 
15, 1786, he was commissioned First Lieutenant in Capt. Christian Shaf- 
fer's Fourth Company, Fourth Battalion, Col. John Shee, His brother 
was Ohriatian MUler, 

"John TrookaeU, [Troael or TrocneW], in 1777, was Second Lieutenant 
in the First Company, Fourth Battalion, Philadelphia County Associa- 
tors. On October 1, 1778, he was a private in the Tenth Pennsylvania 

^Ohrietian Steer was naturalized in Upper Milford, Bucks County 
Pa., on September 18, 1763. 

^ Isaac Humphreys and John Humphreys were probably sons of Jona- 
than Humphreys and Sarah Doughty, and brotiiers of Jaooh Humphreys 
(bom in Bucks County, Pa., in 1751; married at the Haverford Meeting 
house, on July 13, 1773, to Sarah James; Captain in the Sixth Penn- 
sylvania Regiment on February 15, 1777; claiming rank from Septem- 
ber 8, 1776; engaged in the battles of Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, 
Qermantown and Yorktown, serving in the Southern campaign; trans- 
ferred, on January 1, 1783, to the First Pennsylvania Regiment, and 
serving to June 3, 1783 ; resided subsequently in West Fallowfield, Ches- 
ter Coimty, Pa.; elected to the L^slature in 1814-15; in July 1825, 
one of the County (commissioners to receive General Lafayette; died 
January 21,. 1826, aged 75 years) and Whitehead Humphreys (bom 
March 20, 1733-34; died September 3, 1786). steelmaker and distiller; 
and grandsons of Daniel Humphreys and Hannah Wynne. Isaac Hum- 
phreys was bom in Bucks County, Pa., and was married in old Swedes' 
Church, on January 18, 1780, to Jane Brown. In 1781, he was ap- 
pointed Collector of Taxes for Upper Dublin Township. 

^Thomas VandersUoe^s son, Henry VandersUce, was married, in St. 
Michael's and Zion Church, on November 28, 1798, to Else Price {AUoe 
Preish), widow. 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 281 

'^Robert Qregg married /eimeti O'Neal on September 25, 1766. In 
October, 1776, he was Second Lieutenant in Wayne's Fourth Battalion. 
On January 8, 1776, he was again commissioned Second Lieutenant in 
the Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion; and, on January 1, 1777, attained 
the rank of .First Lieutenant. On June 7, 1777, he was commissioned 
Captain in the Fifth Pennsylvania Regiment, retiring on July 1, 1778. 
He became the proprietor of an inn in the County of Philadelphia in 
1780, which was formerly known as Wrigkt'B Tavern, (It was at this 
Tavern that David Snyder, in 1780, was elected to the command of the 
Second City Troop.) On June 17, 1700, he is recorded as living in Upper 
Makefleld Township, Bucks County, four miles from Newtown {Pem^ 
tyUwnia Packet, June 17, 1700). 

'John Niee [de Neue], son of John Nice (died in March, 1704; his 
will was made on March 12, 1708), who, on October 30, 1767, married 
his second wife Margaret Cofpn; was bom in Germantown, January 
20, 1730, and died there on July 6 (September 26), 1806, aged 67 years. 
In May, 1760, he was commissioned an Ensign in the 7th Co., of the 
Pennsylvania Regiment by Governor (Colonel) John Penn; and in 
September, 1763, (Governor James Hamilton commissioned him a Captain 
in the colonial service. In 1772, he married fiarah, daughter of Colonel 
Jacob Bngle (bom in 1727; died on Wednesday, February 20, 1700, in 
his 72d year), of Germantown, who survived him, and by her had 
five children — Jamee^ Mary, Ann^ Waehmgtony and Levi, On March 16, 
1776, when 37 years old, he was appointed a Captain in a battalion of 
musketmen in Colonel Samuel Miles' Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, 
which was attached to the Flying Camp. He was, together with Colonel 
Miles and his regiment, captured by the British at the battle of Long 
Island on August 27, 1776 {Scharf and Weatoott, vol. i, p. 331 ) , but was 
exchanged on December 0, 1776, and became, in 1777, a member of 
Captain Fanes' Troop of Horse. On November 12, 1777, he was trans- 
ferred to the Pennsylvania State Regiment designated the '*13th 
Pennsylvania;" on July 1, 1778, was transferred to the Sixth Penn- 
sylvania Regiment; and, on January 17, 1781, to the Second Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment, and served to June, 1783. He participated in the 
battles of Brandywine and Germantown. In March, 1782, he joined 
with Captains Schneider [Snyder] and [Robert] Erwin in charges before 
the President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania of cer- 
tain abuses and irregularities at the last general election for the County." 
On January 16, 1786, he was appointed a Justice of the Peace for 
Philadelphia County, Germantown and Roxborough townships, which 
office he resigned -on April 3, 1786. In October, 1786, he ran for 
Representative of the County in the Assembly. In June, 1787, he 
offered for sale his "valuable plantation situate in Bristol township, 
Philadelphia County, near the Old York Road, about seven miles from 
the city," containing 00 acres of land. He resigned as Major of the 
Second Battalion of Philadelphia County Militia in April, 1787, to 
which office he had been elected in April, 1786. He was a member of 


282 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati, as was also his son, James, 
and his grandson, Levi. 

^Joh/n Humphreys [Humphrey], on August 2, 1770, was an Ensign 
in Lee's Battalion of Light Dragoons; on August 25, 1770, was trans- 
ferred to the Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment; and on July 17, 1781, to 
the Second Pennsylvania Regiment. In 1777, he became a member of 
Captain Faries' Troop of Horse, and, in 1781, acted as Quartermaster 
of the Troop. On April 2, 1782, he became a Second Lieutenant in 
the Fourth Regiment of Continental Artillery, serving until June 17, 
1783. In 1814, he is recorded as a merchant at No. 14 North Seventh 

^ Jacob Markley, on May 6, 1777, was commissioned Major in the 
First Battalion, Philadelphia County Associators. He died on October 
0, 1821, leaving an estate valued at $10,000. Letters of administration 
were granted to John Markley, Philip Markley, and Jacob Marhley, 
Jr, His son's wife Rachel (bom in 1704), died on April 19, 1850, 
leaving her husband and two sons, Bimon S. Markley and Jacob Mark- 
ley, Jr, She waa buried at New Villa, Warrington township, Bucks 
County, Pa. Her son, Jacob Markley, Jr., was married on June 27, 
1850, to Hctfinah 8, Miller, of Warrington, Bucks County. 

^ Jacob WoUery [Woolery] was related to Weckerly W^olery, who, in 
1778, lived in Springfield, Philadelphia County. 

^Josiah Pawling was the son of Henry Pa/ucling, who, in 1770, 
was nominated for the Pennsylvania Assembly, and, in 1776, was Captain 
in the Flying Camp. His brother, Henry Pawling, Jr,, after the Revo- 
lution was very influential in building up Norristown, Pa. On September 

9, 1777, Joeiah Pawling married Ann Sturgeea. On August 7, 1780, 
he is still recorded as a member of the Troop of Horse and attached 
to the Third Battalion County Militia. In 1784, he was a private in the 
Second Company, Second Philadelphia Regiment, Colonel James Reed; 
and, in 1785, in the Third Company, First Philadelphia Regiment, Col- 
onel John Shee. 

" Nathaniel Vanaandt, of Bensalem, Philadelphia County, was married 
to Hannah Vanaandt on August 27, 1768. During the Revolution he 
served, from August 19, 1775, as First Lieutenant in the First Bat- 
talion of Bucks County Associators; and for a time as Captain in 
Colonel Miles' Sixth Pennsylvania Regiment, and was with the Regiment 
when it was captured at the battle of Long Island, November 16, 1776. 
He was exchanged on November 20, 1778. He was related to James 
Vansandt, who, on October 12, 1784, was elected Representative for the 

^ Jacob Fufik lived in the Northern Liberties on Germantown Road. 
In October, 1775, he was an Ensign in Wayne's Fourth Pennsylvania 
Battalion. He was recommissioned on January 8, 1776 ; and, on January 

10, 1777, was made a Comet in the Fourth Continental Dragoons. 
Later that year he was a member of Captain Faries' Troop of Horse. 
In 1779, he was an innkeeper in Second Street. His son, Jamea Funk, 
St., was bom in 1792, and died on May 2, 1839, at his home in German- 



The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 283 

town Soad, west side, the first house above Laurel Street, aged 47 years. 
He had a son, James Fwik, Jr,, and another son, John 0. Funk, who 
died in infancy on August 16, 1830. 

^ Benjamin Wotton was doubtless a descendant of Faith Wotten, who 
arrived in Pennsylvania on December 16, 1686, in the ship "Unicorn," 
from Bristol, England, Thomas Cooper, Master. 

^Jaaiah Matlock was the son of JoHah Matlock, of Lower Dublin 
township, who, in 1777, was a private and then an Ensign in the Third 
Company, Second Battalion Philadelphia Associators; in 1778, was a 
merchant in Fourth Street near Spruce; took the path of allegiance 
to the State on July 9, 1778; in October, 1778, as a Grand Juror, signed 
a petition for clemency for John Boberts and Abraham Carlisle under 
sentence of death for high treason; and died in 1701, his will being 
made on May 2, 1788. His son Joeiah Matlack, took the oath of al- 
legiance to the State on January 6, 1779, in 1784, was a private in 
the Fourth Company, Sixth Battalion, Colonel Joseph Dean; in 1787. 
was a private in the Third Company, First Philadelphia Battalion^ 
Colonel Gumey; in 1793 was executor for the estate of Reuben Haines; 
and, in 1794, is recorded as a "gentleman** living at No. 51 Spruce 
Street. The same year, 1794 he is recorded as a private in the First 
Company, Third Philadelphia Regiment, Colonel McLean. He also owned 
a large plantation in Lower Dublin township which had been bequeathed 
to him by his father. He had a sister, Rachel, and another sister, 
Martha, who was the wife of Janatha/n Enoch, On May 31, 1800, 
Ann Matlack, daughter of Josiah Matlack, Jr,, was married to William 
fimith, merchant, of Philadelphia. 

*^ David Davis, yeoman, of Roxborough township, Philadelphia County, 
was the son of Enoch Davis, and nephew of David Davis, of Merlon, 
Philadelphia County, who died on July 20, 1768. In 1777, David Davis 
was commissioned First Lieutenant in Colonel William Coats' County 
Battalion. In 1778, he lived in New Britain township, Bucks County, 
Pa. In 1779, he signed a petition to the Supreme Executive Council 
for relief for the county from famine. In July, 1780, he was sent to 
Reading, Pa., to secure cattle and sheep for the troops. He was a 
member of the Troop of Light Horse of Philadelphia County for a niun 
ber of years, and, in October, 1781, was for a time Acting Quarter 
master of the Troop in the place of John Humphreys, while at Newtown 
Pa. His brothers were: — Israel (bom in 1768; died in Chester County 
Pa., August 10, 1832, aged 73 years) ; Anthony; Enoch; and Mordecai 
He died on December 26, 1822, leaving a wife, Elizabeth, and the fol 
lowing children: — Matthew; James; Elizabeth; Deborah; Oeorffe; Wil 
liam; Sarah; and Eleanor, A son, Benjctmin, and a daughter, Ann 
Beard, predeceased him. 

** Isaac Keen, who resided in Tacony, was the son of Matthias Keen 
(bom December 21, 1721; died July 28, 1797) and Margaret Thomas 
(bom February 20, 1723; died August 7, 1801), and w&s bom on 
September 19, 1763. He waa greatly favored by his father, who gave 
him a largo fortune during his lifetime and bequeathed him his estate 

284 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

in Oxford township. He married Borah (bom January 11, 1756; died 
September 8, 1881), daughter of John Knawlea (who was Lieutenajit 
of the "Independent Company of Foot^" in 1756, and who, in the Revo- 
lutionary War, was made prisoner hy the British, in 1778, and taken 
to New York, but soon afterwards was exchanged for a loyalist of 
Horsham township ; he was commissioned a Justice of Peace for Phila- 
delphia County on June 6, 1777, and continued to hold that office until 
his resignation on February 16, 1786) . His mother was Mary WiUcinson. 
Isaac Keen, in April, 1786, was elected Comet of the Troop. He died in 
Oxford township, Fdiruary 20, 1808, aged 55 years, and was buried in 
Pennypack Baptist Churchyard. He had seven children. — Gregory B* 
Keen, ''The Descendants of JOran Kyn, the Founder of Upland." 

** Edtoard Duffield was the brother of Abraham and son of Jacob 
Duffield (bom in 1724; died October 16, 1774) and Hannah Leech 
(bom July 29, 1723; died October 8, 1793). He was bom May 28, 
1759, and died July 16, 1824, when 65 years old. In 1777, he was 
an Ensign in the Second CSompany of the City (First) Battalion, Col- 
onel William Bradford. He was a bachelor, and lived with his brother 
in Frankford. He was Auditor on the American Republican ticket for 
the County of Philadelphia in 1809, but was not elected. He was a 
"gentleman of the old school." Upon his death, the old homestead was 
bought by Johi^ Murray, 

**Thomaa Chappel, yeoman, of Moreland township, Philadelphia 
County, was the son of John Chappel (died May 16, 1775) and his 
second wife, Martha Duff ell [Duffield'\, of Oxford township, who were 
married on September 29, 1757, {John's first wife, Mary, died December 
31, 1753) ; and brother of Mary (married Charles Meredith), Mizabeth 
(married James Miller), and Esther ChappeL . His father, John Chap- 
pel, kept the "Blaek Bull Tavern" in Market Street, some time prior 
to the Revolution. Thomas Chappel was bom in February, 1759. In 
September, 1778, he was, with his brother WilUam, a private in Captain 
Jacob Stake's Company of th^ Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment, and was 
subsequently detached to the light corps. He took the oath of allegiance 
to the State on June 22, 1779. On July 3, 1792, he was elected 
Captain of the Third Company, Second Philadelphia County Battalion, 
Colonel Isaac Worrell; and on July 28, 1794, Captain of the Second 
Company, Fifth County Regiment. He served in the Whiskey Insur- 
rection. He died on August 1, 1848, aged 89 years. His wife was 
Mary Chappel, and his children were Charles; Oeorge; WilUam; John; 
Thomas; Catherine (married a Mr. Wiser) ; Hester (married George 
Knoioles); and EHea (married Joseph Carson), 

" Oeorge Eenner, brickmaker, was a relative of Oeorge Benner of the 
Troop. In December, 1776, he was a member of Captain John Williams' 
Company of the First Battalion of Philadelphia Associators, Colonel 
Jacob Morgan. In 1779, he owned a plantation in Bristol township, 
Philadelphia County, and a brickyard on Hickory Lane, in the Northern 
Liberties. He died in 1785 at his dwelling near Vine Street, between 
Second and Third Streets. His executors were Jacob Benner and Jacob 


The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 285 

Benner, Jr, George Benner, of the Troop, recorded in 1794 as a carter 
at No. 483 North Second Street, in the Northern Liberties, was the 
son of George Benner (died May 2, 1800, far advanced in years), of 
Moreland township, Philadelphia County, and Mary, his wife. His 
brothers were: — Jacob (who had a son Jacob) ; Peier (who had a son 
George) ; John; and Henry; and his sisters were Elizabeth (wife of 
Sereck Fox — ^their daughter, Maria Fo<t, married Captain John Baving- 
ton, of the Second City Troop) ; and Mary Benner. He died on July 20, 
1816, leaving a wife, Mary; three sons — George; John; and Jacob; and 
three daughters — Ann; Hannah; and Mary, On January 6, 1843, Jan^ 
eiie, daughter of the eldest son, George, was married to Quintin Camp- 
bell, Jr,, of Philadelphia (IV>unty. 

'^John Bruner wsa the son of David Bruner, of Montgomery, 
Philadelphia County, and grandson of John Bruner, yeoman, who died 
May 22, 1773, far advanced in years. 

" Samuel Boucher [Butcher] was the son of George .Dietrich Bucher, 
who, in 1778, lived in New Hanover township, Philadelphia County. That 
year, Samuel Boucher, assistant weighmaster^ lived in Moreland Manor, 
Philadelphia County. They were descendants of John Boutcher, who 
died in Moreland township, in 1707, leaving two sons, John and Samuel, 
and several daughters, one of whom, Sarah, married Henry, son of 
Franoia Daniel Pastoriua, in 1720. Samuel Boucher, of the Northern 
Liberties, took the oath of allegiance to the State on July 6, 1777; 
was a member of Captain Faries' Troop of Horse that year; is recorded 
as being with the Troop at Newtown in October, 1781; and continued 
with that body until 1782 at least. In the records of the Supreme 
Executive Council of Pennsylvania, on October 4, 1781, there is an "order 
in favor of Mr. Samuel Boutcher for 64 pounds 10 shillings, State money 
emitted by Act of Assembly of the 7th of April, 1781, amount of 
his account for the hire of waggons called into service from the County 
of Philadelphia in August, 1780, agreeably to requisitions of Congress." 
In 1788, John and Samuel Boutcher [brothers], offered for sale their 
"plantation in Moorland, chiefly in Philadelphia Coimty, 100 acres or 
upwards." On May 28, 1788, Samuel Butcher married Mary Highbee, 
He died on May 5, 1707, letters of administration being granted to 
Je8se Butcher. 

** Pennsylvania Gazette, April 12, 1780, p. 1, c. 2. 

** Pennsylvama Packet, July 8, 1777. 

^Pennsylvania Archivea. Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1864; vol. viii, 
p. 220. 

*^ Pennsylvania Gazette, May 31, 1780, p. 1, c. 1. Also Soharf and 
Westcott, vol. i, p. 410. ... 

^Pennsylvania Gazette, May 31, 1780. 

^Pennsylvania Archives, Sixth Series, vol. i, pp. 071, 070 and 086; 
also. Second Series, vol. xiii, p. 760. 

**Johii Dover, a descendant of Richard Dover (died April 6, 1732), who 
was the son of Thomas Dover, was the son of William Dover 
(died before 1778), who left an estate in Oxford township, Frank- 
Vol. XLV.— 20 

286 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

ford. John Dover was bom in 1754. He was appointed an 
Ensign in Wayne's Fourth Battalion in October, 1775; on Janu- 
ary 8, 1776, became Ensign in the Third Pennsylvania Battalion; 
and on January 3, 1777, became First Lieutenant in the Fourth 
Pennsylvania Regiment. In 1780, he became First Lieutenant in Cap- 
tain Faries' Troop of Horse. He subsequently attained the rank of 
Colonel in the Philadelphia Militia. In 1785, he kept the old Rising 
Sun Tavern, on the Germantown Road, four miles from Philadelphia. 
In 1799-1800, he was proprietor of a tavern at Frankford (American 
Daily Advertiser, February 11, 1800), in the village of Aramingo, on 
"the King's Highway" [Frankford Avenue], just south of the Frank- 
ford Creek. He was a member of the Committee of Arrangements 
appointed January 8, 1801, to commemorate March 4, 1801, as a day 
of public festivity in celebration of the success of Democratic principles 
{Scharf and Weatcoti, vol 1, p. 507) . He was married first> on Septem- 
ber 3, 1782, to Mary Nice; secondly, on March 4, 1797, to Sarah Cooper, 
Subsequently, he married Letitia fitewari, of the Northern Liberties. 
He died at his home near Frankford on Sunday, March 18, 1821, in 
Ibis 67 th year, his will being probated on April 8th of that year. He 
was interred in the Presbyterian burying-ground at Aramingo. Letters 
of administration were granted to Alexander Martin, and Nathan Har- 
per and Stacey Gillingham, tanner, of Frankford, were surety for the 
executors. His son, Joseph Dover, a silver plater, was born in 1794, 
and died in Cohocksink village on October 28, 1838, aged 44 years. 
BSff daughter, Borah, who was married on September 20, 1807, to 
Thom^u OoUings, died at Summerville, New Jersey, on September 9, 
1839; and another daughter, Anne, married Moaea Thomas on October 
10, 1811. John Dover's brother, Frederick Dover, coachmaker, of ^e 
Northern Liberties, died on March 10, 1806, leaving a wife, EUeaheth. 
Another brother, Andrew Dover, of Germantown, was born in 1751 ; and, 
in October, 1775, was Second Lieutenant in Colonel Wayne's Fourth 
Battalion. He was commissioned second Lieutenant in Captain John 
Miller's Company of the Fifth Pennsylvania Regiment, Colonel Magaw, 
on January 8, 1776; on March 4, 1776, was promoted to First Lieutenant; 
was taken prisoner at Fort Washington on November 16, 1776; was 
reelected First Lieutenant on March 4, 1777; and promoted to Captain 
on June 1, 1778; and was exchanged on October 25, 1780. In 1794, he 
lived in Oxford Township, upper end of Frankford, opposite the "Seven 
Stars." He died near Frankford on February 27, 1832, in his 81st 
year, letters of administration being granted to William Dover, His 
daughter, Charlotte Cecilia, was married on November 13, 1831, to 
Dr, Dempsey Murray Veale. A Levi Dover was a private in Captain 
T, W, Duffield's company of Frankford Artillery at Camp Dupont in 1814. 

^Pennsylvania Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. ix, 
p. 250. 

'The camp at Trenton was formed July 28, 1780, and abandoned 
on September 2, when the projected attack upon New York was given up. 
It was commanded in person by President Reed {Scharf and Westoott^ 

The Second Troop Philddelphia City Cavalry. 287 

vol. i, p. 411). The militia returned to Philadelphia on September 3, 
"Extract from the Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer of Philadelphia, 1765— 
1798." Edited by John W. Jordan, 1893, Philadelphia. Press of Wm. 
F. Fell & Co. 

^ Pennsylvama Arohivea. Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. iz, 
p. 230. 

•Ibid, vol. ix, p. 272. 

* WilUam Dean was bom in 1741, and died in Montgomery County, 
Pa., on Saturday morning, Septanber 12, 1807, in his 67th year. He 
was commissioned Colonel of the Fourth Battalion, Philadelphia County 
Militia on May 6, 1777. 

'^ Pennaylvama Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. ix, 
p. 358. 

'^^OoUmial Records of Pa,, vol. xiii, p. 37. 

" From the Wm. Henry Manuscripts collected by John Jordan, Jr. 

" A joe was a Portuguese and Brazilian gold coin of the period worth 
$8.62. In 1778, this coin was selling at £22, 10s. Continental currency. 
A half Joe or Johanms was a gold coin of Portugal then current in 
ccMnmercial use. 

** Pennsylvania Oaeette, November 15, 1780, p. 3, col. 3. 

" The Coats family of Philadelphia is descended from the four brothers 
— WilUofn (died in 1749, leaving a widow, Rachel), Thomas, George and 
John — ^who came to this country early in the eighteenth century. There 
was a WilUwm Coats, Jr., a brickmaker, who also died on April 1, 1749, 
leaving a widow, Mary, a minor son, William, and a daughter, Mary, 
The father of William Coats, of this history, was Major William Coats, 
an extensive landowner in the township of the Northern Liberties, 
County of Philadelphia, where he was born in 1721. He received his 
education in the Friends' School. In 1748, he was Second Lieutenant 
in the Third Company of the Associators' Regiment of Philadelphia 
County. On May 1, 1756, he became an original member and Secretary 
of the Northern Liberty Fire Company^ He subsequently became a 
Major in the Provincial Militia. He must have been twice married, 
taking his second wife, Martha Davis (born February 11, 1738; died 
July 17, 1795), on October 9, 1764. In 1774, he was a member of the 
Conmiittee of Correspondence of Philadelphia; and, on January 23, 

1775, was a delegate to the Provincial Conference. In 1775, he served 
bn the Committee of Inspection for the Northern Liberties. On June 
28, 1775, he was a delegate to the conference at Carpenter's Hall. 
[The Carpenter^ s Company of Philadelphia was organized in 1724, and 
for many years exerted a wide influence upon contemporaneous hap- 
penings. The famous Carpenter's Hall, where the First Continental 
Congress held its sessions, was built in 1771, upon land fronting on 
Chestnut Street below Fourth Street, which was purchased in 1768. 
For several years it was occupied as the first Bank of the United States, 
and later — in August, 1798 — ^by the Pennsylvania Bank,] On July 16, 

1776, he was a member of the oonvention in Carpenters' Hall. He 

288 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

saw active serrice in the Revolution, and participated in the battle 
•f Princeton. In 1777, he became a member of the Pennsylvania As- 
sembly. On February 4, 1778, he was captured by the British and con- 
fined in the jail in Philadelphia until exchanged in 1779. This year 
he was reelected to the Pennsylvania Assembly, but died in Philadel- 
phia on January 24, 1780. 

His son, Colonel WilUam CoaU, was bom in Philadelphia sometime 
about 1760. Not much is known of his early life save that he married 
Margaret^ daughter of Thomas Norris, of Princeton, New Jersey. On 
June 30, 1775, he was commissioned Second Major of the First Bat- 
talion of Associators of Philadelphia, and became First Major in 1776. 
On December 4, 1776, he was commissioned Lieut.-Colonel of the First 
Battalion of the City Militia; and from March 12, 1777, to 1785, he 
served as Lieutenant of Philadelphia County, with Colonel WilUam 
Dean, Colonel George Smith and others as Sub-Lieutenant. On Sep- 
tember 10, 1778, William Coats, saddler, took the oath of allegiance 
to the State. In October, 1778, he signed a petition for clemency for 
John Roberts and Abraham Carlisle, under sentence of death for high 
treason. In October, 1779, he was Colonel of the Third Battalion, Phila- 
delphia County Militia. On October 12, 1784, he was elected a Repre- 
sentative in the Assembly for Philadelphia County; and, on August 
20, 1788, he was elected a magistrate, or Judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas, for the Northern Liberties, in place of William Masters, deceased. 
On September 1, 1791, he was commissioned again as Justice 
of the Peace in the Northern Liberties. On July 4, 1793 he 
was elected first Vice-President of the Democratic Society of Penn- 
sylvania (The first Democratic Society in the United States). 
From 1787 to 1794, he served as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sev- 
enth Battalion of Militia of the City and Liberties of Philadel^ 
phia. On September 12, 1794, he was commissioned Lieut-Colonel of 
the First Philadelphia County Regiment, and immediately transferred 
to the command of the Fourth County Regiment; and from 1799 to 
?1802, he was Lieut.-Colonel of the 88th Regiment of Pennsylvania Mi- 
<litia. On March 4, 1801, he was a member of the Committee of Arrange- 
ments to celebrate Democratic success. He was also a member of the 
Tammany Society. He died in his mansion on Front Street, Northern 
Liberties, on April 28, 1802, and was accorded a military funeral. His 
daughter, EUeabeih, was married, on April 20, 1780, to Anthony Butler, 
merchant. They were the grand-parents of General George Gordon 
Meade. Coates Street [now Fairmount Avenue] was named for the 
Coats family. 

** PennsylvarUa Gazette, November 29, 1780, p. 3, col. 3. 

^ Pewnsylvania Archives. Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854, vol. ix, 
p. 230. 

'^ Pennsylvania Packet, April 28, 1781. 

^Boharf and Westcott, vol. i, p. 415. 

^Pennsylvania Archives, Sixth Series, vol. i, pp. 973 et seq. 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 289 

^Independence EM, Cheslaut Street between Fifth and Sixth Streets, 
aouth side, was built during the years 1729-34, and, in October, 1736, 
was first uJBed as a ''State House.'' From 1775 to 1800, it was used by 
the Colonial Ckmgreee, and by the State Legislature until 1804. The 
Declaration of Independence was issued from the Hall on July 4, 1776, 
and the Ck>nstitution of the United States was adopted there in 1787. 
The old ''Liberty Bell" closely identified with the birth of the Government, 
was taken from the tower of Independence Hall to Allentown, Pa., in 
1778, to prevent Its falling into the hands of the British. It was brought 
back in 1782, and for fifty years, until it cracked, it celebrated every 
National aimiversary. From 1790 to 1800, the State House served as 
the Capitol of the Nation. In the building at the comer of Sixth 
and Chestnut Streets, then known as "Congress Hall," the first senate 
and first House of Representatives of the United States met^ and here 
Washington was inaugurated President on March 4, 1793, and John 
Adams in 1797. This building has also been used for United States 
and District Courts, and almost all kinds of legal tribunals have at 
different times been accommodated within its walls. In 1854, when the 
city proper was consolidated with all the outlying towns and districts in 
Philadelphia County, the municipal government determined upon using 
the State House itself, and gave notice to the United States Courts to 
remove from the second story. From that time until March, 1895, City 
Councils occupied the second floor — ^the East chamber over Indepen- 
dence Hall by Select Council and the West Chamber by Common Coim- 
cil. Since 1895, the old State House has been restored to its original 
condition, and is now occupied by the "Dau^^ters of the Revolution." 
The site of Congress Hall was occupied, before the Revolution, by a 
wooden shelter for visiting Indians. 

^Soharf and WestooU, vol. i, p. 416. 

^Pennsylvania Gaeette, April 24, 1782, p. 1, c. 1. 

** Robert Oorrey was a Philadelphia merchant and shipping-agent, 
having his store, in 1782, in Third Street three doors from Market 
Street, and in 1789, in Water Street near Walnut. His pasture waa 
in the District of Moyamensing. On May 6, 1777, he was commissioned 
Colonel of the Fifth Battalion, Philadelphia County Militia. He took 
the oath of allegiance to the State on October 6, 1778. On May 12, 1780, 
he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sixth Battalion of the 
County Associators; in 1783, he was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sixth 
Battalion of Montgomery County; and, in April, 1786, Lieutenant- 
Colonel of the First Battalion of Montgomery County. 

^Archibald Thompeon, grandson of ArohibiUd Thompson (who, on 
March 23, 1742, purchased 126} acres of land from the Samuel Norris 
Estate), waa a member of the famous Committee of Correspondence 
for Philadelphia City and County in 1775. On July 13, 1776, he was 
appointed Captain in the Flying Camp; on March 12, 1777, he was 
appointed a Sub-Lieutenant of Philadelphia County; on May 6, 1777, 
was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fifth Battalion of Militia 

290 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

for Philadelphia County [the manbers of this Battalion coming from 
White Marsh, Plymouth, Whitpain, Norrington, Worcester and New 
Providence]. On October 21, 1777, and again on May 6, 1778, he was 
Appointed one of the Commissioners of Philadelphia County to carry 
into effect the Confiscation Act of the Council of Safety of the Penn- 
sylvania Assembly. He was appointed Lieutenant of Philadelphia 
County on February 18, 1778. In August, 1778, he was a member of 
the Pennsylvania Assembly, and was again elected a Representative for 
the County of Philadelphia on October 16, 1770. He died on November 
1, 1770, at his home at Norriton township. He built the famous old 
inn, now known as the Jeffersoiwille Hotel (which is located at the 
foot of Egypt Road and the Ridge Pike, about five miles above Norris- 
town), in 1765, and after his death his widow, Hannah Bartholomew 
Thompson, to whom he was married on June 4, 1766, continued the 
business and made the inn famous. It was known as the "Sign of 
Jefferson" in 1803, and the village became known as Jeffersonville. 
Colonel Thompson's son, Robert^ was bom in 1767. Another son, Arohi- 
hald, was married, on October 15, 1781, to EUzaheth WUson. In 1704, 
he was a private in the Second Company, Fourth Regiment Philadel^ 
phia Militia^ Colonel Andrew Guyer, and served in the Whiskey 

** The region where Norristown, Montgomery County, is now situated. 

''Pennsylvania Gazette, November 6, 1782. p. 2, col. 3. 

" Chevalier de la Luzerne succeeded M. G4rard as Minister f r(Hn France 
to the United States. He landed at Boston, August 2, 1770, and served 
for four years. 

^Soharf and Westoott, vol. i, p. 420. 

^Pennsylvania Packet, May 31, 1783. 

^Benjamin MoVey [MoVeagh or MoVa^h], son of James MoVaugh 
and Rehecoa WorreU (married November 1, 1744), was bom in 1748. 
He was married, in Christ Church, on December 24, 1772, to Pavnel 
Humphreyville, In May, 1777, he was Colonel of the Third County 
Battalion; on November 24, 1777, he was Colonel of the First Bat- 
talion, Philadelphia County Militia; in 1780, he commanded the Second 
Battalion; and, again in 1784-86, he was Colonel of the First County 
Battalion. He took the oath of allegiance to the State on April 6, 
1770. In 1782, he was a candidate for the ofSce of Sheriff of the County. 
He was the proprietor of a large three-storied stone tavern in Frank- 
ford, at the time of his death. He died there on Friday evening, Sep- 
tember 8, 1786, in his 30th year, and was interred in the Friends' 
burying ground in Frankford. 

''^Pennsylvania Oazette, October 1, 1783. 

** Matthew Holgate was descended from Matthew Holdgate, who, with 
his daughter Mary, came to Philadelphia on August 31, 1685. In 1776, 
he was a Second Lieutenant in the Flying Camp; and, in November, 
1778, was Captain of a Company in the Second Battalion of Phila- 
delphia (Dounty Assoeiators. He took the oath of allegiance to the 




The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 291 

State on March 27, 1770; and was commissioned Lieut.-Colonel of the 
Seventh County [or Germantown] Battalion on July 31, 1770. He was 
feuooeeded by Lieut.-Golonel Thomas Durga/n on April 23, 1786; at that 
time he became Lieut.-Golonel of the Second Battalion of Montgomery 
County, Pa. On May 6, 1786, he became one of the Justices of the 
Court of Common Pleas for the same county. He died in Germantown 
on March 1 to 8, 1788 

^^ Pennaylva/iyia Packet, April 17, 1784. 

"Ibid, September 24, 1784. 

^Penn^ylvama Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1854; vol. x, 

p. 218. 

(To be continued.) 

292 America's First Bathtub. 



Seven feet long, four feet wide, built of mahogany, 
and weighing seventeen hundred and fifty pounds — 
this was America's first bathtub. It was so heavy that 
the floor of the room in which it stood had to be reen- 
forced and strengthened. It was designed by its 
owner, Adam Thompson, of Cincinnati, and made by a 
local cabinetmaker. It created a violent discussion in 
the Cincinnati papers as to whether it was dangerous 
to health, many doctors affirming that ''it invited rheu- 
matic fever, phthisic, and inflammation of the lungs.'* 

Adam Thompson, the designer, was a rich grain and 
cotton dealer, who got his idea abroad, says H. L. 
Mencken, in his account of the man and his inventions. 
While he was in London he learned that the Prime 
Minister had a bathtub in his home — a ' ' glorified dish 
pan, ' ' it was called. Thus Thompson came home with 
a new idea, and started to put it into practical form. 
This was in 1842. 

Modem plumbing being unknown at that time, he 
who would have a tank of this kind in his house must 
put a hand pump into his well. In fact, practically all 
houses had wells or cisterns of their own. Thomson's 
next thought was for the tub itself. It must be of wood, 
of course. He )ymlt a cypress tank in the garret. So 
large was it that it took six negroes to keep it pumped 
full. But at its best, unheated bath water afforded 
rather cool comfort, so the tub maker, being ahead of 
his age in more respects than one, set about supplying 
heat. He rigged a coil of pipes in the chimney, so that 
heat from the large grate fires warmed the water. 

America's First Bathtub. 293 

On December 20, 1842, Thompson had a party of 
gentlemen to dinner, and boasted so of his bathtub 
that four of them, including a French oflScer, tried it 
for themselves. Next day the story was in the papers, 
and then the fun began. 

That is, it seems like fun to-day, but it was earnest 
enough then. The doctors attacked the bathtub on the 
ground of health, and the politicians opposed it as an 
obnoxious and luxurious toy from England, designed 
to corrupt American simplicity. In 1843, the Common 
Council of Philadelphia considered an ordinance to 
prevent any such bathing between November and 
March. The ordinance failed by only two votes. In 
the meanwhile, the legislature of Virginia laid a tax of 
thirty dollars a year on all bathtubs that might be set 
up, and special and very heavy water rates were also 
laid on them. Boston actually passed an ordinance 
forbidding the use of bathtubs except on medical 

But it was soon a dead letter, for in 1850 the Presi- 
dent of the United States decided to have a bathtub 
in the White House. Millard Fillmore, it seems, when 
Vice President, had visited Ciucinnati as the guest of 
Adam Thompson, had taken a bath in the famous tub, 
and had liked it so much that, when he succeeded Tay- 
lor, he invited bids for a White House bathtub. It 
was made by Harper and Qellespie of Philadelphia, and 
was of thin, cast iron. It remained in the White House, 
by the way, until Cleveland became President, when a 
more modem contrivance took its place. 

Before twenty years had passed over Adam Thomp- 
son's bathtub, every hotel in New York was advertis- 
ing one, and some hotels actually had three I To-day 
America has almost forgotten her bathtubless days. 

From The Germantown Guide. 

Contributed by Mrs. H. S. Prentiss Nichols. 

