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The Butler Family of the Pennsylvania Line. By John Blair Linn 1 

Biography of General Richard Butler. By Simon Gratz 

Edward Shippen, Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania. By Lawrence 

Lewis, Jr H 

The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. By Howard M. Jenkins . 35 
Report of the Court-Martial for the Trial of the Hessian Officers 
captured by Washington at Trenton, December 26, 1776. Trans- 
lated from a German copy . . , . . . . . .45 

Sir Edmund Plowden's Patent for New Albion. With an Introductory 

Note by Professor G. B. Keen 50 

Jeremiah Langhorne. By William J. Buck ..... 67 
Augustine Herman and John Thompson. By Townscnd Ward . 88 
The Descendants of Joran Kyn, the Founder of Upland. By Gregory 

B. Keen (continued from Yol. VI. page 457) . 94, 200, 299, 464 
Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. Burials, 1709-1760. Con- 
tributed by Charles R. Hildeburn (continued from Vol. VI. page 

480) 101,221,338 

Notes and Queries 106,228,346,475 

Some Account of the Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

By Edward Shippen, M.D., U. S. N. 117 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. By /. W. F. White . . 143 
British Views of American Trade and Manufactures during the Revo- 
lution. By William John Potts 194 

McM aster's History of the People of the United States . . .206 
Lappawinzo and Tislicohan. By William J. Buck . . . .215 
An Account of the Seditious False Konigsmark in New Sweden. Trans- 
lated from the Swedish by Professor G. B. Keen . . .219 
George Inman's Narrative of the American Revolution . . .237 
Friends in Burlington. By Amelia Mott Gummere . . 249, 353 

Professor C. T. Odhner's Account of Willem Usselincx and the South, 
Ship, and West India Companies of Sweden. Translated by Pro- 

fossor Gregory B. Keen 268 

The Report of Governor Johan Printz, of New Sweden, for 1647, and 
the Reply of Count Axel Oxenstjerna, Chancellor of Sweden. 
Translated from the Swedish by Professor Gregory B. Keen . 271 


iv Contents of Volume VII. 


A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. By William Sey- 
mour, Sergeant-Major of the Delaware itegiineut . . 286, 377 
Daniel B. Smith, the First Corresponding Secretary of the Historical 

Society of Pennsylvania. By James J. Levick, M.D. . . 309 
Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe, of London. By G. D. 

Scull 317 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. By Carl K. S. Sprinc- 

horn. Translated by Professor Gregory B. Keen . . . 395 
Indian Land and its Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. By John Blair 

Linn 420 

Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. By George T. Holly day 426 

William Penn. By Theodore McFadden 448 

A Journal of a Campaign from Philadelphia to Paulus Hook. By 

Algernon Roberts 450 

Meetings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1883 . . 496 
Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 498 
Report of Finance Committee to Council, 1882 500 

INDEX 501 



On page 40o, line 5 from foot, for "Brandy wine" read Christiana. 




VOL. VII. 1883. No. 1. 



In 1848, when Gen. William 0. Butler was the Democratic 
candidate for Vice-President of the United States on the ticket 
with Gen. Lewis Cass, Francis P. Blair, Sen., of The Globe, 
published some reminiscences of the Butler Family, which 
furnish the principal material for the following sketch of the 
Butler Family of the Pennsylvania Line in the Revolutionary 
War and their descendants. 

Blair himself was of the Blair lineage of Fagg's Manor, 
Chester County a race as remarkable over a century ago for 
its profound divines and scholars, its eloquent and impressive 
preachers, as in the present century for its distinctive promi- 
nence in the editorial chair, the cabinet, the halls of congress, 
and upon the field of battle. 

Thomas Butler (father of the family) was born in Kilkenny, 
Ireland, April 6, 172U, and was married there in 1742. Col. 
Richard Butler, Col. William Butler, and Capt. Thomas 
Butler were born in Ireland. The family then -emigrated to 
Cumberland Valley, settling at Carlisle, Penria., where Lieu- 
tenant Percival Butler was born, as well as Lieut. Edward 
Butler, the youngest son. 

VOL. vi r. 1 (!) 

2 The Butler Family of the Pennsylvania Line. 

Thomas Butler, the father, belonged to the Church of 
England, and was prominent in securing the building of the 
original (St. John's) Episcopal Church, which stood on the 
northeast corner of the public square at Carlisle. There is a 
petition on file, in the State Department at Harrisburg, signed 
by Robert Callender, George Croghan, Thomas Srnallman, 
and Thomas Butler in 1765, "on behalf of the members of 
the Church of England in Cumberland County," representing 
that they had in part erected a church in Carlisle, but from 
the smallness of their number, and so forth, they were unable 
to finish it, and praying relief; which was granted by includ- 
ing the enterprise in the lottery Act of February 15 of that 

F. P. Blair relates an anecdote of 1781, when the In- 
dians became troublesome on the frontiers, derived from a 
letter belonging to an old Pennsylvania friend of the Butler 
parents, who brought it with him from Ireland. "While 
the five sons," says the epistle, "were absent from home 
in the service of the country, the old father took it into 
his head to go also. The neighbors remonstrated, but his 
wife said: 'Let him go; I can get along without him, and 
have something to feed the army in the bargain ; and the 
country wants every man who can shoulder a musket.'" 
It was doubtless this extraordinary zeal of the family Gen. 
Washington had in mind, when at his own table, surrounded 
by a large party of officers, he gave as a toast, "The Butlers 
and their five sons." This anecdote rests upon the authority 
of Gen. Finley, of Cincinnati, who long survived his com- 
rades in arms, and delighted to talk of their martial deeds. 
Gen Lafayette, in a letter still extant in the possession of a 
lady connected by marriage with the Butlers, wrote: " When 
I wished a thing well done, I ordered a Butler to do it." 

I. General Richard Butler, the oldest, was recommended 
by the Pennsylvania Convention of 1776 for Major of the 8th 
Pennsylvania Regiment, and was elected by Congress and 
commissioned July 20, 1776. He was promoted Lieutenant- 
Colonel, and then, June 9, 1777, was transferred to Morgan's 
celebrated rifle command, which owed to him much of its 

The Bailer Family of the Pennsylvania Line. 3 

high character. The cool disciplined valor, that gave steady 
and deadly direction to their rifles, was derived principally 
from this officer, who devoted himself to the drill of his men. 
Personally he knew no fear. He was by the side of General 
Arnold in the attack on the Brunsvvicker's camp at Saratoga, 
when Arnold was wounded. He was promoted Colonel of 
the 9th, and commanded the left in Wayne's attack on Stony 
Point. Under the arrangement of 1781, he was placed in 
command of the "5th, and assigned to Wayne's detachment, 
which, after the capture of Cornwallis, was moved to Georgia, 
and only returned after the echo of the last gun of the Revolu- 
tion had died away forever. After the war he was constantly 
employed on public business, particularly in negotiations with 
the Indians; and was commissioner for the purchase of the 
Erie triangle, and so forth. Upon the erection of Allegheny 
County, he was appointed Lieutenant of the county and one 
of the Judges of its several courts, and, on the adoption 
of the State Constitution of 1790, became the first State 
Senator from that county. A year afterward, November 4, 
1791, he fell at St. Glair's defeat. 

Gen. Richard's son William died a Lieutenant of the Navy 
early in the war of 1812. Another son, Capt. James Butler, 
commanded the Pittsburgh Blues in the war of 1812, and 
was particularly distinguished in the battle of Mississinnawa; 
he died in Pittsburgh in April, 1842. Gen. Butler's daughter 
married Isaac Meason, forty years ago a leading and enterpris- 
ing citizen of Fayette County, owner of the Mt. Braddock 
estate near Uniontown. She was an educated lady of the old 
school, a devoted member of the Episcopal Church, noted for 
her charity, and admired for the dignity of her character and 
the rich endowments of her head and heart. She died some 
four years ago, in Uniontown, in the ninety-sixth year of her 


II. William Butler entered the Revolutionary War as Cap- 
tain in Col. Arthur 'St. Glair's Battalion, January 5,1776, 
and was promoted Major October 7, 1776, serving during 
the campaign in Canada. Upon the organization of the Penn- 
sylvania Line he was promoted, September 30, 1776, Lieu- 

4 The Butler Family of the Pennsylvania Line. 

tenant-Colonel of the 4th Regiment. 1 Shortly after the battle 
of Monmouth he was ordered to Schoharie, New York, with 
his regiment and a detachment of Morgan's Rifles, to defend 
the frontiers of New York from Indian incursions. Simm's 
History of Schoharie County gives an interesting account of 
the activity of this command during the winter of 1778-9. 
In June, 1779, he joined Gen. James Clinton's command, and 
came down the river to take part in Sullivan's expedition. 
He was the favorite of the family, and was boasted of by this 
race of heroes as the coolest and bravest man in battle they 
had ever known. When the army was greatly reduced in 
rank and tile, and there were many superfluous officers, they 
organized themselves into a separate corps, and elected him 
to the command. Gen. Washington, however, declined re- 
ceiving this novel corps of commissioned soldiers, but in a 
testimonial, of which they were very proud, did honor to 
their devoted patriotism. He retired from the service Jan- 
uary 1, 1783, and died in Pittsburgh in 1789, and was buried 
in Trinity Churchyard. 

Col. Wm. Butler had two sons. One died in the navy; the 
other was a subaltern officer in Wayne's Army in the battle 
with the Indians in 1794. 

III. Capt. Thomas Butler was a student of law in Judge 
Wilson's office, when, January 5, 1776, he was commissioned 
1st Lieutenant of his brother William's company in Col. 
Arthur St. Clair's Battalion, and October 4, 1776, was pro- 
moted Captain in the 3d Pennsylvania. At the battle of 
Brandywine he received the thanks of Gen. Washington on 
the field, through the commander's aid Gen. Hamilton, for 
his intrepid conduct in rallying some retreating troops, and 
checking the enemy by a severe fire ; and at Monmouth Gen. 
Wayne thanked him for defending a defile in the face of a 
severe fire from the enemy, while Col. Richard Butler's regi- 
ment made good its retreat. At the close of the war he be- 
came a farmer, but entered the army again as Major in 1791. 

[' For some account of the Colonel of this regiment, Lambert Cadwalader, 
see the MAGAZINE, Vol. VI. pp. 209 et seq. ED.] 

The Butler Family of the Pennsylvania Line. 5 

At St. Glair's defeat he headed a bayonet charge on horse- 
back, though his leg had been broken by a ball. It was with 
great difficulty that his surviving brother Edward removed 
him from the field. In 1794 he was Lieut.-Col. Commandant 
of the 4th sub-legion at Fort Fayette, Pittsburgh, which he 
prevented the insurgents from taking more by his name and 
threats than by his force. In 1803 he was arrested by the com- 
manding General Wilkinson, at Fort Adams on the Missis- 
sippi, and sent to Maryland, where he was tried by a court- 
martial, and acquitted of all the charges save that of wearing 
his hair. 1 He returned to New Orleans and took command, 
but was rearrested. He died September 7, 1805, aged 57. Out 
of the arrest and persecution of this sturdy veteran, Wash- 
ington Irving (Knickerbocker) has worked up a fine piece of 
burlesque, in which Gen. Wilkinson's character is inimitably 
delineated in that of the vain and pompous General Yon 
Poffen burgh. 

Lieut.-Col. Thomas Butler had three sons. The oldest was 
Judge Butler; the second, Col. Robert Butler, was Gen. Jack- 
son's chief- of- staff throughout the war of 1812 ; while the 
third, William E. Butler, also served in Gen. Jackson's Army. 

IV. Percival Butler was commissioned 1st Lieutenant in 
the 3d Pennsylvania, Col. Thomas Craig's regiment, September 
1, 1777, when he was only eighteen years old. He wintered 
at Valley Forge, served in the battle of Monmouth, and was at 
the capture of Cornwallis. lie went south with Wayne, and 
remained there until the close of the war. He emigrated to 
Kentucky in 1784, and married Miss Hawkins, of Lexington, 
sister-in-law of Col. Todd, who was killed in the battle of 
Blue Licks. He was the only survivor of the old stock when 
the war of 1812 began. He was made Adjutant-General of 
Kentucky, and in that capacity joined one of the detachments 
of troops sent off from that State. 

Percival Butler had four sons: first, Thomas, who waa a 
captain and aid to Gen. Jackson at New Orleans; next, Gen. 

1 [In disobedience of Wilkinson's well-known order to cut off queues, with 
regard to which see Dr. Murray's article hereafter cited. ED.] 

6 The Butler Family of the Pennsylvania Line. 

William 0. Butler, who distinguished himself greatly in the 
war of 1812, and was candidate for Vice-President in 1848; 
third, Richard, Assistant Adjutant-General of Kentucky dur- 
ing the war of 1812; and fourth, Percival Butler, a distin- 
guished lawyer, who was not of age to bear arms in the war 
of 1812. 

V. Edward Butler, the youngest of the five brothers, was 
too young to enter the army at the first stages of the Revolu- 
tion, but at an early age was made an Ensign of his brother 
Richard's 9th Pennsylvania Regiment. January 28, 1779, he 
was promoted Lieutenant, and continued in the army until 
the close of the Revolution, being then, 1783, a Lieutenant in 
the 2d Pennsylvania. He was a Captain at St. Glair's defeat, 
and subsequently was Adjutant-General of Gen. Wayne's 

Of these five brothers four had sons, all of whom, with one 
exception, were engaged in the military or naval service of the 
country during the war of 1812. Of the second generation 
nine at least served in the Mexican War, Maj.-Gen. William 
0. Butler being second in command in the battle of Monte- 
rey, under Gen. Zachary Taylor. 1 

1 Since filing this article for publication I have read Rev. Dr. J. A. Mur- 
ray's very interesting monograph on " The Butlers of Cumberland Valley" 
in The Historical Register of January, 1883 (Dr. Wm. H. Egle, editor, 
Harrisburg, Pa.). I am at a loss to reconcile Mr. Blair's statement that 
the three older brothers were born in Ireland, with Dr Murray's very cir- 
cumstantial account of Richard Butler " taking up laud near Conewago, May 
17, 1743," where the family lived for some time, ''subsequently removing to 
West Pennsboro, Cumberland County," and that all the sons were born in 
Pennsylvania. I suppose Mr. Blair's account was traditionary, and that the 
Dr. has anchored to the written record. From Dr. Murray's article I quote : 
Richard, born April 1, 1743; William, born January 6, 1745, died May 1C, 
1789; Thomas, born May 28, 1748; Eleanor, born about 1754; Percival, 
born April 6, 1760, died Sept. 9, 1821; Edward, born March 20, 1762, died 
May 6, 1803. Edward G. W. Butler, son of Edward, was Colonel of 3d U. 
S. Dragoons in the Mexican War, and is still living in Louisiana, aged 83 
years. The wife of the latter died in 1875, the nearest relative of General 
and Mrs. Washington. She was a daughter of Lawrence Lewis and Eleanor 
P. Custis. J. B. L. 

[Mr. Linn's statement with regard to the place of birth of Richard Butler 
is corroborated in the following article, which follows the family bible. ED.] 

Biography of Gen. Richard Butler. 



(Centennial Collection.) . 

Richard Butler, one of the most distinguished officers of 
the Pennsylvania line during the War for Independence, was 
the eldest child of Thomas and Eliner Butler, and was bora 
on the 1st of July, 1743, in the Parish of St. Bridget's, Dub- 
lin, Ireland. 

Shortly after the hirth of Richard his father emigrated to 
America, and, in the year 1748, settled in Lancaster, Penn- 
sylvania, whence he removed to Mount Pleasant, in Cumber- 
land County, where he engaged in farming, In these places 
the early life ot Richard was passed. 

About the year 1770, Richard and his brother William 
(who, subsequently, attained the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Commandant of one of the Pennsylvania Regiments) settled 
at Pittsburgh (then a small village) and entered into partner- 
ship as Indian traders. 

During the troubles which, in the years 1774 and 1775, 
grew out of the dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 
concerning the western boundary of the former province, 
Richard Butler warmly espoused the cause of Pennsylvania, 
and took an active part in raising a company of one hundred 
men to sustain the authority of Pennsylvania, and to resist 
that of Dr. John Conolly, whom Lord Dutirnore, the Governor 
of Virginia, had appointed commandant of Fort Pitt. 

At the outbreak of the Revolution, he entered the service 
of the Colonies, as one of the Agents of the Commissioners 
for the Middle Department of Indians a position which he 
was peculiarly fitted to fill, by reason of the knowledge and 
experience which he had acquired as a trader with the Indian 
Nations embraced in this department. 

In this capacity he served, with great energy and activity, 

8 Biography of Gen. Richard Butler. 

for more than a year. The services which he thus rendered 
seem to have been highly appreciated by the Continental 
Congress; for, May 16, 1776, that body adopted the fol- 
lowing resolution: "Whereas Captain Richard Butler, by 
accepting the office of Agent in the Middle Department of 
Indians, has lost the opportunity of being appointed a Cap- 
tain in the Continental service ; Resolved, That Congress will, 
as soon as possible, compensate for that disappointment to 
him, by some promotion in their service." 

The promised promotion came quickly. On July 20, 1776, 
upon the recommendation of the Convention of Pennsylvania, 
he was elected, by Congress, Major of the battalion ordered 
to be raised for the defence of the western frontiers. His 
active service, as an officer, commenced at this time, and 
lasted until the close of the war. 

By resolution of Congress, passed November 12, 1777, for 
settling the relative rank of the officers of the Pennsylvania 
line, it was ordered that Richard Butler's commission > as a 
Lieutenant-Colonel, should bear date September 28, 1776 ; 
and on the 7th of June, 1777, he was commissioned as Colo- 
nel of the Fifth Pennsylvania Regiment. 

In the year 1777, when Colonel (afterwards General) Daniel 
Morgan's famous Rifle Corps was organized, Butler was se- 
lected as its Lieutenant-Colonel. With this corps he partici- 
pated in several sharp actions in Kew Jersey, and in the 
battles of Bemis's Heights and Stillwater. At Stillwater 
he had the honor of leading the corps of riflemen against the 
right wing of the British Army. After the surrender of 
Burgoyne, at which he was present, he was ordered to New 
Jersey, with a separate command of riflemen. Soon after he 
was transferred to the command of the Ninth Pennsylvania 
Regiment. At the storming of Stony Point he commanded 
the left column of the American Army. He was with his 
regiment at the time of the revolt (so called) of the Pennsyl- 
vania line; and, being greatly respected and beloved by the 
troops, was enabled to render valuable assistance to General 
Wayne in quelling the revolt and in allaying the well- 
grounded feeling of discontent which had occasioned it. 

Biography of Gen. Richard Butler. 9 

Garden, in his "Anecdotes of the American Revolution," 
speaks of Butler in the folio wing terms: "He was, from the 
commencement to the end of his military career, considered 
as an officer of superior talent. Much of the celebrity of 
Morgan's Rifle Regiment (declared by Gen. Bur^oyne to be 
the finest marksmen in the world) was derived from his skill 
in training, and example in leading them to victory." 

Under the terms of the Resolution of Congress, passed 
September 30, 1783, providing u that the Secretary at War 
issue to all officers in the army, under the rank of Major- 
General, who hold the same rank now that they held in the 
year 1777, a brevet commission one grade higher than their 
present rank," Col. Butler became entitled to the commis- 
sion of Brigadier-General by brevet; and it can scarcely be 
doubted that such a commission was issued to him. 

After the close of the war, Congress elected him one of the 
Commissioners to negotiate treaties with the Six Nations and 
other Indian tribes. Having discharged this duty he was 
chosen Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern 

In the year 1788 he was elected, by the Supreme Executive 
Council of Pennsylvania, Lieutenant of the County of Alle- 
gheny an office which he held until his appointment as one 
of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas for the same 

In 1790 he was chosen State Senator for the district com- 
posed of the counties of Westmoreland and Allegheny. 

In 1791, he was made second in command, with the rank 
of Major-General, of the army organized by Gen. St. Clair 
for an expedition against the western Indians; and com- 
manded the right wing of the American Army in the disas- 
trous battle fought on November 4, 1791. " It was on this 
occasion," says Garden, in his Revolutionary Anecdotes, 
"that the intrepid Butler closed his military career in 
aeath his coolness preserved, and courage remaining un- 
shaken, till the last moment of existence. While enabled to 
keep the field, his exertions were truly heroic. He repeatedly 
led his men to the charge, and with slaughter drove the 

10 Biography of Gen. Richard Butler. 

enemy before him ; but, being at length compelled to retire 
to his tent, from the number and severity of his wounds, he 
was receiving surgical aid, when a ferocious warrior, rushing 
into his presence, gave him a mortal blow with his toma- 
hawk. But even then the gallant soldier died not unre- 
venged. He had anticipated this catastrophe; and, discharg- 
ing a pistol which he held in his hand, lodged its contents 
in the breast of his enemy, who, uttering a hideous yell, fell 
by his side and expired." 

Several years after this disastrous battle, Cornplanter, the 
noted Indian chief, returned to Gen. Butler's widow the 
medal of the Society of Cincinnati, which was on his person 
at the time he was killed ; and assured her that her husband 
had not been scalped, nor his body mutilated. 

It is most probable that the battle-field on which the 
General fell became the last resting place of his remains. If 
his grave is elsewhere, its location is unknown. 

Edward Shippen. 



Edward Shippen, the third of that name in this country, 
was the son of Edward and Sarah Shippen. 1 He was born in 
the city of Philadelphia on the 16th day of February, 1729. 
Of his early education we have no authentic account. One 
biographer, 2 indeed, has thought fit to dwell with compla- 
cency upon " his attention to his studies, his respectfulness 
and submission to his preceptors, the engaging affability of 
his manners and the propriety and decorum of his general 
deportment." It is to be feared, however, that much of this 
glowing eulogy should be attributed to the partiality of the 
writer rather than to the merit of his subject. This only 
we are fairly entitled to presume, that, being the son of a 
prosperous merchant and well-known citizen, he enjoyed to 
the full whatever educational facilities the Philadelphia of 
his time afforded. 

In 1746, having reached the age of seventeen years, young 
Shippen entered upon the study of the law in the office of 
Tench Francis, Esq., the most noted counsel then at the Phila- 
delphia bar, whose practice was large and lucrative, and who 
was in the following year appointed to be Attorney-General 
of the Province. 

In such an office it may well be believed that Mr. Shippen 
had an excellent opportunity to become acquainted with the 
practical details of his intended profession. We have his own 
authority for the statement that at some time during this 

[ l For a brief genealogical reference to this family, see the MAGAZINE, 
vol. v. p. 453, and vol. vi. p. 332 ; and, for fuller information, Mr. Balch's 
Shippen Papers, and Mr. Keith's Provincial Councillors of Pennsyl- 
vania. ED.] 

2 Dr. Charles Caldwell, Portfolio, 1810. 

12 ^Edward Shippen. 

period he drafted with his own hand the first " common re- 
covery" ever suffered in Pennsylvania, 1 and it was no doubt 
by just such practical experience as this that he laid the 
foundation of that extensive and useful knowledge of Penn- 
sylvania precedents for which he was afterwards so justly noted. 

But, however thoroughly the practical details of a lawyer's 
business might be acquired in Pennsylvania, there was at 
that time little or no chance for a student to become fami- 
liarly acquainted with the more abstruse parts of his pro- 
fession, the great underlying principles of English juris- 
prudence, and their application to controversies between man 
and man. Books were scarce, and well-trained lawyers few. 
Beside Tench Francis, John Ross and John Moland were 
the only counsel of note at the bar. Nor was the bench 
much better supplied, so that cases were too frequently settled 
according to the untutored dictates of natural justice rather 
than by the fixed and immutable principles of law. It was, 
therefore, determined that Mr. Shippen, having spent two 
years in the pursuit of his legal studies, should complete 
them under more favorable auspices, that he should be entered 
regularly at one of the London inns of court, and by pur- 
suing the course of studies then in vogue should duly qualify 
himself for admission to practice as a barrister. 

With this intent Mr. Shippen in 1748 sailed from Phila- 
delphia. An interesting account of his voyage and arrival 
in London will be found in the following extract from a 
letter written by him to his brother Joseph shortly after his 
arrival : 

" LONDON, Feb. 25th, 1 748-9. 

Dear Joe . . . You desire that I should give 3-011 a par- 
ticular account of my voyage, which I shall do with the 
greatest pleasure, though the narration may not be altogether 
so agreeable as you could wish. For eight dtiys after we left 
the Capes we had as fine winds and pleasant weather as one 
could possibly desire, in which time we had run to the outer- 
most part of the Banks of Newfoundland, something above 
a third part of our passage; the eighth day, about nine 
o'clock, we had a storm come on from the northwest so sud- 

1 Morris's Lessee v. Smith, 1 Yeates, 238-244 ; Lyle v. Richards, 9 S. & R. 

Edward Shippen. IS 

denly that we could not possibly get our sails furled time 
enough to prevent the violence of the wind from tearing our 
mainsail and foresail all to pieces. The maintop yar<? was 
lowered and the sai 4 l furled but the fury of the wind drove 
the yard from its proper place quite up to the head of the 
maintop-mast, blew the sail loose and made it stand abroad 
like a vane. We continued in this situation for about an 
hour, without any further damage, when the gale increased 
to such a degree, that we could not by any means keep the 
ship before the wind, but she violently broached to, and we 
must have inevitably gone to the bottom, had not the captain 
very seasonably cut away the rnizzen-mast, which brought 
her to rights. Some time after this, the wind raged still 
more and obliged the ship, notwithstanding the loss of our 
rnizzen-mast, to broach to a second time, and now we had 
lost all hopes and thought that nothing less than a miracle 
could save us from the impending ruin. The ship lay on her 
beam ends, so that one could sit straight up on her side and we 
expected every moment to perish. The sailors were so dis- 
heartened that they would not work a stroke, but quitted 
the deck, every man but one, and retired to their cabins to 
pray. After lying some time in this melancholy posture, we 
had the good fortune to have our maintop-mast with the 
head of our mainmast blown away ; which took away so 
much of the power of the wind over us, that we righted once 
more, and got before the wind and thus we continued, ex- 
posed to the mercy of the winds and seas, till about six 
o'clock in the morning, when we found the storm somewhat 
abating, and, in about two hours afterwards, we had but a 
very moderate gale. But to have seen the havoc that was 
made upon deck and the miserable plight we were reduced 
to from the loss of our sails and masts and the shattered con- 
dition of everything about us would have made men of more 
philosophy than any of us feel concerned, even after the 
abatement of the wind. But, thank God, this terrible storm 
was succeeded by three or four days of very fine weather, 
which gave us time to mend our sails and put ourselves in as 
good a posture for proceeding with the voyage as could pos- 
sibly be expected from people in our condition, yet we thought 
ourselves so unfit to enter into the English channel, that we 
consulted several times whether it was not most proper to put 
into Lisbon to refit. But the captain's opinion prevailed that 
we should stand for the channel and put into the first harbor 
in England, in case it should be thick or stormy weather. 
So we" proceeded and arrived safe in the Downs the twenty- 
seventh day after we left the Capes. "We landed at Deal and 

14 Edward Shippen. 

took coaches for London, where we have had the pleasure of 
congratulating one other upon our deliverance. . . . Since 
I have been in London I have enjoyed a very good state of 
health and have spent some time in seeing all the curiosities 
of this populous city, which I shall forbear to particularize 
at present. The relation will serve to pass an hour or two of 
our winter evenings when we get together again. 

Give my love to mammy, and tell her I have her often in 
my mind, and wish she could mention anything that would 
be agreeable to her from hence. I should take great pleasure 
in supplying her. 

Remember me kindly to Uncle Billy and his family, Mr. 
Willing and his family, Billy and Jemmy Logan, Tommy 
Smith, and all friends; and, dear Joe, accept my hearty love 
to yourself, and believe me your very loving and affectionate 


The London to which Mr. Shippen was now introduced 
must indeed have been a new world to him. The treaty of 
Aix-la-Chapelle had just been concluded, and the town was 
full of the fetes and rejoicings incident to the return of peace. 

As he went down to the Great Hall at Westminster he 
must have seen figures passing and repassing whose memory 
he must have loved to dwell upon in maturer years. There 
turning his steps to the House stalked Mr. Speaker Onslow, 
with ponderous wig and gown, Pelham the prime minister 
of the realm, the uncouth, unwieldy form of the Duke of 
Newcastle, and the lithe active figure of a certain late cornet 
of horse, then paymaster general of the forces, no less a per- 
son than the future Lord Chatham. Here striding in with 
nervous energy was a shrewd Scotchman who, nny by- 
stander could have informed him, was the Solicitor-General, 
Mr. Murray, the great Lord Mansfield yet to be. There too 
were Henry Fox and Charles Townshend, and a score of 
others whose names were within a single decade to be coupled 
either with execrations or with blessings by American lips. 

Crossing to the other side of the Great Hall, he no doubt 
saw Chief Justice Lee in the King's Bench and Lord Hard- 

1 Balch's Shippen Papers, p. 13. 

Edward Shippen. 15 

wicke, the father of English Equity Jurisprudence, in the 
marble chair. 

Outside in the streets he heheld the very scenes of which 
Hogarth has left us the imperishable memorials. The gaols 
were full to repletion of Jacobite prisoners. But two short 
years before Lords Kilmarnock, Lovat, and Balmerino had lost 
their heads on Tower Green, and those blackening trophies 
of vengeance empaled on the spikes of Temple Bar must 
often have attracted his eye as he went to and forth from his 

If he sought the more fashionable part of the town, he 
may have seen Mr. Horace Walpole, or Mr. George Sehvyn, 
idly sauntering along to White's, or in the Park he may 
have met the great Lord Chesterfield, the Duke of Cumber- 
land (Billy the Butcher, as the Jacobites called him), Lady 
Mary Wortley Montague in her chair, or perhaps Mr. Gar- 
rick refreshing himself by a stroll for Macbeth, or King 
Richard the Third, in the evening. 

Notwithstanding the many attractions hy which he was 
surrounded, Mr. Shippen did not fail to maintain a lively 
correspondence with his family at home. The following 
letter to his brother-in-law James Burd is of interest, both 
on account of the amiable light in which the character of 
the writer is displayed, and the glimpse we catch of the Paris 
of a century and a half ago : 

" LONDON, 1st August, 1749. 

Your kind Fav r via Ireland I received, containing the 
agreeable acct of Sally's Delivery with the Welfare of her- 
self and little one which demands my hearty Congratulations. 
I sincerely wish the dear Infant may prove a Blessing and 
Lasting pleasure to you both. If you can convey my Bless- 
ing tok by a Kiss, pray sive it an hearty one immediately. 
I am highly pleased with your Smoothing-iron over the 
Disappointment (as you call it) of a nephew. I have at- 
tempted a French Letter to Sally as I suppose she woui 
naturally expect one from a Brother just return cl from 
France. If she has time to spare from attending my ntue 
niece arid has not forgot her French I make no Doubt she 
will try an ansvv r in the same Language. 

16 Edward Shippen. 

You acquaint me of your acting a play the last Winter to 
the Satisfaction of all Spectators. I am glad that Spirit is 
kept up, because it is an amusement the most useful of any 
to Young People and I heartily wish it would spread itself 
to y e younger Sort, I mean School Boys. For I think there 
is no method so proper to teach them Grace of Speech and 
an elegant Pronunciation and withal there is nothing that 
emboldens a Lad and rids him of his natural Bashfulness 
and fear so much as this. I now feel more concern on ac- 
count of the Education of Youth in my own Country than 
ever I did. I see how much we are defective in opportunities 
to give them Learning and how much we are excelled by 
those in Europe. As you are beginning to be master of a 
Family there I make no question but Thoughts on this Sub- 
ject frequently occur to your mind. 

I am glad to hear that all our Ships that went for Phila- 
delphia this Spring are arrived but Mesnard, and am still 
gladder on your acco* that there is a good Sale of Goods. I 
doubt not you will be able to manage your affairs so as not 
to give Cause of Complaint to any gentleman here. 

I am lately return 'd from making a short Trip into France. 
I think a man that comes to England to see the World is 
inexcusable in peaceable times if he does not visit that 
metropolis of the polite World. I have been entertained 
with an Hospitality and Politeness quite answerable to the 
general character of that nation. Paris is a beautiful City. 
The Houses all built with a fine white Stone and covered 
with Slate make a charming appearance. 

The public Buildings exceed those in England vastly, 
especially the Palaces. Versailles is very justly the pride of 
France and admiration of the whole World. Painting, 
Sculpture, Architecture and all the Polite Arts flourish greatly 
in that Kingdom. There is so much Encouragement for these 
things that many People imagine France will in a little time 
be the center of the Arts and Sciences. She increases daily 
and if England is not cautious she may take from us some- 
thing more than the Arts and Sciences. 

I suppose Capt. Stupart will be sail d before this reaches 
you. if not, I desire my compliments to him, and dont 
forget me to all Relations and Friends. Mr. Lardner, Mr. 
Elliot, Mr. Smith, Mr. Trotter & Mr. Kidd are in the num- 
ber of these. Give my Love particularly to Uncle Billy. I 
pray God bless you and am 

Your affectionate Brother, 


1 Original in possession of Chas. R. Hildeburn, Esq. 

Edward Shippen. 17 

To return, however, more particularly to Mr. Shippen's 
career. He had within a month or so after his arrival in 
London been duly entered as a student of law at the Middle 
Temple. The character of his studies and the nature of his 
prospects may be learned by the following extract from a 
letter written by him to his father: 

" LONDON, Jan. 23, 1749-50. 

I have according to your desire visited Mr. Richard 
Penn, who made me very' welcome, and yesterday I had the 
honour of dining with him. . . . . I am sorry that I have 
to inform you that I am disappointed in my expectations of 
being called to the bar at this term; the occasion of it I 
could not possibly prevent. Every student before he comes 
to the Bar is obliged to perform six vacation exercises, three 
candle-light exercises and two new-inn exercises which he is 
not allowed to do alone but must join with another student. 
1 had calculated matters so as to have performed them all 
before the end of this term ; but, unluckily for me, the gen- 
tleman who was my companion in the exercises, having some 
engagements in the country, could not attend at the time 
appointed for the performance of one of the vacation exer- 
cises, which obliged me to defer that duty until next vaca- 
tion, so that it will be Easter Term before I can be possibly 
called, unless I consent to compound for vacation exercises, 
which would cost me near twenty pounds. I know, sir, that 
you expect me to leave England by March or February, 
which makes me at a loss how to act. But I am reduced to 
the necessity of either returning home without being made 
a barrister, and so making all my expenses at the Temple 
useless, or of prolonging my stay in England two or three 
months. The former I am sensible would not be so agreeable 
to you, and since I have gone so far at the Temple, I believe 
I must stay and sec it out and depend on your goodness to 
send me about 30 upon my coming away. According to 
my calculation, that amount, together with the money you 
ha veal ready favored me with, and the 20 you order Storke 
to let me have will suffice with frugality to maintain me till 
my departure and defray the expenses of my being called to 
the bar. All that I shall then want further will be some 
30 or 40 for my gown and tie-wig, a suit of clothes, my 
sea-stores and passage. Easter Term is in May, but I cannot 
take the oaths until about the middle of June, after which I 
shall leave in the first vessel. In the mean time, I hope you 
VOL. vii.~ 2 

18 Edward Skippen. 

will furnish me with the money necessary to complete my 
affairs with advantage and to quit England with credit." 1 

He succeeded, however, in completing his studies earlier 
than he had anticipated, for he was duly called and took 
the necessary oaths in the early part of May, and on the 
seventh of that month wrote to his father as follows : 

"I am preparing for my voyage in Capt. Adams who 
talks of sailing next week ; we have all the prospect in the 
world of an agreeable passage, having a good lot of company, 
a fine ship and the best season of the year." 2 

Mr. Shippen had, according to his expectation, a favorable 
return passage, and almost immediately upon his arrival 
addressed the following letter to his father: 

" PHILADELPHIA, June 8, 1750. 

Hon'd Sir. My Mind has been much employed for about 
a Twelvemonth past about an affair, which, tho' often men- 
tioned to you by others, has never been revealed by myself, 
and, as I can now no longer bear the anxiety of rnind which 
a state of suspense in matters of consequence is always 
attended with, I must open myself to you and beg your best 
advice .and assistance. Miss Peggy Francis has for a long 
time appeared to me the most amiable of her Sex, and tho' 
I might have paid my Addresses, possibly with success, 
where it would have been more agreeable to you, yet as Our 
Affections are not always in our Power to command, ever 
since my Acquaintance with this young Lady I have been 
utterly incapable of entertaining a thought of any other. I 
know, Sir, your Sentiments of these matters are more than 
usually generous and therefore I can with the greater Confi- 
dence ask your consent in this Affair, especially when I as- 
sure you 'tis the only Thing can make me happy. If I had 
obtained a Girl with a considerable Fortune, no doubt the 
world would have pronounced me happier, but, as in my own 
Notion, Happiness does not consist in being thought happy 
by the World, but in the internal Satisfaction and Content- 
ment of the mind, I must beg leave to say I am a better Judge 
for myself of what will procure it than they : yet I am not 
so carried away by my Passion as to exclude the considera- 

1 Balch's Shippen Papers, 17. 

8 Shippen Papers, MS. In the collection of the Historical Society of 

Edward Shippen. 19 

tion of money matters altogether; without a Prospect of a 
comfortable subsistence, 'tis madness to marry. That Prospect 
I think I have. With a little Assistance in setting out, my 
Business, with Frugality, can't fail to maintain me, and a 
bare support with one I love is to me a much preferable 
State to great affluence with a Person one regards with in- 
difference. ^ Be pleased, Sir, to let me know your sentiments 
of this affair as soon as possible. For tho' I might not press 
a very speedy conclusion of it, yet I am anxious to know my 

I am Dear Sir Your Very affectionate 

and dutiful Son 

Some difficulties ensued in relation to the marriage settle- 
ments, which were, however, speedily overcome; and the 
engagement of Mr. Shippen to Miss Peggy Francis was in 
the following autumn announced. 

Meantime his natural talents, family connections, and the 
prestige of his London education secured for him a fair share 
of business. In the Docket of the Supreme Court for Septem- 
ber Term, 1750, the following entry occurs: 

"On the 25 th Sept r 1750 Edward Shippen Jun r Esq r pro- 
duced his certificate from the Treasurer of the Middle Tem- 
ple that he is utter Barrister of the Society of that Temple 
which was read." 2 

We have some reason also to conclude that shortly after 
this time he was retained in some cases of note. 

On the 22d of November, 1752, Mr. Shippen received the 
appointment of Judge of the Vice- Admiralty Court a station 
of some importance and considerable pecuniary value. 3 The 
admiralty court-house in which lie now heard causes was 
situated over the market at Third Street at some little dis- 
tance from the other Provincial courts, as though to mark 
the difference of jurisdiction and practice existing between 

1 Shippen Papers, MS. In the collection of the Historical Society of 

2 Supreme Court Docket, Sept. 24, 1750, to Sept. 29, 1750, p. 32. 

8 4 Penn. Arch. 600 ; 2 Proud's Hist of Penna. 291 ; Gordon's Penna. 
628, App. ; 8 Col. Rec. 171 ; Vasse v. Ball, 2 Yeates, 178-182. 

20 Edward Shippen. 

them. 1 These advances in wealth and dignity now prompted 
Mr. Shippen to take another and most important step in 
life. He was on the 29th of November, 1753, married to 
Margaret the daughter of his former preceptor Mr. Francis. 
His wife brought him a dowry of 500, part of which he 
expended in extending his library. His father at about the 
same time presented him with a house on Walnut Street in 
which he began his married life. 2 

Meantime his reputation for ability and prudence seems 
to have been steadily and surely on the increase. In April, 
1756, the perpetration of a fiendish Indian massacre in the 
western part of the State had lashed the people into a great 
commotion. An indignant and tumultuous crowd gathered 
at Lancaster clamoring for vengeance and setting at nought 
the efforts of the local authorities to control their passion 
within reasonable bounds. The Governor accordingly, on the 
15th of the month, dispatched a commission to these people 
to persuade them quietly to disperse. Of this commission 
Mr. Shippen was one. Its mediation was entirely effectual, 
for upon its appeal the mob separated at once without further 
trouble. 3 

On October 7, 1755, Mr. Shippen was chosen as a common 
councilman of the City of Philadelphia, 4 and on May 27, 
1758, was elected town clerk, and also clerk of the council. 5 
These offices he retained until the Revolution. 

Of the kind of life then led in Philadelphia we catch 
various glimpses in his letters to his father who was then 
Prothonotary at Lancaster. The following extracts are 
selected from a large mass of business correspondence, in the 
main hopelessly dry and unentertaining: 

"Jan. 17,1755. 

As to a Book of Precedents for Writs I know of no such 
things in English. I have an exceeding good one in Latin 

1 1 Forum, 264, note. 

2 Letter, Edw. Shippen, Jr., to his Father, Sept. 14, 1753. Shippen 
Papers MS., in Collection of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

3 7 Col. Rec. 93. * Minutes of Common Council, Oct. 7, 1755. 
5 Minutes of Common Council, May 27, 1758. 

Edward Shippen. 21 

called Officina Brevium, but as I have daily occasion for it I 
cannot possibly spare it out of my office, besides it is a 
science to understand the Law Latin. I cannot think you 
have any sort of occasion for such a Book, as the Lawyers 
whenever they want a writ of a special nature draw it them- 
selves. 7 '" 1 

"April 8, 1756. 

The sore throat has run through the whole town ; many 
have had it very dangerously. The way of treating it that 
is most successful is to bleed very freely upon the first symp- 
toms appearing, to use a Gargle of Sage Tea, Honey and 
Vinegar, to take strong purging Pills, if the Throat is well 
enough to let them down which mine was not, so that I was 
obliged to put up with liquid purges. If there is like to he 
a gathering which will break or require to be lanced, leave 
off the Purges and the vinegar out of the Gargle and wait 
the event, taking warm diluting drink and keeping the parts 
very warm. Relapses are brought on with the very least 
cold." 2 

" March 30, 1758. 

The Doctor (William Shippen) has been at Princeton 
these 2 months ; he has inoculated great nu in hers there for 
the small pox. The President, Mr. Edwards, died ; otherwise 
he has been very successful." 3 

" Oct. 9, 1760. 

I have enquired at all the Booksellers' shops for Garth's 
Metamorphoses and Trap's Virgil, but can get neither. I 
had Ovid's Metam. translated into English verse by several 
Hands in two volumes, which I would have sent you, but can 
find only one volume. ... I have got your clothes from 
Cottringer. Jerry Warder promises to have your Hat done 
to-morrow and so does your Joyner the Table and the Box. 
... I formerly had Dryden's Virgil in English verse. 1 
thought you had it." 4 

Like most Americans of his time Mr. Shippen was ex- 
tremely proud of the prowess of the Provincial troops, and 
it was with singular interest that he watched and recorded 
every occasion when they won the laurels of the day. " The 
New England Men," he wrote to his father on March 13, 
1755-6, referring to their services in Acadia and- about Lake 
George, " are now esteemed the champions of the American 

1 Shippen Papers MS., in Collection of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 

22 Edward Shippen. 

World." 1 " Bradstreet your countryman," he writes again 
on Sept. 15, 1758, after the gallant capture of Fort Frontenac, 
"has done bravely. Saying Provincials are worthless troops 
won't go down, now ; and the story that the repulse at 
Carillon was owing to the backwardness of the irregulars, 
won't be believed in England when they hear that an Ameri- 
can, with about 8000 Provincials marched into the very heart 
of an enemy's country and took a Fortress which is the very 
key to all the French settlements on the Lakes." 2 

But, notwithstanding these natural sentiments of pride, 
Mr. Shippen like many others of peaceable and conservative 
disposition looked with horror upon the widening gap 
between the colonies and the mother country. Keenly alive 
to the tyranny to which he in common with his countrymen 
was subjected, he could see no remedy, which, in his estima- 
tion, was safe, and most particularly deprecated the making 
of a resistance which it seemed to him must inevitably prove 
futile. He thus writes to his father, concerning the inso- 
lent and overbearing conduct of General Braddock relative 
to the supplies for his expedition: 

" PHILADELPHIA, March 19, 1755-6. 

The Governor has laid before the Assembly a most alarm- 
ing letter from General Braddock, which charges them in 
strong terms with faction and disaffection . . . and lets them 
know that he is determined to obtain by unpleasant means, 
what it is their duty to contribute with the utmost cheerful- 
ness. The Assembly know not how to stomach this military 
address, but 'tis thought it will frighten them into some 
reasonable measures, as it must be a vain thing to contend 
with a General at the head of an army, though he should 
act an arbitrary part ; especially as in all probability he will 
be supported in everything at home." 3 

An additional incentive for entertaining these sentiments 
was afforded him by his appointment on September 24, 1765, 4 
as Prothonotary of the Supreme Court, an office which does 

1 Balcli's Shippen Papers, 34. 

2 Shippen Papers, Collection of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

3 Balcli's Shippen Papers, 35. 

4 Martin's Lists in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

Edward Shippen. 23 

not seem to have been inconsistent with the discharge of his 
judicial duties, and which certainly did not prevent his at- 
tending fco the details of a rapidly growing practice. 

The next year came the news of the repeal of the Stamp 
Act, a measure which afforded Mr. Shippen sincere joy as 
promising to effect a reconciliation between the colonies and 
the mother country. The news arrived in Philadelphia on 
April 6, 1766, and he thus concludes a letter to his father of 
that date : u I am stopt short with the joyful news of the 
Stamp Act being repealed. I wish you and all America 

joy." 1 

In 1770 Mr. Shippen suffered a great decrease in the 
amount of revenue which he derived from his judicial posi- 
tion. His remuneration consisted entirely of fees levied upon 
the various suitors, and of course was increased or diminished 
in proportion as the business was abundant or scanty. In 
this year Jared Ingersoll received the appointment of Com- 
missioner of Appeals in Admiralty, and accordingly set up a 
tribunal which seems to have been of co-ordinate jurisdiction 
with the Vice-Admiralty Court, and to have drawn away 
most of the causes from it. 2 

On December 12, of the same year, Mr. Shippen had, how- 
ever, the satisfaction of being nominated as a member of the 
Provincial Council, 3 a station in which he served the Prov- 
ince faithfully for nearly five years, as the minutes of that 
body will show. 

The renewed troubles with the ministry in England were 
now viewed by Mr. Shippen with increasing apprehension 
and distress. As far as can be ascertained he took no part 
in any of the popular measures on behalf of the colonial 
cause. Quietly discharging the routine of the offices which 
he held, he preferred to stand aloof from the scenes of ex- 
citement about him and to await the event of the collision 
between the colonies and the mother country which now 
seemed every day more imminent. One curious result of the 

1 Shippen Papers, Collection of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

2 Martin's Lists in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

3 9 Col. Eec. 704. 

24 Edward Shippen. 

discontinuance of the use of tea by the American people is 
noted in the following extract from a letter to his father : 

" April 20, 1775. 

Peggy has searched every Shop in town for a hlue and 
white China Coffee Pot, but no such thing is to be had, nor 
indeed any other sort that can be called handsome. Since 
the disuse of Tea great numbers of People have been en- 
deavoring to supply themselves with Coffee Pots. My 
Brother, having no Silver one, has taken pains to get a China 
one, but without success." 1 

At length the Revolution came, bringing with it a train 
of evils to all those who were unfortunate enough to enter- 
tain opinions like Mr. Shippen's. He was of course at once 
deprived of his offices and dignities, nor did the troubled 
nature of the times and the great mercantile and financial 
depression and distress allow him much opportunity to con- 
tinue the practice of his profession. Mistrusted by the 
authorities of the State, he was by order of the Supreme 
Executive Council placed on his parole to give neither suc- 
cor nor information to the enemy, and was bound with 
sureties not to depart further than a limited distance from 
his home. 2 "I intended to have visited you this summer," 
he writes to his father on July 12, 1777, u but the Test Act 
stands in my way." 3 The following very interesting letters 
to his brother-in-law, Jasper Yeates, express clearly his 
political views during the early stages of the war : 

" 19th Jan'y 1776. 

Dear Sir, I inclose you the bill for your settee and chair 
which Mr. Fleeson thought it necessary to accompany with 
an apology on acct of its being much higher than he gave 
Mrs. Shippen reason to expect it would be ; he says every 
material which he has occasion to buy is raised in its price 
from its scarcity and the prevailing Exorbitance of the 

I thank you for the trouble you have taken about Tush 
and Crawford. If I do not find a safe opportunity of sending 

1 Shippen Papers, MS., in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

2 11 Col. Rec. 269. 

3 Shippen Papers, in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

Edward Shippen. 25 

up Tush's bond before your next Court I shall do it then. I 
find the practice of taking securities in silver dollars is be- 
coming common. The Trustees of our college as well as 
other people have done the like and I dont find it is like to 
give any uneasiness. 

The repulse our troops have met with at Quebec, with the 
death of Montgomery and the loss of all Arnold's men give 
us but little reason to expect a reduction of Canada this 
winter. However, the Congress have ordered five or six 
regiments to be sent there immediately. We have had Lord 
Drummond with us for about a fortnight. He left England 
in September, and was so much with Lord North and others 
of the administration before his coming away, that he appears 
to know all the designs of the ministry respecting America. 
He has had many free conversations with several gentlemen 
of the Congress since his arrival, and I hope with some effect. 
He tells us the ministry see the destructive consequences of 
the present contest in its fullest light and are extremely de- 
sirous to have an end of it, that they would gladly receive 
any proposals from America which had the least tendency 
to produce an accommodation, and would even dispense with 
forms and receive them from the Congress, but that they 
apprehend the loss of America unless they make vigorous 
efforts next summer, which they will most certainly do. He 
thinks that before any blow is struck terms will be held out 
by the General which will be mild, but, if not accepted, any 
Exertion is to be dreaded. He advises the Congress to send 
gentlemen over immediately to treat, as the surest means both 
to preserve their own consequence and to serve America, as 
he thinks it probable the Colonies may divide about the pro- 
priety of accepting the terms which will be offered when the 
Army comes over, in which case the Congress will be in 
danger of being forsaken. Whatever the Congress may do I 
dont find any disposition for sending over persons to negotiate. 
I am told, however, a majority are for moderation, but how 
long this will last is uncertain, as every unlucky event in- 
flames and every successful one elates. 

A Book called Common Sense, wrote in favor of a total 
separation from England, seems to gain ground with the com- 
mon people; it is artfully wrote, yet might be easily refuted. 
This idea of an Independence, tho' some time ago abhorred, 
may possibly by degrees become so familiar as to be cherished. 
It is in everybody's mouth as a thing absolutely necessary in 
case foreign troops should be landed, as if this step alone 
would enable us to oppose them with success. A Gentleman 

26 Edward Shippen. 

of some weight in the Congress told me, he wished some of 
the country committees and other public bodies would some- 
how or other signify their disapprobation of an Independence 
as a step that would strengthen the hands of the advocates 
for a reconciliation in the "Congress. I am told the Conven- 
tion of Maryland are about something of that sort, and you 
must have observed the instructions of the people of New 
Hampshire to their delegates in the Provincial Congress run 
in the same strain. 

My Best love to Sally and all the family. 
I am D r Sir 

Y r Very affectionate Hble Serv. 


" llth March, 1776. 

I received your favor of the 19 th Febry inclosing 29-7-0 

for Mr. Benezet The dullness of business obliges 

one to think of collecting ones demands in order to keep 
ones receipts upon an equality with the current expenses of 

Since the Resolution of the Assembly to increase the num- 
ber of members I find some of the leading men of your 
county are very anxious that you should be one of the new 

members to be elected the first of May There is 

certainly a design on foot to reduce the affairs of this pro- 
vince to as great a state of anarchy as will put us on a level 
with some of the colonies to the Eastward ; it therefore seems 
the part of every good citizen to afford a helping hand to 
support our tottering constitution. The scheme of the Con- 
vention was principally to get Andrew Allen and a few other 
good men removed from the Congress ; they have stood forth 
and dared to expose the designs of the cunning men of the 
East, and if they continue members of Congress will prevent 
this province from falling into their favorite plan of Inde- 
pendency. This will probably be a summer of events, and, if 
you can think it any way consistent with the good of your 
puivate affairs to go into the Assembly for this year or at 
least till the first of October, I believe it would be very agree- 
able to all your friends, both here and in your own County, 
who all think that at this time you may be particularly use- 
ful. You, however, can judge better for yourself than any 
other person. 

I am D r Sir your very affectionate humble Serv* 


1 Original in the possession of Chas. E. Hildeburn, Esq. z Ibid. 

Edward Shippen* 27 

As the war went on Mr. Shippen found his position in 
Philadelphia growing more and more disagreeable. He 
finally, therefore, withdrew with his family to his country 
place near the Falls of Schuylkill, and remained an impas- 
sive spectator of the great public events transpiring around 
him. How he thought and felt at this period is most gra- 
phically set forth in the following extracts from letters to his 
father, written by him in the early part of the year 1777: 

" Jan. 18, 1777. 

Your condition with regard to the income of your offices 
is to be lamented, and the only consolation you can have is 
that everybody else is in the same situation. How long 
matters may thus continue cannot be known, yet I think 
another summer must necessarily show us our fate. If the 
war should continue longer than that, we are all ruined as to 

our estates, whatever may be the state of our liberties 

The scarcity and advanced price of every necessary of life 
makes it extremely difficult for those who have large fami- 
lies, and no share in the present measures, to carry them 
through, and nothing but the strictest frugality will enable 
us to do it. . . I live near the Falls of Schuyfkill, a very clever 
retired place, yet am in daily apprehension of every house in 
town being tilled with soldiers, which has been the fate of all 
which have been left empty. In order to prevent this I now 
go to town almost every day, that I may be seen in and about 
my house, which is constantly opened every day, and has all 
the appearance of being inhabited, and is really lodged in 
by two or three women every night. By this means I hope 

to escape the mischief. I have lately had an affliction 

of another kind. My Son Neddy was sent on an errand by 
his master into Jersey, where he staid longer than his busi- 
ness required. In order to avoid being pressed in the militia 
service, when General Howe had advanced as far as Trenton 
and it was thought he was making his way to Philadelphia, 
Neddy was prevailed upon by Johnny, Andrew and Billy Allen, 
to go with them to the British army, which he accordingly 
did, and was civilly received there by General Howe and the 
British officers. His companions soon after went to New 
York, and Neddy remained at Trenton. When the attack 
was made on the Hessians there, he was accordingly taken 
prisoner by our army and carried, with others, to General 
Washington, who, after examining his case, and finding that 
he had taken no commission nor done any act that showed 
him inimical, very kindly discharged him, and he is now 

28 Edward Shippen. 

with us. Though I highly disapproved of what he had done, 
yet I could not condemn him as much as I should have done, 
if he had not been enticed to it by those who were much 
older, and ought to have judged better than himself." 1 

" March 11, 1777. 