294 Notes and Queries. 


Ncyncs on a Couple of Vest Eablt Ghtibch Labels of Penna. By 
Dr. E. S. Potter, Cresco, Pa. 

To the students of genealogy and the lovers of heraldry there seems 
to be no more potent field of research to delve in — than that of the 
book-plate — ^those labels of individuality and history which carry owner- 
ship beyond the grave. One of the adjuncts of historiography has 
always seemed to be focts — ^for the actual truth in the writing of 
history is a hard matter to obtain. Time passes — ^things that were 
heard and told of yesterday may no longer exist today. 

The charm of the book-plate or label collector consists along with 
the imravelling of such facts of biographical and historical nature — 
the interest associated with the individual possession of the users 

Libraries were scattered or forgotten through n^lect, need or affilia- 
tion and oftentimes beyond a stray label or plate, ceased to exist. 

What seems to be one of the rarest little labels of interest to Penn* 
sylvanians has turned up recently, tucked away in a well-preserved 
old volume out of its ordinary place, and it reads as follows: 

"Ex dono Societatis pro 
'Tromovendo Evangelis in 
"Partibus Transmerinis in 
"Usam Parochi de Uplands 
'In Pennsylvania 
"Anno Dom. 1703."* 

thus recording the first English Church on the lower Delaware. 

Christ Church, Philadelphia, had preceded but by a few years — 1606. 
Exactly when the English services were established in Pennsylvania 
is of uncertain date (it might be said to date with the coming of the 
Swedes) as they worked in conjunction with the Swedish Church in 
which they were in full communion. The Swedes, who had settled 
"Opplandt" and who controlled the valley of the Delaware, had estab- 
lished two churches, one at Christiania (now Wilmington), and one at 
Tinicum Island, between 1638 and 1666. 

There was no church in Chester until the erection of St. Paul's (a 
mere frame hut), excepting the Friends' Meeting House, when Bev. 
Evan Evans' was sent over to organize it and be its rector, by Bishop 

^A commentary/ 

/upon the/First Book of Moses/called/ 

Genesis/By the Right Rev. Father In God 

Symon/Patrick/Lord Bishop of Ely 

London, 1648. 

Vol. O, No. 2846 — Loganian Ltbrarv — ^Philadelphia — ^Rldgeway Branch. 

* Rev. Evan Evans seems to have held varloos pailsheB, succeeding Dr. 
Clayton as rector of Christ Church, Philadelphia, 1698. His dlll|rence and 
zeal most have been great; since besides Sunday services in PhUadelphla. 
he held public prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays, preaching also at 
Chichester, Chester, Concord, Montgomery, Radnor and Perklomen, occa- 
sionally. * 

He seems to have been in London In 1700, or about, receiving the Com- 
munion plate from Queen Anne and books for Christ Churcli. 


Notes and Queries. 295 

Compton, a great friend of Rev. George Keith. Keith was a Quaker 
who, disagreeiiig with the faith in Philadelphia, was expelled or 
seceded from the fold — ^went to London and took orders in the English 
Church, and was then sent over as the first travelling missionary by 
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, the 
society which the Rev. Dr. Thoe. Bray organized from the "Society for 
the Ftomotion of Christian Knowledge," and it is mainly due to Bray 
that the Church suooeeded, as he supported most of tlie missionaries 
in America, and to Keith, that of its being established in Pennsylvania, 
niis label thus records the books which the Society presented to the 
mission upon its dedication. 

In the year 1670 Dr. Bray was appointed by the Bishop of London, 
Commissary of Maryland, for the establishment and better regulation 
of Ecclesiastical Concerns in the Province^, "after having prevailed on 
Charles II that Ministers or Schoolmasters should be sent over." 
While engaged in that emplovment he observed the difficulties and 
discouragements under which tne missionaries labored in that country, 
and reflecting on the means by which they might be removed or les- 
sened, he found that a competent provision of books was absolutely 
necessary, and for want of these the missionaries were often disap- 

Accordingly, his first attempt to remedy this defect was by represent- 
ing the state of the case to the English Bishops and desiring their 
assistance in procuring Parochial libraries for the use of the mis- 

It was while he was busy in procuring benefaction for establishing 
the libraries in the plantations that he was induced to establish 
Parochial Lending Libraries in England and Wales in order that his 
other plan would not fail through any opposition. 

This he subjoined to his Broadside,* "Proposals for the Encourage- 
ment and promoting of Religion and Learning in the foreign Planta- 
tions," with the addition "The Present State of Maryland." 

The account of the "Society of Christian Knowledge" is as follows:* 
'Vhen the state of religion began to prosper, the Society sent the 
"Rev. Mr. James Blair to Virginia, and Rev. Mr. Thos. Bray, as 
"commissary to Maryland, and assisted by the generous contributions 
**oi Her Royal Hiffhness, the Princess of Denmark (later Queen Ann 
"of England), and many nobility, gentry and clergy, did settle and 
"support several ministers in the province and fix and furnish some 
"parochial or lending libraries."" 

"Further on we r^ — and 'under his care (Dr. Bray) of recommend- 
" 'ing and encouraging fit and worthy persons,' etc, Mr. Patrick Gour- 
"don (Gordon) was sent as Missionary to New Jersey; Mr. John 
"Bartow to West Chester, in the same Province; Mr. John Talbot, Rec- 
"tor St. Mary's in Burlington, in New Jers^; Mr. Henry Nichols was 
"settled as minister in Uplands in Pa."* 

The early Vestry records of Christ Church being lost up to 1717/ 
our only authentic data must be from contemporary notes in such 
books as are in the library and from outside history and records. 
When the Rev. Mr. Clayton came to Christ Church in 1605, he probably 

* These are preserved In a collection of prints and papers on the 
American Colonies at Lambeth PalactL M. 8. 8., No. 1128, VoL 1, Art 8. 

« Loganian Library. Q No. 478, PhUa., Pa. — 8th pamphlet 

An/account/of th^Society/for/Propaaatins the Oospel? 

in Forelni Parts/etc/Prlnted by order of the Society/John 


•Ibid. par. No. 18-14. 

•Ibid. par. No. 16. 
Ibid. par. No. 

vWatson," in his Annals, speaks of their having been bnmed by acci- 

296 Notes and Queries. 

brouffht a few books with him — the usual donation from the societ^r. 
(BlUe, reading lessons, prayer books, etc), and £10 worth of books 
as a personal present and the valuation of £5 of tracts and papers 
to give away. 

Shortly after the founding of Christ Church at Philadelphia, we 
find this "Sociely for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Paxts,^ 
making a donation of some 327 books to Philadelphia. 

These books are in the vestry of the Church. They are all stamped 
in large gold letters — a supra Itbros — **For the / Libfwry of / PhUadel- 
phia." From a contemporary note in one of them, they arrived in 
1700, ( T) and may have been brought back by Rev. Evan Evans on 
his return from London.' These books comprise many on history, 
science, mathematics and classics, as well as the major portion pertain- 
ing to religious matters. 

Up to 1730, when the claim of anoth^ library is set forth, there 
were over five hundred books to circulate. These books had been 
added to by contributions from Thos. Penn, Thoe. Graone, William 
Talbot, Lord Bishop of Oxford, 1702, and others. It cannot be thought 
otherwise than that these bodes were used but as intended, that is, 
as a lending library. Therefore, there is every indication of its being 
the first public library, as the books state *'the Library of Philadelphia." 

'*M<iy 2nd, 1718," there is a note to the Church Wardens '^ take 
"an inventory or catalogue of the library in the custody of Dr. Evans, 
**u>ho was leaving for Virginia'' 

"In 1728, Deo, 2Ji, the library received a large donation of about 
One Hundred hooks, bound in parchment, from Ludovioe (7. BprogeU^ 
a member of the parish (who imported an organ which the Church 
bought at Two Hundred Pounds, Sept. 2, 1728, and was used for 35 
years, until 1763). 

"1741, several valuable books from Rev. Arch. Cummings, the 

"In April 12, 1753, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
"was left One Hundred Founds by the Rev. Chas. Chambers, of Kent, 
"for books to be given and disposed of as the Society should direct, 
"and they had accordingly given them to the use of Christ Church in 
Philadelphia, under the care of the minister and vesUry of the said 
Church," These numbered 347. 

August 18, 1766, talk of taking a new catalogue. 

1780, Rev. S. Preston, a Polyglot Bible in 6 volumes, 1657, and other 

After 1790 there were very few additions — ^the library having out- 
lived its usefulness. 

JoiTBNAL OF A Fbenoh Tbavelleb IN THK COLONIES, 1766. The Amer- 
ican Historical Review, Volume 26, number 4, and Volume 27, number 1, 
reprints a journal found by Mr. Abel Doysid while searching Paris 
Archives under the general direction of the Service Hydrographique de 
la Marine. The manuscript consists of 79 unnumbered pages. Paces 
63 to 69 are a description, in French, of the American towns, especisdly 
Norfolk, Philadelphia and New York, of their defenses and of the degree 
of ease with whicn they could be attacked. "The writer was a Catholic, 

William Penn. in his letters to Jaa Logan speaks of his being in 
London both in 1700 and 1709. 

*Th6 Sprogell books being recorded 
thns — ^ux dono 

Ludovlcl Cbrlstianl Sprogell 

Blbliothecam Bccleslae Angll- 
canae In Philadelphia 
Die Decembrls 24^1728. 
A large type label with woodcut border. 

Notes and Queries, 297 

and apparently a Frenchman, but all efforts to identify him have been 
unsuccessful, except that it has been demonstrated from evidence in the 
French Archives that he was not M. de Pontleroy, whom Choiseul sent 
over to inspect the Colonies in 1764." 

In "Americana," Volume 16, Number 1, is an article entitled "The 
Fries Rebellion," by Frank M. Eastman of Harrisburg, Pa. This 
is taken from a book by Mr. Eastman to appear in the near future, 
entitled "Courts and Lawyers of Pennsylvania." It is an account of 
the extraordinary uprising against a tax for defraying the expenses 
of a war with France. The principal objection was confined to the 
counties of Bucks, Montgomery, Northampton and Berks. The leader 
was John Fries of Milford, who had commanded a company of militia 
during the Revolutionary War and also a company in tiie Whiskey In- 

The Berks County Historical Society has reached a membership of 
1500- and is contemplating a fire-proof annex to its building, which will 
involve an expenditure of $100,000 for construction and equipment. The 
Society owns its present quarters and is frese from debt. Reading gives 
$750 per annum to the cause and the county appropriates $1000. 

Number 103 of the Transactions of The Western Reserve Historical 
Society contains notice of the purchase of three Pennsylvania items: 

1. The Expedition of Major General Braddock to Virginia; with the 
two Regiments of Hacket and Dunbar, together with many little inci- 
dents, giving a lively idea of the nature of the country, climate and 
manner in which the officers and soldiers lived; also, the difficulties they 
went through in that wilderness. London, 1765. 

2. Six plans of the Different Dispositions of the English Army under 
the Command of the late General Braddock in North America. I. Line 
of March with the whole Baggage^ II. Plan of the disposition of the 
advanced Party of four hundred men, to protect the workers while 
clearing the rc«d. III. Encampment of the Detachment sent from the 
Little Meadows. IV. Line of March of the Detachment sent from 
the Little Meadows. V. Plan of the Field of Battle on the 0th of July, 
1756. VI. A map showing the Route and Ehicampment of the Army. 
By an Officer, London, 1758. Both of these are in the Collections of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

3. A contemporary manuscript plan probably made on the spot by an 
officer of the expedition, makes the collection exceedingly interesting. 
This has a paper attached exhibiting by means of numbers on the map 
corresponding with the description on the manuscript of the exact posi- 
tion of each day's march and stopping place. Also by means of red 
dotted lines the route of Captain Dobson to Isaaca Creek, Red Stone 
Creek and Mr. Gist's House wnere he rejoined the arm^. Also Mr. Gist's 
route to the French Fort and to the place where he rejoined the army on 
July 6, 1756. 

With reference to the naming of the Tinicum Island Road the Gover- 
nor Printz Highway, Mr. Isaac R. Pennypacker draws attention to the 
fact that Dr. A. J. Bamouw, head of the department of Germanic lan- 
guages at Columbia University, had come across a deposition made before 
the Leyden notary, K. Outerman, on May 10, 1663, "that Justus de la 
Grange, with wife and children, sailed for New Netherland in the month 
of March, 1662, and had bought there th.e island of Tinnaooncg on the 
West side of the South River for 6000 (six thousand) guilders." Mr. 
Pennypacker comments upon the extraordinary price of about $15,000 
(normal American value) at this early date. 

298 Notes and Queries. 


Life and Public Services of Jambs Logan. By Inna Jane Ck>oper. 
New York, 192L 8vo. 

Miss C/ooper has submitted, in partial fulfilment of the requirements 
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Columbia University, a study 
of James Logan, from the manuscripts and such printed matter as was 
available, as a citizen, as an associate of Penn and as a member of sor 
ciety. Miss Ckx)per'8 bibliography indicates that she has made a 
close study of the available material and the pamphlet is an inter- 
esting contribution to the life of an important man whom she describes 
as honest, loyal, patriotic, courageous, with a devotion to family and a 
capacity for work. 

The Life and Works of Thomas Suult, (1783-1872). By Edward 
Biddle and Mantle Fielding, Philadelphia, 1921, Wickersham Press, 
Lancaster, Fa. 

This book is a distinct contribution to the history of Art in America, 
and more especially in Philadelphia. It contains much useful infor- 
mation concerning local history, apart from Art. It is limited to an 
edition of 500 copies, of which 450 are printed in quarto, and 60 on 
large paper. Besides introductory matter and a careful index, the book 
has 15 illustrations and 411 paces of letter press. 

A well-written Memoir of Sufly (80 pp.) contains much new matter, 
the result evidently of several years of effort by the authors. 

The "List of Paintings*' records 2017 portraits, 65 miniatures and 
548 Subject paintings, a total of 2631 works, a number so large and 
the nature of the works so diverse as to enable the reader to form 
some estimate not only of the versatility of the painter but also of his 
immense capacity for work, a capacity he continued to possess almost 
to his ninetieth year. The list enables the reader to form an estimate 
also of the assiduity of the authors, most of the works up<m the list 
having been traced and identified. 

That Sully painted miniatures is not generally known, even by those 
acquainted with his easel pictures, and it is surprising that some 65 
miniatures have been listed. 

The "List of Paintings" as prepared by the authors is interesting 
reading matter. It gives the price paid to Sully as shown by the 
original Register owned by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania and 
written throughout in Sully's minute and painstaking hand; also the 
dimensions of each work; for whom it was painted; and the present 
owner as far as known to the authors, and so mudi information oon- 
oeming old Philadelphia families that the list will probably be useful 
to students of genealogy. 

The book is well printed, the illustrations are chiefly the work of 
the Intaglio-Gravure Company of Philadelphia and are so well done as 
to cause regret that it does not contain many more reproductions of 
Sully's work, but doubtless the great expense of doii^ this deterred the 

The authors suggest that a Tablet might be placed on some building 
close to the site of Sully's former home and studio Fifth & Ranstead 
Streets, Philadelphia, as has been done to mark upon the Drexel Build- 
ing the site of Gilbert Stuart's studio. (J. F. L.) 

An Introduction to the History of Chbistianitt, A. D. 590-1314. 
By F. J. Foakes Jackson. New York. The Macmillian Company. 1021. 

The author of this book is an Anglican Churchman, who was called to 
Union Seminary, New York, in 1914, while still retaining his fellowship 
in Jesus dJoUege, Cambridge University. The width of his scholarly 

» . .1 ■ll||l-«a»irife«^H^rr!«l«iBHIBiMVi^PV^^V«^««^M^«7«^i9^^"iW« 


Notes and Queries. 299 

ability appears when it is recalled that only a year earlier he published, 
in coUaboration with Prof. Kirsopp Lake, another English scholar, now 
connected with Harvard University, the first volume Si a work entitled 
The Beginnings of Christianity, That is the most ambitious undertak- 
ing that has been attempted by modem English theology in the history 
of the early church. Unlike the traditional Briton iSie author gener- 
ously recognizes the assistance given him by many American scholars, 
and particularly "the literary assistance" rendered by his friend Bar- 
rett Wendell. 

It is always a question where a study of medieval Church history shall 
begin and end. At first sight arbitrarily but with good reason, Dr. 
Jackson chooses for his limits the age of Pope Gregory the Great, who 
marks the beginning of a new age as lying beyond the age of the clas- 
sical civilization, and, for the other limit the year 1314, with the death 
of Clement V and Philip the Fair, the age of the doom of the Holy 
Roman Empire and the appearance of Dante's immortal poem, the epic 
of the Middle Ages. Most remarkably there is no table of contents to 
the volume, a strange oversight on the part of the author and pub- 
lisher. But the sucoseding chapters are logically arranged, beginning 
with studies of the growth of the Papacy as the center of the earlier 
history, and then proceeding to the various developments of that his- 
tory, the relations with the Empire, the Crusades, the Church and learn- 
ing, the discipline of the Church, the Church in the several nations, 
concluding with a Survey of Society and a chapter on Dante. 

The book is written with exemplaiy art. The writer appears to have 
the layman in view and gives a delightfully written story, unencum- 
bered by details of investiffation. His general references he cites at the 
end of each chapter. He shows the control of a master in his exposition 
of facts and of their inner relation and interpretation. His ability for 
special investigation appears in occasional eaoursus in which he pursues 
some theme that requires expansion, as for instance the obscure rela- 
tions between the Eastern and Western Church. While entirely a 
modem in his ecclesiastical and ethical judgments, and unabashed in 
pronouncing them, he is in general sympathetic with the age he studies. 
He appreciates warmly such great ecclesiastics as Gregory I and Hilde- 
brand, and gives full credit to the influences exercised by the Church in 
that complex civilization. The book is to be warmly recommended as a 
most admirable introduction to the history of an age that is the mother 
of our own. To too many people that age is "dark" because of the 
complexities of a social and religious life different from that of modem 
times. We are grateful to a scholar who can be our cicerone in illu- 
minating it. • J. A. M. 

Wab Rations fob Pbnnstlvanians. By George Nox McCain. Phila- 
delphia, The John C. Winston Company. 1020. 8vo. pp. 273. 

In this volume Mr. McCain has told the story of the operations of 
the Federal Food Administration in Pennsylvania in a most entertain- 
ing way. It is not a statistical record of the work of the Administration, 
but the story of the men in the period of trial and struggle who laid 
aside their business and professional responsibilities to assume a task 
requiring experience, judgment and ability without compensation. Into 
the hands of these gentlemen were placed the questions of food supply 
and food conservation for ten millions of people. The Executive Staff 
consisted of less than one hundred persons. There was not even the 
nominal salary of one dollar a year. There were no uniforms nor insignia 
to be worn by those members. Experts were needed in all lines of 
production and distribution. The list of volunteer experts embraced 
men familiar with the supply and demand of farm products, perishable 
fruits and vegetables, and mill and refinery products of fiour and 


300 Notes and Queries. 

sugar, including tran8p<niation facilities and trade distribution. There 
is not a single instance in Pennsylvania in which any one of those 
volunteer advisers withheld information of value or declined helpful 
advice to the solution of complex problems. ''It was a matter of i>er- 
sonal knowledge to every member of the headquarters staff in Phila- 
delphia that in numerous instances specialists suggested official acticm 
that was distinctly inimical to their own business and financial inter- 
ests." Newspaper publicity was the direst punishment that could be 
inflicted. Prayers and entreaties were of no avail to save the guilty 
from this deserved penalty. Eveir instrument was used to keep the 
names of those convicted out of tne newspapers. One concern <^ered 
$10,000 if its name could be omitted from the public prints. Par- 
ticular reference is made to the aid extended to the Administration 
by the Ck)mmittee of Public Safety and Council of National Defense. 
One of the finest records made by Pennsylvania during the War was 
the liberality with which it sustained the Federal Food Administration 
within its borders. This book cannot fail to be interesting to all Penn- 
sylvanians. (M.) 

OuB Rifles. By Charles Winthrop Sawyer. Boston, The Comhill Co. 
12mo. pp. 409. $4.60. 

In this third volume of the Firearms in American History series 
Mr. Sawyer has produced an admirable manual which will be of great 
assistance to museum directors as well as those who are interested 
in the development of the fiint lock into the modem rifle. Historically 
it is interesting to note that in what the author describes as the flint 
lock period there were 62 makers of guns who were Pennsylvanians 
out of 06 so listed. It is unnecessary to state that the author is op- 
posed to disarmament. He believes in government-subsidized rifle prac- 
tice as the best protection of the nation. (M.) 

The Cbadu of Pennsylvania. By Thomas Willing Balch. Phila., 
Allen, Lane and Scott. 16mo. pp. 41. 

The author makes a very vivid appeal for the preservation of Tinicum 
Island and the land adjacent as Governor Prints Park and the develop- 
ment of the road from Philadelphia to Wilmington as The Qovemor 
Printz Highway. Nya GkSteborff was the first permanent white colony 
settled within Pennsylvania, although Etienne Brul4 was the first white 
man to enter the State in 1616. Printz was an able Qovemor from 
1643 to 1663, and it is eminently proper that this interesting gioimd 
should be preserved in his name m>m the encroachments of business 
interests. (H.) 

Yeab Book of the Pennsylvania Society, 1021. Edited by Barr 

Mr. Ferree has brought out a publication fully as interesting as those 
to which we are aocu^med. Since 1901 this record of the year has 
had an ever-widening influence, not only in the State of Pennsylvania^ 
but among our neighbors, who are thus confronted with what is worth 
while in our history and present condition. An excellent portrait of 
Governor Sproul serves as a frontispiece and there are facsimiles of 
important letters and cuts of objects of interest throughout the Com- 
monwealth. There is a list of the honors conferred upon members of 
the Society and reviews of books by Pennsylvanians and concerning 
Pennsylvania. The speeches at the Twenty-second Annual Dinner are 
given in full. Those of Mr. Schwab and Qovemor Sproul are particu- 
larly interesting in these times of reconstruction. (M.) 



Historical Society of Pennsylvania 

This Fund which now amounts to $42,000, is made up of 
subscriptions of $25 each, which have been invested by the Trus- 
tees, and the interest only used for the publication of historical 
matter. Copies of all publications are sent to subscribers to the 
Fund during their lives, and to libraries for twenty years. The 
fund has published fourteen volumes of Memoirs of the 
Society and forty-four volumes of The Pennsylvania Maga- 
2ine of History and Biography. 

Of the Magazine about 25 sets remain on hand. As long as 
this edition lasts, persons who subscribe $25 to the capital account 
and wish complete sets of the Magazine can obtain the forty-four 
volumes bound, and numbers of current volume, for $60 extra. 
These subscribers will also receive all future issues of the Maga- 
zine and Memoirs. 



1300 Locust Street, Philadelphia. 



Containing Mr. Lloyd's valuable coIlectionB of genealogical data 
from Pennsylvania, English and Welsh records relating to families 
concerning which little or nothing has been written. The following 
genealogies embrace an important part of his labors: — 

Awbrey-Vaughan, Blunston, Burbeck, Garrett, Gibbons, Heaeook, 
Hodge, Houlston, Howard, Hunt, Jarman, Jenkins-Grifflth, Jones, 
Knight, Knowles, Lloyd, Newman, Paschall, Paul, Pearson, Pennell, 
Pott, Pyle, Reed, Sellers, Smith, Thomas, Till, Williams, Wood, and 
Wynne. In addition to these genealogies, the volume cx)ntains 
Calendar of MSS. in the collection of the late James J. Levick, M.D., 
Births at Bala and Lay Subsidy Rolls for Merionethshire, Flintshire 
and Montgomeryshire. 

Copies of the book, an 8yo of 437 pages, indexed, bound in cloth, 
can be purchased from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1300 
Locust Street, Philadelphia. Price, S6.00. 

Thomas I.ynph Montgomery, 





The Swedish Setdements on the Delaware, 1638-1664. By 

Amandds Johnson, Ph.D., Secretary of Swedish Colonial Soeietj. 
2 voU., 8vo. 899 pp. 6 maps and 146 illuatrations. Price, $6. 

Peimsylvaiiia and the Federal Constitution, 1787-1788. Edited bj 

J. Bach McMastkb and F. D. Stonb. 8to. 803 pp. Illuatrated. 
Price, $6. 

The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swedes) Church, Wilmington, 

DeL, from 1697 to 1773, with abstraet of English records, 
1783 to 1810. 8vo. 772 pp. Illustrated. Price, $2. 

The Relations of Pennsylvania with, the British Government, 

1696-1765. By WiNrBED T. Root, Ph.D. Svo. 422 pp. Price, $2. 

Southern Quakers and Slavery. By s. b. Weeks, sto. 40o pp. 

Price, $2. 

Early History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origin to 

the Year 1827. By Qeobob B. wood, M.D., and F. D. Stone, 
Philadelphia, 1896. ISmo. 275 pp. Copiously illustrated. 
Price, $1. 

History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania. By w. r. 

Shepherd. 8vo. 601 pp. Price, $4.50. 

Memoir of Dr. George Logan of Stenton. By his widow, debobab 

NoBBis Logan. 4vo. 207 pp. Illustrated. Price, |3. 

Some of the Fvst Settlers of ''The Forks of the Delaware" and 

their Descendants, from the Record Books of First Reformed 
Church, of Easton, Penna., 1760 to 1852. By Ret. H. M. Kieitbb, 
D.D. 8vo. 404 pp. Illustrated. Price, $5. 

History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, 1861-1865. Com- 
piled by the Kegi mental History Committee. 8vo. 614 pp. Price, $3. 

The Life and Public Services of James Logan. By ibma jane 

Cooper. 8vo. 77 pp. Price, $1.25. 

VoL XLV OCTOBER. I92I No. 180 













ror S»le «l 1300 Loont Street, Philadelphia. Price 75 cents 

per Number, or 13.00 per year 



The Life and Works of Benjamin West (Illustrated.) By Hon. 
Hampton L. Caraon 301 

The Washington Pedigree; Corrigenda and Addenda. By Charles 

H, BrowMng 820 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. (Illustrated,) 

(Continued.) 364 

Notes and Queries 388 

Book Notices 394 


Copies of all the volumes of this Maoazins can be obtained at the 
Hall of The Historical Society, bound by Hyman Zucker, in th« very 
best manner, in the style known as Roxburgh, half cloth, uncut edges, 
gilt top, for $4.26 each and the postage. They will be furnished to sub- 
soribers in exchange for unbound numbers, in good oondition, ob the 
reeeipt of $1.26 per volume and the postage. 


Fnim tlie painting by Dfnjaniin West 
recently purdianed fur the Nnaiiville Art Ai 

Prcmident, Mrs, James C. Bradford 

PEN H 3 't I •' 

' t 

♦ « 

4\ ; 

V.)F ^ • ^ 

".. 1 

T r ' r - 

• i it 

1 "» • 

* i 

r I 

' ■" ' w'A iiist :'v.-i • i \\ i-i 

t .. 

I • • « I 

r. V * . 

.. 1 

* \t. . 

t ..;. 




Vol. XLV. 1921, No. 4. 



Members and Guests of the Art Alliance, Fellow 
Members of the Historical Society: I bid you welcome 
to these halls* As you all know, the Art Alliance is at 
the present time holding a most interesting exhibition 
of pictures by Benjamin West, which have been loaned 
for the purpose of stimulating renewed interest in West 
and his work. 

The committee in charge of that particular exhibition 
called on me about a fortnight ago and asked that the 
Historical Society should loan its own portraits and 
drawings and books, but I was obliged to say that the 
Council, acting under what I think is a very proper pre- 
caution, had to decline the request. You can readily 
understand that we cannot permit our own pictures to 
be taken from the walls, because if we did it in one 
instance we would be obliged to do it for almost every 
celebration or exhibition tiiat is held, and from an en- 
tirely fireproof building some of the precious treasures 

* An addreBB delivered before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
S. W. Comer of Thirteenth and Locust Streets, Philadelphia, Pa., on 
the evening of Monday, December 12, 1921. 

Vol. XLV.— 21 301 

302 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 

in our possession would be removed and exposed to a 
risk which insurance cannot compensate. It may be 
easy to collect the money on an insurance policy, but 
insurance can never restore a burnt portrait. 

I said, however, that we were perfectly willing, in 
order to express our entire sympathy with the Art 
Alliance exhibition, to hold a special meeting in the 
hall of this society, to which the members of the Art 
Alliance and their friends would be cordially invited, 
and that after a few general remarks from the Presi- 
dent an opportunity would be given of studying what 
we have in the way of a West Collection. I think by 
the time you have made your examination you will be 
surprised as well as delighted at the extent, variety and 
excellence of our collection. 

John Buskin once said that great nations wrote their 
autographs in three manuscripts : in books of deeds, in 
books of words, and in books of art ; and that a careful 
reading of all three was necessary to a complete knowl- 
edge of the history of a nation. Then, with that 
predilection for Art which was characteristic of him, 
he added * ' And perhaps the third book is the only one 
that is trustworthy.*' 

The thought expressed by Buskin in general terms, 
was a premonition, so to speak, of the spirit which is 
animating the studies and the thoughts of men and 
women of to-day, — that in order to understand the real 
life of a people, in order to grasp the true meaning of 
the right movement of the ages, we must broaden our 
view and not confine our attention to but portions of 
events which play a fractional although important part 
in national development. 

When I was iu school, and even for many years later, 
the standpoint of most teachers and lecturers on history 
was to view the American Bevolution as though it were 
a detached event in human history ; and it was not until 
recently that students began to perceive that the story 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 303 

of the American Revolution was but a single chapter in 
the great volume of human fate. We now realize 
that there can be no adequate appreciation of the im- 
portance, the dignity and majesty of our national life 
unless we sweep the horizon with an eagle glance and 
carry into the picture all of the influences which make 
for the uplift of humanity and for the education of men 
and women in whatever condition of society they may 
be found. 

Mr. Wells's recent book on ^* Outlines of History*' 
whatever we may think either of his conclusions or of 
the way in which he has reached them, carries convic- 
tion to the mind of the reader that he rests upon a true 
basic thought when he says that all human history is a 
unit, and that whether we begin five hundred thousand 
years ago and trace history through prehistoric man 
down through the buried and ruined cities which we 
excavate, or whether we begin with the turmoil and 
activity of the last six thousand years, signifies but 
little, for all periods are but a part of the same vast 
scheme of evolution and development. 

Although I am going to talk only about the works of 
one man, and he a Pennsylvanian, yet at the same time 
it will be seen that he played an important part in the 
general history of our American development. Is it 
not remarkable that in Pennsylvania, at a time when 
we had but fifty thousand people in a Conmionwealth 
which now numbers ten millions, it should happen that 
a lad bom in a humble structure, in a field with an open 
spring, with no sword, no office, no influence, no power- 
ful family to push his interests, with no other instru- 
ment of success save that of the painter's brush, should 
have so far impressed himself upon a hostile nation 
endeavoring to deprive us of the political and basic 
constitutional rights of our race, as to win its highest 
honors in Art and that his dead body should be carried 
by British statesmen and warriors to a crypt beneath 

304 The Life and Work^ of Benjamin West. 

the dome of St. Paul's, there to rest side by side with 
Sir Joshua Reynolds and Sir Christopher Wren! 

It is well worth dwelling upon to ascertain how it was 
that a lad of such modest origin should so far influence 
the life of his time that we are now assembled to recog- 
nize his worth, to correct, so far as we can, by our own 
revived interest, the inattention, the neglect, the lack 
of appreciation which has obscured his fame for more 
than seventy years. 

Benjamin West was bom October 10, 1738, on what 
is now the campus of Swarthmore College. I shall 
throw pictures on the screen in a few moments, but I 
prefer first to give you a general verbal outline of his 
career before the illustrations are shown. As early as 
the age of seven he manifested his artistic talents. 
There are some remarkable stories told about him. 
Some have been discredited, others have been positively 
denied ; but nevertheless they have a persistent vitality 
about them, a charm and simplicity of their own which 
justify me in repeating one or two of them, although 
you must not expect me critically to examine the evi- 
dence upon which each rests. 

Much surprise has been expressed that the Quaker 
lad, as he was called, bom into an atmosphere far from 
artistic, should have developed a taste and displayed a 
genius for art. There has been a spirited controversy 
among writers as to whether he was a Quaker or not. 
Mr. Gait, his biographer, contends that he was a 
Quaker. Dr. Sharpless, the late President of Haver- 
ford, insisted that he was a Quaker; and you will find 
Dr. Sharpless 's testimony to that effect in the West 
family Bible loaned us by Mr. Howard Edwards. 
Charles Henry Hart was of opinion that inasmuch as 
John West himself, the father of Benjamin, was 
not in good standing in Quaker Meeting, Benjamin 
could not have been a Quaker ; and also because of the 
fact that West in no portrait exhibited himself in 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 305 

Quaker garb, although as you will see in his picture of 
the West family group his father and half-brother and 
wife are in Quaker dress, while the artist himself is not. 
But we must not draw the conclusion that because West 
painted his father in Quaker garb he necessarily was a 
Quaker at the time of West's birth. It was only last 
evening that I learned that the father had been re- 
admitted to good standing in Meeting three years after 
his return to England, in 1765, and the picture being 
painted about three years later, indicates, of course, 
the then personal status. 

The important thing that is manifest is that West's 
talent and zeal and persistency were not characteristic 
of Quakers. However much he may have startled 
some of the sect by attempting to walk in worldly fields, 
yet the story is told of encouragement extended to the 
boy by Pennington and Williamson, both of whom were 
strict Quakers, so definitely to the advantage of the 
lad in the development of his talents. 

It is said that when he was but seven years of age 
he had fraternized with Indian chiefs, who camped out 
in the neighboring fields and had red and yellow pig- 
ments; that they taught him how to use colors in 
drawing birds and insects and other natural objects 
about him. To these pigments his mother added a stick 
of indigo, — which supplied him with the three primary 
colors, red, yellow and blue ; and soon he became master 
of the secondary colors by mixing them. 

The story also was that while his sister, a married 
woman, was out in the garden plucking flowers, he was 
left in charge of the crib, and the baby smiled in her 
sleep ; the boy, attracted by that smile, took a stub of a 
pen which was on the desk and made a little sketch of 
the baby. When the infant's mother and grandmother 
returned he attempted to conceal it from fear of cen- 
sure, but his mother said, ' ' Why, he has made a picture 
of Sally." West afterwards declared : that his Mother's 

306 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 


smile, and the Mother's kiss that followed it, made him 
an artist. Those are his own words as quoted by Gait 
Although Gait gives some highly-colored touches, I can 
scarcely conceive it possible that the book is based on 
a series of fabrications, and for these reasons: Gait 
distinctly says that he submitted his book to West for 
examination, the book was printed in West's lifetime, 
and unless West was determined to impose fraudulently 
upon a credulous public those stories if false would have 
been stricken out. 

Finding that he had been supplied by Indian chiefs 
with color; that he had been successful in depicting a 
baby in the cradle — and you will soon see John Sar- 
tain's picture of the incident on the screen — ^then he 
found he had no proper brushes, and he was told that 
camel 's hair brushes were in use. Well, he had no such 
brushes, and so it was, according to the story, that his 
childish ingenuity manifested itself by his taking hairs 
from the cat's tail, and the cat soon presented such a 
mottled appearance that her good health was questioned 
by the father of Benjamin. His mother explained that 
the cat had been clipped to supply the boy with hairs 
from which to make brushes. 

A painter in Philadelphia, by the name of Williams, 
hearing what the boy had done, sent him a box of colors, 
some paint brushes, and a few engravings to stimulate 
his imagination ; with these he retired to the garret^ and 
then began to teach himself, and made two or three dis- 
coveries. On one occasion the lad was ill, and, lying in 
a darkened room saw passing across the counterpane a 
white cow, marching from one side of the room to the 
other and then disappearing. He also saw a train of 
little pigs running in the same way. He mentioned the 
fact to those about him and they, having eyes but seeing 
not, said, *'He is delirious." The doctor was called in 
to take his temperature and count his pulse. He found 
no excess temperature and the pulse perfectly normal, 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 307 

so the thoughtful boy sought for an explanation. He 
found it in a perforated knot-hole in the shutter which 
closed the window, letting in a ray of light. West 
began to speculate about the matter, and, pursuing his 
investigation, in time invented the camera ohscura — 
a self invention. He mentioned it to his painter 
friend, Williams, who said **It is very creditable to you 
that you invented it yourself, but I received, a few 
weeks ago, a complete camera from England. " So it is 
plain that, while he was not the original discoverer of 
the principle upon which the camera was invented, yet 
so far as his own thoughts were concerned, he was en- 
tirely original in his own artistic conception. 

He was then thirteen or fourteen years of age. 
About this time he was introduced to a charming girl 
of the name of Elizabeth Shewell. The boy who intro- 
duced them was later known to history as ^*Mad 
Anthony Wayne. ' ' Young West and Elizabeth Shewell 
fell in love with each other, but as they were children 
they had to wait. West was poor. He went into Lan- 
caster County, and there made friends, and as a particu- 
lar friend a man of the name of William Henry, a manu- 
facturer, who afterwards was a member of the Conti- 
nental Congress, — West's portraits of Henry and 
his wife are on yonder wall. He also became favorably 
known to the celebrated young Scotchman, James 
Wilson, one of the Signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and one of the Framers of the Constitution 
of the United States. He also became a pupil under 
the first Provost of the University of Pennsylvania, 
Provost William Smith; graduating as a member of 
the class of 1757. Above my head to the left hangs one 
of the earliest portraits painted by West, that of Dr. 
Smith as a middle-aged man. 

By. this time his fame was spreading. He went to 
New York to seek encouragement there. He found it, 
although he later said that as New York was uncon- 

308 The Life and Works of Benjamm West. 

genial soil he preferred Philadelphia; but it should 
never be forgotten that Mr. William Kelly, a New 
York merchant, whose portrait he was then painting, 
was so much impressed that, without West*s knowledge 
at the time, he sent to his agent in Philadelphia a letter 
of credit for fifty pounds, to aid the struggling young 
artist. That credit was the basis of his Italian studies. 

There was a food shortage in Italy, then at war with 
France, and food was being shipped from Philadelphia 
to Naples. William Allen, who afterward founded 
Allentown, after whom Allen *s Lane, above Q-erman- 
town, is named, and who served as Chief Justice of 
Pennsylvania for a period of twenty-eight years ; and 
whose father-in-law, Andrew Hamilton, was the archi- 
tect of the State House, were both West's patrons, and 
they with Mr. Kelly sent the young man abroad to study 
Roman art and Grecian sculpture in Italy. He left our 
shores in 1760 at the age of nearly twenty-two, and 
never returned. 

His love for the bright, * * apple-cheeked girl, * * as he 
called her, continued unabated. They had promised to 
marry each other so soon as his means justified, but this 
was a long way off. He spent three years in the study 
of art in Italy — at a time, we must remember, when the 
Italian galleries were unspoiled by any depredations on 
the part of Napoleon. He enjoyed Italy to the full ex- 
tent of her glory. He had the advantage of Venice, 
Florence, Pisa, and Bome. He could study also great 
classical statues ; and we can see the result of his study 
in his drawings, in his power to express anatomically 
the strength and beauty of an arm, a back or a shoulder, 
or the magnificent chest of Apollo, whom he likened to 
a Mohawk Indian. It is said, — and this would tend to 
discountenance the idea that he was at heart a Quaker 
— that when he first saw the statue of Apollo 
Belvedere he exclaimed, **My God, Apollo is like a 
young Mohawk savage!'^ To his hearers, who were 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 309 

shocked by his comparing the most beautiful of the 
Greeks to an American Indian, he justified his state- 
ment. He said, *'Why, I have seen these Indians 
stripped, exercising, drawing the bow, bringing their 
muscles into play, and pursuing their quarry, so that 
their chests expand ; they are precisely like the Apollo 
Belvedere. ' ' 

The Italians asked him to paint a portrait in compe- 
tition with Mengs, a German artist then in Italy. This 
he did, and in the gallery when West's picture was 
displayed it was far superior in the mastery of color to 
that displayed by the highly-reputed German. 

Prior to this. West had made a careful study of the 
methods employed by Titian, and spent two years and 
a half trying to learn how Titian mixed his colors. He 
then decided that the mixing of colors was not the most 
important feature, but that this must be supplemented 
by delicacy in the stroke of the brush and the skill of 
the eye in detecting tones. Thereafter West used the 
brush delicately and blended his tints with half tones. 

At the age of twenty-five West went to England and 
there met Archbishop Drummond, who became his 
friend. He met also Burke, Dr. Johnson, Sir Joshua 
Reynolds, and Oliver Goldsmith. The Archbishop read 
to him one night, finding he had his head full of classi- 
cal subjects, a thrilling passage from Tacitus, describ- 
ing' * Agrippina landing with the ashes of Germanicus. * ^ 
Drummond asked West to sketch the incident, which 
West did over night. The Archbishop showed the draw- 
ing to George HE. The King recognized talent in it, and 
said, ** Send the young man to me.'' He was intro- 
duced to the Boyal presence, and they fell to talking 
about Begulus, and West then painted, within a very 
brief time, the '* Departure of Begulus From Eome.'' 
That was the first picture George IH bought from 
West, who soon became historical painter to the King. 

A dispute, in the meantime, had taken place between 

310 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 

the artists of the day over the best methods for the pro- 
motion of art, and Sir Joshua Beynolds was one of the 
unsatisfied. In order to protect Reynolds from what 
he thought was unjustified criticism and opposition, the 
King founded The Royal Academy, in 1765, and Sir 
Joshua became the first president. He held the presi- 
dency until 1792, when Benjamin West became his suc- 
cessor. West's long career through that time was one 
of unbroken success, painting the thirty-eight pictures 
of royal selection to be seen at Windsor. 

Witiiiu two years of his arrival in England he had 
established himself on so firm a basis that he wrote to 
Elizabeth Shewell, asking her to come to him that they 
might be married. She had an obtuse brother, who did 
not wish her to marry an unknown man, and it is said 
he locked her into a room and confined her there so long 
that all visible connection or correspondence between 
the young people had ceased. Here is the story : the 
moment she heard that success had smiled upon her 
lover, and that his arms were extended to her across 
the sea, she sought to escape from her prison house; 
and on a certain night with the aid of Benjamin Frank- 
lin, William White, afterwards Bishop White, and 
Francis Hopkinson, she effected her escape. That was 
a beautiful conspiracy ! Here we have a future Bishop 
of the diocese, a famous philosopher, and the author of 
* * The Battle of the Kegs ' ' rescuing a lady from a third- 
story window, by throwing up a rope ladder to her, 
during her brother's sleep; they also had a convenient 
coach at a dark comer of the roadside ; and drove down 
to the river, at Chester, where they were holding a 
sloop. And, behold. West's father was there, with 
Matthew Pratt, the artist. And thus was she carried 
across the ocean; and married to West at St. Martin's 
in the Fields. No Quaker escapade was that ! 

Mr. Hart denies the story, but I cannot find sub- 
stantiation of his denial except his bald assertion that 


The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 311 

the story was not true. Benjamin Franklin was fifty- 
eight at that time. Bishop White only eighteen, and 
Francis Hopkinson twenty-five. The escaping girl was 
nineteen. Whether it was a dark or a moonlight night is 
not stated, but at all events the conspiracy succeeded. 
The important feature of the matter is this, that the 
story was told by Bishop White to a Mr. Swift, of Eas- 
ton, and he repeated it to Sully, who afterward was a 
pupil of Benjamin West. To say that all this can be 
swept aside, and the Bishop discredited, because of the 
assertion by Matthew Pratt, himself a fellow-conspira- 
tor and a witness to the wedding, in his diary that she 
was married with the express approval of all her rela- 
tives and friends — ^amounting to an express contradic- 
tion of the disapproval of her brother — strikes me as 
being too slight as evidence of contradiction ; at least, I 
would not like to talk to twelve men in the box and ex- 
pect them to believe the denial, — ^and when I say 
* ^ twelve men in the box, ^ ' of course, I mean there would 
be six women to be convinced, as well as six men. 

West painted four classes of pictures: portraits, 
minor historical scenes, great historical scenes, and 
religious subjects. The cloud which settled down for 
so long a time upon his fame was due measurably to 
the fact that most of his subjects ceased to attract, 
where they did not actually repel. The public taste had 
changed. I have recollections of my own visits to the 
Academy of Fine Arts, on the site of the old Chestnut 
Street Opera House, and I can recall my childish gasps 
in looking at Death on the Pale Horse. I do not feel so 
now. I regard that picture as a prevision of the late 
agonies of a World War. Were we not all stirred by 
the pages of that master work of the Spanish novelist, 
Ibanez, ^*The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse''? 
Did we not see War, Famine, Pestilence and Death in 
ghastly reality! Did we not realize the truth in the 
visions of St. John! Suppose that West's picture had 

312 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 

been exhibited during the war, would we not have found 
in it an artistic expression of our realization of what 
we were living through? Remember that West lived 
not only through the American Revolution, but the 
horrors of the French Revolution, of The Reign of Ter- 
ror, and of the Napoleonic Wars, .when Europe was 
deluged with blood from the Alps to the Neva. With 
West's portrayal before us we realize that as a supreme 
artist he had given expression to the thoughts then 
burning in the minds of men. 

Take the religious picture, ^^ Christ Healing the 
Sick/^ the great picture which hangs on the walls of the 
Pennsylvania Hospital. There is an artistic expres- 
sion of the fact, never before so much thought of in the 
world's history as in our own day that Christ walked 
the wards of the hospitals to relieve the pain and the 
suffering that war had caused. Take, too, his picture 
of Christ Rejected, and recall that it was painted dur- 
ing that period in France when Christianity had been 
abolished, and the Qoddess of Reason had heen substi- 
tuted. Plainly his picture expressed the spirit of 
France in casting out Christianity and the Church. 

In order to realize what creative artists mean when 
they paint allegories, what they feel, what they intend 
to convey as lessons to humanity, as their messages 
whisper through the centuries, we must place ourselves 
in their position and visualize events as tibey saw them. 
Then only can we feel as they felt. 

From the standpoint of artistic criticism of "yj^est's 
merits or defects of execution I do not feel myself 
competent to pass judgment upon these works of art. 
I looked, yesterday, at the portraits assembled by the 
Art Alliance and I confess that I was not aware that 
West was so fine a portrait painter. With the historical 
scenes I was more familiar. 

In this last class. West did a distinctive thing: he 
abolished the classic costume in the robing of English 

.jflftji uwv^ftm^^fm^rp^^^af^^mmmm^mt^mmmgmm^m^mmmmm 


The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 313 

warriors and heroes in the hour of death. He was 
called upon to paint ^'The Death of Wolfe on the Plains 
of Abraham.'^ His conception was against the express 
criticism of Sir Joshua Reynolds, who would have 
wrapped a Roman toga about the dying Wolfe. West 
sturdily said, * * This battle took place in the year 1758, 
out in tiie wilds of Canada. That Indian, who was there 
with his scalping knife and tomahawk, knew nothing 
about a toga, and it is inappropriate. ' ' And so, in spite 
of his Master, he painted in the scarlet coat and the 
plumes and the war bonnet. The realism, the pro- 
priety of making his pictures fit the facts and suit the 
historic atmosphere in time captivated Sir Joshua and 
he surrendered ; and from that time it became evident 
that West had taught the artists a lesson that they 
never forgot, for never again did an English soldier, or 
an American, appear in the dress of Greeks or Romans. 

Let me now call your attention to our exhibits. The 
picture which hangs over the mantelpiece is one of the 
finest and largest of his portraits. It is of William 
Hamilton, of the Woodlands, and his niece, Mrs. Lyle. 
If that picture were cleaned, and a coat of varnish 
given to it, you would find all the brilliant sureness of 
the original. There is also a delicacy about it in tone, 
and also a fine accuracy in the painting of the hands 
of Mrs. Lyle — the artist succeeding in a detail which 
Gilbert Stuart shunned. 

The two little pictures at the right of the mantelpiece 
are the original studies which Benjamin West executed 
preparatory to painting the portraits of King George 
ni and Queen Charlotte. To the right is a small head 
of West from the brush of Sir Thomas Lawrence. On 
the easel is a larger portrait of West, by the same artist. 
By the fireplace is a portrait of the wife of Thomas 
Hopkinson, the famous electrician, who discovered what 
we call ** points," whidi stimulated the imagination of 

314 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 

Benjamin Franklin and started him on his electrical 
studies, which made him immortal. 

Around the comer, in the other room^ you will find 
two early paintings by West, those of William Henry 
and his wife, the Lancaster portraits, contemporaneous 
with this above my head of Provost Smith. 

In the cases, you will find in two sketch books 110 
drawings by West ; on the tables seven huge folio vol- 
umes of John Galt^s ^*Life of West," extra illustrated, 
with autograph letters. There, too, is the receipt for 
West's funeral expenses in 1820 in the sum of £696 — a 
silent witness of the august ceremony attending his in- 
terment in St. Paul's — a tribute by the British nation to 
the Delaware County lad of Pennsylvania. There is 
also his correspondence with royalty and noblemen 
and scientific men on both sides of the water, counting 
over 300 letters in manuscript in West's handwriting. 
West was also an autograph collector, and his speci- 
mens — 532 in number, go back, as. you will observe, to 
the reign of Louis XIV and include the autographs 
of Catherine the Great, Charles V, Queen Isabella, 
Lorenzo de Medici, and Napoleon I, and among paint- 
ers, Poussin, Salvator Bosa, Reynolds, Harlow and 
Flaxman. Also you will find the family Bible of West, 
also some autograph letters of his, one of which is 
addressed to Copley, which I will soon throw on the 
screen. You will observe that some of his principal 
drawings can be regarded as original studies for several 
of his most famous pictures. In short, we have here, 
within these walls, and owned by The Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania, as extraordinary collection of 
*'Westiana" as can anywhere be found. Some were 
purchased, others picked up and presented to us by 
enthusiastic admirers of the artist. Nowhere on 
either side of the Atlantic, will you find in single owner- 
ship so complete a collection as we have here. 

When succeeding Sir Joshua as President of the 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 315 

Royal Academy in 1792 West was offered a Knighthood 
by the King, but refused the honor, *'It is not to my 
taste/' said he, **nor is it necessary to my fame/' 

West lives, too, in his pupils ; he became the teacher 
of many American artists, of whom some were fifteen, 
twenty or even thirty years younger than himself, and 
thus transmitted his style, feeling and enthusiasm to 
other men. He taught Charles Willson Peale, Gilbert 
Stuart, Thomas Sully, Washington Allston, and even 
the inventor, Samuel Morse, of electric telegraph fame. 

(Pictures are thrown on the screen). 

This is West's birthplace, built in the year 1725, now 
standing on the campus at Swarthmore. About 1874 
fire damaged the house, but fortunately did not reach 
the room in which West was bom, which is to the left 
of the doorway. In other respects the house is much 
in the position and condition that it originally had, 
having been carefully restored by the trustees of 
Swarthmore College. 

Here is a purely imaginative piece called **The 
Young Artist "or * * The Inspired Boy, ' ' which serves as 
a frontispiece to an abridged * * Life of West, ' ' by Gait, 
published in Boston in the year 1832. The first edition 
of Gait's Life was printed in Philadelphia, in 1816, 
during West's lifetime, and, as the title page tells 
us, compiled from materials furnished by himself, put- 
ting an end, I should think, to the doubts of the 
authenticity of the stories. 

Here is John Sartain's imaginative effort to give sub- 
stance to the attempt of West to draw a picture of his 
baby niece; there, too, is the cat, seemingly satisfied 
with any robbery committed on her tail. 

There is a sketch of John West, the father of Benja- 
min West, drawn by Benjamin when he was about 
seventeen years of age, about the year 1753. There is 

316 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 

no attempt at elaboration, but a few strong strokes 
give expression both to the figare and to the face. 

Here is a picture of the West family, painted by West 
years after he had married Elizabeth Shewell. West 
himself is seen in the extreme right-hand comer of the 
picture, standing behind the chair. His father is sit- 
ting immediately in front of him, and his half-brother 
is seated beside the father. The extraordinary incident 
with regard to this is that the boy seated beside his 
father had never seen his father untU the arrival of the 
party from America in 1765, he being the child of the 
first wife, who remained in England while John West 
went to America; she died in giving birth to the boy; 
Benjamin was the youngest son of John West and 
Sarah Pearson, the second wife. Matthew West, the 
other son, is the larger boy standing in the left comer, 
and Benjamin West, Junior, is the baby in the lap 
of Mrs. West, — ^Elizabeth Shewell, who so lightly de- 
scended that rope ladder, steadied by the firm hand 
of Franklin. 

Here is Matthew Pratt 's portrait of Benjamin West, 
painted in London, at about the period of time of his 
marriage ; and here is the picture of the girl who made 
her escape, painted by the same artist. 

Here is one of the scarcest of the portraits of West, 
published as an engraving in 1768. The artist is un- 
known, but the picture appears in Gait, marked simply 
as ''The Scarce Portrait of 1768. '' 

Here is a mezzotint by William Pether of West, after 
William Lawrenson, which is regarded as still scarcer 
than the preceding picture; but it gives you a more 
satisfactory view, as containing two-thirds of his face. 
At that time he was about forty-two years of age. 

Here is Gilbert Stuart ^s portrait of Benjamin West, 
Stuart being his pupil. Those of you who can see the 
left-hand corner of the picture, where the name of the 
artist appears, will see the name of * * Gabriel Stuart. ^ * I 

riiiiite,! by himself in ITlia 
[irodiici^l from tlie piifrniving liy W. T, Fry 

•^ - *- .Jr^rUOe^^y'T^ 




From the original letter in The Historical Society of 

Pen lis viva Ilia 

T H S 





Bfi^WILLlAl* WOgLt(;By;i^ 

Vktthe fimmd the Pkofiace of Pa»fylT«ai«p i^Hook 




M bs 19 by t4 Mcfcfi ia Ifngrii, Md «»%• 

Tbc Pike al'dw fwiini vbiOM 

TheSaWcribnvlMl iMwtkc fifA 
1 ifrfiKWMK w mu w u ne iki 

N. B. Tw» raiwb. ih> fiuM Am M Uw 

which, hbhapdk «Bte«M. 


From the original broadside in The Historical Society of 






: i'I!(i(;rkss of (;k\u's 


Pointed by Beniunin WMt 

It«produotd fnon « print in the poMewion of 

MiM Anne Hollingiworth Wharton 



Fftiuted l^ Benjamin West 

Reproduced from the photograph in the poBfteaeion of 

Mill Anne Hollingiworth Wharton 

a3 jg 



./.iJl^ ..>jll.i— ^^/l— ^T^Jl.-^ A^. ^^ rtfufel.TjjlJjij'ti 

Will. Potllcr, Focit 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 317 

used to think, when I looked at the fxdl length picture of 
Washington, after '^Gkibriel Stuart,'* — afterwards 
called **The Lansdowne Portrait", — ^as engraved by 
Heath, that it was a slip by the engraver, but I have 
seen so many engravings since with the name Gabriel 
that I can well believe that Gilbert Stuart was quite 
sincere when he said, '^Well, they intended to make an 
archangel of me, anyhow." 

Here is Benjamin West as portrayed by Sir Thomas 
Lawrence, who was his successor in the office of the 
President of The Eoyal Academy. West is shown as 
lecturing on the properties of color. That accounts 
for the rainbow introduced into the upper portion of 
the picture. And on the curtain is depicted **The 
Death of Ananias," one of West's most celebrated 

Here is Benjamin West's portrait of himself. The 
countenance, I think, is more pleasing than that 
depicted by Sir Thomas. This was in 1793. He has 
introduced a bust of some classical character as an 
accessory to the picture, according to the fashion of the 
times, but I cannot but think that accessories detract 
from portraiture by distracting attention. 

Here is a letter, the original of which is among one 
of the collections in the other hall. It was written to 
Copley, the artist, who was one year older than West, 
being bom in 1727. Copley, as you know, went from 
Boston to England. His son went with him, and in 
course of time became Lord Chancellor Loughborough, 
one of the greatest lawyers England ever knew; very 
few even in England know that the great rival of Lord 
Brougham was a Boston boy. I show the letter as a 
specimen of West's handwriting. 

Here are the Proposals, printed as a Broadside in 
1773, by John Boydell, publisher of an illustrated 
edition of Shakespeare, for engraving two pictures by 

Vol. XLV.— 22 

318 The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 

West, **The Death of General Wolfe'* and ^'Penn's 
Treaty With the Indians." 

I now show you HalPs engraving of the ** Treaty 
With the Indians," the original painting is in the 
Reception Chamber of the State House. West has 
been severely criticized for not observing historical 
accuracies of dress. William Penn is shown in the 
garb of a strict Quaker, of portly figure, and a man of 
middle age. In point of fact, Penn at that time was 
but thirty-two years of age, with an athletic, energetic 
body, and could spring, dance and run with the Indians, 
as he frequently did ; and who at the time of the Treaty 
was in court dress, with a sash. 

He has also introduced, in the figure of the old man 
— the third one in the group to the right — his father; 
and has again introduced his half-brother into the pic- 
ture. Of the Treaty, Voltaire declared it was the only 
treaty that had never been sworn to and never broken. 
I think, that regard for a full statement of the causes 
conducing to the peace of Pennsylvania in this South- 
eastern comer would impel a modem historian to add 
that besides Penn's Treaty it was a fact that before an 
Indian tomahawk could reach a Quaker scalp it would 
have to fly through fifty miles of Scotch-Irish Presby- 

Here are illustrations of the charming miniatures 
which West could paint. The first is of his wife and 
child. The second of his wife, child, and himself, is 
quite as charming as anything by Sir Thomas Law- 
rence. For these I am indebted to Miss Anne Hollings- 
worth Wharton. 

This is an ambitious portrait of Arthur Middleton, a 
Signer of the Declaration of Independence, of South 
Carolina, with his wife and child, painted by West. 
The original is in the possession of Dr. Henry Middle- 
ton Fisher, of this city. 

I now show you the picture, in black and white, of 

The Life and Works of Benjamin West. 319 

'* Christ Healing the Sick.'* West wrote to Samuel 
Coates, of Philadelphia, in the year 1801, that he would 
paint a picture for the Pennsylvania Hospital. When 
it was exhibited in London it was so highly thought of 
that the British Institution bought the original for three 
thousand guineas, the highest price ever paid for a 
painting up to that time ; West agreed to selF it only on 
condition that he could paint a replica. The replica 
was senf to Philadelphia. Here it is in colors. That 
picture was exhibited before presentation to the hos- 
pital, and brought contributions to the hospital suf- 
►ficient to establish thirty beds in the Pennsylvania 
Hospital. I can remember a little building, but two 
stories in height, standing on the south side of Spruce 
Street, halfway between Eighth and Ninth, on the 
grounds of the hospital, in which this picture was said 
to have been exhibited. That building was one of the 
early homes of this Historical Society, before we came 
to the Patterson mansion at Thirteenth and Locust 
Streets, now converted into our present hall. Thus are 
we pleasingly associated with memories of West. The 
picture itself hangs to-day in the entrance hall to the 
middle building of the group which together form the 
Pennsylvania Hospital. Beneath the picture is a plaster 
cast of the hand of Benjamin West, and one of the 
original brushes that he used, displayed under glass. 
I thank you for the attention you have given me. 

320 The Washington Pedigree. 






There has never been a controversy as to who was 
the mother of Mr. Lawrence Washington, the eldest son 
of Colonel John Washingtpn, of Washington parish, 
Westmoreland County, Virginia, and the grandfather 
of General Gteorge Washington. In fact, there has 
never been any doubt as to her name, and whose daugh- 
ter she was. Ask any of the many * * Colonial Dames ' ' 
and ** Colonial Warsmen,'* lineal descendants of Mr. 
Lawrence Washington, who she was, and these con- 
cerned will readily reply: **Ann Pope.'' To them 
there is no question about it, because they had used her 
father. Colonel Nathaniel Pope, of Virginia, as a 
'* claim,'* either original or supplementary, with the 
consent of their Society's Genealogist. 

But the fact is, the ladies and gentlemen of Wash- 
ington blood are not descended from Colonel Pope, be- 
cause his daughter Ann, tho a . wife of Colonel John 
Washington, was not the mother of Colonel Wash- 
ington's son and heir Lawrence, their ancestor, and 
I hope that herein I shall convince them, and the 
pedigree examiners, that they have erred in this item 
of the Washington genealogy, by telling how I know it. 
But I have to admit that the alleged *' examiners" all 
over the Union, are, in a way, not to be blamed alto- 
gether for the mistake, because they naturally relied 

The Washington Pedigree. 321 

upon the many printed Washington pedigrees and 
could have believed the writers of them had personally 
substantiated all their statements before publishing. 

As will appear hereafter, young Captain John Wash- 
ington, who had been living in Virginia, first in 
Northumberland Co., and next in Westmoreland Co., 
for several years, returned from a short visit to Eng- 
land, before April, 1655. 

It may have been before going on this voyage, or im- 
mediately upon his return from his visit to Tring, a 
market town, in Hertfordshire, that he married his first 
wife, a young widow, with one child, and also a resident 
of Westmoreland, when he was about 24-26 years of 
age. The exact date and place of this wedding are still 
conjectural, but the lady's maiden name is certainl;^ 
unblown at this writing, so far as I am aware. How- 
ever, this latter item would only be nice to know, for it 
does not affect my story. The lady whom Captain (and 
he may have been a Major, as will be explained) John 
Washington married as his first wife (but not in the 
sense that he was going to accumulate wives), was Mrs. 
Ann Brett. She was the widow of Mr. Henry Brett, 
sometime a merchant of Plymouth, Devonshire, but at 
the time of his decease a land owner and resident of 
Westmoreland Co., Va., who died intestate, and Wash- 
ington administered his estate, after he married Mrs. 
Brett, as appears from the following Court items. 

Westmoreland Court Order Book, under date of 28 
Sep., 1670, is a Statement of Account of Henry Brett's 
Estate, ** exhibited by Lt. Col. John Washington, who 
married Ann, the relict of Mr. Henry Brett, late of ye 
county dec'd.^' A commission reported **We have ex- 
amined ye whole Inventory & Debts of ye said Henry 
Brett, and Wee Doe find that Mrs. Ann Brett Washing- 
ton hath paid beyond the Assatts,'' &c. 

And ibid, under 31 May, 1671, find that Mrs. Ann 
(Brett) Washington's son, Samuel Brett, a merchant at 

322 The Washington. Pedigree. 

Plymouth, gave power of attorney **to execute a dis- 
charge to Lt. Col. Washington, who intermarried with 
Mrs. Ann Brett, ye relict and Admin 'trix of Henry 
Brett, of Plymouth, merchant, dec'd/' 

These items, while they confirm the marriage of John 
Washington and the Widow Brett, his first wife, 
do not tell us when Mr. Brett died, nor when Mrs. 
Washington died, but this happened certainly before 
Feb. 1658-59, as will appear. In their short married 
life, they had three children, namely Lawrence, John 
and Ann, as also will be shown. 

It was probably after this 1671 item, when Samuel 
Brett* testified that Washington had administered the 
estate of Brett Sr. so satisfactorily that he ran in debt 
to Washington thru some trading account, and Law- 
rence Washington, as his father 's executor, had to sue 
his half-brother for balance of the account, £21.4.5 ster. 
This suit was brought against SamuePs Virginia at- 
torney, as Brett was then a merchant at Bristol, 14 
June, 1682, before a Westmoreland County Court, of 
which Lawrence was one of the Justices. Sometime 
later, SamuePs lawyer, as defence, brought a counter 
claim against the estate of John Washington for £100 
ster., to pay for damages to a sloop, belonging to 
Samuel, which Washington had used to take his cattle, 
horses, &c., over to Maryland, in April, 1676, * ' as may 
more largely appear" below. The jury decided in 
favor of Lawrence. 

A very short time after his first wife died, leaving 
him with three young children, John Washington mar- 
ried his second wife, who was Mrs. Ann Brodhurst, 
the widow and relict, and apparently the second wife, 
of Walter Brodhurst, who removed from Maryland to 
Northumberland Co., where he was the sheriJBf in 1652, 

* There was a Samuel Brett, who married in 1647, in St. Andrew par- 
ish, Plymouth, who may have been brother to Henry, who named his son 
for him. 

The Washington Pedigree. 323 

and a burgess next year, and then was seated in West- 
moreland, when it was formed from Northumberland, 
and the daughter of Lieut. Colonel Nathaniel Pope, of 
Westmoreland Co., a near neighbor to Washington. 

In this way it appears as if Ann Pope, a young 
woman, was the second wife of Walter Brodhurst, and 
that his first was one of the daughters of Lt. Col. 
Thomas Gerrard. Brodhurst and Gerrard had been 
neighbors in Maryland and removed together to 
Northumberland Co., 1650. Gerrard in his will, dated 
1 Feb. 1672-3, says he married twice, and had issue 
by each wife. He had five daughters (and several 
sons, one John, of whom hereafter), but named only 
two, and a lot of grandchildren through them, but 
named only two, Gerrard Tucker and Gerrard Peyton, 
a son of daughter Frances, who was the wife of several 
prominent Virginians, and then became the third wife 
of Lt. Col. Washington. Possibly Brodhurst 's son, 
Gerrard, was also one of his unnamed grandchildren, 
and well enough off not to need a special legacy. 

Brodhurst's will, dated 26 Jan., 1658-9, proved by 
the witnesses at his house, and presented in Court, 12 
Feb. following by his widow, Ann, bom Pope, as its 
' executrix. According to the will, she was so to act, ex- 
cepting as to his land he desired *'my son Gerrard'^ 
to have. His arrangement for his widow was not gen- 
erous. As long as she remained his widow and unmar- 
ried, she was to have the use of his land, cattle, horses, 
&c., but for this she should pay rental to his will over- 
seers. Col. Gerrard, possibly his first father-in-law, 
and Col. Pope, his second father-in-law, who should use 
the money for the up-keep and education of his chil- 
dren. From this, it looks as if Gerrard was to look 
after the welfare of his namesake, if not his grandson, 
Garrard Brodhurst, and Pope to do the same for his 
daughter's son, Walter. That young Gerrard Brod- 
hurst may have had some trouble in getting some of his 

324 The Washington Pedigree. 

inheritance from his father's estate, appears through a 
quit-claim deed, dated 20 Sep. 1668, from **Mrs, Ann 
Brodhurst" (whom we have reasons to imagine was 
then '*Mrs. John Washington")? by which she assigned 
500 acres of land, which, after 1675, lay in Stafford 
Co., to her stepson, Gerrard Brodhurst. 

The exact date of the marriage of John Washington 
and Mrs. Brodhurst is unknown, and so is that of the 
death of Mr. Bl*odhurst. Both dates remain hypo- 
thetic. Mr. Brodhurst 's will, which was dated 26 Jan. 
1658-9, was not filed till in Nov., 1659, and the inven- 
tory of his personal estate on 17 April, 1661, therefore, 
we got no information from these sources, or only that 
Washington seems to have lost no time in getting a 
second wife to mind the infants of his previous one, 
and look out for his comfort. However, tiiere is a sug- 
gestive, tho not convincing, item extant which shows 
Major Washington must have married Mrs. Brodhurst 
around Feb., 1658-9, which I shall bring up. 

There are two good items extant that approximate 
the time of their wedding. One, dated 12 Feb., 1658-9, 
a recorded paper in which Ann^s father, Lt. Col. Pope, 
styled her **my daughter Ann Pope Brodhurst.'' 

The other item, dated 11 May, 1659, also signed with 
his *'mark'' by Lt. Col. Pope, is a power of attorney 
concerning some land, addressed to his daughter Ann, 
in which he calls her **My daughter Ann Pope alias 
Washington. ' ' 

Therefore it may be seen that John Washington and 
his second Ann, another widow with a son, married 
early in the year 1659, and before May, certainly, if the 
** young son'' baptised on 4 Oct. was her first child 
and not the last one of the first wife of Col. John. 

In the Spring of 1659, John Washington went on 
one of his trading voyages abroad, and returned to 
Virginia in Sep. On the 29 Sep., 1659, the Governor 
of Maryland wrote him a letter, which he received by 

I iinti—iiaiP*»'^M 

The Washington Pedigree. 325 

messenger in Westmoreland Co., at his home, in which 
the Governor requested him to attend a Maryland 
Court on the following 4 Oct., to testify in a criminal 
case, instituted by Col. Washington, concerning the 
brutal hanging by the sailors of a woman passenger, 
believed by them to be a witch, and that she had hoo- 
dooed their ship, in which Washington was coming 
over to Virginia, and caused it several times to get on 
the wrong course. ( See Neill 's * * Virginia-Carolorum, ' ' 
pp. 257-€). 

In reply to this request, Col. Washington wrote to 
the Governor, by his messenger, a note dated 30 Sep., 
1659, saying {ibid)y that it was impossible for him to 
attend that Court on 4 Oct. following, ** because then, 
[4 Oct. 1659], God willing, I intend to gett my young 
son baptised. All ye company and Gossips being al- 
ready invited. '^ [The full text of this letter may be 
read in vol. XVI, p. 264, this mag.]. 

Thus, we have virtually the record of the date of the 
baptism of John, Jr., the youngest son of Col. John 
Washington, for we may presume he was baptised on 
4 Oct., 1659. This being a child of Col. John's first 
wife, deceased, and bom in 1658, before Feb., 1658-9, 
there may be many causes imagined why he was not 
baptised before this, or during his mother's lifetime. 
There are at least two probable reasons worth suggest- 
ing. The child's mother may have died giving birth 
to it, and its father had not yet arrived home from his 
voyage. John, Jr., was 17 years of age when his 
father made his will, in which he desired that Thomas 
Pope, the lad's step-uncle, should **have the care of his 
bringing up" and educating. 

When Col. Washington made his will, dated either 
11, or 21 (writing indistinct), Sept., 1675, he named as 
executors his then wife (Anne [Pope] Brodhurat), 
his brother Lawrence, who predeceased him, and ' * my 
son Lawrence." The date of his death has not been 

326 The Washington Pedigree. 

found. The will was proved, and filed in West- 
moreland County Court 10 Jan., 1677-8, by his son 
and heir, Lawrence (Ann Pope, his wife, not acting for 
reason hereafter explained), he being the heir, and then 
of age and naturally had livery of his inheritance, and 
succeeded his father. 

This is another of the reasons why Lawrence could 
not have been the child of Ann Pope (**her second 
son'^ it has been printed), because she and Col. John 
were married early, probably, in Feb., 1658-9, and 
Lawrence would have been only 18 or 19 years old 
in 1677-8, and not of age. iWhereas he was bom early 
in 165 — , (1655-6), hence was the son of Col. John^s 
first wife, Mrs. Ann Brett. 

But the proof that Lawrence, John, and Ann, were 
the children of Col. John by his first wife is more con- 
vincing through the following extracts from the wills 
of Col. John Washington and his sons, Lawrence and 
John. See Mr. Ford's ** Washington Wills,*' which 
may be assumed are reliable copies of the originals 
(tho his footnotes to them are not always that), or, 
better, Dr. Toner's copies printed in Waters' ** Glean- 
ings in English Wills," pp. 524, &c., and W. and M. 
Quart., Xllly p. 145, will of John Jr. 

Col. Washington wrote into his will, on 11 (or 21) of 
Sept., 1675 : * ' My body to be buried in ye plantation 
where I now live, by the side of My Wife yt is already 
buried. ' ' 

As his second wife (frequently mentioned in this will, 
and named as one of its executors), Mrs. Ann Brod- 
hurst (**Ann Pope that was") was living, and pre- 
sumably with him, when he wrote this desire. Col. John 
could have only referred to his first wife, tiie Widow 
Brett, as being the wife, **yt is already buried," before 
May, 1659. However, his wife. Widow Brodhurst, sur- 
vived Col. John and died in England, as below. 

Lawrence Washington, Col. John's eldest son and 

> * aw 


The Washington Pedigree. 327 

heir, in his will, dated 11 March, 1697-8, desired to be 
buried ''by the side of my father and mother." 

Therefore, Col. John Washington was buried as he 
wished to be, beside his first wife, ''already buried" 
there, in the Washington graveyard, on the homestead 
plantation, Westmoreland Co., and his son Lawrence 
was buried next to them, and near several half-brothers 
and half-sisters. 

John Washington, Jr., Col. John's second son, and 
last child by his first wife, in his will, dated Washington 
parish, 22 January, 1697-8 (proved 23 Feb. following), 
desired that his body be "buried by my father and 
mother and brothers. ' ' 

These I presume were step-brothers (brother Law- 
rence being alive), because Mrs. Brett- Washington 
could not have had more than three children in her 
short married life with Col. John, unless there were 
' ' twins, or better. ' ' 

Here, we have the proof in two wills that Lawrence 
and John Jr. were sons of Col. John's first wife, and 
you will see by the Colonel's will that his daughter, 
Ann, was also her child, and that their own mother, 
the wife of Col. John, was buried in the plantation 
graveyard, before Sep., 1675. 

Since, as related below, Washington's second wife 
(Ann Pope), died in Salop, England, while among her 
first husband's relatives, and was buried there by them, 
and there is not the slightest hint of contemporary 
record, nor likelihood probably, that her body was dis- 
interred and brought to Virginia, by Lawrence's or 
John Jr. 's order, Lawrence and John were buried by the 
side of Mrs. Ann Brett- Washington, and were not the 
sons of (Mrs. Ann Pope) Brodhurst-Washington, and 
were only step-sons. 