The complexion of the times is still bad. I know not 
when there will be any alteration for the better. I mean that 
peace (the most desirable of all human conditions) seems at as 
great a distance as ever. General Howe in all probability will 
be in Philadelphia in a month or two, having been reinforced 
(as it is said) at Brunswick, and General Washington's army 
in no condition to prevent him, but his coming to Philadel- 
phia will only be the introduction of all the calamities of 
war in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia will be as a place be- 
sieged by the American army, and the country will be laid 
waste by the two contending parties. In this dreadful situa- 
tion of affairs I am at a loss to know how to dispose of my 
family. Advantages and disadvantages present themselves 
by turns, whether I determine to remain in Philadelphia or 
remove to a distance. Your situation is better; you are 
already at a distance from the seat of war, and may remove , 
still further if necessary, yet no situation is actually exempt 
from the possibility of danger. We must make the best of it. 
I presume your office will get into other hands. . . In these 
times I shall consider a private station as a post of honor, 
and, if I cannot raise my fortune as high as my desires, I can 
bring down my desires to my fortune; the wants of our 
nature are easily supplied, and the rest is but folly and care." 2 

When the British took possession of Philadelphia, Mr. 
Shippen returned with his family to town, and was on terms 
of intimacy with many of the officers of the British army. His 
daughters, particularly the youngest, were much flattered 
and admired, and were considered among the chief belles of the 
place. Their father, it is true, declined to allow them to 
attend the " Meschianza" after all their preparations were 
made ; but this, there is reason to believe, should be attri- 
buted to a just feeling of shame on his part at the indelicacy 
of the costume in which they were expected to appear, rather 
than to any unwillingness to allow them to take part in the 
festivities of an enemy. 

1 Balch's Shippen Papers, 254. * Ibid. 256. 

Edward Shippen. 29 

When the Americans again took possession of Philadel- 
phia, Mr. Shippen remained in town. He now found it 
however, with his straitened means, very difficult to sup- 
port the expenses of his family. All kinds of foreign mer- 
chandise were almost out of the market, or if for sale only at 
ruinous prices. On July 3, 1778, he writes to his father: 

U I have sent you by Mr. Yeates half a dozen pounds of 
chocolate, but I am afraid it will be very difficult to procure 
Madeira wine at any price ; the only pipe I have heard of for 
sale was limited at eight or nine hundred pounds . . . There 
is no such thing as syrup, the sugar bakers having all dropped 
the business a long while. It is possible after some time 
there may be an importation of French molasses ; if so, I 
will try to get you some." 1 

And again on December 21, of the same year, he writes to 
the same correspondent : 

"I shall find myself under the necessity of removing from 
this scene of expense, and I don't know where I could more 
properly go than to Lancaster. The common articles of life, 
such as are absolutely necessary for a family, are not much 
higher here than at Lancaster; but the style of living my 
fashionable daughters have introduced into my family and 
their dress will^I fear, before long oblige me to change the 
scene. The expense of supporting my family here will not 
fall short of four or five thousand pounds per annum, an ex- 
pense insupportable without business. ... I gave my daugh- 
ter Betsy to Neddy Burd last Thursday evening, and^all is 
jollity and mirth. My youngest daughter is much solicited 
by a certain General 2 on" the same subject ; whether this will 
take place or not depends upon circumstances. If it should, 
I think it will not be till spring. What other changes in 
my family may take place to "forward or prevent my re- 
moval from Philadelphia are still uncertain." 3 

These plans, however, he was destined never to carry out. 
When peace was once more established, and the independence 
of the United States assured, there was at once an imperative 
necessity for honest and capable public officers; and so uni- 

1 Balch's Shippen Papers, 266. 

[ 2 Benedict Arnold,whom Miss Shippen married the following April. ED.] 

3 Ibid. 268. 

30 Edward Shippen. 

versal was the regard and respect in which Mr. Shippen was 
held, that, notwithstanding the sentiments he had entertained 
during the Revolution, he was, with the general approbation 
of the community, called once more to assume the judicial 

On May 1, 1T84, he was appointed President Judge of the 
Common Pleas of Philadelphia, 1 an office in which he so con- 
ducted himself as to give the public every cause for satisfac- 

On September 16, 1784, 2 he was appointed Judge of the 
High Court of Errors and Appeals, for which office he duly 
qualified on September 21, 3 and which he retained until the 
abolition of the Court. 

But the remuneration derived from these offices was small. 
For the latter he was paid but a pound a day for every day's 
actual attendance in court, and we know that between the 
time of his appointment and the 3d of October, 1785, he re- 
ceived in this way but 59. 4 He thus writes to his brother 
Joseph about his affairs on New Year's day, 1785 : 

"I am not yet absolutely settled in my future plan of liv- 
ing. They have put me into an office which yields me com- 
paratively nothing, and I cannot afford to continue in it un- 
less some allowance be made. The matter is before the 
Assembly, who seem willing to do something ... I have 
the strongest assurances that it shall be pushed at the next 
meeting of the Assembly. Should it fail, I must betake my- 
self again to my practice ... it being impossible to support 
a family in this expensive city without some profitable busi- 
ness." 5 

In the autumn of 1785, he consented at the solicitation of 
his friends to be nominated for the office of Justice for the 
Dock Ward of Philadelphia. The following is the account 
of the election which he wrote to his brother Joseph : 

" Oct. 2, 1785. 

The inhabitants of this district have seen fit to elect me 
a magistrate, tho' without my solicitation or even wish to 

1 14 Col. Rec. 103, 1 Dall. 76. 2 14 Col. Rec. 207. 

8 Id. 210. 4 16 Col. Rec. 534. 

6 Shippen Papers MS., in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

Edward Shippen. 31 

accept it ; but, as I found an earnest desire in the people to 
choose some person who might be of use in the magistracy, 
and also to set an example to the other districts in future, I 
was prevailed upon to consent to their running me in the 
Ticket, and though a strong interest was made very early in 
favor of a Mr. Dean, a Militia Colonel, yet the Gentlemen of 
the Ward turned out so very generally, that I was elected by 
a great majority of votes. Tho' I dislike the business and 
know it will be burthensome, I shall, however, undertake it 
in Expectation that, having been in this instance the choice 
of the people, I may be in the way of something more to my 
mind." 1 

On October 3 he was duly commissioned, 2 and on the fol- 
lowing day received an appointment as President of the 
Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace and Oyer and Terminer. 3 
Both these positions were, however, so irksome to him, that 
on November 20, 1786, he presented his resignation from 
them both, 4 which was duly accepted on the 5th of the fol- 
lowing December. 5 

Judge Sh-ippen at this period lived on the west side of 
Fourth Street near Prune, and kept up apparently an estab- 
lishment of some pretensions. Like many other Pennsylva- 
nians of his day, he was a slave-holder. He writes to his 
brother Joseph on September 17, 1790 : 

"I have some thoughts of parting with my black man 
Will ; he is my coachman, but not so careful as my other 
servant ; he is, however, sober, and I believe tolerably honest, 
and a strong healthy fellow, who can do a variety of work; 
his greatest fault is being rather an eye servant. ... As I 
believe you are in want of help, I would let you have him, 
either to buy or hire, or, if you would like to have him some 
time on trial, I would have no objection. I think his age is 
about 32. He cost me 100. You may have him for half 
that sum." 6 

So satisfactorily did Judge Shippen discharge the duties of 
his office in the Common Pleas, that on January 29, 1791, he 

1 Shippen Papers MS., in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

2 14 Col. Eec. 548. 3 W. 549. 

4 15 Col. Rec. 130 ; 11 Pa, Arch. 91. 5 15 Col. Eec. 138. 

6 Shippen Papers MS., in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

32 Edward Shippen. 

was made an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the 
State, 1 an office in which he so conducted himself as to win 
still more respect and confidence from the community. The 
following letter to his brother-in-law Jasper Yeates, in refe- 
rence to the Whiskey Insurrection, shows the lively interest 
which he took in public affairs: 

" Philadelphia, 6th August, 1794. 

The alarming Conduct of the Inhabitants of the Western 
Counties seems to reduce the general Government to the 
Dilemma either of risking a civil Commotion by the use of 
an armed force, or of submitting to the subversion of the 
Law and of Course to the prostration of the Government of 
the United States. In this situation the President has con- 
ceived the design of sending some respectable Commissioners 
to meet the inhabitants at a general meeting, which it seems 
is called by themselves on the 14th of this month, there to 
represent to them the dreadful consequences of their per- 
severance and to urge them to a Submission to the Laws, on 
promises of an amnesty for what is past. I have been asked 
whether I thought you would consent to be one of those 
commissioners, some confidence being placed in your nego- 
tiatory talents, as well as in the general good opinion enter- 
tained of you in that County. All that I could say was that I 
knew in general your good wishes in favour of the Support 
of the general Government, and that I did not doubt, if it 
could at all consist with the situation of your private affairs, 
you would not hesitate to contribute to a work of such 
magnitude, especially if your associates were made agreeable 
to you. On this idea Mr. Bradford has consented to be one, 
and I believe Mr. James Ross of Washington is expected to 
be the third. I am requested to represent this matter to your 
consideration by letter. There certainly has not been a 
Crisis when the Exertions of every influential Citizen could 
be so useful no less perhaps than saving the effusion of 
some of our best blood. 
I am Dear Sir 

Your Very affectionate friend & hble Servt 

In 1799, Chief-Justice McKean was elected Governor of 
the Commonwealth. He was perfectly acquainted with 

1 1 Yeatcs, 7. 

Edward Shippen. 33 

Judge Shippen's talents and ability. He, therefore, appointed 
him Chief-Justice in his own place, 1 an honor which the re- 
cipient's long and faithful services in the Province and Com- 
monwealth undoubtedly merited. Judge Shippen continued 
in office until the latter part of the year 1805, when feeling 
the infirmities of age creeping upon him he resigned, and 
on the 16th of the following April (1806) suddenly and quietly 
died. 2 

The Philadelphia newspapers of the succeeding day con- 
tained the following paragraph. 

" Cn Tuesday, 15 April inst., Died suddenly the Hon. Ed- 
ward Shippen, late Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of 
Pennsylvania, in the 78th year of his age. At a meeting of 
the gentlemen of the Bar of Philadelphia, Jared Ingersoll, 
Esq., in the chair, it was unanimously resolved that the Gentle- 
men of the Bar will attend as mourners the funeral of the 
late Chief- Justice of Pennsylvania, the Hon. Edward Shippen, 
and that they will wear cnipe on the left. arm for thirty days, 
as a testimony of the respect they bear to his memory. HOR. 
BINNEY, Sec'ry." 

lie was buried at Christ Church Burying Ground, but with- 
out tablet or slab to mark the spot. By his will 3 he nominated 
his sons-in-law, Edward Burd and Dr. William Mcllvaine, 
and his daughter, Mrs. Lea, as his executors, and divided his 
property with marked fairness among his surviving children 
and grandchildren. 

Of the political views of Chief-Justice Shippen enough 
has perhaps already been said. That he opposed the separa- 
tion from England is without doubt true, but in this he re- 
sembled many others whose interests or disposition prompted 
them to abhor change. It should, however, in this connec- 
tion, be remembered that he was never accused or suspected 
of any positive act of disloyalty; arid it is believed that the 
minutest scrutiny into his actions or correspondence will fail 
to substantiate such a charge. 

1 Martin's Lists in Library of Hist. Soc. of Penna. 

2 1 Binney, Fly Leaf. 

5 Dated April 1, 1785 ; admitted to Probate, April 25, 1806. Registered 
at Phila. in Will Bonk 1, page 479. 

VOL. vii. 3 

34 Edward Shippen. 

As a lawyer, Chief-Justice Shippen was without doubt 
" patient, discriminating, and just," To his pen we owe the 
first law reports published in Pennsylvania. 1 Unhappily but 
few of his decisions have been handed down to us verbatim. 
As far as can be judged at the present day, they evince a 
thoroughly careful and practical cast of mind. Not so replete 
as the opinions of his great successors, Chief-Justices Tilgh- 
rnan and Gibson, with the more abstruse learning of the pro- 
fession, they intimate a most familiar and protracted ac- 
quaintance with the practical details of business, the forms 
of writs, nature of process, etc. etc. 

"Chief- Justice Shippen was a man of large views," 2 said 
Chief Justice Tilghman, and one "for whom I always enter- 
tained a most affectionate regard." 3 " Everything that fell 
from that venerated man," said Judge Duncan, "is entitled 
to great respect." 4 He was indeed, just such a judge as the 
State required of some ability, great experience, and un- 
doubted integrity. Of his personal character, it is at this 
late day difficult to speak intelligently. He was a lover of 
literature outside the realm of his profession, and was suffi- 
ciently interested in the cause of general education to be at 
one time a trustee of the University of Pennsylvania. 5 In 
his relations to his family he was punctilious in the discharge 
of filial and fraternal duty. As to his own household, it 
may be remarked that his old housekeeper, Molly Cobb, who 
had lived with him many years prior to his death, was of 
opinion that "it ought to be wrote upon his tombstone that 
he was a good purwider for his family." His manners are 
said to have been austere and his disposition unyielding. 
But it should be remembered that the qualities which best 
befit a judge are often those least calculated to win and 
retain popular favor and esteem. The best extant portrait 
of Chief- Justice Shippen is that by Gilbert Stuart, now in 
the possession of the Corcoran Gallery in Washington. 

1 1 Ball. 30. 2 Walker v. Bamber, 8 S. & R. 61. 

8 Lyle v. Richards, 9 S. & R. 332. 4 Id. 366. 
6 Austin v. Trustees of U. of Pa., 1 Yeates, 260. 

The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 35 



[Designing to write a history of Gwynedd, a township of Montgomery 
County, Pennsylvania, since its settlement in 1698 by immigrants from 
Wales, I have thought it worth while to devote some inquiry to the origin 
of its name. It was that of their native region, endeared to them by many 
ties of association. The settlers of the " Welsh Tract" west of the Schuylkill 
had already commemorated Merioneth, Haverford, and Radnor; those who 
came later into the interior of Montgomery (then part of Philadelphia) 
County had in mind the more comprehensive designation. They were hus- 
bandmen from the hill country of North Wales chiefly, if not entirely, 
from Merionethshire and Denbighshire and, looking back to the places 
they had left, they found a name for the new home in that of the old one. 
The Kymric pride of patriotism and tenacity of association were shown in 
the choice.] 

Gwynedd was for a long period the name of a portion of 
the region of Britain occupied by the Welsh. Given by 
them, and belonging strictly to their language, the name 
existed an4 was definitely known both in Wales and without 
for at least seven hundred years. In that time many of the 
most prominent and able of the Welsh leaders were identified 
as princes or so-called kings of Gwynedd ; and from the days 
of Rhodry Mawr, or Roderick the Great, in the middle of 
the ninth century, a political supremacy over the whole of 
Wales was claimed for and to some extent enjoyed by 

Upon the maps of Britain which are now constructed as 
presenting the completest results of historical inquiry, 1 the 
northern portion of what we now call Wales is designated 
from about 600 A. D. down to the closing years of the 
thirteenth century as Gwynedd. This was the stronghold of 
the Welsh. In it were concentrated a considerable part of 

1 See, for example, those in Green's History of the English People, and 
his Making of England. 

36 The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 

the Kymry people, descendants of those Britons who faced 
Caesar on the shores by Deal, when, half a century before 
Christ, he crossed from Gaul to invade their island. It is, 
in fact, the wildest portion of ."Wild Wales." Enclosed 
within the bent arm of the Dee, the fastnesses around the 
base of Snowdon were naturally, as they are in fact his- 
torically, the last refuge of the Britons against the relentless 
pressure of invasion, first Angle then Norman, which came 
upon them from their eastern border, and fastening upon 
southern and central Wales, left them, at last, nothing hut 
these rocky recesses in the north. 1 There, it may be said, 
was the seat of the most persistent British spirit. Not more 
intense, perhaps, than that which marked portions of southern 
Wales, it was better situated for resistance. In the halls of 
Aberflraw (in Anglesey), Gwynedd's last capital, the bards 
sang to the end praises of their heroes, and fanned with their 
tales of old prophecy the spark of national feeling which 
kindled into a flame though but for an instant so late as the 
days of Glendower. In these fastnesses, shadowed by Snow- 
don, lingered latest that patriotic dream, born of the vehement 
Kymric temper, and fed by the vivid Kymric imagination, 
that still the time would come when some heroic chief 
doubtless great Arthur, awakened from his sleep in Afalon, 
and "wield ing again his magic Excalibur would restore the 
liberties of "the ancient isle of Britain," reclaiming to the 
last foot of eastern sands by the Thames mouth, where first 
the invaders' keels touched, the ground that, inch by inch, 
in eight hundred years of conflict had been unavailingly fed 
with the blood of its defenders. 2 

1 " It hath been," says Sir John Price, as edited by Humphrey Lloyd, 
speaking of Gwynedd, "a great while the chiefest seat of the last, kings of 
Britain, because it was and is the strongest country within this isle, full of 
high mountains, craggy rocks, great woods, and deep valleys, strait and 
dangerous places, deep and swift rivers." Woodward, in his History of 
Wale* (London, 1850-52), remarks that " the pride and the glory of the 
Kymry has been that last retreat of British independence, the principality 
of Gwynedd." 

2 In Gwynedd, in the fastnesses about Snowdon, Llewellyn (second of the 
name conspicuous in Welsh history, Llewellyn ap Griffith) made his last 

The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 37 

But, though the name of Gwynedd belongs so distinctly, 
for so long a time, to the northern part of Wales, there was, 
apparently, a greater Gwynedd than this before 600. Lithe 
vague chronicles of that time, for a half century or more, we 
hear of British chiefs sometimes called kings, sometimes 
named by other titles who, as they fought against Anglo- 
Saxon encroachment in the north of England, ruled over a 
Gwynedd that extended northward from the Dee's mouth 
across the Mersey and up into the lake and mountain region 
which is now Lancashire, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. 
For such a union of British power, including part or all of 
the present Wales, and that northwestern part of England 
just described, the city which we now call Chester, the 
Caerlleon on Dee, of the Britons, was the natural capital. 1 

To this larger district the king or prince known as Maelgwn 
Gwynedd, whose name stands out in the chronicles about the 
middle of the sixth century, appears attached. The theatre 
of his action seems to have been more in northwestern Eng- 
land than in Wales. He was resisting that advance of the 
Angles which came across Yorkshire, from the place of their 
descent upon the coast, about the mouth of the Humber. 
The Britons in his time had been forced by the pressure of 
invasion into the three natural strongholds in the western 
side of their island. In the extreme south they had 'been 
driven into the long point of land the shores now of 
Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall which form the Cornwall 

struggle with the overwhelming force of Edward L Failing there, his 
death shortly after ended finally except the episode of Glendower the 
effort to maintain Welsh independence. The eldest son of the English king 
became then, in fact as in name, Prince of Wales. 

1 Chester was the Deva of the Eoman itineraries, otherwise Castra Le, 
gionum, in which name we see the origin of that which it now bears. There, 
where two of their great roads crossed, the Romans had placed a legion, 
the famous Twentieth, and hence the British called it Caerlleon Vawr, or 
Caerlleon ar Dyfyrdwy " the Camp of the Legion on Dee." Strongly 
fortified during the Roman period, commanding the crossing of the ways, 
and furnishing a key to the two regions of the greater Gwynedd, the Britons 
must have regarded it, as the Romans had done, as a place of the greatest 
military importance. 

38 The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 

peninsula, and, when A.D. 577 the West Saxons under Ceawlin 
defeated them at the great and decisive battle of Deorham, 1 
these Britons were cut off, by their enemies' hold upon the 
Severn, from connection with those who held the middle re- 
gion north of that river. This region above the Severn the 
"Wales of our day was then called by the Saxons North Wales, 
arid so appears on the maps which represent that time, for 
the Cornwall region was known as West Wales. The third 
stronghold was that of northwestern England, the " Lake 
Country" of our later time, and from it the Britons joined 
hands with allies still farther in the north, along and beyond 
the Clyde. 

Confining ourselves to a view of the greater Gwynedd that 
included, as has been said, part or all of modern Wales, and 
most of the modern " Lake Country," it will easily be seen 
how this hinged upon Chester, and how, when the Saxons 
cut through to the sea's edge upon the w r est by the capture 
of that city (probably about A. D. 613, under ^Ethelfrith), 
they severed the Britons of the great central stronghold 
from those in the northern one, and so divided Gwynedd. 
Precisely who had made the fight against the Saxons after 
Maelgwn's time is uncertain. But before the victory of 
^Ethelfrith, Gwynedd had been boldly and fiercely defended. 
Its territory, says Green, 2 besides embracing the bulk of the 
present North Wales, pushed forward, by its outlying fast- 
ness of Elmet, 3 into the heart of southern Deira. 4 In Elmet 
the Britons long held tbeir rude homes. By the Welsh 
chronicle, which, though it must be quoted with great cau- 
tion, may be, after all, as trustworthy as that of Saxon or 
Angle, there followed Maelgwn Gwynedd, in direct succes- 
sion, father and son, Run, Beli, Cadvan, Cadwallon, and Cad- 
walader. These were "Kings of Gwynedd," or, as Welsh 
authority says of the last three, "Kings of Britain;" they 

1 Deorham was a village northward of Bath, on hills overlooking the 

2 The Making of England, p. 232 (New York, 1882). 

3 The wooded region north of " The Peak" of Derbyshire. 

4 The Saxon Deira was a large part of the present Yorkshire. 

The Name Gwynedd in 'Welsh History. 39 

were at any rate chiefs who headed the British struggle. In 
A.D. 589, when the kingdom of Deira had heen overran by 
its Bernician neighbors, it was to the protection of a king 
of Gwynedd that the sons of ^Ella, the Deiran king, then just 
dead, fled for protection. 1 

That the Britons did lose their hold at Chester in A. D. 613, 
by a victory of ^Ethelfrith , we accept on the authority of Green. 
The chronicle of the Welsh, known as that of Caradawg of 
Llangarvan avers that this (Chester) "chief city of Vene- 
dotia" was taken by Egbert the Saxon about A. D. 883, having 
"hitherto remained in the hands of the Welsh." It may be 
that the possession of ^Ethelfrith was not made permanent, 
and that, again falling for a while into British hands, the 
city was a second time taken in Egbert's day. But it does 
not seem that after the close of the sixth century there was 
anything of the kingdom or principality of Gwynedd north- 
ward from the mouth of the Dee, and this is what chiefly 
concerns the present inquiry. We may remark only how 
natural it was, so long as their passage from the one region 
to the other was kept open by the possession of Chester, that 
the Britons of Wales and those of northwestern England 
should have been bound together in some rude form of 
national unity. For the two regions are very similar natural 
fastnesses ; the crags and glens southwest of the Dee find 
their counterpart in the wild scenery northward of the 
Mersey. While Cader-Idris and Snowdon rise in the one 
region, and through the deep clear waters of Bala the current 
of the Dee flows unchanged and unmingling, 2 in the other the 
Scawfells, Helvellyn, and Skiddaw lift their heads above the 
charming lakes of Cumberland. Two such regions, easily de- 
fensible, nearly adjoining, and inhabited by a kindred people, 
were natural allies at the least. 

1 History can never forget the kingdom of JElla, for thence it was that 
there came to Home as slaves those blue-eyed, fair-haired youths whom 
Gregory saw and stopped to inquire about, as he passed -through the mar- 
ket-place of the Eternal city. " Angels, not Angles," he exclaimed as be 
viewed them, and departed to organize his work of Christianity in Britain. 

* Such is the old and familiar tradition ; let us at least respect its age ! 

40 The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 

This Gwynedd is easily recognized by the name itself. 
For Gwyn-cdd means The White Land. In the symbolism 
of patriotic association the white meant, doubtless, the pure, 
the beautiful, the untaken, the virgin land ; but in the snows 
that crowned Snowdon and Helvellyn. another reason might 
be found for the name. Gwen is a favorite Welsh name for 
a woman corresponding to Blanche, as belonging to a light- 
haired fair-skinned beauty. The white stones that inclosed 
"the place of session," in Welsh law, were the "meini gwyn- 
ion." In the Lake of Bala a famous white fish is known as 
Gwyn'iad. 1 In fact, the word gwyn or gwen will be continu- 
ally met with in Welsh, and has always the same significance 
to be white, pure, unsullied. Justice, patriotism, the 
beauty of fair women, the sunny heights of the unconquered 
mountains, the recesses of the unravaged home of the Kyniry, 
all were represented in the adjective. 

Taking Gwyn, then, as the root, the termination edd has 
simply the significance of a land, a region, a country. The 
pronunciation of it is not edd, as in English, but eth, the th 
soft, as in " with." Gwen-eth may therefore be assumed as 
the name spoken, and its significance, the white or fair land. 2 

Returning to that Gwynedd which was but the northern 
third of what we now know as Wales, it may be said that 
between A. D. 613, when ^Ethelfrith took Chester, and the 
time of Ehoclry Mawr, about A. D. 843, little is known con- 
cerning it geographically, and nothing in the chronicles of 
its feuds and wars is of importance to this inquiry. But 
Rhodry Mawr, when he died in A. D. 877 divided all Wales 

1 Oddly enough, and quoted as part of the proof that some part of the 
American Indians arc of Welsh descent probably come from Madoc's voy- 
ages in the twelfth century there is a salmonoid fish (Corogonus fera) in 
the waters of British Columbia, with silvery scales, closely resembling that 
in Bala, and its name, as given by the natives, is the Qui?mat. 

3 It need hardly be said after this explanation, that while Gwynedd 
means the same thing as North Wales, in the sense that both names were 
long applied to the same region of country, they have no other relationship 
whateveiyand no other similar meaning. What the Kymry called Gwynedd 
the English knew as North Wales, till geographically the designations 
became interchangeable. 

The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 41 

amongst bis three sons, and named definite boundaries for 
their territories. In the north he gave Gwynedd to bis 
eldest son Anarawd, and he ordered that Merfyn, the Prince 
of Powys, the middle division, and Cadelh, of Deheubarth, 
the southern, should, with their heirs and successors, acknow- 
ledge the superior sovereignty of Anarawd. These divisions 
long continued to have a practical and actual existence; for 
four hundred years they were regarded : and they still have, 
as a basis of historical and descriptive method, a certain 
acknowledged importance. 1 

In this division by Rhodry Mawr, "Gwynedd," says Sir 
John Price, "had upon the north side the sea, from the river 
Dee, at Basingwerke, to Aberdyfi, and upon the west and 
southwest the river Dyfi, 2 which divideth it from South 
Wales [Dehenbarth, Prince Cadelh's possession] and in some 
places from Powys Land. And on the south and east it is 
divided from Powys, sometimes with mountains and some- 
times with rivers, till it come to the river Dee again." 

The same authority describes Gwynedd as "of old time" 
divided into four parts the island of Mori (Anglesey), Arfon 
(Caernarvon), Merioneth, and "Y Berfedwlad, which may 
be Englished the inland or middle country." Substantially 
these four divisions were Anglesey, the whole of Caernarvon, 
nearly all the present Merioneth, the greater part of Denbigh- 
shire, and all of Flintshire, except a small section. It would 
include rather less than a third of- the area of modern Wales. 

It is not germane to the present purpose to trace the his- 
tory of the Gwynedd over which Anarawd was left the ruler. 

1 This division of the kingdom, tending to divide its strength in the face 
of the Saxon enemy, the "Welsh chroniclers much lament ; but it was ac- 
cording to the general tenor of the Welsh system, which required, as in the 
gavel-kind of the old English law, a distribution of the father's possessions 
among his children. [" The custom of gavel-kind," says Blackstone, " is 
undoubtedly of British origin." ED.] 

2 By looking at the map these lines will be easily followed, and the de- 
scription is inserted for that purpose, but the points of the compass given 
are misleading ; the sea lay on the west, as well as the north, and the Dyfi 
(Dovey) could only be fairly described as bounding on the south and in part 
on the southeast. 

42 The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 

It figures, however, as has already been stated, in all the 
chronicles of subsequent Welsh struggle. In the twelfth cen- 
tury, Owain Gwynedd made himself a name equal to that of 
Rhodry and Maelgwn, though inferior, perhaps, to that of 
the two desperate and heroic Llewelyns. And it was Madoc, 
son of Owain Gwynedd, who, as Welsh authority claims, 
crossed the Atlantic to the American Continent, more than 
three hundred years before the caravels of Columbus sailed 
out from Palos. It would be useless to enter the well-beaten 
field wherein the claims of Madoc have been disputed, but it 
is enough to say that some of these claims are in modern 
time accepted as probably true. That Madoc was a real per- 
son, the son of Owain Gwynedd, that he sailed from Wales 
in one or two voyages about 1170-72, and that he bore away 
into the Atlantic westward u by a route leaving Ireland on 
the north/' is conceded. But what land he reached, if any, 
and whether any descendants of himself and his company 
have ever been found, either in North or South America, are 
questions quite beyond settlement / in the Welsh Triads 
themselves Madoc's second and final voyage is accounted one 
of "The Three Losses by Disappearance" sustained by "The 
Isle of Britain." 

In the Triads we may find abundant allusions to Gwynedd. 
In those that are historical and geographical, as well as those 
that refer to "the social state" of the Welsh, the name fre- 
quently appears. " There, are three courts of country and 
law one in Powys, one at Caerleon-on-Usk, which is that of 
Glamorgan and Deheubarth, arid one in Gwynedd." " The 
court of country and law in Gwynedd is constituted of the 
lord of the commot (unless the prince himself be present), 
the mayor, chancellor," etc. There were "three invading 
tribes that came into the Isle of Britain, and departed from 
it," one of these being " the hosts of Ganvel the Gwyddel 
[Irishman] who came to Gwynedd, and were there twenty- 

1 For an estimate of the importance now assigned to Madoc and his voy- 
ages, see Bryant's History of the United States. The various speculations 
have assigned his landing place, settlements, and descendants to nearly the 
whole east coast of the American continent from Canada to Patagonia. 

The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 43 

nine years, until they were driven out by Caswallon, the son 
of Beli." Of " the Three Primary Tribes of the nation of the 
Cymry," the Gwyndydians, the men of Gwynedd and Powys 
formed one. Rhun, who was the son of Maelgwn and the 
first of "the Three Fair Princes of the Isle of Britain," 
reigned over Gwynedd, it is said, from A. D. 560 to A. D. 586. 
Cadavael, the son of Cynvedw, in Gwynedd, is recorded as one 
of "the Three Plebeian Princes of the Isle of Britain," and he is 
handed down in disgrace by another Triad as having inflicted 
one of the "Three Heinous Hatchet Blows" that caused the 
death of lago ap Beli, the sovereign of Gwynedd. 

The poetry of the bards, much of it inspired amongst the 
hills of northern Wales, and relating to events that had oc- 
curred there, makes Gwynedd and those associated with the 
name repeatedly a theme. Owain Gwynedd is celebrated by 
numerous bards, and Lly warch of Powys, singing the bravery 
of a Powys prince (about A. D. 1160) calls him " Gwynedd's 
foe." Madog, the voyager, was a favorite subject: the Prince 
Llywelyn is referred to in the verse of Llywarch, a bard, as 

" The lion i' the breach, ruler of Gwynedd," 
and as the 

" Nephew of Madog, whom we more and more 
Lament that he is gone." 

Meredydd ap Rhys (about A. D. 1440) says : 
" Madog the brave, of aspect fair, 
Owain of Gwynedd's offspring true, 
Would have no land man of my soul ! 
Nor any wealth except the seas." 

Elidir Sais, who wrote in the thirteenth century, and was 
one of the earliest Welsh composers of religious verse, says: 
" The chieftains of Deheubarth and Gwynedd, 1 
Pillars of battle, throned have I seen." 

And Einion ap Madog ap Rhawaid, in a eulogy upon 
Griffith, the unhappy son 2 of Llewelyn the Great, says:- 

1 The rhythm places the accent on the second syllable, as it should be. 

2 His brother Davydd treacherously took him prisoner, and Henry III. 
kept him in the Tower of London, in attempting to escape from which he was 

44 The Name Gwynedd in Welsh History. 

11 The eagle of Gwynedd, he is not nigh. 
Though placable, he will no insult bear ; 
And though a youth, his daring horsemanship 
Fastening on him the strangers' wondering eyes." 

And one more stanza, by an author whose name is not pre- 
cisely given in the authority here quoted, runs thus : 

" Gwynedd ! for princes gen'rous famed and songs, 
By Gruffydd's son 1 unshamed 
Thou art ; he, hawk untamed, 
Is praised where'er thy glory is proclaimed." 

1 The secoud Llewelyn. 

Court-Martial of Hessian Officers Captured in 1776. 45 




DECEMBER 26, 1776. 


[In the spring of 1782 a court-martial was held at Cassel for the trial of 
the officers who were captured by General Washington's army at the sur- 
prise at Trenton, December 26, 1776. This body of Hessian officers con- 
sisted of Lieutenant-Colonel Bretthauer, Major Maltheus, Captain Brubach, 
and four subaltern officers of Hall's regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Scheffer, 
Major von Hanstein, Captain Steding and eight subaltern officers of the 
Lossberg regiment, Captain von Biesenrodt and seven officers of the 
Knyphausen regiment, and Lieutenant Fischer of the artillery. It will be 
seen that the blame was all thrown upon Colonel Rail, the commanding 
officer, and Major von Dechow, a field officer of the Knyphausen regiment, 
both of whom were wounded, and died in the village of Trenton. It does 
not appear that General Sir William Howe, who ordered the long chain of 
weak cantonments through Jersey, was spoken of at the court-martial as in 
any way responsible for the defeat of the Hessian contingent. Five years 
after the surrender it was quite easy for the German War Commission to 
report the misfortune as due to the two officers who lay in bloody graves in 
the quiet churchyard on the Delaware. WILLIAM S. STRYKER.] 


. Most gracious Prince and Lord! 

The War Commission graciously confirms the complete 
acquittal by the court-martial of the surviving officers of the 
Trenton surprise, deferentially agreeing with the court that 
its sentence should be published in the Gazettes, and also 
that free permission to carry new colors should be granted, 
such being, though not requisite to the sentence, in accordance 
therewith ; and moreover, both in reference to errors in the 
trial, and as concerns the premature announcement of his 
own opinion to the court by Auditor Lotheisen, the War 
Commission will in its own time give the requisite in- 

Testantibus Actis. On the 13th Dec. 1776, by the order 

46 Court-Martial of Hessian Officers Captured in 177G. 

of the English General Grant, several regiments were en- 
trusted to Col. von Donop's command, winter-quarters being 
assigned them in Trenton and its neighborhood. Thereupon 
Col. von Donop occupied the designated positions, and on 
the 14th Dec. 1776, Col. Eall entered Trenton with the hon. 
regiment of Alt-Lossberg, Knyphausen's and his own, with 
the artillery belonging thereto, with troopers and twenty 
English cavalry, making in all an effective force of about 
1200 men. But instead of protecting his position by re- 
doubts, as instructed by Col. von Doriop in person, and after- 
wards through Captains Pauli and Martin, he only posted a 
few detachments and picket-guards. Even in Trenton he 
permitted the companies, with their entire equipments, to 
remain over night at the alarm-posts, and later each regi- 
ment in turn. On the 20th Dec. Col. Eall made a request of 
both Brigadier-General Leslie at Princeton, and Major-Gene- 
ral Grant at Brunswick, that, on account of the distance be- 
tween Trenton and Princeton, a detachment of 200 men 
should be stationed at Maidenhead, the enemy's position 
threatening to interrupt communication between the two 
places. He received in return the answer that this was unne- 
cessary on account of the insignificant number and wretched 
condition of the enemy. Col. Rail, however, thinking this 
opinion of the state of affairs to be without foundation, 
strengthened the patrols in the vicinity of Princeton, whilst 
continuing to occupy Trenton. In the mean while several 
American officers in disguise presented themselves to him, 
and, under "pretext of soliciting protection, spied out all his 
preparations. The 25th Dec., the day before the surprise, the 
main picket on the Pennington road was attacked and six men 
were wounded. Major von Dechow, prompted by this, advised 
Col. Eall to send the baggage to the Grenadiers. Col. Eall 
answered, " Fudge ! these country clowns shall not beat us." 
Still he sent Lieutenant Wiederhold to strengthen the before 
mentioned pickets, and placed troops over night at the 
alarm-posts. Major von Dechow, on the other hand, who on 
26th Dec. should have made his round two hours before day 
with two cannons and the needful forces, omitted this, not- 

Court-Martial of Hessian Officers Captured in 1776. 47 

withstanding the anxiety which he had expressed the day 
previous, and Col. Rail likewise on the same morning slept 
until half-past seven o'clock, whilst the enemy and the picket 
to which Lieutenant Wiederhold had heen sent were firing; 
at each other. Brigade- Adjutant Lieutenant Biel, of the 
honorable regiment of Alt-Lossberg, reports that, between 
five and six o'clock and again at half-past seven, finding the 
Colonel sleeping, he hesitated to rouse him and announce the 
approach of the enemy. He arranged, however, in the mean 
while that forces from the main-guard should be sent to the 
picket. On his return he found the Colonel in his dressing- 
gown at the window, and to Colonel Rail's question, " What 
is the matter ? What is the matter ?" he replied, " Have you 
not heard the firing ?" Whereupon the Colonel rejoined, " I 
will be there directly." Meanwhile upon the approach of 
four battalions of the enemy (the whole body amounting to 
from five to eight hundred men) Lieutenant Wiederhold 
withdrew under a steady fire, and waited before the town 
until the regiment marched out. As the enemy had by this 
time with their cannon and howitzers gained the heights of 
Trenton, Englehard and Fischer, lieutenants of the artillery, 
directed their cannon sharply upon them ; but the loss of 
eight gunners and five draft-horses prevented further use of 
the cannon, and the officers were compelled to retire. After 
the loss of the cannon Rail's regiment withdrew from the 
well-contested posts, yet with great hurry and disorder, 
through both the other regiments. While the Adjutant 
Ensign Kleinschmidt repaired this confusion as much as 
possible, Colonel Rail, with his own and the Lossberg' regi- 
ment, attacked the town, already advantageously occupied 
by the enemy, covering his flank by Major von Dechow and 
the Knyphausen regiment. This regiment was thus obliged 
to separate itself from the others, and to march with the 
Lossberg cannon, of which, however, one piece was sunk in 
the morass, to the bridge, in order to hold it, but so much 
time was lost in endeavoring to recover the sunken piece, 
that before the regiments reached the bridge both ends of it 
were in the hands of the enemy. As Colonel Rail was 

48 Court- Martial of Hessian Officers Captured in 1776. 

forced by the pressure of the opposing troops to give up 
Trenton, and in the conflict received a fatal wound, the com- 
mand fell upon Lieutenant-Colonel Schaefer. He was truly 
disposed to fight his way through, with the Lossberg and 
Rail's regiment, reckoned in all 483 men, but the enemy's 
advantage, their dispositions, cannon-firing, and the state of 
his own ammunition, rendered useless by the heavy snows, 
compelled him to abandon this design and to lay down his 
arms. Major von Dechow then, with his intercepted Knyp- 
hausen regiment, reckoned at 276 men, wished to retreat 
through the water. But he received a severe wound and 
gave over his command to Captain von Biesenrodt, inform- 
ing him that the other two regiments had been taken 
prisoners, and that he also with his regiment must surrender. 
Captain von Loewenstein, who brought him this order, failed 
to mention that in that neighborhood there was a place where 
the water was only knee-deep. Captain von Biesenrodt had 
no intention of surrendering as Major von Dechow advised, 
but resolved to retreat through the wood. But this plan 
was defeated by the occupation of the wood by the enemy, 
and he commanded that the creek be sounded, and that his 
regiment march through it, ordering an officer with 40 
skirmishers to cover their retreat, himself taking the place 
of rear guard. But the accomplishment of this design was 
thwarted in its commencement by the urgency of the Stirling 
brigade, which had been warned by the display of a white 
handkerchief by Major von Dechow of the disadvantage of 
the regiment, and Captain von Biesenrodt was forced, though 
with favorable terms, to lay down his arms. From all this 
it follows that Colonel Rail, together with Major von Dechow, 
in many regards acted culpably, and laid the foundation for 
the misfortunes of the brigade. Therefore, all its surviving 
officers are, by the constituted court-martial, exempted from 
penalty. The War Commission finds that conformable to 
the facts, and agrees with it the more readily, because the 
members of the court, by their accurate knowledge of the 
localities, and of the accompanying circumstances of the case, 
are in the best condition to judge of its merits. 

Court-Martial of Hessian Officers Captured in 1776. 49 

Moreover, the War Commission is of the opinion that what 
appears in the sentence in reference to its publication in the 
Gazettes, and the gracious permission to carry new colors, is 
not essential to it, but is simply a conferring of the greatest 
favor. Also, with regard to the errors noted in thje exami- 
nation and trial, as well as in regard to the extract from the 
reports containing the individual opinion of the auditor, and 
communicated to the court-martial before the casting of the 
votes, proper instructions will be given. And we ever re- 
main, in deepest reverence, 

Your Serene Highness's humblest, most truly obedient, 
and most dutiful servants, 



CASSEL, 15 April, 1782. 

VOL. VII. 4 

50 Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 



The article entitled " An Examination of Beauchamp Plantagenet's 
Description of the Province of New Albion," written by the late John 
Penington, of Philadelphia, in 1840, and published in the Memoirs of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, vol. iv. pt. i. pp. 133 et seq., is not 
precisely the dernier mot upon the subject which the tone of the author 
would indicate that he regarded it. The paper was very justly criticized 
at that time by a reviewer in the Gentleman's Magazine (August, 1840), 
and afterwards by other students of history, among the latest of these being 
a contributor to the fifth volume of the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, who 
certainly does not show himself a partisan of the proprietor of New Albion, 
or of his Catholic friends and relatives who most probably united with him 
in the endeavor to settle his Province. 

Since the appearance of the articles of Mr. Neill, the editor has discovered 
the following interesting mention of Sir Edmund Plowden in the second 
report of Johan Printz, Governor of New Sweden, to the Swedish West 
India Company, dated Christina, June 20, 1644, printed at the end of Prof. 
C.T. Odhner's Kolonien NyaSverigesGrundldggning (Stockholm, 1876) : 

" In my former communications concerning the English 
knight I have mentioned how last year, in Virginia, he 
desired to sail with his people, sixteen in number, in a 
barque, from Heckemak [Accomack] to Kikatbans [or 
Kecoughtan, the present Hampton] ; and when they came 
to the Bay of Virginia, the captain (who had previously 
conspired with the knight's people to kill him) directed his 
course not to Kikethari, but to Cape Henry, passing which, 
they came to an isle in the high sea called Smith's Island, 
when they took counsel in what way they should put him 
to death, and thought it best not to slay him with their 
hands, but to set him, without food, clothes, or arms, on the 
above-named island, which was inhabited by no man or other 
animal save wolves and bears ; and this they did. Never- 
theless, two young noble retainers, who had been brought 
up by the knight, and who knew nothing of that plot, when 
they beheld this evil fortune of their lord, leaped from the 
barque into the ocean, swam ashore, and remained with their 
master. The fourth day following, an English sloop sailed 
by Smith's Island, coming so 'close that the young men were 

"The Order, Medall, and Riban of the Albion Knights, ofj.the 
Conversion of 23 Kings, their support." 

(Reproduced from the verso of the title-page of Plantagenet's New Albion.) 

Plowden 9 s Patent for New Albion. 51 

able to hail her, when the knight was taken aboard (half 
dead, and as black as the ground) and conveyed to Hackemak, 
where he recovered. The knight's people, however, arrived' 
with the barque May 6, 1643, at our Fort Elfsborg, and asked 
after ships to^ Old England. Hereupon I demanded their 
pass, and- inquired from whence they came ; and as soon as I 
perceived that they were not on a proper errand, I took 
them with me (though with their consent) to Christina, to 
bargain about flour and other provisions, and questioned 
them until a maid-servant (who had been the knight's washer- 
woman) confessed the truth and betrayed them. I at once 
caused an inventory to he taken of their goods, in their pre- 
sence, and held the people prisoners, until the very English 
sloop which had rescued the knight arrived with a letter 
from him concerning the matter, addressed not alone to me, 
but to all the governors and commandants of the whole coast 
of Florida. Thereupon I surrendered to him the people, 
barque, and goods (in precise accordance with the inventory), 
and he paid me 425 riksdaler for my expenses. The chief of 
these traitors the knight has had executed. He himself is 
still in Virginia, and (as he constantly professes) expects 
vessels and people from Ireland and England. To all ships 
and barques that come from thence he grants free commis- 
sion to trade here in the river with the savages ; but I have 
not yet permitted any of them to pass, nor shall I do so until 
I receive order and command to that effect from my most 
gracious queen, her Royal Mnjesty of Sweden." 

The courtesy of a London correspondent has supplied the succeeding 
extracts from the will of Sir Edmund Plowden, preserved in the Prerogative 
Court of Canterbury : 

"This nine and twentyth day of July, one Thousand Six 
hundred fifty-five, I, S r Edmund Plowden of Wansted in the 
county of Southton Knight, Lord, Earle Palatine, Governor, 
and Captain Generall of the Province of New Albion in 
America, and a peere of the kingdorne of Ireland." 

To be buried in Ledbury Church with "brasse plates of my 
eighteene children had affixed to the said monument at 
thirty or fourty powndes charges, together with my perfect 
pedigree as is drawne at my house." 

40 apiece to 11 parishes wherein lands. 

Son Francis's "sinister & undue practises," "damnifyed & 
hindered by him these eighteene years," " his mother a mu- 
table woman by him perverted." 

Daughter Winifred. Son Thomas. 

" And whereas I am seized of the province and County 
Palatine of New Albion as of free principality, & held of the 

52 Plowden 9 s Patent for New Albion. 

Crowne of Ireland of winch I am a Peere, which Honor and 
title and province as Arundell, and many other Earledomes, 
and Baronies is assignable and saleable with the province 
and County Palatine as a locall Earledorne .... all that 
my province and County Palatine and Peerage as a Peere of 
Ireland with all Royalties, and Regalities Tribute Rents Cus- 
toms Profits Reversions and Services .... unto Thomas 

my sonne I doe order & will that my sonne Thomas 

Plowden & after his decease his eldest heire male & if he be 
under age then his guardian with all speed after my decease doe 
imploy by consentof S r William Mason of Grays Inne KJ^ other- 
wise William Mason Esquire whom I make a Trustee for this 
my plantation all the cleere rents & pfits of my Lands under- 
woods tythes debts stocks & moneys for full ten years (ex- 
cepted what is bequeathed aforesaid) for the planting fortify- 
ing peopling and stocking of my province of New Albion, 
and to summon & enforce according to Covenants in Inden- 
tures and subscriptions all my undertakers to transplant 
thither & there to settle their number of men with such 
of my estate yearely can transplant, namely Lord Monson 
fifty, Lord Sherrard a hundred S r Thomas Danby a hundred, 
Captaine Batts his heire a hundred, Mr. Eltonhead a Master 
in Chancery fifty, his eldest bro r Eltonhead fifty, Mr. Bowles 
late Clerke of the Crowne fourty, Captain Cley borne in Vir- 
ginia fifty, Viscount Muskery fifty, & many others in Eng- 
land Virginia & New England subscribed & by direction in 
my manuscript bookes since I resided six [years ?] there, & of 
policie & government there & of the best seates, profits, mines, 
rich trade of furrs, and wares, and fruites, wine, worme silke 
& grasse silke, fish, & beasts there, rice, and floatable grounds 
for rice, flax, maples, hempe,barly,and corne two crops yearely. 
To build churches & schooles there, & to indeavour to convert 
the Indians there to Christianity & to settle there my family 
kindred & posterity." 

Signed Albion. 
, Proved 27 July, 1659, in the P. C. C. 


The same person has furnished these extracts from the will of Sir Edmund 
Plowden's son, Thomas Plowden, also to be found at Somerset House : 

" This sixteenth day of May in the ninth and tenth year of 
our lord King William .... [1698] Thomas Plowden of 
Lasham in the County of Southton Gent .... unto all my 
children sons & daughters ten shillings a piece of lawfull 
English money & to every of my Grandchildren ten shillings 

apiece of like money Item I do give & bequeath 

unto my son Francis Plowden the Letters Patten t & Title 

Plowden' s Patent for New Albion. 53 

with all advantages & profitts thereunto belonging. And as 
it was granted by our late Sovereign Lord King Charles the 
first over England under the great Seal of England unto my 
ffather Sir Edmund Plowden of Wansted in "the County of 
Southton now deceased The province and County palatine 
of new Albion in America Or in North Virginia & America 
which pattent is now in the custody of my son in law 
Andrew Wall of Ludshott in the said County of Southton 
who has these severall years wrongfully detained it to my 
great Loss & hinderance and all the" rest and residue of my 
goods chatties & personal! Estate after my debts and Lega- 
cies be paid & funerall discharged I give & devise unto my 
wife Thomazine Plowden of Lasham." 
Pr. in P. C. C. 10 Sept. 1698. 

A copy of the very rare pamphlet circulated by Charles Yarlo in America, 
in 1784, has been kindly loaned by the owner of it, Mr. Charles H. Kalb- 
fleisch, of New York City, with permission to reprint the title and the only 
portion of it not contained in Ebenezer Hazard's Historical Collections 
(vol. i. pp. 160 et seq.), and the " parergon" to Mr. Peniugton's essay, 
above referred to. These are as follows : 

The Finest Part of America. 

To be Sold, or Lett, | From Eight Hundred to Four Thou- 
sand Acres, in a Farm, | All that Entire Estate, called | 
Long Island, in New Albion, | Lying near New York: | Be- 
longing to the Earl Palatine of Albion, | Granted To | His 
Predecessor, Earl Palatine of Albion, | By King Charles the 
First. | *#* The Situation of Long Island is well known, 
therefore needs | no Description here, | New Albion is a 
Part of the Continent of Terra Firma, de | scribed in the 
Charter, to begin at Cape May ; from thence Westward | 
120 Miles running by the River Delaware, closely following 
its Course | by the North Latitude, to a certain Rivulet 
there, arising from a Spring | of Lord Baltimore's, in Mary- 
land. To the South from thence, | taking its Course into a 
Square, bending to the North by a Right Line | 120 Miles. 
From thence also into a Square inclining to the East in a 
right | Line 120 Miles to the River and Port of Readier Cod, 
and descends | to a Savannah or Meadow, turning and in- 
cluding the Top of Sandy Hook ; | from thence along^ the 
Shore to Cape May, where it began forming a | Square of 120 
Miles of good Land. | Long Island is mostly improved and 
fit for a Course of Husbandry. | N. B. Great Encouragement 
be given to improving Tenants, by | letting the Lands very 
cheap, on Leases of Lives, renewal for ever. | |5|r" Letters 

54 Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 

(Post paid) signed with real names, directed for F. P. at | 
Mr. ReynellV Printing-Office, No. 21, Piccadilly, near the 
Hay-Market, | will be answered, and the Writer directed 
where he may be treated with, | relative to the Conditions 
of Sale, Charter, Title Deeds, a Map, with the | Farms 
allotted thereon, &c. &c. | Just Published, and may be had as 
above, (Price One Shilling) | A True Copy of the Above 
Charter, | With the Conditions of Letting, or Selling the 
Land, | And other Articles relating thereto. 

Conditions for Letting or Selling, 

Lord Earl Palatine of Albion's Estate, New 

Albion, in America. 

I. Wood or unimproved land, which lies above ten miles 
from any sea-port or navigable river, will be sold at 51. 100 
acres, or let on a lease of lives renewable for ever, at 21. 
10s. 100 acres, paying a fine at the fall of a life. 

II. Unimproved or wood land, which lies less than ten, or 
more than five miles from a sea-port or navigable river, will 
be sold at 101. 100 acres, or let at 51. 100 acres, on leases for 
lives renewable for ever, to pay a fine at the fall of a line. 

III. Unimproved wood land, which lies within five miles 
from any sea-port or navigable river, will be sold at 151. 100 
acres, or let at 71. 10s. 100 acres, on a lease of lives renewable 
for ever, paying a fine at the fall of a life. 

IY. Any cleared or improved land will be sold or let 
cheap, in proportion to its value. !N". B. A bargain may be 
made, and leases executed in England, for any lot or quantity 
of land that may be fixed upon, and should the said lot fixed, 
be engaged by any prior lease, or not liked by the tenant 
when he arrives in America, and views the premisses, he 
shall then have any other part of ground at the same rent or 
quality he pleases, that is not prior engaged. 

In 1881 Mr. G. D. Scull spoke, in his Evelyns in America (pp. 361 et seq.), 
of having met with a volume in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, containing 
a copy of the charter of New Albion in the original Latin, with written 
opinions of certain " able and learned lawyers/' consulted by Edward 
Bysshe, " Garter Principal King of Arms of Englishmen," favorable to the 
validity both of it and of the claim to the Irish peerage, made by Sir 
Edmund Plowden, all of these being recorded by Bysshe, Jan. 23. 1648-9, 
'* in the office of arms, there to remain in perpetual memory." Already, 
however, in 1880, it had occurred to Mr. Brinton Coxe, of Philadelphia, to 
have a search instituted in the proper office at Dublin for the same letters 
patent, said by Yarlo to be on record in that city, and almost by return 
mail had been received the certificated copy of the paper, which we take 

Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 55 

satisfaction in reproducing literatim in the MAGAZINE. The prime impor. 
tance of the document all who have any knowledge of the topic will appre- 
ciate. For the information of persons not familiar with the language, or 
at least with the abbreviated style of the manuscript, it may be stated that 
the English translation of this charter, printed in Varlo's pamphlet before 
mentioned, and reprinted in Hazard's Collections, is sufficiently accurate 
for all purposes of historical inquiry. 



C AEOLUS del gratia Anglie Scocie ffranc' & hibnie Rex fidei 
defensor &c omnibus ad quos p 9 sent' Ire nre pvener' saltm 
CUM p 9 dilcus & fidelis subditus noster Edmundus Plowden 
miles laudabili quodam et pio Christiane religionis pariter et 
imperii nri territoria dilatandi studio flagrans certain quandam 
Insulam et regionem inferius describendam in terra quadam 
nra ad occiduam mundi plagam in aliquibs partibs a barbaris 
et feris quibusdam hominib^ nullam divini immunis notitiam' 
habentib3 occupata vulgariter appellata borealis Virginia 
magnis suis impensibs antehac discoperiivit et nunc amplam 
admodum & copiosam quingentai/ psonay et nroy subditoy 
coloniam eo deducturus socios eiusdem pii operis et colonie 
fundande lohem Lawrence milit' & Barronet' Bowyer Worsley 
milit' et Carolum Barrett Armig' & lohem Trusler Roger' 
Packe Willfn Inwood Thomam Ribread et Georgiu Noble se- 
cum elegit ac totam illam insulam & regionem in provinciam 
& comitatum Pallatinatum erigendam cum certis quibusdam 
privilegiis et jurisdiccoibs ad Colonie sue & Region' p'dce sa- 
lubre regimen & statum ptinent' a regia celsitudine nra illis 
& hered' & assign' coy dari concedi et confirmari humiliter 
supplicaver' Ac eiusdem Eddum Plowden milit' & assign' eius 
gubernatoy p^missoy et dignitatibs titlis & privileg' decora- 
turn crearemur orantes SCIATTS igit' qd nos pium & nobile p'dci 
Edmond' Plowden mil' & p'dcoi/ socioj/ eius p'positum & 
studium regio favore psequentes et eo qd Colonia rbm incepta 

66 Plowderfs Patent for New Albion. 

& diligenter habitata & culta subditis & regnis nris magni est 
momenti ex gra nra spiali certa Sciencia & mero motu nris 
Necnon de advisament' & consensu p'dilect' & fidel' consan- 
guin' & consiliar' nri Thome Vicecomit' Wentworth Deputat' 
nri genera? dci Regni nri hibnie ac scdm tenor' et effect' 
quarund' lrai nrai/. manu nra ppria signat' ac sub signeto 
nro sigillat' geren' dat' apud Oatelands vicesimo quarto die 
lulii anno regni nri octavo et mine in Rotul' Cane' nre dci 
Regni nri Hibnie Irrotulat' DEDIMUS concessim' et confirma- 
vim' ac p p 9 sent' hanc Cartam nram p nobis liered' et success' 
nris p'fat' Edmondo Plowden mil' lohi Lawrence mil' & Bar- 
ronett' Bowyer Worsley milit' Carolo Barret & lohi Trusler 
Rogero Packe Willo Inwood Thome Ribread et Georgio Noble 
hered' et assign' eoj/ imppm Damus concedim' et confirmam' 
totam & integram illam Insulam ppe continent' sive terram 
firmam Borealis Yirginie vocat' Insula Plowden seu longa 
Insula & iacen' ppe vel inter trigesimum nonum & quadra- 
gesimii gradum borealis latitudinis unacum parte continentis 
sive terr' firm' p 9 dict' ppe adiacen' discribend' incipiend' a 
puncto anguli cuiusdam promontorii vocat' Cape Maye et inde 
ad occidentem versus p spaciu quadragint' leucarum pcurrens 
sinus Delaware boreale latus sequendo intimum eius pcessum 
usq' ad Rivol' cuiusd' rbm scaturiginem ascendit qua dm Bal- 
tamore terras de Maryland et Sinum p 9 dict' ad austrum tota 
sua latitudine coniuncta ptingit & conterminat' indeflexo iti- 
nere in quadrantem curvans ad Boream recta linea p spaciu 
quadraginta leucarum excurrit de inde similit' per quadran- 
tem flectens orientem versus recta linea per spaciu quadra- 
gint' leucarum fluviu et portum de Ratcher Cod conterminans 
ad oceanum descendit sumu de Sandhay ptingens & inclu- 
dens ac inde versus austrum p quadrantem tendons p oceani 
Insuleq' Plowden p'dict' littora p'teriens & alluens ad punctum 
promontorii Cape Maye supius memorati ubi incepit terminat' 
Damus insup et p p 9 sentem Cartam nram p nobis hered' & 
success' nris p'fat' Edo Plowden imlit' lohi Lawrence milit' 
et Barronetto Bowyer Worsley milit' Carolo Baret aro lohi 
Trusler Rogero Packe Willo Inwood Thome Ribread & Georgio 
Noble hered' & assign' suis Concedim' et confirmam' oes & 

Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 57 

singul' insulas & insululas infra decem leucas p'dict' regionis 
Iittorib3 in mari existent' natas vel nascendas vocat' p noen 
vel noia de Pamonke Hudsons sen Hudsons River lies vel 
aliquibuscunq' noibs cum oibs & singulis portubus navium & 
maris crecis ad earn vel ad insulas insululasq' p 9 dict' scituat' 
existent' vel conterminant' Omnesq' terr' fundos silvas lacus 
aquas salsas & fluvios iuxta regionem insulas insululasq' 
p 9 dict' existent' et infra limites p 9 dict' inclusas descript' et 
conterminat' cum cuiuscunq' gener' pisciu ballenai/ et sturio- 
num et alioy regaim in mare vel fluminibs piscacoibs omnes 
insup auri argenti gemar' & lapidium p 9 tios' et alias quascunq' 
sive lapidum sive mettelloi/ sive alterius cuiuscunq' rei vel 
mater' venas & fodinas tarn apptas quam occultas infra re- 
gionem insulas seu limittes p 9 dict' reptas & reperiendas Et 
hoc amplius omn' Eccliai/ quas crescente Christi cultu & re- 
ligione infra diet' regionem Insulas & limittes futuris tem- 
poribs edificari contigerit patronatus & advocacoes unacum 
oibj & singul' huiusmodi ac adeo amplis juribs iurisdiccon' 
privileg' p 9 rogativis regalitat' lib'tat' imunitat' iuribusq' re- 
galibus & franchesis quibuscunq' tarn p mare quam p terr' 
infra regionem Insulas & limitt' p'dict' habend' exercend' 
utend' & gaudend' put aliquis Episcopus Dunelmens' infra 
Episcopatum sive Comitatum Palatinatum Dunelmense infra 
regnu nrm Angl' unquam antehac huit tenuit usus vel gavisus 
fuit seu de iure here tenere uti vel gaudere debuit aut potuit 
Ipsumq' Edmond' Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suos p nobis 
hered' et success' nris Regionis Insuleq' p'dict' ceteroi/q' 
p^miss' veros & absolutes Dominos & pprietarios salva semper 
fide & ligeancia nobis hered' & success' nris debita & eiusdem 
Comitem Pallatinu et gubnatorem cum tot tant' & tal' titiis 
addiccoe dignitat' & privileg' p p 9 sent' facim' cream' et con- 
stituim' quot quant' et qual' Georgius Calvert miles infra 
Provinciam sive comitat' Pallatin' de Avalonia infra terr' 
riram novam vel ut p 9 dcus dfis de Baltamore infra Maryland 
p'dict' vel lacobus Comes de Carlisle infra insulas Antillas 
vel illas Comunit' vocat' S* xpofer vel Barbadoes vel ut Epis- 
copus Dunelmens' p'dict' infra Episcopatum seu comitat' Pal- 
latin' Dunelmens' p'dict' vel ut Thomas Mason nup Thesaur' 

58 Plowden' 8 Patent for New Albion. 

exercitus nri in terra sua infra novam Angliam vel aliquis 
alius fuiidat' Colonie vel gubernator noster ubicunq' unquam 
antehac huit tenuit usus vel gavisus fuit seu de iure tenere 
here uti vel gaudere debuit aut potuit HABEND' tenend' possi- 
dend' & gaudend' p'dict' region' Insulam & cetera p 9 miss' 
primo concess' eidem Edmondo Plowden milit' lohi Lawrence 
mil' & Barronett' Bowyer Worsley mil' lohi Trusler Rogero 
Packe Willo Inwood Thome Ribread Carolo Barrett & Georgio 
Noble et hered' & assign' eoi/ imppm Et habend' tenend' pos- 
sidend' exercend' et gaudend' p'dict' tittm addiccbn' dignitat' 
& privileg' comit' Palatin' seu officiu Gubernator' Regionis 
insul' & p'missoy p'fat' Eddo Plowden milit' hered' & assign' 
suis imppm TENEND' de nobis hered' & success' nfis ut de 
Coron' nfa Hibnie in capite ut vero p'dict' regio sic a nobis 
concess' & discripta ceteris oibs illius terr' regionibus p 9 ful- 
geat et amplior' titiis decoret' SCIATIS qd nos de ampliori gra 
certa sciencia & mero motu nris de advisament' & consensu 
p'dict' dcam regionem insulam & p 9 miss' in Provinciam eri- 
gend' esse duxim' put eas ex plenitudine potestatis et pre- 
rogative nre regie p nobis hered' & success' nris in Provinciam 
erigim' et incorporam' Eamq' novam Albion seu Provinciam 
nove Albion nominam' et sic in f utur' nominari volumus et qd 
dca provincia ut liber Comitatus Pallatinus sit nullo modo de 
Provinciis sive regionibs Virginie & nove Angl' & gubernato- 
rib3 eay vel ulle alie Provincie regioni & gubernator' quovis- 
mod' subdit' aut dependens sed exempta & libera et a nra 
psona Regali et impali Corona nra ut Rex hibnie et a nullo 
alio dependeat p p 9 sent' p nobis hered' & success' nris ordi- 
nam' et decreuim' Et quoniam p 9 fat' Eddum Plowden milit' 
totius Provincie antedce verum dnm & pprietai/ supius fecim' 
et ordinavim' ULTERIUS igit' Sciatis qd nos p nobis hered' <fe 
success' nris eid' Eddo de cuius fide prudent' iusticia & pvida 
animi circumspeccoe plurim' confidim' & hered' suis p bono 
& felice dee Provincie regimine leges quascunq' sive ad pub- 
licum eiusd' Provincie statum sive ad privat' singuloi/ utilitat' 
ptinent iuxta sanas discretiones suas et cum consilio appro- 
bacoe & assensu liberoi^ tenentiu eiusd' Provincie vel maior* 
part' eoi/dem quos ad leges condendas cum & quoties opus 

Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 59 

fuerit a p 9 fat' Eddo Plowden ac hered' suis & in forma que 
illi vel illis melior esse videbit' convocari volumus condend' 
faciend' edendi & sub sigillo p'dco Edmundi & hered' suoy 
pmulgandi in oes holes infra p 9 dict' Provinciam & limit' eiusd' 
<p tempore existen' vel sub illius vel illoy potestat' ac regimine 
novam Albion versus navigando & inde redeundo extra vel 
ad terr' Angl' seu extra vel ad aliqua alia Dominia nra ubilibt 
constitut' pmulcta^ imposicoem incarceracoem & aliam quam- 
lib? coercionem etiamsi oportet Et dilci qualitas id exegeret p 
membri vel vite privacoem p se p'fat' Edmund' & hered' suos 
seu p Deputat' locumtenent' judices justiciar' officiar' & mi- 
ni str' suos sedm tenor' ac veram intencoem p'sentiu constitu- 
end' et conficiend' et debit' exequend' iudicesq' magistral et 
officiar' quoscunq' ad quascunq' causas & quacunq' potestate 
et in forma que p'fat' Edmund' Plowden vel hered' sui melior' 
esse videbit r terr' marique constituend' et ordinand' crimina 
item & excessus quoscunq' contra humoi leges sive ante ju- 
diciu occeptiu sive post remittendi relaxandi pdonandi et abo- 
lendi ceteraq' oTa et singul' ad justicie complement' curiasq' & 
tribunialia judiciou form' et pcedent' modos ptinent etiamsi 
de illis expresso in p 9 sentib3 non fiat mencio faciend' liberam 
plenam & omnimod' tenore p 9 senciu concedim' potestat' Quas 
quidem leges sic ut p 9 mittit' pmulgand' absolutissima iuris 
firmitate et ab oibs hominib3 subditis & ligeis nris hered' et 
success' nroy quatenus eos concernen' custodiri et sub penis 
in eisd' express' & exprimendis inviolabillit' observari volum' 
iniungim* p'cipim' et mandam' Ita tamen qd leges p'dict' sint 
racbe consone et non repugnantes nee contrarie (sed quoad 
convenient 1 " fieri poterit) consentanie Iegib3 statut' consuetud' 
et jur' regnoy nroi/ Anglic & hibnie Et quoniam in tanto Pro- 
vincie regimine repentin casus sepenumero contingunt quibs 
necesse erit remediu adhibere antequam liberi tenentes dee 
Provinc' ad leges condend' convocari possint nee idoneum 
erit continue tal' casu emergente tantum populum convocari 
Id circo p meliori gubernacoe dee Provincie volum' et ordi- 
nam' ac p p'sent' p nobis hered' & success' nris p'fat' Ed- 
nnmdo Plowden & hered' suis concedim' qd p 9 fat' Edmundus 
Plowden ac hered' sui p se ac p magistrat' & officiar' in ea 

60 Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 

parte debite ut p'fert r constituend' ordinacoes idoneas ac sa- 
lubres de tempore in tempus facere & constituere possint ac 
valeant infra provinciam p 9 dict' custodiend' & observand' quam 
p custod' pacis qm p melior' regimine populi rbm degent' easq' 
oibus quas eadem aliqualit' tangunt seu tangere possint pub- 
lice innotesscere Quas quidem ordinacoes infra diet' Provin- 
ciam inviolabit r observari volum' sub penis in eisd' exprimend' 
Ita qd eadem ordinacoes sint racoe consone et non sint repug- 
nantes nee contrarie sed quoad convenient' fieri potest con- 
sentanie legibs statut' et Juribs regni nfi Angl' & hibnie (et 
ita qd eadem ordinacoes se non extendant ad ius vel interesse 
alicuius psone vel aliquay psonay de aut in libero tenemento 
bona seu catalla aliqualit' astringend' ligand' onerand' sen 
tollend' Porro ut nova Colonia populi eodem confluentis mul- 
titudine felicius crescat' pariter & Barbaroi/ alioi/q' hostiu 
piratai/ et p'donum incursibs firmius muniat r Id circo nos p 
nobis hered' & success' nris oib3 hominib3 et subdit' nris 
hered' & success' nroy ligiis p 9 sentib3 & futuris nisi quibs id 
spialit' fuerit inter diet' se familiasq' suas ad dcam nove Al- 
bion pvinciam cum idoneis navigiis et commentu congfo 
transferrend' sedesq' suas ibm collocandi incolendi & inhabi- 
tandi et extra regn' nrm Hibnie se cum laboratores & artifices 
conducere & transportare unacum granis cuiuscunq' gener' 
capros equos equas vaccas boves porcos & peccora aliasq' 
bestias domesticas cum oibs necessar' tarn ad victum qm 
ad vestitum ptinentibs & quotiescunq' inhitantes dee Pro- 
vincie vel gubernator' vel principal' provincic p 9 dict' hoc in- 
notescerint castraq' & castella seu al' fortilitia ad p 9 fat' 
Edmund' Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suoy arbitriu p de- 
fensione publica & sua extruend' & muniend' facultat' licen- 
ciam & Iib 9 tat' damus & concedim' p p 9 sent' statutum de 
fugitivis vel aliis quibuscunq' tarn in Anglia quam in Hibnia 
fcis in contrar' p 9 miss' in aliquo non obstante YOLUMUS etiam 
et ex ubenori gra p nobis hered' & success' nris firmit' 
p'cipim' & constituim' ordinam' et mandam' qd dca Provincia 
de nra ligeancia sit Quodq' oes & singuli subditi & ligei nri 
hered' & success' nroy in p 9 fat' Provincia p'dict' vel deducend' 
ipoi/q' & omn' alioi^ liber' ibm nati seu imposter' nascendi sint 

Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 61 

& erint indiginei et ligei nfi & hered' & success' nfoi/ ac in 
oib3 tractent r reputent r & habeant r tanquam fideles ligei nfi 
ac hered' et success' nroy infra regnu nrm Angl' vel hibnie 
oriund 5 Necnon terr' tent' reu 9 6on' servic' et al' hereditament' 
quecunq' infra regn' nfm Angl' & hibnie ac alia dominia nra 
pquirere recipe cape here tenere emere ac possidere ac eis uti 
<fe gaudere easq' dare vendere alienare & legare ac etiam oes 
Iib 9 tat' franches' & privileg' regnoy nroy Angl' et hibnie libere 
quiete & pacifice here & possidere eisq' uti & gaudere possint 
tanquam ligei nri infra dca regna nfa Angl' & hibnie nati seu 
oriundi absq' impediment' molestacoe vexacoe Calumnia seu 
gravamine nfo hered' & success' nroi/ quoi/cunq' aliquo Statut' 
act' ordinacoe seu pvisione in contrariu inde non obstant' 
Preterea ut subdit' nostr' ad expedicoem hanc prompto & 
alacri animo suscipiend' lucri spe & p 9 viligeoy dulcitudine 
incitenter SCIATIS qd: nos de gra nra spiali ac ex certa Sciencia 
& mero motu nfis tarn p 9 fat' Eddo Plowden milit' hered' & 
assign' suis quam al' oib3 de tempore in tempus habitandi 
causa in novam Albion pfecturis oia & singuP bona sua tarn 
mobillia qm immobilia merces & mercimonia arma item & 
instrumenta bellica offensiva & defensiva in quibuscunq' por- 
tubus nris hered' & success' nroy in naves imponendi et one- 
rand' et in Provinciam novi Albion p se vel servos aut assign' 
suos transportandi absq' aliqua imposicoe subsid' custum' seu 
alia quacunq' re nobis hered' vel success' nris inde solvend' 
Et absq' impedimento vel molestacoe nfi hered' vel success 7 
nroy vel cuiuscunq' officiar' nri hered' et success' nfoy seu 
firmar' nroi/ hered' vel success' nroy plenam tenore p 9 senciu 
licenciam damus & liberam facultat' concedim' aliquo statut' 
actu ordinacoe aut alia re quacunq' in contrariu non obstant' 
PROVISO semp anteqm dca bona res & mercimonia in naves 
inferenter & onerenter licencia sup hoc a Thesaurar' nfo 
hered' et success' nroi/ regnoy Anglic vel hibnie respective vel 
Comissionar' p Thesaurar' nro vel sex vel plur' de privato 
Consilio nfo lie red' & success' nfoy sub eoi manibs inscripta 
petita fu 9 it & obtenta Quibus quidem Comissiona'r' & privato 
Consilio nfo hered' & success' nfoy aut aliquib3 sex aut plur' 
eoy licencias liumoi in forma p'dict' concedend' potestat' p 

62 Plowderfs Patent for New Albion. 

nobis hered' & success' nris Dedim' & concessim' sicut damns 
& concedim' p p'sent' Quia vero in tarn longinqua regione & 
inter tot Barbaras nationes posita tarn ipoy Barbaroy qm aliou 
hostiu piratay et p'donii incursus vero similit' timeri poterit 
Id circo p'fat' Edmund' Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suos 
p se vel capitaneos aut alios officiar' suos oes holes cuiuscimq' 
condicois aut undecunq' oriundos in Provincia Novi Albion p 
tempore existent' ad vexilla vocandi delectus liabendi bella 
gerendi hostesq' & p 9 dones p 9 dict' terra mariq' etiam ultra 
Provincie sue limites psequend' Eosq' si deus dederit pfligandi 
& capiendi et captos iure belli occidendi vel p arbitrio suo 
servand' ceteraq' oia & singul' que ad capitanei general' ius 
& officiu spectan' seu spectare consueverunt faciend' adeo 
plenam & liberam ac quivis capitan' general' unquam huit 
Dedim' ac p nobis hered' & success' nris damus potestat' p 
p'sent' VOLUMUS etiam ac p p 9 sent' hanc chartam nram p 9 fat' 
Edmondo Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suis potestat' Iib 9 tat' 
<fe auclat' damus ut in casu rebellionis repentini tumultus aut 
seditionis sique (quod absit) sive sup terram infra Provinciam 
ante diet' sive sup alto mare in itinere ad novam Albion vel 
inde revertendo oriri contigerit p se capitaneos deputat' aut 
aF officiar' suos sub sigill' suis ad hoc authorizand' quibs 
etiam nos p nobis hered' & success' nris plenissimam p p 9 sent' 
potestat' & auctatem Damus & concedim' adversus rerum 
nova!/ authores seditiosos regimini illius vel illoy. se subtra- 
hentes militiam detractantes transfugas desertores emansores 
vel aliter utcunq' contra rem moram & disciplinam mill i tar' 
delinquentes iure utant r militari adeo libere ac in tarn ampP 
modo & forma ac aliquis capitaneus general' virtute officii sui 
uti possit aut consuevit Porro ne viris honeste natis & se ad 
p 9 sentem expedicoem accinturis ac bene de nobis & regiiis 
nris pace & bello mereri cupientibs in tarn remota longeq' 
dissita regione omn' ad honores & dignitat' via pclus' & pe- 
nitus obsepta esse videat r PROPTEREA nos p nobis hered' & 
success' nris p'fat' Edmundo Plowden hered' & assign' suis 
liberam & plenariam potestat' Damus favores gras & honores 
in bene meritos Gives infra pvinciam p 9 dcam inhabitantes 
conferrendi eosq' quibuscunq' titulis & dignitatibs (modo 

Plowden's Patent for New Albion. (j 

tails non fuerint que in AngP mine usurpant r ) p arbitrio suo 
decorandi villas item in Burgos et Burgos in civitat' ppter 
Inhabitantiu merita et locoi/ oportunitatem cum privileg' & 
Imunitat' congruis erigend' & incorporand' ac etiam maner' 
creare & erigere tenuras etiam & servicia liboi/ tenentiu in- 
stituere & reservare ac diversas formas & species monataru 
(sed auris different') incudere & imprimere quas in dca Pro- 
vincia littimas fore & currentes & acceptabilles ab oibs ibi de- 
gentibs & frequentantibs esse mandam' ceteraq' oia & singula 
in p 9 miss' faciend' que illi & illis congrua esse videbunf 
etiamsi talia fuerunt que de sua natura mandatum & warrant' 
exigant magis spial' quam in p 9 sentib3 sit expressum et adeo 
libere et tarn amplis modo & forma put societas nove terre et 
India^ oriental' & Insulay Barmoodas als Somers vocat' seu 
Episcopus Dunelmensis infra Episcopat' seu comitat' Pallatin' 
Dunelmense seu Dns Baltamore infra terras sive pvincias suas 
de Maryland et Avolonia vel lacobus comes Carlile infra In- 
sulas de S* xpofer et Barbadoes & ceter' Antillas diet' vel 
aliquis al' Gubernator Societas seu fundator Colonie noster 
unqm antehac habuit teuit usus & gavisus fuit seu de iure 
here tenere uti vel gaudere debuit aut potuit Et quoniam Co- 
lonia^L et omn' rerum publica^ p 9 mordia variis incomodis & 
difficultatibs laborare solent Propterea nos p 9 sentis huius 
Colonie innitiis faventes ut qui gravent r in uno relevent r in 
alter' regia sollicitudine pvidentes ex gra spiali & mero motu 
.nris p 9 fat' Edmondo Plowden hered' & assign' suis omni- 
busq' nove Albion incolis & inhabitant^ quibuscunq' p'sen- 
tibs & futur' p hanc chartam nram licenciam nram damus & 
concedim' ut merces et mercimonias quascunq' ex dee Pro- 
vincie fructibs & comoditat' terrestris vel maritimis redigend' 
p se vel factor' suos & assign' suos in quoscunq' portus nros 
hered' & success' nroy regnoi/ Anglie aut hibnie libere inferre 
& exon 9 are & alit' de eis it>m disponere Et si opus fuerit 
easdem merces infra unu Ann' ab oneracoe eoi/dem continue 
numerandi rursus in naves easdem vel alias onerare & in 
quascunq' voluerint regiones sive nras sive extr'aneas expor- 
tare valeant nullo inde subsid' Custum' taxacoe vel imposicbe 
quacunq' nobis hered' vel success' nris vel success' nro2 fir- 

64 Plowderis Patent for New Albion. 

mariis & redemptor' quomodolibt solvend' PROVISO semp & 
life inteiicon' est qd hec gra nfa & custum' & imposicon' ac 
subsid' immunitas decem duntaxit annos a dat' p 9 senciu con- 
tinue numerandi et noil ultra duret & firmitatem het dels vero 
decim annis elapsis & finitis volum' & concedim' ac p nobis 
hered' & success' nfis mandam' qd p 9 fat' Edus Plowden 
miles hered' & assign' sui aliiq' nove Albion incole et inha- 
bitantes oes & singul' & futur' merces & mercimonia & mer- 
chandisas quascunq' p 9 dict' in quoscunq' portus nfos hered' 
& success' riroif. inferre & exon 9 are et si voluerint p se vel 
suos infra tempus p 9 dict' reonerare et exonerare possint & 
valeant PROVISO semp qd tales & talia custum' imposicoes 
subsid' & telonia nobis hered' & success' nfis hide solvere 
teiieant r qualis & qualia reliqui subditi nfi p tempore solvere 
tenebunt r ultra quas & que p 9 fat' novi Albion incolas nulla- 
tenus gra varivolum' ET ULTERIUS de ampliori gra nfa spiali ac 
ex certa sciencia & mero motu nfis p nobis hered' & success' 
nfis concedim' p 9 fat' Eddo Plowden milit' hered' & assign' 
suis plenam & absolutam potestat' & auctat' faciend' erigend' 
<fe constituend' infra dcam Provinciam novi Albion & Insulas 
p'dict' tot & tal' portus maritimos naviu stationes crec' & aP 
loc' oneracois & exoneracois p navib3 cimbis & al' vassibs AC 
tot in talibs loc' & cum tal' nfis iur' iurisdiccoii' Iib 9 tat' 
privileg' ad humoi portas spectan' put ei vel eis melius vide- 
bit r expediri Quodq' oes & singul' naves cimbe & aF vasa 
quecunq' causa merchandizandi ad Provinciam vel ex Pro- 
vincia p 9 dict' venientes vel exeuntes ad humoi portus p p 9 dict j 
Eddum Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suos sic erigend' & 
constituend' solumodo onerent r et exonerent r aliquo usu con- 
suetudine aut aliqua re in contrariu non obstant' salva semp 
& omnibs subdit' nfis Angl' hered' vel success' nfoy reservat' 
Iib 9 tatem piscandi tarn in mare quam in portubus & crecis 
Provincie antedce ac privileg' saliendi excicandi & arefaciend' 
pisces in littore eiusd' Provincie si eandem racionabilit' hac- 
tenus usi sunt vel gavisi aliquo in p 9 sentib3 in contrar' non 
obstant' Quibus quidem Iib 9 tat' & privileg' subditi nfi et hered' 
& success' nfoy antedict' gaudebunt absq' notabil' dampno vel 
iniuria p 9 fat' Eddo Plowden hered' et assign' suis aut eiusdem 

Plowden's Patent for New Albion. 65 

Provincie incolis & inhabitant^ in Portubus crecis aut littor* 
p 9 dict' & p 9 sertim in boscis rbm crescentibs aliqualit r fiend* 
Et si quis humoi fecerit dampn' aut iniuriam gravis indig- 
nacois nre hered' et success' nro> debiteq' legum castigacois 
piculum penamq' subeat VOLUMUS insup statuim' ac ordinam' 
ac p p 9 sent' p nobis hered' & success' nris concedim' p 9 fat' 
Eddo Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suis qd p 9 fat' Edmundus 
hered' & assign' sui de tempore in tempus imppm heant & 
gaudeant oia & singula subsidia custum' & imposicbn' in por- 
tubus naviii stationibs ab locis p 9 dict' infra Provinciam p 9 dict' 
solubiles sive emergent' p mercundinis & rebus rbm onerand' 
ac exonerand' Et ulterius volum' ac p p 9 sent' p nobis hered' 
& success' nris convenim' & concedim' ad & cum p'fat' Eddo 
Plowden milit' hered' & assign' suis qd nos hered' & success' 
nri nullo unquam tempore imposter' aliquam imposicoem cus- 
tum' & al' taxacoem quamcunq' imponem' & imponi faciem' 
aut causabim' in & sup incolas aut inhabitantes Provincie 
p 9 dict' aut aliqua terr' tent' bona seu catalP in & infra Pro- 
vinciam p 9 dict' aut in & sup aliqua bona seu merchandizas 
infra Provinciam p 9 dict' aut infra port' aut Naviii station' 
dee Provincie onerand' aut exonerand' Et hanc declaracbem 
& concession' nram in oibus Cur' & coram quibuscunq' judi- 
cibs nris hered' & success' nroy p sufficient' & Htftma solucbe 
liberacoe & acquietam' & de tempore in tempus recipi & allo- 
cari volumus ac p nobis hered' & success' nris iubem' et 
mandam' p 9 cipientes oibus & singul' officiar' & ministr' nris 
hered' & success' nroy sub gravi nra indignacoe iniungentes 
ne quid in contrariu p 9 miss' ullo unquam tempore attemptare 
audeant aut eisd' ullo modo contravenient' sed p 9 fat' Eddo 
Plowden militi lohi Lawrence mil' et Barronett' Bowyer 
Worsley milit' Carolo Barret aro Rogero Packe Willo Inwood 
lohi Trusley Thome Ribread & Georgio Noble ac p'fat' novi 
Albion incolis & mercator' p 9 dict' eoy servis ministris facto- 
rib3 et assign' in plenissimo huius Charte nre usu & fruitione 
omn' tempore auxilient r & assistent put decet Et si forte im- 
poster' contigerit dubitacoes aut questiones circa verum sen- 
sum & intellect' alicuius verbi claus' vel sententie in hac 
p 9 senti chart a nra content' generari earn semp & in oibs inter- 
VOL. vi L 5 

66 Plowderfs Patent for New Albion. 

pretacoem adhiberi et in quibuscunq' Cur' nris obtinere volum' 
p'cipim' & mandam' que p'fat' Eddo Plowden milit' & assign' 
suis sociisq' suis p'nominatis aliisq' novi Albion incolis be- 
nignior' utillior' & favorabilior' esse iudicabit r PROVISO semp 
qd nulla fiat interpretaeio p qra sacro Sancta dei & vera xpi- 
ana religio aut ligeancia nobis hered' & success' nris debita 
iminucbem p 9 iudiciu aiit dispend' in aliquo patiant r Eo quod 
expressa mentio de vero valore annuo aut de certitudine 
p 9 miss' vel eoy alicuius aut de a? don' sive concession' p nos 
seu p aliquem pgenit' seu p'decess' nroi/. p'fat' Edmondo Plow- 
den milit' ante hac temper a fact' in p'sentibs minime fact' 
existit aut aliquo statuto actu aut ordinacon' pvisione pcla- 
macoe sive restriccoe antehac fact' habit' edit' ordinat' sive 
pvis' aut aliqua re causa vel mater' quacunq' in contrar' inde 
in aliquo non obstant' IN cuius rei testimoniu has Iras nras 
fieri fecim' patent' TESTE p'fat' . Deputat' nro general' Begni 
nri hibnie apud Dublin vicesimo primo die lunii anno regni 
nri decimo p If s de privat' Sigillo. 

I certify that the foregoing is a true and authentic copy 
made purs* to the statute 30 & 31 Vic. ch. 70. 


Certifying Officer under the act 39 $ 40 Vic. cap. 58. 
18th June, 1881. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. (57 



The earliest information I possess of the family is in the 
year 1662, when Thomas Langhorne, the father of the sub- 
ject of this brief memoir, was committed to Appleby jail for 
refusing to pay a fine of five pounds for attending a Friends' 
meeting. 1 This was in the long and oppressive reign of 
Charles II., and for more than twenty years after that date 
he still underwent persecution on account of his religious 
profession, during which the prison-house was often his 
abode, either under the stringent provisions of the Conventi- 
cle Act, or for refusing to recognize the imposition of tithes. 2 
While undergoing imprisonment in 1668 he wrote a piece 
entitled " The Captive's Complaint, or the Prisoner's Plea 
against the burdensome and contentious title of Tithes." 3 

In consequence of his repeated sufferings from the intole- 
rant spirit of the age, he at length concluded to seek in the 
wilds of the New World that freedom of conscience which 
was denied him in his native land. With this in view, he 
procured a certificate of recommendation from the Friends' 
Quarterly Meeting at Kendal, in Westmoreland, England, of 
which he was a member, being dated the 4th of 5th month, 
1684. 4 On account of numbers of his persecuted brethren in 
the faith having emigrated to Pennsylvania w r ithin the two 
preceding years, he resolved to follow with his family, con- 
sisting of his wife Grace and children Jeremiah and Sarah. 5 
It is said he sailed for America in the sixth month 6 of this 
year, accompanied with several other Friends from West- 

1 Bowclen's Hist. Friends in America, Lond. ed., 1854, IL p. 109. 

1 Besse, vol ii. p. 10-35. 3 Whiting's Memoirs, p. 369. 

4 Middletown Friends' Records. Samuel Smith, in his Hist. Province of 
Penna. (Hazard's Reg., VI. p. 214), gives it 4th of 6th mo. 1684, probably 
an error in copying. 

6 Bucks Co. Records, Deed Book, No. 1. 6 S. Smith, Ibid. 

68 Jeremiah Langhome. 

moreland, and after landing in Philadelphia removed up into 
the country to make their settlements in Middletown Town- 
ship, Bucks County, where a few Friends had already gone 
before them. 

Middletown was settled and bore the name as early as 
1682-3, the Friends having established a monthly meeting for 
worship the 1st of llth month, 1682, 1 at the house of Nicholas 
"Wain, near the Neshaminy Creek, where they built in 1690 a 
meeting-house, which was one of the first places of worship 
erected in the county. It was in this building a court was 
held the 27th of 7th month, 1692, that divided the county 
into townships, 2 amongst which was Middletown. It stood 
about one mile and a quarter west of the present meeting- 
house at Attleborough, now called Langhorne. 

The following are the names of the settlers who had pre- 
ceded Thomas Langhorne, and at the time of his arrival here 
were his neighbors. Nicholas Wain, who was a distinguished 
preacher, arrived here in the ship " Welcome" with William 
Penn in the 8th month, 1682. He represented Bucks County 
in the Assembly in 1683. He came from Yorkshire, and 
took up an extensive tract of land in the township, on which 
the first " Neshaminy Meeting-house" was built. The same 
year also arrived Robert Heaton, Robert Hall, William Pax- 
son, James Paxson, James Dillworth, Cuthbert Hayhurst, 
Thomas Wigglesworth, Thomas Croasdale, Thomas Stack- 
house, and John Scarborough. In 1683 came Ezra Croas- 
dale, John Town, Jonathan Scaife, George White, and 
Richard Davis. 3 They all belonged to the Society of Friends, 
and most of them brought families, who have at this day 
numerous descendants living in the county. Amongst this 
number and of those who followed for several years after and 
lived in this vicinity, undoubtedly the most conspicuous were 
Nicholas Wain and Thomas Langhorne. Both were preachers 
and men of intelligence and influence. 

1 Middletown Friends' Kecords. 

2 Bucks Co. Court Eecords, vol. 1. 

* Middletown Kecords, and Peinberton's Eegistry of Arrivals. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 69 

Smith, in his History of the Province of Pennsylvania, 1 
speaking of Thomas Langhorne, mentions that, " having pur- 
chased his plantation and made some improvements, he in a 
few years died." This appears to us to he not strictly 
correct. In the Bucks County Records 2 we learn that on 
the 5th of September, 1687, he purchased of Francis Dove, 
William Wiggins, and Edward Samways, 860 acres of land 
"situated and lying on Nesbaminy Creek." On the Map 
of Original Surveys, by Thomas Holmes, the survey or- gene- 
ral, this tract is distinctly marked as belonging to the 
three aforesaid individuals in common. It is there repre- 
sented as triangular in shape, being about one mile wide 
at the western end by the Neshaminy, and extending east- 
wardly from thence nearly two and a half miles. It may 
be that he made improvements here several years before the 
date of the above purchase, but he erected his residence near 
the western end of this tract, about half a mile from the 
Neshaminy, on an elevated situation on the south side of 
what has been ever since called Langhorne's Hill. 

To have brought a family from a populous part of England 
and to settle down here in the wilderness and make the first 
improvements, was enough, no doubt, to appal the stoutest 
hearts ; but it appears that our peaceful Friends did it cheer- 
fully, without fear of Indians or lurking beasts, for the sake 
of peace and religious freedom. That the neighbors and 
acquaintances of Thomas Langhorne reposed high confidence 
in his abilities and integrity is seen in his being elected a 
member of Assembly from Bucks County in 3d month, 16S7, 3 
and on the following 5th of 7th month appointed a justice 
of the peace by the council. With high promises of future 
honors and usefulness, he died at his residence 4 the 6th of 
8th month, 1687. 5 An inventory of his personal effects was 
filed in the office 1st of 2d month, 1688, the valuation being 

1 Hazard's Register of Penna., vi. p. 214-5. 

2 Deed Book, No. 1. * Proud's Hist, of Penna. 1, p. 335. 
4 John Hay ton's Testimony in Memorials of Deceaced Friends, Phila. 

1787, p. 6-7. 
6 Middletown Friends' Records. 

70 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

331 Is. 2rf. Proud mentions 1 that " he was an eminent 
preacher among the Quakers." John Hayton says : " I knew 
him for fourteen years. Having bad the opportunity of 
being with him in this solitary country, as well as in our 
native land, both in private and public places, I am a witness 
according to my measure, that the power and presence of the 
Lord did greatly attend him in preaching the everlasting 
truth. After he was taken sick, he grew weaker until his 
departure, saying ' the will of the Lord be done.' His short 
continuance here caused many to mourn when he was taken 
from them." We further learn from Samuel Smith's work 2 
that " he died to the great grief of his family and neigh- 
bors," who " had not long that satisfaction in his company, 
which they could have earnestly desired from their former 
knowledge of and love for him." It must have been a 
serious blow to the mother and young family to be so soon 
deprived of their natural protector. However, they con- 
cluded to stay on arid continue the improvements he had 
either begun or contemplated, which, they deemed, in a 
young and growing country might prove highly advanta- 
geous, as it subsequently came to pass they were. 

Sarah Langhorne, the sister of Jeremiah, was married in 
10th month, 1695, to William Biles, Jr., of Falls Township. 3 
He was the eldest son of William Biles, who settled with 
his family near the Falls in Bucks County, in 4th month, 
1679. 4 Proud says he was a preacher amongst Friends, and 
had taken up his lands under a grant from G-overnor Andross. 
William Biles, Jr., was elected to the Assembly in 1710, and 
in 1724 was chosen speaker of that body. 6 In 1717 he was 
appointed coroner of the county. 

It appears from the Bucks County Records, 6 that the estate 
of Thomas Langhorne was not fully settled till in the year 
1697, when his administrators were Grace his wife, Jeremiah 
his son, with his sister Sarah Biles. This administration was 

1 Hist. Penna. i. p. 289. 

2 Hist. Penna. in Hazard's Reg. vi. p. 214-215. 

3 Middletown Friends' Records. 4 Peraberton's Registry of Arrivals. 
6 Votes of Assembly, ii, p. 403. 6 Deed Book, No. 1. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 71 

probably deferred to this time, so that the children should be 
of age. Jeremiah Langhorne thus became the proprietor of 
his father's plantation, which he retained and continued to 
reside upon till his death. Out of respect and veneration for 
the memory of his father, it is related that, when he arrived 
at manhood, 1 he sought his grave so that he might place a 
stone there, so as to be able to recognize it, but it was his 
regret to learn that his friends had unadvisedly interred his 
body so near Neshaminy Creek, that the grave was supposed 
in some years to have been washed away with the bank, 
and he was in consequence unable to find it. This was in 
the ancient graveyard attached to the first meeting house. 
The latter has long been torn down, and the former ceased 
to be used as a place of interment. 

At this day it may be a matter of surprise how the subject 
of this memoir was enabled to obtain the education in his 
youth which was so essential to qualify him for the respective 
posts he subsequently held in the government, and which it 
is known he filled with great ability, so much so, as to have 
often confided to his action some of the most complex duties 
in the affairs of the Province. No doubt he received his 
earlier education in England, while residing in Westmoreland, 
but after he came here, which was about his twelfth year, he 
must certainly have labored under great disadvantages, both 
from the sparseness of the population, and the early death of 
his father. To a mother much may have been due in 
instilling the principles which led to his eminence. 

We now come to that point in his life where his official 
career hegins, a career, we might say, that for popularity and 
general satisfaction is perhaps unexampled in the history of B 
Pennsylvania. The first office he held, to our knowledge, was 
as a representative in the General Assembly from Bucks 
County, on the duties of which he entered the 10th of 3d 
month, 1700. 2 He was again elected to the same office in 
1702, 1 703, 1704, 1705, and 1710. After this, beginning with 
October 1st, 1713, his constituents re-elected him annually 

1 S. Smith's Penna., Ibid. * Votes of Assembly, ii. p. 118. 

72 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

without intermission till the year 1741, when ill health com- 
pelled him to resign. 

To his mother, Grace Langhorne, we have already made 
some allusion. After a residence here of nearly twenty-one 
years, of which she survived her husband about seventeen 
years and a half, she died, and was buried 1 the 10th of 3d 
month, 1715. As a woman, she must have borne her share 
of afflictions. More than once to be a witness to the trials 
and imprisonments of her husband for conscience' sake, then 
to leave her native land to follow him across a wide ocean, 
to settle down in the woods of Pennsylvania, and here, after 
a residence of only three years, to be left a widow, with the 
sole cares of a family, were hardships indeed. 

Mr. Langhorne was appointed Clerk of the Court and 
Register of Bucks County the 6th of 1st month, 1701, and 
Deputy Master of the Rolls the 20th of 3d month, 1702, 
which offices he continued to hold till 1739. 2 He was com- 
missioned a justice of the county the 30th of May, 1715. 
He was again appointed to the same office in 1717, with 
eleven others, 3 by Sir William Keith, with the consent of the 
Council. How long he continued to act in these several 
county offices I have not been able exactly to ascertain. 
In 1721 he was instrumental in getting a road opened from 
" Yardley's Ferry to the Cross Roads near Neshaminy meet- 
ing-house." He was appointed by the court, with Samuel 
Beck, William Biles, William Paxson, Jonathan Woolston, 
and Thomas Yardley, 4 as viewers, who made a favorable re- 
port on the 14th of December. This is the road that now 
leads from Yardleyville to the borough of Langhorne. 

The General Assembly, in their annual meeting in the fall 
of 1721, elected Jeremiah Langhorne their speaker. He 
again had the honor of presiding over that body in 1733. 
As a member of the Assembly while in Philadelphia, he 
wrote a lengthy address on the 10th of February, 1724, to 
Andrew Hamilton and Clement Plumstead, in relation to the 

1 Middletown Friends' Records. 2 Bucks Co. Rec. Will Book, No. 1. 
8 Colonial Records, iii. p. 18. 4 Bucks Co. Rec. Road Book, vol. i. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 73 

conduct of Sir William Keith as Governor of Pennsylvania 
and on whom he reflects. It may be seen in the manuscript 
collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and has 
also been published. 1 An act having been passed March 22, 
1723, for emitting 15,000 pounds in paper money, a loan 
office was created, of which Samuel Carpenter, Jeremiah 
Langhorne, William Fishbourne, and Nathaniel Newlin were 
appointed trustees. For their services therein each was 
allowed fifty pounds annually. 

A considerable number of the inhabitants of Bucks County 
having petitioned the Assembly for the removal of the 
court-house and prison from Bristol, for the reasons that 
those buildings were not sufficiently large, and were situated 
on ground not belonging to the county, and that their loca- 
tion was not sufficiently central for the accommodation of a 
large majority of the inhabitants, and therefore desiring that 
New town become the county seat, and that these buildings be 
erected there., 2 the Assembly, in consequence, passed an act, 
March 20, 1724, " to enable Jeremiah Langhorne, William 
Biles, Joseph Kirkbride, Thomas Watson, M.D., and Abra- 
ham Chapman, to build a new court-house and prison in 
Bucks County." Accordingly these were erected at the afore- 
said place. Bristol became the county seat in 1705 ; previously 
the courts had been held at the Falls. New town continued 
the seat of justice till 1812, a period of eighty-seven years. 

From the Penn Manuscripts we learn that before 1724 Mr. 
Langhorne had become a considerable landholder, he hav- 
ing purchased 2000 acres for 260, and again another tract 
of 5200 acres for 936. The latter we know was located in 
Bucks County, as we believe also was the former. 

During the whole colonial period, as well as several years 
after the Revolution, the elections for the whole county were 
always held at the seat of justice. To show the popularity 
of Mr. Langhorne, as well as the number of votes polled in 
Bucks for the respective years mentioned, the following elec- 

1 Hazard's Register Penna. vi. p. 224. 

2 Votes of Assembly, ii. p. 238. 


Jeremiah Langhorne. 

tion returns for Representatives of the Assembly may be 
interesting. The county was then entitled to eight mem- 
bers : 

Oct. 1, 1725. 

Jer. Langhorne, 323 

William Biles, 322 

Joseph Fell, 251 

Abraham Chapman, 205 

Christian Vanhorn, 203 

Matthew Hughes, 202 

Benjamin Jones, 199 

Thomas Watsou, 189 

Oct. 1, 1734. 

Jer. Langhorne, 334 

Jos. Kirkbride, 339 

William Biles, 276 

Abraham Chapman, 290 

Christian Vanhorn, 312 

Thomas Merriot, 279 

Andrew Hamilton, 308 

Lawrence Growdon, 266 

Oct. 1, 1730. 

Jer. Langhorne, 270 

Jos. Kirkbride, 3D4 

William Paxson, 288 

Abraham Chapman, 263 

Christian Vanhorn, 257 

Mathew Hughes, 221 

Andrew Hamilton, 229 

Thomas Canby, 151 

Oct. 1, 1739. 

Jer. Langhorne, 303 

Jos. Kirkbride, 297 

John Watson, 382 

Abraham Chapman, 239 

Mark Watson, 337 

Benjamin Field, 229 

Benjamin Jones, 189 

Thomas Cauby, 309 

The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania at this time consisted 
of David Lloyd as Chief Justice, and Richard Hill and 
Robert Assheton, Esquires, as Associates. Judge Assheton, 
in consequence of having received the office of Recorder of 
Philadelphia, sent in his resignation, when the Governor, 
Patrick Gordon, the 15th of September, 1726, " desired the 
Board to consider of a fitt Person to be appointed the third 
Judge in his stead, and Jeremiah Langhorne, Esquire, being 
named, the Board unanimously agreed that he should ac- 
cordingly be appointed and putt in the Commission." 1 It 
was thus that Mr. Langhorne became one of the Justices of 
the Provincial Supreme Court, and where he was to hold a 
seat for upwards of sixteen years until his death. 

The powers of the Provincial Courts are thus described by 
Gov. Patrick Gordon in a reply to the Commissioners for Trade 
and Plantations, dated March 15, 1730-1 : "Four times in 
the year Courts of Quarter Session are held in each county. 

1 Col Records, iii. p. 258. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 75 

There is likewise a court held twice every year in the said 
Province and Countys wch is styled the Supreme Court and 
by its constitution is a court for only matters of law removed 
thither from the inferior Courts by writs of error or certi- 
orari, but has no power of issuing original process. From 
the judgment of this Court there lies an appeal to his Majesty 
in Council. The Justices of this Court are three, who are 
likewise Justices of Oyer and Terminer and Gaol Delivery 
before whom all capital offences are tryed." 

The Assembly, the 10th of 9th month, 1726, 1 appointed 
Judge Langhorne and Joseph Kirkbride, Jr., to be "a com- 
mittee to revise those laws enacted since 1719 to the present 
time." On the 25th of 2d month, 1727, he is continued on 
that committee with Sir William Keith, and they were 
desired to " make their report to the House." 

The interest that Judge Langhorne took in various matters 
of public utility show him to have been a man of liberal 
spirit and enterprise. A company was formed in 1726, if 
not earlier, consisting of Jeremiah Langhorne, Anthony 
Morris, James Logan, Charles Eead, Robert Ellis, George 
Fitzwater, Clement Plurnstead, William Allen, Andrew 
Bradford, John Hopkins, Thomas Linley, and Joseph Turner, 
whose object was to erect iron-works at Durham, on the 
river Delaware, in Bucks County. They took up here, in the 
beginning of 1727, a tract of land containing 6000 acres, 2 
and abounding in excellent iron ore and limestone. This same 
year they commenced the erection here of extensive works 
for the manufacture of iron, which are still in operation. 
These were the first works of the kind established in the 

In 1729 he was reappointed one of the trustees of the 
" General Loan-Office of the Province of Pennsylvania." This 
office he held till the 20th of llth month, 1735-6, when we 
learn that he " moved the House, that in regard he is now 
advanced in years, and subject to frequent indispositions, 
he may be discharged from the office of Trustee of the 

1 Votes of Assembly, iii. p. 11. 

Bucks Co. Kec. Deed Book, F. 1, p. 218. 

76 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

General Loan Office." 1 The Assembly, it appears, at that 
time referred the matter for future consideration. Judge 
Langhorne was appointed by the House in 1732 one of a com- 
mittee of four to revise the Laws on Excise and Flour, and 
to bring in a bill for the more easy recovery of all debts 
under 10 contracted in the Province. On his appearance 
in the Assembly on the 20th of March, 1734-5, the House 
agreed to excuse his previous absence on account of his late 
sickness. However, in May, 1733, he was appointed to act 
as an additional commissary with five others, to fix the long- 
disputed boundary between Pennsylvania and Maryland. 

John Perm, one of the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, and 
a son of William Penn, arrived here in 1734, and after a brief 
stay concluded to return to England to oppose the preten- 
sions of Lord Baltimore. The House, in consequence, ap- 
pointed Judge Langhorne the 18th of September, 1735, one 
of a committee " to draw up an Address to the Hon. John 
Penn, Esq., now about to embark for Great Britain." 2 During 
his long career as a representative in the Assembly, he is often 
found on the most important committees, even to name which 
would require more space than we would wish to occupy. A 
treaty was held with the Indians by the Proprietaries of 
Pennsylvania at Pennsbury, the 9th of May, 1735, at which 
were present a considerable number of Indians. Judge 
Langhorne was there in his official capacity as a representa- 
tive of the Assembly. On this occasion, Lappawinzo and 
Teshakomen, whose portraits now adorn the Hall of the 
Historical Society, were the principal orators. 

A full and interesting letter was sent by Judge Langhorne 
to the Bishop of London, dated May 28, 1736. It appears 
to have been written chiefly in recommendation of Richard 
Peters to be assistant in the church of Philadelphia. In 
it he gives that gentleman's early history, and says : " his 
getting the position would confer a great obligation on me^ 
and would be acknowledged with gratitude." 3 From the 
same we learn that he had received a letter from the Bishop 
the previous 31st of July. 

1 Votes of Assembly, iii. p. 252. * Ibid., p. 243. 

8 Hist. Amer. Colonial Church, ii. p. 198. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 77 

To John Penn, the proprietary in England, the Judge ad- 
dressed a letter under date of May 20, 1737, the original 
being in the Penn MSS. It is written in his usual neaf and 
small hand, carefully punctuated. The following extracts 
are selected wherein he freely expresses his opinions : 

" I received yours of the 12th of March last wherein you 
acquaint me with your appointment of Col. Thomas for 
Governor of your Province. I have little knowledge of the 
man but from information of others. But I shalf tell you 
freely I should have liked it much better if any of your 
family could have thought proper to have qualified yourselves, 
and it is my opinion it would have been more acceptable to 
the people in general. I urn very sorry the dispute \ ou have 
with Lord Baltimore is not likely to be brought to v an issue. 
There has been great disputes among the inhabitants on the 
other side Susquehanna about the claims of Maryland. 
Which I doubt not you have had similar accounts of from 
other hands, otherwise I should have taken the freedom to 
have given you a relation of some of the facts that have 
happened since you left the country. Had Mr. Hamilton's 
advice been strictly pursued relating to the disputes with 
the province of Maryland, I am of opinion our province 
would have come off with more credit and reputation. I 
hope as you say in your letter that Col. Thomas will be so 
prudent as to discourage all factions and parties. For I 
think it is very plain to me that there are a set of people 
about Philadelphia that to the government under your family 
would much rather have it under the Crown. However, I 
hope it will always be in your power to disappoint such, who 
are really enemies to our happy Constitution. I have had 
my health generally well since you left the country, but old 
age is growing very fast upon me. It would be a great 
pleasure to me and I am persuaded to many more of your 
friends, that you would take the government upon yourself 
and come and settle amongst us if your affairs there would 
admit it. Sir, I return you hearty thanks for the Sermons 
and the Play. I question not from the general character I 
have had of Mr. Forster's Sermons, but that reading of them 
will give me great satisfaction and pleasure." 

James Logan having sent in his resignation,- Judge Lang- 
horne was commissioned August 9, 1739, in his place by the 
Governor and Council as Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court 
of Pennsylvania, and Dr. Thomas Graeme second, and Thomas 

78 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

Griffith third Justice. 1 As Dr. Grseme had been appointed 
to the bench as third Justice the 8th of April, 1731, it will 
be understood that from that date Judge Langhorne was 
second Justice to the time of his aforesaid appointment as 

It appears that for six or seven years before his death 
Judge Langhorne was subject to frequent indispositions, but 
not so much so but that he was able to attend to the duties 
of his several offices until within the last few months of his 
life. Respecting his infirmities, James Logan in a letter of 
March 1, 1741, to Thomas Penn, writes: "That worthy gentle- 
man Mr. Langhorne has never been out of his bed these four 
months, but in order to have the bed made, and I question 
whether he will ever go abroad again. His sores sometime 
mend and sometime grow worse, but he has now a constant 
pain in his feet that has quite enfeebled them and taken 
from him all manner of use of them." Again, on the fol- 
lowing 20th of November, William Peters writes to John 
Penn : "On my return from New York I paid Mr. Langhorne 
a visit and found him much indisposed ; I staid with him till 
the 20th of September. . . . As he is a sincere man and 
has a true respect for you and your brothers, always mention- 
ing you with a particular affection, I thought you would be 
glad to have an account of the state of his health." The 
Judge seems to have been aware of his condition, for in a 
letter to Mr. Peters in Philadelphia, dated " Langhorne Park, 
April 21st, 1742," he says, "considering my present circum- 
stances, it is not likely I shall ever sit in that Court again." 
He lingered on till Monday, October 11, 1742, 2 aged about 

1 Col Records, iv. p. 348. 

2 For this date we are indebted to the American Weekly Mercury of 
Thursday, Oct. 14, 1742, which contains the following brief notice : " On 
Monday last died the Honourable Jeremiah Langhorne, Esq., Chief Judge 
of this Province." In the Pennsylvania Gazette no mention of the death 
is found. These were then the only newspapers published in Pennsylvania 
in the English language ; deaths at this time being very rarely announced. 
His age we have arrived at from the Breviate of Penn against Baltimore, 
wherein the Judge in his testimony, given about 1737-8, says, tkat he was 
then 66 years of age and above 54 years in Pennsylvania. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 79 

71 years, when he breathed his last. His funeral was at- 
tended by a considerable number of persons, among whom 
were several from a distance. Amongst the latter was 
William Logan, 1 a distinguished merchant from Philadel- 

Judge Langhorne, being aware that his life could not con- 
tinue much longer, made his will on the 16th of May pre- 
vious, and appointed the Hon. Lawrence Growdon, 2 and 
Langhorne Biles, 3 Esq., of Bucks County, and Joseph Turner, 
merchant of Philadelphia, his executors. His will is quite 
lengthy ; 4 our present object is only to give a mere abstract. 
He gives his plantation called " Langhorne's Park," contain- 
ing eight hundred acres, to Thomas Biles, the eon of his 
nephew Thomas Biles, deceased. To his nieces, Sarah, the 
wife of Lawrence Growdon, and Hannah Janney, he gives 
1000 acres of land " lying near Perkassy," to be divided be- 
tween them. He gives 1000 acres adjoining the same to James 
and Andrew Hamilton, sons of his friend Andrew Hamilton. 
Gives to his kinsman Thomas Langhorne, now or late in the 
service of Lord Lonsdale, and to his kinsman William Jack- 
son, of London, woollen draper, and to their heirs, 500 acres 
on " Monockosy Creek," besides additional lands and money. 
To his sister Sarah, the wife of William Biles, deceased, an 
annuity of 50. He gives all his books to Lawrence Grow- 
don " except such part thereof as the said Thomas Biles 
chooses when he becomes of age." His " stallion riding horse" 
he gives to his friend William Allen, and his " other riding 
horse" to Joseph Turner with 100. His clemency to his 
slaves merits our especial commendation, and we regret omit- 

1 Votes of Assembly, iii. p. 582. 

2 "The highest judicial honours of the province were sustained with re- 
putation by the sons of Langhorne and Growdon." Extract from Peter 
McCall's Annual Discourse before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
Nov. 29, 1832. 