Taking up Col. John Washington's wUl again, read 
what he says of his children: — "My wife (i. e. his then 
wife, Ann Pope, who survived him) to have the ' ' bring- 

328 The Washington Pedigree. 

ing up of my daughter, Ann Washington, until my son, 
Lawrence comes of age. ' ' 

This item shows the ColonePs particular considera- 
tion for his own, and not his and his then wife 's, Ann 
Pope, children. Lawrence at that writing was about 19 
years old, and may be presumed to have been so manly 
and educated that he required no further ** bringing up*' 
by anyone, nor was a guardian suggested for him during 
his minority, in the event that his father might be killed 
in the Bacon war, or rebellion, . or in the coming con- 
flict with the Indians, both threatened at this time, and 
the Colonel realized he would soon be in active nulitary 
duty as a commander, hence he made his will. 

[It is a rather remarkable coincidence about the two 
brothers, John and Lawrence Washington, the immi- 
grants, and worthy of note here, that John^s will was 
dated 21 Sept., 1675, and filed in Court on 10 Jan., 
1677-8, and that of Lawrence being dated 27 Sep., 1675, 
was filed in the same Court on 6 Jan., 1677-8.] 

Even then, his father realized that young Lawrence 
would be competent to look after his own young sister, 
and it would be more natural that he should do so, rather 
than to be continued at the conunand of her step-mother, 
especially at so important period of her young life 
when there would be wooers acoming. Therefore, it may 
be assumed, that when his father died, Lawrence, as the 
head of the House, not only took charge of his sister, 
without their step-mother having to resign her, he being 
then of age, whidi was the condition in the wiU. Should 
he not have been of full age, the Court would have been 
obliged to appoint someone to administer the Colonel 's 
estate until he was, and the Court Order Book shows 
no such order, hence, again, he could not have been Ann 
Pope's child. 

I think nothing more is needed to identify young Ann 
as, like Lawrence and John, Jr., a child of Col. John by 
his first wife. Widow Brett, than the following item 

i^^mmm'm^^^mi^^mBm^^immK^i^^^m^m^^mmt^^Kivmam^r^^mj^mwm^'^^r^^^^-i.^ ^ 

The Washington Pedigree. 329 

from her father's will. After having given **to my 
daughter Ann'' two tracts of land, containing 1200 and 
1400 acres each, he says : — **I give to my say'd Daugh- 
ter, wch was her mother's desire, and my promise, ye 
Cash in ye new parlour, & the Diamond ringe, & her 
Mother's rings, & the white quilt & the white curtains 

There is still another important item to record here, 
suggesting about when Lawrence was bom, and showing 
he must have been the. child of his father 's first wife, 
and could not have been the son of Ann Pope, the sec- 
ond wife, whom CoL John did not marry till after Jan., 
1658-9, and before 11 May, 1659. 

In 1679, Mr. Lawrence Washington was appointed 
one of H. M. Justices of the C. P. Court, the Westmore- 
land County Court, (ex V. H. M., I., 250), and was 
still a member in 1682-3 (ex W. & M. Q., IV., 87), and 
in 1685, when he is styled Captain, (W. & M. Quart., 
Vol. XV, p. 186), and probably was a captain when 
young. If Lawrence had been any child, or the first, 
of Col. Washington by his second wife, Ann Pope, mar- 
ried possibly in Feb., 1658-9, he would have been too 
young, not even of age, to be a Justice. But as the son 
of CoL Washington by his first wife, Mrs. Ann Brett, 
he was 23 or 25 or more years of age, and quite eligible 
to sit on the Bench, in 1679-80. 



Such a query as this is not intended to be a malicious 
dissemination, as it is intended only as the title of a case 
stated, the hypothesis being : — ^When a man and woman 
Uve together, and he has acknowledged her as his wife, 
and, at a certain date, there is evidence that they were 
then living together in harmony, but in less than eight 
months afterwards he openly marries another woman, 

330 The Washington Pedigree. 

and the former presumed wife goes abroad, and cen- 
turies afterwards there is not found any record of the 
decree of divorce, legally separating the man from the 
departed woman, who had been living with him as his 
wife for about seventeen years, what is the inference? 

In our present-day life, we may, under these circum- 
stances, assume the discarded woman was only a *^ com- 
mon-law wife,'' a concubine, and that theirs had not 
been a legal union, and consequently their issue was 

But as to this suppositious statement, and also the 
query, we are advised, as a counter to it, that we should 
not judge actions of centuries ago by our present-day 
methods. Therefore, we should allow there was a 
separation legally confirmed, a divorce, legally granted 
and duly recorded somewhere, which evidence has not 
been discovered up to this time. 

As already stated, Major John Washington, of Wash- 
ington parish, Westmoreland Co., of the church of 
which he was elected a vestryman in July, 1661, mar- 
ried, when 30 years of age, his second wife, the widow, 
Ann (Pope) Brodhurst, possibly in Feb., 1658-9, or 
even later, before May, 1659. 

This union, as you shall see, took place before the 
11th of May, 1659, when it was acknowledged by Ann's 
father, but the wedding day is not of record. Ann's 
former husband signed his will on 26 Jan., 1658-9, and 
it was presented in Court for probate 12 Feb., 1658-9, 
but some testamentary proceedings here and in Eng- 
land, in the P. C. C, where it also had to be filed, delayed 
its filing here till the Nov. term of the Court, 1659. Also 
on the same date, 12 Feb., 1658-9, Ann's father, Col. 
Pope, executed a deed to her for land, in whidi he called 
her **my daughter Ann Pope Brodhurst," hence, it 
may be presumed she did not marry John Washington 
till after this date. 

But it looks as if Ann shed her weeds for a veil a very 


The Washington Pedigree. 331 

short time after 26 Jan., 1658-9, or after she had buried 
Brodhurst, as her father, Lt. Col. Nathaniel Pope, also 
a planter in Westmoreland Co., in a power of attorney 
to her about some land, dated 11 May, 1659, as above, 
styled her **My daughter Ann Pope, alias Washing- 
ton.'* In his will (which he ** marked," for possibly 
Col. Pope could not write, as all of his extant papers 
bear only **His Mark"), dated a few days later, or on 
16 May, 1659, written just before going to England 
(proved in Virginia 20 April, 1660), he gave, or rather 
forgave, *Ho my son-in-law, John Washington," a 
debt of eighty pounds money, which John, he said, 
owed him. 

And there is a recorded grant of 700 acres of land in 
Westmoreland, to Mrs. Ann Pope (dias Washington, 
dated 13 June, 1661. [With no intention to suggest 
anything like it in this case, it may be remarked here 
that in England, Ireland, and the B. W. I., when there 
are papers of court record in which the woman living 
with a man as his wife, ''but not parsoned" or married 
to him, she is described this way in old records, * ' Mary 
Smith alias Jones, ' ' her name and the surname of the 
man, to identify her.] 

After this union, the next great event in the lives of 
John and Ann was, so far as I know, the christening of 
John^s last child by his first wife (Widow Brett), on 
4 Oct., 1659, referred to before, the date of whose birth 
is unknown. 

On the 20th of this month and year, as ''Mrs. Ann 
Brodhurst (she being Major Washington's wife on 
11 May, we have seen), she was present in the West- 
moreland Court, and as "the relict (but not the widow, 
because she had married again since his decease), and 
adm'trix of Mr. Walter Brodhurst, dec'd," sued a Capt. 
Lefebur for " accommodation j " which was "for four 
months ' house roome and dyett of his family. ' ' Judge- 
ment in favor of "Mrs. Ann Brodhurst," which was 

332 The Washington Pedigree. 

only the half measure of her then identity, but may have 
then been the legal way. 

From now on till he died 17 years later, John Wash- 
ington, being a man of affairs, was constantly employed 
in duties as a county justice, a coroner (in August, 
1661, when coroner, he and his jury reported to the 
County Court on their burial of a suicide, saying they 
had obeyed the Law, and had buried him at a certain 
spot, * * with a stake driven through ye middle of him in 
his grave"), a burgess and a member of the General 
Assembly, and commander of the county militia, having 
been commissioned Lt. Col. 29 Mar., 1673; on 17 
Mar., 1674-5, he had been on a commission to em- 
ploy Indians, and reward them for work, but on 
31 August, 1675, this scheme to pacify the savages 
having failed, he was ordered to organize an expedition 
against the Indians, and set out to drive them out of 
the sea-board, and his activity was one of the causes 
for Bacon's Rebellion, which Col. Washington was 
active in helping to put down, and it was suppressed 
early in the Spring of 1677. 

You have seen that Col. Washington dated his will on 
21 Sep., 1675, and named his then wife as a co-executor. 
In a general way it could be said '*he provided for his 
wife handsomely, ' ' should she survive him. She did 
survive him, as will be shown. His was but a per- 
functory will, so far as she was concerned; a rather 
cold one. Beside the * * widow's third, ' ' her dower right 
in his real estate, which the law guaranteed a wife, and 
a one-fourth share in his personal estate, he made no 
mention where, nor how, she should Uve, which a tes- 
tator of his time always did for his wife, nor did he 
mention her in any endearing term as was also the 
custom. His brother Lawrence, who made his will 
almost at the same time, was more generous and con- 
siderate for his second wife. 

By his second wife. Col. Washington seems to have 

The Washington Pedigree. 333 

had several children, possibly four, according to wills. 
Two evidently died before he wrote his will, as he says 
two were buried in the Washington graveyard. And 
his son Lawrence says he has ** brothers and sisters '* 
buried in the same ground, and John, Jr., his brother, 
also says ** brothers'^ buried there. Apparently they 
died young and unmarried. 

Col. Washington we have seen married as first and 
second wives, two widows, each a **Mrs. Ann B.,'' and 
each had a son« Now, you will find that he married, 
thirdly, while his second wife was living, another widow, 
and that he was her fourth husband. She, too, sur- 
vived Col. John, and was his joint-widow and co-relict 
with his alleged second wife, Ann Pope. 

The evidence that Col. Washington did have a third 
wife, while Ann Pope was aUve, may be found in the 
Westmoreland Co. Court Order Book of the date. This 
is the customary ** Marriage Contract, '' dated 10 May, 
1676, * ' of Lt. Col. John Washington and Mrs. Frances 
Appleton, the widow and relict of Captain John Apple- 
ton. ^ ' All of this county. 

Ab the proof that this contract was carried out, there 
is the following item, also from this Order Book, under 
date, 26 November, 1677. 


**It is ord'r yt Jno Garrard have out of ye Estate of 
Cap't Jno Appleton, deceased, now ye estate of Coll. 
Jno. Washington, who intermarried with ye Relict of 
ye sd Appleton, tenn goode breeding cows,^' &c. 

The petitioner and beneficiary under this Court Or- 
der was the eldest brother of the lady whom Col. Wash- 
ington had married the year before, and he surely knew 
they had married. He had served under Lt. Col. Wash- 
ington, in the expedition against the Indians, in the 
Autumn of 1675. He was present at the Court of In- 
quiry as to the particulars of it, and on 14 June, 1677, 
testified as to the conduct of his commander, Washing- 
ton, present in Court, and exonerated him and the Yir- 

VOL. XLV.— 23 

334 The Washington Pedigree. 

ginia troops he commanded^ from the charge of partici- 
pating in the execution of Indians when attending a 
conference with the commanders of the troops. 

Col. Washington apparently raised no objection to 
this order of the Court. Nor did he alter his will, after 
he married, between its date and filing, Mrs. Frances 
(Garrard) Speke-Peyton-Appleton, and became her 
fourth husband. 

Col. Washington and Widow Appleton were old 
friends and neighbors, and he had Imown all of her 
husbands intimately, having long served in the same 
regiment with them. He became her attorney after 
the death of Captain Appleton, who, was high sheriff of 
Westmoreland, 1673-4, and was a subscribing witness 
to Washington's will, but died before 9 May, 1676, when 
the inventory of his personal estate was filed by his 
widow. As the latter 's attorney, he is of record of 
having been in Court several times on her behalf. 

It is evident that the Widow Appleton was clear and 
free to marry, in May, 1676. But how about Col. Wash- 
ington! His second wife. Widow Brodhurst, certainly 
has to be reckoned with. She must be allowed an exit, 
for I do not wish to asperse his character, nor hers. 
He was a gentleman, that must be remembered, and 
Mrs. Appleton there is no reason to suppose was not 
his equal. Both seemed rather fond of marrying, and 
we must admit that the Colonel was no ^4aggard in 
love, ' ' but he must have been sensible along with this 
habit, and would scorn to take the risk of a' bigamist. 
Still the query : — ^How can a man with a wife (his own, 
of course), marry another woman? The Colonel cer- 
tainly had a wife of his own, in Sept., 1675, who out- 
lived him, but in the following May, he married another 
lady, and polygamy had ceased for ages to be fashion- 
able, and was not revived till a couple of centuries later, 
therefore, how did he get rid of herf 

That Mrs. Ann (Pope) Washington, formerly Mrs. 

The Washington Pedigree. 335 

Walter Brodhurst, was alive after Sept., 1675, and sur- 
vived Col. John Washington, who died before 10 Jan., 
1677-8, and after 14 June, 1677, may be seen thru the 
following items : 

Whether it was before, or after. May, 1676, or before, 
or after. Col. Washington died, and it matters little here 
when it was, Mrs. Ann (Pope) Brodhurst- Washington 
went to England to visit her son, Walter Brodhurst, 
Jr., and her Brodhurst kin residing at Lilleshall, in 
Salop. And, as it is learned from an English Court 
record, she hoped to collect a legacy, due her over 
twenty years from the estate of her Brodhurst father- 

Before sailing, or after reaching England, it matters 
little which, she executed a power of attorney, dated 
18 March, 1677-8, and signed it ''Ann Washington," 
and in which she is described **the widow and relict of 
Captain John Washington," and qualified Mr. Caleb 
Butler, a Westmoreland Co. Justice, to collect and re- 
mit to her certain debts due her in Maryland and 
Virginia. This document was filed in this County 
Court, on 30 March, 1678. As there are only twelve 
days between the date of writing and of filing this 
** Power," and considering the time it required then 
for a ship to cross from England to Virginia, the paper 
was signed in Virginia, hence, Ann Pope Brodhurst- 
Washington went to England after, or on the 17 
March, 1677-8, which was, of course, after Col. 
Washington was buried by the side of his first 
wife, the mother of Lawrence, John, Jr., and Ann. 

Ann Pope's description of herself in this paper was 
rather impertinent; however, we are thankful for the 
preserving of it, because it tells us that Col. Washing- 
ton's second wife was alive when he married his third 
wife, and that Ann Pope survived him. 

And, since there is no item yet found showing that 
Ann had been in England between Sept., 1675, and 

336 The Washington Pedigree. 

Marchy IGTS, this paper also shows that she was di- 
vorced from John by a Virginia County Court, or by 
the General Court. Which of them instituted the suit 
would be interesting to know, but no one has come 
across such an item. The action would have been in 
their home-county, and the Westmoreland Court Order 
Books, or daily minutes of the proceedings of the courts 
in session, are perfect and complete, as are also those 
of the General Courts of these days, as Bacon's Re- 
bellion had ended. Therefore, whereas the evidence 
that John and Ann were divorced! 

There is evidence that Washington was a busy man, 
sometimes in the Assembly, and again in the field with 
his troops, even up to his third wedding-day, but we 
know that a great many things can and do happen in 
eight months, so it may have been in this time, between 
when Col. John signed his will and then went on his 
expedition against the Indians^ and the filing of the 
marriage contract, that it was Ann who got busy with 
the divorce court, and the Colonel made no defense. 
However, whilst this could have happened, there is no 
proof that it did. It does not seem possible that the 
divorce was granted, or even arranged before John 
wrote his will, because of its contexture. Howsoever, 
whatsoever, it happened, and Col. Washington was free 
to marry, and did so about May, 1676, and, as you may 
have noticed, in no clandestine manner either, because 
his intention to marry the Widow Appleton was spread 
upon the Court minutes that anyone might read. And 
there was his marriage license, too. 

No one thinks that Ann Pope, who had been living 
seventeen years with John Washington, minding her 
step-diildren and her own, and possibly being homely 
in disposition, would not have protested, to put it mild- 
ly, in this month of May, 1676, if she did not know that 
Col. John was free to do as it pleased him when it came 
to marrying even a thrice relict and widow. 

The Washington Pedigree. 337 

Judging from the arrangement Ann Pope made in 
Mardi, 1678, abont her personal affairs in the colonies, 
it looks as if she did not intend returning to America. 
And there was no particular reason why she should 
delay her departure, or return. Her use as an ex- 
ecutor of Washington's will had automatically ceased, 
when Lawrence entered upon his inheritance, and 
with him, only a step-son, as the head of the House of 
Washington in Virginia, as his father's heir. And, 
too, she had been relieved by him of the ^ *care of bring- 
ing up' ' of his sister Ann, and the bringing up of John, 
Jr., had been entrusted to her brother, Thomas Pope. 
But more than anything, she may have realized that she 
was not a persona grata amid the Washingtons and 
neighbors. Therefore, she went to England. 

She died shortly after she reached her destination. 
The exact date of this event I do not know. Nor do I 
know when she landed, but of course, it was after 18 
March 1677-8. \ 

She was buried, probably at Lilleshall parish church, 
certainly before 12 April, 1678, because on this date, 
her son, Walter Brodhurst, Jr., of Lilleshall, Shrop- 
shire, was appointed by the Litchfield Diocesan Court, 
which had jurisdiction over wills, estates, orphans, &c., 
in the Archdeaconery of Salop, to administer on the 
personal estate of ^^ his mother, Misstress Ann Wash- 
ington alias Brodhurst, {sic)y of Washington parish, 
Westaioreland County, Virginia." 

If Ann Pope was divorced from Col. Washington, and 
there are reasons to hope she was, it was more likely 
to have been after Washington signed his will than 
before. The cause of it, of course, I do not know, but, 
for a conjecture, it may have been because of the will. 
But what we are also interested in is the suggestion all 
thru it that John had really married Ann Pope, and he 
knew, if she survived him she would be his widow and 

338 The Washington Pedigree. 

relict before the law, for, wherever he gave land to a 
child he excepted Ann's dower right. 

When the Bacon uprising got afoot, Col. Washington 
hired a sloop and sent his cattle, horses, &c., into Mary- 
land to save them from raiders. When the rebel com- 
mander learned this he issued a warrant dated 21 Oct., 
1676, ordering one of his officers, one Mannering, to go 
to Washington's plantations and prevent their removal, 
or **to cease ye sloope yt shall in anytime attempt yt 
takeing of goods belonging to sd Washington or any 
other delinquent yt are fleed f ayle not hereof. ' ' Subse- 
quently, Mannering, was captured and parolled on giv- 
ing bond dated 19 June, 1677. Before a commission 
investigating the conduct of many of those who had 
been rebels, a Mr. Arminger made an affidavit, dated 26 
July, 1677, telling of Mannering 's visit in Oct, 1676, to 
Col. Washington's house, and said ^' Madam Washing- 
ton sd to ye sd Mannering, *if you were advised by your 
wife, you need not acome to this passe' " ; that is, being 
in disgrace. As this visit occurred in Oct., 1677, it was 
Mrs. Frances Washington speaking. 

Simply because the usual records of the lawful mar- 
riage of Col. John Washington and Ann Pope Brod- 
hurst, and the decree of their divorce cannot be found, 
it would not be fair to assume, or presume she had not 
legally married John (early in 1659), when I have cited 
contemporary items suggesting, if not actually proving, 
she had. And it would be unfair to both John and Ann 
to doubt they were legally separated (between Sep., 
1675, and May., 1676), for John's third marriage was 
no secret, as contemporary items cited show. There- 
fore, it may be assumed that John Washington was not 
a bigamist. The ancient *^ Scotch verdict" is more ap- 
propriate to the question of John's marriage (and di- 
vorce) with Ann Pope, than to this conclusion. 

The Washington Pedigree. 339 



When Mr. Waters discovered the evidence proving 
that Col. John Washington, of Virginia, was * * the eldest 
son of the Rev. Lawrence Washington, A.M., (Oxon),'* 
sometime the rector of the Purleigh parish chnrch, 
Essex, England, it was the consensus of genealogists he 
had accomplished something worthwhile. 

But when Mr. Stanard subsequently discovered the 
evidence proving that Col. John Washington was bom 
in the year 1629, he started a lot of genealogical trouble 
because his find either made a mare's nest of Mr. 
Waters' discovery, or that Col. Washington was bom 
out of wedlock, thus placing him in the illegitimate 

The following are the facts as to both of these state- 
ments. My intention is to try to legitimate Col. Wash- 
ington, and you will see what is required to do so. Con- 
temporary circumstantial evidence, based on incidents, 
or presumptive evidence, in this case would not be suf- 
ficient, being secondary, to overcome the demonstrative 
internal evidence. There must be material evidence 
and proof that the Rev. Mr. Washington married 
before his eldest son and first child was bom. 

The will of a Mr. Andrew Ejiowling was found by Mr. 
Waters and printed in his valuable book, ** Gleanings 
in English Wills," pp. 364 and 386, of vol. I. it is 
dated at Tring, in Hertfordshire, 13 Jan., 1648-9, and 
signed with his **mark." He had considerable prop- 
erty, and had married the widow of John Boades, the 
mother of children by her first husband. 

It was through the finding of Mr. Knowling's will, 
that Mr. Waters claimed he was enabled to bring to a 
positive conclusion, in 1889, the search for the parents 
of Col. John Washington, which quest had been going 
on intermittingly since in 1791, and then identified Col. 

340 The Washington Pedigree. 

John's father in the family of Washington of Sulgrave, 
therefore, what I say of CoL John's pedigree is on 
Waters ' information. 

In his will, KnowUng mentioned relatives of his wife, 
and her children, his step-children. Among the latter 
was **Mrs. Amphillis Washington,'' who had six chil- 
dren, also named by Knowling. Bnt while he named 
many persons, he did not mention the name of 
Amphillis' husband, nor mention him in any way, which 
seems rather strange. However, one may imagine a lot 
of reasons, and in a case of this kind, one gaess may be 
as good as another, and mine is, Ejiowling was a Crom- 
wellian, and Mr. Washington was a rabid Boyalist, and 
the Civil War was at its worst then, and the king was 
executed only seventeen days after Enowling made his 

The names of the six Washington children as given 
by Kjiowling, were so suggestive of the Virginia Wash- 
ingtons, that it started Waters on his quest for their 
father's name is interestingly told by him. 

By the address of Ejiowling's will, he was first 
attracted to Tring. Here he found two of these chil- 
dren were baptised at the parish church as the children 
of **Mr. Lawrence Washington." He decided, as this 
father was styled **Mr.," he was a minister. Eventu- 
ally, as he found that a **Bev. Lawrence Washington" 
had been employed at the Church Court at Wheathamp- 
stead, near Tring, at the time Enowling made his will, 
and later, he felt sure he had found the husband of 
Amphillis, and the father of her children, which idea 
was strengthened by the fact that one of them was 
designated in the will as ^^ Lawrence Washington the 
younger, ' ' as though to distinguish him from his father 
of tiie same name, the others being named in it as John, 
William, Elizabeth, Margaret and Martha Washington. 

From the records of the University of Oxford and one 
of its colleges, Brasenose, it was easy to get infor- 

The Washington Pedigree. 341 

mation as to the early life, some of it anyway, of the 
Rev. Lawrence Washington, which is proper to repeat 
in this article. He was bom in 1602, at Brington Manor, 
Northamptonshire, and entered Brasenose College as 
a student, when 17 years of age, bnt did not sign as such 
till 2 Nov., 1621. He graduated and received the A.B. 
degree 10 May, 1623, and on 27 May, 1623, he was 
elected to the Darbie Fellowship in Brasenose, and be- 
came a Fellow for ten years of this college, from which 
he received the A. M. degree, 1 Feb., 1625-6. In the fol- 
lowing year he was appointed his college lector, and on 
August 26, 1631, he was elected the proctor of the 
University of Oxford. 

On 10 March, 1632-3, **his grace for the B.D. degree 
was passed on," and on 4 April, 1633, '^he informed 
Brasenose College that he was to be inducted in a 
benefice.** And, on 30 Nov., 1633, he resigned his Fel- 
lowship in Brasenose College, having previously 
resigned as the University proctor. 

The Eev. Mr. Washington, on 14 March, 1633-4, 
entered upon his duties as the rector of the church of 
the parish of Purleigh, in the deanery of Maiden, Co. 
of Essex. Thus, Mr. Washington was removed to the 
most easterly of the tier of adjoining counties, Oxford, 
Bucks, Herts and Essex, with which you shall see he 
was associated. 

What was the influence Mr. Washington had to have 
this living, a fairly good one, given to him by Jane 
Horsmanden, of Purleigh, is not in evidence. Nor is 
the reason, when he entered into it, why he did not take 
his wife and family with him to the rectory, than to 
place them nearly a two days ^ horseback journey away 
from him in the village of Tring, in Herts. May be 
she preferred it; her mother and step-father having 
resided there, and some relatives were still there. Mr. 
Washington, too, must have been acquainted with the 
place, and this may have been the residence of 

342 The Washington Pedigree. 

Amphillis since the birth of her first child. Mr. Wash- 
ington's acquaintance with the place may be accounted 
for this way. A distant relative by marriage, of his 
father. Sir Bobert Anderson, Ejit., resided in a manor 
house near Tring, which he bought from Sir Francis 
Vemey, in 1607, and Lawrence may have visited him 
when a college student, as Sir Bobert, who was buried 
at the Tring church, in 1632, in his will, dated 5 Oct., 
1630, remembered him with a legacy: *'to my cousin, 
Lawrence Washington, of Bras Nose College, forty 
shillings, ' ' which was a generous gift, since it was only 
Sir Bobert 's wife who was a cousin of Lawrence's 
father, and it suggests he knew Lawrence well. 

There is little information about Mr. Washington 
after he became the rector of Purleigh till his last year. 
There was a case in the Chancery Court, under date 
of 20 Oct., 1640, which shows that an Oxford store- 
keeper had entered suit, away back in July, 1633, 
against **Mr. Lawrence Washington, clerk, of Pur- 
leigh, * ^ for £69.18, balance due for furniture and cloth- 
ing sold to him ** when a student at Braz Nose College." 
Washington's defence was that he had paid the man all 
he had owed him in installments, in May, 1633, and 
May, 1636. Our particular interest in this case, rather 
an interesting one, but too intricate to go into here, is 
the title description of the defendant, because it clearly 
identifies the Purleigh rector with the student and 
Fellow of Brasenose, for there is no record of any other 
Lawrence Washington having attended any college of 
Oxford University, 1619-1634. 

In Nov., 1643, the Bev. Mr. Washington was ejected 
from his charge, the parish church of Purleig^. This 
happened during the Civil War, and was one of Crom- 
welPs measures for silencing **Babid Eoyalists.'' 
This was the primal objection or charge as to our min- 
ister, but it was printed that he was ^ ' a drunkard and 
tavern loafer,'' and not fit to have charge of a parish. 

The Washington Pedigree. 343 

however, the Eev. Washington had plenty of company 
under snch charges. What Mr. Washington did after 
this to support himself and his alleged (by Mr. Waters) 
family, a wife and six children, does not appear. 

Along in 1649, it may be imagined that his wife was in 
need of some assistance, as on 15 Augast, 1649, the 
Committee on aid to ''Plundered Ministers," victims of 
Cromwell, ordered the then rector of Purleigh parish, 
Washington's old charge, *'to pay one-fifth of the 
tithes **to Mrs. Washington, the [former] rector's 

Early in 1648-9, Mr. Washington is found employed 
as the surrogate in the o£Sce at Wheathampstead, 
Herts, of the Archdeacon's Court. And as surrogate, 
29 Jan., 1648-9, he wrote the bond of the guardians of 
two orphans, his alleged wife's nieces, daughters of a 
tallow chandler, legatees in the 1649 will of Mr. Know- 
ling, and signed it with his full name, and also his 
Oxford degrees, and then o£Scial position. This was 
the only connection ''the Eev. Lawrence Washiagton, 
clerk," had with the will of his alleged (Waters) wife's 

When the commission aided "Mrs. Washington," it 
is possible it also did something for the former rector. 
A salaried position may have been found for him in or 
near Maiden, Essex, as "he died and was buried here 
at All Saints' Church," its register entry being: — "Mr. 
Lawrence Washington, buried 21 Jan., 1652." It was 
too far away for him to be buried at Tring. No par- 
ticulars of his death are known. 

As evidence that the Eev. Lawrence Washington, 
1602-1652, A.M., B.D., (Oxon), of Tring and Purleigh, 
was a son, the fourth, of Lawrence Washington, Esq., 
lord of Brixton, or Brington manor, Northamptonshire, 
and his wife, Margaret Butler, married at Aston le 
Wells, 3 August, 1580, 1 shall use a few of the interest- 
ing wills collected by Mr. Waters, for his book. q. v. 

344 The Washington Pedigree. 

But- first we have the record of Lawrence, Jr/e 
matriculation at Brasenose College, 2 Nov., 1621: — 
** Laurent Washington, Northamp., gen. fil., an. nat. 
19. ' ' Which is, he was 19 years old, and the son of a 
gentleman of Northants. 

Then next, we find this item connecting him defi- 
nitely with the Washingtons of Brington: — ^Robert 
Washington, brother to the lord of Brington, (died in 
1616), was buried at Brington, 10 March, 1621-2. His 
widow, Elizabeth Washington, died 19 March, 1622-^, 
leaving a will, dated 17 March, 1622-3, in which she 
named many legatees, principally her late husband's 
nephew and nieces, called ^^ cousins," the children of 
his deceased brother Lawrence, among them Sir 
William, Mrs. Mewce, Alice and Frances Washington, 
*'my cousin Pill,'* and **To my cousin, Lawrence Wash- 
ington, who is nowe at Oxford, my husband's seal 

The will of the above mentioned Mrs. Elizabeth 
Mewce, widow, residing in County Middlesex, near Lon- 
don, dated 11 Aug., 1676, of her legatees are her 
sisters: — ^Lady Washington, Mrs. Alice Sandys, and 
Mrs. Frances Gargrave, and her husband, Mr. Bobert 
Gargrave, and their five children ; her uncles, Mr. Bob- 
ert Washington, brother of Mr. Washington, of Bring- 
ton, and Mr. Francis Pargiter, father-in-law of Sir 
John Washington; her nephews, William PiU and 
Boger Thornton ; and her nieces, Mrs. Margaret Stev- 
enage, and two children; Mrs. Frances Collins, Mrs. 
Elizabeth Bumball, and Mrs. Penelope Thornton, and 
five children. 

The will of Lady Dorothy (Pargiter) Washington, 
widow of Sir. John Washington (a son of Mr. Law- 
rence Washington, of Brington), dated 6 Oct., 1678, 
mentions Mrs. Penelope Thornton aforesaid, as her 
daughter, and this assures us that Mrs. Mewce was a 
daughter of the lord of Brington manor, Northants. 

The Washington Pedigree. 345 

No brother or sister of Lawrence Washington in their 
extant wills mentions him after he became a clergyman, 
or his wife and children. It was a large f amily, some 
children died yonng, some unmarried, some adults died 
intestate. Those who Jef t wills were well off, and may 
not have felt any interest in the straggling minister, 
who, himself, seems to have been a rather independent 
character, even when a student, of the classics or of 
theology, and certainly when ejected. 

This brings me up to an interesting time of the Bev. 
Lawrence Washington's early life, while a student, 
especially as to when, where, or how he made the ac- 
quaintance of ^^ Amphillis Boades, or Boads ; the mother 
of his children. ' * But as to when and where they were 
married, I am sorry I can only say that to be able to 
answer this question, the most expert of genealogical 
searchers, most persistent men and women, plodders 
in old records, for years, have looked, and looked, and 
looked in vain, to find even some slight clew, or item, 
relative to it. Yet some day, such an item may turn up. 
Many have in the years many of these same genealo- 
gists have been dead, that have given a new twist to 
their statements and deductions, especially in the 
''Washington Genealogy.'' ''WATCH YOUB STEP," 
is a well-known sign everywhere. "Watch your genea- 
logical ' step', ' ' should be a good one to hang before him 
and her on their desks when writing Family History. 

In 1620, Sir Edward Vemey (he and Thomas Wash- 
ington, a brother of the Bev. Lawrence, served together 
in the household of Prince Charles), brother to Sir 
Francis mentioned before, purchased the large manor 
of Middle Claydon, in Co. Bucks, which was near to the 
University of Oxford, in the next county, and died in 
1643, leaving a will, dated 26 March, 1639. Among his 
sundry legatees he gave ' ' to my servant, John Boades, 
at Middle Claydon, an annuity of ten pounds for life." 

John Boades was above an ordinary "servant," yet 

346 The Washington Pedigree. 

he was snch. He was evidently the head-f armer, or the 
snperintendeiit of the manor, because he is of record 
as being Sir Edward's bailiff, or deputy sheriff, in 1639. 
His son, William Boades, was a witness to Sir. Ed- 
ward's will, and succeeded his father as chief farmer 
of this manor, before 1648, as Andrew Enowling, afore- 
said, had married his mother, widow of the said 
John Boades, before Jan., 1649, when Knowling made 
his will, and made William, his step-son, and brother of 
Mrs. Amphillis Washington, his step-daughter, lega- 
tees, therefore, William was uncle to Col. John Wash- 
ington, and John Boades was one of his grandfathers, 
his other being, of course, the prominent Lawrence 
Washington, Esq., the lord of the manor of Brixton, or 
Brington. William Boades made his will 19 Sep., 
1657, and was buried on the 29th, at Finmoor Hill, about 
2 miles from Middle Claydon) , but did not mention his 
sister, Amphillis Washington, nor her husband, nor 
their issue. In fact, neither did Amphillis' sister, Mrs. 
Elizabeth Fitzherbert, in her will, dated 23 Feb., 1684, 
(her step-nephew, John Freeman, was her executor, 
having married at Luton, 4 April, 1668, Esther, a 
daughter of Amphillis' brother, William Beads), 
but which is not surprising, because this Washington 
family was nearly all dead. 

When Lawrence Washington was an Oxford student, 
the son and heir of this Sir Edward Vemey was also. 
It is quite possible they were well enough acquainted 
for young Vemey to take Washington home with him 
on holidays, or week-ends (anyway, Lawrence's elder 
brother, Thomas, had been a page with Sir Edward 
in the household of Prince Charles, while in Spain, in 
1623, and Lawrence was not a stranger), and when at 
Middle Claydon he met Amphillis Boades, the farmer's 
daughter, in some natural way that young people have, 
and we may imagine what happened next, as we know 
the sequel. [Sir Edward had a younger son, of whom 



The Washington Pedigree. 347 

it is related in ** Virginia Carolorum/' pp. 108-111, 
that he ''married beneath him," and as punishment, 
his parents shipped him to the Virginia colony] . 

This romantic affair at Middle Claydon certainly 
happened before the year 1629, as it was in this year, 
or in 1628-9, or in 1629-30, Amphillis gave birth to her 
first child, who was named John, whom you have seen 
became our Virginia Colonel (who had some romances 
of his own), who was about five years old when his 
father became rector of Purleigh. 

As evidence of the date of Col. John Washington's 
birth-date, there is the following Court item. Some 
years ago (but years after the ''true Washington pedi- 
gree,'* authenticated, signed and printed, in sundry 
ways), Mr. Stanard, editor of the Va. Mag. of His., 
discovered and printed this good newsy item: "In a 
deposition dated 1674, and recorded in the Westmore- 
land County Court Order Book, Col. John Washington 
stated he was then forty-five (45) years of age." 

This is not exactly all the facts connected with this 
important item. The affidavit was a part of the court 
proceedings when the will of a Bichard Cole was pre- 
sented in Court for probate. Washington's deposition, 
beginning : — ' ' Col. John Washington, aged 45 years, or 
thereabouts, declared," &c. 

This deposition is undated, but it could be no later 
than the date of the item that follows it; but as it is 
recorded between two items both dated, that is, next 
after one dated "5 Jan'y, 1675", (1674-5), and followed 
by one dated "12 Feb'y, 1674-5," it may be presumed 
that John was then aged 44-45, or 45-46, and bom in 
1628-29, or in 1629-30, or, as a compromise, in 1629. 

Bichard, or ' 'Dick" Cole, at the proving of whose will 
Washington testified, was a queer character (see W. M. 
Quart., IV, p. 30). His abusive tongue spared few of 
his acquaintances. Of John Washington, it is reported 
he said: "He's an ass, negro-driver," whom he would 

348 The Washington Pedigree, 

have up before the governor and conncily **as a Com- 
panie of Caterpillar fellowes,^' who "live upon my bills 
of export,*' or foreign exchange. 