3 Biles probably was a relative. He was commissioned a Captain of a 
Company of Associators the 12th of Feb. 1747. He was also commissioned 
one of the Justices of the Peace for Bucks County the 9th of June, 1752. 

* Bucks Co. Records, Will Book, No. 2, p. 19-23. 

80 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

on this subject the numerous details for their particular 
benefit. He directs his servants Joe, Cudjo, and London, to 
remain on the premises, and Boson, Frank, Sarah, Nanny, 
Lydia, and Hannah, to hold land on lease, and gives the same 
so many horses, cows, sheep, and agricultural implements, 
besides household goods ; the remainder of his negro slaves 
" now under age, when twenty-four years old, to receive each 
10 and then be free." 

The following interesting description of the Langhorne 
Park estate appeared as an advertisement in the Pennsylvania 
Packet, a Philadelphia newspaper, of May 3, 1788 : 

" To be sold at private sale in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 
Langhorne Park with the Mansion-house and the other seve- 
ral messuages, barns, coach-houses, stables, and spring-house, 
with a good grist mill on a never failing stream of water, 
and a seat on another stream, with a fall of water, on which 
a capital grist mill may be erected to great advantage. It 
being in the vicinity of a fine wheat country, within three 
miles of navigation for shallops and flats ; being within six 
miles of the borough of Bristol, with 927 acres of excellent 
land, arable and meadow, abounding with several streams of 
water, and remarkable fine springs, rising in high land, from 
which at a small expence, near 100 acres of the best watered 
meadow may be made ; several hundred acres of woodland, 
abounding with the best timber. This estate was formerly 
the seat of Jeremiah Langhorne, Esquire, chief justice of 
Pennsylvania, now in good repair and ready to be delivered 
to the purchaser next spring. The mansion-house, kitchen, 
and out-offices suitable to accommodate a large and genteel 
family. This tract for health and good neighborhood is ex- 
ceeded by few, if any, the prospect delightful and capable of 
the first improvement, nineteen miles from the city of Phila- 
delphia and five from New town the county town and large 

f>od roads to and from it. The southern boundary is on 
eshaminy Creek, in which are plenty of fish of various 
sorts, for the angle or net, also wild fowl ; and it is not doubted 
will in a few years be navigable for bouts of burden, when 
some expected improvements are made. It being a prevail- 
ing sentiment, that the most elegant and commodious place 
for^the Federal City, will be about ten miles to the northeast 
of it ; and the great road from Boston and New York to the 
capital cities in the southern states, will go near, if not 
through it. There are several fine quarries of building and 


Jeremiah Langhorne. 81 

paving stones on said estate, and on the surface none to in- 
commode the plough. This was part of the real estate of 
the late Lawrence Growdon, Esquire, deceased, and devised 
by his last will to his two daughters, Elizabeth Nichleson 
and Grace Galloway. This estate to be sold in fee simple. 
For prices &c. apply to Abel James, merchant, or Clement 
Biddle, Esq. Notary Public, Philadelphia." 

The Langhorne Park estate, if we were rightly informed, 
was sold, with about four hundred acres, to a committee of 
the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends, for the purpose 
of establishing thereon a Friends' boarding and day school, 
but not liking it so well they afterwards purchased in 1794 
the property at Westtown, Chester County, for this purpose. 
It was then sold by the Meeting, at the Philadelphia Ex- 
change, to an Irishman by the name of Andrew Kennedy, 
who bought it at a very low price. 

In an article entitled " The Neshaminy," published in the 
Bucks Co. Intelligencer, August 21, 1860, the writer says, 
" sixty years ago, Langhorne's house, on the Middletown side 
of the creek was a stately mansion, and with the grounds 
adjacent bore evidence of its former grandeur. A part of 
the wall around the park, where Langhorne kept his deer, 
was then standing, extending along the old Milford road, 
from the mansion to the top of the hill. The old mill south 
of the house was then running, and was the oldest mill in 

It is not known when the mansion-house was built, but it 
is said that Mr. Kennedy made some repairs to it near the 
close of the last century. The Langhorne house undoubtedly 
ranked amongst the oldest in the county. On learning that 
it was still standing, with but little alteration, as it did in 
the days of its venerable proprietor the Chief Justice, in 
company with Dr. E. D. Buckman, of Bristol, I made it an 
object of especial visit the 9th of August, 1855, when some 
additional particulars were ascertained. The house is evi- 
dently ancient, and may have probably been built in the 
beginning of the last century if not earlier. It is a very 
substantial stone structure, the walls of which were from 
VOL. vii. 6 

82 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

one and a half to two feet in thickness. There was a 
large open winding staircase from the cellar to the garret, 
with heavy turned balustrades and a white-oak hand-rail, 
four inches square, with good yellow pine steps and floors. 
The mortar that had been used in plastering had been mixed 
with cut straw. A girder in the garret floor was eleven by 
fourteen inches, with others that had been hewn in propor- 
tion. It stands on an elevated situation on the south side of 
Langhorne's Hill, 1 on the main road leading from Bristol to 
New town. The country around is quite rolling, and from 
the house a fine prospect is obtained for a considerable dis- 
tance in an eastern and southern direction. The Neshaminy 
Creek approaches within half a mile. Paxson Blakey, the 
owner of the Langhorne mansion at the time of our visit, 
treated us kindly, and showed us whatever objects of interest 
the place possessed, and communicated freely such traditionary 
matter as he had acquired during his residence here. As he 
had informed us that he intended before long to demolish the 
ancient structure, I at once concluded to make a sketch of it, 
selecting a northwest view, showing the two wings of the 
building to the greatest advantage ; which was erected first 
it is now impossible to tell. We since learn that Mr. Blakey's 
words have come to pass. The Langhorne mansion no 
longer stands ; it was demolished in the spring and summer 
of 1857, to give way to a more modern structure erected 
about twenty feet to the north of its ancient site. 

We have inferred from the will of Judge Langhorne, that 
he may have possibly had on his plantation, at the time of 
his decease, between thirty and forty slaves. Mr. Blakey 
gave us a few additional particulars concerning them. A 
house was built for each family as directed in the will, and 
so many acres were allotted to each to cultivate, of which 
they were to have the free use as long as they lived. 
These houses were placed together by a small stream that had 
its source near by and flowed into the Neshaminy, and in 
consequence was called by the neighbors " Guinea Run." 

1 It has borne this name for considerably over a century and a half. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 83 

Rev. Joseph Mathias mentions 1 that, "when William 
Thomas, a Baptist preacher, first settled (some time before 
1737) in Hilltown Township, Bucks County, which neigh- 
borhood was then generally called Perkasie, he purchased 
here several hundred acres of land of Judge Langhorne, on 
which he removed, after having made a clearing and erected 
buildings. Shortly after this, while returning with his pack 
horses from Philadelphia where he had been to market, 
he called upon James Logan, living near Germantown, who 
was the owner of a large tract adjoining, to know his price 
for several hundred acres. Mr. Logan asked ' whether he 
was able to pay the price, provided he should make a pur- 
chase.' His reply was: fc My name is William Thomas; let me 
know the price of thy land ; if that will suit me, then I will 
refer thee to Mr. Langhorne for any particulars thee may 
wish to know concerning me.' The price was named, and 
he was invited to call again, which he did ; and was told 
that Langhorne had said l if thee don't pay for it I will.' " 

Joshua Francis Fisher, in his " Account of the early Poets 
and Poetry of Pennsylvania," 2 makes mention of an eccentric 
Englishman, by the name of William Satterthwaite, having 
settled in Bucks County, where he " resumed his old employ- 
ment [school teaching], but he was still persecuted by fortune, 
and his poverty was rendered even more bitter by the ill- 
temper of his wife. But he sustained his ills with equani- 
mity, and was in the end rewarded ; for, it was sai<l, he at last 
became in easy circumstances, and his old age was rendered 
comfortable by the generosity of a patron. This patron was 
Jeremiah Langhorne, a gentleman of excellent talents, and 
of a liberal mind, who was for many years distinguished in 
the provincial assembly, filled several of the highest offices, 
and succeeded James Logan as chief-justice. Several of 
Satterthwaite's poems have been transmitted to us ; one de- 
nominated ' Mysterious JSTothing' was written in 1738, at 

1 Historical sketch of the Hilltown Baptist Church, published in the 
Bucks Co. Intelligencer, June 5, 1849. 

2 Memoirs of the Hist. Society of Pcnna. ii, p. 75. 

84 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

the instance of several young ladies. It was, I believe, re- 
published some years afterwards, and with it was printed 
' An Elegy on the Death of Jeremiah Langhorne 7 and a 
poem on k Providence.' ' We here append the Elegy : 

Langhorne, the great, the good, the just, is dead, 
And with his life our blooming joys are fled. 
And what remains ? an awful gloomy scene, 
A weeping province, pious souls in pain. 
His bright example shows the best relief 
From seas of sorrow and insulting grief. 
See with what patience he serenely bore 
Legions of pains armed with their torturing power. 
Nor grave physicians, with their healing art. 
Could e'er dislodge them from the internal part ; 
Nor pious friends, with sympathizing care, 
Could mitigate their furious conduct there. 

Such was his goodness, and his greatness such ; 
His slaves were blessings and his negroes rich. 
A perfect friend, in bold sincerity 
With lords or peasants regularly free. 

He stood the patriot of the province, where 
Justice was nourished with celestial care. 
He taught the laws to know their just design ; 
Truth, justice, mercy, hand in hand to join ; 
Without regard to fear, or hopes, or gain, 
Or sly designs of base, corrupted men. 
Such were his constant actions ; by them he 
Did living write his own true elegy. 

Samuel Preston mentions that, in examining the old Dur- 
ham papers, he ascertained that Jeremiah Langhorne and 
Lawrence Growdon were the two principal proprietors of the 
Durham Iron Works, and that they had employed the afore- 
said Wm. Satterthwaite for several years at a regular salary 
to keep a free school there ; which probably was not only 
intended to diffuse education, but, as Mr. Preston remarks, 
" perhaps to encourage settlement in the neighborhood, and 
to support an eminently worthy man." 1 

The probability is that Judge Langhorne was never edu- 
cated for the bar, and that he was not a lawyer. This, how- 

1 Buck's History of Bucks County, p. 76. 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 85 

ever, is found to be the case with several others of our early 
justices. From his will we have inferred, as no other re- 
cords prove the contrary, that he must have remained un- 
married. As to his religious opinions a question arises. 
We have already mentioned that his father was a preacher 
amongst Friends, for the principles of whose society he had 
suffered persecution. His son, no doubt, was brought up in 
the principles of that sect. It certainly looks as if something 
had occasioned his estrangement. Perhaps some breach of 
discipline, the Keithian controversy, or the arguments of an 
advocate of military service, like his friend Capt. Langhorne 
Biles. Partly in evidence of this, the Historical Society 
have in their collections a petition to the king, praying that, 
in consequence of the opposition of the Friends to war, the 
province may *be placed in a much better state of defence, 
which is signed by Judge Langhorne as Chief- Justice, with 
about one hundred and twenty others. The paper bears no 
date, but was evidently gotten up between the years 1739 
and 1742. This was, no doubt, done at the time from an 
apprehension of trouble with the French and Indians. In 
an inquiry on this matter in 1856, an intelligent Friend has 
given us the following information : " I have not yet been 
able to learn that Jeremy Langhorne was a member of the 
Society of Friends at the time. of his death. The general 
impression with our oldest members is, that he was not, but 
I think it very probable that his remains were interred in 
our graveyard, but I have not been able to find any grave- 
stone, or other record of it." 

I have since received another letter, 1 from which the fol- 
lowing is an extract: "I have examined the Records of 
Births and Deaths back to 1726, but do not find any of the 
name. One of our books of Minutes of the Monthly Meet- 
ing, containing the proceedings of nearly forty years, is lost. 
Perhaps it may contain an account of his disownment. Some 
of our citizens have a distinct recollection of ' Old Will,' who 
was the last surviving slave manumitted by the Judge. ar>d 

1 From Isaac Eyre, 22d, llmo. 1857. 

86 Jeremiah Langhorne. 

who had a hut or cabin near where Andrew Flower's mill 
now stands, but I am not certain the date of his death or 
a;e, but it is supposed he was over one hundred years old. 
He was a great fiddler and would play for the others to dance. 
I know of no account of the Judge having been ever pub- 

In summing up the long and useful services of Judge 
Langhorne, we find that he was at least thirty-four years in 
the Assembly, over which body he presided twice as speaker. 
That he was clerk of the court, register and recorder of Bucks 
County for about thirty-eight years, a trustee of the Penn- 
sylvania Loan Office thirteen years, and a justice of the 
county courts for many years. In the Supreme Court he was 
a judge for sixteen years, of which he was upwards of three 
years Chief-Justice. His life was not passed without afford- 
ing a lesson. He arose to eminence by degrees, and must 
have been a man of remarkable perseverance. His industry 
is exhibited in the management and the improvement of a 
large plantation, in the number of laborious offices he held 
at the same time, and the interest he took in enterprises of a 
public or private nature. It appears that during his long and 
active life such was his prudence that whatever he undertook 
was accomplished and proved itself successful. Our pages 
show that he died in comfortable circumstances, but they 
likewise show by the testimonies of others that he was charit- 
able and humane. His method of emancipating his slaves, 
when emancipation was as little known as it was practised, 
proved itself no chimera. Living in an age when dissensions 
were rife and party spirit high, not a word has been found 
impeaching in the least degree the integrity and purposes of 
Jeremiah Langhorne. His popularity never waned, for he 
enjoyed the high confidence of his constituents to the last. 
His life viewed both in its public and private capacity is so 
satisfactory that we doubt whether among all his contempo- 
raries in the province we can find such another example. 
" Honest Mr. Langhorne" is what John Penn calls him in a 
letter to Andrew Hamilton, dated February 7, 1738, but a 
few years before his death. Among later honors we may 

Jeremiah Langhorne. 


add that, on the completion of a branch of the North Penn- 
sylvania Railroad to New York in May, 1876, a station was 
named Langhorne, within a few hundred yards of the site 
of the old mansion ; upon which by a popular vote the name 
of the neighboring incorporated town of Attleborough was 
changed to the same, a more fitting memorial to the virtues 
of the philanthropic Judge than any other monument could 
possibly be. Thus we close the first biographical notice that 
has appeared respecting him, the result of materials many 
years collecting. 1 

1 [For the use of the wood-cut of the residence of Jeremiah Langhorne, 
vre are indebted to Gen. W. W. H. Davis, author of the History of Bucks 
County, Pa., in which work it appeared. ED.] 

88 Augustine Herman and John Thompson. 



The accurate and interesting history of the " Descendants 
of Joran Kyn " has, in a preceding volume of the MAGAZINE 
(iv. pp. 100 et seq.), alluded to a person who, in eminent dis- 
tinction, is closely associated with the early history of New 
Motherland and of Maryland. This is Augustine Herman, 
the first Lord of Bohemia Manor. He was born in Prague, 
and had by nature an adventurous spirit that led him at an 
early age to seek his fortunes in our new world, first in the 
West Indies, then in New Amsterdam, and at last in Mary- 
land. With the climate and soil of the latter he was so 
greatly pleased that he resolved to live there. But before 
this decision had been made, and as early as the year 1633, 
he had been employed by the West India Company, and in 
its service had made voyages to Holland and elsewhere. 
Afterwards he was engaged in commercial enterprises, not 
always of a peaceful character, for he is mentioned as having 
been engaged in privateering, to which, in that day, no 
odium attached. He was a prominent man in New Amster- 
dam, and the Dutch there rated his abilities of a high order. 
At one time Governor Stuyvesant sent him as the bearer of 
dispatches to the authorities in Boston. In April, 1652, he 
was sent as ambassador to Rhode Island, 1 and in 1659 he 
presented himself in the same capacity to Lord Baltimore in 
the province of Maryland. Before leaving New Amsterdam, 
December 10, 1651, Herman married Jannetje (Jane) Var- 
leth, by whom he had two sons, and three daughters, viz., 
Ephraim George, who became the second Lord of Bohemia 
Manor; Casparus, who succeeded his brother in the title 
and estates ; Anna Margaretha, who married Matthias Yan- 

1 N. F. Gen. and Biog. Record, vol. ix. p. 60. 

Augustine Herman and John Thompson. 89 

derheyden ; Judith, who married John Thompson ; and 
Francina, who married a Mr. Wood. 1 

With his preference for Maryland, and with a view to a 
residence there, Herman proposed to Lord Baltimore to make 
a map of the provinces of Maryland and Virginia. This he 
did, and in return for the valuable service Lord Baltimore 
bestowed upon him extensive tracts of land situated partly 
in what is now Cecil County, Maryland, and partly in New 
Castle County, Delaware. In the British Museum there is a 
copy of the map. " This was a work of some magnitude, 
and cost him no less than the value of about two hundred 
pounds sterling, besides his own labor. It also required 
much time, and was not finished until the expiration of somo 
years after he had received his first patent, which was dated 
June 19, 1662, which was the year after he removed his family 
from New Amsterdam to Bohemia Manor." 2 It also contains 
his portrait. 

The patents of Lord Baltimore to Herman were liberal, 
for besides " Bohemia Manor" there was granted him " Little 
Bohemia" designed for his second son Casparus, to which was 
added in 1671 " St. Augustine's Manor," and in 1682 " The 
Bohemia Sisters," so called because intended for, and by him 
devised to, his three daughters. The title of " Lord" was 
conferred on Herman by the proprietor, together with all the 
rights and privileges incident to a manor, such as holding 
court baron and court leet. 

These manors were to be hoi den (the grant says) of 
" Cecil ius, Lord Baron of Baltimore, and of his heirs, as of 
his manor of St. Maries, in free and common socage, by fealty 
.only for all manner of service, yielding and paying therefor 
yearly unto us and our heirs, at our receipt at St. Maries, at 
the two most usual feasts in the year, viz., at the feast of the 
Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and at the feast 
of St. Michael, the Archangel, by even and equal portions, 
the rent of four pounds sterling, in silver or gold, or the full 

1 Johnston's Hist, of Cecil County, Maryland, page 108. 
* Ibid. p. 38. 

90 Augustine Herman and John Thompson. 

value thereof in such commodities as we or our heirs shall 
accept in discharge thereof." 1 

Herman erected on the Bohemia River (so named by him 
after his native land) a large manor house commensurate with 
his rank and great landed possessions, and there he resided, 
surrounded by his family and servants, whom he had trans- 
ported from New Amsterdam at " great expense." 

Mr. Lednum says of him, " Herman was the great man of 
the region : he had his deer park, the walls of which are 
still (1859) standing ; he rode in his coach driven by liveried 
servants ; his mansion commanded a fine view of the Bohemia 
River to the Chesapeake Bay." 2 The same authority states 
that this mansion was destroyed by fire in 1815, and with it 
" many old and valuable paintings. One of its large halls 
w r as lined with them. Many of them had belonged to 
Augustine Herman the founder of Bohemia Manor. His 
likeness and that of his lady perished ; also the painting 
representing the flight from the Dutch in New York by 
means of his famous war charger." Tradition says the 
Dutch at one time had Herman a prisoner " under sentence 
of death," presumably owing to his opposition to the tyran- 
nical Governor Stuy vesant. He, feigning insanity, requested 
" that his horse should be brought to him in the prison. 
Herman mounted him, and seemed to be performing military 
exercises, when, on the first opportunity, he bolted, with his 
horse, through one of the large windows, leaped down, swam 
the North River and escaped. He never suffered this horse 
to be used afterwards, and when he died had him buried and 
honored his grave with a tombstone." 3 

On the 9th day of August, 1684, he invested his eldest son 
Ephraim George with the right and title to Bohemia Manor. 
The consideration mentioned is: "Five thousand pounds of 
good, sound, and merchantable tobacco and casks, and also 
six barrels of good beer or strong beers, one anchor of rum 
or brandy, one anchor of spirits, two anchors or twenty gal- 
lons of good wine, and one hogshead of the best cider out of 

1 Johnston's History of Cecil County, Maryland, p. 39. 

2 Methodism in America, p. 277. 3 Ibid. 

Augustine Herman and John Thompson. 91 

the orchard, and one cwt. of good Muscavado sugar for my 
particular private spending ; and lastly, if I should resolve 
to remove with my abode to any other place in the country 
from off the manor, then he, my said son, is ohliged to pay 
towards my said hoard the sum of 2000 pounds of tobacco 
and casks ; and if I should happen to go to JSTew York, then 
my son is to furnish me with 25 in money." 1 

In the year 1684 Herman made his will, naming as executors 
his two sons, and his son-in-law John Thompson, whose arms 
face this page. Miss Caroline Thompson, of Chestertown, 
Maryland, a descendant in the fifth degree of the said John 
Thompson and his wife Judith Herman, and now in her 
ninety-seventh year, has allowed her great-nephew John 
Thompson Spencer 2 to present in her behalf to the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania a fragment (the upper half of the 
first leaf) of this document, which is as follows: 

In the name and will of God the holy Trinity, Amen. 

I Augustine Harman Bohemian doe herewith declare that 
this present writing is and shall be my last Will and Testa- 
ment namely, that rny monument stone with Engraven letters 
of me the first Author of Bohemia Mannor, Anno 1660, shall 
be erected over rny sepulcher, which is to be in my vineyard 
upon my Mannor plantation upon Bohemia Mannor in Mary- 
land, and that my son Ephraim with my second son Casparus, 
and my son in law Jno. Tomson shall be my Executors equally 
impowred, for the intent and purpose of the Intayhnents 
hereunder named, to be truly inspected, and first having 
covenanted with my son Ephraim, by a deed in writing bear- 

1 Johnston's Cecil County, p. 104. 

2 Formerly of Maryland. The Land Eecords of that State show large 
grants of land to the Spencers in 1720, and in earlier years. They are of 
the well-known family of that name long seated in Warwick and North- 
amption counties, England. Mr. Spencer's maternal ancestors, the Ring- 
golds, were among the earliest settlers on Kent Island. In the year 1650 
Thomas Ringgold, and others, were deputed to go to St. Mary's with a 
petition to the guvernor and council. Thomas Ringgold, fifth in descent 
from him, was a delegate from Maryland to the General Congress held in 
New York in 1765, and a member of the Maryland Convention of 1776, 
besides performing other and patriotic services. (See Scharf's History of 
Maryland, vol. i. pp. 212, 537-540, and 552, and McSherry's History of 
Maryland, p. 155.) 

92 Augustine Herman and John Thompson. 

ing date the 25th of March and confirmed the ninth of 
August this present year, entred upon Cicill County Record 
for ray Bohemia Manner (as the same is granted to me by 
Cecilius the first absolute Lord and proprietor, as by the 
patten t of augmentation [for geograpliing the publick Mapp 
of Virginia and Maryland, by his Majesties peculiar licence 
and authority printed] afterward confirmed by his succeed- 
ing Son, Charles the Second absolute Lord and proprietary 
intrat. in recordo Liber C. B. No. 3, folio 38 in Maryland is 
more at large appearing) with that provisoe that due respects 
shall be had to the Intaylments and that noe land by him, 
nor any of his heirs, or other successours shall within the 
bounds of the said pattent absolutely be sold and forever be 
alienated, that what I have my selfe irifeoffed to Peter 
Sluyter alias Yoursman, Jasper Dankerts alias Seuler, Peter 
Bayard, John Moll, and Arnold Legrange & Company as 
suitors and freeholders to Bohemia Manner, under such rents 
and services 

[Opposite side.] 

And furthermore I doe hereby in like manner, give, be- 
queath and devise unto my aforenamed Son Casparus, and to 
his lyneal posterity legally discending from his body, as a 
peculiar inheritance (not to be sold but leased as abovesaid) 
my Bohemia River middle neck, called little Bohemia, anext 
to the gratuity for Geograpliing the publick Mapp aforesaid, 
as it is confirmed to me by the right Honble Lord and pro- 
prietary Charles abovesaid intrat in Recordo Liber C. B. No. 
13, folio 40, to have and to hold the same, with all the ap- 
pertinances and appendencies and perquisite, whatsoever 
enduring his natural! life, and afterward to be holden suc- 
cessively by his male heirs, females happening between to 
return afterwards to the right male heir again, but by extinct 
of either of them to discend, and be it entayled to the law- 
full heirs and posteritys of my three daughters Anna Mar- 
garita, Judith, and Francina above named passing from one 
line to the other as is expressed and specifyed here before 
with Bohemia Manner. 

Item. I doe hereby further and moreover, give, bequeath and 
devise unto my said three daughters Anna Margarita, Judith 
and Francina, and to their legall heirs and posteritys, from 
their bodys lawfully begotten, three tracts of land, lying on 
the North side of Bohemia back River some time called Back 
Creek, confirmed to me by the right Honble Lord & pro- 
prietor Charles above named, in one pattent called the Three 
Bohemia Sisters, formerly called Misfortune, by Speciall Re- 

Augustine Herman and John Thompson. 93 

survey containing the quantity of four thousand one hundred 
Acres, as further appears by his said Lordships grant intrat. 
in Recordo Li her 0. B. ISTo. , folio . To have and to 
hold the same as their own peculiar inheritances, by the fol- 
lowing partition, namely, to Anna Margarita her heirs and 

[Rest of sheet and writing missing.] 

Augustine Herman died in the year 1686. His " monu- 
mental stone," although broken, is still to be seen on his 
manor, with the following inscription : - 





ANNO 1661. 

94 Descendants of Joran Kyn Sarah Yeates. 



(Continued from Vol. VI., page 457.) 

149. SARAH YEATES S , daughter of John and Elizabeth (Sid- 
botham) Yeates, was born April 2, 1731. She married (Reg- 
ister of Christ Church, Philadelphia), February 20, 1749-50, 
John Ewing, born August 27, 1727. Mr. Ewing died Novem- 
ber 11, 1754, and was buried in Christ Church Ground. Mrs. 
Ewing afterwards removed to Lancaster, Pa., where she died 
October 3, 1823. The following obituary notice of her 
appeared in the Lancaster Express: "Died at Lancaster, on 
Thursday last, Sarah Ewing, sister of the late Judge Yeates, 
arid mother-in-law of the late General Edward Hand, aged 
92 years and 6 months." Mr. and Mrs. Ewing had three 

372. CATHARINE, b. in Philadelphia, Pa., March 25, 1751. She was m. in 
Lancaster, Pa., March 13, 1775,* to Edward Hand, M.D., a native of 
Clyduff, Kings County, Province of Leinster, Ireland, b. December 
31, 1744, who had come to America in 1767 as surgeon's mate of the 
18th (Royal Irish) Regiment, sailing from the cove of Cork, May 20, 
and arriving at Philadelphia July 11. Doctor Hand was appointed 
ensign in 1772, and accompanied his regiment to Fort Pitt, returning 
to Philadelphia in 1774, when he resigned his commission and was 
regularly discharged from the service. In the same year he went 
to Lancaster, Pa., with the intention of practising his profession in 
that place. At the beginning of the American Revolution Doctor 
Hand gave his allegiance to the colonies, and was commissioned 
June 25, 1775, Lieutenant-Colonel of Colonel William Thompson's 

* A letter (in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania) from 
Richard Peters, Jr., to her uncle Jasper Yeates, dated " Philada., 1st March, 
1775," says, "Be so good as to make my Compliments to Mrs. Yeates, Mrs. 
Ewing, and your Niece, whom I cant mention by Name as I am not certain 
what her name will be when you receive this." 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Catharine Ewing. 95 

Battalion of Riflemen, consisting of nine companies of men enlisted 
in the counties of Cumberland, York, Lancaster, Northumberland 
Bedford, Berks, and Northampton, in Pennsylvania, afterwards 
designated as the Second Regiment (and after January 1 177 6 the 
First Regiment) of the Army of the United Colonies. Lieutenant 
Colonel Hand accompanied Colonel Thompson and the battalion 
to Boston, where they arrived August 17, 1775, and participated 
ie siege of that city during the following autumn and winter 
In Thacher's Military Journal of the Revolution, under date of 
August, 1775, these troops are spoken of as remarkably stout and 
hardy men, many of them exceeding six feet in height," and as 
"remarkable for the accuracy of their aim. At a review, a com- 
pany of them, while on a quick advance, fired their balls into objects 
of seven inch diameter, at a distance of two hundred and fifty yards. 
Their shot have frequently proved fatal to British officers and 
They formed the picket guard of the two thousand pro- 
vincial troops, who, on the evening of the 26th of August, took 
possession of, and threw up intrenchments on Ploughed Hill! On 
the morning of the 27th they met with their first loss, the death of 
a private, the first Pennsylvania soldier who fell in the War of the 
Revolution. Among other noteworthy actions in which Hand and 
his men engaged at this period was the skirmish at Lechmere's 
Point. November 9, for their alacrity in which Colonel Thompson 
and his battalion were publicly thanked by General Washington in 
general orders dated the next day. The British had landed under 
cover of a fire from their batteries on Bunker, Breed's, and Copp's 
Hills, as well as from a frigate which lay three hundred yards off 
the point, which at high tide was an island. The regiment marched 
instantly, and, though the day was very stormy, regarded not the 
tide, nor waited for boats, but took to the water, although up to 
their armpits, for a quarter of a mile, and, notwithstanding the 
regulars' fire, reached the island, and, although the enemy were 
lodged behind the walls and under cover, drove them to their 
boats.* March 7, 1776, Hand was appointed Colonel of the regi- 

* Concerning this affair, see The Pennsylvania Evening Post of that date, 
and The Letters of Mrs. Adams, wife of John Adams, p. 61. An amusing 
letter on the subject from Lieutenant-Colonel Hand to his wife is printed in 
Penna. Archives, Second Series, vol. x., with other letters and information 
about the Battalion of Riflemen. Hand describes the standard of his regi- 
ment, March 8, 1776, " to be a deep green ground, the device, a tiger, partly 
inclosed by toils, attempting the pass, defended by a hunter, armed with a 
spear (in white), on crimson field. The motto, Domari JVolo." It is now 
in the possession of the State of Pennsylvania. A representation of it is 
given as the frontispiece to the volume of Penna. Archives referred to. 

96 Descendants of Joran KynGen. Edward Hand, M.D. 

merit, which he had commanded since the 2d of February, and, with 
his men, left Cambridge, March 15, to join General Sullivan in 
New York. He was moved to Long Island early in April, and 
was stationed at New Utrecht, which remained the head-quarters 
of the regiment during May and June. On the 15th of April 
Congress resolved to recruit and re-enlist this battalion, and the 
independent rifle companies attached to it, for the term of two 
years, unless sooner discharged. Before General Washington was 
aware of this, he had written, April 22, to the President of Con- 
gress : " The time for which the riflemen enlisted will expire on the 
1st of July next, and, as the loss of such a valuable and brave body 
of men will be of great injury to the service, I would submit it to 
the consideration of Congress whether it would not be best to adopt 
some method to induce them to continue. They are, indeed, a very 
useful corps ; but I need not mention this, as their importance is 
already well known to the Congress." On the 24th of 'April it 
was the First Regiment of the Third (General Sullivan's) Brigade ; 
and July 1 it entered upon another term of duty, as the First 
Eegiment of the Pennsylvania Line in the Continental service, 
enlisted, at first, for two years, but afterwards, in October, for the 
War. It picketed the shores of Long Island until August, when 
it was moved to Delancey's Mills. Colonel Hand took part, with 
his regiment, in the Battle of Long Island, and successfully pro- 
tected the retreat of the American army, in association with Colonel 
Magaw, Colonel Shee (with whom was Lieutenant-Colonel Lambert 
Cadwalader, as elsewhere stated), and Colonel Haslet (with whom 
was Captain John Patten, a descendant of Joran Kyn hereafter 
mentioned). The Lieutenant-Colonel, James Chambers, thus speaks 
of this affair: "Never was a greater feat of generalship shown 
than in this retreat to bring off an army of twelve thousand men, 
within sight of a strong enemy, possessed of as strong a fleet as 
ever floated on our seas, without any, loss, and saving all the bag- 
gage." Colonel Hand took part in the Battles of White Plains, 
Trenton, and Princeton.* At the last of these conflicts, says 
General Wilkinson, "at the time General Mercer engaged the 17th 
Regiment, Colonel Hand endeavoured, by a rapid movement, to 
turn the enemy's left flank, and had nearly succeeded, when they 
fled in disorder . . . the riflemen were therefore the first in the 
pursuit, and in fact took the greatest part of the prisoners ; they 
were accompanied by General Washington in person, with a squad of 

* For details of Colonel Hand's part in these engagements, see, particu- 
larly, "The Campaign of 1776 around New York and Brooklyn," by Henry 
P. Johnston, in Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society, vol. iii., 
and Memoirs of my own Times, by General James Wilkinson. 

Descendants of Joran KynGen. Edward Hand, M.D. 97 

the Philadelphia Troop."* He continued to command his regiment 
until April 1, 1777, when he was promoted to be Brigadier-General. 
Soon afterwards General Hand was sent to Western Pennsylvania 
to call the militia together; and he wrote a letterf to Thomas 
Wharton, President of the Supreme Executive Council of the 
Commonwealth, from Fort Pitt, July 24, which was laid before 
Congress, resulting in the adoption of a resolution by that body, 
August 16, desiring the Council to give the General "such assist- 
ance from the militia of the counties of Westmoreland, Northum- 
berland, and Bedford," as he might " think necessary" to carry the 
war into the Indian country. In the performance of these duties a 
new fort was erected during the summer or autumn, named " Fort 
Hand," situated in Westmoreland County, about fourteen miles 
north of Hanna's Town, near the junction of Loyalhannon and 
Conemaugh.J May 2, 1778, "agreeably to his request," Congress 
resolved to recall Hand from his command at Pittsburgh. Before 
his departure the General had a friendly conference with the Indians 
at Fort Pitt, June 17. In October he succeeded General Stark in 
the command at Albany. In the spring of 1779 Hand was ordered 
to take part in General Sullivan's campaign against the Iroquois, 
in which, although the youngest of the Brigadier-Generals engaged, 
he held the most important position after that of the commander- 
in-chief, the knowledge of the country and modes of warfare of the 
Indians acquired by him at Pittsburgh being of the greatest value 
in the expedition. He commanded a Brigade of Light Troops in 
the centre or main division of the army, composed of the Eleventh 
Pennsylvania Regiment, the German Regiment, Captain Spald- 
ing's Independent Wyoming Company, The Wyoming Militia, and 
Schott's Rifle Corps. General Hand reported himself to Joseph 
Reed, President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsyl- 
vania, April 16, as arrived at Lancaster, on his way to Wyoming, 
where his division of the troops was to rendezvous, and on the last 
day of July broke camp at the latter place and began the forward 
march, his men occupying the post of honour, the front of the 
column, about a mile in advance of the rest. The campaign 

* The occasion referred to in the account of John Donnaldson (PENNA. 
MAO., vol. iv. p. 345). 

t This and numerous other letters of General Hand are printed in the 
Pennsylvania Archives, further references to him occurring in the Colonial 

I Concerning " Fort Hand," see Penna. Archives, vol. xii. p. 371. The 
earliest mention of the fort, which I have met with, occurs in a letter from 
Archibald Lochry to Thomas Wharton, President of the Executive Council, 
dated "Westmoreland, y e 6th Decem r , 1777," in Penna. Archives, vol. vi. 
pp. 68 and 69. 

VOL. VII. 7 

98 Descendants of Joran Kyn Gen. Edward Hand, M.D. 

occupied two months, the army reaching Easton, on its return, on 
the 15th of October. Officers and men were complimented by 
Congress with a vote of thanks, and Washington expressed his 
satisfaction with the management and the results of the expedi- 
tion.* General Hand afterwards joined Washington, and encamped 
at Morristown, N. J., during the winter. On the formation of the 
light infantry corps of the army, in August, 1780, he was given the 
command of one of the two brigades of which that body was com- 
posed. He was one of the fourteen generals who constituted the 
tribunal that tried and convicted Major Andre". January 8, 1781, 
he was appointed Adjutant-General of the Army of the United 
States. He was present at the siege of Yorktown, and returned 
with the troops to Philadelphia. September 30, 1783, he was 
commissioned Major-General of the Pennsylvania Line. Upon the 
close of the war he resumed the practice of medicine in Lancaster. 
He was a Delegate from Pennsylvania to the Continental Congress 
in 1784 and 1785, a Member of the Assembly of Pennsylvania in 
178o, and an Elector for the same State "for choosing a President 
and Vice-President of the United States" in 1789. He was a 
Member of the Convention which framed the Constitution of Penn- 
sylvania in 1790. He was appointed by President Washington, 
March 21, 1791, Inspector of the Revenue for Survey No. 3 in the 
District of Pennsylvania, and retained the office till the end of his 
life. In 1798, when Washington accepted the command of the 
army raised in anticipation of a war with France, Hand was re- 
commended by him for appointment as Adjutant-General. General 
Hand was an original Member of the Society of the Cincinnati, 
being one of the committee which revised the proposals for estab- 
lishing that body, adopted at a subsequent meeting of the Society. 
He was elected President of the State Society of Pennsylvania in 
1799. In politics General Hand was a Federalist. "As a citizen 
he was highly esteemed, and as a physician greatly sought after and 
beloved." " He was known as a lover of fine horses and an excellent 
horseman." He d. at his farm of Rockford, Lancaster Co., Pa., 
September 3, 1802. He is bur. in St. James's (Protestant Episco- 
pal) Churchyard, at Lancaster, under an obelisk with the inscrip- 
tion : " Edward Hand, M.D. A General Officer of the Revolution. 
The Friend and Companion in Arms of Washington. . . . His 
public services are part of his country's history."! Mrs. Hand d. 

* On this subject, see Tl\e Centennial Celebration of General Sullivan's 
Campaign against the Iroquois in 1779, published under the auspices ol 
the Waterloo Library and Historical Society. 

t A portrait of General Hand, painted from a small picture by Eichholtz, 
is in the possession of his granddaughter, Mrs. S. B. Rogers, of Lancaster, 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Major Jasper Ewing. 99 

at Rockford, June 21, 1805, and is bur. with her husband. They 
left issue. 

373. JASPER, b. July 15, 1753. He studied law (probably with his uncle, 
Jasper Yeates), and became an attorney, but, on the breaking out 
of the American Revolution, entered on a military career, at first 
as Second Lieutenant, and afterwards, in August, 1776, as Adju- 
tant of his brother-in-law, Colonel Hand's Regiment, retaining the 
latter position until April, 1777.* When Hand was promoted 
Brigadier-General, and appointed to the command of the Western 
Department, Ewing went with him to Fort Pitt as Brigade-Major. 
In a letterf addressed by Major Ewing to Jasper Yeates, dated 
"Fort Pitt, June 3d, 1777," the writer says: "On Saturday last 
we arrived here not a little fatigued with the Journey. But, not- 
withstanding the Badness of the roads and still worse accommoda- 
tions, 1 think myself amply Compensated for all my Fatigues by 
being stationed at this delightful Place." Ewing remained with 
General Hand, in the same capacity, until the recall of the latter 
in 1778. In 1789, Ewing resided in Northumberland County, Pa., 
and July 29, of that year, he was elected to succeed Lawrence 
Keene,t deceased, as Prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas, 
Clerk of the Court of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace and 
Jail Delivery, and Clerk of the Orphans' Court for that county. 
The same day he was appointed a Justice of the Court of Common 
Pleas for the same county. He d., it is believed, unm. at Sunbury, 
Pa., September 25, 1800. In his will, recorded at Sunbury, he 
bequeathed his " fees" to his mother and nephews, John and Jesse 
(Jasper) Hand, and to the latter his " two guns ;" his " library of 

Pa. An engraving of it appears in Johnston's Campaign of 1776, and in 
Penna. Archives, Second Series, vol. x. Valuable MSS. of the General are 
owned by Mrs. Rogers, who has very courteously supplied me with some 
facts concerning her grandfather and other members of the family. Other 
MHS. are in the office of the Secretary of War, at Washington, and in the 
Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. A notice of General 
Hand is given in Alexander Harris's Biographical History of Lancaster 

* A letter written by him to his uncle, Jasper Yeates, dated New York, 
August 30, 1776, mentioning his safe arrival there with Colonel Hand's 
Regiment from Boston, is printed among " Documents" (No. 14) appended to 
Johnston's Campaign of 1776, before cited, and in Penna. Archives, Second 
Series, vol. x. pp. 309-10. 

f This, with other letters of his written at the same period, is in the posses- 
sion of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

J It may be proper to note that, notwithstanding the similarity of name, 
this gentleman was not descended from the founder of Upland. 

100 Descendants of Joran KynJohn Ewing. 

books" and " fishing tackle" to his " four nieces, the daughters of 
General Edward Hand;" his "gold watch" to his niece, Sarah 
Hand; other personal effects to General and Mrs. Hand; and his 
"old walking cane" to his " friend Charles Hall," whom, with John 
Boyd, he nominated his executor. 

374. JOHN, b. June 22, 1755. He resided in Lancaster, Pa., where he fol- 
lowed the trade of jeweller. He paid a visit to his brother, Jasper 
Ewing, and his brother-in-law, Colonel Hand, on Long Island, and 
witnessed " everything that occurred from the time the enemy 
landed on the Island until a day or two before we retreated from 
thence" a b.rief account of which events were given by him in a 
letter written to his uncle, Jasper Yeates, from Lancaster, Septem- 
ber 14, 1776, accompanied by an original " Draught of the Engage- 
ment,"* March 17, 1793, he wrote a letterf to his brother-in-law, 
General Hand, then Inspector of the Revenue, from " Donegall," 
complaining of his treatment by a " distiller in Donegall Township 
at the Conewaga Creek," whose stills he attempted to measure, 
from which it appears that he was engaged in such service for the 
Government. Mr. Ewing m. Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas and 
Margaret Keen, said to have been born in Wilmington, Delaware 
(not identified as a descendant of Joran Kyn). He d. at Lancas- 
ter, February 14, 1799. Mrs. Ewing survived her husband, and 
afterwards m. Jonathan Hillborn, of Limerick Township, Mont- 
gomery Co., Pa. Mr. and Mrs. Ewing left issue.J 

* Both the letter and "Draught" appear in "Documents" (No. 1.5) ap- 
pended to Johnston's Campaign of 1776. The letter is also printed in 
Penna. Archives, Second Series, vol. x. pp. 310-11, where it is incorrectly 
attributed to Major (Jasper) Ewing. A MS. letter of Edward Shippen to 
Jasper Yeates, dated " Lancaster, 13th September, 1776" (in the Library of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania), says : " Jacky Ewing's now at our 
Tea Table, is hearty and well, and left his brothers, Jesse and the Doctor, 
in the Same happy Situation at the Camp." Mrs. Yeates, in a letter to her 
husband, dated " Lancaster, September 14th, 1776" (also belonging to the 
Historical Society), writes differently: "I have the Pleasure to acquaint 
you that Jacky Ewing is returned ; he looks very thin." According to 
Ewing's own letter he had been sick. 

t In the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

J For some of my information concerning Mr. and Mrs. Ewing I am 
indebted to their great-grandson, Ewing Jordan, M.D. 

(To be continued.) 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 101 

BURIALS, 1709-1760. 

(Continued from Vol. VI., page 480.) 

Oct. 8, 1741. Smith, Elizabeth, dau. of James. 

April 25, 1742. " Thomas. Strangers' Ground. 

June 10, 1744. " William. 

Aug. 22, 1744. " Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas. 

Oct. 3, 1745. Samuel, son of Thomas. 

Aug. 14, 1746.* " Lucretia, dau. of Abel. 

Nov. 10, 1746. " Anne, dau. of John. 

July 1,1747. " wife of Samuel, at 


Aug. 20, 1747. " William, son of John. 

Oct. 4, 1747. " Anne, dau. of Thomas. 

Oct. 6, 1747. Thomas. 

Dec. 1, 1749. Mary, wife of James. 

Dec. 1, 1749. " Joseph, son of James. 

July 30,1750. Anne, dau. of William. 

Sept. 13, 1750. " Hugh. 

Mar. 26, 1753. " George. 

Nov. 22, 1755. " Rebecca, wife of William. 

Oct. 28,1756. " Charles. 

Nov. 12, 1756. " William. 

Nov. 13, 1756. " Jeptha. 

Oct. 4, 1757. " wife of William. 

Mar. 8, 1758. " Amelia, wife of John. 

April 16, 1758. " John, son of Jeptha. 

Feb. 4, 1759. " wife of Thomas. 

Mar. 10, 1759. Jeptha, 

July 18, 1744. Smithers, John. 

Sept. 25, 1711. Smout, Edward. [Jane. 

Oct. 4,1711. " Ellton, son of Edward and 

Sept. 10, 1715. " Edward, son of ^Edward and 


May 8, 1716. " Silvanus, son of Edward and 


Aug. 3, 1717. " Elton, son of Sylvantis and 



Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Sept. 18, 1727. Snead, 



Dec. 9, 1725. 
Dec. 7, 1727. 
July 16,1738. 
April 21, 1740. 
Sept. 15, 1757. 
Aug. 6, 1726. Souder, 

Feb. 11,1730-1. " 

Sept. 6, 1742. 

Dec. 14,1744. 

Mar. 22,1744-5. " 

May 29,1745. 

Aug. 17, 1746. 

Dec. 20, 1726. South, 

Nov. 25, 1725. Spafford, 

May 13,1749. 
May 20,1754. 
Mar. 5, 1754. 
Sept. 2?, 1741. 
Oct. 7, 1746. 
Aug. 18, 1730. 
Jan. 15, 1736-7 
Sept. 12, 1738. 
Sept. 29, 1740. 
Aug. 12, 1741. 
Aug. 7, 1750. 
Feb. 26,17.56. 
Dec. 1, 1720. 






Nov. 22, 1723. 


Feb. 1, 1726-7 

. Spooner, 

May 9, 1742. 


Nov. 28, 1742. 


June 5, 1729. 


Dec. 26,1728. 


Nov. 2, 1718. 

Spur way, 

Sept. 8, 1734. 


Sept. 9, 1710. 


July 13,1721. 


Dec. 13,1727. 


June 7, 1736. 


Sept. 14, 1748. 


Jan. 31,1752. 


Elizabeth, dau. of William 

and Elizabeth. 
Margaret. Palatinate. 
William, son of William and 


Thomas, son of William. 
William, son of John. 
Margaret, wife of Jacob. 

John, son of John. 
Rachel, wife of Jacob. 
Thomas, son of William and 


John, son of James. 

Martha, wife of Simon. 

Thomas, son of Thomas. 
Mary, dau. of John. 
Richard, son of John. 
Mary, wife of John. 
Mary, dau. of John. 
Lydia, dau. of John. 
Thomas, son of Abraham and 


child of Capt. 


Sarah, wife of John. 

John. [Ground. 

Lodowick C. Quakers' 

Elizabeth, dau. of Charles. 

Gertrude, dau. of Charles and 

Charles. [Prudence. 

Robert, son of Thomas and 

John. [Mary. 


John, son of Thomas. 

Dinah, dau. of Thomas. 

Hannah, wife of John. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Mar. 28, 1732-3. Stanhope, 

Aug. 1,1739. 

June 3, 1714. Stanley, 

Dec. 26,1727. 
Jan. 3, 1736-7. 
June 11, 1742. 
Sept. 7,1747. 
Dec. 25,1747. 
Jan. 22,1758. 
April 6,1739. 
Dec. 10, 1756. 
Aug. 5,1711. 
Sept. 13, 1713. 
July 23,1714. 


July 30,1714. 
Sept. 26, 1715. 

Sept. 4,1727. 

Dec. 17,1739. " 

Feb. 1, 1747-8. " 

Mar. 19, 1730-1. Stapler, 

Dec. 20, 1739. 

April 17, 1714. Stark, 

April 27, 1746. Steed, 

Nov. 9, 1716. Steel, 

Oct. 17,1738. 

June 2, 1759. Stepence, 

Mar. 2, 1717-8. Stephens, 

Mar. 11, 1712-3. Stephenson, 

Feb. 6, 1753. " 

Sept, 29, 1756. " 

Dec. 11, 1709. Stevens, 

Jan. 11,1738-9. " 

Jan. 25,1748-9. " 

Dec. 2, 1749. " 

Dec. 31,1758. " 

Dec. 5, 1733. Stevenson, 

Mar. 26, 1734-5. Steward, 

May 5, 1739. 

Sept. 3, 1747. 

Sept. 18, 1748. 

Dec. 20, 1759. 

July 6, 1755. Stewart, 

William, son of Thomas. 
Mary, wife of Thomas. 
Mary, dau. of James and 

Mary. [Mary. 

Eleanor, dau. of Luke and 
Thomas, son of James. 

James, son of James, deceased. 

Isaac. [John). 

Thomas (only son of Geril. 
Thomas, son of Thomas and 
Thomas. [Mary. 

Thomas, son of Thomas and 

Rebecca, dau. of John and 

Mary, dau. of Thomas and 


Rebecca, dau. of Thomas and 
Thomas. [Mary. 


Richard, son of Richard. 

John, son of Elizabeth. 

John, son of Peter and Eliza- 
Nicholas, [beth. 
John, son of John. 

Susannah, wife of Joseph. 
Edward Nash, son of James. 

dau. of James. 




Sarah, dau. of John. 


Susannah, wife of John. 


Anne. Widow.- 

Anne, wife of James. 

wife of James. 



Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia,. 

Oct. 26, 1756. Stewart, 

Aug. 28, 1759. 

Jan. 6, 1734-5. Stiles, 

Aug. 16, 1752. 

Nov. 16, 1756. 

Sept. 12, 1757. 

Aug. 30, 1736. Stilly, 

May 8, 1714. Stocks, 

Aug. 2, 1757. Stockwell, 

Sept. 23, 1732. Stokes, 

Jan. 13, 1755. " 

Sept. 29, 1736. Stoll, 
May 1, 1737. 

Nov. 21, 1735. Stone, 

Aug. 29, 1736. " 
Feb. 10,1741-2. " 

Dec. 16,1750. " 
Mar. 8, 1730-1. Storke, 

June 29, 1709. Story, 

Oct. 21,1709. " 

Oct. 4, 1712. 
Sept. 21, 1714. 

Aug. 30, 1717. 
Dec. 17,1723. 
Nov. 21, 1726. 
Nov. 24, 1726. 
Aug. 16, 1743. 
















20, 1746. 

7, 1750. 

7, 1759. 
14, 1730. 

2, 1736- 
11, 1751. 
30, 1741. 
10, 1751. 

11. 1757. 
23, 1756. 
25, 1756. 

5, 1758. 

20. 1758. 

29. 1759. 
5, 1717. 







7. " 










son of George. 

George, son of George. 


Henry, son of Henry. 

son of Henry. 

dau. of Henry. 

John, son of Peter. Sweeds' 

Edward, son of Edward and 

William. [Lucy. 


Jane, wife of Robert. 

Thomas! lie, wife of Jacob. 


Thomasine, dau. of William. 

William, son of William. 

Alexander, son of Alexander. 

William, son of William. 

Sarah. [Sarah. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Enoch and 

Samuel, son of Enoch and 
Sarah. [Sarah. 

Mercy, dau. of Enoch and 

Enoch, son of Enoch and 

Sarah, dau. of Enoch and 

Enoch. [Sarah. 

John. [Mary. 

Diana, dau. of Thomas and 

Robert, son of Enoch. Stran- 
gers' Ground. 

Anne, dau. of Cornelius. 

Hannah, dau. of Cornelius. 

dau. of Cornelius. 

Martha, dau. of Charles. 

Lazarus, son of Charles-. 

Lazarus, son of Charles. 


Margaret, dau. of Benjamin. 

Joseph, son of Benjamin. 



dau. of Anna. 

Mary, wife of Friend. 

William, son of John. 

Theodosia, dau. of Mary. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


April 30, 1733. 
Sept. 30, 1733. 
June 13, 1741. 
July 20,1741. 
Sept. 4, 1740. 
Mar. 28,1755. 
May 28, 1736. 
Jan. 21,1752. 
































29. 1755. 

23, 1757. 
25, 1738. 
25, 1736-7 
30, 1736-7 

24, 1746-7 

28. 1736. 
21, 1752. 

7, 1749. 
28, 1757. 
10, 1731. 

11. 1756. 
28, 1735. 

1, 1722. 
9, 1727. 

2, 1728. 
10, 1747. 

3, 1751. 
31, 1759. 

2, 1738. 
31, 1742. 

6, 1747. 
26, 1747. 

30. 1737. 
31, 1712. 

1, 1713-4. 

5, 1746. 
27, 1746. 
19, 1747. 
28, 1751. 
25, 1744. 


Stud wick, 

. Sturgis, 













William, son of Abraham. 
Abraham, son of Abraham. 
Dorothy, wife of Abraham. 

Elizabeth, wife of James. 

Mary, dau. of Jacobus. 
Lawrence Anderson, son of 
the Rev. Mr. 

son of William. 

Robert Anderson. 

Susannah, dau. of Joseph. 

George, son of Joseph. 

Mary, dau. of Joseph. 


Anne, dau. of William. 


Margaret, wife of 


Elizabeth, dau. of Christopher. 


John, son of John. 


Anne, wife of Henry. 

Sarah, dau. of Henry. 

Mary, wife of John. 


Joseph, son of John. 

Anne, dau. of Richard. 

Margaret, dau. of Richard. 

Sarah, dau. of Richard. 

Anne, dau. of Richard. 

Henry. [Mary. 

Eleanor, dau. of James and 

Thomas, son of John. 

Anthony, son of Zachariah. 

Anne, dau. of Weldon. 

Thomas, son of Weldon. 

Mary, dau. of Weldon. 

Peter, son of Philip. 

(To be continued.) 

106 Notes and 


OF PHILADELPHIA COUNTY IN 1684. The following papers are contained in 
a MS. volume belonging to the American Philosophical Society. The 
returns were probably made in consequence of an order of Nicholas More, 
Thomas Holme, and Thomas Fairmau, Justices of the Peace, dated 14th 2d 
mo. 1683 (O. S.), to be executed " betwixt this and three weeks inclusive :" 

John Cocke Aged 27 yeare hath 3 houdred Acres of land whearof hee 
hath Improved 8 ackers. 

Lacey Cocke Aged 37 yeares hath 550 Ackers of land whearof hee hath 
Improved 30 ackers. 

Lacey Cocke hath A negroe 20 yeares of Age. And a named 

Bartholomew Sprint 21 years. 

Widdow Jacop hath one houdred Ackers of land whearof thear is 12 
ackers Improved. 

ffrances Jacop her Sonn living with her Acred 26 years. 

Petter Cake the yeounger Aged 25 years hath one hondred Ackers of land 
whearof hee hath Improved 3 ackers. 

Mathew holstin Aged 41 yeare hath one hondred & fifty Ackers of land 
whear thear is 12 Ackers Improved. 

William Snowden Aged 22 yeare hath one hondred Ackers whearof thear 
is 12 Ackers Improved. 

Peter Rambow hath 6 hondred Ackers of land whearof hee hath Improved 
16 Ackers. 

Andrew Rambow Aged 25 yeare. 

John Rambow Aged 22 yeare. 

Petter Dallbow Aged 36 yeare hee hath 6 hondred Ackers of land & hath 
Improved 12 ackers. 

John meefelon Aged 45 yeare hath 3 hondred Ackers of land & hath Im- 
proved 10 Ackers. 

John Meefelon the younger Aged 22 year. 

Dennis Rotchford above 16 years hath a houdred & 60 acker of land & 
one Acker Improved. 

William Askill his sarvant. 

John Svenson his sarvant. 

Pattreck Robbinson Aged 30 years hath one houdred Ackers of laud 
Improved 12 Ackers. 

Robert neverbeegood his necror sarvaut. 

[Endorsed "John Cocke Returned."] 

By Vertue of a Warrent Recived from Beniamin Chambers I have taken 
a True Account of all y e male Inhabitants from Peter Coxs Island to Andros 
Boons and Careers Hooke and a Long y e mile Crick to Peter Yocumbs & 
King Sas to Siamancen that are above 16 years of Age to y e Age of 60 years 
and y e quantity of Land they Hold and How much of y said Land is Clear. 



Notes and Queries. 


years ould 

Peter Coxs : 


Gabrill Coxs 

ab' 20 

Mats Handrix 

ab< 21 

William Shute 


Tho : Shute 


Andris Swanson Boon 63 

Swan ditto 

about 22 

Peter ditto 

about 19 

Andris Homan 


Lawrence ditto 


Banke Johnson 


Hance Peterson 


Luck Hank 


Peter Ellitt 


Lawrence Dal hoe 


William ditto 


Andris Peterson 


Jonas Nelson 


Mouns ditto 


Rennar Peterson 


Mouns Justis 


Charls ditto 


Hance ditto 


Justa Justason 


Tho: Paschall 


William ditto 


Tho: Rogers 


Henry Love 


Obdiah Hyerson 


Neils Johnson 

Peter Yocumbe 


John Minsterrnan 


John Neilson 

W m Clayton Jun r 

[Indorsed : " Lawrence 

Dalboe's Return."] 

ye quantity 
of Land 








whearof is Cleard 









G. B. K. 

PAUL BUSTI, a native of Italy, and his wife, Elizabeth May, born in Hol- 
land, came to Philadelphia towards the end of the last century. With 
minds well cultivated, and of a good social position, they were welcomed as 
an addition to its society. Their portraits are among those so beautifully 
engraved by St. Memin. A few persons yet living speak of Mr. Busti as a 
most amiable and kindly hearted gentleman, and they remember his resi- 
dence at the " Retreat Farm," Blockley. He came here in the service of 
the Holland Land Company. This was an association of Dutch capitalists 
who had, in our Revolution, lent the colonies several millions of dollars, and 
who, after the Federal Government was established, received in lieu of their 
money vast tracts of land situated in the northwestern part of Pennsylva- 
nia, and in adjacent parts of New York. 

A gentleman of Holland, Francis Adrian van dcr Kemp, was imprisoned 
by the authorities there, and had his property confiscated oh account of his 
liberal political opinions. He fled to this country prior to the time of the 
arrival of Mr. Busti, and found an asylum at Esopus, now Kingston, on the 
North River. He was introduced to Washington by Lafayette, and at 
once made a visit to Mount Vernon. It may be said, parenthetically, that 

108 Notes and Queries. 

it was quite in accordance with his second nature his habit as a native of 
the land of canals that van der Kemp suggested to Governor De Witt 
Clinton the construction of the Erie Canal, a work that made New York the 
foremost State of the Union. A beautifully bound volume in the library of 
the Historical Society contains a hundred or more inlaid autograph letters 
of the elder John Adams, addressed to van der Kemp, and has, as the 
initial one, an invitation " to join a few chosen Americans at supper at the 
Golden Lyon," an excellent inn, much resorted to in its day, in Amsterdam. 
The intercourse thus begun resulted in Mr. van der Kemp's obtaining in Hol- 
land the money so essential for the prosecution of our War of Independence. 
It also resulted in a warm and life-long friendship between the two gentle- 
men. The invitation spoken of is followed by the letters which Mr. Adams 
continued to write to him so long as he lived, and these are followed by the 
few which John Quincy Adams wrote to the then aged friend of his father. 

In the course of nature Francis A. van der Kemp, John Adams, and 
Paul Busti passed away from earth ; and when the latter had done so, he was 
succeeded in his office at Philadelphia by John J. van der Kemp, a son of 
the former. " Governor Horatio Seymour has often spoken of the poetical 
justice which, so many years after the father's exile and his aid in obtaining 
in Holland the money for the prosecution of our Revolutionary War, made 
the son, John J. van der Kemp, ' General Agent' of the vast concern, and 
that he obtained that position by his own merit, and by no inherited right." 
The son is well remembered in Philadelphia, for he died only about twenty- 
five years ago. His residence was for a long time the house No. 132, now 
510 Walnut Street, but the last few years of his life were passed at No. 
1217 of the same street. He left two children, a son of his own name, who 
resides in Paris, and Mrs. Pauline Elizabeth Henry, of Germantown, who 
established the well-known excellent hospital in that place: her parents, in 
their profound respect for Paul and Elizabeth Busti, named her after both of 

Mr. Busti's " Retreat" is now comprised within the grounds of the Penn- 
sylvania Hospital for the Insane, the house he occupied having been for a 
long time the residence of its Superintendent, Dr. Kirkbride. Some years 
ago a water-color sketch of the house was presented to the Society. The 
account books of Mr. Busti were sent to Holland, but not his farm journal, 
which has only recently been examined, and on account of its interest been 
presented to the Society by Mrs. Henry. Mr. Busti's experience at Blockley 
as a gentleman farmer is similar to that of many others, but I doubt if any 
one of them has told the melancholy tale so well. The journal contains 
tables which are valuable, for they show prices, rates of wages, etc. 

T. W. 

' RICHARD PETERS TO THOMAS FITZSIMONS. The following letter has been 
contributed by John W. Jordan, Esq. : 

DEAR SIR, Philada. March 9th, 1790. 

I saw a Letter of yours to Lewis & am obliged by your desiring him to 
communicate it. I was at a Loss to determine on several matters we had 
before us at the Time I wrote to Mr. Muhlenburg & wished for Information 
which on some Points I have since obtained. It is now generally agreed 
that the old Plan of choosing Representatives shall be again adopted & of 
Course the Law must again be temporary. If a permanent Law was to be 
enacted we should adopt some M.ode of making Nominations to save the 
Trouble and Expense Conference, & if it could be done now it would be 
better ; but I see not that it can as the Terms will not admit of it. I wished 
to know how the Connecticut Plan or any other on this Head was approved 

Notes and Queries. 109 

of & should have wrote to some of my Eastern Friends but that I feared we 
could not do anything of the Sort as the Nominations are made for a suc- 
ceeding- choice at a precedent Election. If you know of anything that will 
make our Bill better inform me of it. 

As to your Plans of Finance the Opinions here are as various as at New 
York. The Assumption of the State Debts is pleasing to many but its An- 
tagonists are not a few. A direct continental Land Tax is supposed to be 
the consequence & tho' I see not that this would be wrong our People are 
sick of Land Taxes. We shall have nothing else however to carry on our 
State Government for it seems all our Sources in another way are or will be 
seized on by federal Financiers. We are turning our attention to a Tax for 
1791 as we cannot leave the new Government of our State without Eesources 
lest the State should suffer and we be charged with Improvidence. If we do 
Nothing the Funding Demon gets again at Work of Course, as its operation 
is only suspended. Being but a poor Financier I have Nothing in Contem- 
plation but confining it to improved Land & making it as light as our cir- 
cumstances will well bear. As to many Schemes of substitution for this I 
either do not understand or cannot approve of them. Among others a 
State Lottery has been mentioned & I need not repeat to you the Argu- 
ments for & against this Species of political Gambling. You are my Oracle 
on fiscal Subjects communicate some of your Thoughts about the Plan we 
ought to persue. I often miss you but never more than on this Subject in 
which we are most distressingly wanting in our House. I wish I could say 
however this was the only Deficiency. 

The subject of Roads & Navigation I have pushed these two Years & I 
think now it has laid deep Hold of our House who had never before a just 
Idea either of its Practicability or Consequence. The Explanations we had 
made last year have opened Peoples Eyes & we are now about persuing 
them so as to complete every species of Information. One Point I thought 
would have been ascertained by actual Surveys & Documents was that 
which has Reference to the federal Seat, to wit, that the great Route from 
the western world must be thro' Pennsilvania where it can be carried thro' 
better Waters & a shorter Distance. Much has been done towards estab- 
lishing Proofs of it & a short Time will put it beyond a Doubt. Now I am 
on this Subject I recollect a Passage in your letter which alludes to 
Jealousies respecting the Eastern Members of our State. I am convinced 
the Noise made about this flowed more from Artifice than Conviction. The 
Persons who brought it forward wished to hang Terrors round the Minds of 
the Delegates from this Quarter which might induce them in case the Point 
came up again, under a false Delicacy, to abandon the Idea of Residence in 
the Eastern Part of the State. Who does not wish that it should be some- 
where in Pennsilvania at all Events? & on this Account local Objects 
should be sacrificed. But are we on the Eastern Border to be blamed for 
Endeavors to have it near us more than the western Gentlemen who wish it 
fixed so as to accommodate themselves? 

The Business of Wioming will be brought forward this Week & I feel 
some Consolation in Lewis's having determined to come to the House a 
week or ten days before he quits us which he will do from Motives I cannot 
disapprove of. He has suffered too much in his Business to induce any of 
his Friends to persuade his making further sacrifices. I fear however this 
Wioming Business will end shabbily as there seems a dead Majority deter- 
mined to get rid of the Compensation to the Pennsilvanians at all events. 

The affair of the Comptroller General you have no Doubt been informed 
of. I believe there is not Spunk enough to do what ought to be done. If 
it is done at all it must be carried by Sap as the Troops are not disposed to 
Storm. I have often wondered at the Gullibility of mankind but in Nothing 
more than in this Circumstance. 

110 Notes and Queries. 

I agree in your Ideas that mutual Communications will be useful & I 
heartily concur in the Plan. But do not think I expect you will take up 
Time much engaged unless it be absolutely necessary. Therefore whatever 
you may think of my Jealousy on this Head it only amounted to a Distinction 
between hearing from you sometimes not at all. Among Lovers mode- 
rate Jealousy not that of Othello is a Proof of Love. Why should it 
not also evidence Friendship? I wish however I had better Evidence to 
give you which would more pleasingly prove how Sincerely, 

I am affectionately yours, 


The Yendue Business is again before us & a Majority I fear for liberating 
entirely. This is ruinous in the extreme. A Bill is brought in, Chaloner 
is the mover & mischeviously industrious. I have no Resource but to bring 
about a Compromise & get him additionally licensed & no more in the city 
and the Distance beyond which Vendues shall not be held extended. I wish 
we could be furnished with Proofs of the bad Effects of this Nuisance in New 
York where I am told it is pestiferously hurtful to Trade. I mean honest fair 
Trade. Send us some indisputable Testimonies from New York. I believe 
Baltimore has recently opened Vendues & repents of it. I suppose this 
source of Revenue being a Species of Excise will soon befederalized. You 
know better than I do the necessity of taking care of the Police of our 
Port. We cannot pay our Health Officers, Wardens, &c. It would be 
wise in Congress when they take away Revenue to attend to the Offices 
necessarily supported by it. This would make the States easier under the 


Neiu Hampshire Gazette, a newspaper of the day, under news from Phila- 
delphia, Oct. 28, 1793, has the following: "Died in this City Citizen 
Dupont the French Consul for Philadelphia, a victim to the malignant fever 
now prevailing there. The day on which his remains were interred, the 
frigate La Precieuse and the India Ship La Ville dTOrient began at sun- 
rise and continued 'till the sun was down to fire every five minutes in honor 
of this true republican and man of estimation. The American and French 
vessels in port wore their colors mast high." 

Dupont was buried in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, on a farm between 
Cornwall's Station on the Pennsylvania Railroad and the river Delaware, 
belonging in 1870 to Mr. Nathan Middleton. About that time 1 copied 
the following inscription from a headstone which had been removed from his 
grave when the field was ploughed over a short time before and placed 
against the fence near by. The traditions of the country people in the 
neighborhood state that the person buried there was a Frenchman who died of 
the yellow fever, attended by an old negro woman servant. He had the repu- 
tation of being rich, and it is supposed communicated information of the 
place where his money was hidden to this person. She, dying some time 
after, endeavored to make some communication to those around her, but was 
speechless. I mention these stories for what they are worth. The inscrip- 
tion is : " Francis Xavier Dupont, born on the llth July, 1762, died on the 
llth Octob r , 1793. He loved the virtuous, And the Humble." 

No will or letters of administration appear in Philadelphia. They may 
be recorded at Doylestown, in Bucks County. It would seem likely that 
the estate may have been settled by those who raised a headstone to his 
memory. During the latter part of September and the month of October, 
in the yeai 1793, the newspapers in Philadelphia were suspended on account 
of the yellow fever, and the only record of the death of Dupont, I have been 

Notes and Queries. 

able to find, is that in the list, given by Carey, of those who died after 
August in that year, which briefly indentifies this gentleman as " Consul of 
the French Republic." 

Camden, New Jersey. WILLIAM JOHN POTTS. 

Ashmead. With Maps and Illustrations. Chester, Pa. 1883. 8vo. pp. vi., 
336. This is a memorial volume of the celebration of the two hundredth 
anniversary of the landing of William Penn at Chester, and is published 
under the auspices of the committee who had charge of the commemorative 
exercises. It embraces an account of the latter by William Shaler Johnson. 
Besides containing a history of Chester from the period of Governor Printz 
and Jbran Kyn to 1882, it indicates the residences and sites of residences 
of many of the descendants of the founder and of other early settlers of Up- 
land, and so posseses a peculiar family and local interest. The frontispiece 
is an engraving, by Mr. Sartain, of the portrait of Penn in the possession of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The work also contains facsimile 
reprints of two letters of the Proprietor of the Province. Other illustrations 
are pictures of the old Court-house, built in 1724, the Pusey House, built in 
1683, still standing in the modern village of Upland, the Hoskins House, 
built in 1688, the first meeting-house of Friends at Chester, built in 1693, and 
the monumental tablet to the memory of James and Ann (Keen) Sandelands 
in St. Paul's Church, given in the Record of the Court at Upland, pub- 
lished by our Historical Society, besides a copy of the portrait of Penn in 
the National Museum, in Philadelphia, and a representation of the Penn 
Memorial Stone, erected to identify the place where Penn probably landed. 
Three maps also adorn the volume, which will, prove of great value to the 
genealogist and antiquarian. 

By James. Schouler, Vol. i. 1783-1801; vol. ii. 1801-1817. Washington, D. 
C., 1880 and 1882. 8vo.The author of this work, the third volume of which 
" is in active preparation," is a native of Arlington, Mass., being the eldest 
son of the late William Schouler, Adjutant-General of Massachusetts under 
Governor Andrew during the Rebellion. He was graduated at Harvard 
College in 1859, and afterwards practised law at Boston, writing several 
treatises on subjects connected with his profession. The History is intended 
to cover the period of 1783 to 1861, thus supplementing the work of Mr. 
Bancroft, who says of it : "I recognize in all 1 have read faithful investiga- 
tion and superiority to prejudice." 

of Persons appointed to administer the Laws in the City and County of 
Philadelphia, and the Province and Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. By 
John Hill Martin. Philadelphia: Rees Welsh & Co. 1883. 8vo. pp. xvi., 
326. This work comprises a list of the members of the Philadephia Bar 
from 1682 to March 31, 1883, giving the dates of deaths of deceased lawyers, 
and indicating judicial or other prominent positions held by the persons named. 
It also contains sketches of each of the courts of the city and county, lists of 
judges, with the dates of their commissions, and other lists as indicated in 
the title. Mr. Martin spent over ten years in preparing and publishing this 
book, which is thus highly spoken of by Chief-Justice Sharswood : " It is a 
very valuable work, and must have cost a great deal of time and labor in the 
collection of the material. I have examined it very carefully, and am im- 
pressed not only with its fulness, but its accuracy." 

112 Notes and Queries. 

THE NORTHWEST REVIEW. A Biographical and Historical Monthly. 
Editorial staff: Rev. Edward D. Neill, G. F. Magoun, D.D., Joseph Ward, 
D.D., C. W. Butterfield, J. I). O'Connor. Vol. I. No. 1. March, 1883. The 
Review Company : Minneapolis, Minn. 8vo. pp. 64. 

In the prospectus of this new periodical it is stated that the first volume 
of it "will end with the February number in 1884, and will contain nearly 
800 pages of biographical and historical matter prepared by authors of ac- 
knowledged literary ability in the States of Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, Minne- 
sota, and Dakota Territory." The initial number is chiefly biographical. 

A MEMORANDUM-DESCRIPTION of the finer specimens of Indian earthenware 
pots in the collection of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, 
Wilkes-Barre, Pa. Made by Harrison Wright, Recording Secretary of the 
Society, and Member of its Committee on Cabinet. Publication No. 4. 
Printed for the Society. Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 1883. 

Seven pots are described in this little pamphlet, the representations of 
them being remarkably good. 

FAMILIES. By A. B. Muzzey. Fully illustrated. Boston: Estes and 
Lauriat. 1883. 8vo. pp. xviii. -f- 424. 

This book comprises personal recollections and traditions concerning 
several New England heroes of the Revolution belonging to the Otis, Adams, 
Quincy, Lincoln, and other families of distinction, with whom the writer is 
acquainted, including special accounts of the Society of the Cincinnati and 
the Battle of Lexington. Chapters are also devoted to Lafayette, Jackson, 
Channing, and Emereon. The last one in the work is designed by the 
writer to indicate how, " while Massachusetts and her associate States of the 
North initiated the labors and perils of the war, it was left largely to the 
Southern and Middle States to consummate their task." The best illustra- 
tion in the book is the frontispiece portrait of the author. 

THE STILLWELL FAMILY IN AMERICA. By William H. Stillwell. New York. 
1883. 8vo. pp. 62. 

This little pamphlet is purely genealogical, comprising the names of 1999 
persons of the lineage to which it is devoted a considerable enlargement of 
the " Genealogical History" appended to the Early Memoirs of the Stilwell 
Family, by Benj. Marshall Stilwell, published in 1878. Members of the 
family 'who appear to have been overlooked by the author are spoken of in 
" The Descendants of Joran Kyn" in this MAGAZINE, vol. V. pp 86 and 87. 
The book has a full index, and a portrait of the writer. 


ince of Pennsylvania in 1682, containing a historic genealogy of his descend- 
ants down to the present time. By Thomas Maxwell Potts. Canonsburg, 
Pa. Published by the author, 1883. 8vo. pp. 304. 

Besides mentioning over 1200 members of the family of Jeremiah Carter, 
this book comprises " a short account of early Pennsylvania settlers bearing 
the name of Carter," not known to be related to him. The materials being 
derived from original sources, it is, no doubt, generally accurate. It con- 
tains a phototype of the writer, and a wood-cut (from an engraving by St. 
M6min) of Dr. Elisha Cullen Dick, one of the consulting physicians called 
in by Dr. Craik on occasion of the last illness of General Washington. 

Notes and Queries. 

SVENSKA BILDER af R. Bergstrum. Stockholm, 1882. 8vo pn 232 5fi 
Among the short historical and literary essays of which this book consists is 
one of 24 pages, entitled Nya Svenge," relating to the old Swedish colony 
on the Delaware. Although the paper imparts no information not alreadV 
in , pri l*'J* me "fc n tlce as written in an Agreeable style, and as containing 
a few bibliographical notes on works connected with the subject, the author 
being the librarian of the Royal Library at Stockholm. 



MILES MANUSCRIPTS. On pages 237 and 559-60 of Volume IT. of Pennsyl- 
vania Archives, second series, are given extracts from Miles's manuscripts 
Can any one inform us where these manuscripts are, and what is the character 
of them ? 

" SWEET SINGER OP ISRAEL." Who is the person so designated in the 
" Brief Narrative of the Proceedings of William Penn," constituting the first 
one of " Papers relating to the History of the Church in Pennsylvania," in 
Historical Collections relating to the American Colonial Church, edited 
by William Stevens Perry, D.I)., Vol. II. ? What is the significance of the 
expression in that connection ? 


CATHARINE TENNENT (Vol. VI. pp. 374 and 498). Catharine Tennenf, 
widow of the Rev. Wm. Tennent, of Freehold, New Jersey, was descended 
from Johannes PieterseVerbrugge, or van Burgh (Bridges in English), from 
Haarlem in Holland, born 1624, who was a trader in Nieu Amsterdam and 
Beaverwyck at a very early date, and in 1657 sent down from the latter 
place three hundred beaver skins. After his marriage van Burgh made 
the former his place of residence, where he became a prominent merchant 
and magistrate. He married in Nieu Amsterdam, 29 March (24 April ?), 
1658, Catrina Roelofse (daughter of Roelof Jansen van Maesterlandt and 
his wife, the noted Anneka Janse), widow of Lucas Rodenburgh (vice-director 
of Curacoa, 1646-57, in which latter year he died). His children were all 
born in Nieu Amsterdam. His will is dated 22 December, 1696, and he died 
1697. (See Valentine's Manual, 1861-4-6.) He had issue : 

1. Helena, baptized 4 April, 1659, died young. 

2. Helena, baptized 28 July, 1660, married 25 (26?) April, 1630, Tennis 
de Kay. 

VOL. VII. 8 

114 Notes and Queries. 

3. Anna, baptized 10 August (September ?) 1662, married 13 June (2 
July), 1684, Andries Gravenraedt. 

4. Catharine, baptized 19 April, 1665, married Hendrick van Rensselaer. 

5. Peter, baptized 14 July, 1666, married 2 November, 1688, Sarah 

6. Maria, baptized 20 September, 1673, married Stephen Richards. 

7. Johannes married 9 July, 1696, Margaret Provoost. 

Captain Peter van Burgh was Mayor of Albany, New York, 1699, 1700- 
21-3. He had a house lot on the north side of State Street, west of Pearl, 
and near the stockade, next to the lot of his father-in-law, Hendrick Cuyler. 
He was buried in the church, 20 July, 1740. (See Pierson's First Settlers 
of Albany, N. Y. ) He had issue, one daughter : 

Catharine, baptized 10 November, 1689, married 19 September, 1707, 
Philip, eldest son of Robert Livingston, of Albany, born at that place, 
1686, died in New York city, 1749. They had issue, six sons and three daugh- 
ters. The youngest son, William, born 1723, was for many years Governor 
of New Jersey. (See Holgate's American Genealogies, Livingston family.) 

Captain Johannes van Burgh, of New York city, was captain of the 
sloop Constant Abigail, captured off the coast of England by a French pri- 
vateer. ( Doc. Col. Hist. N. F., vol. iii. jx 430.) By the census of New York 
for 1706, he was living in that city. His will, recorded N. Y. Sur. Office, 
Liber 10, p. 45, is dated 14 November, 1705, in which he styles himself 
" mariner," and names his wife Margareta, son Johannes, daughters 
Johanna and Catharine, and brother Peter van Burgh, and brother-in-law 
David Provoost (see N. Y. Gen. and Biog. Record, vol. 6, p. 5, 1876). 
Issue : 

1. Johanna, baptized 16 April, 1697, married 20 August, 1720, Gerardus 

2. Johannes, baptized 6 August, 1699. 

3. Catharine, baptized 16 August, 1704, married first, 1719, John Noble ; 
married secondly, 23 August, 1738, Rev. Wm. Tennent; she died at Pitts- 
grove, Salem Co., New Jersey, 1787. 

4. David, baptized 12 September, 1708. 

5. Elizabeth, baptized 25 March, 1712. 

After her first marriage, Catharine went with her husband to England, 
and two children were soon born: one died young; the other, Mary Noble, 
married first Robert Gumming, of Freehold, New Jersey, and married secondly 
a Mr. Wyncoop, of Bucks Co., Pa. The husband, John Noble, went to the 
West Indies on business, and while there was taken with the fever and died. 
During his stay, he met an old New York friend, Mr. Boudinot, who wrote 
the circumstances of John's death to his father in England. John had a 
bachelor uncle named Stokes, of Stoke Castle, near Bristol, who urged the 
widow to make his house her home ; but she preferred to return to her family 
in New York, which she did in 1723, a short time after the receipt of the 
news of her husband's death, when she went to live with her husband's 
brother, Mr. Isaac Noble, a wealthy merchant, who, as well as Mr. Boudi- 
not, were elders in the Huguenot church of that city. This Mr. Isaac 
Noble was the means of bringing together the Rev. Mr. Tennent and his 
widowed sister, resulting in the marriage, as related by Mr. Elias Boudinot 
in his life of the Rev. Wm. Tennent. Her second husband died 8 March, 
1777. His son, Rev. Wm. Tennent, who was pastor of a church in Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, came north upon the death of his father, and after 
settling affairs, took his father's papers, and with his mother started to re- 
turn to Charleston. They travelled by means of private conveyances, and 
with them were the widow of the Rev. Dr. Findley and Capt. Schaff, and two 
servants. When about fifty miles from Charleston, her son was suddenly 

Notes and Queries. 

taken sick and died ; and his father's valuable papers were lost sight of and 
have not since been found. The bereaved widow soon decided to return 
and went to live with her daughter Mary, now the wife of Matthew Wvn- 
coop, of Bucks Co., Pa., but in a few years she too died, and Mrs. Tennent 
then went to the home of her granddaughter, Anna (Gumming) Schenck 
the wife of the Eev. Wm. Schenck, then the pastor of the Pittsgrove Saleni 
Co., New Jersey, church, where he remained from 1780 to 1787, and where 
this worthy old lady, having survived two husbands and all of her children 
died about 1787, in the 84th year of her age, and was buried in the church 
burying ground at that place. A record of these facts respecting Mrs. Ten- 
nent was left some years since by Miss Catharine van Burgh Schenck, who 
was born 7 January, 1775, and died at Franklin, Ohio, 4 July, 1871. ' She 
had a vivid recollection and a profound love for her great-grandmother 
from whom she derived her name. No record of the death of Mrs. Tennent' 
nor any tombstone to her memory has yet been found in New Jersey, but 
the statement as to her death at Pittsgrove, and her age at the time, is un- 
doubtedly correct. 

By her first husband, John Noble, she had issue : 

Mary, b. Bristol, England, married first, 1746, Robert Gumming; secondly, 
Matthew Wyncoop. 

, d. young. 

By her second husband, Eev. Wm. Tennent, she had, besides several chil- 
dren who died young, issue : 

Dr. John, b. Freehold, N. J., d. in West Indies, set. about 33 years. 
Rev. William, b. Freehold, N. J., d. near Charleston, S. C. f " Sept.-Oct. 
1777, set. 37 years. 

Dr. Gilbert, b. Freehold, N. J., d. at Freehold, N. J., before his father, 
aged 28 years (see Life of Rev. Wm. Tennent, by Hon. Elias Boudinot, 
N. Y., T. Whittaker, 2 Bible House). 

General Robert C. Schenck, of Washington, D. C., has a very fine por- 
trait of Mrs. Tennent, painted in England while yet Mrs. Noble, and which 
presents a lady of great beauty. 

Mr. John N. A. Griswold, of New York city, brother of Mrs. Secretary 
Frelinghuysen, has the portraits of both Catharine van Burgh and her hus- 
band, John Noble, and also of Johannes, brother of Catharine. Catharine 
was nearly related to Sir John van Burgh, and to Charles and Philip van 
Burgh, commanders of men-of-war in the English navy. 

With this much of the record given, can any one give information as to 
the fate of the papers of the Rev. William Tennent, of Freehold, N. J., 
which were lost sight of at the time of the death of his son ? or give informa- 
tion respecting Mr. Isaac Noble, the brother of Catharine's first husband, 
or of his family or descendants ? 

Washington, D. C., March 17, 1883. A. D. S. 

RICHARDS; EVANS; BOONE. Referring to the article in No. 1, Vol. VI., 
of the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, by Mr. Louis Richards, of Reading, on 
the " Descendants of Owen Richards." I can add some facts concerning per- 
sons who were no doubt of Owen Richards's immediate family. The Friends 
meeting records at Gwynedd (Montgomery County), and Radnor (now 
Delaware County), show the marriage of three children of Rowland Richard, 
of Tredyffrin, Chester County; and Rowland, no doubt, was the close rela- 
tive (probably a brother) of Owen, the presumption being sustained in 
part by Mr. Louis Richards's suggestion that Owen, before moving to Berks 
County, probably lived in Tredyffrin. 

The marriages referred to are these : 

1722. At the house of Katharine Richard [Tredyffrin ?], 8th mo. 10th, 

116 Notes and Queries. 

Cadwalader Evans, son of Evan Pugh [ap Hugh], of Gwynedd, and Sarah 
Richard, daughter of Rowland, late of Merion, deceased. [Certificate 
signed by 42 witnesses.] Radnor m. m. records. 

1726. At Gwynedd meeting-house, 2d mo. 21st, Samuel Richards, son of 
Rowland, of Tredyffrin, Chester County, deceased, to Elizabeth Evans, 
daughter of Owen, of Gwynedd. [Among the 54 witnesses were Rowland 
and John Richards.] Gwynedd m. m. records. 

1729. At Gwynedd meeting-house, 3d mo. 2d, Robert Evans, son of 

Owen, late of Gwynedd, deceased, and Ruth Richard, daughter of Rowland, 
late of Tredyffrin, deceased. Radnor m. m. records. 

Robert Evans, named in the last record, died at Gwynedd, in September, 
1746. His wife, Ruth, survived him, with nine children living, and a tenth 
expected, as appears from Robert's will. The will appoints Samuel 
Richards, " my brother-in-law," a trustee, this being the Samuel who had 
married Elizabeth Evans in 1726. 

These several Gwynedd marriages show a close connection of the Richards 
family and the Welsh families at Gwynedd, which is further illustrated when 
Mr. Louis Richards mentions that the appraisers of William Richards's estate 
in Oley, Berks County, in 1752, were Ellis Hughs and George Boone. Ellis 
Hughs, as he surmises, was indeed a Welshman. He was the son of John 
Hugh, one of the first party of Gwynedd colonists (1698). Ellis married 
Edward Foulke's daughter, Jane, in 1713, and subsequently removed to 
Oley, his descendants being numerous in that region at one time. The 
other appraiser of William Richards's estate, George Boone, was the uncle 
of Daniel Boone, of Kentucky (as stated by L. R.) ; and he, too, came from 
the neighborhood of Gwynedd. At least two marriages of the Boones took 
place at Gwynedd, and are upon the records of that monthly meeting. One 
was that of his sister Mary to John Webb, 7th mo. 13th, 1720 ; and the 
other of his brother, Squire Boone, to Sarah Morgan, daughter of Edward, 
7th mo. 23d, 1720. Among the witnesses at the first marriage were George 
(the appraiser), Squire, and Benjamin Boone ; and at the other, James 
Boone. Squire Boone was the father of Daniel, the pioneer. He and 
George then lived in or subsequently removed to Berks County, Daniel 
having been born either in Bucks County, probably in New Britain Town- 
ship, or possibly in Philadelphia (now Montgomery) County, at or near 

West Chester, Pa. HOWARD M. JENKINS. 


5. 496.) The rolls on file in the Treasury Department show that Captain 
oseph McCoy had a " Volunteer Riflemen" company in the 2d Brigade, 
1st Division of Penna. Militia, in the war of 1812-15. They were mustered 
and paid from Sept. 14, 1814, to Jan. 3, 1815, Samuel Conrad, paymaster ; 
and were under Lieut. Col. Joel B. Sutherland. The name of " Southern 
Rangers" does not appear, and is probably a mistake for " Sutherland's Rifle- 
men." From several affidavits it seems that the company was raised in 
Philadelphia. A. L. Guss. 




VOL. VII. 1883. No. 2. 


Bead before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, January 8, 1877. 

Having recently endeavored to discover something of the 
early history of the ground upon which the Naval Asylum 
and Naval Hospital in this city are built, I was surprised to 
find how little was positively known concerning it by this 
generation ; and it was evident to me that any one who was 
desirous of rescuing the early history of the place from 
oblivion could not begin too soon. One who has not tried it 
can hardly tell how difficult it is to verify even important 
events and dates of only two generations ago ; and so, in bring- 
ing together what I have gathered from various sources, I find 
that there is very much still to be desired. But I can, at 
least, say that all I have to state is believed to be authentic, 
and I have the honor to place it before the Historical Society, 
feeling sure that, in spite of deficiencies, the story of an im- 
portant institution, which has existed in our midst for half a 
century, must possess some interest for our members. 

The government property upon which are situated the 

two institutions known as the " United States Naval Asy- 

YOL. VIL 9 ( 

118 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

lum," and the " United States Naval Hospital" (the latter 
of quite recent erection), comprises an irregular plat of about 
23 acres, bounded by the Gray's Ferry Road, Bainbridge 
(formerly Shippen) Street, Sutherland Avenue, running 
parallel with the Schuylkill, and a wall running thence east- 
ward, meeting Gray's Ferry Road again. 

Before the consolidation of the city, this property was 
included in the district of Passyunk. Long previous to the 
Revolutionary War it was the site of a handsome country 
house, one of three owned by the Pemberton family in the 
immediate vicinity of Philadelphia. Two of these are still 
standing, and one of them is still in the possession of the 
family. The property in question was bought by William 
Pemberton from John Kinsey, a relative who had purchased 
it from Thos. Masters, who in 1735 had purchased it from 
the Penns in fee. Originally it was a part of a tract of 150 
acres, extending from the Schuylkill to Long Lane. 

The place was known simply as "Plantation," although 
the other country seats I have alluded to had distinctive 
names. Quite remote from the built-up portion of the city, 
and close to the banks of the beautiful Schuylkill, then 
unfettered and undamrned, it was considered entirely as a 
country residence for the summer, quite as much so as would 
be the neighborhood of Bryn Mawr or Chestnut Hill to-day. 
It appears never to have been a farm or " plantation," in 
the usually accepted sense, being always small in acreage, 
and taken up with lawn, shrubbery, and extensive kitchen 
gardens, with some wood. 

A small sketch of the place shows that the house, though 
unpretending, was of a substantial character, roomy and re- 
spectable. It was built of brick, the kitchen and offices 
being in a basement, which had large windows opening upon 
an area. A fine hall ran through the main floor, with two 
handsome rooms on each side. Above were corresponding 
rooms, under a sloping roof, with large dormer windows, the 
apex being crowned by a balcony. This gave the edifice a 
distinctive character as shown in the sketch. Two brick 
tenant, or servants' houses, of rather prim construction and 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 119 

solid build, stood near the mansion to the north. These 
remained until near the time that the mansion itself was 
demolished. Altogether "Plantation" must have been a 
very complete and attractive residence. 

So the British officers seem to have thought, when this 
city was occupied by their forces under Lord Howe, in 
November, 1777, for we find that there was quite a struggle 
among them as to who should occupy such snug quarters. 
At this time the owner, James Pemberton, was among the 
suspected and deported Friends who were involuntarily 
sojourning in Winchester, Va., the brothers, John, James, 
and Israel Pemberton having, with many others, been ar- 
rested, and sent to that place during the months of Sep- 
tember and October, 1777. It is only necessary to allude to 
this arrest in this connection, to explain some letters which 
follow. Whatever may be thought of the war measure which 
caused the arrest and transportation of these people to Vir- 
ginia, we have had in our own day sufficient proof that we 
may all be wise after an event, and, with recent examples 
before us, we may well judge charitably of the motives of 
those who were struggling, in the throes of the Revolution, 
with as many lukewarm friends and concealed enemies as 
open foes. 

But James Pemberton left behind him a w r orthy repre- 
sentative in his wife, a woman who, as will appear from some 
of her letters, combined spirit and firmness with lady-like 
demeanor, and charity to her poorer neighbors. This lady, 
Phoebe Pemberton, had a son (by a former marriage) named 
Robert Morton. He was a youth of seventeen or eighteen 
when this city was occupied by the British army. He kept 
a journal during the period of the occupation, which I have 
read, in which he frequently mentions "Plantation," and 
neighboring places. He also speaks of the Light Dragoons, 
stationed near Evergreen, another of the Pemberton places, 
breaking open the house and plundering. For this offence 
some were hung, and others severely flogged. He also deplores 
the way in which the Hessians made free with the potatoes 
and cabbages at Plantation. At the beginning of the occu- 

120 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

pation he is very jubilant, no doubt reflecting the opinions 
of older relatives, and he expresses a fervent wish that the 
stay of the Royal army may be perpetual. "Esto perpetual" 
he writes in one of his pages, when the currency seemed 
more settled. It is amusing to see how his jubilant feelings 
experience a change, as the long hard winter wears on, and 
his praises of the clemency and good rule of the British 
turn into a chant of " save me from my friends." This is, 
however, an experience inseparable from war time in occu- 
pied cities. 

Some time during llth mo. 1777, we find Phoebe Pember- 
ton addressing the following letter to Lord Howe: 


I am extreamly concerned that I am once more obliged to 
Trouble Genl. Howe with any affair of mine, when his own 
important engagements no doubt engross his time and 
thoughts; but by the cruel Banishment of my Husband his 
business necessarily devolves on me, and being possessed of 
two small farms, near the city, on one of which there is a 
small piece of wood, Intended for Firing for myself and 
children, with a few of the Inhabitants, some of whom are 
not able to pay for it, but have constantly partook of My 
beloved Husband's bounty, by supplying them in the Winter 
season with a small quantity, which f shall be rendered in- 
capable of doing, as the soldiers are taking it away, and say 
they do it by permission of the General's secretary. The 
Tenants of these places have informed me that they must 
be obliged to leave their Habitations, being stript of their 
Hay, Vegetables, &c. on which they depended for a Living, 
and if some expedient cannot be found 1 expect the Inclosures 
will be laid open: this will be a singular disadvantage to me, 
as I depend on the Rents of Husband's Estate for a support. 
The General's kind interposition in this matter will 
Greatly oblige 


It appears that the desired protection was given, for both 
places, and was probably effectual, as against the soldiers 
complained of. But it does not seem to have had the same 
terrors for some of the officers, for on the 14th of 2d mo. 
1778, we find Phoebe Pemberton administering, with a 
vigorous hand, an epistolary rebuke to a certain Lord Mur- 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 121 

ray, in command of the guard at "Plantation," which ran as 
follows : 

"I was yesterday informed that a certain officer of the 
Guard who passes by the name or style of Lord Murray, 
being stationed at my Husband's Plantation near Schuylkill, 
did there behave himself in an ungentlemanlike manner, by 
abusing part of the effects on the said place, and also break- 
ing open the doors of that part of the house occupied by my 
tenants, and treating the family with barbarous and unbe- 
coming behavior, very unworthy of a British nobleman and 
officer, after being previously shown Genl. Howe's protection 
posted up in the house, at which sight he used several ex- 
pressions highly insulting and derogatory to the General's 

I take this method to inform the said Lord Murray that 
if he don't think proper to make some suitable acknowledg- 
ments, I shall immediately enter A complaint at Head- 

PHILA. February the 14th, '78. PHCEBE PEMBERTON." 

Here was a pretty style of Valentine for a gay young 
nobleman and officer to receive ! It is altogether probable 
that this vigorous style of protest was not without effect, for 
there was, apparently, no more trouble of the kind during 
the rest of the stay of the British Army. 

As the spring of 1778 drew on, and as it was at that time 
supposed that the stay of the army in Philadelphia was to 
be prolonged, the attention of some of the officers was drawn 
to "Plantation;" and so, on the 25th of 3d mo. 1778, we find 
the polite and business-like lady writing to General Pattison, 
the commander of the Royal Artillery, the following note: 

" Phoebe Pemberton's best Respects wait on Genl. Patti- 
son, and has the Pleasure to inform him that upon recon- 
sidering his Proposals respecting her House upon Schuylkill 
she has concluded, that the Genl. may make use of it as soon 
as is convenient to him; and she shall ever esteem it a Happi- 
ness to oblige him in this or any other Instance in her Power. 
As she formerly depended upon that Garden for -a supply of 
Vegetables for her Family, would thank the General to re- 
serve part of the Garden for her use. 

Mar. 25th, 1778." 

122 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

While the astute lady in this way complied with the 
wishes of an officer in high authority, and thus obtained the 
best safeguard for her husband's property, we see that she 
was also shrewd enough to make it a point of honor with 
the General to keep up her own private supply of vegetables, 
in case he occupied the place. 

The very next day after she accepted Genl. Pattison's pro- 
posals, we find her declining those of Capt. Mackenzie, the 
military secretary of Genl. Howe, and of course an influen- 
tial personage. Indeed, he is the same who is mentioned in 
her letter to General Howe as having authorized the soldiers 
to take the wood from her places in the autumn before. Capt. 
Mackenzie did not, of course, then know how nice a place 
" Plantation" was, or foresee that, before many months, he 
would himself be desirous of being its tenant. However, 
the lady evidently does not bear malice, for her note to the 
military secretary is charmingly polite, and here it is : 

" Phoebe Pemberton's best respects wait on Capt. Mac- 
kenzie, acknowledges the Receipt of his very polite Letter of 
yesterday, which was handed to her last evening, with a 
request for the use of her House upon the Banks of the 
Schuylkill during the Summer Season. As General Pattison 
of the Royal Artillery has a few days since made the same 
application, and being under Obligations to the Genl., and 
his request previous to Capt. Mackenzie's, the Genl. must of 
course have the preference ; had it been otherwise she should 
have been very happy to have had it in her Power to oblige 
Capt. Mackenzie, whose amiable politeness shown on this 
occasion demands her warmest acknowledgments. 

Mar. 26th, 1778." 

" Compliments pass when quality meet." Genl. Pattison 
was, however, not destined to enjoy the summer delights of 
" Plantation," or even to do more than plant the kitchen 
garden, for the evacuation of the city took place in May. 

Such was " Plantation" in its palmy days, and, having 
given this sketch of its early history, it is not either inter- 
esting or important to follow the changes by which it passed 
from the possession of the Pembertons to the Abbots, and 
thence to that of the United States Government. Suffice it 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 123 

to say that on May 26, 1826, Surgeon Thos. Harris, of the 
Navy, was authorized by the Honble. Saml. L. Southard, 
of New Jersey (then Secretary of the Navy, one of the best 
we ever had, and a man whose premature death removed a 
very prominent candidate for the Presidency), was autho- 
rized, I say, to purchase " the Abbot lot, of about 23 acres, 
for $16,000." It appears afterwards in the accounts, that 
$17,000. was paid, which may have been caused by fees and 
other legal expenses. At all events, it was a marvellously 
small sum, compared with the value of the land to-day. 

To account for this purchase of property by the United 
States, I shall have to beg your forbearance for a retrograde 
movement, and go back to the last century, and touch upon 
the history of the "Naval Hospital Fund." And first I must 
premise, that the traditions and practice as well as the Arti- 
cles of War of our Naval Service, were taken in great part 
from the British service. Most people think that, in eman- 
cipating ourselves from the English rule, we also got rid of a 
certain part of their military rules and regulations. On the 
contrary, our Articles of War, as well as our Regulations, 
were taken almost bodily from those of the English, just as 
during the late Rebellion the Confederate government adopted 
all the old regulations of the United States. 

As is natural, also, very little is known by the people in 
general of the early history of our Navy, or of the Naval 
Hospitals, and of the Medical Corps especially ; and yet the 
Medical Corps has always been associated with every feat of 
arms. Paymasters were not always present or required. 
Steam engineers ane a creation of yesterday. But always, 
since navies and armies (in the modern sense) have existed,, 
the surgeon has shared the dangers and exposures, the defeats 
as well as the triumphs, of the sons of Neptune and Mars. 

Nor is it generally known how great has been the stride 
in advance in the hospitals, and in the treatment of the sick 
and wounded of the Naval Service, since the beginning of the 
century, the time when Lord St. Vincent (the celebrated Sir 
John Jervis) was first Lord of the English Admiralty, and 
Keith, Nelson, and Collingwood were making their reputa- 

124 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

tion, off Ushant, Isle d'Aix, Sardinia, and Toulon. In 1797 
Lord St. Vincent, during the blockade of Cadiz, first paid 
attention to the qualifications and respectability of the 
medical officers, established regular hospitals or sick bays in 
the ships, obtained regular supplies of fresh beef and vege- 
tables, and required attention to hygienic rules, at any cost 
of time or money. The surgeon of his flag-ship was espe- 
cially charged with these matters, and was probably the first 
fleet surgeon in an English fleet. The French recognized the 
necessity of attending to these matters at an earlier period. 

Previous to this time, in almost all navies, it had been a 
disgrace to be sick, and the wounded were regarded as a great 
burden. These unfortunates were kicked about like dogs, 
slinging their hammocks in any out of the way spot, or slink- 
ing into the " cable tier," often to be discovered only when 
dying or dead. 

The naval hospitals of England had been mere sinks of 
corruption, so that, even at the time of our Revolution, 
noblemen and gentlemen of influence used to get their super- 
annuated coachmen, and broken-down footmen and butlers 
admitted to Greenwich Hospital as pensioners. Corruption 
was not, therefore, so entirely confined to our day as many 
persons choose to think. For one proof of this we may con- 
sult Lord Dundonald's remarkable autobiography. In his 
time there appears to have been an unusual difficulty in 
getting " Investigating Committees," and these, when con- 
stituted, seem to have investigated in the wrong direction, 
and to have left the real nuisances undisturbed. Very different 
ideas reigned in England, more than a generation later, when 
" Investigations" into everything were the order of the day. 
Sydney Smith declared that the " whole earth was a com- 
mission," and that the " onus probandi rested with any one 
who said he was not a commissioner." It may be asked 
what this has to do with the subject in question, and I 
answer, that it only goes to show a gradual awakening 
(among other matters) to the duties and responsibilities 01 
the State in its care of its sick or superannuated servants, 
which found its reflection on this side of the water. At 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 125 

the time of which I speak the loss of life in the different 
armies and navies from preventible causes, such as improper 
food, want of system, and of properly regulated hospitals, 
especially, was fearful. 

In Sir John Jervis's expedition against the French Antilles 
(which, though successful in capturing Martinique and Guade- 
loupe, had to yield those places almost immediately from the 
forces heing so thinned by sickness, as to be incapable of 
garrisoning properly the islands), in this expedition, I say, the 
force of soldiers embarked for the first attack was 6085. Of 
these 970 were left sick at Barbadoes, and 224 were sick on 
board, before a blow was struck, and this disabling of more 
than one in five fell within the first month of arrival on the 
scene of action. In the course of this campaign 170 army 
officers of this small force died of yellow fever, or other cli- 
matic diseases, while only 27 were killed, or died of wounds. 
The historians of the period do not think it worth while 
to mention the total loss among the men, but it is at any 
rate on record, that, among the chartered transports em- 
ployed, forty-six masters, and eleven hundred men died, 
and one transport, the " Broderic," lost every soul on board. 
This historical reminiscence may perhaps to some seem irrele- 
vant, but I have thought it necessary to give it, as it pre- 
sents vividly the state of military and naval hygiene at 
the time our own !N"aval Hospital establishment pressed its 
claims upon the government and had its. inception. 

Our Revolutionary navy was, probably, no better and no 
worse than its contemporaries, as far as the treatment of sea- 
men (sick or well) was concerned. Illustrated by the names 
of Paul Jones, Barry, and other brave men, it served its pur- 
pose, was disbanded; the vessels disappeared, and the navy 
ceased to exist, even on paper. But about 1798 the naval 
collision with the French, as well as other causes, led to its 
re-establishment, and to the building of some fine vessels. 
It was at this time that our own Philadelphian naval hero, 
Charles Stewart, entered the navy as a full-fledged Lieuten- 
ant, and the navy list has come down to us uninterruptedly 
ever since. 

126 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

It being established that we were to have a permanent 
naval force, it became evident that some provision was neces- 
sary for the wounded, sick, and disabled. Accordingly, we 
find that the Act of Congress of 1799 provided for the 
assessment of twenty cents a month on the pay of all sea- 
men, for the relief of the sick and disabled. Such an Act 
had already been passed in 1798, in regard to the merchant 
marine, and it was not until the following year that its pro- 
visions were extended to the officers and seamen of the navy. 
This Act provided that the money so collected was to be 
paid over to the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Act also 
declared that the " officers, seamen, and marines of the navy 
were to receive the same relief as sick and disabled seamen 
of the merchant service." 

Under the operation of this law complaint was justly made 
that naval seamen had to be sent to civil hospitals, where 
their officers lost control of them, and they disappeared. 
Nor did it seem proper, that officers, seamen, and marines of 
a military service, should, as a sort of afterthought, be foisted 
upon the Treasury Department, then even more important, 
and more overburdened with work than now. In fact, it 
was evident that the navy must have a Hospital Department 
of its own, with officers in charge who could sympathize 
with the patients, and partake of their growing esprit de corps, 
understanding their peculiarities, their virtues, and their 
failings, as those could not, who had not been brought up 
with them. 

Accordingly we find that, in 1810, an Act of Congress was 
passed appointing the Secretaries of War, the Navy, and the 
Treasury, a " Board of Commissioners of Naval Hospitals." 
The twenty cents a month from each person in the naval 
service, which was assessed under the laws of 1798-9, was, 
by this Act, turned over to these commissioners, to constitute 
a "Naval Hospital Fund," and fifty thousand dollars from 
the unexpended balance of the " Marine Hospital Fund" was 
also placed by this Act in their hands, that being the esti- 
mated share of the fund which had accrued since the Act 
of 1798. From this Act of Congress, of 1810, creating a fund, 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 127 

dates the origin of the establishment in question, the "Naval 
Asylum," as well as of all the rest of the naval hospitals in 
the country. 

At the time Congress passed this law, Mr. Paul Hamilton, 
then Secretary of the Navy, addressed a letter to the " House 
Committee on the Naval Establishment," advocating the 
establishment of hospitals, and that they should be made 
places for the support and maintenance, not only of the dis- 
abled seamen who preferred such a provision to a pension, 
but of the widows of seamen killed in action, and of their 
children, who were, if boys, to be brought up for the naval 
service. More than this, he contended that the midshipmen 
should be sent to these hospitals, for a period, for instruction 
in navigation and general learning. The letter is a long one, 
much too long to quote entire. Impracticable as are some 
of his ideas, there are good points about them, and he appears 
thoroughly sincere. 

In sequence to the Act of 1810, was the Act of Feb. 26, 
1811, authorizing " the Commissioners of Navy Hospitals" to 
acquire sites, and buy or build hospitals, and this Act of 
1811 requires one of the establishments to provide a per- 
manent "Asylum" for "decrepit and disabled naval officers, 
seamen, and marines." " Asylum" is thus used in the first 
law upon the subject, while it was still uncertain in which 
of the hospitals it was to be, and the title has always been 
retained. It is an unfortunate name (although it truly ex- 
presses the intention of the charity), for to most persons the 
word suggests a place of reception for lunatics. "Hospital," 
in its original sense, would well express the purposes of the 
institution, just as it is applied to its prototype, Greenwich 
Hospital, or to Christ Church Hospital in this city. It is, 
however, altogether probable that the name "Asylum" which 
it has borne so long will always be retained. 

In 1826, as I have already stated, Mr. Southard, then Sec- 
retary of the Navy, under date of May 26, authorized Dr. 
Harris, of the Navy, to purchase the Abbot lot. . During the 
same year the old Hospital at the Navy Yard in this city 
(now all swept away) was ordered to be abandoned, and the 

128 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

mansion on the Schuylkill property was occupied in its place. 
Of this Hospital Dr. Harris had charge, and continued there 
until May, 1833, when the Asylum building was nearly 
finished. He never lived there, however, or paid more than 
temporary visits. 

In the records of the old Hospital, while it was in the Pem- 
berton or Abbot house, appear the names, as patients, of 
David Gr. Farragut, who was then, in 1830, a lieutenant, aged 
39 ; Twiggs, afterwards killed at the storming of Chapultepec, 
a major of marines ; Bainbridge and Hull, who appear to 
have been attended at their homes; Levy, Izard, Newell, 
Ogden, Howard, Phil. Yoorhees, Engle, Mercer, and other 
names well known to naval men, and some of them to the 
whole country, all now dead without exception. 

Not long after the occupation of the Pemberton house, 
the government determined to erect somewhere near Phila- 
delphia (to carry out the purposes of the law of 1811) a large 
and permanent building, which was to be the one to which 
the term "Asylum" was to be applied. Some correspondence 
went on, in regard to the site, and from these letters it ap- 
pears that Dr. Thos. Harris is responsible fo'r the selection of 
the lot upon the Gray's Ferry E-oad. He was a Philadel- 
phian, and no doubt anxious to have the institution estab- 
lished in this city, and so naturally recommended a site 
already in the possession of the government, and used for 
hospital purposes. Certain it is, that, when the construction 
of the building was begun, Dr. Harris was detailed by the 
Secretary of the Navy to superintend it, receiving a certain 
sum per annum, over and above his pay, while so employed. 
Mr. Strickland, the architect of the building, was associated 
with him in the superintendence. I find a letter of 1827, 
from the Secretary of the Navy to Dr. Harris and Mr. Strick- 
land, associating them as commissioners to build the Asylum, 
and informing Dr. Harris that " his compensation would be 
adjusted." I have not been able to find any subsequent letter, 
however, showing what that compensation was. Popular 
report placed it at $1000 per annum, in addition to his navy 
pay, quite a sufficient sum for those days. 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at .Philadelphia. 129 

Dr. Thomas Harris was a native of this State, of a highly 
respectable family, which has furnished many distinguished 
members to the different professions. Although all his life 
in the naval service, and for many years Chief of the Bureau 
of Medicine and Surgery, at Washington, he was, at the time 
I speak of, in full practice in this city, his residence being 
in the quaint house still standing at Ninth and Spruce sts., 1 
within a stone's throw of the Historical Society's Hall. Dr. 
Harris entered the navy as full surgeon, July 6, 1812, and 
was surgeon of the Wasp when she captured the English 
ship Frolic, October 18, 1812, for which handsome action the 
thanks of Congress were awarded to the officers and crew. 
He was in Philadelphia during the cholera of 1832, at that 
time in active general practice, as well as attending to his 
naval duties. During that trying period he was conspicuous 
for his devotion and industry, in allaying panic and advising 
municipal measures of relief, for which he received from the 
city a very handsome and valuable service of plate. 