But not everyone was glad to know what this item 
told. For one, Dr. Tyler, the editor of the W. and M. 
Quar., who asked the appropriate question : — "As John 
Washington was bom in 1629, what becomes of the 
Washington Pedigree, saying that John was the son of 
the Eev. Lawrence Washington, who was the proctor 
of Oxford University, in 1631, presumably unmarried 

The approximation of the birth-date of Col. Wash- 
ington is a more serious discovery than a gratifying 
one, for it opens up controversy over an unpleasant 
question. But it is only one of the peculiar situations 
that turn up in genealogy once in a while to puzzle its 
writers, for a genealogist's work is not one of all thrills ; 
he is often up against ugly propositions which have to 
be handled with consideration. 

Dr. Tyler, as above said, only thou^t that John's 
1629 birth-date ruined Mr. Waters ' claim to have dis- 
covered John's parentage and his long line of paternal 
ancestry, this, because the Eev. Lawrence Washington, 
1602-1652, could not have been the proctor of the Uni- 
versity of Oxford and also have a wife, which was 
contrary to University rules, at the time, seeing that 
John was bom while his alleged father was the proctor. 

In order to have authoritative information upon this 
alleged University rule, and an opinion on the specu- 
lation which was started by the acquaintance with it, 
a vital one to Col. John's pedigree, but more so to the 
morality of his parents, I stated the case to one of the 
Oxford Uni. officials, who should be familiar with its 
laws and customs, ancient as well as modem* 

He replied confirming in the main Dr. Tyler's state- 
ment, by giving a different version as proof, saying: 
*'Mr, Lawrence Washington, on 27 May, 1623, was 

The Washington Pedigree. 349 

elected to a Darbie Fellowship at Brasenose, and, as a 
Fellow, he would necessarily be tuunarried. " **He 
resigned Ms Fellowship on 30 Nov., 1633/' **The 
Proctorship is a University office ; not a College office. 
Lawrence Washington was elected the proctor of the 
University on 26 August, 1631, he being at that time a 
Fellow of Brasenose College,'* [and ''necessarily" a 
bachelor, of course.] 

We have from this first-hand information, Lawrence 
Washington, being, so far as the college was aware, 
an unmarried man in the ten years he was a privileged 
student at Brasenose, he being a Fellow, was the father 
of a child bom before 30 Nov., 1633, when he resigned 
from the Fellowship, and before 23 June, 1635, when his 
apparently second child was baptised Lawrence. 

Therefore, it may be assumed this Brasnose Fellow 
married clandestinely the farmer's daughter, and had 
a child by her while she resided at .... I know 
not where, while he passed himself off in college as a 
bachelor, and pursued his theological studies, and 
prepared himself for the ministry, on the principle, 
'*Let not thy right hand know what thy left hand 

Lawrence certainly married out of his social class, 
which was no crime, nor even a novelty in his class, yet 
it was not a match that would please his aristocratic 
family, which was allied to many families holding 
prominent positions in the social world. It may have 
been because of this mesalliance that Lawrence seems 
to have been ''dropped" by his family. But I have 
no excuse for the Boades people ignoring him. 

Of the six children of Lawrence and Amphillis Wash- 
ington (for she was twice styled "Mrs. Washingon" 
in 1649, as above) : 

1. John Washington, born ^^drca 1629," as above. 
He went to Virginia, probably after his father's death, 
in 1652, as he was apparently a Captain of Northumber- 

VoL. XLV.— 24 

350 The Washington Pedigree. 

land Co. militia, before he was commissioned Major 
in the Westmoreland regiment, 4 April, 1655, and, in 
spite of higher ranks attached, was sometimes called 
Captain, and even so by his second wife, after his 
death, in her docoment of 1678. It used to be thought 
that he was the John who was at Bermuda in 1654, as 
stated in the will of Theodore Pargiter, but as Pargiter 
calls him *' cousin John Washington in Bermuda,'' it 
seems more reasonable to place him as Sir John's 
second son John, since his mother, mentioned above, 
was Theodore's sister. 

Another reason why it may be presumed with con- 
fidence that John Washington came to Virginia to 
reside, possibly earlier than 1652, or when he was 21, 
is suggested by the following: Whenever he came, he 
settled in the thriving county of Northumberland, a 
large county (which included the site of Washington 
city), and in that part of it from which the new county 
of Westmoreland was formed by an Act of Assembly 
in 1652-3, and was represented by two Burgesses in the 
Assembly of 1654. By another Act, 1654-5, it was or- 
dered that original parishes should be relayed, surveyed 
and renamed. The old parish in which Captain Wash- 
ington had his residence was renamed in his honor 
Washington parish, which surely should be almost 
convinciag that John Washington had lived here years, 
and was not only a popular citizen, but a man, tho 
young, noted as a leader in public affairs. 

2. Lawrence Washington, **the younger," as called 
in Mr. Knowling's will. He was their first child of 
record in the Tring parish register: — ^* * Christened, on 
Our Lady's Day, 1635, Layaranc sonn of Layrance 
Washington. ' ' He was named as the residuary legatee 
of his estate by Mr. Kno^^ling, his mother's step-father, 
in his will, 1649, he being Mr. Knowling's god-son. It 
has been thought ihat he was sometime a merchant at 
Luton, in Bedfordshire, before his removal to Virginia, 

The Washington Pedigree. 351 

where he certainly was in May, 1659, as he was one of 
the subscribing witnesses, with his brother John, to the 
will of Col. Pope, at this date. 

iThere was a Lawrence Washington, a merchant, at 
Luton, with whom Virginians had some dealings, and 
he could have been the son of Amphillis, the merchant 
being identified otherwise, but there is no positive evi- 
dence connecting Amphillis ' son, Lawrence, with Luton 
as a merchant such as there is which identifies this son, 
and his brother, John, with her. There is evidence that 
he returned shortly to England and went to Luton, 
where he married at the parish church, 26 Jan., 1660, 
his first wife, Mary, daughter of Edmund Jones, of 
Luton, and brought her to Virginia, several years later, 
(some accounts say in 1667), and after the baptism of 
their child, recorded at tiie parish church, Luton, 
*'Mary Washington, daughter of Mr. Lawrence and 
Mary,^' 22 Dec., 1663. Mary is mentioned in the wills 
of her grandfather Jones, 8 March, 1682, and her father, 

Apparently, aside from these items connecting him 
with Luton, it is presumed he was influenced to settle 
there by the following two original, or further, reasons, 
(1), his mother's sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Fitzherbert, of 
Much Maltham, Essex, had acquaintance and interests 
in Luton, and (2), his cousin, Mrs. Esther Freeman, his 
uncle William Boades' daughter, resided at Luton. 

Lawrence 's earliest grant of Virginia land of record, 
is for 700 acres (in Stafford Co.), dated 27 Sep., 1667; 
his brother John was granted 5000 acres, same date and 
locality. Lawrence became a planter, died in Virginia, 
a few days before his brother John died, leaving a will 
and issue by two wives. 

3. Elizabeth Washington. She was baptised at the 
Tring church, 17 August, 1636, and entered on the 
register as '' daughter of Mr. Layarance Washiagton. ' ' 
[This is the only instance found (unless the "Mr. Law- 

352 The Washington Pedigree. 

rence Washington/' buried at Maiden, Essex, in 1652, 
is proved to have been the husband of Amphillis, whidi 
has not been done yet, is another), where Amphillis' 
husband is styled **Mr/']. She is named in the will, 
1697, of Mrs. Martha Hayward, of Virginia, as **my 
eldest sister, Mrs. Elizabetii Bumbold, in England.'' 

It is not known when or where she married, nor has 
the name of her husband been found. It may be she 
did not marry in London, as her sister Margaret did, 
as she is not in the printed London marriage license 
lists. It is quite possible that her husband may have 
been a Hertfordshire man, because there were in her 
day, and from early times, Bumbold families in Herts. 
However, families of Bumbold, Bumbould, Bumboldz, 
Bambold, Bombolde, &c., are of record in Elizabeth's 
time in many English shires. Nothing further of her is 

For a good reason, as will appear below, it is proper 
to notice here some of the Bumbold families in Herts. 
In 1316, a Nicholas Bumbaud, served on a jury at an 
Inq. P. M., and 1437, a James Bumbolde served in this 
county on the same kind of a jury. In 1567, a John 
Bumbold bought a farm in North Mimms parish from 
the Crown, and in 1606, John and Bobert Bumbold 
were tenants of Clothall manor, and in 1670, there was 
a Bumbold family living in Walkhome parish, and 
so on. 

A member of a Bumbold family of Herts, long resid- 
ing at the purchased manor of Woodhall, was created a 
baronet. An early member of his family, William Bum- 
bold, was '* controller of the great wardrobe," to 
Charles I., and surveyor-general of all the customs of 
England. Another Hertfordshire Bumbold worthy 
was that Colonel Bichard Bumbold, bom in 1622, who 
resided at **Bye House," a farm in Stanstead- Abbot 
parish, this county. He was one of the gentlemen who 
was captured after much trouble in finding him, tried 

mr a m 

The Washington Pedigree. 353 

and executed, after being found guilty of high treason, 
in 1683, for conspiring to murder King Charles n., and 
his brother James. His home, where he assembled his 
fellow conspirators, gave name to this historic plot. 
His son, Thomas Bumbold, Generosus'' (the keeper of 
the Eose Tavern, at Cambridge), was buried at Royston 
parish church, Herts. 

4. Margaret Washington. There is no record of 
her baptism at the Tring parish church, but she was 
bom in or about 1638-9, as learned from her marriage 
license, from which we also learn she was living in the 
parish of St. Giles-in-the-Field, Middlesex county, near 
London, when she married. 

The printed abstract of her marriage license runs : — 
Margaret Washington, age 24 years, of St. Giles in the 
Field, Middlesex, and George Talbott, of the same, 
bachelor, gent., age 26 years. To be married at the 
same parish. Nothing further is known of her, ex- 
cepting she is mentioned in the will of Mrs. Martha 
Hayward, as '*my other sister, Mrs. Margaret Talbut," 
in England, (1697). 

5. William Washington. He was baptised at the 
Tring church, 14 Oct., 1641. His father's name was not 
recorded. This is all that is known of him. He may 
have died young and unmarried, tho not again men- 
tioned in the church register, beginning in 1584. 

A careless blunder is made in Burke's ^'Visitations 
of Seats and Arms," in England (1852), in saying 
that Sir William Washington, of Packington manor, 
was this William, and ** brother to John and Lawrence 
Washington, the Virginia immigrants.*' He was the 
brother of Sir John, the Eev. Lawrence, Mrs. Mewce, 
et al. 

6. Martha Washington. Her birth and baptism not 
of Tring parish church record. From her statements 
in her will, 1697, she was apparently the youngest 
daughter and last child of Lawrence and Amphillis. 

354 The Washington Pedigree. 

Col. John Washington, of Virginia, mentions her par- 
ticularly in his mil, 1675, saying: — ^**To my sister, 
Martha Washington, ten pounds out of the money I 
have in England, and whatever she should be owing to 
me for transporting herself into this country, and a 
year's accommodation after coming, and 4000 pounds 
of tobacco and cask." She came to Virginia and mar- 
ried a Mr. Hayward, and died here, leaving a will, 
written in Stafford Co., Va., 6 May, 1697, and proved 
28 Dec. following. -This will was found by Mr. Ford 
among papers at the Federal Dept. of State, and, as 
stated below, was of great value to Mr. Waters, in com- 
pleting his Washington i)edigree. 

After giving legacies to a number of Virginia cousins, 
she enjoined her executors ^^with all convenient speed 
send to England to my eldest sister, Mrs. Elizabeth 
Bumbold, a Tunne of good weight Tobacco." [This 
commodity at that time was equivalent to our money, 
and was the only ^ 'cash" the colony had in circulation.] 
She also instracted that her executors : — ^^'Doe likewise 
take freight and for England to my other sister, Mrs. 
Margaret Talbut, a Tunne of good weight of Tobacco." 

An extant letter of John Washington (a son of Law- 
rence, the immigrant), dated Virginia, 22 June, 1699, 
to his half-sister, Mrs. Mary Gibson, of Hawnes, Bed- 
fordshire (her father had given her all of his estate in 
England, by his will), mentions a letter from her to 
* ' my aunt Howard, ' ' as the surname Hayward was pro- 
nounced in Virginia. 

By this, to me, accurate arrangement of the succes* 
sion of the recorded issue of Lawrence and Amphillis 
Washington, it seems that the hiatus between the birth 
dates of their first child, John, **bom in 1629," and 
Lawrence, their first child of church record, bom in 
1635, appears somewhat irregular (but then **you can 
never tell ! ' ' The unexpected happens as regularly as 

The Washington Pedigree. 355 

the expected) 9 compared with the records of the rest of 
the brood. 

Mrs. Amphillis (Boades) Washington, died at home, 
in the village of Tring, and was bnried at Tring parish 
chnrch, 16 Jan., 1654-5, according to the church record, 
and it is possible that all of her children were at the 

On 8 Feb., 1654-S, about a month after the funeral, 
letters of administration on the personal estate of Mrs. 
Washington, by the Archdeacon's Court, at Wheat- 
hampstead, Herts, ''to John Washington, the eldest 
lawful and natural son of Amphillis Washington, late 
of Tring, dec'd.'' ''He being first sworn, deposed,'* 
&c. This valuable item settles three things. Am- 
phillis' son John was then of ftdl age, 21 years, as was 
necessary, so that he could qualify as administrator. 
That he was present in person in Ihis Diocesan Court, 
on this date, 8 Feb., 1654-S, and that he must have re- 
turned shortly to Virginia, to personally receive his 
commission, on 4 April, 1655, promoting him from a 
captain to a major of the Westmoreland regiment,at the 
time that Thomas Speke (the first husband of Washing- 
ton 's third wife), was appointed its colonel, and 
Nathaniel Pope (Washington's second father-in-law), 
its lieut. col. The appointment of John Washington 
to be the major of the first regiment organized iu this 
new county, shows he had been well established in the 
county of Northumberland, from which it was formed, 
for several years at least, and was a man of affairs, and 
popular in tiie county, where shortly the parish in which 
he resided was given his surname. It was not remarka- 
ble that he should have been in England when his 
mother died, it was only a coincidence, and this was his 
first trading voyage abroad, under Col. Pope, a busiuess 
he followed on his own account for many years after 
this, and in this way, "came to Virginia" in several 
different years. 

356 The Washington Pedigree. 

You have seen that Lawrence Washington, A.B., 
1623, A. M., 1626, remained at the University as a theo- 
logical student, preparing for the ministry, and 
received the B. D. degree, 10 March, 1632-3. And that 
from 27 May, 1623, when he was elected, till 30 Nov., 
1633, when he resigned it, he was a Fellow of Brasenose 
College, and *' necessarily unmarried.*' The college 
Fellowships of Lawrence's time, were still governed 
by feudal and monkish requirements and regulations, 
which had been enforced ever since there were colleges 
and fellowships in Great Britain and the continent. 
These ancient fellowships, regulations and customs 
were unchanged at Oxford University till in 1852, when 
they were revised and modified to conform more witii 
modem customs and comforts. 

Under the olden time Fellowship rules, to be elected 
a Fellow, the candidate had to be a graduate of the 
college that controlled the Fellowship he desired to join, 
and agree to continue to be a student in some special 
course. The advantages it would give a Fellow over 
ordinary students and the undergraduates were many, 
because he had more privileges. Another imi)ortant 
feature was he was a co-partner in the Fellowship fund, 
and even in the college revenue, which was a great help 
to a poor student. Such advantages made them the 
aristocrats of the college world. Tho freer in his 
movements, he still had to conform with the funda- 
mental college laws, as well as those of his Fellowship. 
The one law, passed on for centuries, that particularly 
interests us, is the one that a college student, an under- 
graduate or a post-graduate, must be and remain a 
bachelor while connected with the University and his 
college. Naturally, this was the sine qua non of the 
Fellowships, for the Fellow was only a higher grade 
college student, therefore, a Fellow was ** necessarily 
unmarried.** And one other rule was, should a Fellow 
while pursuing his studies, and enjoying the Fellow- 

The Washington Pedigree. 357 

ship, receive a salaried position, he must resign from 
his Fellowship, and shonld a Fellow marry, he also must 
resign. Since the ancient laws have been made more 
liberal, students may marry, and a married man can 
become, by special permission, members of a Fellow- 
ship, also Fellows may marry, if they get the permis- 
sion, but not otherwise. A married Fellow, at Cam- 
bridge, is called a Fellow Commoner, and at Oxford, a 
Gentleman Commoner. These married Fellows are 
obliged to pay extra *'to common," that is to dine with 
the regular Fellows at their table, the latter being 
known as the Dons of the college, while the married 
students who are Fellows, are Demi Dons. 

Lawrence Washington we know was, a Fellow. Was 
he married while a Fellow t When he got a salaried 
position he resigned from the Fellowship, for he could 
not hide that fact. We have seen that in paying his 
debts, he was an honorable man, and in this other mat- 
ter he had nothing to conceal. 

If it was not that it was certainly possible for Law- 
rence Washington, B. D., after he resigned from his 
Fellowship, to marry and have a child bom to him^ 
before Lawrence, Jr., was bom, then the 1629 bugaboo 
deserved the prominence I have given it. But even 
with Mr. Washington's schedule satisfactory, there 
seems to be no way of being able to eliminate the ugly 
thing toto ccbIo as I should like to, by exposing it as 
fake item, a forgery and counterfeit, and the figuring 
on it is after all, only amusement, but it is certainly the 
proper thing to do. 

For instance, John Washington's undated deposition, 
in which he gives his then age, I have said, has position 
in the Order Book of the Court, between two dated 
items, showing it should have been dated Feb., 1673-4. 
Li this deposition, made under oath presumably, he 
says his age is **45, or thereabouts.*' We understand 
'^tiiereabout" to mean near to, or close to. He might 

358 The Wctshington Pedigree. 

have said, if pushed for a definite answer, aged 44 or 43, 
(and may have gone farther up the gamut of age) ; but 
what consolation does this bring? It only places his 
birth in either 1628-9, or 1629-0, or 1630, or 1631, 
according as reckoned by 0. S. or N. S. In any of 
these years, Lawrence Washington was '^necessarily 

Again, it may have been in 1674 that '' thereabouts" 
meant time within the fourth decade, '^ between 40 and 
50 years of age," and '^45" was the compromise date. 
But John, in 1674, should have been only 40, to satisfy 
us. Since it was possible for Mr. Washington to have 
married openly in Dec., 1633, and son John to have been 
bom in August, 1634, and followed by the birth of his 
brother Lawrence, Jr. (tho we do not have the date 
of his birtib; only that of his baptism), in June, 1635. 
With John "bom August, 1634," he would be old 
enough in 1655, to have gone to Virginia, become a 
militia captain, the supercargo for Pope, of Virginia, 
and his mother's administrator, and we would have be^i 
satisfied. But this "Again" idea is too Utopian to be 
accepted seriously. The Court matter in which Col. 
Washington's name appeared, was not a personal one, 
nor had his age any bearing whatever on it, therefore, 
his statement of his age was not a false pretense, as the 
giving of his age was only a matter of form. 

Probably the last chance of the reduction of "45" 
might be found in the original entry in the Court record. 
But this has been tried, and "45, or thereabouts," is the 
correct reading of the entry. 

Now what, may I ask, will enable us to exclaim: 
"Colonel, you were wrong. You were only 39, or 40 
years old in Feb., 1673-4! 

In conclusion, I have this to say to Washington 
descendants, there are some features apparent in what 
I have reported, which are worthy of more prominence, 
but as they wipe out the stigma the Bev. Lawrence 

The Washington Pedigree. 359 

seems to be undery they separate them, for a while 
probably, from the long Washington pedigree. 

While here is proof aplenty that Lawrence was a son 
of the lord of Brington, and became a Fellow, a proctor, 
a B. D., &c., at Oxford, and then the rector of Purleigh, 
1634-1643, and a diocesan surrogate, 1648-9, there is 
no proof that this minister waa the husband of Am- 
phillis Boades, or that he was the father of the children 
baptised at Tring church, or that he had ever resided 
there, or that he was the Lawrence Washington buried 
at Maiden church. 

It is only assumed that the Lawrence Washingtons 
who are styled **Mr.'' once only on the Tring parish 
register, and once on that of Maiden, are identical with 
the rector of Purleigh, because a minister was thus 
entitled in the records of that period, but that is not 
enough, for to his name it was the custom to write the 
suflSx **clerk*' (especially if a B. D., Oxon.), his legal 
appellation in the Churdi of England. This may be 
seen in the above-mentioned Chancery suit, 1640, where 
he is **Mr.*' and **clerf The designation of **Mr.** 
was not sufficient to identify a man as a cleric, because, 
for one reason, the school teacher was styled '^ Master" 
then, aQd this title was abbreviated into ^^Mr." 

Nor is there proof that the father of the children 
baptised at Tring, was the Lawrence Washington 
buried at Maiden. The latter was buried in 1652, and 
you have read there was a Mrs. Washington whom a 
Commission made a beneficiary of the church and 
parish the Bev. Lawrence Waslungton was ousted from 
by the Cromwellians. As it was in August, 1649, it was 
decided to aid **the wife of the Bector" who had been 
^'plundered," and you have seen he was a surrogate in 
the previous Jan. I should not be surprised if it was 
found sometime that this lady asking aid was then his 
widow, and that the former rector died between Jan., 

360 The Washington Pedigree. 

1648-9, and August, 1649, and that the lady was not 

It can be seen there is good proof that the Virginians, 
Col. John, Lawrence and Martha Hayward, were chil- 
dren of Mrs. Amphillis Washington of Tring, and that 
^*Mr. Lawrence Washington,*' also of Tring, 1635-41, 
(and several years later, it may be assumed, because 
two children were bom after 1641), was their father, 
but proof is certainly required to establish that he and 
the minister were one and the same man. 

In 1893, Mr. Waters was positive he had finished at 
last his many years ' quest satisfactorily, by placing, as 
he expressed it, the right keystone in his ^^ Washington 
arch," when he used the information found in the 
Martha Hayward will. Tn 1886, he had no hope nor ex- 
pectation he ever would complete his undertaMng, which 
was to justify his theory that the Eev. Lawrence Wash- 
ington of Purleigh, was the husband of Amphillis, 
and the father of Col. John of Virginia, for he knew, as 
well as any of the critics of his Washington work, its 
weakness, namely, the lack of proper proof positive to 
establish beyond doubt that * * the Bev. Lawrence Wash- 
ington, clerk," of Purleigh, and the "Mr. Lawrence 
Washington" of Tring, were identical. This was his 
theorem, and the following items his sole proof, which 
he was sure made a perfect "keystone" to bind and 
make his perfect * ' ardi. ' ' 

One of these items is from the will of Mrs. Martiia 
Hayward, sister of Col. John Washington, in which she 
mentions "my sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Rumbold, in 
England." The other item being from the will of 
Mrs. Mewce, a sister of the Rev. Lawrence Washing- 
ton, in which she mentions "Elizabeth Rumhcdl, my 

Mr. Waters was quick to jump at the pleasant con- 
clusion that the two named Elizabeths were the same 
person, because ^ ' their surnames were the same, ' ' altho 


The Washmgton Pedigree. 361 

written differently, one '*Bumbold,'' the other *' Rum- 
ball," one being the accidental perversion of the other, 
bnt he did not go so far as to venture which should be 
the correct surname for both. 

Being self -convinced of this, he sees that Amphillis' 
''Mrs. Elizabeth Bumbold," being the niece of Mrs. 
Mewce, **Mrs. Bumbold" only could have been the 
daughter of Mrs. Mewce *s brother, the rector of Pur- 
leigh, therefore this clergyman was the husband of 
Amphillis and the father of her six children. 

From this deduction, the .material, the ''keystone" 
was made, and it completed the "Washington Arch," 
and that's all there is to this great genealogical discov- 
ery. The conjunction of the two will items is the only 
"proof" that the Bev. Lawrence Washmgton was the 
father of Colonel John Washington. Should it be in- 
disputable, it leaves the clergyman and the colonel each 
with a ' ' skeleton. ' ' Otherwise, in which of the numer- 
ous Washington families of England belonged the ' ' Mr. 
Lawrence Washington," of Tring, Herts, 1636, who 
married Amphillis Boades about 1628, and was alive 
about 1642 f 

Licidentally this is the place to mention that about 
the time of these occurrences, there was a Washington 
family owning and residing at Beaches manor, in Brent- 
Pelham parish, Herts. The lord of this manor was 
Adam Washiugton, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, who 
bought this manor in 1640, owning at the time two 
others in the county. His wife, living in 1659, was 
Elizabeth, daughter of Francis Floyer, lord of Brent- 
Pelham manor, high sheriff of Herts, in 1648. Their 
daughter Margaret Washington, of Euen parish, Herts, 
aged 20, her parents dead, had license to marry, in 1679, 
William Wright. 

I wish for the memory of Mr. Waters, that his de- 
duction had been as plausible as pleasing, but we can't 
get away from the fact that for centuries there have 

362 The Washington Pedigree. 

been two distinct families in England, often in the same 
county, called, the one Bmnbold, the other Bmnball; 
the niece was bom to one, and the sister married into 
the other. 

Because there were, and are, so many families of eadi 
of these surnames, and for want of space, I shall men- 
tion only a few instances of Bumball (having done 
the same for Bumbold), they being suitable to this re- 
view. As mentioned of Btmibold, Bumball, too, has 
had many variations, or corruptions, as Bombold; — 
BumboU, Bumbell, Bumble, and even Bumbello, to 
match Bumbold 's Bomboldus. 

William Bumball and wife Elizabeth had a son bap- 
tised at St. Paul's, Covent Garden, London, 22 Feb., 
1662-3. "Mr. WiUiam BumbalP' was buried at this 
church (**he died of ye Plague'O, 6 July, 1665. Bich- 
ard Bumball, of Great Buddon parish, Essex, widower, 
age 50, had license to marry, 16 May, 1661. Bichard 
Bumball, and wife Elizabeth, had a daughter baptised 
17 June, 1683, at Christ Church, New Gate, London. 
Buried at this church, 20 Oct., 1685, Mrs. Elizabeth 
Bumball, and on the 23d, Bichard Bumball. Edmund 
Bumball, of Christ Church parish, London, aged 25, had 
license to marry, 15 June, 1675. John Bumball, Gent, 
of Shefford, Bedford, widower, age 50, had license to 
marry in London, 6 April, 1665. 

Edward Bumball, of lYiUham, Essex, Esq., age 25, had 
license, dated 13 Sep., 1687, to marry Lady Anne 
Villiers, of St. Margaret parish, Westminster, (Lon- 
don), age 19, daughter of the Bt. Hon. George Villiers, 
Lord Viscount of Grandison. The Viscount was a near 
relative of George ViUers, Duke of Buckingham, whose 
half-sister Lady Anne Villiers, was the wife of Sir 
William Washington, of Kensington and Thistleworth, 
Middlesex, brother to Sir John, Bev. Lawrence, Mrs. 
Mewce, &c. 

John Newdigate removed with his family from Lon- 

The Washington Pedigree. 363 

don to Boston, Mass., in 1632. His son and heir, 
Nathaniel Newdigate, returned to London, became a 
merchant, and died there leaving a will, dated 22 Sep., 
1668. He named his wife, Isabella, his ex'trix, and his 
brothers-in-law, Sir John Lewis, Edward Bmnball, of 
the Savoy, a precinct of the Strand, London, and Ed- 
mund White, merchant of London, overseers. Among 
his legatees — ^ * To Edward BumbaU, and his wife, Anne, 
ten pounds a piece.'* **To my niece, Mary Bumball, 
five pounds. ' ' Isabella and Anne, mentioned, and Joan, 
wife of Sir F. Holies, were sisters of Sir John Lewis. 

If it is admitted as a fact that there was always a 
Bumbold family and a Bumball family, it proves that 
*^ niece BumbalP' was not ** sister Bumbold.'' This 
agreed upon, then there is no known proof that the 
clergyman of Purleigh was the Mister of Tring. There- 
fore, the clergyman was not the father of the colonel, 
hence, the latter was, no doubt, bom in wedlock. Other- 
wise, if the niece and the sister were identical, it has to 
be believed, throu^ the evidence, that the colonel was 
illegitimate, unless we prefer to think the Fellow lived 
a double life, a bachelor at the University, and a mar- 
ried man and father somewhere else. It would not be 
fair to Amphillis to say she never was married, since 
a record of her marriage has not been found, because 
the circumstantial evidence of the Tring parish church 
register is in her favor. However, it only shows her 
husband was a **Mr." Lawrence Washington. Who 
he was it is charitable to those concerned, to say he has 
never been identified, therefore, the authoritative Boyal 
Descent line of the Bev. Lawrence Washington remains 
in abeyance so far as Colonel John Washington of Vir- 
ginia is concerned, because there is no proof he was the 
son of the clergyman. 

364 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 




Major, Medical Corps, U. S. Army; formerly First Lieutenant and 
Surgeon of the Troop (April 1, 1898-NoTember 10, 1003.) 

[For Referenoea aefi poffes 585-^87.] 

(Continued from page 201.) 

Chaptbe m. 


An important event in local affairs occurred in the 
winter of 1784-5. This was notiiing less than the 
division of Philadelphia Connty by Act of Assembly, 
September 10, 1784, a considerable portion of the terri- 
tory now going to form Montgomery County. As a 
result of this partition a number of the former Phila- 
delphia County troopers found themselves expatriated, 
as it were ; and no longer being residents of Philadel- 
phia County they were no longer eligible as members 
of the County Troop of Horse. Accordingly, in the 
spring of 1785 there appeared the foUowiaig public 
notice : — "" 

''Philadelphia County, April 12, 1785.— n.b.— A 
number of vacancies have happened in the troop, by 
the county of Philadelphia being divided; any gentle- 
man desirous of joining said troop of horse is requested 
to make his application soon, at the subscriber's office, 
in the Northern-Liberties," Philadelphia county. 

** William Coats, Lieutenant of the 
coxmty of Philadelphia,'' 


The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 365 

Later in this year appeared the following notice : — ™ 

''The Gentlemen of the Troop of Horse of Mont- 
gomery comity, are requested to meet, properly 
equipped, at the house of Abraham DufKeld, at the 
Crooked Billet,*^ on Monday the 20^ instant, at ei^t 
o^clock in the Morning. 

*'J. Morris/' 
''August 15, 1785/' 

In September, the following notice appeared: — ^ 

' ' The troops of li^t dragoons will meet the 18*^ of 
October, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, at the house of 
William Lesher, in Gtermantown, with their accoutre- 
ments compleai 

"WiLMAM Coats, Lieut, of Phil, county." 
"Philadelphia, September 23, [1785]." 

And the following in November : — ^ 

"The County Light Horse are desired to meet (for 
the last time tbiQ season) at the house of Mr. John 
Dover 8 [5ic], at the old Bising-Sun, on the German- 
town road, 4 miles from Philadelphia, the 18^ instant. 
It is hoped every man will be weU equipped, and be 
punctual in meeting at 10 o 'clock in the Morning. 

*^ Signed, Wm. Coats, lieut. county Philad." 
"Philadelphia county, November 10, 1785." 

In 1786, the first Troop notice appeared in April : — ^ 

' ' The Troop of Li^t-Horse of the coimty of Phila- 
delphia, will please to take Notice, that they are to 
Parade on Tuesday next, the 2* of May, precisely at 
9 o 'clock in the Morning, at the Old Rismg Stm, on the 
Germantown road, properly equipt as Light-Horsemen, 
in order to join the 2^ Battalion, commanded by Colonel 
[Matthew] Holegate [sic]. 

. ''William Coats, Lieut. C. P." 
'Philadelphia, County, April 26, 1786." 

Vol. XLV.— 26 

366 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

Naturally, the limitation of the territory of the 
county more closely allied tiie interests of its inhabi- 
tants with those of the city proper. Consequently, 
when, in 1786, Captain Snyder was compelled to 
relinquish the conmiand of the Troop, it was but 
logical that the members of the organization should 
select as their leader one whose interests lay in both 
city and county. Therefore, Robert Hopkins, a mem- 
ber of the City battalion, was chosen as Captain 
Snyder *s successor, in April, 1786, and administered 
the Troop affairs during the next two years.** Israel 
Elliot, at that time became Lieutenant of the Troop 
and Isaac Keen, Comet. 

That the military iostinct was strong in the land at 
this date, and that the War of the Revolution had not 
been followed by a period of reaction and stagnation, 
as is so often the case, may be proved by two interest- 
ing excerpts from the State records of 1786. The first 
of these is a note directed to 

**His Excellency, the President of the Supreme 

* ' The Officers of the Militia of the City and Liberties 
of Philadelphia present their most respectful Compli- 
ments to his Excellency the President [Governor] and 
members of the Hon"* the Supreme Executive Council, 
requesting the Honor of their presence at a review of 
the Light Companies and other DetatchmerLts [sic] of 
said Militia, on Thursday the 14^ Inst, at 3 o'clock in 
the Afternoon. 

**Philad» Sept 12^ 1786. '^ 

Six weeks later we find the following typical letter 
from Colonel Francis Mentges to Vice-President 
Biddle :— " 

*' Philadelphia, the 26"^ 8bre, 1786 

The Battallion of Artillery was, at their last 
Muster Day, prevented of parading on account of the 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 367 

weather, they therefore concluded at a very numerous 
meeting to parade on Monday next with two pieces of 
ordnance, provided with QO poirnds of Oatridges at 
their own expence, and to take up a Line of March, in 
conjunction with the Troops of Light Dragoons and the 
Companies of Light Lifantry, to perform the different 
evolutions and firings to close the season; of which 
corps they have honored me with the command. I 
thought proper to inform you and the Hon'ble the 
Council of this manoeuvre, and hope it will meet with 
your approbations, which will afford the greatest satis- 
faction to those Citizens who are wishing to be perfect 
in the military art, to act as soldiers in case of necessity. 

* ' I have the honor to be, 
^'with the highest esteem, 

**Your Ob. H. Servt., 

*'F. Mentges." 

**N. B. You will please to favor me with an answer 

*'The Honb. Charles Biddle, Vice President 

The announcement for the Fall drills, appeared in 
September as follows : — ^ 

** Philadelphia County, September 14, 1786. 

'^The Militia of the coimty of Philadelphia are 
hereby Notified, That agreeable to the direction of the 
Militia Law, they are to meet on the following days to 
exercise, viz. In. companies the two first Mondays in 
the month of October, viz : the 2d and 9**. The first 
battalion on Monday the 16**" of October. The second 
battalion on Tuesday the 17*^ ditto. 

* * The TBOOP OF LIGHT DRAGOONS will plcasc to obscrvc 
thay they are to meet the first battalion on Monday the 
16"*, near the ten mile stone, on the Newtown road, 
properly mounted and equipt. 

*'Wm. Coats, Lieut. C. P.'' 

368 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

The usual Fall inspection followed this event in a 
few weeks, as is shown in the accompanying record : — ^ 
* ' The battalion of militia, commanded by Col. Matthew 
Jones, and which is composed of the freemen of Phila- 
delphia and Montgomery counties, was, on Friday last 

[Oct. 20] , reviewed by the Inspector General 

The troops of light dragoons, with their horses well 
trained and imiformly caparisoned, commanded by 
Captain [Bobert] Hopkins and Lieutenant Jones, be- 
longing to the above mentioned counties, joined and 
acted on the wings of the battalion in its several posi- 
tions, and closed the evolutions by firing their pistols 
and charging each other in sham fight.'' 

Military activity for 1786 closed on November 6, as 
the following notices state :•• — ^''A number of the gen- 
tlemen belonging to the several corps of Light Drar 
goons of the city and county, artillery and light in- 
fantry of the city and liberties, propose to assemble 
on the Commons, at 8 o'clock next Monday morning 
[October 30], in order to close the exercises for the 
season. It is proposed to form, take up a line of mardi, 
make a short circuit, and perform the several evolu- 
tions and firings. This measure has been signified to 
his hon. the supreme executive coimcil, and has met 
with their highest approbation. 

**The officers of the respective corps above men- 
tioned, are therefore requested to meet Col. Mentges, 
at five 'clock this afternoon, m the state house yard, in 
order to fix and determine upon the necessary arrange- 
*^ October 27, 1786." 

A special interest is attached to this notice as being 
the first direct indication of the drawing together of 
the militia and volunteers of the city and county. In 
a little over a year from this date the County Troops 
became known as the Second City Troop. The pro- 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 369 

posed drill waa postponed a week, bb the following 
notice shows:" — 

' ^ The badness of the weather on Monday last, having 
prevented the assembling of the Vohmteer Corps of 
the Militia, of the City, liberties and county, as was 
proposed and agreed on, they are hereby informed that 
Monday next [Nov. 6], precisely at 8 o'clock, a, m,, is 
assigned for that purpose: It is therefore earnestly 
requested, that the Gentlemen composing the cavalry, 
artillery and light infantry, will be punctual in their 
attendance, as it will be the last general review for the 
season. Each dragoon will furnish himself with 9 
rounds, and each light infantry soldier with 20 rounds 
of cartridges. 

^^F. Mektoes, Insp. Gen. p. m. 
*'Nov. 1, [1786]. '^ 

Later we read:" — ** Monday last [Nov. 6], five light 
infantry companies, a detachment of artillery, and the 
light dragoons of the county, assembled on the com- 
mons of this city, took up a line of march, proceeded to 
a field on the Germantown road, performed several 
evolutions and firings, returned to the Commons in the 
evening (making a detour or circuitous march of near 
nine miles), expended the residue of their ammunition 
prepared for the purpose, and thus concluded the 
parade exercises for the season. Colonel Mentges, in- 
si)ector general, was honored with the command on the 

The days of exercise for the spring of 1787 are re- 
corded in the following public notice :•• — 

** Philadelphia county, April 3, 1787. 
' ' Notice is hereby given to the inroUed militia of the 
county of Philadelphia, that the following days are 
appointed by law as days of exercise, viz. In com- 
panies the two last Mondays in the month of April, viz. 

370 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

the 23^ and 30"*; And in battalion, in the following 
order: The first battalion, commanded by Colonel 
[Isaac] Worrell, on the first Monday in May, viz. the 
7*^. The second battalion, commanded by Colonel 
[Mattiiew] Holegate, on Tuesday, the 8*^ day of May, 
The Tboops of Light Dragoons are to meet the Second 
battalion, commanded by Colonel Holegate, on their 
parade day, by eleven o'clock in the morning. . . . 

^'WiLMAM Coats, Lieut, c. p.*' 

An account of the Troop drill on this occasion [ad- 
vanced one day] is preserved: — ^ **0n Monday last 
[May 7] the 2* battalion of Philadelphia County Mi- 
litia paraded on the Commons near Germantown, with 
the county troop of light dragoons. The battalion was 
commanded by Col. Holgate, the troop by captain Hop- 
kins ; and it is with pleasure we assure the public tiiat 
the battalion and troop went through the different 
manoeuvres and firing with the greatest skill and abil- 
ity. Such an example ought to influence the other 
counties to qualify themselves for the service of their 
country, which, in the present state of things, may de- 
mand the assistance of every friend to good govern- 

The followiflig month, June, 1787, the Troop par- 
ticipated in a general review of the dty and county 
militia by President Washington.* On October 1, 1787, 
there occurred the last parade for the season of the 
Light Companies attached to the Begiments of the City 
and Liberties, in which the County Troop participated.'* 
The trend of the Troop toward the city, which had be^i 
manifesting itself with great rapidity since the division 
of the county, was irresistible, and fisially the Legis- 
lature of the State was petitioned to authorize its in- 
clusion among the volunteer organizations of the city. 
Accordingly, there was passed, on March 22*, 1788, an 
Act entitled, **An Additional Supplement to the Acts 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 371 

for the Begnlation of the Militia of the Oommonwealth 
of Pennsylvania, ' ' in which appears the following : — ^ 


An additional Supplement to the Acts for the rega- 
lation of the Militia of the Commonwealth of Penn- 

Whereas the present laws for the regulation of the 
Militia of this Commonwealth prove very burthensome 
and expensive to those who spend their time in attend- 
ing on Muster days, as well as to those who from con- 
scious scruples or otherwise neglect or refuse to give 
such attendance and more especially as the benefits de- 
rived or which can possibly be expected to be derived 
to the State under the present system are by no means 
proportionate to the certain loss and ezpence incurred 
thereby : Atad whereas it is conceived that the present 
laws for the regulation of the Militia of this Common- 
wealth might be rendered less burthensome by lessen- 
ing the days of exercise and imp(roved by furnishing 
the Militia with powder, in order to go throu^ their 
firings on such days as may be thougjht necessary for 
them to attend on military duty. 

Be it therefore enacted and it is hereby enacted by 
the representatives of the Freemen of the Common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania in General Assembly met, and 
by the authority of the same, That the Lieutenant of 
the city of Philadelphia, and of the several counties 
within this Commonwealth are hereby empowered and 
required to furnish the officers commanding battalions 
or corps for every Militia Man bearing arms in such 
battalion or corps within the city and several coimties 
aforesaid, with thirteen cartridges for the purpose of 
going through their firings, every battalion day, where^ 
on by law they are required to attend military duty, 
and to apply so much of the money arising from fines 

372 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

on delinquents for their non attendance on Militia 
duty as will defray said expence. Provided always, 
that the delivery of cartridges by the conunanding 
officers respectively, shall be confined to the men 
actually under arms, and if such commanding officers 
respectively, shall have received more cartridges than 
are necessary agreeably to this act for the number of 
men actually appearing under arms on the parade, they 
shall return the overplus agreeably to a field return to 
be delivered to the respective county lieutenants, in 
convenient time after each battalion day: 

And he it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, 
That from and after the passing of this act, the fine 
on non-commissioned officers and privates for non- 
attendance on Militia duty, every battalion day where- 
on, by law, the enrolled Militia, within this Oom- 
monwealth, are required to attend Milita duty shall be 
the sum of seven shillings and six pence and no more. 

And be it further enacted by the a/uthority aforesaid, 
That so much of the act of Qeneral Assembly, entitled 
^'A further supplement to the act entitled, an act for 
the regulation of the Militia of the Oommonwealth of 
Pennsylvania, ' ' as requires the enrolled Militia to meet 
in companies on the several days Hierein mentioned, 
and which imposes a fine of five shillings on such as 
neglect or refuse to meet on such days of exercise, is 
hereby repealed and made null and void, any thing in 
the several laws of this Commonwealth for the regula- 
tion of ike Militia contained, to the contrary in any 
wise notwithstanding. 

And whereas several of the Freemen of the city of 
Philadelphia, with a view to render themselves as use- 
ful to their country in the character of Militia as pos- 
sible, have voluntarily associated and formed them- 
selves into a troop of Light Dragoons, and are desirous 
of being authorized and established as such by law. 

Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, 



The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 373 

That in addition to the troop of Militia Light Dragoons 
for the said city already formed under the laws of this 
Commonwealth, there shall be one other troop of Light 
Dragoons for the said city, formed by volunteer asso- 
ciation of the Freemen of the said city (i^luding those 
persons who have already voluntarily associated and 
formed themselves as aforesaid), to consist of one 
Captain, one First Lieutenant, one Second Lieutenant, 
one Comet, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Far- 
rier, one Trumpeter and sixty eight privates, which said 
additional troop shall be under the like rules and regu- 
lations with the other Militia troop of Light Dragoons 
within this Commonwealth and the Officers of the said 
corps, shall be accordingly and in like manner commis- 
sioned by the Supreme Executive Council. 

And whereas some of the Militia of this State have 
voluntarily formed themselves into companies of Light- 
armed Infantry and have attached themselves to the 
battalions, from which they have been respectively 
formed, and others influenced by their example, may be 
desirous of fomung like companies from other bat- 

Be it therefore enacted by the authority aforesaid, 
That it shall and may be lawful, for the volunteers 
composing the aforesaid companies of light infantry, to 
elect by ballot one captain, one first and one second 
lieutenant, and that non-oonmiissioned officers of such 
companies shall be appointed in like manner as is usual 
in the other militia, and the said companies respectively 
may consist of sixty ei^t men, exclusive of officers, 
provided such number have joined or hereafter shall 
join such companies, and shdl be attached to, and act 
with the battalion from which they are or shall be 
formed, and be subject to like rules and regulations as 
the other militia of this State. 

And be it further enacted by the a/uthority afore- 
said, That whenever forty volunteers from any bat- 

374 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

talion within this commonwealth, shall signify to the 
commanding officer thereof their intention of forming 
a company of light inf antry, and shall be willing to 
eqnip and cloath themselves in uniform for that pur- 
pose, it shall be lawful for them to elect their officers, 
and thereafter they may consist of like number, and 
shall be governed and regulated in like manner as the 
companies mentioned in the section last preceding. 

Signed by order of the Hotise, 


Enacted into a Law at Philadelphia, 
on Saturday the twenty second day 
of March, in the year of our Lord 
one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty eight. 

Clerk of the General Assembly. 

^*Sect. V. And whereas several of the freemen of 
the city of Philadelphia, with a view to render them- 
selves as useful to their country, in the diaracter of 
militia, as possible, have voluntarily associated, and 
formed themselves into a troop of light dragoons, and 
axe desirous of being authorized and established as 
such by law: Be it thebbfobb enaoted by the Axj- 
THOBiTY Afobesau), That in addition to the troop of 
militia light dragoons for the said city, already formed 
under the laws of tMs commonwealth, there shall be 
one other troop of light dragoons for the said city, 
formed by volunteer association of the freemen of the 
said city (including those persons who have already 
voluntarily associated and formed themselves as afore- 
said) to consist of one Captain, one first Lieutenant^ 
one second Lieutenant^ one Comet, four Sergeants, 
four Corporals, one Farrier, one Trumpeter, and fifty- 
eight privates, which said additional troop shall be 
under like rules and regulations with the other militia 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 375 

troop of light dragoons within this commonwealth^ and 
the officers of the said corps shall be accordingly, and in 
like manner, commissioned by the Supreme Executive 

Then came into existence the Second City Troop. A 
reorganization was immediately accomplished; and 
Captain Hopkins refusing another term of office, he 
was succeeded, on May 24, 1788, by William Bingham, 
according to the following *'Eetum of Officers Elected 
and Nominated Aggreeable [sic] to the Militia Law of 
this State, by [Colonel] Wm. Henry, Lieut, City Phila- 
delphia, Lieutenant's office, June 1st, 1788: — ^ 
William Bingham, Captain, May 24, 1788. 
William Jackson, 1st Lieut., '* *' ** 
James Campbell,** 2d Lieut., '' '' 
Jacob Cox, Comet, '' '' '' 

Chapter IV. 


Of the three captains of the county troop prior to 
its development into the Second City Troop, but scanty 
information, other than that comtained in the extant 
Troop records, can be obtained. 

The Paries family from early Colonial tunes in 
Pennsylvania has held a permanent place in the differ- 
ent communities in which its members have been 
located. The name has been variously spelled — ^Faris, 
Fearis, Faires, Fariess, Ferris, Faeris, Farris, Faries 
— ^but it has finally established itself in its present form. 
All are descended from the Welsh settler, Jacob Paris, 
who was one of the builders of the old diurch in Pen- 
cader, Delaware. 

Owen Fabies was bom about 1750, and, on April 27, 
1779, was married, in Christ Church, to Jane LUkens. 
On December 4, 1779, he laid before the Supreme Ex- 

376 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

ecutive Council * * a Certificate of the Payment of Seven- 
teen thousand and Ten pounds to Colonel Qeorge Smith, 
Agent for forfeited estates in the County of Philadel- 
phia, being the Purchase money of a Tract of Land, 
late the Property of Henry Jounkin, forfeited to iiie 
State and sold by the Land Agent. And a draft of 
survey of the said Land, signed by Robert LoUer and 
certified by Thomas Hale, one of the Agents for said 
County, and a Deed granting the same to the said 
Owen Faries. Being read. Ordered, That the same be 
Executed according to Law/^*^ In 1780, he resided in 
Germantown, and offered for sale ^^a small plantation 
in Hatfield Township ; ' * the same year there is recorded 
the sale of the estate of John Wright to Owen Faries, 
comprising a tract of land of 50 acres in Hatfield town- 
ship for 5100 pounds Continental money, with a ground 
rent of 2H bushels of wheat."^ On October 19, 1780, 
Owen Faries requests *' those to wiiom he is indebted 
to bfing in their accounts by the first day of December 
next, as he intends to move to Philadelphia. ^'^ He 
was elected a member of Lodge No. 4, of the Masonic 
Order of Philadelphia, on March 23, 1779, but opposite 
his name is the significant entry: ^^Qone, not known 
where/' On June 18, 1782, an order of the Supreme 
Executive Council of Pennsylvania, **was drawn on the 
Treasurer in favor of Peter Frailey and Owen Ferris 
for two pounds specie, for their services in securing 
James M'Cullough, a deserter from the Continental 
army ;^^ and, on April 12, 1783, the Coimcil granted to 
Owen Ferris a passport to New York.*** From this 
time all trace of him is lost. On May 1, 1784, there is 
recorded in Philadelphia a firm, Brown and Fearis, 
having a comnussion store the second door below 
Spruce in Water Street.^** On July 3, 1790, the partner- 
ship of James Hutton and a Mr. Farris was dissolved."* 
What relationship these persons bore to Owen Faries 
is not known. About this time a branch of the Faries 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 377 

family purchased a large tract of land near the present 
town of Smyrna, Delaware, where some of that name 
still live. Owen Faries commanded the Troop of 
Horse from May, 1775, to December 2, 1780, when he 
was succeeded by David Snyder. In 1779, CSharles 
Wilson Peale painted a miniature of * ' Captain Farris, 
of the Li^t Horse of Germantown. ' ^^^ 

David Sntdbb (ScHNEmBB), miller, lived in or near 
Oxford township, near Frankf ord, Philadelphia County, 
where some of his descendants still reside. He has left 
but few records of his life. He was related to Christian 
Schneider, who arrived in Philadelphia, October 9, 
1747, in the ship **Eestauration,*' James Hall, Captain. 
On May 6, 1777, he was commissioned Lieutenant 
Colonel of the Third Battalion of Militia for Philadel- 
phia County, that Battalion kicluding troops from Chel- 
tenham, Abington, Lower Moreland, Lower Dublin, 
Byberry and Oxford. In 1778, he was a grand juror 
for the City and County of Philadelphia. On Decem- 
ber 2, 1780, he succeeded Owen Faries in command of 
the County Troop of Horse, and held that office until 
1786, when he was succeeded by Eobert Hopkins. On 
March 28, 1782, Captain Snyder, with Captains John 
Nice and Eobert Erwin, joined in charges before the 
President and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsyl- 
vania, ^ ^ of certain abuses and irregularities at the last 
general election for the County. ' ' In 1785, there was a 
Peter Snyder living in Fourth Street above Vine. On 
June 5, 1797, a David Snyder was married, in Zion 
Church, to Sophia Seyfert. Captain Snyder died, in- 
testate, in August, 1809: — **on the 29*^ day of August 
[1809] Letters of administration were granted unto 
Christian Snyder [his son] and Jonathan Bovvngton 
[his sourin-law] on the Estate of David Snydbb, miller, 
deceased. Frederick Hackly of Nor. Lib., lace weaver, 
Benjamin Johnson, Innkeeper, Nor. Lib. sureties $2400 
bond. * ' The value of the estate was $1200. On August 

378 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

11, 1843, Rebecca, widow of Colonel David Snyder, died 
and was bnried from the home of her son-in-law, TFii- 
Ziom Cowrod, in Hohnesbnrg. David Snyder's brother. 
Christian Snyder, in 1776, was Captain in the Flying 
Camp; on March 31, 1779, he took the oath of alle- 
giance to the State ; on November 15, 1770, he was mar- 
ried to Anna Maria Jansson; and in November, 1793, 
he was a Tmstee of the Public School of Gtermantown. 
Colonel David Snyder's son. Colonel Christian Snyder, 
was bom in 1769; on May, 1812, was Brigade In- 
spector of the 2d Brigade, 1st Division P. M., and died 
in Moreland township, Montgomery Comity, Pa., on 
Jnne 5, 1848, in his 79*** year. He was bnried in Oxford 
churchyard, Frankf ord. 

BoBEBT Hopkins, Jb., was the son of Bobebt Hopkiks, 
Sb., of the District of Bichmond, whose house at Point- 
no-Point was bnmed down on March 4, 1769 ; ^o, in 
December, 1776, was a member of Captain Jehu Eyre's 
Artillery Company of Philadelphia; who took the oath 
of allegiance to the State on July 12, 1777 ; ^o died 
early in 1780; and whose will, made in 1779, was pro- 
bated on March 8, 1780. This document begins as fol- 
lows: — **I, Bobert Hopkins of the District of Bich- 
mond, .... being advanced in years . . . . , I do 
appoint my son Bobert Hopkins and my Daughter 
Hannah Hopkins Executors of my will.'* He makes 
mention of a granddaughter, Elizabeth, daughter of his 
late son, Isaac, and four children — Thomas, Robert, 
Mary Jackson, and Hannah Hopkins (married Levi 
Ellmaker). After some bequests, the residue of his 
property was left to Hannah Hopkins, as well as the 
housdiold furniture, etc. His wife's name is not men- 
tioned, she probably having predeceased him. In 
February, 1784, his executors, William Adcock, Mary 
Jackson, Bobert Hopkins, and J. Bates, advertised his 
estate for sale at public vendue, aS ^^That pleasant 
Seat, formerly the estate of Bobebt Hopkins deceased, 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 379 

situate in the precinct of Bichmond, oonunonly called 
Point-no-Point, five miles from the city of Philadelphia, 
containing 100 acres and a half or thereabouts.''^ In 
April, 1785, it is spoken of as *Hhe old place, the late 
seat of Mr. Bobebt Hopkins, dec. on Point-no-Point, 
five miles from Philadelphia;''^^ and in April, 1787, we 
learn that it consisted of ^ ^ a mansion-house and 9 acres 
and 13 perches of excellent land."^* His children, as 
has been stated, were Isaac (who died before 1780, leav- 
ing a daughter Elizabeth) ^ Thomas, Robert, Mary 
(who married a Mr. Jackson) and Hannah. The son of 
Thomas Hopkins was Robert, an Inspector of Customs, 
who died in 1828, his will being probated on Septem- 
ber 12, 1828, and who left a wife, Margaret, and twelve 
children: — Rebecca, Sarah, Margaret, Christia/n, 
Charles J., Mary, Thomas, Elizabeth, Ann, Henry, 
Francis (bom in 1806; died October 16, 1842, in his 
36*^ year), and Robert. 

EoBBRT Hopkins, Jb., son of Robert Hopkins, Sr., 
was probably a member of the Coimty Troop from its 
inception, for he is recorded as a private in the first 
muster-roll, published in 1777. He attained the cap- 
taincy in 1786, following David Snyder, and was suc- 
ceeded, on May 24, 1788, by William Bingham. In 
April 1786, he is recorded as ** carrying on tiie biscuit- 
baking business in Nomi's Alley" [which extended east 
and west from Front to Second Street between Chest- 
nut and Walnut,"* in partnership with his brother 
Thomas.*" They failed in business, for on June 30, 
1790, there appeared the first notice of the ^^case of 
Thomas Hopkins and Robert Hopkins, Banebufts, of 
the City of Philadelphia, Biscuit bakers."*" Bobert 
Hopkins was elected a member of the First Troop on 
September 24, 1787 ; and took the oath of allegiance to 
the State on January 15, 1788. In 1789, he is recorded 
as a private in the First Company, Fourth Battalion, 
Col. John Shee. He died at his home in the District of 

380 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

Bichmond in March^ 1790. His will begins as follows : 
— *'I, BoBEBT Hopkins of the Precinct of Bichmond, in 
the Northern Liberties^ being afflicted in body but sonnd 
of mind, etc. ' ' The executor of his estate was Joseph 
Few."* The residue of his estate was left to four minor 
sons — James, WUliam, Thomas and Richard, to be 
equally divided among them when they reached the a^e 
of 21 years. No mention is made of his wife. His son, 
Thomas, in 1845, lived at No. 103 Melon Street, above 
Thirteenth Street between Green and Coates [Fair- 
mont Avenue]. 

Of the other officers of the Troop during the thirteen 
years of its existence from 1775 to 1788, two have left 
distinguished records. These are Lieutenant Abraham 
Duffield aud Comet Casper Dull. 

Abraham Duffield^ was descended from the iauni- 
grant, Robert Duffield, in the following line: — Robert 
Duffield, who settled in Burlington, New Jersey, about 
1678, was bom in England in 1610, and died iu Febru* 
ary 1692. His son, Benjamin, was bom in EKiglaud 
on September 29, 1661; came to America in 1682, 
when 21 years of age ; and died on May ^, 1721. His 
son, Thomas, was bom in Benfield [TorrJ^sdale], Pa., 
on February 28, 1691, and died io 1756;, His son, 
Jacob, the father of Abraham, was boru in 1724; 
married Hannah (bom July 29, 1723^ died October 
8, 1793, aged 70 years, daughter of Toby and Hannah 
Leech) ; and died on October 16, 1774. He was a 
Captain in the regiment commanded by his uncle, 
Colonel Jacob Duche, during the French and I^ifln 
War of 1756-7. '\ 

Abraham Duffield, the seventh son of Jacob DuffieldK 
and Hannah Leech, was bom in Oxford township, \ 
Philadelphia County, on September 26, 1753. His ^ 
mother, after the death of Jacob Duffield, married John 
Engle. Abraham received his education at the place of 
his birth. When the Revolutionary War broke out he 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 381 

was 21 years old; and in 1776, when 23 years old, lie 
was an Ensign in the famous Flying Camp."* The next 
year he is recorded, together with his brother Eduard, 
as a private in the * * Troop of Light Dragoons for the 
Comity of Philadelphia. ' "" In 1781, when 28 years old, 
he attained the Lieutenancy of the Troop, which office 
he held for three years. *'As a partizan he was emi- 
nently useful to the American cause, whilst the British 
occupied Philadelphia. His accurate knowledge of the 
country enabled him to assist in cutting off supplies 
from the British ; and made him particularly obnoxious 
to the Tories and Befugees, among whom were some of 
his neighbors."^" In February, 1782, he opened a 
livery stable in the house formerly occupied by Benjor 
min Hemmings, in Fourth Street between Lombard and 
New Streets. In 1784-85, he was proprietor of the 
Crooked Billet Inn in The Crooked Billet [now Hat- 
boro]. Pa."* 

In early life he entered the flour and lumber business, 
and, acquiring considerable wealth, purchased, in 1799, 
the old Swedes* mill property (known popularly as 
Lydia Darrach's mill) in Frallnkford, together with the 
mansion attached, where he resided until his death. As 
a bonus for his services in the Revolution he was given 
by the Government tracts of land in Kentucky aggre- 
gating 3500 acres, which we find him endeavoring to 
dispose of in 1791. That he was a man of considerable 
means for those times is shown by the fact that he was 
a creditor of Robert Morris for over $12,000. 

In May, 1802, he was elected the second Burgess that 
Frankford had, and held that office for 1803 and 1804. 
He was also a Manager of the Frankford and Bristol 
Turnpike Company in 1803 and for a number of years 
subsequently. In 1812 he was nominated for the As- 
sembly by tiie Federalists, but was defeated. In sub- 
sequent service in the Philadelphia Militia Lieutenant 
Duffield acquired the rank of Major; and on Thursday, 

Vol. XLV.— 26 

382 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

February 20, 1794, he was commissioned Lieutenant- 
Colonel of the 3* Regiment Montgomery County Militia. 
He was Chairman at a meeting of the Federal Eepubli- 
cans of the County of Philadelphia, convened at the iim. 
of Amos Palmer, in the Northern Liberties, on May 
14, 1808.^ 

Abraham Duffield married Hannah WUmerton (bom 
May 28, 1746; died April 25, 1825, aged 79 years), of 
Bancocas, New Jersey, and by her had oaie son, the 
distinguished Colonel Thomas W. Duffleld, 8r., who was 
Burgess of Frankford in 1824 at the time of the visit 
of Marquis de Lafayette, and, as such, delivered the 
address of welcome. Abraham Duffield was present at 
the reception which was tendered the illustrious guest. 

Colonel Duffield died, on Sunday, January 4, 1835, 
at his residence in Frankford, when in the 82* year of 
his age, and was interred, on January 8, in Oxford 
Church ground, of which church he was for many years 
a member. **In the death of the deceased, our country 
has lost another of the much diminished number of 
those who stood forth in her defence in the gloomiest 
days of the Eevolution, at the risk of his life, and with 

the loss of his property Few men have died 

more respected, and none with fewer enemies.' -"^ His 
brother, Richard Duffield (bom in 1761), died near 
White Marsh, on November 27, 1832, in his 72* year. 

Comet Caspeb Dull, also a distinguished and pa- 
triotic man, has left behind him an enviable record.*" 
He was the son of the Casper Dull (or Doll)^ a native 
of Maintz on the Rhein, who was bom in 1711, and 
with his brothers, Sebastian and Christopher, arrived in 
this country on August 29, 1739, and settled in Trappe, 
Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. This emigrant 
had three sons, all of whom became officers in the Conti- 
nental Army, as follows: Casper, the eldest; Abram, 
who was Ensign in Colonel Arthur St. Clair's Second 
Battalion of the Continental Line, and who served in 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 383 

the Canadian Campaign of 1776; and Christian, who 
was naturalized in Philadelphia on April 6, 1755 ; was 
Captain of the First Company in Colonel John Moore 's 
Fourth Battalion of Philadelphia Association ; and who 
subsequently, in 1789, kept the Spring House Tavern 
on the Bethlehem Turnpike, in the township of Gwy- 
nedd, Montgomery County, sixteen miles from Phila- 

Casper Dull, Jr., was bom at Trappe on June 11, 
1748. On September 20, 1774, he married Hannah 
Matieu (Mathews) j who was bom, of Huguenot ances- 
try, on February 21, 1758, and died on February 21, 
1826, aged 68 years."* Casper Dull entered the services 
of the Colonies in the early days of the Revolutionary 
War, for we find his name included in the list of First 
Lieutenants of the Flying Camp of 1776.^ After- 
wards, in 1777, he became Comet [second lieutenants 
of cavalry and artillery were often so known before 
and during the Revolution] of the ** Troop of Light 
Dragoons for the County of Philadelphia, Associated 
Battalions,^** when he was 29 years old. He was subse- 
quently — on November 20, 1777 — ^promoted to a First 
Lieutenancy, and later on — on September 10, 1778 — 
attained the Captaincy of a company of infantry. There 
are on record various muster-rolls of Captain DulPs 
company of infantry. Thus, we find at one time '*A 
Return of the Second, Third and Fourth Classes of 
Captain Casper Dull's Comply, First Batt. Phila. 
County Militia, '' certified to in December, 1778.^" 
Again, there is recorded *^a Muster Roll of Capt'n 
DulPs Comp'y of Militia of the First Battalion of 
Philada. County commaned by Col. Daniel Heester, 
Esqr. Casper Dull Captn for the 1778.''^ 

Through some influence unknown to us — ^perhaps be- 
cause of a first love — Captain Dull's interest was trans- 
ferred back to the cavalry, and on June 17, 1780, we 
find him again recorded as Cornet in the Troop of Light 

384 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 

Horse of Philadelphia County."* How long his connec- 
tion with the Troop continued is not a matter of record, 
but it is probable that at the close of the war his military 
service dnded. His devotion to the cause of the Oolo- 
nieSy however, is well known, and as a result of his 
liberality he emerged from the Bevolution a poorer, if a 
more distinguished man. It is true that he literally im- 
poverished himself by liberal advances of money and 
supplies to the men of his company during the winter 
which he spent with Washington at Valley Forge, and 
on the tour of duty near Trenton. He was repaid for 
this sacrifice in depreciated Continental money,"* which, 
it is said, at that time stood in the ratio of 40 to 1 ; and 
having burdened himself heavily he was unable to meet 
his obligations and was sold out by the sheriff. There 
being no exemption law at that eairly period, nothing 
was left from the ruin. It is said that Captain Dull 
^'put on his best suit, ornamented with silver buttons 
with monogram," and following the example of many 
other penurious officers, started with his family for 
Westmoreland County to take up a grant of land which 
had been allotted to him for his service during the war. 
Hearing unfavorable reports of the country toward 
which he was moving, lie turned off into the Juniata 
Valley, and settled a short distance above Waynes- 
borough (now McVeytown). Here, some years later, 
he was offered a pension which he refused to accept. 
He died at McVeytown on July 23, 1829, in his 82* year. 
His son. Camper Dull, 3*, was bom on December 25, 
1791; married Jane Jtmkin (bom January 14, 1798; 
died April 16, 1885) in 1815; and died on September 
22, 1874. 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 385 


^PeniMylvania Qaeetie, April 13, 1785, p. 3, c. 2. 

^ In early timee, ''North End" was the name commonly given to the 
yarthem lAberUea, when having its only road out Front Street. The 
Northern libertiee, originally included Hartsfelder'a iraoi (a tract of 
350 acres on Gohocksink Creek granted in 1676 to one Hartsfelder), 
and eventually embraced all the land north of the Gohocksink (also 
known as ^Itctcey'a Creek and later as Pegg'e Run) and Shackamaxon 
Creek (also known as Ounner^a Bun), extending clear across the pen* 
insula from Delaware to Schuylkill, westward over the former 
Campington. The Northern Liberties were incorporated about 1801. 
There were no wagon-|>avements in any part of this district prior to 
about 1805 {Watson's AtMols, vol. i, p. 477; Soharf and Westcott, 
vol. i, p. 119). 

^Pennsylvania Packet, August 18, 1785. 

"* The Crooked Billet Tavern was the inn located where Hatboro, Pa., 
now lies. Abraham Duffield also held the lease of the *'Red Lion" Hotel 
at Frankford. 

'^Pennsylvania Packet, September 24, 1785. 

"Ibid, November 11, 1785 

"Ibid, April 28, 1786. 

** Watson's Annals, vol. i, p. 330. Also Pa., Arch., 6th Series, vol. iii, 
p. 1325. 

''Pennsylvania Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1855, p. 57. 

" Ibid, p. 78. 

"Francis Mentges, bom in Deux Ponts, France, taught dancing in 
Philadelphia before the Revolution. He became an officer in the Revo- 
lutionary army. On March 22, 1776, he was appointed Adjutant and 
Second Lieutenant in Colonel Atlee's Musketry Battalion; and on August 
9, 1776, was promoted to First Lieutenant. On October 25, 1776, he 
became Major of the Eleventh Regiment of the Pennsylvania Line, 
xanking from October 7th. He was transferred to the Seventh Peon- 
sylvania on June 21, 1778; and became Lieut.-Colonel of the Fifth 
Pennsylvania on October 7, 1778. He was at one time in 1781 and 82, 
Inspector of the Southern Army. He retired from the Army on January 
1, 1783 {Heitman's Register) . On April 29, 1786, he was elected by the 
Philadelphia Council Inspector General of the Militia of the State of 
Pennsylvania; and for several years was Adjutant General of Penn- 
sylvania. He ocMnmanded the left wing of the line in the great Federal 
Procession of 1788. He was an active member of the Pennsylvania 
State Society of the CinoinnatL He died at Rocky Mount, South 
Carolina, greatly lamented, on October 6, 1805 i American Daily Ad- 
vertiser, yovemher 14, 1805) . In 1779, there was a Major /. P. Mentges 
in the Seventh Regiment of the Pennsylvania Line. 

''Pennsylvania Packet, September 16, 1786. 

386 The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry, 

'^ PenneylvofUa Gazette, Wednesday, October 25, 1786, p. 2, c 3. 

^ Pev/neyliXpnM Packet, October 25, 1786. 
*" Ibid, Wednesday, November 1, 1786. 

*^ Pennaylvania Packet, November 13, 1786. 
^Pennsylvania Gazette, April 4, 1787, p. 2, c 3. 

** Penneylvawia Packet, Saturday, May 12, 1787. 

* Bcharf and Weetcott, vol. i, p. 446. 

** Pennsylvania Packet, September 28, 1787. 

" DaUat^ ''Laws of Pennsylvania," vol. ii, p. 579. Also Lau> Book 
No. iii, p. 349, chap. 1328. 

'^ Pennsylvania Archives, Edited by Samuel Hazard, 1865, vol. xi, 

** James Campbell, a native of Ireland, was the son of Bphraim Camp- 
"bell, of Londonderry, and came, early in life, to this country. He is 
recorded as an Ensign in the First Regiment of Pennsylvania Infantiy 
on May 28, 1779. In 1786, he was a prlvtfte in the Fourth Company 
of the First Philadelphia City Battalion, Colonel Chimey; and, in 1787, 
a private in the First Company, Second Battalion, Col<mel James Beed. 
He was a merchant, and also carried on a shipping business at No. 39 
Pine Street, in partnership with Stephen Kingston, Commissioned June 
7, 1794, Captain of the Second Company, Third Begiment This part- 
nership was dissolved on December 9, 1789, and the following year 
James Campbell was recorded a bankrupt. In 1784, he became a mem- 
ber of the Society of the Friendly Sons of 8t, PtUriek [organized March 
17, 1771]; and, in 1790, was an original member of the Hibernian 
Society. On July 4, 1787, he delivered an oration in the Reformed 
Calvinist Church, Race Street, south side, below Fourth. On May 24, 
1788, he was elected Second Lieutenant of the Second City Troop, but 
held this ofDce for a short time only. His first wife was Ohristina 
McChud, to whom he was married on May 6, 1786. His second wife, 
Mary, died on Sunday, July 19, 1795, and was interred in Christ Church 
burying ground. In 1793, his place of business was No. 1 Penn Street; 
and, in 1796, No. 219 South Front Street. He died of yellow fever 
on August 12, 1797, and was buried in Christ Church burying ground. 
His obituary speaks of him as "a very respectable merchant of this 
city." He left a son, Ephraim; another son, James, mariner, who died, 
unmarried, on May 2, 1820; and a daughter, Mmry, who married Ciqytain 
Edward M^ Donaldson. His executors were George Latimer, John Brown 
and Samuel K^it. 

"• Col. Records of Pa., vol. xii, p. 189, 

^Bcharf and Westcott, vol. i, pp. 412, 420; also Col, Records of 
Pa,, vol. xii, p. 672. 

^ Pennsylvania Packet, October 9, 1780. 

** Col, Records of Pa,, vol. xiii, p. 308. 

«>* Ibid, vol. xiii, p. 554. 

^Pennsylvania Packet, May 1, 1784. 

«*Ibid, July 21, 1790. 

^Pennsylvania Magazine, voL xxviii, p. 246. 

"" Pennsylvania Packet, February, 1784. 

The Second Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 387 

"•Ibid, April 29, 1785. 
•"•Ibid. April 13, 1787. 

"*Ibid. April 8, 1786. 

"*Ibid, June 4, 1790. 

"»Ibid, June 30, 1790. 

"* Ibid, June 4, 1790. 

^ From a genealogy (in manuscript) of the Duffield Family, prepared 
by Charles H. Duffield, of Frankford, Philadelphia. 

^PemMylvania Arohivea, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 569; also Sixth 
Series, yol. i, p. 980; also Pentuytvofiia Packet, July 22, 1776. 

^"^ PennaylvoMa AroMvea^ Second Series, voL ziii, p. 593; also Sixth 
Series, yol. i, p. 978. 

^American Daily Advertiser, January 12, 1835. 

"» "The Battle of the Crooked Billet." By General W. W, H. Davis, 
vol. ii. Papers of the Bucks County Historical Society. 

^American Daily Advertiser, May 16, 1808. 

^'^Amerioan Daily Advertiser, January 12, 1835. 

^ Information obtained from a personal commimication received from 
Casper Dull, Esq., Attomey-at-Law in Harrisburg, Pa., dated Febru- 
ary 8, 1910. 

^ Pennsylvania Packet, April 1, 1789. 

"* Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, vol. ii, p. 76. 

^Ibid, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 559; also Sizth Series, vol. i, 
p. 979; also Pennsylvania Packet, July 22, 1776. 

"*Ibid, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 593. 

^Pennsylvania Arohiifes, Sizth Series, vol. i, p. 616. 

''Ibid, Sixth Series, vol. i, pp. 622 and 654. 

^ Ibid, Sizth Series, vol. i, pp 971, 979 and 985. 

^Ibid, Second Series, vol. ziii, p. 61. 

(To be continued.) 