Commodore Jacob Jones, afterwards one of the Governors 
of the Naval Asylum, commanded the Wasp in the action 
referred to above, and Commodore James Biddle, who was 
the first Governor, was the first lieutenant of the Wasp. 

In 1832 the Asylum building was under roof, and up to this 
time the expense had been altogether borne by the Hospital 
Fund, as was perfectly right and proper. But it was now 
found that that fund would not stand any more heavy drains 
upon it, and in July of the year mentioned a bill passed 
Congress, appropriating, for the completion of the Naval 
Hospital at Norfolk, Va., and furnishing it, and for com- 
pleting the " Navy Asylum" at Philadelphia, $27,300, and 
for fixtures, furniture, and apparatus for one wing thereof, 

During the time that the Asylum was building, the Hos- 
pitals at or near Charlestown, Mass., Brooklyn, Norfolk, 
and Pensacola had been also going up, under regular annual 
appropriations from Congress. 

1 [Torn down since this paper was written. ED.] 

130 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

In this same year, 1832, there was a transfer, by Act of 
Congress, of all powers of " Commissioners of Hospitals" to 
the Secretary of the Navy. The Act provided for the turn- 
ing over to him of " the balance in cash, certificates of stock, 
and other evidences of value, previously held by the three 
Commissioners of Hospitals, to be used for the payment of 
Navy and Privateer pensions, and for expenditure on account 
of Naval Hospitals, etc." The Secretary of the Navy, as sole 
commissioner, was to keep an account of this fund, and report 
its condition to Congress annually, which he does to this day. 

The Asylum building, though by no means completed in- 
ternally, was occupied towards the close of 1833. In that 
year there appears to have been no appropriation, but in 
1834, '35, '36, '37, '38, '39, '40, and '42, sums amounting in 
the aggregate to about $93,000 were appropriated for the 
building, as well as for work upon the grounds, introducing 
water, etc. According to the report of Mr. Strickland, the 
architect, the Asylum building cost $195,600. To this must 
be added the cost of the land, $17,000, making a total of 
$212,600. Of this amount about four-ninths was appropri- 
ated by Congress, and the rest came from the hospital fund. 

A well digested report of the period remarks, inter alia, 
in speaking of the Asylum and its cost: 

" It is well for this to be remembered by those naval offi- 
cers who are in the habit of asserting that this building does 
not belong to the government, but to them, they having paid 
for it by contributions to the Naval Hospital Fund, forget- 
ting that, if any such absurd claim is set up, it extends to the 
seamen and marines of the naval service as well. The strange 
ideas such naval officers have, on the subject of this institu- 
tion, show how little they understand either the law or the 
fact. Now, had every dollar of the whole expense been 
obtained from the Hospital Fund, instead of four-ninths of 
the cost only, the institution could no more be said to belong 
to the officers of the navy, or jointly to the marines and sea- 
men, than a service of plate worth say $500, presented for 
any commemorative purpose to an individual, can be con- 
sidered as the property of the 500 or 1000 persons who may 
have subscribed one dollar, if the first number, or half a 
dollar, if the second, towards purchasing it for the purpose 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 131 

mentioned. The Navy Hospital Fund is a fund of the gov- 
ernment, held, controlled, and disbursed by its officers, arising 
in great part by a lawful exaction, not a voluntary subscription, 
of $2.40 a year from every individual of the naval service. 
Certain prospective benefits, under the circumstances of dis- 
ability and sickness, are guaranteed by this exaction law to 
men and officers, nothing more. This assessed annual con- 
tribution of $2.40 has this one provision ; no farther franchise 
pertains to it: and the legal quid pro quo pledge has this ex- 
tent only, 4 to provide temporary relief and maintenance to 
sick and disabled seamen in hospitals or other proper institu- 
tions.' This is the phraseology of the law of 1798, and no 
other law in existence ever conferred any other privilege ; 
even that law and that diction only relate to seamen of the 
merchant service. But the 2d and 3d sections of the law of 
1799 empower, the first, the assessment of 20 cents monthly 
in the navy ; the second guarantees the same prerogative 
(already quoted above) enjoyed by merchant seamen, to naval 
officers, seamen, and marines, but it conveys no other right." 

Much more, to the same purpose, follows in the report I 
quote, which also states, farther on, that " many naval officers 
entertain undue expectations, and expatiate with wonderful 
freedom and certainty on their claims on the medical depart- 
ment of the navy, claims based simply on the fact that ' they 
have paid hospital money/ which, by the way, they could 
not help paying, if they would. The error of such, like those 
who seem to claim, in fee, the property called the Naval Asy- 
lum, is in their mistaking the compulsory contribution of law 
for an eleemosynary douceur. 19 

The Naval Asylum building faces nearly east, and is con- 
structed of a grayish-white marble, with a granite basement. 
It is 380 feet in length, and consists of a centre, with a high 
broad flight of marble steps, and imposing abutments, and a 
marble colonnade and pediment, in the bastard classic style 
which was all the fashion at the period of its erection. The 
architects of banks, colleges, churches, and even private resi- 
dences, all went to Greece and Rome for their architectural 
inspiration. This fashion has fastened upon the country a 
great number of solid and costly buildings, utterly unsuited 
to our climate, as well as being unsightly, from the very lack 
of fitness. 

132 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

The wings of the building are symmetrical, and terminate 
in pavilions, or transverse buildings at each end. These 
wings are supplied with broad covered verandas, on each of 
the two main floors, which verandas are admirably adapted 
to their purpose, and are, of course, entirely out of keeping 
with the classic style of the central structure. There is a 
fine attic over the whole building, which, as I have said, is 
in every part most substantially and thoroughly built, the 
marble staircases of the interior being particularly noticeable, 
both from their ingenious construction and economy of space. 

All the ceilings of both basement and first floor are vaulted, 
in solid masonry, and on the main floor is a remarkably fine 
domed apartment, which is used as a muster-room and chapel. 
The most faulty part of the whole structure is the basement, 
which is somewhat low and damp, with an insufficiently 
drained sub-cellar. That part of the building has always 
been found unhealthy, although much less so now than in 
former days. 

The beneficiaries are each furnished with a small room, 
beside which there are reading and smoking rooms in the 
pavilions, and handsome quarters for a number of officers 
and employes. 

The building, though by no means finished internally, was 
first occupied about the end of 1833, when the old Pember- 
ton house (which stood just where the ice-house now is 1 ) was 
disused, and about three years later it was demolished. 

At this time there was a burial-ground on the Shippen 
Street side of the property, north of the Asylum, the graves 
extending about as far as the curbstone of the present street, 
the lines of which had not then been accurately extended to 
the Schuylkill. About 100 bodies of those who had died 
in the old hospital, or of those who had been sent from the 
Navy Yard, or ships, for interment at this spot, were taken 
up at this time, and transferred to a burial-ground regularly 
inclosed. This place was at the bottom of the grounds, near 
the Schuylkill, at the corner of Shippen (now Bainbridge) 

1 Even the ice-house is now entirely removed. E. S. 1883. 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 133 

Street and Sutherland Avenue. A substantial dead-house 
and stone wall, with an Osage orange hedge, were the perma- 
nent improvements made in this cemetery; and many burials 
of both men and officers took place there in ensuing years. 
But the dead men's bones were not to rest there, as will be 
shown when we come to speak of the erection of a large 
naval hospital on that very spot, when the remains of poor 
Jack were again transferred to a lot purchased by the gov- 
ernment in Mount Moriah Cemetery, in West Philadelphia, 
where all interments now take place. Let us hope that Mount 
Moriah may remain extra-mural, at least until those now 
buried there are forgotten, and their dust thoroughly mingled 
with their mother earth. 

The smaller brick tenements, which stood over close by the 
Shippen Street bank, remained there until the autumn of 
1838, surviving the parent mansion two years. In that year 
Commodore Bidclle demolished them, and used the debris to 
metal the roads and walks now in use, which were laid out 
by him. 

The first pensioner, or " beneficiary," received into the 
Asylum after its opening, appears to have been one Daniel 
Kliess, and the second was William Williams. These two 
were not very creditable specimens of the defenders of our 
country, if their previous record, while inmates of the hos- 
pital, is to be taken. These men had been living as pen- 
sioners in the old house, where they were treated merely as 
convalescent patients. Upon the occupation of the new 
building they were transferred, and two others joined them, 
making four in all. The pensioners or beneficiaries were 
then first distinguished from hospital patients, and were 
placed under the charge of Lieut. Cooper, who lived in the 

At the same time that this transfer of beneficiaries was 
made, the sick of the station, fifteen in number, were also 
quartered in the new building. The room at present used as 
the governor's office, on the main floor, was then the office 
and dispensary combined ; and the large room back of it was 
the sick-room. Large as it is, there must have been pretty 
VOL. vii. 10 

134 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

close stowage for fifteen sick men. The resident assistant sur- 
geon, Dr. Barrington, long since dead, occupied the two rooms 
on the same floor at the north end, which are now the smok- 
ing room and library. 

At this period (about the close of 1833) neither of the 
wings was finished, as far as the second floor was concerned. 
Indeed, they were not required, while as for the attics, which 
are very fine and spacious, these were not entirely finished 
until 1848. Previous to 1841, however, the second floor 
south, and the rooms in the southern pavilion had been 
finished and occupied as the hospital, being shut off by lat- 
ticed doors. The two large rooms on the main floor, imme- 
diately south of the chapel, were at the game time assigned 
to the Medical Examining Board as permanent quarters. 
This portion of the building continued to be used in this 
way until the new hospital building was erected, just at the 
close of the civil war. During the war the part of the 
building regularly assigned to the hospital was found insuffi- 
cient, and the sick and wounded were, by order of the Secre- 
tary of the Navy, treated and quartered in other parts of the 

When the Asylum building was first occupied, Commodore 
Barron was in command of the Philadelphia station, and 
had general charge of the Asylum. I fancy he seldom went 
near it. The pensioners, hospital patients, and hired men 
and women, all messed together; and there was a hospital 
steward who furnished the general mess in the same way, 
and from the same funds, as at other hospitals. Indeed, no 
direct appropriation for the support of the beneficiaries 
(whose number in December, 1842, had increased to forty- 
two) was made until July 1, 1858, when they numbered con- 
siderably more than one hundred. Up to that time the 
whole expense of maintenance had been defrayed from the 
hospital fund. As this was found to be too heavily bur- 
dened, the appropriation bill of 1858 has an item for the 
support of beneficiaries, of $26,392, and a separate appro- 
priation for that purpose has ever since been made. 

The grounds about the building were, at the time of the 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 135 

first occupation, full of trees, mostly fruit trees, remaining 
from those planted at different times when it was a country 
seat. In the winter of 1836-7, which was a very cold one, 
wood was very scarce and dear, and it was with this fuel that 
the building was then warmed, as well as all the cooking done. 
Under these circumstances Commodore Barren had all the 
trees of every description cut down and converted into fire- 
wood. This act, which was much deprecated at the time, as 
it gave the grounds a more ragged and deserted appearance 
than ever, was in the end productive of good, for it led to 
the planting of the noble trees now adorning the place. 
These trees, which are as fine as any I know in any of our 
city squares, were planted by Commodore Biddle soon after 
he assumed charge as the first governor of the Asylum, in the 
autumn of 1838. Many of these fine trees were not planted 
until 1840. They were mere switches when set out, and 
were brought from the nursery in bundles of a dozen. 

At this time, and long after, there was great prejudice 
existing against the locality, on account of the prevalence of 
malarial fever. Nor was this prejudice unfounded. Even so 
late as eighteen years ago, when I was first stationed there, 
almost every one about the place had intermittent fever at 
some time of the year. All this is now happily changed, as 
the disappearance of the ponds and brick-fields, and the com- 
plete building up of the whole neighborhood, have rendered 
the place healthy. Indeed, I know of few places in or about 
Philadelphia where there is less consumption of quinine. 
Could the sub-cellar and basement of the Asylum be re- 
modelled, I should consider it a very wholesome place of 

As the number of pensioners or beneficiaries gradually in- 
creased, the institution attracted more of the attention of 
the Navy Department. Numerous complaints reached the 
Hon. J. K Paulding, then Secretary of the Navy, during 
1838, complaints especially as to the manner in which the 
beneficiaries were managed by Lieut. Cooper. 1 Mr. Paul- 

1 Perhaps the luke-warm manner in which Commodore Barron inspected 
the place rendered Mr. Cooper's duties more difficult. E. S. 1883. 

136 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

ding wrote a private letter to Commodore James Biddlc, then 
residing in Philadelphia, stating that various complaints had 
reached him, inducing him to believe that the superintendent 
of the Naval Asylum was totally unfit for his position. The 
Secretary proposed that some officer of high rank should take 
charge, u who, with the title of ' Governor,' might, while he 
gave dignity to the station, sustain no diminution of his own." 
He invited Commodore Biddle to address him frankly upon 
this subject, and to state his views. One is at loss to see 
how the dignity of the office is enhanced by the title of 
" Governor," rather than that of " Superintendent," or " Com- 
mandant." But Mr. Paulding seems to have had such an idea, 
having Greenwich Hospital in his mind, no doubt. The only 
wonder is, that, while he borrowed the title of the command- 
ing officer, he did not also change the name of the charity, to 
correspond with its English prototype. 

Commodore Biddle replied to the communication, agreeing 
with the views of the Secretary, and stating that the institu- 
tion was not what it ought to be, " attractive and popular 
with the superannuated and disabled of the service," with 
more to the same purpose. In conclusion, he says that he 
thinks a captain in the navy (then the highest rank) should 
be at the head of the asylum, and that he would cheerfully 
take the command, as proposed by the Secretary. His ap- 
pointment as " Governor" was accordingly made out, under 
date of August 1, 1838, a few days after which he assumed 
the command. 

Commodore Biddle's name is so well known to the country 
at large, as well as to Philadelphians, and especially to mem- 
bers of the Historical Society, that it would seem a work of 
supererogation to give even a sketch of his career. But, as 
he was a Philadelphian, I will venture to do so, at the risk 
of making my paper somewhat prolix. 

James Biddle was born in Philadelphia Feb. 28, 1783, 
and died in this city Oct. 1, 1848. A man of rather small 
stature, and of nervous temperament (whose appearance must 
be familiar to many of those present), he was the son of 
Charles, and the nephew of Nicholas Biddle, the Commodore, 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 137 

who was blown up in 1778, while commanding the "Ran- 
dolph," in action with the "Yarmouth" of 64 guns. James 
Biddle was educated at the University of Pennsylvania, and 
entered the navy in 1800, not long after its re-establishment, 
Of seven brothers, John and Thomas served in the regular 
army, William and Richard were actively employed in the 
militia, and Nicholas was in the legislature, while James 
distinguished himself most of all during the war with Eng- 
land in 1812. Long previous to that time, however, James 
had been wrecked in the frigate " Philadelphia," off Tripoli, 
and was a prisoner for nineteen months. During the war 
of 1812 he was, as I have already said, first lieutenant of 
the "Wasp," in the brilliant action with the "Frolic," im- 
mediately after which he was captured by the " Poictiers" 
of 74 guns, and taken to Bermuda, whence he was duly 
exchanged. In 1813 he had command of the Flotilla on 
the Delaware, but was soon after ordered to the command 
of the " Hornet," in New London, where he was blockaded 
by a British squadron, from which he adroitly escaped and 
put to sea. Soon after this he captured the British sloop 
" Penguin," after a sharp action. In this affair Biddle was 
severely wounded. He was afterwards chased for four days 
by the " Cornwallis" of 74 guns, and by his seamanship, and 
the sacrifice of his guns and equipments, escaped. For his 
action with the " Penguin" Congress voted him a gold medal, 
while Philadelphia gave him a service of plate, and he re- 
ceived honors from other quarters. After the war of 1812-15 
he held important commands, and was clothed with diplo- 
matic powers, not usually entrusted to naval officers. He 
held, in succession, the chief naval command in the Pacific, 
in South America, in the West Indies, and in the Mediter- 
ranean. During these periods of service he was appointed a 
commissioner to negotiate a treaty with the Ottoman Porte, 
and to ratify a treaty with China, which powers serve to 
show how highly he was regarded by different administra- 
tions. During his last cruise, which was a circumnavigation 
of the globe in a noble ship, he visited Japan, then sealed 
to the world at large, and, in spite of that, compelled a re- 

138 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

spectful consideration of what he had to say to them. After 
leaving Japan he commanded, for a time, one squadron which 
operated on the west coast of Mexico, during the war with 
that country, to which squadron we owe the possession of 
one of our most flourishing States, California. 

It was in the interval of more active service that Com- 
modore Biddle took charge of the Naval Asylum, namely, 
from 1838 to 1842. He had some years left, after he gave up 
the command, for more stirring and strictly professional 

During Commodore Biddle's tenure the classes of midship- 
men who were preparing for their examination were placed 
in the Asylum, and a professor or two quartered there, for 
their instruction. This seemed almost a fulfilment of Mr. 
Paul Hamilton's idea. The midshipmen were at first as- 
signed the basement rooms at the north end, which were, to 
quote a report, " damp, cold, cheerless, and unhealthy.'* 
Afterwards, through the energetic remonstrances of Lieuten- 
ant Foote (afterwards the well known admiral), they were 
placed upon the floor above. Here they remained until the 
naval school was established at Annapolis, Md., about 1845. 
Time does not permit me to dwell upon the numerous scrapes 
and escapades of these young gentlemen, the survivors of 
whom are commodores. They had all been years at sea when 
they came to the school, and were not the u callow youth" of 
our times, by any means. 

The various uses to which the building was at this time 
put, and the quartering there of a number of officers, pro- 
fessors, and employes, and an unfortunate difference between 
the executive and medical authorities regarding the quantity 
of room occupied, produced a state of things which led to 
the division of the building into two parts by a wall of lath 
and plaster, giving the north half to the beneficiaries, and 
the southern to the hospital proper. It is not necessary to 
revert farther to the causes which led to this curious state 
of things, but only to state the fact as a part of the history 
of the institution. The following letter from the architect, 
Mr. Strickland, to the Honorable A. P. Upshur, Secretary of 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 139 

the Navy, under date of Nov. 10, 1842, will explain, concisely, 
the manner in which the division was made: 


I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
of the 7th inst. requiring me to partition off the building of 
the Naval Asylum at this city, so as to assign the southern 
portion exclusively to the purposes of an hospital, and to 
make an estimate and report of the probable cost. 

In conformity with your wishes, I have visited the build- 
ing, and examined into the best mode of performing this 
work, and find that your object can be perfectly and sub- 
stantially done, without disturbing or changing any of the 
symmetry of the present plan. Indeed, sir, in "the original 
design of the building, this kind of separation was con- 

There is simply nothing more to do than to preserve the 
principal entrance hall leading from the front portico, as a 
vestibule for general entrance, and where the longitudinal 
lobby or passage crosses the vestibule, to construct a perma- 
nent partition in its centre, as well as that of the hall of 
entrance east and west, on each side of which doors of ample 
width may be made, the one to enter into the south, or hos- 
pital lobby, and the other into that of the north. The gal- 
lery leading across the stairways, from the lobby to the 
rotunda, or chapel, to be also partitioned off OD each side, 
having a door of access from the northern lobby, as well as 
one from the southern one, into the rotunda. These parti- 
tions will completely separate the two stairways, giving one 
flight to each division of the building. This is all that will 
be required on the principal story. 

In the basement the longitudinal passage or lobby may be 
also separated by a bulk-head, and the east and west passage 
leading at right angles from the foot of the stairways to the 
kitchens and dining-rooms, where two partitions should be 
constructed, forming a lobby of separation between them, so 
that a wide outlet may be formed into a passage to the grounds 
in the rear of the buildings. 

The stairways, kitchen, "dining-rooms, pan trys, store-rooms, 
closets, coal vaults, furnaces, &c., by this plan of separation, 
will be all in place ; the one suit being completely the ditto 
of the other, in each compartment of the building, and_I 
need only add that each will have more than ample space in 
cooking and dining-rooms, together with the necessary appa- 
ratus tor the accommodation of at least one hundred persons. 

140 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

In the third story the partition must also extend across 
the longitudinal passage in the centre of the building, as 
beneath, as well as in the centre of the gallery which crosses 
the head of the stairways, leaving sufficient space to enter 
upon the roof. 

In the extreme southern end of the building, or the hospital 
division, there is a large room in the third story, fitted with 
a skylight in the ceiling, which room was originally intended 
for a surgical hall, and which may now, at a moderate ex- 
pense, be furnished with the necessary fixtures for medical 
and surgical purposes. 

With great respect, 

Yr obdt. servant, 


As a matter of fact this division of the building did take 
place, but the arrangement did not last very long. Com- 
modore Barron was ordered to the Asylum about this time, 
but, owing to these difficulties, would not remain. Better 
counsel at last prevailed, and the arrangement of the build- 
ing was restored to its former condition, and so remained 
until the erection of the new hospital gave up the whole 
establishment to the pensioners. 

During the course of the late war the necessity for a sepa- 
rate naval hospital became manifest, and it was therefore 
determined to remove the bodies of those buried in the 
cemetery, on the back part of the premises, and to place the 
hospital there. In my opinion it was the very worst of 
situations for a hospital ; but it was done, and a large and ex- 
pensive building was erected there, which has never since 
been filled to one-half its capacity. The remains of many 
officers and men were accordingly removed, and re-interred 
at Mount Moriah Cemetery, on the west bank of the Schuyl- 
kill, in what, it is to be hoped, is their last resting-place, some 
of them having already been buried three times. The hos- 
pital does not stand upon the exact site of the old burial- 
ground, but the steam-house, laundry, drying-ground, and 
coal-sheds of the hospital occupy the exact spot, still partially 
inclosed by a wall and an Osage orange hedge. 

As to the Asylum, time prevents me from entering into the 
anecdotal history of the place, but I may say, that many 

Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 141 

curious characters have been inmates of the institution ; 
while hundreds of old men, who have deserved well of their 
country, have here passed their declining years in tranquillity 
and comfort, and many of them have attained a very 
great age. 

At present the number of the beneficiaries ranges from 
120 to 130, and they die (either from accident or the diseases 
of old age) about as fast as the new ones come in. 

Under the regulations no one is eligible for the place who 
has not passed twenty years in the naval service, although 
there are many exceptions to this rule in cases of serious dis- 
ability in the line of duty. 

Upon coming into the establishment a beneficiary has to 
give up to the hospital fund any pension of which he may 
be in receipt, as is eminently right and proper. The exact 
converse arrangement has, however, lately taken place in 
England, where Greenwich Hospital as a receptacle for super- 
annuated sailors and marines, has been broken up, and the 
building turned into a naval college. Those pensioners who 
were thoroughly bedridden or incapacitated, were sent to 
Haslar, or Yarmouth, as hospital patients, while those who 
were able to take care of themselves, or had friends to take 
care of them, received a pension. Thus the picturesque 
Greenwich Hospital uniform, immortalized by Wilkie and 
other artists, has disappeared from sight forever. 

The beneficiaries in our Asylum have each a separate room, 
and three wholesome meals a day. They have also sufficient 
clothing and washing, with one dollar per month for spend- 
ing money, and 1J- pounds of tobacco. Many have saved 
money before they carne there, and fit themselves out with 
much taste, while all are comfortable. Some, indeed, among 
the prudent, are quite capitalists on a small scale. They 
have quite a fair library, and four reading-rooms, with daily 
and weekly papers, a good open fire in each, and liberty to 
smoke as much as they please. "No restraint is put upon 
their liberty during reasonable hours, so long as they behave 
themselves properly. Many who are not past all service, 
after coming to the house and establishing themselves, obtain 

142 Origin of the Naval Asylum at Philadelphia. 

formal leave of absence, generally for a year at a time. They 
are apt to go to sea again, or fishing, or some other congenial 
employment. If the beneficiary withdraws from the Asylum, 
he is allowed to resume any pension to which he may have 
been entitled before coming there. 

It is not necessary, in a notice of this kind, to proceed far- 
ther into the working of the institution, as I have endeavored 
to treat it in regard to its history, as one of the local objects 
of interest in our city, rather than in its relations as a gov- 
ernment establishment. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 143 


BY J. \V. P. WHITE, 


The English system of Jurisprudence prevailed in Pennsyl- 
vania during the Proprietary Government. It was slightly 
modified by the Constitution of 1776, and radically changed 
by the Constitution of 1790. To understand our early courts, 
we must have some knowledge of the Provincial system. 

The Act of 22 May, 1722, which continued in force, with 
slight amendments and some interruptions, until after the 
Revolution, established and regulated the courts. Each 
county had a court of "General Quarter Sessions of the 
Peace and Gaol Delivery," for criminal offences, and a 
court of "Common Pleas," for the trial of civil causes, each 
court required to hold four terms in the year. The Governor 
was authorized to appoint and commission "a competent 
number of Justices of the Peace" for each county; and they, 
or any three of them, could hold the Court of Quarter Ses- 
sions. He was also authorized to appoint and commission 
"a competent number of persons" to hold the Common Pleas. 
At first, the same persons were appointed and commissioned 
for both courts. But the Act of 9 Sept. 1759, prohibited the 
Justices of the Quarter Sessions from holding commissions 
as Judges of the Common Pleas. That Act required " five 
persons of the best discretion, capacity, judgment, and integ- 
rity" to be commissioned for the Common Pleas, any three 
of whom could hold the court. These justices and judges 
were appointed for life or during good behavior. The Con- 
stitution of 1776 limited them to a term of seven }'ears, but 
the Constitution of 1790 restored the old rule of appointment 
for life or good behavior. 

The Orphans' Court was established by Act of 29 March, 
1713, to be held by the Justices of the Quarter Sessions. But 

144 The Judiciary of Allegheny Comity. 

the Act of 1759 changed this, and made the Judges of the 
Common Pleas the Judges of the Orphans' Court. 

The Act of 1722 established a Supreme Court of three 
Judges, afterwards increased to four, who reviewed, on writs 
of error, the proceedings in the county courts, and were also 
Judges of the Court of Oyer and Termirier, for the trial of 
all capital felonies, for which purpose they visited each county 
twice a year. The Act of 31 May, 1718, made the following 
offences punishable with death : treason, misprision of trea- 
son, murder, manslaughter, sodomy, rape, robbery, mayhem, 
arson, burglary, witchcraft, and concealing the birth of a 
bastard child. 

On the night of Nov. 24, 1758, the French blew up, de- 
stroyed, and deserted Fort Duquesne ; the next day General 
Forbes took possession of the ruins, and commenced Fort 
Pitt. Ten years thereafter, by the treaty of Fort Stanwix 
(Nov. 5, 1768), the Indian title to all lands south of the Ohio 
and Monongahela, and up the Allegheny as far as Kittanning, 
was ceded to the Penns, and four months later (March 27, 
1769), the "Manor of Pittsburgh" was surveyed. At that 
time all north of the Ohio and Allegheny was Indian Terri- 
tory. In October, 1770, George Washington visited Pitts- 
burgh and estimated the number of houses at about twenty, 
which, counting six persons to a house, would give a total 
population of one hundred and twenty, of men, women, and 

All this region of the State was then in Cumberland County. 
Bedford County was erected by Act of 9 March, 1771, and 
all west of the mountains was included in it. Ou'r courts 
were then held at Bedford. The first court held there was 
April 16, 1771. The scattered settlers of the West were rep- 
resented by George Wilson, Wm. Crawford, Thomas Gist, 
and Dorsey Pentecost, who were Justices of the Peace and 
Judges of the Court. The court divided the county into town- 
ships. Pitt Township (including Pittsburgh) embraced the 
greater part of the present county of Allegheny, and portions 
of Beaver, Washington, and Westmoreland, and had fifty- 
two land-owners, twenty tenants, and thirteen single freemen. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 145 

Westmoreland County was formed out of Bedford by Act 
of 26 Feb. 1773, and embraced all of the Province west of the 
mountains. The act directed the courts to be held at the 
house of Robert Hanna, until a court-house should be built. 
Robert Hanna lived in a log house about three miles north- 
east of where Greensburg now stands. 

Five trustees were named in the act to locate the county 
seat and erect the public buildings. Robert Hanna and Joseph 
Erwin were two of them; Hanna rented his house to Erwin 
to be kept as a tavern, and got the majority of the trustees 
to recommend his place where a few other cabins were 
speedily erected, and the place named Hannastown im the 
county seat. Gen. Arthur St. Glair and a minority of the 
trustees recommended Pittsburgh. This difference of opinion, 
and the unsettled condition of affairs during the Revolution, 
delayed the matter until 1787, when the county seat was 
fixed at Greensburg. In 1775 Hannastown had twenty-five 
or thirty cabins, having about as many houses and inhabi- 
tants as Pittsburgh. Now its site is scarcely known. The 
town was burnt by the Indians in July, 1782, but the house 
of Hanna, being adjacent to the fort, escaped, and the courts 
continued to be held at his house until October, 1786 ; the 
first at Greensburg was in January, 1787. 


During all the time the courts were held at Hannastown, 
Pittsburgh was in Westmoreland County. The first court 
was held April 6, 1773. William Crawford was the first 
presiding justice. He resided on the Youghiogheny, oppo- 
site where Connellsville now stands. He had been a Justice 
of the Peace while the territory was in Cumberland County, 
and afterwards when it was in Bedford County. In 1775 he 
took sides with Virginia in the border contest, and was re- 
moved. He was the Col. Crawford who conducted the un- 
fortunate expedition against the Indians on the Sandusky, 
and suffered such a cruel death at their hands. Col. Wm. 
Crawford was a gentleman of the old school, intelligent, ac- 

146 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

complished, brave, patriotic. He was the personal friend of 
Washington, and served with him under Genl. Braddock. 
His death cast a cloud of sorrow and gloom over all the set- 
tlements west of the mountains. 

Under the Provincial system the Justices selected their own 
president. By Act of 28 Jan. 1777, the President and Exec- 
utive Council (under the Constitution of 1776) appointed and 
commissioned one as presiding justice. Among the first, 
thus regularly appointed and commissioned, was John Moor. 

JOHN MOOR was born in Lancaster County in 1738. His 
father died when he was a small boy, and about the year 
1757 his mother, with her family, moved west of the moun- 
tains. At the breaking out of the Revolution, in 1775, he 
lived on a farm of 400 acres, on Crab tree Run, in Westmore- 
land County, which he was clearing and on which he had erected 
a stone house for his residence, indicating that he was one of 
the most intelligent and enterprising farmers of his day. 
He was a member of the Convention that met in Philadel- 
phia, July 15, 1776, to frame a Constitution for the State; 
took an active part in the Convention, and was appointed one 
of the " Council of Safety" in the early part of the war. In 
1777 he was commissioned a Justice of the Peace of West- 
moreland County ; in 1779 a Judge of the Common Pleas; 
and in 1785 President Judge. Not being a lawyer, he could 
not hold that position after the adoption of the Constitution 
of 1790. In 1792 he was elected to the State Senate from the 
district composed of Allegheny and Westmoreland counties. 
He died in 1812, leaving two sons and four daughters. One son 
was county surveyor of Westmoreland County ; the other was 
a civil engineer, and died in Kentucky. The daughters were 
respectively married to Major John Kirkpatrick, a merchant 
of Greensburg; John M. Snowden, afterwards Associate Judge 
of Allegheny County ; Rev. Francis Laird, D.D. ; and James 
McJunkin, a farmer of Westmoreland County. 

At the first court held at Hannastown the " Rates for 
Tavern Keepers in Westmoreland County" were fixed, and 
among the rates were these : 

The 'Judiciary of Allegheny County. 147 

Whiskey, per gill ^ 

West India Hum, per gill .... ^ 

Toddy, per gill lg 

A bowl of West India Rum Toddy, containing one- 
half pint, with loaf sugar .... l s . ed. 
Cyder, per quart ..... i s 
Strong beer, per quart g^ 

At the same sessions a jail was ordered to be erected. It 
was made of round, unhewn logs, one story high, and had 
but one small room, where men and women, whites, blacks, 
and Indians were confined together. The jail was mainly to 
confine the prisoners until trial, for imprisonment was not 
generally a part of the sentence after conviction. Punish- 
ments were fines, whipping, standing in the pillory or stocks, 
cropping the ears, arid branding. The whipping post, which 
stood in front of the jail, was a stout sapling placed firmly 
in the ground, with a crosspiece above the head, to which 
the hands of the culprit were tied, while the lashes were 
inflicted by the sheriff on his bare back. The pillory con- 
sisted of a low platform on which the culprit stood, with 
uprights supporting a frame with openings in it through 
which his head and hands projected. At common law every 
passer by might cast one stone at the projecting head. The 
stocks were also a rude framework on which the culprit sat, 
his legs projecting through openings in front. When no 
regular stocks were at hand, the custom was to lift the 
corner of a rail fence and thrust the legs between the two 
lower rails. 

At the October sessions of 1773 James Brigland was con- 
victed on two indictments for larceny ; on the first, sentenced 
to pay a fine of twenty shillings, and receive ten lashes at t 
the whipping-post ; and on the second, twenty lashes. Luke 
Picket, for larceny, twenty-one lashes, and Patrick J. Mas- 
terson, for the same offence, fifteen lashes. At the January 
session, 1774, Wm. Howard, for a felony, was sentenced to 
receive thirty lashes on the bare back, well laid on, and 
afterwards stand one hour in the pillory. This was the 
first sentence to the pillory. At every succeeding term of 
court numerous parties received punishments by whipping, 

148 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

standing in the pillory, branding, etc. At the October 
sessions, 1775, Elizabeth Smith admitted she had stolen 
some small articles from James Kincaid to whom she was 
indentured. She was sentenced to pay a fine, and receive 
fifteen lashes on the bare back. But Mr. Kincaid com- 
plained that he had lost her services for the four days she 
was in jail, and had been at some expense in prosecuting her ; 
whereupon the court ordered her, to make up said loss, to 
serve her said master and his assigns two years after the 
expiration of her indentures. At the April sessions, 1782, 
James McGill was sentenced to be whipped, stand in the 
pillory, have his right ear cropt, and be branded in the fore- 
head. At the April sessions, 1783, John Smith, for a felony, 
was sentenced to pay a fine of twenty pounds, receive thirty- 
nine lashes on his back, well laid on, stand in the pillory 
one hour, and have his ears cut off and nailed to the pillory. 
At the July sessions, 1788, Jane Adamson, a servant of 
Samuel Sample, had one year added to her indenture for 
having a bastard child. 

The first person convicted of murder, and hung, west of 
the mountains, was an Indian of the Delaware tribe, by the 
name of Mamachtaga. In 1785, in a drunken spree at Pitts- 
burgh, he crossed the river to the Allegheny side, nearly oppo- 
site Killbuck Island, and killed a white man by the name of 
Smith. He was tried at Hannastown in the fall of that year, 
before Chief-Justice McKean. Hugh H. Brackenridge was 
his counsel. When brought into court, he refused, at first, 
to plead " not guilty ;" for that, he said, would be a lie ; he 
did kill Smith, but said he was drunk at the time, and did 
not know what he was doing. The Chief Justice, however, 
held that drunkenness was no excuse for murder. After his 
conviction and sentence to death, a little daughter of the 
jailor fell dangerously ill. He said if they would let him go 
to the woods he could get some roots that would cure her. 
He went, got the roots, and they cured her. The day before 
his execution he asked permission to go to the woods to get 
some roots to paint his face red, that he might die like a 
warrior. The jailor went with him, he got the roots, re- 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 149 

turned to jail, and the next day was executed, painted as a 
brave warrior. The gallows was a rude structure, with a 
ladder leading up to the crossbeam, from which the rope 
was suspended. The sheriff and prisoner ascended the ladder, 
the rope was tied about his neck, and then the sheriff shoved 
him off the ladder. The first time the rope broke. The 
poor Indian, strangled and bewildered, supposed that that 
was all, and he would then be let go. But the sheriff pro- 
cured another rope, and he was again compelled to ascend 
the ladder. This time the majesty of the white man's law 
was vindicated by the death of the red man, for a crime 
committed in a frenzy fit, occasioned by whiskey the white 
man had given him. 

During the trial the Chief Justice and his associate Judge 
were arrayed in scarlet robes, as was the custom in those 
days. The grave demeanor and glittering robes of the Judges 
deeply impressed the poor unlettered son of the forest. He 
could not believe they were mortals, but regarded them as 
some divine personages. 

As there was no court-house at Hannastown, the courts 
were always held in the house of Robert Hanna. Parties, 
jurors, witnesses, and lawyers were crowded together in a 
small room, nearly all standing. The Judges occupied com- 
mon hickory chairs raised on a clapboard bench at one side. 

During the Revolutionary War, while the courts met 
regularly, but little business was transacted, and the laws 
were not rigidly enforced. At the October sessions, 1781, 
only one constable attended, and he was from Pittsburgh. 


The first courts held in Pittsburgh were Virginia Courts, 
administering the laws of Virginia. They were held under 
authority of Lord Dunmore, Governor of Virginia. The 
first court was held Feb. 21, 1775. 

As soon as the country west of the mountains began to be 
settled, a controversy sprang up between Pennsylvania and 
Virginia as to which owned the territory. The charter 
VOL. vn. 11 

150 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

of Charles II. to Wm. Penn was dated March 4, 1681, and 
created the Province of Pennsylvania. Virginia was an older 
colony. A royal charter had been granted to a company in 
1609, with very indefinite boundaries for their territory. 
But the charter was dissolved in 1624, and thereafter Vir- 
ginia became a crown cotony, that is, under the control and 
government of the King of England, and not under a pro- 
prietary government, like that of Pennsylvania under Wm. 
Penn, or Maryland under Lord Baltimore. These were 
called provinces, not colonies. The controversy between Wm. 
Penn and Lord Baltimore, as to the line between their pro- 
vinces, was settled in 1767 by two surveyors chosen for the 
purpose, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, and the line 
was thereafter known as Mason and Dixon's line. But 
that line extended only as far as Maryland, and did not fix 
the boundary between Pennsylvania and Virginia. Virginia 
claimed, in a general w r ay, all west of the mountains, but more 
especially all lying between the Monongahela and Ohio rivers. 
She surveyed, sold, and granted patents to numerous tracts 
of land lying within the present counties of Allegheny and 
Washington. The organization of Westmoreland County, 
in 1773, roused Virginia to an active assertion of her claim. 
Lord Dunmore appointed Dr. John Connolly, then residing 
at Pittsburgh, as his agent and representative, to enforce the 
claims of Virginia. On the 1st of Jan. 1774, he published 
a manifesto, as "Captain and Commandant of the Militia of 
Pittsburgh and its Dependencies," assuring the settlers "on 
the Western Waters" of his protection, and commanding 
them to meet him for conference on the 25th of the same 
month at Pittsburgh. 

Arthur St. Clair, a Justice of the Peace of Westmoreland 
County, issued a warrant against Connolly, on which he was 
arrested and imprisoned for a short time. After he got out 
of jail, he obtained from Lord Dunmore a commission as a 
Justice of the Peace for Augusta County, Va., this being then 
considered a part of that county. Connolly then issued war- 
rants on which Justices of the Peace of Westmoreland County 
were arrested and imprisoned. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 151 

The controversy between the two State jurisdictions con- 
tinued in this irregular way for a year. The settlers gene- 
rally sided with Virginia, for the price of lands under the 
Virginia laws was considerably less than under the Pennsyl- 
vania laws. 

The Governor of Virginia and his agent Connolly enforced 
their pretensions by holding regular courts in Pittsburgh. 
The first court was held 21 Feb. 1775. The Justices of the 
Peace of Augusta County, who held this court, were Geo. 
Croghan, John Campbell, John Connolly, Dorsey Pentecost, 
Thomas Smallman, and John Gibson. John Gibson was an 
uncle of Chief- Justice Gibson. The court continued in 
session four days, and then adjourned to Staunton, Va. Courts 
were also held in May and September of that year. Connolly 
attended the court in May, but soon after that the Revolu- 
tionary War broke out, when he and Lord Dunmore fled to 
the British camp never to return. 

The regular Virginia Courts continued to be held at Pitts- 
burgh, for West Augusta County, as it was then called, until 
Nov. 30, 1776. The territory was then divided into three 
counties called Ohio, Yohogania, and Monongalia. Pitts- 
burgh was in Yohogania County, which embraced the greater 
portions of the present counties 6f Allegheny and Washington. 
The courts of this county were held regularly until the 28th 
of August, 1780. They were sometimes held in Pittsburgh, 
sometimes in or near the present town of Washington, but 
the greater portion of time on the farm of Andrew Heath, 
on the Monongahela River, near the present line between 
Allegheny and Washington County, where a log court-house 
and jail were erected. 

At the October session of 1773, of the court of Westmore- 
land County, at Ilannastown, a true bill for a misdemeanor 
was found by the grand jury against the notorious Simon 
Girty. Process was issued for his arrest, but he escaped. 
On the second day of the Virginia Court, at Pittsburgh, 22 
Feb. 1775, he took the oath of allegiance to Virginia, and 
had a commission as lieutenant of the militia of Pittsburgh. 
On the same day Robert Hanna was brought into court, and, 

152 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

refusing to take the oath, was bound with two sureties in a 
thousand pounds to keep the peace for a year towards Vir- 
ginia. On the same day the sheriff was ordered to employ 
workmen to build a ducking-stool at the confluence of the 
Ohio with the Monongahela River. The ducking-stool was 
the favorite old English method of punishing scolding wives. 
It was constructed on the " see-saw" principle. On one end 
of the plank was a chair firmly fastened, in which the scold- 
ing dame was tied, and her fiery temper cooled by repeated 
dips in the cold water. 

At the May Court, 1775, Wm. Crawford, who presided at 
the first court at Harmastown, took the oath of allegiance to 
Virginia. At the April Court, 1776, Daniel Leet took the 
oath of allegiance. And so at every term of the court 
numerous persons gave in their allegiance to Virginia. On 
the 27th June, 1777, the sheriff was ordered to have erected 
a pair of stocks and a whipping-post in the court-house yard. 
This, no doubt, was at the court-house on Andrew Heath's 
farm, for no court-house was erected at Pittsburgh during 
the Virginia regime. On the same day (June 27, 1777) James 
Johnson was thrice fined for profanity. The record reads: 
" Upon information of Zachariah Connell," he was convicted 
of " two profane oaths, and two profane curses," fined twenty 
shillings. Upon information of Isaac Cox, he was convicted 
" of three profane oaths, and one profane curse," fined twenty 
shillings. And upon information of James Campbell he was 
convicted " of four profane oaths," and fined one pound. 

On 22 Dec. 1777, it was ordered by the court " that the 
ordinary keepers (tavern keepers) within this county be 
allowed to sell at the following rates," viz. : 

One-half pint Whiskey Is. 

The same made into Tody Is. 6d. 

Beer per quart Is. 

For hot breakfast Is. 6d. 

" cold " Is. 

" dinner 2s. 

" supper Is. 6d. 

" Lodging, with clean sheets, per night ... 6d. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 153 

April 29, 1778, it was " ordered that a pair of stocks, 
whipping-post, and pillory be erected in the court-house 
yard by next term." June 26, 1780, " ordered that Paul 
Matthews be allowed $2000 for erecting whipping-post, 
stocks, and pillory." This is among the last records of the 
Virginia Courts. The whipping-post, stocks, and pillory 
were, no doubt, very rude, inexpensive structures, and the 
amount allowed for them seems extravagant. But that was 
during the Revolutionary War, when the only currency was 
Continental money, not worth two cents on the dollar. 

For five years, from 1775 to 1780, the jurisdiction of Vir- 
ginia over Pittsburgh and all the territory. across the Monon- 
gahela and Ohio was supreme, and almost undisturbed. 
Taxes were levied and collected, and all county offices filled 
by Virginia authority. Courts for the trial of all civil 
causes, and criminal offences, for laying out roads, granting 
chartered privileges, settling the estates of decedents, etc. 
etc., were regularly held. 

Negotiations had been going on for several years between 
the two States for settling the boundary question. Terms 
were finally agreed upon, 23 Sept. 1780. Commissioners were 
appointed to extend Mason and Dixon's line, which thus 
became the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, and to fix 
the western corner, according to the terms agreed upon. 
The jurisdiction of Virginia was withdrawn, and that of 
Pennsylvania extended over the territory. 


Washington County was erected by Act of 28 March, 1781. 
It embraced all that part of the State lying west of the Monon- 
gahela and south of the Ohio. But Pittsburgh remained in 
Westmoreland County. Fayette County was formed Feb. 17, 

Allegheny County was established by Act of 24 Sept, 1788. 
It embraced portions of Westmoreland and Washington 
counties, and all the territory north of the Ohio and west of 
the Allegheny, from which were afterwards formed the coun- 

154 Thd Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

ties of Armstrong, Beaver, Butler, Crawford, Erie, Lawrence, 
Mercer, Venango, and Warren, and parts of Indiana and 

The Act appointed trustees to select lots in the reserved 
tract opposite to Pittsburgh, on whicli to erect a court-house. 
But that was changed by the Act of 13 April, 1791, which 
directed the public buildings to be erected in Pittsburgh. 

The first court Quarter Sessions was held 16 Dec. 1788, 
by George Wallace, President, and Joseph Scott, John Wil- 
kins, and John Johnson, Associates. A letter was read from 
Mr. Bradford, Attorney-General, appointing Robert Gal- 
braith, Esq., his deputy, who was sworn in; and on his 
motion the following persons were admitted as members of 
the bar, viz : Hugh H. Brackenridge, John Woods, James 
Ross, George Thompson, Alexander Addison, Daniel Brad- 
ford, James Carson, David St. Glair, and Michael Huftnagle, 

The first term of the Common Pleas was held 14 March, 
1789. The Appearance Docket contained fifty-six cases. 
The brief minute says the court was held "before George 
Wallace and his Associates," without naming them. The 
same minute is made for the June and September Terms of 
that year. After that no name is given. The old minutes 
of the court and other records and papers of the early courts 
were in an upper room of the court-house and were destroyed 
in the fire of May, 1882. 

The Constitution of Sept. 2, 1790, and the Act of Assembly 
following it, April 13, 1791, made radical changes in the 
judicial system of the State. Justices of the Peace were no 
longer Judges of the courts. The State was divided into 
Circuits or Judicial Districts, composed of not less than three 
nor more than six counties. A President Judge was 
appointed by the Governor for each district, and Associate 
Judges, not less than three nor more than four, for each 
county. The Associate Judges could hold the Quarter Ses- 
sions and Common Pleas. All Judges were commissioned 
for life or during good behavior. The Constitution did not 
require any of the Judges to be " learned in the law," but, no 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 155 

doubt, it was understood that the Judges of the Supreme 
Court, and the President Judges of the Districts, were to be 
experienced lawyers. By Act of 24 Feb. 1806, the Associate 
Judges of each county were reduced to two. 

The State was divided into five Circuits or Districts. The 
counties of Westmoreland, Fayette, Washington, and Alle- 
gheny composed the fifth District. The new judicial system 
went into operation Sept. 1, 1791. 

The first Judges commissioned for Allegheny County, their 
commissions bearing date Oct. 9, 1788, were George Wallace, 
President, and John Metzgar, Michael Hillman, and Robert 
Ritchie, Associates. They were the Judges until the re-or- 
ganization under the Constitution of 1790. 

George Wallace was not a lawyer but had been a Justice 
of the Peace since 1784, and was a man of good education. 
He owned the tract of land known as " Braddock's Fields," 
where he lived iii comfortable circumstances, and where he 

Upon the re-organization of the courts under the Constitu- 
tion of 1790, Alexander Addison was appointed President 
Judge of the fifth District, his commission bearing date Aug. 
17, 1791. His Associates for Allegheny County, commis- 
sioned the. same day, were George Wallace, John Wilkins, 
Jr., John McDowell, and John Gibson. 

ALEXANDER ADDISON was the first Law Judge of Allegheny 
County. He was born in Scotland in 1759, educated at 
Edinburgh, and licensed to preach by the Presbytery of 
Aberlowe. He emigrated to Pennsylvania in early life, and 
on the 20th of Dec. 1785, applied to the Presbytery of Red- 
stone (Brownsville) to be admitted. He was not regularly 
received into the Presbytery, but was authorized to preach 
within its bounds. He preached for a short time at Wash- 
ington, but read law and was admitted to the bar of that 
county in 1787. 

" He was a man of culture, erudition, correct principles, 
and thoroughly imbued with love for the good of society. 
These characteristics are seen in his letters, essays, charges 
to grand juries, and reports of his judicial decisions. They 

156 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

embrace a scope of thought and strength of logic, marking a 
fine intellect and extensive knowledge ; and they exhihit 
a patriotism of the purest lustre, set in a bright constellation 
of virtues. 

"Judge Addison lived and executed his functions among 
a sturdy people, amid the troubles, excitements, dangers, 
and factions, which followed the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution of 1787, and attended the enforcement of the 
excise law of the United States, which culminated in the 
Whiskey Insurrection of 1794. His patriotic instincts and 
love of the public welfare led him, by means of charges to 
the grand juries, to discuss frequently the underlying prin- 
ciples of government, the supremacy of the laws, and the 
necessity of due subordination to rightful authority, a duty 
which he felt urgently incumbent upon him in the disturbed 
condition of affairs. Though, at the time, controverted by 
partisanship and hatred of authority, owing to the peculiar 
hardships of the early settlers, these efforts are this day 
among the best expositions of the principles of free govern- 
ment, the necessity of order and obedience to law. No one 
can read his charge to the grand jury of Allegheny County, 
Sept. 1, 1794, without feeling himself in the presence of and 
listening with uncovered head to a great man, whose virtues 
of heart equalled his qualities of head." 1 

Judge Addison was a Federalist in politics ; a warm sup- 
porter of the administrations of Washington and John 
Adams. During Washington's administration the French 
Revolution broke out. As France had assisted us in our 
revolutionary struggle against England, there was in this 
country a strong feeling of sympathy with France, and some 
leading men and newspapers clamorously demanded that our 
government should aid France in her war with England. 
But Washington maintained a position of strict neutrality ; 
so did John Adams. The country was filled with French 
emissaries, and secret political societies were formed similar 

1 Address of Hon. D. Agnew at Centennial Celebration in Washington 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 157 

to the Jacobin Clubs of France. The Alien and Sedition 
laws, passed by Congress during Adams's administration, to 
counteract the efforts of these emissaries and secret clubs, 
served only to increase the excitement, and culminated in a 
political revolution. Jefferson was elected President over 
Adams, in 1800, and the same party carried Pennsylvania, 
electing Thomas McKean Governor in 1799. 

Judge Addison's bold, manly, and patriotic stand in favor 
of the Federal Government during the Whiskey Insurrec- 
tion, and his equally bold, manly, and patriotic stand against 
French emissaries and secret political societies, caused him 
many enemies. H. H. Brackenridge was bitter and unre- 
lenting in his hostility. As soon as the new political party 
got into power, J udge Addison was a doomed man. John 
B. C. Lucas was appointed Associate Judge of Allegheny 
County, July 17, 1800. He was a Frenchman, and intensely 
hostile to Judge Addison. As soon as he took his seat on 
the bench, he commenced to annoy and provoke Judge Addi- 
son. Although a layman, he would frequently differ with 
the Judge on points of law, and actually charged petit juries 
in opposition to the views of the President Judge. He also 
insisted on reading a written harangue to a grand jury, in 
opposition to some views expressed by Judge Addison to a 
previous grand jury. Judge Addison and Judge McDowell, 
who constituted a majority of the Court on that occasion, 
remonstrated against such conduct on the part of Lucas, arid 
stopped him. 

That gave a pretext for legal proceedings against Judge 
Addison. The first movement was an application to the 
Supreme Court to file an information, in the nature of an 
indictment, against him for a misdemeanor in office. The 
Supreme Court dismissed it, saying that the papers did not 
show an indictable offence (4 Dallas, E. 225). The next step 
was to have him impeached by the Legislature. The House 
ordered the impeachment, and the Senate tried and convicted 
him. The articles of impeachment contained nothing but 
the two charges: (1) That when Lucas charged the petit 
jury Judge Addison told them they should not regard what 

158 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

he said, because it Lad nothing to do with the case ; and (2) 
Preventing him from charging the grand jury, as above 

No person can read the report of the trial without feeling 
that it was a legal farce ; that gross injustice was done Judge 
Addison from the beginning to the end, and that the whole 
proceeding was a disgrace to the State. The trial took place 
at Lancaster, where the Legislature sat. The House and 
Senate refused to give him copies of certain papers, or to 
give assistance in procuring witnesses from Pittsburgh for 
his defence. The speeches of counsel against him, and the 
rulings of the Senate on questions raised in the progress of 
the trial, were characterized by intense partisan feeling. It 
was not a judicial trial, but a partisan scheme to turn out a 
political opponent. It resulted in deposing one of the purest, 
best, and ablest Judges that ever sat on the bench in Penn- 

The sentence was pronounced by the Senate, 27 Jan. 1803, 
removing him as President Judge from the 5th District, and 
declaring him forever disqualified for holding a judicial office 
in the State. 

Judge Addison presided in our courts for twelve years. 
The volume of reports he published in 1800 shows his legal 
ability, and the great variety and number of new, intricate, 
and important causes tried by him. 

He died at Pittsburgh Nov. 27, 1807, leaving a widow, 
three sons, and four daughters. 1 

SAMUEL ROBERTS succeeded Judge Addison, was commis- 
sioned 30 April, 1803, and held the office until his death 
in 1820. 

Judge Roberts was born in Philadelphia 8 Sept. 1763, was 
educated and studied law in that city, and was admitted to 

1 His eldest son, John, died without issue ; Alexander read law, was ad- 
mitted to the bar in 1820, and was accidentally killed in 1822 ; William 
first read law, then medicine, and became an eminent physician of Pitts- 
burgh. Of the daughters, Eliza married Dr. Peter Mowry ; Mary m. Samuel 
H. Fitzhugh; Jane m., first, Alexander Johnston, and, after his death, 
Benjamin Darlington ; Ann died unmarried. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 159 

the bar in 1793. He was married the same year to Miss 
Maria Heath, of York, Pa. After his marriage he moved 
to Lancaster, and commenced the practice of law, but soon 
moved to Sunbury, where he was practising at the time he 
was appointed Judge of this district. 

Judge Roberts was a good lawyer, and a very worthy, up- 
right man. He had the respect and confidence of the bar, 
but it is said he was so indulgent to the lawyers, that the 
business of the court was rather retarded. He built for 
himself a fine residence, a mile or so out of town at that time, 
but now in the compact part of the city, near the present 
Roberts Street, in the llth Ward, where he died 13 Dec. 
1820. He left eight children, five sons and three daughters. 1 

While Judge Roberts was on the bench, he published a 
Digest of the British Statutes in force, in whole or in part, 
in Pennsylvania, with notes and illustrations, which has 
been the standard work on the subject ever since. This 
volume, and the Supreme Court reports of cases he tried, 
prove that he was a most industrious and conscientious 

The first person convicted of murder and executed in this 
county was Thomas Dunning. He was tried before Judge 
Addison, and hung on Boyd's Hill, Jan. 23, 1793. James 
Ewalt was then sheriff. 

The next was John Tiernan, convicted of the murder of 
Patrick Campbell, Dec. 7. 1817. He was tried Jan. 12, 1818, 
before Judge Roberts, with Francis McClure, Associate. 
Campbell was a contractor on the Pittsburgh and Greens- 
burg Turnpike. Tiernan was a laborer on the turnpike, 
living in a cabin on the hill this side of Turtle Creek, and 
Campbell boarded with him. At night, when asleep in his 
bed, Tiernan killed him with an axe, robbed his body, arid 

1 His sons, Samuel, Edward J., Henry, Horatio, and Morgan. Henry 
was a physician in Brownsville, Pa. Edward J. was paymaster in the 
army in 1812, afterwards Clerk of the United States District Court at Pitts- 
burgh, and died, leaving three sons, Gen. Kichard Biddle, Edward J., and 
John H. One daughter married Oldham Craig, and one was lately living 
in Michigan. 

160 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

fled, riding off on Campbell's horse. A few days after he 
appeared in the streets of Pittsburgh with the horse, and 
was arrested. Wm. Wilkins and Richard Biddle appeared 
for the Commonwealth, and Walter Forward, Charles Shaler, 
and Samuel Kingston for the prisoner. He was hung at 
the foot of Boyd's Hill. The event became an epoch in our 
history, from which witnesses in court, and others, would 
fix the date of occurrences, being so many years before or 
after the hanging of Tiernan. 

WILLIAM WILKINS succeeded Judge Roberts. Judge Rob- 
erts had been sick for some time, and, in anticipation of his 
death, the friends of Mr. Wilkins had arranged for his 
appointment. Wilkins had been a warm supporter of Gov. 
Wm. Findlay, who was beaten by Jos. Hiester, in the hotly 
contested election in the fall of 1820. Findlay's term would 
expire Dec. 18tb. Roberts died on the night of Dec. 13th. 
There were no railroads or telegraphs then. Simon SmalU 
an old stage driver, was dispatched as a special messenger to 
Harrisburg, with letters for Wilkins's appointment. He 
rode on horseback, and by relays at the stage offices suc- 
ceeded in reaching Harrisburg late at night, the last night 
of Gov. Findlay's term. The Governor was aroused from 
sleep, and, between 11 and 12 o'clock, the commission of 
Wilkins was signed. An hour or two's delay in the ride 
would have resulted in another Judge, for the next day Gov. 
Hiester was inaugurated. 

Wm. Wilkins was born Dec. 20, 1779. His father moved 
to Pittsburgh in 1786. He was educated at Dickinson 
College, and read law with Judge Watt, at Carlisle. He 
was admitted to the bar in Pittsburgh, 1801. He was ap- 
pointed President Judge of the Fifth District, Dec. 18, 1820 ; 
resigned May 25, 1824, when appointed Judge of the District 
Court of the United States for Western Pennsylvania. In 
1828, when on the bench of the United States District Court, 
he was elected a member of Congress, but, before taking his 
seat, resigned, giving as a reason that his pecuniary circum- 
stances were such, he could not give up the Judgeship to 
accept a seat in Congress. But in 1831 he was elected to 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 161 

the Senate of the United States for the full term of six years, 
and resigned the Judgeship. He was an ardent friend and 
supporter of Gen. Jackson in opposition to John C. Calhoun 
and his nullification doctrines. As chairman of the Senate 
Committee ho reported the bill which passed Congress, au- 
thorizing the President to use the army and navy to enforce 
the collection of revenue, and suppress the nullification 

In 1834 he was appointed Minister to Russia, and re- 
mained one year at the Court of St. Petersburg. When a 
member of the Senate, and just before leaving for Russia, it 
is said, he was in very straitened pecuniary circumstances. 
His property was covered with mortgages to its full value, 
and some of his creditors were so clamorous that he had to 
exercise great circumspection, as imprisonment for debt had 
not then been abolished. When he returned from Russia he 
was a wealthy man. The great and sudden boom in the price 
of real estate enabled him to sell his homestead, where the 
Monongahela House now stands, for ten times its value three 
years before, which, with what he managed to get and save 
while abroad, gave him the means to pay all his debts, and 
have considerable left. 

In 1842 he was again elected to the House of Representa- 
tives of Congress. After the explosion of the monster gun 
on the Princeton, Feb. 28, 1844, which killed Mr. Upshur, 
Secretary of State, and Mr. Gilmer, Secretary of War, Mr. 
Wilkins was appointed, by President Tyler, Secretary of 
War, which office he held until March, 1845. 

In 1855 he was elected to the State Senate from this 
county, for one term. 

Although over 80 years of age when the war of the Rebel- 
lion broke out, and a staunch Democrat the greater part of 
his life, Mr. Wilkins took an active part in support of the 
government and rousing the patriotic spirit of the country. 
As Major-General of the Home Guards, he appeared, mounted 
and in full uniform, at the grand review on West Common. 
His dress, age, and venerable form added greatly to the 
interest and eclat of the occasion. 

162 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

Judge "Wilkins was one of Pittsburgh's most enterprising 
men of the olden times. It was through his efforts, mainly, 
that the first bridge over the Monongahela was erected, 
the Pittsburgh and Greensburgh Turnpike, and the Pitts- 
burgh and Steubenville Turnpike built, and tbe charter for 
the old Bank of Pittsburgh obtained. He was president 
of the first company organized to foster and encourage our 
home manufactures, the "Pittsburgh Manufacturing Co." 
It was in 1811, when money was exceedingly scarce. The 
company was organized to aid mechanics and manufacturers, 
by receiving their products, such as hoes, shovels, sickles, 
etc., for which certificates were issued, payable when the 
articles were sold, and these certificates circulated like paper 
money. This manufacturing company was changed into the 
Bank of Pittsburgh in 1814, the stockholders being nearly 
the same, and Wm. "Wilkins the first president. 

Judge Wilkins had fine natural abilities, and great apti- 
tude for the dispatch of business, which made him popular 
as a man and Judge. But his quick, impulsive nature, his 
disinclination to close and continued study, and his lack of 
patience in the mastery of details, unfitted him for a high 
degree of eminence on the bench. 

Judge Wilkins was twice married. His first wife died 
within a year, leaving no children. His second wife was 
Miss Matilda Dallas, sister of Trevanion B. Dallas, afterwards 
Judge in this county, and of Geo. M. Dallas, Vice-President 
during President Poik's administration. By her he had three 
sons and four daughters. His son Charles was a brilliant 
young lawyer of California, but died early ; Dallas died when 
a boy; Richard Biddle died shortly after his father. One 
daughter married Capt. John Sanders, of the U. S. Army ; 
one Mr. Overton Carr, of the U. S. Navy ; one Mr. Jas. A. 
Hutchinson, and one never married. None of his descendants 
now live in this county, except one grandson. 

Judge Wilkins died at his residence, at Homewood, June 
23, 1865, in his 86th year. 

CHARLES SHALER succeeded Wm. Wilkins as Judge of the 
county courts. He was born in Connecticut in 1788, and 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

educated at Yale. Tlis father was one of the commissioners 
to lay oft' the Western Reserve in Ohio, and purchased a 
large tract of land, known as Shalersville, near Ravenna, 
Ohio. His son, Charles Shaler, went to Ravenna in 1809 to 
attend to the lands, and was admitted to the bar there. He 
moved to Pittsburgh, and was admitted to the bar here in 
1813. He was Recorder of the Mayor's Court of Pittsburgh 
from 1818 to 1821. June 5, 1824, he was commissioned 
Judge of Common Pleas ; occupied the bench eleven years, 
resigning May 4, 1835. He was appointed Associate Judge 
of the District Court of the county May 6, 1841, and held 
that office three years, resigning May 20, 1844. 

In 1853, he was appointed by President Pierce U. S. Dis- 
trict Attorney for the Western District of Pennsylvania. 

In early life Judge Shaler was a Federalist, but for the 
last fifty years of his life was a staunch Democrat, taking an 
active part in politics, always willing to enter the contest, 
and be the standard bearer of his party, notwithstanding the 
prospect was certain defeat. He was never elected to a 
political office, and perhaps never desired one. Politics were 
to him merely as an excitement and relaxation from the 
laborious duties of his profession. He had fine legal abilities, 
was an able advocate, close student, and most industrious 
lawyer. He was an early riser, and nearly every morning 
could be seen on the streets, taking his morning walk, long 
before the shops and stores were opened. He had a quick, 
fiery temper, which frequently flashed forth in sudden out- 
bursts of passion ; but, like the outbursts in all men of 
impulsive natures, they soon passed away. Within that 
impassioned breast was one of the warmest, tenderest, and 
most generous hearts that ever beat in sympathy with human 
frailties or misfortunes. And Charles Shaler was the very 
soul of honor. 

The sense of honor is absolutely essential to true manhood. 
Without it man is a brute or hypocrite. It is quite distinct 
from the moral or religious sense. Many a man leads a 
moral life from selfish considerations, the fear of the law, or 
public opinion. Many a church member is exemplary in all 

164 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

his religious duties, but at heart excessively mean. He does 
not hesitate to prevaricate, or do a mean act, to escape from 
a hard bargain. The man of a high sense of honor scorns to 
do a. mean act or indulge a mean thought ; he knows no pre- 
varication ; his word shall stand, though the heavens fall. 
Such a man was Charles Shaler. He never attempted to 
deceive the Court. His plighted word to a brother of the 
bar was as sacred and inviolable as the decree of Olympic 

As an illustration of his sense of honor, two incidents may 
be mentioned. He applied for a cadetship for his son at 
West Point, but, learning that a friend desired the appoint- 
ment for his son, he withdrew his application. In 1846 he 
went to Washington City, to urge the appointment of Robert 
C. Grier to the TJ. S. Supreme Court. He was offered the 
appointment himself, but refused it because he had gone on 
as the friend of Judge Grier. 

Although Judge Shaler for many years had perhaps the 
most extensive and lucrative practice at the Pittsburgh bar, 
his generous habits were such that he acquired but little 
property, and he died comparatively poor. He died at the 
residence of his son-in-law, Rev. D. H. Hodges, at Newark, 
]ST. J., March 5, 1869, in the 81st year of his age. 

He was twice married. His first wife was a daughter of 
Major Kirkpatrick, by whom he had two sons and three 
daughters. One of his daughters, a beautiful and accom- 
plished young lady, while out riding with Samuel W. Black, 
was thrown from her horse and killed. His second wife was 
a daughter of James Riddle, Associate Judge of the county 
from 1818 to 1838, by whom he had several children. 

TREVANION BARLOW DALLAS succeeded Judge Shaler on ' 
the Common Pleas bench. He was commissioned May 15, 

Mr. Dallas was of Scotch descent. His great-grandfather 
was George Dallas, an eminent lawyer and author of Scot- 
land. His grandfather was Robert Dallas, M.D., of Dallas 
Castle, Jamaica, whither he had emigrated in early life. 
His father, Alexander James Dallas, was born in Jamaica, 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 165 

educated in England, admitted to the bar in Jamaica, but 
came to Philadelphia in 1783 ; he was an eminent American 
statesman and author, and honorably tilled several high offi- 
cial stations. His eldest son was commodore in the U. S. 
Navy; his second, George M. Dallas, was Vice-President; 
and the youngest, the subject of this sketch. 

Trevanion Barlow Dallas was born in Philadelphia, Feb. 
23, 1801, and educated at Princeton. He commenced read- 
ing law with his brother George M., but came to Pittsburgh 
about 1820, and finished his studies with his brother-in-law, 
William Wilkins. He was admitted to the bar in 1822. 
Previous to his appointment as Judge, he had been Deputy 
Attorney-General for the county. He remained on the Com- 
mon Pleas bench from 1835 to June 24, 1839, when he re- 
signed to accept the position of Associate Judge with Judge 
Grier, in the District Court of the county, which position 
he held until his death, April 7, 1841. 

Judge Dallas was a comparatively young man when he 
died, only 40 years old. But, as Prosecuting Attorney, 
member of the bar, and Judge in the Common Pleas and Dis- 
trict Court, he won an enviable reputation. He was regarded 
as one of the best lawyers at the bar, and, during his seven 
years on the bench, gave promise of becoming one of the 
ablest jurists of the State. His pleasing manners and gentle- 
manly bearing, on and off the bench, made him very popular 
with the people and bar. The members of the bar erected 
a monument to his memory in Trinity Churchyard of this 
city, which is still standing. 

Judge Dallas, in 1822, married Jane S., a daughter of 
Gen. John Wilkins, a brother of Win. Wilkins, both sons of 
John Wilkins, who was an Associate Judge of the county * 
in 1791. By her he had four sons and five daughters. His 
widow survives still, at a good old age, residing in Phila- 
delphia. Only one of his sons survives, Geo. M. Dallas, Esq., 
a leading member of the Philadelphia bar. One of his 
daughters married James O'Hara Denny ; two 'are still liv- 

BFNJAMIN PATTON succeeded Judge Dallas. He was com- 
VOL. vii. 12 

166 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

missioned July 1, 1839, and resigned in January, 1850. He 
was born in Bellefonte, Pa., July 21, 1810. His ancestors 
were among the first settlers on the Juniata and in Hunting- 
don County. His maternal grandfather was a lieutenant 
under Washington at Braddock's Defeat, and a grandunele, 
Benjamin Patton, a signer of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. He graduated at Dickinson College in 1829, and 
commenced the study of law with Andrew Carothers, at 
Carlisle. Shortly thereafter he became Secretary to Commo- 
dore Elliott, and sailed with the Commodore and his naval 
squadron to the Gulf of Mexico. At Vcra Cruz the Ameri- 
can Consul had been insulted ; American citizens had been 
imprisoned, and their property confiscated by the Mexican 
authorities. After repeated demands for their release, the 
fiery Commodore was about to resort to force, when his 
young secretary gave cooler advice, which resulted in the 
release of the prisoners, and saved us from a war with 

After being absent a year with the Commodore pursuing 
his studies, however, all the time he returned to Carlisle, 
completed the course of study, and was admitted to the bar 
in 1831. He went to Nashville, Tenn., and opened an office, 
but within a year returned to Pennsylvania. While in 
Nashville, he formed the acquaintance of Jas. K. Polk and 
other prominent Southerners, which ripened into close friend- 
ship in after years. On his return he commenced practice in 
Mifflin County, and was appointed District Attorney for the 
county. Shortly thereafter, when only twenty-two years old, 
he was appointed by President Jackson U. S. District Attor- 
ney for the Western District of Pennsylvania. The Pittsburgh 
bar at that time embraced such men as Wm. Wilkins, Thos. 
H. Baird, John Galbraith, John H. Walker, Charles Shaler, 
Walter Forward, Richard Biddle, etc., giants of the olden 
times ; yet the young District Attorney bravely took his 
stand among them, and maintained it with great credit until 
he was promoted to the Common Pleas Bench of the county, 
when only twenty-eight years of age the youngest Judge 
that ever sat on a bench in this State. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 167 

Young Patton was an ardent Democrat and active politi- 
cian. He was present at the inauguration of Gen. Jackson 
as President, in 1829, when he was only nineteen years old, 
and from that time on was a warm admirer and personal 
friend of "Old Hickory." But while on the bench he took 
no part in politics or political controversies. 

During the ten and a half years Judge Patton was on the 
bench, he had to transact all the business of the Orphans' 
Court, of the Quarter Sessions and Oyer and Terminer, and a 
large amount of Common Pleas business. It was rather a 
stormy period in the history of our county, and Borne very 
important cases were tried by him. One was an indictment 
for conspiracy against some of the leading men of the city, 
engaged in shipping on the canal. They had formed an 
association for regulating the rates of transportation, binding 
each other by oaths and penalties to maintain certain prices. 
They had money and powerful friends. They were convicted ; 
the Judge fined and imprisoned them, and thus broke down 
the conspiracy, to the great rejoicing of shippers and the 
public generally. Another case arose out of the " Factory 
Riots." Some trouble had arisen between the owners of the 
cotton mills and the factory girls, about wages and the hours 
of labor. Some of the girls, aided by a mob, broke into the 
factories, drove out the girls at work, and destroyed property 
and machinery. They were indicted for riot and convicted. 
These two cases illustrated the firmness and impartiality of 
the Judge. Another case was the indictment against Joe 
Barker. He was in the habit of gathering crowds of the 
lower classes at the market-house and on the streets, and 
haranguing them in vulgar and abusive language against the 
Catholic Church and its institutions. He was tried, con- 
victed, and sentenced to jail. While in jail, the rabble set 
him up as a candidate for Mayor of the city, in opposition 
to the regular Whig and Democratic candidates. He got 
the votes of the lower classes, of some Whigs, for fear a 
Democrat would be elected, and of some respectable people, 
through mistaken sympathy. He was elected by a plurality 
vote. But all classes soon had occasion to regret their folly. 

168 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

Judge Patton also had the misfortune to try several libel 
suits between editors of city papers. As usual, in such cases, 
he incurred the enmity of both parties, who kept up a run- 
ning fire on him for years. But he maintained his dignity 
as a Judge by never condescending to notice them, and 
waited his time for a full and complete vindication, which 
came. He had it in the public esteem when he left the bench, 
confirmed years afterwards when he visited the city. In 
1871, on a casual visit, he was invited by the entire bench 
and nearly the entire bar to a social entertainment. In the 
letter of invitation this language was used: " On retiring 
from the bench you carried with you an untarnished repu- 
tation, and the respect of the whole community, who re- 
member you as one who had ably vindicated the supremacy 
of the laws, and maintained the cause of law and order." 

On his retirement from the bench, Judge Patton moved to 
Northumberland County, where he was engaged in business 
for a few years. In 1858 he was appointed by Judge Grier 
Clerk of the U. S. Circuit Court, and U. S. Commissioner, at 
Philadelphia, which positions he retained until Judge Grier 
retired from the bench in 1870, when he resigned and moved 
to Hicksville, Defiance Co., Ohio, where he is now residing. 
In 1880 and 1881, he was a member of the Legislature of 
Ohio, and gained considerable celebrity by his speeches, 
especially one on u The Reserved Rights of the States." 

Judge Patton possesses fine social qualities, is good com- 
pany and fond of company, and has always been noted for 
his kindness of heart and generous hospitality. He is a 
devout disciple of Izaak Walton. With his friend Judge 
Grier he spent the summer vacations, for more than a quarter 
of a century, on the trout streams of Pennsylvania ; and now, 
when over threescore years and ten, he spends a portion of 
each summer trouting in Michigan. 

Judge Patton was married in 1834 to Matilda Helfenstein, 
then of Dayton, Ohio, formerly of Carlisle, Pa., by whom he 
has surviving two sons and two daughters. His wife died 
in 1880. 

WILLIAM B. McCLURE succeeded Judge Patton. He was 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 159 

appointed and commissioned by the Governor, Jan. 31, 1850. 
That year a constitutional amendment was adopted, making 
the judiciary elective. The first election under it was in 
October of 1851. Judge McClure was elected and commis- 
sioned jSTov. 6, 1851, for ten years from Dec. 1, 1851, the tirst 
Judge elected in this county. He was re-elected in 1861, 
and commissioned for another period of ten years, but died 
Dec. 27, 1861, and was succeeded by J. P. Sterrett. 

Judge McClure was born in April, 1807, at Willow Grove, 
near Carlisle, Pa. He graduated at Dickinson College in 
1827. He read law in Pittsburgh with John Kennedy, 
afterwards a Justice of the Supreme Court, and was admitted 
to the bar in 1829. He was married in 1833 to Lydia S. 
Collins, by whom he had three daughters, Sarah C., Valeria, 
married to J. Q. A. Sullivan, of Butler, Pa., and Rebecca 
B., married to C. E. Flandran, of St. Paul, Minn. His 
widow is still living. 

For many years preceding his elevation to the bench, he 
was in partnership, in the practice of law, with his brother- 
in-law, Wilson McCandless, Esq., and the firm of McCandless 
& McClure was widely known throughout the western part 
of the State, and had a most extensive practice. 

From 1850 to 1^59 Judge McClure was the only law Judge 
in the Common Pleas, Orphans' Court, Quarter Sessions, and 
Oyer and Terminer, of the county. The amount of business 
was enormous for one man. He had scarcely a day's rest or 
vacation. He was a most laborious Judge, frequently sitting 
on the bench from eight to ten hours a day. No man ever 
presided in a court more thoroughly in earnest or conscien- 
tious in the performance of his duties. The close confine- 
ment in the impure air of the criminal court-room, and the 
excessive labors of his office, gradually exhausted the vital 
energies of a naturally vigorous constitution, and carried him 
to the grave when only fifty-four years of age. 

During the twelve years Judge McClure sat on the bench, he 
tried more criminal cases and more homicides than any other 
Judge in the State. His fame as a criminal jurist became 
almost national. Spotlessly pure in his own character, in- 

170 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

tensely anxious for the public welfare, and profoundly im- 
pressed with the responsibilities of his office, he bent all his 
energies to the suppression of crime, and the just punishment 
of criminals. Naturally kind-hearted, he sympathized with 
the poor and unfortunate; conscientious in the highest degree, 
he was carefully watchful that no innocent man should 
suffer ; but woe to the hardened criminal that came before 
him 1 He was justly a terror to evil doers. 

The great increase of business in the Criminal Court of the 
county led to the Act of May 26, 1859, adding an Assistant 
Law Judge to the court. It also enlarged the jurisdiction of 
the Common Pleas to all cases where the sum in controversy 
did not exceed the sum of three hundred dollars. This was 
followed by the Act of April 11, 1862, adding a second 
Associate Law Judge, abolishing the office of Associate Lay 
Judge, and extending the jurisdiction, making it concurrent 
with the District Court, without reference to the amount in 

This Act wiped out of existence, so far as Allegheny 
County is concerned, an institution that had existed in Eng- 
land for many centuries, and was brought over by our ances- 
tors at the settlement of this country. On bidding farewell 
to our Associate Lay Judges, justice requires a passing tri- 
bute to their memories. 


Until the constitutional amendment of 1850, all Judges 
were appointed by the Governor, with the consent of the 
Senate, and held their commissions for life or during good 
behavior. The history of our county and State Judiciary 
does not prove that the election of Judges by a popular vote 
was a wise change. It has not secured better or abler Judges, 
while all must admit it tends to destroy the independence 
of the Judiciary, so essential to an impartial administration 
of the laws. Short terms mean frequent changes, and popular 
elections the selection of politicians. "While this remark 
applies to all Judges, it is more strikingly illustrated in the 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

Associate Lay Judges, whose terms by the amendment were 
limited to live years. 

The earlier Lay Judges were among the most prominent 
men of the county, and their long experience on the bench 
added greatly to their usefulness. . George "Wallace was on 
the bench from 1788 to 1814 ; John McDowell from 1791 to 
1812 ; Francis McClure from 1812 to 1838 ; James Riddle 
from 1818 to 1838. These were all men of mark and distinc- 
tion. So also were Samuel Jones, Richard Butler, John 
Wilkins, John Gibson, George Thompson, and Hugh Davis. 
Among the later Judges should be mentioned Thomas L. 
McMillan, Gabriel Adams, and John E. Parke. Let one, of 
whom we have fuller information than of the others, stand 
as a fitting representative of the class. 

JOHN M. SNOWDEN was of Welsh extraction, and his pater- 
nal ancestors came to the neighborhood of Philadelphia pre- 
vious to the arrival of Wm. Penn. He was born in Phila- 
delphia in 1776. His father was a sea captain, entered the 
service of the Continental Congress at the beginning of the 
Revolution, was captured by the British, and died in the 
" Sugar House" prison, New York. His mother was a 
woman of marked character, great intelligence and energy, 
and devotedly attached to the American cause. She was the 
trusted friend of General Washington, and through her He 
received, from time to time, important information respect- 
ing the British forces while they held Philadelphia. 

In early life John M. Snowden was apprenticed to the cele- 
brated Matthew Carey to learn "the art and mystery of 
printing." His first venture on his own account was the 
establishment of a newspaper in Chambersburg, Pa., in com- 
pany with his brother-in-law, Mr. McCorkle. But in 1798 
he removed to Greensburg, Westmoreland County, and 
established the Farmer's Register, the first newspaper in the 
West, after the Pittsburgh Gazette. Here he united with 
the Presbyterian Church, of which Rev. Wm. Speer, father 
of Dr. James R. Speer, was pastor, and married Elizabeth 
Moor, daughter of Judge John Moor. 

In 1811 he moved to Pittsburgh, purchased the Common- 

172 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

wealth from Ephraim Pentland, and changed its name to 
The Mercury, the office of which was at first on Market 
Street, between Third and Fourth, and afterwards on Liberty 
Street, near the head of Wood. He also published a number 
of valuable works, and had a large bookstore. By means of 
the press, his bookstore, his energy, and social position, he 
became widely known as one of the leading citizens of the 
State. He was an elder in the Presbyterian Church, Mayor 
of the city in 1825, '26, and '27, a Director of the Bank of 
Pittsburgh, Recorder of Deeds, etc. 

In 1840 he was appointed Associate Judge, with Hon. 
Benj. Patton, which position he held for six years. His in- 
telligence, business habits, varied experience, and broad com- 
mon sense eminently fitted him for the position. He ex- 
hibited also remarkable knowledge of the law. On more 
than one occasion, he differed with the President Judge as 
to. the law, and so expressed himself to the jury, as he had 
an undoubted right to do. He had the entire respect and 
confidence of the bar. The counsel concerned in one of the 
most difficult and important cases ever tried in this county 
agreed that it should be tried before him as Associate Judge. 
During the progress of the trial a member of the bar re- 
marked to Mr. Walter Forward: "Strange sight to see an 
Associate Judge trying such an important case !" " Ah !" re- 
plied Mr. Forward, "that layman knows twice as much 
law, and has three times as much sense, as some President 
Law Judges." 

Mr. Snowden was in high favor with Gen. Jackson, when 
President. He had recommended to the President an appli- 
cant for appointment to an important office. Another appli- 
cant for the office said to the President that the person Mr. 
Snowden had recommended was utterly unfit for it. This 
roused Old Hickory, and with eyes flashing fire, he thundered 
out, " How dare you say that ! Do you think John M. Snow- 
den would recommend a man unfit for the position ? No ! 
never, by the Eternal 1" Mr. Snowden's man got the office. 

Mr. Snowden died suddenly, April 2, 1845, at his resi- 
dence, Elm Cottage, South Avenue, Allegheny City. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 173 


JOHN WESLEY MAYNARD was the first Assistant Law Jud^o 
of the Common Pleas ; appointed by the Governor, April 16, 
1859, and commissioned until the first Monday of December 
following. He was of Puritan stock, his grandfather, Lemuel 
Maynard, born in Massachusetts, in 1739, his father, Lemuel 
Maynard, in 1773. His mother's maiden name was Hepzi- 
bah Wright, a relative of Hon. Silas Wright, of New York. 
Their son, John Wesley, was born in Springfield, Vermont, 
May 18, 1806. His father was a prominent Methodist 
preacher, and his mother a gifted and devoted Christian 
woman. The boyhood of John Wesley was spent on a farm; 
he attended Hamilton Academy in New York one year, but 
never had a collegiate education. He was admitted to the 
bar in Tioga County, Pennsylvania, in 1831, and practised 
his profession in that and the adjoining counties until 1840, 
when he moved to Williamsport in Lycoming County, where 
he has resided ever since, except six years at Easton. In 
1862 he was elected President Judge of the Third Judicial 
District, composed of Northampton and Lehigh Counties. 
In 1867 he resigned, in consequence of ill health, and re- 
turned to Williamsport. When leaving the Third District, 
the bar complimented him in this language: "In point of 
executive talent, and the correct dispatch of business, he 18 
second to none in the State ; for strict integrity and impar- 
tiality in the administration of justice, he has no superior ; 
while his judicial decisions for clearness, legal accuracy, and 
logical force, entitle him to first honors as a jurist. His 
courteous dignity, urbane bearing, and generous sympathies, 
moreover, characterize him as a gentleman of great moral 
worth." Although only nine months on the bench in Alle- 
gheny County, he made many friends, and won the respect 
and confidence of all, both as a man and judge. Judge May- 
nard was married in 1830 to Miss Sarah Ann Mather, a de- 
scendant of Cotton Mather, of Massachusetts, who died in 
1832, leaving one daughter. His second wife was a Miss De 
Pui, by whom he had four sons and three daughters; one of 
the daughters married Peter Herdic, Esq. 

174 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

DAVID RITCHIE was the first Associate Law Judge ap- 
pointed under the Act of April 11, 1862. He was appointed 
by Governor Curtin, May 22, 1862, and commissioned until 
the first Monday of December following, when he was suc- 
ceeded by E. H. Stowe, elected for ten years. 

Judge Ritchie was born in Washington County, Pennsyl- 
vania, August 19, 1812; graduated at Jefferson College in 
1829 ; came to Pittsburgh about 1833 ; read law with Walter 
Forward, and was admitted to the bar in 1835. Immediately 
after his admission he went to Europe and entered the Uni- 
versity at Heidelberg, where he remained some two years, 
and received the degree of Doctor of Laws. Returning to 
the United States in the fall of 1837, he commenced the 
practice of law in Pittsburgh, and soon rose to distinction in 
a lucrative and successful practice. In 1852 he was elected 
to Congress, and twice re-elected, serving in the 33d, 34th, 
and 35th Congresses, during President Pierce's administra- 
tion, and half of President Buchanan's. He died January 
24, 1867, unmarrried. 

Judge Ritchie was a man of marked character. Besides 
being learned in his profession, be was an accomplished 
scholar. He was a brilliant conversationalist, witty, enter- 
taining, and instructive. He was honest to the core, and 
entirely fearless in the discharge of duty. Although but a 
few months on the bench, he was there long enough to ex- 
hibit excellent qualifications for the position. 


The District Court of the county was established by Act 
of 8 April, 1833, with one Judge, having the same jurisdic- 
tion as the Common Pleas, except limited to cases where the 
sum in controversy exceeded one hundred dollars. It was 
limited to a period of seven years. But by Act of 12 June, 
1839, it was continued until abolished by law, and an Asso- 
ciate Judge was added. By this act the jurisdiction of the 
Common Pleas was limited to cases where the sum in contro- 
versy did not exceed one hundred dollars. 

ROBERT COOPER GRIER was the first Judge of the District 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 175 

Court. He was appointed by the Governor and commis- 
sioned May 2, 1833. He resigned Aug. 8, 1846, when ap- 
pointed by President Polk an Associate Justice of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. 

Judge Grier was born in Cumberland County, Pennsylva- 
nia, March 5, 1794. His father was the Rev. Isaac Grier, 
who moved to Ly coming County when Robert was a small 
boy, preached and taught a grammar school there, and after- 
wards moved to Northumberland County, where he taught an 
academy, and died in 1815. Robert was the oldest of the 
family, and, after his father's death, supported his mother 
and educated his ten brothers and sisters. He graduated at 
Dickinson College in 181:?, taught one year in the college, 
then was principal of his father's academy for three or four 
years,was admitted to the bar in 1817, and commenced practice 
in Bloomsburg, but soon moved to Danville, where he was 
residing when appointed Judge. He moved to Allegheny 
City in 1833, where he resided till 1848, and then moved to 
Philadelphia. He resigned as Judge of the Supreme Court, 
January 31, 1870, and died September 25, of the same 

Judge Grier was a fine classical scholar and most able 
jurist, but rather abrupt and brusque in his manners. He 
was a man of quick perceptions, decided convictions, and 
T3ositive opinions, and, like all men of that cast, inclined to 
be arbitrary and dictatorial. In the trial of a cause, when he 
believed injustice was attempted, he was most emphatic in 
his charge, not unfrequently arguing the cause to the jury as 
an advocate. His contempt for hypocrisy and cant, his love 
of the right and hatred of the wrong, with his stern, decided 
character, made him sometimes appear on the District bench 
despotic. But he was seldom wrong in his convictions or 
opinions. Men of great intellectual abilities are generally 
headstrong and determined ; weak men are the trimmers and 
seekers after popular favor. 

On one occasion, on the trial of an ejectment suit, when 
the jury brought in a verdict contrary to his charge, he re- 
marked to them that it took thirteen men to steal a man's 

176 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

farm, and immediately set aside the verdict. Wm. M. Dar- 
lington, Esq., has furnished me the following anecdote: 

One Saturday morning, in 1840, he was present in Judge 
Grier's court, when there came up for argument a case in 
which the great showman, P. T. Barnum, was a party. Bar- 
num and one Lindsay had been partners in the show business, 
but quarrelled and separated. Lindsay had got a negro boy, 
which he called "Master Diamond," and represented him as 
a perfect prodigy in dancing and singing. He had posted 
up flaming hand-bills through the country, describing his 
prodigy and announcing the evenings for his performances. 
Barnum got a smart white boy, blacked him, and went 
along Lindsay's route a few days in advance, exhibiting the 
"genuine" Master Diamond, thus reaping the fruits of Lind- 
say's labors, without any expense for advertising. Lindsay 
met him in Pittsburgh, sued him for ten thousand dollars 
damages, and had him arrested on a capias, and thrown into 
jail. The argument before Judge Grier was on the rule for his 
discharge from prison on common bail. John D. Mahon was 
attorney for Lindsay, and George F. Gilmore for Barnum. 
After Gilmore had read the plaintiff's affidavit, and was pro- 
ceeding to read that of the defendant, the Judge exclaimed, 
" Stop, I've heard enough 1 such a case 1 What does it 
amount to? One vagabond gets a live bear" (drawling out 
the word), "goes about the country gathering all the idlers 
and gaping idiots to pay their money to see a bear dance. 
Another vagabond procures a bear's skin, stuffs it with straw, 
and tramps about exhibiting it. Vagabond No. 1 says to 
vagabond No. 2, * you have no right to do that, the harvest 
is mine, for I was first in the field to gather all the fools' 
money 1' And because vagabond No. 2 got the money, vaga- 
bond No. 1 sues him for ten thousand dollars' damages! 
Rule absolute ; prisoner discharged ; cryer, adjourn the 
Court!" And as the Judge walked down the steps, he re- 
marked to Mr. Darlington, "Did you ever hear of such a 
case? I'll teach Mahon not to bring such a suit in my 

HOPEWELL HEPBUKN succeeded Charles Shaler as Associate 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 177 

Judge, and R. C. Grier as President Judge, of the District 
Court. He was born in Northumberland County, Pa., Oct. 
28, 1799. In his youth he attended the Academy taught 
by Mr. Grier, where their acquaintance began, which proba- 
bly led to his appointment as Judge Grier's Associate. He 
graduated at Princeton College; read law with his brother, 
Samuel Hepburn, at Milton, Pa., and was admitted to the bar 
at Easton in 1822 or 1823. He practised law at Easton until 
appointed Associate Judge of the District Court, Sept. 17, 
1844. When Judge Grier was advanced to the Supreme 
Court of the United States, he was commissioned as President 
Judge, August 13, 1846. He held that position until No- 
vember 3, 1851, when he resigned. 

The first election of Judges in this State was in October, 
1851, under the amended Constitution of 1850. Judge Hep- 
burn had been on the bench of the District Court for seven 
years. Pie had given entire satisfaction to the people and 
bar by his promptness in the dispatch of business, his fidelity 
to duty, his integrity, learning, and legal ability. His quali- 
fications and fitness for the position were acknowledged by 
all. But he was a Democrat. The office had become elective. 
Party leaders immediately drew party lines. The Democrats 
nominated Hepburn, the Whigs Walter Forward ; and the 
Whigs, having a majority, elected Forward. The inevitable 
tendency to carry politics into an elective judiciary was seen 
also in the case of Chief Justice Gibson. He had been thirty- 
seven years on the bench of the Supreme Court, eleven years 
as Associate Justice, and twenty-six years as Cnief Justice, 
and was universally acknowledged to be a jurist of trans- 
cendent ability. Yet he could not get the nomination of the 
Whig party of the State. 

After Judge Hepburn retired from the bench, he practised 
law at Pittsburgh for a few years, then withdrew from the 
practice, accepting the Presidency of the Allegheny Bank, 
which he held for tnree years, but his health failing, he re- 
moved to Philadelphia, and died there February' 14, 1863. 

WALTER FORWARD succeeded Judge Hepburn, and was the 
first President Judge of the District Court elected by the 

178 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

people. He was commissioned November 7, 1851, and held 
the office till his death, November 24, 1852. 

Walter Forward was born in Connecticut in 1786. "When he 
was fourteen years of age his father moved to the then far West, 
located on a tract of land in Ohio, and began to clear the forest 
and erect a log cabin. He worked with his father three years 
J on the farm, the last year teaching a night school, by which he 
got the means to purchase a few books, among them an old 
copy of Blackstone, that started in his mind the notion of 
being a lawyer. In the spring of 1803, at the age of seven- 
teen, he told his father he was going to Pittsburgh to read 
law. He started on foot, with a small bundle of clothes 
hung on a stick over his shoulder, and only a dollar or so in 
his pocket. On the road he picked up a horseshoe and put 
it in his bundle. When he arrived in Allegheny he had no 
money to pay his ferriage across the river, but the ferryman 
took the horseshoe in payment. He knew no person or law- 
yer in Pittsburgh, but had heard of Henry Baldwin. Walk- 
ing along Market Street, reading the signs to find Mr. Bald- 
win's office, a man, in the act of mounting a horse, inquired 
what he was looking for. On being informed of his object and 
purpose, the man it was Henry Baldwin just starting to at- 
tend Court at Kit tanning gave him the key of his office, and 
told him to occupy it and read Blackstone till his return. 
Such was the introduction of the future Secretary of the 
Treasury to the future Judge of the Supreme Court. 

While the young, uncouth stranger was thus sitting and 
reading in t*he office alone, a well-dressed, well-educated, and 
talented young man entered and tackled the rustic stranger 
in argument, but was soon worsted, as he afterwards candidly 
admitted. It was H. M. Bracken ridge. The acquaintance 
thus formed ripened into a life-long intimacy. As a further 
illustration of young Forward's straitened circumstances 
at that time, Mr. Brackenridge says : " We took a walk one 
Saturday afternoon, and descended into the deep romantic 
glens east of Grant's Hill. We took a shower bath under 
my favorite cascade, after which my companion washed the 
garment unknown to the luxury of Greeks and Romans (his 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 179 

skirt) and laid it in a sunny spot to dry ; while seated on a 
rock we ' reasoned high of fate, foreknowledge.' "* 

Mr. Baldwin at that time was interested in a Republican 
newspaper called the Tree of Liberty, of which Mr. Forward 
became the editor in 1806, when nineteen years of age. What 
he received for his services as contributor and editor of that 
paper supported him till he was admitted to the bar in 1808. 
He soon rose to distinction at the bar as a man of rare intel- 
lectual endowments and an eloquent advocate. In 1822 he 
was elected to Congress, and again in 1824. In 1824 and 
1828 he supported John Quincy Adams for President in op- 
position to General Jackson. In 1837 he was a member of 
the State Constitutional Convention, and bore a conspicuous 
part in its deliberations ; in 1841 was appointed by President 
Harrison first Controller of the Treasury ; in September of 
that year was appointed by President Tyler Secretary of the 
Treasury ; retiring from that office in March, 1845, he resumed 
the practice of law in Pittsburgh ; in 1849 was appointed by 
President Taylor Charge* d' Affaires to the Court of Denmark ; 
and resigned in 1851 when elected President Judge of the 
District Court. 

Judge Forward came to the bar when such men as James 
Ross, Henry Baldwin, Win. Wilkins, John Woods, Steele 
Sample, Sidney Mountain, were the leaders; yet in a few years 
he stood their peer in all respects, and was employed in every 
important cause. His arguments to the court or jury were 
never long or tedious ; always brief, but directly to the point, 
and masterly in their clear logic and forcible presentation. 
In a celebrated case, where the opposite counsel had occupied 
days in their argument, Mr. Forward spoke less than two 
hours, and at the conclusion of his argument Chief-Justice 
Gibson adjourned the court, with the remark that "the law 
was not devoid of luxuries when the Judges had an oppor- 
tunity of listening to such an argument as that." Yet the 
heads of that argument were written in the kitchen, while 
his wife was preparing their meal an incident illustrating 

1 Brackenridge's Recollections of the West, p. 82. 

180 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

the strong social affections of the heart, as well as the great- 
ness of intellect. 1 

Judge Forward was a great man intellectually, morally, 
and socially. And, like all truly great men, he was modest 
and unassuming, candid and sincere, not envious or jealous, 
rejoicing at the success of others, and always ready to give a 
kind word or helping hand to those starting in life. The 
religious element was strong in his character, resulting in a 
life remarkably exemplary, pure, and spotless. He was excep- 
tionally domestic in his habits, devotedly attached to his 
home, and delighted in social enjoyments. His conversational 
powers were of the highest order. Like Chief-Justice Mar- 
shall and Chief-Justice Gibson, he was passionately fond of 
music, and was a good performer on the violin. His " bump" 
of order, however, was not largely developed. His office was 
filled with books. and papers, lying about on tables and chairs 
mingled with letters, essays, music, and musical instruments, 
while the corners of the room were stacked with guns, hunt- 
ing accoutrements, and farming implements, covered with 
dust ; for he would scarcely allow a servant to " put things 
to rights," .for fear he could not lay his hand on what he 

Judge Forward was on the bench only one year. Like 
Lord Eldon, he was sometimes called the <; doubter," because 
he was slow in deciding an important question. Weak men 
jump to a conclusion, for their vision cannot reach beyond 
the case in hand. A great man looks beyond, to see how the 
principle will apply to other cases. He is careful that a hasty 
decision shall not establish a precedent to work injustice in 
the future. The last case Judge Forward tried was an im- 
portant will case which took several days. He walked in 
from his country home to the court-house, on Monday, Nov. 
24, 1852. It was a cold, damp day. The court-room was 
very uncomfortable, and he had a chill just before charging 
the jury. The jury retired in the afternoon, and he went to 

1 I am indebted to Marshall Swartzwelder, Esq., for many interesting facts 
concerning Mr. Forward. He was a law partner of Mr. F. for several years. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. igl 

his lodgings. Before the jury had agreed upon their verdict 
Walter Forward was dead. Perhaps no man ever died in 
the county more sincerely lamented, or more heloved and 
esteemed by the people. He was admired for his great intel- 
lectual abilities, and loved for his great moral excellence. 
And Walter Forward loved the people ; not as a demagogue 
or office-seeker, but as a man a-nd patriot. His highest ambi- 
tion was to be a useful man. 

PETER C. SHANNON succeeded Judge Forward. He was ap- 
pointed by Governor Bigler, Nov. 27, 1852, until the first 
Monday of December, 1853. Mr. Shannon was born in Ireland, 
came to this country when quite young, read law, and was 
admitted to the bar in Pittsburgh in 1846. He was quite 
young when appointed Judge, but during the year he was 
on the bench acquitted himself very creditably. He was the 
Democratic candidate for Judge in the fall of 1853, but was 
defeated by Moses Hampton. After retiring from the bench 
he practised law in Pittsburgh until 1869, when he was 
appointed Judge of the United States Court in Dakota, 
and moved to that Territory, where he has continued to 

Judge Shannon was a man of fine literary taste, of good 
social qualities, and personally quite popular. He was a most 
effective campaign speaker, and on two occasions the Demo- 
cratic candidate for Congress. During the war of the Rebel- 
lion he took a decided stand and active part in supporting 
the Government. 

MOSES HAMPTON succeeded P. C. Shannon. He was elected 
in October, 1853 ; commissioned November 19, 1853, for ten 
years from first Monday of December, 1853 ; was re-elected, 
for a second term of ten years, in October, 1863 ; served the 
full term, and died June 24, 1878. 

Judge Hampton was born in Beaver County, Pa,, October 
28,1803. In 1812 his father moved to Trumbull County, 
Ohio, and commenced farming, living in a log cabin, and 
carrying on his trade of a blacksmith. In his boyhood, the 
Judge helped his father on the farm and also in the black- 
smith shop. At the age of seventeen he entered an academy in 
VOL. vir. 13 

182 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

Burton, Ohio, where he spent a year, acquiring a knowledge 
of the English branches, and commencing the study of Greek 
and Latin, supporting himself by his own labor. He then 
started for Washington College, travelling on foot from his 
home in Ohio to Washington, Pa., and prosecuted his studies 
under the direction of Rev. Dr. Wylie, graduating in 1826. 
He then accepted the situation as Principal of La Fayette 
Academy, Uniontown, Pa., where he remained two years, in 
the mean time reading law with John M. Austin, and was 
admitted to the bar in 1829. He went from Uniontown to 
Somerset, where he commenced practising law. He was ap- 
pointed Prothonotary of the county by Governor Ritner, and 
held the office one year, but resigned the office, and, in 1838, 
moved to Pittsburgh. He at once entered the front rank of 
the profession, and very soon acquired a large practice. In 
1846 he was elected to Congress, and was re-elected in 1848. 
During his terms in Congress he maintained a high standing, 
and was placed on two of the most important committees. 
It was through his efforts that a marine hospital was estab- 
lished at Pittsburgh, and an appropriation obtained for a 
new post-office. And after his election to the bench it was 
through his influence and efforts that the county workhouse 
was established. 

In his younger days Judge Hampton was an ardent Whig, 
taking an active part in the election of Governor Ritner in 
1835 ; of President Harrison in 1840, and in the Presidential 
campaigns of 1844 and 1848. As a campaign speaker he was 
immensely popular, having few equals in the State. As a 
Judge he was distinguished for his propriety and dignity on 
the bench, for close attention to the business of the court, 
for eminent fairness to suitors and counsel, for a high 
sense of honor and justice, for quick and clear perceptions, 
calmness of judgment, an extensive knowledge of the law, 
and the clearness and logical force of his opinions. Quiet, 
reserved, and gentlemanly in his manners; tender in his 
feelings ; kind and benevolent in all the impulses of his heart ; 
and an exemplary Christian in public and private life. He 
joined the Presbyterian Church when seventeen years of age, 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

lived nearly threescore years in her communion, and at the 
time of his decease was one of the oldest ruling Elders of the 


Trevanion B. Dallas was appointed June 22, 1839 ; died 
1841. Charles Shaler, May 6, 1841 ; resigned May 20, 1844.' 
Hopewell Hepburn, September 17, 1844; appointed President 
Judge in 1846. 

WALTER H. LOWRIB was appointed Associate Judge August 
20, 1846, and held the office until the fall of 1851, when he 
was elected one of the Judges of the Supreme Court. The 
five Judges elected at that time were required, by the law 
putting in operation the elective judiciary, to cast lots for 
their terms, to serve, respectively, three, six, nine, twelve, and 
fifteen years. Judge Lowrie drew the twelve-year term, 
which expired in 1863. After retiring from the Supreme 
Bench he practised law in Pittsburgh for a few years, and 
then moved to Philadelphia. While living there, in 1870, 
he was elected President Judge of Crawford County, and 
moved to Meadville. He died suddenly of heart disease, 
November 14, 1876, was brought to Pittsburgh, and interred 
in Allegheny Cemetery. 

Judge Lowrie was the son of Matthew B. Lowrie, Esq., of 
Pittsburgh; was born in 1806, educated at the Western Univer- 
sity, and admitted to the bar Aug. 4, 1829. Before his eleva- 
tion to the bench he had acquired quite an extensive practice. 
He never took an active part in politics, but devoted himself 
to his profession and literary pursuits. He was a good Greek, 
Latin, and Hebrew scholar. His reading was extensive, espe- 
cially in the fields of theology and metaphysics. He became 
a member of the Presbyterian Church in early life, and in 
1835 was ordained an Elder of the Second Presbyterian 
Church of Pittsburgh. Nearly all his life he was.a teacher 
in the Sabbath-school, teaching Bible classes, generally of 
adults. He was devoted to that work, always preparing his 
lessons most thoroughly. He was also quite a voluminous 

184 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

writer of moral essays, " Sunday Readings," and " Lay Ser- 
mons" for the daily and weekly newspapers, and more elabo- 
rate articles for the quarterlies, the Princeton Review, and 

Judge Lowrie was married in 1829 to Rachel Thompson, 
by whom he had three children, two sons and one daughter. 
His widow is still living, residing with her son, Rev. Samuel 
T. Lowrie, D.D., of Trenton, K J. The other son, James A. 
Lowrie, Esq., is practising law in Denver, Colorado. 

HENRY W. WILLIAMS was elected Assistant Judge of the 
District Court in October, 1851, and commissioned November 
7, 1851, for ten years, re-elected in 1861, and resigned October 
28, 1868, when elected to the Supreme Court. He died Feb- 
ruary 19, 1877. 

Judge Williams was born in New London County, Conn., 
January 21, 1816. He was of the old New England stock, 
being a lineal descendant of Robert Williams, who came from 
England and settled in Roxbury, Mass., in 1632. After the 
usual common school and academic courses, he entered Am- 
herst College in the fall of 1833, and graduated in 1837. In 
his college days he took high rank as a scholar and debater. 
After graduation he was Principal of Southwick Academy 
for two years ; then started West, intending to make St. 
Louis his home. In February, 1839, he arrived in Pitts- 
burgh, and meeting his classmate, the late C. B. M. Smith, Esq., 
who was then conducting a select school, he was induced to 
stay here. He taught the classics in the school, and also read 
law with Walter H. Lowrie. He was admitted to the bar in 
1841, and his preceptor immediately took him into partner- 
ship, as the law firm of Lowrie & Williams. When Mr. 
Lowrie was appointed Judge, in 1845, he formed a partner- 
ship with Wm. M. Shinn, as Williams & Shinn, which con- 
tinued until the fall of 1851, when Mr. Williams was elected 
Associate Judge of the District Court. In 1867 he was the 
Republican candidate for the Supreme Bench, and was de- 
feated by Judge Sharswood, but the next year was appointed 
to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Judge 
Strong, and was elected, in 1869, for a term of fifteen years, 
running several thousand votes ahead of his ticket. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 185 

Judge Williams united with the third Presbyterian Church 
of Pittsburgh in 1840 ; was ordained an elder in 1858; was 
a member of the General Assembly in 1859, 1865, 1866, 1867; 
was elected a corporate member of the Board for Foreign Mis- 
sions in 1869, and was a member of the Committee for the 
union of the Old and New Schools in 1870. In 1852 Am- 
herst College conferred upon him the degree of A.M., and 
in 1866 the degree of LL.D. He was married in 1846 to 
Lucy J. Stone, of Salem, N. J., and at his decease left her 
surviving, with five children, three sons and two daughters. 

Judge Williams had a clear, logical mind, a breadth and 
grasp of intellect that could seize and master the most com- 
plicated case in all its details. As a lawyer he always pre- 
pared his cases most thoroughly, and hence, at the trial, was 
never surprised by any sudden move of his adversary. He 
was remarkably careful and accurate. He would spend half 
a day going over an intricate calculation, or a long, compli- 
cated account, to correct an error of two cents. As a Judge, 
his strong, vigorous intellect grappled at once with the main 
features of the case and the principles of law involved. 
Wisely cautious in forming a judgment, when the conclusion 
was reached he expressed it in- plain, direct language, sus- 
tained by a force of logic and authority which seldom left 
any doubt of its correctness. 


The United States District Court for the Western District 
of Pennsylvania was established by Act of Congress of 20th 
May, 1818, and JONATHAN HOGE WALKER was appointed 
Judge by President Monroe. He held the first Court at 
Pittsburgh, December 7, 1818. 

Judge Walker was born in East Pennsboro' Township, 
Cumberland County, Pa,, in 1756. He was of English de- 
scent, His grandfather, William Walker, was a Captain 
under the Duke of Marlborough in Queen Anne's wars. His 
mother was a daughter of John Hoge, of Hogestown, in Cum- 
berland County. He graduated at Dickinson College in 

186 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

1787, read law with Stephen Duncan, whose daughter he 
married, and moved to Northumberland County. March 1, 
1806, he was appointed President Judge of the Fourth Judi- 
cial District, composed of Centre, Huntingdon, Mifflin, and 
Bedford counties, and presided in those courts for twelve 
years. In 1810 he moved to Bedford ; in 1819, to Pittsburgh. 
He died in January, 1824, in Natchez, Mississippi, while on a 
visit to his eldest son, Duncan S. Walker, who was residing 

"While Judge Walker was on the Bench of the United 
States District Court, his second son read law, and com- 
menced practice in Pittsburgh in 1821. After his father's 
death, in 1826, he moved to Natchez. This was Robert J. 
Walker, who subsequently became a distinguished statesman 
and politician. 

Judge Walker was a very large man, considerably over six 
feet high ; a good scholar and able Judge. On his leaving 
the Fourth Judicial District in 1818, he published a farewell 
address to the people of the district, abounding with the 
kindliest feelings and with excellent thoughts on the duties 
and responsibilities of a Judge. He was a soldier in the 
Revolutionary War, and in several expeditions against the 
Indians in Western Pennsylvania and west of the Ohio. 
This was one reason he gave for desiring to move west of the 

Judge Walker was succeeded by William Wilkins, who 
held the office until 1831, when he resigned, being elected to 
the United States Senate. 

THOMAS IRWIN succeeded Judge Wilkins. He was ap- 
pointed, in 1831, by President Jackson, and held the office until 
1859, when he resigned and retired to private life. He was 
born in Philadelphia, February 22, 1784. His father, Col. 
Matthew Irwin, was a distinguished soldier of the Revolu- 
tionary War, and one of the Philadelphia patriots of that 
trying period who brought relief to the famishing army at 
Valley Forge, subscribing himself $5000 for that purpose. 
His mother was a daughter of Benjamin Mifflin, whose ances- 
tor came to Pennsylvania at an early period. Thomas Mifflin, 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 137 

the first elected Governor of Pennsylvania, was a relative of 
Judge Irwin, after whom he was named. The Mifflins were 
known as the "Fighting Quakers," from the active part they 
took in the Revolutionary War. 

Judge Irwin received a fair education at Franklin College, 
Lancaster, but, in consequence of his father having hecome 
deeply involved by endorsements for friends, he was com- 
pelled to quit college, at the age of nineteen, to aid in support- 
ing his mother, \vho was left without means, a widow, with 
six children. 

In 1808, he moved to Louisiana, and commenced the practice 
of law, but ill-health caused him to return to Pennsylvania in 
1811. He then located in Uniontown, Fayette County, and 
devoted himself to the practice of his profession. He was 
elected to the State Legislature from that county in 1824 
and 1826, and was elected to Congress in 1828. He was the 
Jackson candidate for re-election in 1830, but was defeated. 
When Judge Wilkins resigned the judgeship in 1831, Presi- 
dent Jackson appointed him as Wilkins's successor. 

Judge Irwin was married in 1812 to Miss Walker, of 
Uniontown, by whom he had twelve children ; only four, how- 
ever, lived to their majority. His eldest daughter was mar- 
ried to Col. Samuel W. Black. He died at his residence in 
Allegheny City, May 14, 1870, in his eighty-seventh year. 
His widow survived him eight years. Both now sleep, side 
by side, in Allegheny Cemetery. 