388 Notes and Queries. 



Letteb or Jomf Fenn to Febdinand John Pabk, 1741. [Penn Mann- 
BcriptB, Historicftl Society of Pemu^lTania.] 
D': S': 

I this morning rood a Letter from M' Petera of the 27^^ April which 
Suppose Game by the Vessel that Brought yours; By which find that 
M' Commins the Late Minister of Philadelphia is Dead, & that at the 
Desire of Several of our Friends not the Quakers he has made an 
application to Succeed him, he therefore Desires my Interest with you, 
to whom he has Laigdy wrote, that he may be Recommended to the 
Bishop of London; I belieye him to be a very Capable, Worthy, good 
Man; from the Character I reed of him before this was thought of; 
& the Letters I have reed frixn him; ft am Sorry by his Promotion we 
Shall Loose so good a Seco^tarv; But as I have alwavs had a very great 
Regard for the Church of Engumd, ft Shall always Promote its uiterest 
where ever I have any Concern; Not from favour or affection; but that, 
She has been E^nown, to have more Mercy Charity ft Goodness than 
any other church that have ever been in ^^ower; As for the Little 
Difference that was some time ago between him ft M^. Commins it was 
from the Misfortune of the par^ in the place; As for M*. Commins 
I knew him well, ft all the tune I was in Philadelphia, never heard one 
man give him a Bad Word I heartily wish as Worthy a Man may 
Succeed him which will be to the Honour of Religion, ft the sood of 
the Province. I muit her«^ Recommend to you the forwarding as 
much as possible the Examination of ail witnesses in the Causey as I 
find by Letter today my Bro'. Will be with us in Aug*, ft I desire for 
Several Important Reason's the Suit may be Determined as Soon as 
possible, one way or other I am D': 6': With Best Wishes for your 
Self ft M'-. Paris 

Your very Sincere frd: 

John Peon 
Feens 29^ June 
P: 6: I believe it would be much for his Majestys Interest to have 
M'. Peters Promoted he being Qentleman Much Regarded tiiere ft 
whose friends not only have but I doubt not are willing to supply his 
Majesty with all the assistance poesiUe against th'. Designs. 

Thk End or thb AiaDnoAN REVOLtmoN in Mabor, 1784. 

In my former article (January, 1918), it was pointed out that the 
American Revolution was a world-war (this phrase was actnallv used) ; 
it was a coalition by the United States, France^ Spain, Holland and 
India to curb the arrogance of Great Britain. 

This spring, 1921, in cataloginf^ Bome British RM;imental histories, 
I have found several that deal with fighting in India. The most sig- 
nificant fact is found in the Historical Record of the Seven^-seoond 
Rttriment: 1778-1848. Compiled by Richard Cannon. Londcm, 1848. 

On p. 11, we read: 'Teaoe was concluded with the ruler ol the 
Mysore in March, 1784." As all the fighting in India down to this date 
was continuous with that caused by our French and Dutch allies, we 

Notes and Queries. 389 

must liereafter make the American Keirolutioii terminate in March, 
1784, instead of November, 1783. Two other regimental histories are 
more explicits the exact date was March 11, 1784. 

John Bach McMaster agrees with me about this, and suggests this 
little note for the magazine. 

Albkbt J. Edmunds, Hiaicrioal Booieiy of Pemuylvania, 

Lbtteb of John Askew to Jonathan Dickinson, 1701. [Logan 
Papers, Historical Society of PennsylTania.] 

Honest Jna & London 23^ 11 mo. 1700/. 

Bond Freind 

I reed thine p Randdl Jeney p Capt 8treett who Arived here aboutt 
10 Days since Put in 6 weeks to SiUy where he staid a week I thank 
thee for thy Freindly and IntiUidgeable BpestJe— {[ writt to the 
ab* a month since p one Cap* Howe bound for Maryland but was 
unfortenately Cast away ab*. 7 Ins*, on y* Island Gamsey the ship 
and All y* Men and Passengers lost being aboutt 76 in Number Sev- 
erall Passengers for Pensilvania was on Board In Pertiqular W*. 
Robinson (Patt: Sonn) and his wife Elis Beasl^ 

I See thy Sister this week who is well and Lusty looks much better 
then when in Jamaica Caleb had Qoit Cold and was not very well 
else that was his Excuse being not out of his bed at a 11 Clock I 

Seuerally See him twice or three times Kwetk. at the Chanffe or Coffe 
ouse I have not yett Seen Ann Price but thy Sister told me She 
and her Children were well about a week since Cap* Bodgerg is still 
here in town Pteus husband but I suppose has little Comimication 
w*^ his Sister in Law — ^Ere now noe Doubt thou hast y* ace*, of thy 
Brother JabiiAes Death in Jamiaca — here was a Beport y* Cap* price 
was Dead but noe Confirmation to that 

We have not yett had opertunitjr to Spend thy Token by m* I have 
desired thy Sister to C3iuse her time & meathod and Judged goeing 
to Grinadge would be a prt of desertion soe that y* first fine Day 
we are to Imbaric in a wherrie & Dine there take a tume in y* Pane 
and Goe home affaine thy Cosens I think are well which are to 
accompany us and Ann Price if She please. As to Publick NewB our 
New Parlement sitts 6*^ next month the Duke of Anjoue beinff Crowned 
king of Spaine pursuent to y* Deceased kings Will occations Much talk 
of a Warr we and y* Dutch against franoe and Spaine old Lewis Stands 
Stiffly, for his Grandson, j* al Duks Ri^t — and tis generally beleaved 
a warr is unavoidable. 

Puckle sails in a weeke or thereabout W*. trent & Family Comes 
in him Allsoe Tho: Morrey ft tis Reported they will Bring 16000 
pounds of goods Trent 10000 and Tho: 6000 8 other ships of mater 
Burthen are up for Pensilvania Dewell I supose will follow Puckle 
you are not like to want such Nessasaryes as England is Capable of 
furnishing you w*^ at your own prices — this I intend via New Eng- 
land but [lUe^Ue] — shall inlarse p Pockle Soe with Due Respects 
to thy Self kind wife Sons and all my Frds and Aoq[uaintanoe as 
thou Sees meatt 

I Remaine thy Reall Frd 

John Askew 

My love to thy Neighbour Sam' ft Rachell ^ 

I have Packt thy wife and the each of y^ a small >- 
token of a Cheshire Cheese In ordr to Come p Puckle I 

Come wich is a greatt blessing to y* Numerous Poor is at Present 
very Cheap best wheate here at London on y* keys at 8/0^ p bushell 
sold Last and this week, we had soundings in 24 days but through 
Contrary winds was 5 weeks to An Anker at Plymoutiti whence I with 
Tho: M and Another Came up By land as is my Accustomed Manner, 

390 Notes and Queries. 

I THM in my old trim at Sea keept my Gabbin most of y* voyage but we 
had Sevare weather yett through Mercy mett with noe Damage Con- 
siderable Save loaa of Seyerall of our Bailee. 

J. A. 

LBTTE8 or William Petebs to Riohabd Petebb, 1754. [Peters Papers, 
Historical Society of Pennsylvaaia.] 
Dear Bro^ 

M'. Allen writes now to M'. Gordon a Pticalar of y* Acoo*'. we ha^e 
rec*. of Col: Washingtcm's Defeat, to w«^ I refer you & shall only add 
(on J* other side) y* Ck>py of a tre from M'. West to his ptner M'. 
Neave w*^ came to hand since M'. Allen wrote. West was jnst re- 
turned from y* bade pts ft I beUeve his Ace*, may be better depended 
upon than j* oth^v. Thii^ have but a bad aspect at present^ but I 
hope this will rouse our Wretches of y* Assembly imediatey to do 
something to purpose & put all y* Colonies upon exerting themsehres & 
uniteing heartily to raise a good body of Men at once to defend y* 
Country & drive off these Invaders who are realy now beoome very 

I'm sorry to add to j* Trouble you must be under on this melancholy 
situation of Affairs w*^ to be sure must at present affect yor Interests 
considerably, but I canot avoid telling you y*. mv Son Billy grows 
daily worse ft worse ft if he is not speedily sepa&ed from Didy, I 
doubt he will soon make him as bad as himsdf ft could wish yon would 
in your Journey inquire out some Place where Billy might be put for 
a Year to try if he can't be broke of these vilainous habits before tis 
quite too late. Pray keep up yo' Spirits ft I doubt not all things may 
do well yet. I am 

D*. Bro*. 

Yo'. m*. aff***'. 
P*« 1%^ July 1754 " W- Peters 

[Inolobttbb iBoic Mb. West.] 

Lancaster July 14«* 1764 

You have doubtless heard of Col: Washington's Defeat before this: 
The Particulars of the action We have but uncertain accounts of, but 
this much I believe may be depended on, that the French to the number 
of 700 and 200 Indians attadced him in his Camp and after a Fi^t of 
nearly 12 Hours, having killed 60 and 40 wounded, he was obliged 
to b^B^ a Parley, and all the Terms he could obtain was to have 
Idberfy to oome back with his arms and carry the wounded with 
him, so that all the Baggage Cattle and Provisions in the Cunp fdl 
a I^ey to the French. 

Mr. Charles Knowles Boltcm, librarian of the Boston Atheoaeom 
and a member of the Massachusetts Historical Sodety, is at woric upon 
a third volume of his "Portraits of the Founders." He would like to 
hear of portraits of persons bom abroad who came to the American 
colonies before the year 1701. 

The Roosevelt Memorial Association, One Madison Avenue, Mew 
York City, requests that material concerning Colond Roosevelt in- 
cluding reminiscences, pamphlets, carto^is, fugitive artidea, dippings 
and photographs be sent to them for preservation. 

Commodore James H. Bull sends to the Sodety from San Francisco 
an interesting series of papers induding: 

1. The diploma of Levi Bull, who graduated from Dickinson College in 
1798, with the signatures of Dr. Nisbet, the first President of 
Dickinson, and William Thompson. 

Notes and Queries. 391 

2. His deacon's certificate signed b^ Bishop White. 

3. His ordination as priest, also signed by the bishop. 

4. Conveyance to Col. John Bull of land in Northumberland Coimty, 


5. Parchment list of births of children of Thomas Bull. 

6. Warrant for Lancaster land to John Morgan, signed by Qeorge 

Thomas, 25 Jan. 1744. 

7. Account of standing of James H. Bull in Bristol .Coll^;e, 1836. 

Levi Bull, son of Col. John Bull, bom Warwick Furnace, |praduated 
at 17 from Dickinson College in Oct. 1798. He studied law with James 
Hopkins, Esq., and then be<Sime a priest in the P. E. Church. He served 
in Berks and Chester Counties for many years without pay. Died 
Aug. 2, 1869. 

The Pennsylvania Historical Commission cooperated with the Union 
County Historical Society in placing a marker at the site of Shekil- 
lamy's Old Town near Milton on August 2nd. Messrs. Donehoo and 
Montgomery represented the Commission. The marker was accepted by 
Hon. A. W. Jolmson in behalf of the Union County Society and by Rev. 
A. E. Gobble in behalf ci the United Evangelical Church Society. 8he- 
killamy made his home here from 1728 to 1745, when he removed to 
Shamcikin (Sunbury). 

The Commission also assisted the Lancaster County Historical Society 
in placing a marker in honor of Dr. David Bamsay, Qen. John Steele^ 
Col. Archibald Steele and Col. Thomas Porter at Unicom on September 
17th. These men were bom in Drumore Township and were interesting 
characters in Revolutionary times. Messrs. Frame H. Eshleman, D. F. 
Magee and Robert Blair fork, together with Miss Susan C. Frazer, 
prepared the historical dcetches. 

The statue commemorating the visit of Washington to Fort LeBoeuf 
in 1753 will be unveiled in the Spring of 1922. 

A tablet was unveiled at Shippensburg on October 11, 1921, marking 
the site of Fort Morris. Dr. Montgomery and Dr. Donehoo representea 
the Commissicm. 


I have for some time been en^ged in research with a view to dis- 
covering the ancestry, on this side of the Atlantic, of the Dennys of 
Pennsylvania. I give herewith a brief statement of the information 
which I have alreiuiy becoi able to obtain from America. It is derived 
from the Journal of Major Ebenezer Deuiy and the Records of the 
Court of Upland, which have been published by the Pennsylvania His- 
torical Society, and from ooUeetiona made bv one odf Major E. Denny's 
descendants. But some additional information from American souroes 
would be most helpful and valuable. In the hope that such may be 
forthcoming I am publishing this note and I should be grateful to 
anyone who might oe good enough to furnish me with any further 

The name of one Thomas Denny occurs in the Records of the Court 
of Upland, about 1676-80. 

"In 1681 a considerable Company was formed in Dublin, composed of 
substantial men, to whom was sold one of the "Tenths'* into which 
New Jersey had been divided for purpose o-f settlement. This ''Irish 
Tenth" lay in Gloucester and Salem Counties. Thev sailed that year 
and landed at Sal^n. Other shiploads of Irish settlers followed for 
several years. Amongst the earliest settlers were Thomas and Frederi^ 
Denny — ^possibly also William and Walter Denny." 

Walter Denny appears as tuotble in Chester Co. in 1722. Frederick 
Denny purchased land in New Jersey in 1722, if not earlier. He was 

392 Notes omd Queries. 

dead in 1737. By Eleanor, his wifei, he had a son and heir William 
Denny, taxable in Chester Co. in 1722, settled near Carlisle, Cumber- 
land Co., in 1745, will dated Oct. 1750, proved March 1761. By Ida 
wife (t Agnes) he had issue (with a daughter who married John 
MoClnre) two sons: — (1) Walter, killed in the battle of Crooked 
Billet, having had a son David, Presl^terian Minister at Ghambera- 
burg, and a £iughter who married Hon. Nathaniel Ewing; (2) William* 
a minor in 1751, married Agnes, daughter of John Parkier, and was 
father of Major Ebeaeeer Demiy, who was bom March 11, 1761. 

The fact that these Dennys seem to have always been Presbyteriane 
seems to point to an Ulster or Scottish origin. I have obtained evi- 
dence of the settlement in Ulster, at the end of seventeenth century, 
of some of the Dennya of Greenock and Dunbartcm, Scotland, whidi 
family doubtless derived its surname from the neighbouring village 
of Doiny and is now represented in Scotland by Sir Archibald Denny, 
Bt., of Dunbartcm. 

(The Bev.) H. L. L. Denny. 
St. Mark's Vicarage, 

66, Myddelton Square, S. C. 1, 
London, England. 

Inscripticm on the grave stone of William Smith, D.D., in North 
Laurel Hill Cemetery, Section G. 310. 





BORN 1726— DIED MAY 14, 1803 




HIS SON, DIED 1821, AGED 62 




MARCH 13, 1799— AUGUST 12, 1864 





NOV. 20, 1812— MARCH 17, 1880 

An original portrait of Provost William Smith, DJ>., painted by 
Gilbert Stuart is now in the possession of Mrs. John H. Brinton, 1423 
Spruce St., copies of which exist as follows: — 

One painted by Thomas Sully, now in the possession of William 
Rudolph Smith, Esq., 2029 Pine St One painted by B. D. Mardiant, 
now in the possession of the University of Pennsylvania, presented by 
J. Blodgett Britton. One (artist unknown) in the possession of the 
Academy of the Protestant Episcopal Church presented by his grand- 
daughter, Isabelle Penn-Smith Floning. One in the Chapel of Wuhing- 
ton College, Marvland, presented to the College by the Rev. Mr. Elimbul 
of Hagerstown, Md. 

In 1803 the remains of Dr. Smith were placed in a family mansoleom 
which he had built on his country place at the Falls of Schuylkill, near 
Philadelphia. In 1864 all of the bodies in the mausoleum were ronoved 
to North Laurel Hill Cemetery after the death of his grandson, Richard 
Penn Smith, who succeeded to and occupied the counny place and who 
directed in his will that such action should be tiJcen. 

Notes and Queries. 393 

To Tes Editob or Thb Pernstlyania Magazine of Histobt and 


Baltimore, Feb. 6, 1922. 
Dear Sir: — 

In my article on William Biles pnblbhed in Vol. 20 of your Magazine, 
I referred to the will of Dorothy Biles of Dorchester, 1093, as being the 
earliest recorded will of any of that name in either the Oonsistory Court 
or the Arch-Deaconry Ck>urt at Blandford; but at the time of writing 
the article, I did not know whether there was any relationship between 
Dorothy and William Biles. 

Recently, Mrs. Walter Raddiffe Kirk of Chicago, a descendant of 
William Biles, sent me a copy of the will of Dorothy Biles dated 1692 
and probated 1693, which she had obtained from the Aroh-Deaoonry 
Court at Blandford. 

From this will it is evid^it that Dorothy was the mother of William 
and Charles Biles who emigrated to America and arrived in the Dela- 
ware River on the 4th day of 4tii month, 1679. 

Not only does Dorothy mention her sons William and Charles Biles 
of Pennsylvania, but William in his will, mentions his sister-in-law 
Mary Biles the widow of his brother Thomas Biles of Dorchester in the 
County of Dorset in old England, who Dorothy also mentions in her will. 

Thinking that many other descendants of William Biles would be 
interested in this information, I send you herewith the copy of 
Dorothy's will and suggest that you publish it in your Magazine. 

Yours very truly. 

Miles White, Jb. 


of the parish of All Sents in the tonne of Dorchester, widow. I give 
my soul unto God that gave it & my Body to be buried in Christian man- 
ner as my Ez-rs shall thincke fitt. 

Item. I ffive to my sonn William BUes In pensilvania or Elsewhere or 
to his ohUdren the sum of tenn pounds. 

Item. I give to my sonn Chatrlea in penaUvania or elsewhere £10. the 
money to be ^aid to them bv my exeo-rin 6 mos after demand,— or if 
dead to be divided among children. 

To my son Jonathan in New England or elsewhere or to his children 
£10. in <6 mos after demand. To my son John at London £5. To my 
son John's dau. Elizabeth 20s. To my hroiher Thos. Strong £10. for 
the use of my daughter Rebecca Soutt. — not to be disposed of without 
my daughter's free constat. Unto William Scutt my ganson £10. 
besides £10. which I have already ordered for ye cure of ye stone, but 
Iff he die before he is of age, remainder to his two sisters, Rebecca and 
Elizabeth. To my grand-daughters Rebecca Scutt and Elizabeth Scutt 
£5 apeece. — To my sonne in kiw Robert Scutt, my horse. To my dau, 
Mary Biles, toidoto, 20 s. To her son Thomas Biles 10 s. to her dau 
Mary B. 20 s., to her dau Rebecca B. 20 s. All to be paid when they 
come of age. Unto ye poore of ye people commonly called Quakers 20 s. 
All ye rest of my goods, linning & woollen. Brass pewter* lumber whatso- 
ever (except?) one new paire of green curtaines & Vallins, I give to my 
dau. Rebecca Scutt's two daus. Reb. & Eliz. my funerall charges being 
paid, which I leave unto my bro. Thos. Strong's descresion, he to be 
allowed for the same. My bro. Thos. Strong Exec-r 
Te marke of Dorothy Billes 


Robt Toung 
John Read 

394 Notes and Queries. 

The Wiu>ebnis8 Road to Kentucky, its Location and Features. By 
Wm. Allen Pusey, A.M., M.D. New York, George EL Doran Co. 56 
illustrations, IX maps. (Quarta) 

This new work on the famous Wilderness Boad about which much 
has been written by Sj^eed, Hulbert, Hanna and other authors, is a very 
beautiful and interesting addition to the histories of the r<Mid and to 
the Wilderness of Kentucky. The illustrations are of unusual merit 
and the maps are of much value to those who wish to trace the course 
of this historic highway. So much has been said about the Wilderness 
or Boone Road that it is difficult for an author to present anything 
very new about the thane. And yet> Dr. Pusey has added quite a good 
deal of information concerning the identification of the old landmarks 
with modem landmarks. Travellers through the region covered by the 
old road will find this book of real value as a hist(^ical Guide Book for 
the more than 200 miles covered by Daniel Boone in his survey of the 
■road through the wilderness. (G. P. D.) 

Men I Have Painted. By J. McLure Hamilton with a Foreword by 
Mrs. Drew, Lond.: T. Fisher Unwin. (Quarto.) (1921.) 

For Philadelphians who have known J. McLure Hamilton as a fellow 
townsman — even if a scnnewhat cosmopolitan one who dissembles his 
love for his native city by verv rarely remaining in it for any length of 
time, much to the regret of his numerous friends— the dictum of Mary 
Drew, one of the Glsiastone family, that "it is doubtful if there is one 
individualitv more unusual or more interesting than that of the writer 
himself" will be accepted as final and quite a summing up of his gossipy 
new book ''Men I Have Painted," with 48 portraits. T. Fisher Unwin, 
London, Adelphia Terrace. Mrs. Drew contributes the Forewent to the 
book and e^e again and again expresses her sense of the privilege in- 
volved in meeting Hamilton at Hawarden when he was painting Glad- 
stone and her view of the book is that "it is alive — ^it will live." There 
is no doubt about this vital phase of it as literature and that among 
the 48 portraits painted are those of such well-known Philadelphians as» 
Edward H. Goates, Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry Thouron, Richard Vauz, 
Clhas. M. Bums, Judge W. W. Porter, to mention but a few, with mem- 
oranda as to the pleasant sittings with Dr. J. Madison Taylor, and 
Judge Alexander Simpson, whose portraits are not reproduced, is not a 
matter of disadvant&ge in a book given over to the pictorial, as well as 
personal flotsam and jetsam of the great and, as the fashion in phase 
goes today "the near-great;" not forgetting among the "near-great" 
that if Hamilton sketched King George and tells you about it delight- 
fully, he also sketched the Khig's horses, and, well, it would be in- 
vidious to mention any human beings less important than Gladstone in 
such a situation, unless one felt like imitating the "lady with the ser- 
pent's tongue," and set out the fact that Hamilton also did Mrs. Asquith 
as well as the horses and did her in a way that is just a little diabolical, 
though he seems to have enjoyed himself tremendously and his descrip- 
tion of her as he met her is a true key-note of the book and spiritedly 
indicative of its happy style. He says of her, after picturing the charm 
of the Asquith home, "The Wharf," "And then a lady came tripping 
in to greet me, smiling so frankly and kindly, that I was at home at 
once, and in love with the books and flowers and tiie gay vista tiirough 
the garden to the silver willows casting shadows on the placid river. 
And, as I stood by her side talking about the simple and pretty border- 
flowers, I glanced sidewise at the slight, frail, but somewhat rigid 
flgure, at the delicate Dante-like proflle, the dark, full eyes, and 
wondered at the woman who had jumped into the fleld of life, and 

Notes and Queries. 395 

surmotinted its obstacles at a run, a gallop, a canter, and a trot, but 
never at a walk. Was. she thinkhig of the flowers, the bees, and the 
butterflies? Or, like mine, were her thoughts straying among the other 
thoughts that were then crowding around her — impulses in the ether, 
surging over her from the most £stant lands in the far-flung Empire, 
because she had revealed her soul to the peoples?" Of course, the big 
"story" of the book is his experiences in making the studies of Glad- 
stone at Hawarden and elsewhere which led to a wonderful group of 
portraits, one of the most famous being the Luxemburg, Paris, while un- 
questionably the study possessed by the Academy of Fine Arts shows 
Hamilton's method at the very best. But, a book which deals with 
Bismarck, Asquith, Balfour, Manning, Tyndall, Spencer, Greneral Booth, 
G. F. Watts and George Meredith, selecting a few of the more world- 
famous names cannot be but fascinating especially in these days of 
the craze for personality in biography. And that everything is set 
down in so kindly a manner, and that the geniality and urbanity and 
whimsicality of Hamilton are ever in evidence, is another happy feature 
of the work which must be read even to the very last when he tells of 
"The Portrait I did not Paint," the portrait of Leo the Thirteenth. 
Here is indeed revealed the man and his manner and his method and 
the character of a great period in modem life as is set out by human 
beings who find in this singularly hmuan being, Hamilton, the painter, 
a true interpreter of manners and of men. (H. M. W.) 

The Book of Mobmon. Salt Lake City, 1921. 8vo. pp. 568. 

The nineteenth century was prolific of new sacred books; and this 
one was the first (Palmyra, N. Y., 1830). To see it reprinted with still 
a powerful following in 1921 leads to many reflections in the mind of 
a student of Religion. Such productions fall easily into two main 

1. Those written in some abnormal mental state, generally by what 
is now termed automatic writing; 

2. Those based upon psychic experiences, but written in the normal 

In class 1 we must rank the present work which (setting aside all 
stories of fraud and taking it at its face value) was produced by some 
kind of crystal-gazing: Joseph Smith looked into "the interpreters" 
or the Urim and Thummim, two crystals, and saw therein the trans- 
lation of the famous "gold plates." In this class also fall Natures 
Divine Bevelationa, dictated by Andrew Jackson Davis while entranced 
in New York (1845-1847); The Healing of the Nations, by Charles 
Linton, of our own Bucks County (N. Y., 1855) ; Oahspe (1881) ; Spirit- 
Teachings, by W. Stainton Moses (London, 1883), and now the present- 
day Life Beyond the Veil, by another clergyman of the English Church, 
G. Vale Owen (London and New York, 1920^1921). 

In class 2 we must rank Science and Health, by Mary Eddy (Boston, 
1875) and The Perfect Way; or. The Finding of Christ, by Anna Kings- 
ford and Edward Maitland (London, 1882). 

Class 1 is the weaker of the two, containing voluminous matter, pro- 
duced in a mental ferment, and doomed to literary distinction. Whole 

gages of platitudes characterize this class. In reading the Book of 
[ormon one never flnds an oracle, a literary gem, a strong utterance, 
except where the Old or New Testament is l^ng quoted. The same 
is true of Linton and Oahspe, and predominantly so of Jackson Davis, 
though the case of the last was a noteworthy one and calling for serious 
study. The underground connection between Davis and Swedenborg is 
still an unsolved problem, which engaged the attention of Professor 
Bush. As I have pointed out elsewhere, the coined word univeroaelum 
in the writings of Davis and itself the title of his once famous paper. 

396 Notes and Queries. 

whereto Emerson contributed, is simply Swedemborg's umvenum eaelun^ 
written as one word. Then again the apparition of Swed^iborg to Davis 
on March 7, 1884, was the real starter of American Spiritualism, and not 
the Bocheste knockings of the first of April four years later. 

Except for a few s&iking things in Davis, such as his version of the 
process of death, etc., etc., the works in Class 1 which contain powerful 
things are those of the two Anglican Divines. The last one makes a 
statonent which every Mormon may well lay to heart, for the honest 
parson records that his invisible dictators complain that things th^ 
never said turn up in the script^ and things thev wanted to say are not 
there! Consequently, until we can compare uie entranced utterances 
of seers of different nations and religions, and note their agreements, 
we caimot begin to have faith in automatic writing. The late James 
Hyslop said recently -at the Bellevue-Stratf ord : *1 never have believed, 
I do not now believe, and I never shall believe anything said by a 
medium!" And yet the speaker devoted all his later life to Psychical 
Research, a cause which may one day establish a chain of internationally 
accepted facts about the highest things. 

A. w. jfi. 

Thb New Gentleman of the Road. By Herbert Welsh. Philadel- 
phia, Fell Company, 1021. 8vo., pp. 193. 

Harrison Morris, who writes a foreword to this book, says of it: 
''Though its narrative is as true as the north star, yet as beguiling as 
fiction, I find in it scmiething more, and sweeter and finer than either 
fact or ficticxL I find in it character. ... It also stands for the crea- 
tion of a personage, usuall]^ imaginaiy, bv the author.*' Morris goes on 
to say that this personage is Herbert Welsh himself. 

We may add that if this book were to be translated into French, it 
would achieve a fame far beyond the present privatdy printed edi* 
tion and even beyond the vogue which the name of a well-known Ameri* 
can philanthropist must inevitably give it. The reason is that it brings 
into bold relief a thoroughly American character and lays stress upon 
certain elements which the French have always admired. Here is a 
man of national reputation and ample mieans who prefers to tramp from 
Pennsylvania to New Hampshire summer after summer instead of lolling 
in a Pullman car; a man who is insulted at one place as a suspicious 
person and entertained with distinction at another. He dines with honor 
among Episcopal divines or Yale professors on the line of his march or 
shares a doubtful meal in a thunderstorm with a rustic. 

His first five tramps (1915-1919) are alone, but his sixth (May and 
June, 1920) takes in Dr. Mary Taylor Ma8<m, Dorothy Whipple (his 
secretary) and a sdioolgirl from Friends' school, C^lermantbwn. 

To the future historian this book will be valuable as a oontemporary 
portrait of American life and character in the Northeastern States. The 
aristocratic democrat hob-nobs with everybody, records their conversa- 
tion and philosophy, attends all kinds of religious services, and por- 
trays, almost unconsciously, the many-sidedness of our complex national 
life. (A. J. E.) 

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 397 




Hon. Hampton L. Cabson. 


Gboboe Habbzson Fsshbb, Thomas Wxluko Balch, 

John Fbbdebiok Lbwis, Samuel Castneb, Jb.« 

Simon Gbatz, Fbanois Rawix. 


00bbe8p0ndin0 8b0betabt. 
John Bach McMabteb. 

fban0i8 howabd wiluam8. 


Gecmkie W. Elkins, Jb. 

U B A T O B. 

Gbbgobt B. Keen. 

Thomas Lynch Montgomebt. 

398 Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 


Eruist Sfoivobd. 


J. C. Wtldl 


Edwabd S. Satbbs, 
ALEXAin>Es Van Rensselaoi, 
John GBiBBEXy 
Chabe,bs p. Kotr, 


HowABD W. Lewis, 

Ogdbn D. Wilkinson, 

Edwabd Robins, 

Abthitb H. Ica^ 

Hon. WnxiAic Fottib, 

Gxobqb Wood, 

Hon. Csablbicaqnb Towbb. 

The Ck>imcil of the Sbcieiy is composed of the Ftesideat, Vice- 
Preeidents, Recording Secretary, Corresponding Secretary, Treasurer, 
Auditor, and twelve GouncOlors. Simon Gratz is President^ and R. 
Stuigis Ingersoll is Secretary of the Gonncil. 

tbustbbb of thb publication fund. 

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Hon. Gbablemagnb Towkb, 

SncoN Gbatz. 
(Thomas Lynch Montgomist, Editor of Publications.) 

tbustbes of the binqing fund. 

Hon. Chablemaqnb Toweb, Simon Gbatz, 

Edwabd S. Satbbs. 

tbustbes of the libbabt fund. 

Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, John Bach McMabib, 

Gbegobt B. Keen. 

tbustbes of the gilpin libbabt. 
Hon. Chablemagne Toweb, Simon Gbatz, 


R. Stubgis Inoebsoll. 

Offlcers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 399 

trustees of the endowlfbht fund and the 
miscellaneous tbustsfu2vd. 

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Hon. Chablemagnb Toweb, 

Samuel Castnis, Jb. 

tbustbes of the febdinand j. dbbeb col- 
lection of manuscbipt8. 

Hon. Hampton L. Cabson, Ed^pon Gbeblb Bbisb, 

Gbbgobt B. Keen, Hon. Cbablemagne Towbb, 

Thomas Lynch Montsomebt. 

tbustees of the pennsylvania histobical 
study encoubaobmbnt fund. 

Hon. Chablemagnb TowBt, Gbbgoby B. Keen, 

John Bach McMastbi. 

tbustees of the building fund. 
John FBn>EBicK Lewis, John Geibbk., 


Edwabd 6. Satbbb, Datid K. Fnx^ Jb., 

John Ashhubst, John F. Lbwis, 

Edwabd Robins. 


January 0, 1022. May 8, 1922. 

March 13, 1922. November 13, 1022. 

January 8, 1923. 

Annual membership $ 6.00 
Life membership 60.00 
Publication Fund, life subscription 25.00 
Penn^lvania Magazine, per annum (to non-sub- 
scribers to the Publication Fund) 8.00 

Payments may be made to the Curator at the Hall, 1800 Locust 


Adami, Hkjor, SOS 
Addanu, Hftjor, 209 
Alhm, Wm.. 808 
AUMtown, i>«., 209 
Allrton, Wuhlngton, 815 
American Keiorullon, the end ot. 

March, 1784, Note by * ' «"- 

mnndi, S88 


ArmatniDC HaJOF Geaerftl, SOT, i 

Artictea of CoDfederatlon, InelB- 
clencr of, mentloDMl, 9, 10, It 

Aabln, conpauloD of Aanm Burr, 
alaadera Thomaa Bodner, ST, 89 

Askew, John, to Janatbon Dlcklo- 
■Ml. ITOl, 8H0. 


Jonea, S78 ^ 

BtKTtnhm OhmnK S«l 

Jacob Benner, Jr., 379 

BaUiSb/^merica'B Flrat, bj OeorES 

A. Beld, 892 
Battels, Col.. 126. 139; Ifadame 

Battelle, ISI, 156 
BatoK Koape, 199, 801, SOS „ ^ 
BBABI^r, EJLI8., irUe Of Wn. Bob- 

lawD, 889 
Beatr. CoL, 218 
Becker, Col.. 310 
£aIo«t, Coaat of, 187 
BBNNBB. QBOBGB, 261; blo^rapbl- 

cal BkMcli of, 2S4 
BDNNBB, JACOB, SB.. S60 1 blo- 

nt^leal sketch of, 279 
B^IllKB, JACOB, JR.. 279 
BBNNBB, If AHX, widow ot Jacob 

*• '-,879 

Blddle, Hon, Cbaries, Cot. Franda 
HeDtges, to, 866 

BltWlf, CoL, 208, 210, Sll. 814, 

Blddle, Bdward, and Hantle Field- 
lot, Tbe Life and Works ot 
Thomas BoUt (1T88-I8T2>, bj. 
Notice ot, S9a 

BlcmvUte, Ocrrernor, 18a 

Bllet, Dorathr, will ot, 393 


Blnffaam, Win„ 375, 376 

Bleonertiaaset, Harmon. 84, 35, 86, 

Bloodwortbr, TUaothT, 17 

Bobat Col., SIO 

BolBoar, 188 

Bolton. Charlefl Ejiowle*, Portraits 
of the Foundera, \>j, note concen- 

Book ' Notlc«s, 100. 204, 298, 894 

BOCCHStt, BAMITEL [Butcher]. 
261, 2T6: biographical sketch ot, 
2S5 _ 


Bowman, Zacharlah, 2T6 

Bord, Major, 210 

Bordell. John, 817 

18. 324 

Browning, Cbaries H., Tlie Wasfaiu- 
ton Pedigree; Corrigend*. and Ad- 
denda, bf, 320-868 


Hnmpbreya, 280 
Brown A Fea: 

BROVIBB, j6a^ [BrewDOT], 861, SSS 
BiwMMftoM MeeiUv House — mtU- 

tarr hospital, 1T7T, 807 
Bui4't Ferrv, 120 

List of Bull ramU; papen pr«- 
MDMd HM. B0CIM7 oC P^nuiyl- 
vaDli, by. B90 
BULL, LBVI. 800. SBl 
Bursoyne. Gen, Jobn, Tl. 78 
Bnrr, Aaron, 84. 8T, S8, 40, 42, 
48, 43^ DO. B8. SG, ^. SI. 64< 0B> 

i.8&, 266, ^S ; accompllMB 

86, 36, 88 
Batcher, Bamuel, 2TG 

Calderwood, Ctpt., ilO 

Caldwril, , 16, 17 

CampMI, Llent.-Col., S16 
Campbell, Ueat. Jamea, Second CItT 

Troop, 370 ; blofrapblcal sketch of, 

Canady, Col., ise 
Cantaloper (alio Kcntalopcr and 


K&bnaloper), 118, 188, : 

vdmmtOT-'* fHaU, 287 

Canon, Hon. Hampton L., Jan 
WUaon and Jamea IrcOelL 
Parallal and a ContnaL AAin 

I Hon. lamea Wilton a 

ipblcal akrtci 
IL M, 90 
MBHUA, drmth of, IBS 

, *■« SUtS Of 

Oaoixla. rafeired to, 4, 18, 20, 82 
Cboctaw hcaty, 60 
OhrUt OhMnh. PMto., 2, 8, 86, 92, 

98, 94, 97, 29S 
Cbnrch Labela, of Pennaylvanla, 

very (arly ; notM on • couple of, 

Cincinnati of N. C. — goard of b<Hi(n' 

"-- "-1 of Hon. Jamea WU- 

COHHIN8. MB., death of, 388 
Congrsea, Continental, two rercln- 

tioua o(, 216 
Conway, Brigadier, 217 
Cooper Irma Jane, Life and Public 

Service of Jamea Logan, by ; notice 

COO'PES, BABAH, wife of John 

Dover, 286 
Copley, Jobs Mosleton. S14, 317 
Correy. Colonel Bobert. 276 ; bio- 

Kiaphieal iketch of, 289 
Cortland, Col., 216 
Cowpertbwalte, Capt. Joaepb, 278 
Coi. Jacob (cornat, 2nd City Troop), 


Craig, CapUln, 314 
Ciaig, Lleat. Col., 214 
Ciiatv, Capt, 8rd Penna., 212 
Croottd BOlet, Iim, 860, 881 ; Battle 

of. 802 
Oumterland ZiIOMtf, forcea of Aaron 

Wllltam Coats, 287 
Dean. Wm., 268; to Jomph Beed, 

Baa., 269, 287 
Da Kalb, Baron. 67, 210 212, 214 
Delancj, Gorenior, Blchard Peten 

Da la TIga. De tloto'a biatorian, 188, 

I, by a«T. H. L. L. I 

D^^Ml, Bngland, S8 

DODoe'i Farry, 181 

DICKINSON, JABIBH (death of. In 

Jamaica) 8S9 
EtiiAlnaon, John author of "Farmer'a 

Lettera," 4, 0, 6 
DlcktneoD, Jonathan, John Aakew to, 

1701. 889 
DOBBL, BCTH, wife of Bamnel 

Branett, 27f' 


Doneboo, Dr^ 891 

Dotvhetier, Bng., 898 

Dorland, W. A. Newman, A.H., H.D., 
F.A.C.8. The Second Troop Phlla- 
delpbU City Caralry, by, 207. 864 

DODglity. Hdor, 1S9 

DOUOarTrBAKAH. wife of Jona- 

271; biographical aketch 
DOl'Bir'FAHILT, 280 

of, 28S 

DoTera, John, 

Downer, Dr. , Companion of 

CiH. John May on hla Journey to 

the Ohio Conntrr, 1789, 108, 106. 

118. 120, 122, 124, 126, 188, 142, 

14S, 192, 100, 108 

Drew, tin. Vary (OIxMom), Fore- 
won) to Meo 1 Het« Painted, by 
J. UcLoffi - - - — "- 

immeiii, x. vr., 3s« 

DofFr. Captain, trial of, b; Cooit 

MartUl, 177T, 218 
Doll, Cornet Ca«ner, 266; to Joaepb 

Beet E»D, 268, 2TT ; blog ■-'— • 

»ltetai^|_ft8«, 887 
Dunbar, Wnilani, 61, es, SS 
DnneoD, Robt., 317 
Dqrgan, Lieut. Col. niomaa. 

Capt., 277 

1, S. 0., 2, 8, 19. M 
Js, Albert J., The Bd4 of the 

Amertcan Serolntloi] ia UardU 

1784, by, (note), 888 
ElHott, Iira^. 8SQ 
Kill* Col„ 60, 67 

Nlpe, Jr.. 281 
"Bpletle" to David Hume, 1770, by 

Bajor CharlM L«e, 72. 78 
Erwln, Capt. Kobert, 877 
ElTBua, Evan, *bort ekctdi of, 2(M. 

Kwlng, Hon. Natbaulel, marrlea 

danibter of Walter Denny. 8&2 
Byres, C(d., 209 


Parlw, Capt. Ow«n, to JtMeph Seed, 

Eh|., 264, 26a, 267 ; to Commander 

of American Fopcea 270, 271 ; blo- 

{craphlnl sketcb of. 375 

Farm, Mr. , 876 

Femi, 388 

Fersoaon, Capt.. 148 

Ferrets Barr xear Book of tb« Penn- 

■ylTanla Society, edited by, notlM 

of, SOO 
Few, Jmepb. 880 
Field, Capt. Joeeph (of Sdiooner 

Borannal, 108 
FleldlnE, Mantle and Edward BIddle, 

■™e U'- --■• "'—^- -• ■"- 

FInt City Troop of Ptalladelpbla. or- 
Dinlced, SE9 ; mentioned. 276 

Flaher. Dr. F., 4B 


Ftekf. John, qnoted, 66, 79 


FlUpatrick, Col., 84 

I, 188, 1»9, 200. 201, 
_ ^u^ ; anueiaaOD. 208 
Ford. Lt. Col., 3W 
Ford, Paul Lelceater, 828; »4 
Fort Adamt, 200, 201 
■— "~-r, 187, 151 

Fraikv. Peter 87^8 

Fnocia, Sir PhtUp, nippoaed anthor 

of Letters of Jnnlaa, 94, 97 
Franklin. Btniamlii, 69, 62; Samuel 

HnnUncton to, 17B1. 204, 810, 

"1. 814 
It, Uiaa - 

— Cbniiea I 

89, 00, 81, 97 

Fries RebellliHi, The, nodes of article 

Oardner, Dr., 49 
OatM, OeD. HoratU, 

Gilpin. Henry D., extracts fnim Com- 

mon-PlBce Book oC, 224-242 
Girdlestone, Dr. Thomas, 96, 97 
Gist, General, 216, 2S7 
QleanlnKS Id Bnslish WlUa (Waten), 

referred to, KW, 889 
Gobble, HeT. A. sl 881 
Ooremmenls of Buro[A •nte, by 

Frederic Austin On, Ph.D- notice 

of, 204 

>Ternw PriDti H: 
GtaftoD, Duke of, 9i 
Granse, Jastna de la, bnya Tlnlcom 

lelaniL 1662, 297 
Grata, Blmon, Ttaomaa BodD«T. by, 

84, 180 
Omve Cretk, Indian Massai m at, 110 
Gray Kin, Cc^ Preildait of Court 

Martial, Whltemanb, Hvt-. 1777, 

210, 214, 218 
Green, Major Genenl. SOS, 215, 2I» 
Ortenaimn, Jobn Hay's tmi>mdana 

of, 1789, 119 

270. 271, 273 : blOfT^Ucal skatcll 

of, 281 -.™™ 

OBOBS, JACOB, 281, 279 
OuDby, Col., 214 

HAAB, GEOBOI^ 2e0 ; blogtapUcal 

sketch of, S79 
HAAS. OEOBOE, nuidsan of Oeo. 

Haas, drasoon, 3T9 
Hackly, Frederick, 877 

AKBT, wife Of 

Geoive Haai% 279 
_ale, Thomas, I — 
Rail, Col. C. J., 

Hall, Col. David, 214 

Hall, Dr. , 42, 44, 49, 60, «8 

Ball, Jamea, 877 

Bal), JobD, 818 

HarolltOD, Andrew, SOS 

HtmlltoD, J. UcLare, Hen I Bare 

Palnteti, bj. ootlce of, 8M 
H&mlltfln, WlUUm, SIS 
Hans v. Ix>iilBlaiia. case of. meo- 

tloDcd, 88 
Harcaort, Col. Wm^ 80 

BABBI80N, UABY, married Abra- 
ham BtnuMt. 2TS 
~ -, CharlM HeuT;, 804, SIO 

Hart Charlea HeuTT, 80 
BatJMd 7<MMuUp, STe 
Baalet, Col. J., 194 
'er, Lieut. Col., 20» 

Hetlij ' 

WUIIam, 809, ST6 
Ham, SOT, 814 
rui, Eiitni;. Col., 210 
^JflBBBB. UABY, wife ot t 

Bnteher. 8SS 
aaitlar«ngh, ». C, place o( 
Ins of Btate CoDTentlon to M_ . 
adoptfon of tti« Pederal Cooatlta- 
"~ 1T88, le 

Hlitorr of Cbrlatlanftr, An Intro- 

Bon. 1 

, __.. IMatth ew], s ee, 870 


217 -, MogT«plilcaI akelch of, 290 
HtriUngtwartb «t. Tlixtnla, Caae of, 

mentioned, S2 
HolmB, Governor, 300, 201, 208 
HopklDB, Bobert, Br., 8T8 
Bopklna. Capt. BoWu SM. SOS, 

870, 3TS. 877 ; blosni[ilileal *etcb 

HOPKINS FAMILY, 878, 879, 880 
HoEAluaoD. FTnn<4a, 810, 811 
Boirard. Major, trial of, b; Cowt 

Uanial, 1777, 218 
Howe, General Bir WUIiam, 78, 80, 

81, 82, 88 
Hnlen, Benjamin, 1S7, ]«7 
Halen, MarciM, 141 

261, 278; bloffraphlcat rtet«h <tf. 

:mi, £ix, xia, xit, ^la: 
ral Iketch af, 280, 282 

"BeDjandn Franklin, France, 17S1, 
CoucMnlDK Captain John Fan! 

- I, Wt 


'iidepena«-- ' 


Loence nan, accouai ui, aob 
idtmt Tn>op of Horse, Pblla- 

IndlaDS, Chaa. Lee adopted br, 6S ; 
maa^ra at Grav« Creek, 110; 
attack at Wbe^Hng. 119; Indian 

WhedlDB, 149 : ravasea of, 157, 
160 ; capture of Johnatone bo;*, 
168; capture of Ura BllderbeiA, 
167 ; Col. WaahiUKton lent a^iOiiM, 

I una — see Tavema 

Iredell, Bon. Jamea, Addreas on Jamea 
WlUon and James IredidL A 
Parallel and a Ci»itm(t. by Hon. 
Hampton L. Caraon, 1 ; blosraphl- 
cal iketcb of, 4, 7, 17 ; ImporUnt 
pollttoal papera mentioned. 7 ; 
oplnloDa qnoted, IS. 14 ; pampblet 
on the new Conatltntlon avtr ilc- 
nature of Marcna, IS ; leader bt 
debate on adoption of Federal Con- 

Caae of Cblaholm Biecntor ... 

Btate of Gflor|da, IS ; sraTe of, 88 
"Irlah Tentha" (nTj.), 891 
Irrlne. Brigadier, 206, 200, 211, 217 

Jeney, RandeU, 889 
John»on, Hon. A. W., 891 
John ion, Benjamin, 877 
Johnaton. Qov. Samnel, S. 16 

Johnstone, , two lads captured 

bp the Indians. 108 
JONBa. GRIFFITH. 200; blosrspht- 

France ofTera Croaa of mllltsrT 

merit to, 204 
Jonea. Lieut., S68 
Jones, Col. Matthew, SS8 
Jones. WlllA 16 
JounUn, HeuTT, 876 
Jonrual of French TraTeller li 

Ccdonlea, 176n. notice of, 298 
>nmal of a JourneT to the Ohio 
Countrr, 1789, hj John Mar, 101 


t« of Inac 

889, 840, 

KtHikle, Bnrton Alva, of PblU.. hlB- 
toriaii, and autbor of Life and 
Work! ot WUbod, vols., 2 

Koacliuko, Thaddetu, 6T 

I«(ajttte, Uarqulj de, 6T, 83. 84 

Lake. Lanocelot, Tabltha Lake to, 
SSS. 223 

L«k«. Tabltba, to LaoncelM Lake. 
222. 228 

I^ncaster Co. QUtorlcal Society, 

Lanswortbr, ~ (blonapheT of 

cCarles Lee), T4. 88 

LanidolrDe Portimlt, lie, 817 

I^WreDce, Sir Thomaa. 318. SIT 

LawTeneon, WUllam, Sie 

Leacb, Jamee, 134 

Leak (Leek), Judae In Ulra. Tr., 
34, 8ft, 38, 40, U. 47, 48, CG, ST, 
181, 182, 1S8 

Imrned, Oeaenl. 310. 217 

Lee, M^or Oenoal CharleB. Chulce 
Lee — Btorm; Petrel of the Rerold- 
tloD, Addrae* bj Edward Roblna 
H.A., before Blstorlcal Bodetr of 
Penna., Uarcb 14, IS21, 08; sen- 
«al chancter, 60 ; tmr)^ *^'*£^' 

to lupplant WaihlnJitoD, 7O-T0 ; 
treacberr during campaigii aKBiDat 
Howe, 78 ; captured aa deaerter by 
tbe BrttWi, TS ; "Ifr. Lee'i Plao.'' 
82-87; Battle of Uonnioiith aad 
trial bj cooK-tnartlat, 88-87; 
"Tlndlcatton to tbe Public." 87; 
" " " " by "Ligtit Bone Harry.'' 
I, 87 ; dropped from army, 
-*~ "fe, 16 ;_ Sidney Lee, 

ot tbe Cnlted SUtea. by 

(quoted as apologlat tor Chariea 
Lee). 87 ; dettven tauenl elegy 
on Waablngton Id Pblladdpbia, 87 

Lee. Bldney, Cbsrlea Lee to, 88 ; 
belr of CbarlM Lee, B8 

LBBCH. HANNAH. wUe of Jacob 

Lewe*. Attorney General, S4. 86. 88, 

Life aod WoHci ot BenJanlD Weet, 
Tb« by Hon. Bamptos L. Caraoo, 

" " Dragoooa. Pbtladelpbla S60, 


Llcht Harae, Pblladelpbla 239, 260. 

LUleibiM, In Salap, 8SS ; Sbroubm, 

337 ; Pailali Churcb, 837 
LiTtDgMoD, Col, 218 
Lloyd, Peter Zacbary. 874 
Lookbart, Uajor. 209 
Logan. Jamea, Life and Public Berr- 

Icea of. by Itma Jaae Coo[lw, notice 

or, 298 
Loller. Bobt., 8T6 

LoDBbboroosh, Lord Chancellor, SIT 
(.ouJiriaHa, IBS. 189, 190 
LDEENa. JANK, wite Ot Oweo 

r de la, 2«G, 276. 

UcCaln, Oeorge Nai, War BaUona 

McCall, John. 165. 172. 177 
UcCartbys Id I^rly Amerloui Hla- 

tory, Tbe. by Michael J. O'Brien, 

notice erf, 100 

Daniel Keen. 379 
HcCllntock, Brinde Major, 210 
McCLOUD, CHBIBTraA (wife ot 

Jamea Campbell). 886 
HcClDTK Brlrade Major, 314 
McCLUBB, JOHN, nurrled dangbter 

of Frederick Deany. 893 
McCnllongt], Jamee, 376 
McCurdy, Capt.. 137 
McQorern, Briude Major, 217 

biographical ttetdi of, 290 
JroFeyMem, S64 
MaduoQ, JamM, 08, 59 
Magowen. Major. 206 
Maiden, Etnm, burial place of Mr. 
-J .. . -^j_ j^ 

J JoMpb 
92: tor- 
:. 91 




ina Ty,), 
hat! DBr^QEObcS W.. family of, 

102. 103 
Uay. Col. John, of Boaton, Journal 
Relattve to a Jonmey to the Ohio 
Country. 1T89, 101 ; Introduction, 
101; companlona^ 103: iiungnral 
ceremonlei at New York, lOS ; _tm- 

ceremoniee at i^ew i uriL, luu ; uu- 
preaelons of FbliadelpUa, 106; 
methods ot making whlakey and 
ycaat, 110: Kedatene, 114; anm- 
mary ot Joamey from April 2S 



to Sept. 10, 151-106; illness de- 
scribed, 185-159; summary of 

day's work, 165 


HAY, COL. JOHN, children of, 

named, 134 
Maxwell, Brigadier , 206, 212, 

Hen I Have Painted, by J. HcLnre 

Hamilton, with foreword by Hrs. 

Drew, notice of, 894 
Hentges, Col. Francis, to Hon. 

Charles Blddle^ 866, 868, 869; 

sketch of, 885 
Mercer, Lient. John, 206 

358, 860, 861 
Middl^Claydon, 845 846, 847 
Mifflin, Thomas, 374 
Militia of Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 

Tania, Act for the Regulation of, 

1780, 262 
Hllitia Law of the Commonwealth of 

Pennsylvania. 261 
MILLER, HANNAH 8., wife of Jacob 

Markley, Jr., 282 
MILLER, HENRY, 261 ; biographical 

sketch of, 280 
MILLER, MARY (late Steelman), 

wife of Henry Miller, 280 
Mingo Bottom, 148, 144 
Minnes, Brigade Major, 218 
Mississippi Territory, see Letters of 

Thomas Rodney 
Mobile, in 1722, 187; West Florida 

troubles, 198, 199, 201, 202 
Monmouth, N, J,, Battle of, June, 

1778, 83, 84, 85 
Montgomery Co., 864, 866 
Montgomery, Dr. J. L., 891 
Montroy. Mr. William, 207 
Moore, George H., Treason of Charles 

Lee^ by, referred to, 82 
Moore, Col. John, 888 
Morgan, Col., 208 

MORGAN, REBECCA, wife of Grif- 
fith Jones, 278 
Mormon, The Book of, notice of, 895 
Morrey, Thomas, 889 
Morris, Harrison, foreword to The 

New Gentleman of the Road, notice 

of, 895 
Morris, J., 865 
Morris, Robert, 8 
Morse, Samuel, 815 
Muhlenburg, 217 
Munroe, James, Esq., 206 
Muskingum, 122, 125, 187, 158 

yateheg, 52; Natches newspapers 
(see Letters of Thomas Rodney), 
40, 48, 44. 47, 52 

graphical sketch of, 279 

Nevles. Capt., 219 

New (ientleman of the Road, The, by 
Herbert Welsh, notice of, 896 

yew Orleane, in 1722, 187, 188 ; con- 
trasted with the Mississippi Terri- 
tory, 196, 197 


NI€?E, JOHN. 261; biographical 
sketch of. 281, 877 

NICE, MARY, wife of John Dover, 

Nichols, Mrs. H. 8. Prentiss, con- 
tributes article by George A. Reed 
on America's First Bathtub, 292 

Nomine Attetf, location of, 879 

VofYington, 276, 290 

Norris, Margaret, wife of Col. Wm. 
Coats. 288 

North End (Northern Liberties), de- 
scription of, 885 

Northern Liberties (North End), 
864 ; description of, 886 

Notes and Queries, 98, 204, 294, 888 

O'Brien, Michael J., The McCarthy's 

in Early American History, by, 

notice of, 100 
Ogden, Col.tPresident of the Court 

Martial, Whitemarsh, 1777, 217 
Ogg, Frederic Austin, Ph.D., The 

governments of Ehirope; by, notice 

of, 204 
Ohio Country, Journal Relative to a 

Journey to, 1789, by John Hay, 

Old Swedes' MUl, 881 

O'NEAL, JENNBTT, wife of Robt 
Gregg, 281 

Orderly Book, Whitemarsh, 1777, 206 

Osboume^ Mr., 202 

Oswald, Colonel EHeasar, attends 
Charles Lee in his last illness, 91 

Our Rifles, by Charles Winthrop Saw- 
yer, notice of, 800 

Paris, Ferdinand John, John Penn 

to^ 888 
PARKER, AGNES, wife of Wm. 

Denny, 892 
Parker, Brigade Major, 211 
Parry, Col., Sheriff of Westmoreland 

Co., 1789, 118 
Patterson. General, 210, 218, 217 
Patton, Lieut CoU 205 
PAWLING, JOSIAH, 261 ; biographi- 

cal sketch of, 282 
Feale, Charles Wilson, 815, 877 
Peas, , Surveyor General Miss. 

Ty., observes comet of 1808, 61 
Peneader. DeU, old church in, 875 
Penn, William, extent of grant to, 

221; BenJ. West's painting of 

Treaty critidzed, 818 
Penn, John, to Ferdinand John 

Paris. 1741, 888 
Penneytvania — Acts relating to Bank 

of North America passed, 1782, 9 
Pennsylvania — Early description of 

in letter of Christopher Sower, 

1724 248 
Pennsylvania Gazette, Oct. 9, 1782, 

notice of the death and funeral of 

Charles Lee, 92 
Pennsylvania Historical Commission 

and Union County Historical So- 
ciety, markers placed by, 891 
Pennsylvania Hospital, 812, 819 
Pennsylvania — Inhabitants and 

Planters of. Proclamation to^ 220 
Pennsylvania — State of, Commis- 
sioners appointed in each county, 

1777, to collect blankets and 

clothing for the army, 205 
Pennsylvania Society, Year Book of 

the, edited by Barr Ferree, notice 

of, 800 
Penther, William, 816 
Peters, Rev. Richard to Gov. De 

Lancey, 220, 888; Wm. Peters to, 

1754, 890 


, WllUuu, t 

Blclurd PeMra, 

FhUaaaiplHa—lohB Uajr'i Impra 

Hod or, 1T7B. lOT 
FMl^etpiha OovHfy, OlrUbm o 

1784, 3*4 _ 

Frieat, WlUUm. 200 

ProclamaUou oC Klu CbariM tl to 

Inhmbltantl and ^oten of F«fi- 

allvaDla In America, 220 
PnlaAl, Count CaHinlr, 07 
PtirMvK F«rUb Cbarcfa of, Bm*^ 

Bdb^ SSS, 841, S42, S4S, Ml. 8M 
Pnsej, Wm. Allan. AJT, U.D„ Tbe 

WlldcrneM Ro«d to Eentack7, Its 

LiDcatlon «nd EVatnrea, b;, notice 

. Capt. William, Jr., 273 

mBnon», 113, 114 

Berd, Jo<«ptt, to Cbarle* Le« 77 
Owen wkAei to, 204 ; icrlewi 
mllltla. 265 ; public ni>ttce bj, 2m 
memben of CItr Troop to, 208 , 
to Col. Wm. Coati, 208 ; commaod* 
camp at Treoton, 286 

Bold, 0«oqw A., America'a FlnC 
Batfainb, br, 292 

Berooldi, BIT Joabna, 304. 810 

BIchantoon, Utm. Col. <of Stb 
N. Ct, 206 

Elddlr. Brinde Major, 211 

BlflnneD. 2BS, 278 

BOADE8 JOHN. 330. 84(S, 846 


Boblna. Edward. M.A., Chsrlea Lee — 
Stormr Petrel of the BevoloUon, 
addresa b;, 60. 

BOBtNSON. WH^ 889 


Rodn»> Tliomai, Lettera of, b; 
Simon Grata, 8i, ISO; to C«ar A. 
Bodner, 84, ISO ; (nmrnoaed to at- 
tend trial ol Aaron Barr. 84 ; 
dlxroBsee In wbat coart Burr's ac- 
•mpUcea abonld be tried. 

West IM) ; oplntona on BDnwrnQ 
blockade. GO, 64; comet of 1808. 
61 ; Charlea Lee*! claim to be 
"Jnnlua," 94 ; diaracter of tbe 
latlou of tbe Ulaatadppi Ty., 

drcnlt court!, 182; to Wm. 

Duane. 186 ; ran><4< <>" w>^ 
Florida, 198-208 


, . Aagustua, Thoawa 

BadD«T to, 34-69. 160-208 

Bodner, Cieaar, srandaon ot Tbimias 
Bodney, 193 

Bodner, CBaar — famoui 

reqneat from, 300 
Rom, Major. 214, aiB 

Bow. Ur., 04 

EniklD, John, qnoted, 803 
Butledse, Edward, ChsHca Lee I 
(extract from), 77 

Second atj Troopk 808, 870; 
idaded amou Tolnntear orsanl- 
itlom of Pblladelpbla by Act of 
s«lilatiire^ 1788. 870 

Major. Jadee of Coontr 
vuuci. Uiaa. Tj., 4T 
BETFEBT, SOPHIA, wife of DaTld 

SnrdOT. 877 
ehaumktn (Sunburr) 891 
8baw, Dr., Editor of Natcbca Meaaen- 

gor, 89, 41, 4T 
Bbee. Col. Jobn, 879 
BhetaUimg'* Otd Toten, marker* 

placed on Bite of, 391 

AhnuMdoiXt railey. In Berkeley Co.. 

Va. : Cbartea Le« buy* eatale tber«( 

7B. 76 ; retiree to this esUte, 88 

Bbewell, Bliaabetb, 807, 310, 311. S16 

Sblelds, 84, 42, 59. 00, 188; Mn. 

Sbields. 189 
Btgn ot the Caae«OB« Waaon, The, 

91. 92 
Sklpworth, Ooremot. 203 



SmaUwood, Brigadier General, 209, 
212, 218, 210 

Smith, George, Sub-Lieut. C. P., 268 ; 
to Joseph Beed, Bsq., 269 

Smith, Ueat. Col., 210, 212 

Smith, Major, 215 

Smith, ProToet Wm., 807, 814 

Smith, Provost Wm., family mauao- 
lenm at FaUs of SchoylklU, 892 

Sknlth, Wm. D.D. — Names recorded 
on gravestones of Provost Wm. 
Smith— WllUam Smith, D.D. ; Isa- 
bella Smith; Wm. Moore Smith; 
Samnel W. Smith ; Richard Penn 
Smith: Eleanor, I>ancan, Helen 
and Bmma (Smith) ; Isabella 
Stratton Smith 


266; to Joseph Reed, Esq., 268, 
269, 271, 272, 278, 274, 275, 278, 
866; biographical sketch of, 877 

Snyder, Peter 877 

SinrDER. REBECCA, 878 

Society for the Promotion of Chris- 
tian Knowledge^ 296 

Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts, 295, 296 

Sower, Christopher, Genealogical 
Chart of Descendants of, men- 
tioned, 248; Christopher Sower 
to 244 

Spalght, Richard Dobbs, James Ire- 
dell to (quotation from), 18, 15, 


Spencer, Col., President of Conrt 
Martial, 215 

Spencer. Judge, 17 

Sprig, Judge (In the Mississippi Ter- 
ritory), 47 

Spring House Tavern, 888 

Stanard, Mr. (editor of Va. Mag. 
of His.), 889, 847 

Steele, Col. Archibald, 891 

Steele, , 16 

Steele, Gen. John, 891 

Steer, Christian, 261, 280 

Stephens, Major General trial of, by 
court martial, 1777, 207 

SterUng (Stirling). Lord, 206, 209, 
210. 211, 218. 217 

STEWART. LETITIA, wife of John 
Dover 286 

Stoddard, Brigadier Major, 205, 212, 

Strachey, Sir Henry, 82 

Street, Robert. Artist, Sketch of, by 
Mantle Fielding, 255 ; Ust of paint- 
ings by, 255 

Strutt, Capt, 889 

Strictures on a Friendly Address to 
all Reasonable Americans, by 
Charles Lee referred to, 75 


Stuart, Gilbert ("GabrieD, 818 
815, 816, 817 ; portrait of Pnyvost 
Smith, 892 

STTTRGESS, ANN, wife of Joslah 
Pawling, 282 

Bulffrave (Washington family of), 

Sullivan, Major General, 206, 207 
208, 210, 212, 214. 218. (Spelled 
also SulHvln and Sulivine.) 

Sully, Thomas, The Life and Works 
of ThomasSully (1788-1872), by 

Edward Blddle and Mantle Find- 
ing, notice of, 298, 811, 815 

BummereiV» Feny (on the Toho- 
gany), 118 

8warthm<^re Oolleffe 804, 815 

Taverns (Early) — Antford's 
(George), 116, 117; Bird's, Ft. 
Littleton, 111 ; Brown's, New Hav- 
en, 104 ; Carpenter's, , 116 ; 

Chind's (on Susquehanna), 107 ; 
City Tavern. Phila., 92; (Clark's, 
Medfleld, 108 ; Clark's Blue Moun- 
tain, 109 ; Coleman's Dedham, 108 ; 
Crooked BUlet, 866, 881; Elliot's, 
Conn., 104 : Elliott's, at Marcus 
Hulins, 116: Fuller's, Berlin. 
Conn., 178; Green's, east side of 
Conn. R., 104; Hackerd's, New 
York, 105; Hardy's, New York, 
104; HollinsworUrs, head of the 
Elk, 107; Hunt's, Mamaroneck. 
104; Jefferson HoteL 290: Kippe's 
(Capt.), 109; Lafflngirs, near 

Greensburg, 118; Martin's, 

111; McGaggayV , 112; 

Nlckol's (Sign of Conestoga Wag- 
on), Phila., 91, 92, 176; Noel's, 
, 118; Pfclmer's, Charles- 
town, 107 ; Palmer's. Northern 
Liberties, 882 ; Penileld^B, Fairfield, 
104; Red Lion, Frankford, 885; 
Rising-Sun, near Phila., 866 ; Sher- 
maifs (Squire), Md., 109; Sker- 

rett's, , 174; Skinner's, 

, 111; Sprig's (Major). W. 

Liberty, 170; Spring House Tav- 
ern, 888 ; Stamk's, Baltimore, 178 ; 
Starrick's, Baltimore, 178; Taft's 
Uxbridge, 108; Tannery Hills, 

Redstone, 114 ; Todd's, 

172 ; Waterman's, near Phila., 106 ; 
White's, Baskingridg& 79, 80; 
Wortle's, Klngsbridge, 104 ; Zanes', 
Wheeling, 140, 145, 154 

Taylor, George A., Letters from the 
Massachusetts Archives, by, 220, 

Taylor, Major, 210 

Thanksgiving Day, proclamation of, 
1777, 216 

Thomas, Gov. Ctoorge, to John Penn, 

THOMAS, MARGARET, wife of Mat- 
thias Keen, 288 

Thomas, Tabitha, see Lake, Tabitha, 

BALD, 276; biographical sketch 
of, 289 

Thomson, Col., 212 

TUton, Col., 188, 189, 191, 198, 195, 

Tlnicum Island, purchase of, 1662, 
297; church established on, 294 

"Tiplinghouses," in and near en- 
campment at Whitemarsh. 211 

TOY, MARGARET, wife of Andrew 
Keen 280 

TRENT, WM. (and Trent family), 

Trinff, Hertfordshire, Eng., see 
Washington Pedigree, 821, and 

Trocksell, John [Troxel or Troxsell], 
261, 280 





ADhent Coll«se. 101, lOS 
Tapper, CoL, 219 
Tt^er, GenenO, ISA 
Tjfer, Dr., 848 
Trier, UiJot, IBS. 188 
Trier, Uajor, 214 

onion Coontj BUtorical Bod«yL8»l 
UnlTersttT of PcnaiflTanla, Btrat 

Law School in United SUte* ei- 

tabllshed ITOO, T 

OUA8, 261; 

H INkUiuM), 
Aetcb of, 282 

Tolni, Ch&rle, Now Orleant >nd Uo- 

Oeorse Nox UcCftln, notice of, S 
Waid. Major Oenenl Art«nn«, TO 
WaitalnstoD, George, at Fort Du- 
qneaotL 9t; canpalni agalnat 
Howe, 78 ; exebance of Cbarlea Lee, 
81 ; weleonei Lm at Vallej Foiw, 
1TT8, eS; Battle ot UonmonUi, 
84 1 corraapondenee witli Lee, BS ; 
Lee tried bj Court martial, 8«; 
Llgbt Hor*e Harry deliven foneral 

I InaBCtira- 
D Pedikree, 
0; rerleWB 

., ^ LeBoent, — - 

WatMnoton, MtttUtip^ TerrOon, 
Lettera ot Tbomas Rodner from, 
180T-1S10, 31-eB, 180-208 

CoTTiBenila and Addenda, bj 
Cbarlea B. Browalng, 820-863 

WanoD, Col., 21T 

Water* (Aatbor ot Oleanian In 
BnElUh Wllla). 826, 889, 843, 848, 
8Mr860 _ 

261, 2S3 

Wayn^ Anthm^, 208, 214 

Weden, General, 206 

Weedeo, Brlsadler, 21S 

Wtila, Abn, 186 

Wella, Ch»rieB, 18B 

Wtlla, Major. 218 

Welah, Herbert, The New Gentleman 
of tbe Bead, br, notice of, 8»6 

Vet, B«d; 
LUe am 

1, »l5l» 

, J , — a and Works ot, 

„ Hon. Bampton L. CarMMi. 
801-818 ; birth and earir life, 804 ; 
Italian atndlea, 808 BngUab 
frienda, 806; becoaiea blatori<^ 
nalDter to GeoTKe Ut, 809, and 
nwideot ot Boral A^jIw, 810 j 

hiaee Kntgbtbood, klS ; piqAEa i^ 

316 ; tDlnlatare& 818 
West, Benjamin, Jr^ 81S 
Weat, John, 804, SIS, 816 
WMt LOerty In 1789, ITO 
Weat, Matthew, 816 „ . ^ 

Weatem Beaerre HIatorieal Sodety, 

Tianaactlona of No. 108. 

Three PenniTl*>nla Item* pnr- 

ebaaed, 297 
Wlilake;, method of making, 110, 

Wbltemanb Orderly Book, 1777, 
206-218 ^ .„ 

Wblte, Miles, Jr., note on the Bllea 
fairly, 898 „ _,, 

White, BlBhop Wm., 810, 811 

WilderiKas Boad to Keutnckr, Tlie, 
ita Location and S^tarea, bj Wm, 
Allen Puaey, A-M., M.D., notice of. 

Wllklnaon, Gen. Jamea. BS, M, 69, 

61, 64. 65 : aoD of. 60, 181. 184 
Wllllamii. Oovetnor of MIm. ^.1. 

46. 47, 61, 62. B8, &7, BS. 68 
Williams, T. H., 161, 182, 190, 166 
WlUlamB, Major Wert; 206. 218 
WllBon, Hon. James, Addreae on 
Jamea WUfon and James i™^ i 

Edenton. «. i;., ana m-u..^- 

Chriat Chorch, Pblla., 2; pallbcair- 
»n and apeaken, 2, 8; blonapM- 
ol aketch ot, 8, 4, 6, 7, p, 19; 
Bank ot North America, flj eoo- 
traated with Jamea Ireddl, IS, 
16', ease of Chlaholm Eieentor, 

WInatou, Wm., 47, B2, 68 
Woltord. r,leot CoL. 206 
WOLL^I, JACOB [Wotrtery], 261, 

Woodford. Brigadier, 209. 211, 212. 

217, 219 
Worrell, Col. laaac, 870 

James McTesgb, 260 
Wrtaht. John, 876 ^_ 
WRIGHT. WM., 861 . ^ ,^ 

WTNNH, HANNAH, wife of Danld 

Humpbrers, 280 
TSRKES, BBBBCCA [Leech], wife 

of George Yerfes, 280 
rouffftapoHV, Fork* of, 118, 114 

Zanc. Benjamin, 146 

ZaSe; ^^re, 140, 14B, 1*8. 164. 



HiSTORiUL Society of Pennsylvania 

This Fund which now amounts to $42,0009 is made up of 
subscriptions of $25 each, which have been invested by the Trus- 
tees, and the interest only used for the publication of historical 
matter. Copies of all publications are sent to subscribers to the 
Fund during their lives, and to libraries for twenty years. The 
fund has published fourteen volumes of Memoirs of the 
Society and forty-four volumes of The Pennsylvania Maga- 
zine of History and Biography. 

Of the Magazine about 25 sets remain on hand. As long as 
this edition lasts, persons who subscribe $25 to the capital account 
and wish complete sets of the Magazine can obtain the forty-four 
volumes bound, and numbers of current volume, for $50 extra. 
These subscribers will also receive all future issues of the Maga- 
zine and Memoirs. 



1300 Lccust Street, Phlladoiphia. 



Containing Mr. Lloyd's valuable collections of genealogical data 
from Pennsylvania, English and Welsh records relating to families 
concerning which little or nothing has been written. The following 
genealogies embrace an important part of his labors: — 

Awbrey-Vanghan, Blunston, Burbeck, Garrett, Gibbons, Heacoclc, 
Hodge, Houlston, Howard, Hunt, Jarman, Jenkins-Griffith, Jones, 
Knight, Knowles, Lloyd, Newman, Paschall, Paul, Pearson, Pennell. 
Pott, Pyle, Reed, Sellers, Smith, Thomas, Till, Williams, Wood, and 
Wynne. In addition to these genealogies, the volume contains 
Calendar of MSS. in the collection of the late James J. Levick, M.D.. 
Births at Bala and Lay Subsidy Rolls for Merionethshire, Flintshire 
and Montgomeryshire. 

Copies of the book, an 8vo of 437 pages, indexed, bound in cloth, 
can be purdhaaed from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1800 
Locust Street, Philadelphia. Priee, $5.00. 

Thomas Lynch Montoomeby, 





The Swedish Setdements on the Delaware, 1638-1664. By 

Amardub Joh:vson, Ph.D., Secretary of Swedish Colonial Society. 
2 voU.» 8vo. 899 pp. 6 maps and 146 illustrations. Price, $0. 

Peimsylvaiiia and the Federal Constitution, 1787-1788. Edited by 

J. Bach McMasteb and F. D. Store. 8to. 803 pp. Illustrated. 
Price, $6. 

The Records of Holy Trinity (Old Swed^^) Church, Wilmington, 

Del., from 1697 to 1773, with abstract of English records, 
1783 to 1810. 8vo. 772 pp. Illustrated. Price, $2. 

The Relations of Pennsylvania with the British Govemment, 

1696-1765. By WiNFBiD T. Root, Ph.D. 8to. 422 pp. Prioe, |£. 

Southern Quakers and Slavery. By s. b. Wekes. sto. 4oo pp. 

Price, $2. 

Early History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origin to 

the Year 1827. By Geobge B. Wood, M.D., and F. O. Sroifs, 
Philadelphia, 1896. ISmo. 27S pp. Copiously iUustrated. 
Price, $1. 

Hbtory of Proprietary Govemment in Pennsylvania. By w. r. 

Shepherd. 8to. 601 pp. Prioe, $4.50. 

Memoir of Dr. George Logan of Stenton. By his widow, odobah 

NoB&is LooAN. 4vo. 207 pp. Illustrated. Price, $8. 

Some of die First Setders of ''The Forks of the Ddaware** and 

their Descendants, from the Record Books of First Reformed 
Church, of Easton, Penna., 1760 to 1862. By Rev. H. Bi. KisrrBE, 
D.D. 8to. 404 pp. Illustrated. Price, $5. 

History of the Third Pennsylvania Cavah7, 1861-1865. Com- 
piled by the Regimental History Committee. 8vo. 614 pp. Price, f3. 

The Life and Public Services of James Logan. By Ibua jakb 

CooPEB. 8vo, 77 pp. Price, $1.26. 

XX 000 oil 7ee