Judge Irwin was an active Democrat, but, after his eleva- 
tion to the bench, took no part in politics. 

During his long period on the bench, twenty-eight years, 
he discharged his official duties with promptness and fidelity. 
His numerous written opinions exhibit ability and great in- 
dustry. One of his opinions, on a question arising under the 
Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, excited wide-spread interest, and 
gave him a national reputation. 

WILSON MCCANDLESS succeeded Judge Irwin ; appointed by 
President Buchanan February 8, 1859. He resigned, and re- 
tired to private life, July 24, Ib76, arid died at his residence 
in Pittsburgh June 30, 1882. 

188 The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

Judge McCandless was born at Noblestown, in Allegheny 
County, July 10, 1810; was educated at the Western Univer- 
sity, read law with George Selden, Esq., and was admitted to 
the bar June 19, 1831. He was in partnership in the practice 
of law, for some time, with W. W.Fetterman, and afterwards, 
for many years, with his brother-in-law, "Wm. B. McClure. 
He was married, in 1834, to Sarah Collins, and had three 
children, one son and two daughters; one daughter, Mar- 
garet D., was married to B,. H. Emerson, and died in 1872; 
his son, Stephen C., is Clerk of the United States District 

Judsje McCandless was a remarkable man. He was a nat- 


ural orator ; with a robust form and commanding personnel, 
he had a clear, musical voice, and fine flow of language, quick, 
brilliant, witty, and admirable in repartee. He was often 
called on by his fellow citizens as the speaker for great public 
occasions, and on such occasions his addresses sparkled with 
the rarest gems of oratory. Few men equalled him in power 
before a jury in a criminal case. As the champion of the 
Democracy of "Western Pennsylvania, his voice was always 
heard in the thickest of the tight, cheering his comrades on 
to victory, or rallying them in defeat for another battle. He 
never held a political office, but was frequently in State and 
National Conventions, helping to choose the standard bearers 
of his party, and then entered the campaign with all his 
energies to secure their election. In private life, he was ge~ 
nial, sympathetic, sprightly, witty, and humorous. On the 
bench he maintained the dignity of his station with such 
unaffected urbanity that all the bar respected and loved him. 
WINTHROP W. KETCHAM succeeded Judge McCandless. He 
w?<i born in Wilkesbarre, Pa., June 29, 1820. His father 
was a painter and cabinet-maker, and in his boyhood young 
Ketcham assisted his lather in these occupations, but gener- 
ally carried a book in his pocket, and spent most of the din- 
ner-hour reading. His evenings were devoted to improving 
his education, reciting to a friend, who took a lively interest 
in him. When Wyoming Seminary was started in 1843, he 
became a teacher in it, and continued there until 1847. In 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 189 

1848 and 1849 he was a teacher in Girard College, Phila. Jan. 
8, 1850, he was admitted to the bar in Wilkesbarre. In 1855 
elected Prothonotary of Luzerne County for three years. In 
1858 elected to the Legislature, and in 1859 elected State Sen- 
ator for three years. In 1864 appointed by President Lincoln 
Solicitor of the U. S. Court of Claims, and resigned in 1866. 
Was a delegate to the National Republican Convention at 
Chicago in 1860, at Baltimore in 1864, and a Presidential 
elector in 1868. Elected to Congress in 1874, and in July, 
1876, appointed Judge to succeed Judge McCandless. On 
Saturday, Dec. 6, 1879, he held court in this city, in his usual 
good health, and returned to his room at the St. Charles hotel. 
At 5 P. M. he was stricken with apoplexy, and died at 11.50 
P. M.,his wife and only son at his bedside, with the physi- 
cians and friends who had been hastily summoned. He died 
universally lamented and respected. 

Judge Ketcham was a man of far more than ordinary ability. 
He worked his way up from the common walks of life to a 
most honorable position, by his own efforts, unaided by 
wealth or influential friends. He was a self-made man. At 
every step in his upward career he multiplied his friends 
without ever losing one. In every station he proved himself 
a true, honest, upright man, and acquitted himself with honor. 

Judge Ketcham was succeeded by Marcus W. Acheson, the 
present incumbent. 


The borough of Pittsburgh was incorporated as a city, by 
Act of 18 March, 1816. The Act created a Mayor's Court, 
composed of the Mayor, a Recorder, and twelve Aldermen. 
The Recorder and Aldermen were appointed by the Governor 
during good behavior, and the Mayor to be elected annually 
by the City Councils from the Aldermen. The Mayor's Court 
had jurisdiction to try forgeries, perjuries, larcenies, assaults 
and batteries, riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies, and gen- 
erally all offences committed in the city, cognizable in a Court 
of Quarter Sessions ; besides all violations of city ordinances. 

190 1 he Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

The causes were regularly tried before a jury. The Mayor 
presided in the court, but the Recorder was the law judge or 
legal officer of the court. The Mayor or Recorder and 
any three of the Aldermen could hold the court. The Re- 
corder was also vested with civil jurisdiction, the same as the 
Aldermen. He was to receive a salary to be paid by the city. 

Charles Wilkins, son of Gen. John Wilkins, was the first 
Recorder. He was admitted to the bar in 1807, appointed 
Recorder in 1816, and died in 1818. Charles Shaler was Re- 
corder from 1818 to 1821. He was succeeded by Ephraim 
Pentland, who was Prothonotary of the county from 1807 to 
1821. Pentland came to Pittsburgh in 1801 or 1802; he had 
been a printer and editor ; he was a short, heavy-set man, 
very fond of jokes, and a noted character. He died in 1839. 
He was succeeded by H. H. Van Amringe, who was admitted 
to the bar in 1837, and appointed Recorder in 1839. He 
held the office only a few months, for the Mayor's Court was 
abolished by Act of 12 June, 1839. Van Amringe came here 
from Chester County. He was an excellent lawyer and cour- 
teous gentleman, but erratic in his religious notions. 


Judges of the Common Pleas, Quarter Sessions, and Orphans' Court, 

prior to the Constitution of 1790. 
When appointed. 

1788, Oct. 9. GEO. WALLACE, President. 
" " " JOHN METZGAR, Associate. 
" " " MICHAEL HILLMAN, Associate. 
" " " EGBERT RITCHIE, Associate. 

These were the Judges until August 17, 1791, when the 
courts were reorganized under the Constitution of 1790. 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 


The following were the Justices of the Peace, entitled to sit in the Quarter 
Sessions, but not in the Common Pleas or Orphans' Court. 

When appointed. 

1788, Sept. 26. JAMES BRYSON. 
" " 27. SAMUEL JONES. 
" Nov. 21. JOHN JOHNSON. 




" " 25. JOHN WILKINS, father of John, Jr., and William. 

1789, May 21. P!ENRY NESBY. 

Associate Judges, under the Constitution c/1790. 

Laymen appointed during good behavior, until 1851, and then elected for a term 

of five years. 
When appointed. 

1791, Aug. 17. GEO. WALLACE. Resigned in 1798, and reappointed. 

" JOHN WILKINS, Jr. Resigned Feb. 26, 1796. 

" " " JOHN MCDOWELL. Died in 1812. 

" " JOHN GIBSON. Died in 1800. 

1796, Feb. 26. GEO. THOMPSON. In place of John Wilkins, Jr. 

1800, July 17. JOHN B. C. LUCAS. In place of Gen. John Gibson. 

1812, July 24. FRANCIS McCLURE. Resigned Dec. 22, 1838. 

1814, June 3. GEO. ROBINSON. Died in 1818. 

1818, Sept. 2. JAMES RIDDLE. Resigned Dec. 25, 1838. 

1838, Dec. 27. WILLIAM HAYS. Resigned April 11, 1840. 

" " 31. HUGH DAVIS. Resigned in 1840. 

1840, Mar. 20. WM. PORTER. Commission annulled by decision of S. Ct., 
and reappointed Feb. 17, 1843. 

" April 16. JOHN M. SNOWDEN. Recommissioned March 31, 1841. 

1845, " 9. JOHN ANDERSON. Declined. 

" " 17. WM. G. HAWKINS. Declined. 

" May 8. WM. KERR. Recommissioned March 14, 1846. 

1848, Feb. 28. SAMUEL JONES. Resigned May 12, 1851. 

1851, Mar. 18. WM. BOGGS. Recommissioned Nov. 10, 1851. 

" June 10. THOMAS. L. McMiLLAN. Recommissioned Nov. 10, 1851. 
Died 1852. 

1852, April 27. PATRICK McKENNA. Until Dec. 1, 1852. 

" Nov. 29. GABRIEL ADAMS. Commissioned for five years. 

1856, " 12. JOHN E. PARKE. 

1857, " 17. GABRIEL ADAMS. 

1861, " 13. JOHN BROWN. " " . " 

John Brown was the last layman commissioned as Judge. 
The law was changed, requiring two Associate Law Judges 
to be elected. 


The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 

President Judges of the Common Pleas, etc. 

Appointed by the Governor, during good behavior, until after the Constitutional 
Amendment of 1850 ; then elected for a term of ten years. 

When appointed. 
1791, Aug. 17. 
1803, April 30. 
1820, Dec. 18. 
1824, June 5. 
1835, May 15. 
1839, July 1. 
1850, Jan. 31. 


ALEXANDER ADDISON. Impeached and removed 1803. 

SAMUEL EGBERTS. Died Dec. 13, 1820. 

WILLIAM WILKINS. Resigned May 25, 1824. 

CHARLES SHALER. Resigned May 4, 1835. 

TREVANION B. DALLAS. Resigned June 24, 1839. 

BENJAMIN PATTON, Jr. Resigned in 1850. 

WM. B. McCujRE. Elected in 1851, and commissioned for 
ten years. Re-elected in 1861, and commissioned for ten 
years. Died in 1861. 

JAMES P. STERRETT. Appointed in place of W. B. McClure, 
deceased. Elected in 1862, and commissioned Nov. 4, 
1862, for ten years. Re-elected in 1872, and commissioned 
Nov. 10, 1872, for ten years. Resigned in 1877, when 
appointed to the Supreme Court. E. H. STOWE then 
became President Judge, and was re-elected in 1882 for 
ten years. 

Associate Law Judges of the Common Pleas. 

"When appointed. 

1859, April 16. JOHN TV. MAYNARD. Until first Monday of December, 1859. 
" Nov. 8. THOS MELLON. Elected and commissioned for ten years. 

1862, May 22. DAVID RITCHIE. Commissioned until first Monday in De- 
cember, 1862. 
" Nov. 4. EDWIN H. STOWE. Elected and commissioned for ten years. 

1869, " 26. FREDERICK H. COLLIER. Elected and commissioned for 
ten years. 

1872, " 6. E. H. STOWE. Re-elected and commissioned for ten years. 

1877, March. CHARLES S. FETTERMAN. Appointed until first Monday 
in December, 1877. 

1877. Nov. JOHN H. BAILEY. Elected and commissioned for ten years. 

1879, Nov. FRED. H. COLLIER. Re-elected and commissioned for ten 

The Judiciary of Allegheny County. 193 

President Judges of the District Court. 
When appointed. 

1833, May 2. ROBERT C. GRIER. Resigned Aug. 8, 1846, 
1846, Aug. 13. HOPEWELL HEPBURN. Recommissioned Feb. 17, 1847. 
Resigned Nov. 3, 1851. 

1851, Nov. 3. WALTER FORWARD. Elected and commissioned for ten 

years. Died in 1852. 

1852, " 27. P. C. SHANNON. Appointed till first Monday in December, 


1853, " 19. MOSES HAMPTON. Elected and commissioned for ten years. 
1863, " 3. " " Re-elected 

1873, " THOMAS EWING. Elected and commissioned for ten years. 

Associate Laio Judges of the District Court. 

When appointed. 

1839, June 22. TREVANION B. DALLAS. Died 1841. 

1841, May 6. CHARLES SHALER. Resigned May 20, 1844. 

1844, Sept. 17. HOPEWELL HEPBURN. Appointed President in 1846. 

1846, Aug. 20. WALTER H. LOWRIE. Recommissioned April 17, 1847. 

Elected to the Supreme Court in 1851. 
1851, Nov. 7. HENRY W. WILLIAMS. Re-elected in 1861. Elected to 

Supreme Court in 1868. Died 1877. 
1868, " 10. JOHN M. KIRKPATRICK. Appointed till first Monday of 

December, 1869, and elected and commissioned Nov. 23, 

1869, for ten years. Re-elected in 1879, and commissioned 

for ten years. 
1873, " J. W. F. WHITE. Elected and commissioned for ten years. 

By the Constitution of 1873 the District Court was abolished, and be- 
came Common Pleas No. 2. 

194 British Views of American Trade during the Revolution. 



THE following extracts, taken from nine different articles 
published in the London Chronicle during the Revolutionary 
War in the first part of the year 1778, have a particular 
bearing on a subject now agitating the political world of 
America. They show how eager the English were for the 
absorption of this continent as a market for their goods then, 
as they were in former years, and are to-day, and how dan- 
gerous they considered us as a rival in manufactures. Some 
of these statements concerning what course the United States 
would pursue seem actually prophetic, having been more 
than fulfilled. The journal in which they were published, 
one of the first of the day, was very liberal in taking the 
part of the colonists, and permitting free discussion on the 
subject. Its correspondents seem to have been well informed 
as to this country, more so than many of those in the English 
press of our time some twenty years since. Many other in- 
stances might be given, from its pages, of the great loss their 
manufacturers sustained by the Revolution, and their earnest 
desire for a reconciliation as a return to this source of national 

In the London Chronicle, Jan. 17, 1778, appears a letter in 
answer to one who desired " Lord Chatham to be placed at 
the helm of the State," as one who " could conduct the polit- 
ical bark through the storm that now agitates and has 
almost overwhelmed it": 

" Could his lordship then, if at the head of the ministry, 
persuade the Americans to renounce their claim to an inde- 
pendent State, and acknowledge their subjection to the 
British legislature? Could he persuade them to continue, or 
rather to restore, to us their trade and commerce, to the 
utter exclusion of all other nations? Could he persuade 
them to return to their former manner of life, and to confine 

British Views of American Trade during the Revolution. 195 

their sole or at least their chief attention to agriculture, and 
not apply to manufactures, or, to use his own emphatic phrase, 
not even to make a horse-shoe ?' ?1 

This is replied to Jan. 20, 1778, as follows: 

"Your correspondent's second question, 'whether Lord 
Chatham can persuade the Americans to continue, or rather 
to restore to us their trade and commerce, to the utter exclu- 
sion of all other nations,' admits nearly of the same answer 
as the first. At the commencement of these troubles, nay, 
after the battles of Concord and Lexington, and, if I do not 
mistake, even that of Bunker's Hill, the Americans gave us 
the option, either of enjoying their whole trade, or of re- 
covering from them a tax, and that, too, imposed by the 
British parliament. 'Tax us,' said they ' (for we even consent 
to be taxed by you), but then leave us a free and unlimited 
trade ; or, if you will restrain our trade, suffer us to tax our- 
selves as formerly. But to tax us, and restrain our trade at 
the same time, is, to use a common comparison, like burning 
the candle at both ends, and must soon reduce us to such 
a state of poverty, as will render both our trade and contri- 
butions hardly worth our acceptance.' Such was the lan- 
guage, and such the offers of the Americans at the beginning 
of the war." .... 

The author of this article, which is signed u A Friend to 
Merit," finishes his argument by saying that he does not 
know whether they (the Americans) hold the same views 
still, but thinks, could they treat with a minister like Lord 
Chatham, in whom they have confidence, a reconciliation 
might be effected. 

In another article (Jan. 24, 1778) the same writer says: 

" There are five principal stages in the progress of mankind 
from the rudest state of barbarism to the highest state of 
politeness. Their first employment is hunting and fishing; 
their second pasturage, their third agriculture, their fourth 
manufactures, and their fifth trade and commerce. The 
Americans, at least the greatest part of them, are in the third 
of these stages ; and beyond it they are not likely to advance 
for a considerable time, for this very obvious reason, that 
being possessed of an immense tract of country, and that, too, 
fertile in the highest degree, they will naturally employ 

1 Signed, " A Friend to real, not to pretended Merit." 

196 British Views of American Trade during the Revolution. 

themselves in cultivating the soil, before they begin to think 
of manufacturing its produce. For I believe there is not a 
single instance in the history of mankind, where a people, 
so circumstanced, have not pursued this conduct. 

"All political writers agree, that trade has flourished chiefly 
in small republics, confined in point of territory, and the in- 
habitants of which, not being able to find employment in, 
nor procure substance by, pasturage and agriculture, were 
obliged to turn their thoughts first to manufactures, and 
afterwards to commerce; and that, if ever trade has flourished 
in large kingdoms, it has been after the country was well 
cultivated and well peopled ; in a word, after there was 
such an overplus of* inhabitants, beyond what is necessary 
for cultivating the soil, as was sufficient for forming large 
towns, where trade and manufactures can only be carried on 
to advantage. Lord Chatham, therefore, has no occasion to 
exert his influence in persuading the Americans to return to 
a course of life, to which, by their situation, they are natu- 
rally directed. 

" True it is that the Americans, for the present, have re- 
versed the prediction of the prophet, and have turned the 
plow-shares into swords, and their pruning hooks into spears ; 
but they have not yet turned them into the anvil and ham- 
mer. But let an end be put to the present calamitous war, 
and they will restore their steel and iron to their former 
peaceable uses with much greater pleasure than they con- 
verted them into weapons of destruction ; they will return 
to, and long continue in, the occupation of husbandmen. 
Not but that if the war is continued, and the Americans 
should be able to establish their independence, they may 
become a trading and commercial people much sooner than 
they would otherwise have done ; but this must be ascribed, 
not to the natural course of things, but to the pernicious 
policy of certain persons." 

In the same paper for Jan. 29, 1778, is the synopsis of a 
speech made in the Guildhall, Bristol, Eng., by George Dan- 
bury, Esq., at a meeting presided over by the Mayor, in 
which the speaker confirms the opinion of the foregoing 
writer, when he says : 

" That the war in which we are now engaged is in truth 
a commercial war, we shall all sooner or later be experimen- 
tally convinced. 

"Though the right of taxation might be the original, and 
still continues to be held forth as the ostensible ground upon 

British Views of American Trade during the Revolution. 197 

which our unhappy divisions are founded, yet who, that has 
seriously turned his thoughts upon the subject, does not know 
that the great bone of contention between this country and 
America is the act of navigation, the regular enforcing of 
which is absolutely necessary to our existence as a commer- 
cial people?" 

Another writer, under date of Feb. 28, 1778, signing him- 
self " Politicus," shows the length of time it takes to estab- 
lish certain manufactures, and says: 

" If a man must employ several years in learning a trade, 
it is natural to conclude that some hundreds of years must 
necessarily elapse before a nation can excel in any particular 
manufacture, for, as to a nation's excelling all others in every 
manufacture, there is not, I believe, ah instance to be found 
in history. Let us, therefore, no longer alarm ourselves with 
the imaginary fears of America's rivalling England in trade 
and manufactures. If ever that happens, it must be after 
the expiration of some centuries ; and that points to a period 
so remote, that, against the events of it no human sagacity 
can provide." 

Another writer, signing himself "Manufacturer," taking 
up this last sentence, desiring to controvert it, says, March 
10, 1778, among other things: 

"It is well known that manufactories are already established 
in some of the colonies, that they have many of our artists, 
and it is their boast that they can procure the best workmen 
from England, as they can afford to give them better wages; 
which, with the common rate of labour there, being more 
than double what it is here, and provision in common not 
half our price, to which we may now add* taxes here and 
freedom there, these together must do our business. 

"Numbers of our blacksmiths, carpenters, cabinetmakers, 
arid manufacturers, etc., have been indented arid sent to 
America for many years. Our traders lose their labour, and 
the State its revenue. Are we to suppose they lose their art 
in going over, or that the} 7 are to be restrained in using their 
abilities when there? Hence, what can prevent their making 
a swift progress in the arts? 

"What danger may there be in sending an army of manu- 
facturers into America ! May not Manchester, Birmingham, 
with other towns, repent when tho arts are flown ?".... 
VOL. vn. 14 

198 British Views of American Trade during the Revolution. 

A correspondent, " Observator," in the same issue, replies 
to some of the foregoing writers, that they have forgotten 
one argument 

"of the utmost importance, and that is the rapidity with 
which rising States, and particularly the British Colonies in 
America, increase in population. In Great Britain, and most 
European countries, the people are not supposed to double 
their number in less than live hundred years. But in the 
British Colonies in North America they are said to double 
in twenty, or at most in twenty-five years. Nor is this so 
much owing; to the continual importation of new inhabitants 
from the different countries of Europe, as to the direct mul- 
tiplication of species in America itself." 

The writer also discusses the labor question, giving some 
interesting statistics of wages: 

" Many people are apt to think, that in every country the 
price of labour must always be in proportion to the general 
wealth of the State. But this opinion, though extremely 
common, is very ill founded. It is not in the richest coun- 
tries, but in the most thriving, or those which are growing 
rich the fastest, that the wages of labour are highest. England 
is certainly a richer country than any part of North America, 
yet the wages of labour are much higher in North America 
than in any part of England. In the province of New York, 
before the present troubles began, common labourers earned 
three shillings and sixpence currency, that is, two shillings 
sterling a day; ship-carpenters ten shillings and sixpence 
currency, with a pint of rum worth sixpence sterling, that 
is, in all, six shillings and sixpence sterling; house-carpen- 
ters and bricklayers, eight shillings currency, that is, four 
shillings and sixpence sterling. These prices are all above 
the London price ; and wages were no doubt as high in the 
other colonies as they were in New York." 

"Politicus," replying to U A Manufacturer," March 17, 
1778, shows that the success of Great Britain is owing to 
"the spirit of manufacturing" having become the "general 
spirit of the nation," when he says : 

" I own, indeed, that there is a remarkable difference be- 
tween the situation of America, supplied as it is with a vast 
number of good workmen from the several countries of 
Europe, and that of a nation emerging, by its own native 

British Views of American Trade during the Revolution. 199 

efforts, from a state of barbarism, and rising into the rank of 
a trading and manufacturing people. But it is not enough 
that a few, or even a greater number of people, understand 
manufactures ; the spirit of manufacturing must become the 
general spirit of the nation, and be incorporated, as it were, 
into their very essence. Knowledge may be soon acquired ; 
but it requires a long time before personal, and a still longer 
before national, habits are formed." 

There is much truth in the assertion of the foregoing 
writers as to the length of time which it takes to acquire a 
knowledge of and establish manufactures. Bishop, in his 
valuable History of American Manufactures, shows that this 
knowledge has been gradually acquired, and greatly advanced 
by the patriotic adherence of our citizens to the Ton-importa- 
tion Resolutions of 1765, established on a firmer basis by the 
Revolution, hastened by the quickening influences of steam 
and electricity. We owe our success, however, to the 
national wisdom in sustaining the principles of our ancestors 
by resisting all encroachments upon our manufactures. 

The policy of Great Britain in regard to America is the 
same to-day as it was in 1778, though the methods of accom- 
plishing it have changed. A nation so thoroughly infused 
with the spirit of trade has but one end in view. " From 
the Past," said the wise Confucius, " learn the Future." 

200 Descendants of Joran Kyn Jasper Yeates. 



(Continued from page 100.) 

151. JASPER YEATES S , son of John and Elizabeth (Sid- 
botham) Yeates, was born in Philadelphia, Pa., April 9, 1745. 
He studied at the College of Philadelphia, and received the 
degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1761, and afterwards that of 
Master of Arts. He was admitted to the bar in 1765, and 
became one of the most distinguished lawyers of that period, 
with a larger practice than any other in the interior of Penn- 
sylvania. He took up his residence in Lancaster, where he 
married, December 30, 1767, Sarah, eldest daughter of Colo- 
nel James Burd* by his wife Sarah, daughter of Edward and 
Sarah (Plnmley) Shippen,f of Lancaster. Mrs. Yeates was 
born in Philadelphia, January 1, 1748-9. Mr. Yeates sided 
with the American Colonies in the war with Great Britain, 

* Son of Edward Burd, of Ormiston, near Edinburgh, Scotland, and his 
wife Jane Halliburton, daughter of the Lord Provost of Edinburgh. He. 
emigrated to Pennsylvania, and was commissioned Colonel of a Regiment 
of that Province. He kept a journal during the building of Fort Augusta 
at Shamokin in 1756-7, which has been published in Pennsylvania Archives, 
Second Series, vol. ii. pp. 743 et seg. During the American Revolution he 
espoused the cause of the Colonies, and in 1775 became Colonel of the Second 
Battalion of Pennsylvania Troops, but resigned the position the following 
year. He resided at " Tinian," in Dauphin County, Pa., where he died in 1793. 

t Sister ot Edward Shippen, Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of Penn- 
sylvania, and ot Colonel Joseph Shippen, whose daughter, Mary Shippen, 
married Samuel Swift (362), whose grandson, the late John Shippen, of 
Pottsville, Pa., married Margaret McCall Swift, and whose grandson, Evans 
Wallis Shippen, married Catharine Yeates McElwee, all three descendants 
of Joran Kyn, the last being a great granddaughter of Jasper and Sarah 
(Burd) Yeates. (See PENNA. MAG., vol. vi. p. 332, and The Provincial Coun- 
cillors of Pennsylvania, by Charles,?. Keith, under "Edward Shippen.") 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Jasper Yeates. 201 

and was Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence of 
Lancaster County in 1776. During the summer of that year 
he made a journey to Western Pennsylvania, and paid a visit 
to the scene of Braddock's defeat, of which he wrote an in- 
teresting account in a letter, afterwards printed.* He was 
one of the Delegates from Lancaster County to the Conven- 
tion of Pennsylvania which ratified the Constitution of the 
United States in 1787, being one of the Committee of three 
persons (the others being Thomas McKean and James Wilson) 
who reported the form of the ratification adopted by the 
Convention. March 21, 1791, he was commissioned a Justice 
of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, a position which he 
occupied with honor for the remainder of his life. August 
8, 1794, in company with James Ross and William Bradford, 
he \vas appointed by President Washington a Commissioner 
to confer with inhabitants of the western counties of Penn- 
sylvania "in order to quiet and extinguish" the Whiskey 
Insurrection, a duty which was discharged by them in a 
most satisfactory manner, f In 1805, with his wife's uncle, 
Chief- Justice Edward Shippen, and Judge Thomas Smith, he 
was tried and acquitted on an Impeachment before the Senate 
of the Commonwealth, made in consequence of their imposi- 
tion of a fine and imprisonment on a certain citizen for con- 
tempt of Court.J Judge Yeates preserved notes of judicial 
proceedings in which he took part, and prepared them for 
the press before his death. They were printed, immediately 
after his decease, under the title of Reports of Cases adjudged 
in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania: with some select Cases 
at Nisi Prius, and in the Circuit Courts^ beginning with the 

* Published in Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, vol. vi. pp. 104-5, 
and republished in Penna. Archives, Second Series, vol. ii. pp. 740 et seq. 

t For papers relating to this subject, see Penna. Archives, Second Series, 
vol. iv. 

t See Report of the Trial and Acquittal of Edward Shippen, Esquire, 
Chief-Justice, and Jasper Yeates and Thomas Smith, Esquires, Assistant 
Justices, of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, on an Impeachment before 
the Senate of the Commonwealth, January, 1805, by William Hamilton, 
Editor of The Lancaster Journal (Lancaster). 

Vol. i., Pbilada., 18LV ; vols. ii. and iii., ibid., 1818 ; vol. iv., ibid., 1819. 

202 Descendants of Joran Kyn Jasper Yeates. 

April Term of 1791, and closing with the September Term 
of the Western District of 1808, connecting the series of 
Reports from Dallas to Binney. In the advertisement of the 
work by Judge Yeates's son-in-law, Charles Smith, mention. 
is made of "the industry and abilities, as well as the accuracy 
and fidelity, of the Author," as "well known to the gentle- 
men of the bar, by whom he had the happiness to be highly 
esteemed." Judge Yeates died at Lancaster, March 14, 1817. 
He is buried in St. James's (Protestant Episcopal) Church- 
yard, of that place, under a pyramidal tombstone with this 
epitaph : " He fulfilled the various duties of life with fidelity. 
His integrity was inflexible. As a Judge he was most learned 
and eminent, and in the exercise of his publick functions he 
deservedly obtained the confidence of his fellow citizens, and 
he left behind him a name which will only perish with the 
judicial records of his country." In a notice of Mr. Yeates in 
Alexander Harris's Biographical History of Lancaster County 
it is said: "He was possessed of a clear and vigorous mind, 
and his opinions were bold. As a Judge, he commanded the 
highest respect and deference. His decisions from the bench 
were clear, decisive, and strongly indicative of a profound 
knowledge of the constitution and laws of his country. As 
a man of business, he was one of the most methodical. With 
him everything had its time and place. This trait was 
observable in all his transactions, whether of a domestic or 
public nature. He was kind and affectionate, of a cheerful 
and contented disposition, and correct and engaging in his 
deportment. In all the social relations he was truly ami- 
able."* Mrs. Yeates survived her husband, dying at Lan- 
caster, October 25, 1829. She is buried in St. James's Church- 
yard, under a pyramidal monument, with the inscription: 
"Adorned with all the charities of life, in manners mild, 
benevolent, and polished, she was beloved by all who knew 

* A portrait of Judge Yeates is in the possession of the family. Many 
MS. letters written by and to him are in the Library of the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania. Several are printed in Penna. Archives, and in Mr. 
Balch's Letters and Papers relating chiefly to the Provincial History of 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Charles Smith. 203 

her. Pious and sincere in her religious duties, and confiding 
in her Redeemer's love, she departed full of years and 
honour. Her surviving children have erected this testimo- 
nial of their reverence and gratitude." Mr. and Mrs. Yeates 
had ten children, all born in Lancaster, Pa.: 

375. MARY, b. March 13, 1770. She was m. at Lancaster, March 3, 1791, 
to Charles Smith, son of the Rev. William Smith, D.D., Provost 
of the College of Philadelphia,* by his wife Rebecca, daughter of 
William Moore, of "Moore Hall," Chester Co., Pa.f Mr. Smith 
was b. in Philadelphia, March 4, 1765. " His early education was 
under the care of his father, in Philadelphia, and subsequently at 
Washington College, Maryland, where he graduated at the com- 
mencement held on the 14th day of May, 1783, delivering the vale- 
dictory oration on that occasion.'^ He studied law with his eldest 
brother, William Moore Smith, at Easton, Northampton Co., Pa., 
and was admitted to the bar in Philadelphia in June, 1786. He 
pursued the practice of his profession for several years at Sunbury, 
Northumberland Co., Pa. He was a delegate to the Convention 
which formed the Constitution of Pennsylvania in 1790, a Member 
of the House of Representatives of the State in 1806, 1807, and 
1808, and State Senator in 181 6. In 1805 he was elected a Member 
of the American Philosophical Society. He supplied copious and 
valuable notes to a new edition of the Laws of Pennsylvania, 
published, by authority of the Legislature, at Philadelphia, in 
1810-12. In 1819 he received the honorary degree of LL.D. from 
the University of Pennsylvania. March 27, of the same year, he 
was appointed President Judge for the Ninth Judicial District of 
Pennsylvania, composed of the counties of Cumberland, Franklin, 

* Some account of Dr. Smith and his descendants, accompanied by his 
portrait, is given in the PENNA. MAG., vol. iv. pp. 373 et seq. For an 
interesting biography of him see Life and Correspondence of the Rev. 
William Smith, D.D., by his great-grandson, Horace Wemyss Smith 
(Philadelphia, 1880). 

t Son of John Moore, Collector of the Port of Philadelphia from 1703 to 
1732. For a notice of William Moore, see Historical and Biographical 
Sketches, by Samuel W. Pennypacker, pp. 229 et seq. (Philadelphia, 1883); 
and the Life of Dr. Smith, just cited, vol. ii. pp. 488 et seq. A " genealogical 
account" of his descendants is given in the latter work, vol. ii. pp. 541 et seq. 
John Cadwalader, grandson of his great-grandson, General Thomas Cad- 
walader, of Philadelphia, also married a descendant of Joran Kyn. 

t Account of the Hon. Charles Smith, in the Life of his father, above 
mentioned, vol. ii. pp. 570-1, q. v. A notice of Judge Smith appears in 
Harris's Biographical History of Lancaster County. 

204: Descendants of Joran Kyn Redmond Conyngham. 

and Adams; and April 28, 1820, he was commissioned President 
Judge of the District Court of the City and County of Lancaster, 
which office he held for several years, living at a residence built by 
him near that town, named " Hardwicke." He afterwards removed, 
with his family, to Baltimore, Md., and finally returned to Phila- 
delphia. Here he d., at his home, No. 12 Clinton Square, March 
18, 1836, and was bur. in Epiphany (Protestant Episcopal) Church- 
yard. Mrs. Smith d. at Belmont, August 27, of the same year. 
They left issue.* 

376. JOHN, b. June 29, 1772. He received the degree of Bachelor of Arts 

from the College of Philadelphia in 1792. He m. Eliza, daughter 
of Daniel Buckley, an ironmaster of Lancaster County, Pa., and a 
Member of the House of Representatives of the State between 1794 
and 1800, by his wife Sarah Brooke. f Mr. Yeates d. s. p. at Lan- 
caster, January 7, 1844, and is bur. in St. James's (Protestant Epis- 
copal) Churchyard, in that city. Mrs. Yeates d. in Philadelphia 
County in December, 1849. 

377. JASPER, b. August 30, 1774; d. at Lancaster, December 24, 1774. 

378. SARAH, b. December 4, 1775; d. at Lancaster, November 12, 1776. 

379. ELIZABETH, b. April 4, 1778. She was m. at Lancaster, May 2, 1808, 

to Redmond Conyngham, son of David Hayfield Conyngham, and 
grandson of Redmond Conyngham, Esquire, of Letterkenny, Ireland, 
who emigrated to Philadelphia, and became a partner in the mercan- 
tile house of J. M. Nesbitt & Co., afterwards Conyngham, Nesbitt, 
& Co.J Mr. Conyngham's mother was Mary, daughter of William 

* For whom, besides the article in this MAGAZINE, and the " genealogical 
account" in the Life of Dr. Smith, before referred to, see Keith's Provincial 
Councillors of Pennsylvania, under "Edward Shippen," pp. (69) and (70). 

f Sister of Matthew Brooke Buckley, who married Mary, daughter of 
Samuel and Mary (Shippen) Swift, also descended from Joran Kyn, and of 
Anna Maria Buckley, who married Mary Swift's uncle, Joseph Galloway 
Shippen, M.D. 

J Redmond Conyngham, the emigrant, was for several years Warden and 
Vestryman of Christ Church, Philadelphia. David Hayfield Conyngham 
was a Trustee of the College of Philadelphia, and afterwards of the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania, from 1790 to 1813. A picture of the house in which 
the latter resided in Germantown is given in the PENNA. MAG., vol. vi., 
opposite page 18. He was descended from William Conyngham, Bishop of 
Argyll in 1539, and was of the same lineage, therefore, as the Marquess 
Conyngham, of Ireland. He was cousin-german to William Conyngham, 
created Baron Plunket, the eminent Chief-Justice and Lord Chancellor of 
Ireland, and of Captain Gustavus Conyngham, U. S. N. Redmond Conyng- 
ham, the younger, was brother to the late Judge John N. Conyngham, of 
Wilkes-Barre, Pa. (See "The Germantown Road and its Associations," by 
Townsend Ward, PENNA. MAG., loc. cit. t and, for a further account of the 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Redmond Conyngham. 205 

and Mary West. Mr. Conyngham was b. at Philadelphia, Septem- 
ber 19, 1781. He represented the counties of Luzerne, Northum- 
berland, Union, Columbia, and Susquehanna in the Senate of Penn- 
sylvania in 1820. The same year he " laid out the village named by 
him Pundaff," in Susquehanna County, "in honour of Lord DundafF, 
of Scotland."* He took an interest in historical researches, and in 
1826 contributed " Some Extracts from Papers in the Office of the 
Secretary of the Commonwealth, at Harrisburgh, and from other 
Documents," published in Memoirs of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, vol. i. pp. 321 et seq., and "An Account of the 
Settlement of the Dunkers at Ephrata, in Lancaster County, Penn- 
sylvania," printed ibid., vol. ii. pp. 133 et seq. 1 He d. at Paradise, 
Pa., June 16, 1846. Mrs. Conyngham d. at Lancaster, August 3, 
1867. They are bur. in All Saints (Protestant Episcopal) Church- 
yard, at Paradise, Lancaster Co., Pa. They left issue. f 

380. MARGARET, b. April 24, 1780. She d. unm. at Lancaster, February 

1, 1855, and is bur. in St. James's Churchyard. 

381. EDWARD SIIIPPEN, b. May 17, 1782 ; d. at Lancaster, December 12, 


382. CATHARINE, b. December 1, 1783. She d. unm. at Lancaster, June 

7, 1866, and is bur. in St. James's Churchyard. 

383. SARAH, b. December 6, 1786 ; d. December 7, 1786. 

384. EDWARD, b. eodem partu ; d. December 7, 1786. 

family, a work in course of preparation by the Rev. Horace Edwin Hayden, 
of Wilkes Barre, to be entitled Reminiscences of David Hayfield Conyng- 
ham, of the Revolutionary House of J. M. Nesbitt $ Co., Philadelphia, 

* History of Susquehanna County, Pennsylvania, by Emily C. Black- 
man, p. 392. (Philadelphia, 1873.) 

t For whom see Keith's Provincial Councillors, p. (68). 

(To be continued.) 

206 McMaster's History of the People of the United States. 


The appearance of this book is the chief event in the liter- 
ary annals of the clay. Few there were, we believe, who, when 
they first read its title, did not, either mentally or audibly, 
exclaim: "What, another history of the United States!" 
" How can such a subject require five volumes for its treat- 
ment?" "To what proportions will our historical literature 
grow, if books are made at this rate?" "Who is John Bach 
McMaster?" We have watched with interest the change 
which has taken place, as the reading public have become 
acquainted with the book. The enthusiasm which it speedily 
excited overshadowed any attempt to damn it with faint 
praise, and the popularity it now enjoys equals that which 
it is customary to award only to works of fiction. That 
a book of such a character should have passed through 
three editions in as many months is remarkable, and it is a 
satisfaction to find that its success is not the result of quali- 
ties that will give it but an ephemeral interest. It is, indeed, 
what its title styles it: "A History of the People of the 
United States ;" not a history of their origin, but a history 
of their every-day life, told in a most fascinating manner. 
On his preliminary pages the author says: 

"The subject of my narrative is the history of the people 
of the United States of America from the close of fhe war for 
independence down to the opening of the war between the 
States. In the course of this narrative much, indeed, must 
be written of wars, conspiracies, and rebellions; of presidents, 
of congresses, of embassies, of treaties, of the ambition of 
political leaders in the senate- house, and of the rise of great 
parties in the nation. Yet the history of the people shall be 
the chief therne. At every stage of the splendid progress 

1 A History of the People of the United States from the Revolution to 
the Civil War, by John Bach McMaster. In five volumes. Volume. I. 
D. Appleton & Co. : New York, 1883. 

McMaster's History of the People of the United States. 207 

which separates the America of Washington and Adams from 
the America in which we live, it shall be my purpose to de- 
scribe the dress, the occupations, the amusements, the literary 
canons of the times ; to note the changes of manners and 
morals; to trace the growth of that humane spirit which 
abolished the punishment for debt, which reformed the dis- 
cipline of prisons and of jails, and which has in our own time 
destroyed slavery, and lessened the miseries of dumb brutes. 
Tor shall it be less my aim to recount the manifold improve- 
ments which, in a thousand ways, have multiplied the conve- 
niences of life, and ministered to the happiness of our race; to 
describe the rise and progress of that long series of mechanical 
inventions and discoveries which is now the admiration of 
the world, and our just pride and boast; to tell how, under 
the benign influence of liberty and peace, there sprang up, in 
the course of a single century, a prosperity unparalleled in the 
annals of human affairs ; how, from a state of great poverty 
and feebleness, our country grew rapidly to one of opulence 
and power; how her agriculture and her manufactures flour- 
ished together; how, by a wise system of free education and 
a free press, knowledge was disseminated, and the arts and 
sciences advanced; how the ingenuity of her people became 
fruitful of wonders far more astonishing than any of which 
the alchemists had ever dreamed." 

In carrying out his task some of the author's touches are 
of a most happy character. In describing the residences of 
the wealthy citizens of Boston, he speaks of the massive side- 
boards on which china was displayed. This he says was: 

"Sometimes intermixed with Wedgwood ware, then a new 
production, whereon blue lovers walked by the side of blue 
waters, and blue deer lay down to rest in the shade of blue 
trees. In the corners of the rooms, or on the landing of the 
stairs stood the high clocks of English make, many of which 
yet remain to attest the excellence of the manufacture. Some 
were surmounted by an allegorical representation of Time. 
Others had a moving disk to illustrate the phases of the 
moon and show when it was crescent, when in the second 
quarter, and when full. Still others at the final stroke of 
every hour, chimed forth a tune which, when the Sabbath 
came round, was such a one as our grandfathers sang to their 
hymns in meeting." 

After describing the table of a New England farmer, the 
author continues: 

208 Me Master's History of the People of the United States. 

"If the food of such a man was plain, so were his clothes. 
Indeed, his wardrobe would, by his descendants, be thought 
scanty in the extreme. For meeting on a Sabbath and state 
occasions during the week he had a suit of broadcloth or cor- 
duroy which lasted him a lifetime, and was at length be- 
queathed, little the worse for wear, with his cattle and his 
farm, to his son. The suit in which his neighbors commonly 
saw him, the suit in which he followed the plough, tended 
the cattle, and dozed in the chimney corner while Abigail 
or Comfort read to him from Edwards's sermons was of 
home-spun or linsey-woolsey." 

Of schools Mr. McMaster writes: 

"With the district school the education of half the lads in 
the country ended. A few, however, more fortunate, passed 
thence to a seminary kept by some minister, or to one of the 
famous academies which were regarded as the feeders of Har- 
vard and of Yale. But those were still days of Puritan auster- 
ity, and the boy who quitted his home for school left behind 
him, too often, peace and happiness. Little Paul at the Blim- 
bers,Smikeat Dotheboys Hall did not have a much harder fate. 
Indeed, the pedagogue who, in our day, should subject his 
pupils to the rigid discipline, to the hard fare, to the sermons, 
the prayers, and the flogging which then fell to the lot of the 
school-boy, would be held up by the press to universal execra- 
tion, and might count himself fortunate if he escaped without 
a prosecution by a society for the prevention of cruelty to 
children. Masters knew no way of imparting knowledge but 
by the rod. To set eight hours a day on the hardest of 
benches, pouring over Cheever's Accidence ; to puzzle over 
long words in Dill worth's Speller; to commit to memory 
pages of words in Webster's American Institute ; to read 
long chapters in the Bible ; to learn by heart Dr. Watts's 
Hymns for Children; to be drilled in the Assembly Cate- 
chism; to go to bed at sundown, to get up at sunrise, and to 
live on brown bread and pork, porridge and beans, made up, 
with morning and evening prayer, the every-day life of the 
lads at most of the academies and schools of New England." 

Rhode Island's position in the Confederation in 1784 is 
thus drawn: 

" Of the thirteen States, Rhode Island and the Providence 
Plantations had always been the most lukewarm and dis- 
contented, and was now entering on that infamous course 
which makes it impossible to read her history down to the 
day when she entered the Union under the Federal Consti- 

McMaster's History of the People of the United States. 209 

tution without feelings of indignation and contempt. "No 
State paid its quota more grudgingly. None was so often 
without representation. None, not even New York, was 
actuated by so selfish and ungenerous a policy. The vague 
theories, the wild schemes of finance, of government, and of 
trade whiqh in other States were stoutly combated by the 
good sense of the community, seemed, in Rhode Island, to 
have been adopted by the rabble, and there the voice of the 
rabble was heard with great respect." 

In 1787 he says: 

" It was quite fashionable for men of wealth and leisure to 
form themselves into societies for the encouragement of what- 
ever they had most at heart. Societies for the encouragement 
of manufactures, societies for the promotion of agriculture, 
societies for the furthering of arts and sciences began to spring 
up in every great city. But the most active among them was 
at Philadelphia, and the most active of all its members was 
Tench Coxe. No man deserves better than he to be called 
the father of American cotton industries. At a time when 
the plant was rarely seen outside of a flower-garden, when 
the custom-house officers at Liverpool denied that all America 
could produce six hundred pounds, he plainly told his 
countrymen that cotton would one day be the source of their 
wealth and power. He stood up before the Federal Con- 
vention and begged Southern delegates to go home arid urge 
their people to cultivate it. He bitterly opposed the article 
of Jay's treaty which forbade the export of cotton for twenty- 
live years. Nor did he to the end of a long and eventful 
life grow cool in the encouragement of his favorite industry." 

The adjournment of Congress in 1784 is thus commented 

"Never, perhaps, since legislative assemblies came into use 
had there appeared quite so remarkable a body of men as the 
Continental Congress then, for the first time in its existence, 
about to take a recess. History indeed preserves the memory 
of but two which can with any justice be compared with it 
the Long Parliament which cut off the head of Charles 
I., and the National Assembly that cut off the head of 
Louis XVI. Both the Long Parliament and the National 
Assembly, like the Continental Congress, seized upon the 
Government, made themselves for many years the chief power 
in the State, levied taxes, raised armies, waged wars, con- 
cluded treaties, and at last fell from power, overwhelmed 

210 Me Master's History of the People of the United States. 

with hatred and contempt. But here the resemblance ends. 
The memory of the Long Parliament and the National As- 
sembly is bound up with much that is darkest and saddest 
in the history of England and of France: with the murder 
of kings; with the confiscation of estates; with civil war; 
with bills of attainder and acts of proscription ; with all the 
miseries of the prison-house, and all the horrors of the guil- 
lotine. The memory of the Continental Congress is bound up 
with that portion of our national history which we contem- 
plate with feelings of peculiar pride: with the sacrifices and 
the sufferings, more cruel than the grave, of the eight years 
of war; with the poverty, the struggles of the six years of 
peace that preceded the organization of the Federal Govern- 
ment. The republics which the Long Parliament and the 
National Assembly set up have long since disappeared from 
the face of the earth. The republic which the Continental 
Congress set up still endures." 

Of Mr. McMaster's ability as a portrait painter the reader 
can judge from the following: 

" It is impossible to mention the name of George Clinton 
without calling up the recollection of a man to whose memory 
a grateful posterity has been more than kind. To believe 
that he was a really great man, to extol him in terms too 
exal-ted to be applied to the founders of the republic, is in our 
day a common thing. His reputation, indeed, is immense. 
But when an even-handed justice is meted out, it must be 
owned that he has been much overrated. That he was a 
man of force and no mean ability is quite true ; but that he 
was in any sense a statesman is not true. He was, in fact, 
the most shrewd, the most crafty, the most pushing and suc- 
cessful politician of his time. Quick-sighted, rather than 
foresighted, he raised himself, despite his humble birth and 
scanty means, partly by time-serving, partly by the skilful 
use he made of every chance opportunity, to the high post of 
Governor of the State of New York, and held it for many 
years. From the day on which he thus became the most 
powerful man in the State he toiled persistently to make the 
State the most powerful member of the Union. He would 
see her waste lands along the Mohawk turned into gardens. 
He would see her noble harbor filled with ships. He would 
have her treasury run over with gold. But his cramped and 
narrow mind knew no way by which his State could attain 
to so much prosperity save that by which he himself had 
climbed to greatness, by selfishness, by cold-heartedness, by 

McMaster's History of the People of the Untied States. 211 

pulling down the rivals that struggled at her side. The 
course, therefore, pursued by New York, from the November 
morning when the enemy left her soil to the day when she 
finally adopted the Constitution, forms the most shameful 
portion of her annals. There is nothing like it save in the 
history of Rhode Island. And this course, there can be no 
doubt, was prescribed by Clinton. While others were striv- 
ing to give strength and dignity to the Union, he was steadily 
laboring to break it down. To weaken the power and thwart 
the wishes of Congress had with him long been a guiding 
principle, and he now found in the impost a means of doing 

From the passages we have quoted our readers can judge 
to some extent how far Mr. McMaster has accomplished the 
task he set out to perform ; of his merits as an historian, and 
of his ability to write. But one volume of the work has 
yet appeared. Its first chapter describes the state of the 
country at the close of the Revolutionary War. This will 
probably interest a greater number of readers than the suc- 
ceeding ones, but it is in the latter that the best qualities of 
the author are shown. In them we find how thoroughly he 
mastered his subject in its most important points. With 
great industry he has gathered material illustrating the state 
of the public mind in various parts of the country, and 
moulded it into unity. His powers of concentration are great, 
and consequently the lights and shadows of his pictures are 
strongly drawn. Questions are traced from their origin until 
they overshadow all others in importance, and are again su- 
perseded by questions which different interests have called 
into being. The whole presents what seems to be a perfect 
reflection of the past in which the scenes are rapidly shifting. 
But through all the changes in the condition of the people 
are carefully noted, and the steadily increasing demand of 
the property interests of the community for a stronger 
government are plainly discernible. 

Thus we are told of the weakness of the old confederation ; 
of the petty spirit which espoused the rights of the separate 
States, and denied Congress the power to make good contracts 
entered into for the whole country ; of the dissatisfaction 

212 Me Master's History of the People of the United States. 

which preceded the disbandment of the army ; of the flight 
of Congress from Philadelphia ; of the treatment of the 
Tories ; of the conflict of authority at Wyoming ; of the 
condition of the currency; of the low state of trade and 
commerce; of the introduction of cotton manufactories; of 
the foreign relations ; of the settlement of the country west 
of the Blue Eidge ; of the indifference with which these 
settlements were treated by the States, who claimed the land 
on which they were made ; of the rise of the lost State of 
Franklin ; of the difficulties attending the control of the 
Mississippi ; of the impost demanded by Congress ; of the 
paper money question ; of the rebellion in the New England 
States against the authority of the Courts ; of the trade con- 
vention which the Middle States called at Annapolis ; of its 
successor which met at Philadelphia and formed the Federal 
Constitution. Never, until this book was written, have the 
people of the United States had the opportunity of reading 
in a clear succinct form an account of the causes which led 
to the formation of their government. There is nothing of 
the Fourth of July orator about Mr. McMaster. He says 
little of the wisdom and foresight of the framers of the 
government, and of the moulding of public opinion by in- 
dividuals. He shows clearly that the Federal Constitution 
has but a small portion of secret history connected with it; 
that while the members of the Convention were men of 
ability, it was the people who demanded their services, and 
made the government they formed possible. The last two 
chapters treat of the adoption of the Constitution by the 
people, and the organization of the government by Wash- 
ington. Both are full of interest, and augur well for what 
is to come. 

The question naturally arises: Is it possible that a work 
covering so wide a scope contains no errors? We do not 
wish to abate by a jot the admiration we have expressed for 
the book, or to qualify our opinion concerning it as a whole. 
It is deserving of more than we have said of it, but to some 
of its statements we take exception. We do not agree with 
those critics who think that Mr. McMaster has pictured the 

Me Master's History of the People of the United States. 213 

state of literature and art too low at the close of the Revolu- 
tion. Because a few pamphlets and books, written on this 
side of the Atlantic, are looked upon as antiquarian treasures, 
and command a high price, it is no evidence of their literary 
value. Historically they are priceless, hut they were not the 
legitimate predecessors of the works of Irving, of Cooper, of 
Bryant, and of Longfellow. The state of the fine arts was 
so low that the elder Peale, who had returned to America 
just before the war, after studying with West, was compelled 
to keep a museum to eke out a living. Copley, who left the 
country in 1774, found for some years ample employment for 
his brush in Boston, but at times he was obliged to visit New 
York. West left nothing in America to tempt him to return, 
unless it was Miss Shewell, and as she accommodatingly went 
to England to marry him, he was saved a voyage across the 
Atlantic. A few pictures of merit were owned by gentlemen 
of wealth who bad purchased them in Europe; but the artis- 
tic taste of the Americans did not rise, as a rule, above a 
desire to have their own features preserved on canvas. The 
passages to which we object are those which describe the 
condition of the Middle States. The author does not seem to 
have met with the authorities which would have enabled him 
to have performed this part of his work in the same masterly 
manner in which the other portions are treated. It is evident 
that his mind has not been filled with his subject. There 
are some points which should have been touched upon that 
are ignored; and, at times, his brilliant pen has betrayed him 
into comparisons that are erroneous. It would be captious 
to call particular attention to them, however, as they do not 
materially lessen the value of the work, nor are we altogether 
prepared to lay the blame for their commitment at the author's 
door. Our New England brethren have shown a becoming 
zeal in preserving their history. The assistants and guides to 
their literature are innumerable, and the general historian 
when he comes to write regarding it finds his work half done. 
The citizens of the Southern and Middle States have neglected 
their history in a corresponding degree. Any one who has 
not enjoyed special advantages will experience considerable 
VOL. vii. 15 

214 Me Master's History of the People of the United States. 

difficulty in treating it. and will naturally give less space to 
it, than to a topic which presents an almost inexhaustible 
source of information. While we permit this state of affairs 
to continue we must not complain if our history is over- 

The author does not appear to have had any authorities 
hitherto unknown at his command in preparing this book. 
Writing of the people he seems to have abjured the use 
of any information but what they were possessed of. But 
slight use has been made of manuscript authorities, or of 
printed correspondence so far as the expressions of opinions 
are concerned. Local histories and autobiographies have 
been used to some extent, but the chief authorities cited are 
the newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets of the day. Mr. 
McMaster is the first writer who has drawn upon these for 
data concerning the period of which he treats. It is, we be- 
lieve, by using just such information that he has been ena- 
bled to present a political picture, the truthfulness of which 
strikes home. Now that he has done the work, we wonder 
that it was never attempted before. But there are several 
advantages Mr. McMaster enjoys that few possess. He has 
the ability to write history in a way that will compare 
favorably with the work of any historical writer of modern 
times. His style, as the reader must have seen, is clear and 
vigorous, and his descriptive powers are of the highest order. 
He does not hesitate to call a spade a spade, and has the 
faculty of telling the people what they want to know. With 
these qualities there is evidently great working power and 
unflagging industry. That the work will live there can be 
no doubt, and thousands will learn from it what kind of 
people their ancestors were. It is a production of which all 
Americans can feel proud, and we look with interest for the 
succeeding volumes. 

Lappawinzo and Tishcohan. 215 



Portraits of these Indian chiefs were presented to the His- 
torical Society of Pennsylvania by Granville Penn in De- 
cember, 1834, for which purpose he brought them from 
England. They had probably been long in possession of his 
family. From the Penn accounts we derive sufficient infor- 
mation to believe that they were painted by Hesselius, a 
Swedish artist, by order of John or Thomas Penn while in 
this country. From the circumstance of these being the 
only existing portraits known of the early Indians once in- 
habiting this section of Pennsylvania, I have become inter- 
ested to bring together for the first time some additional 
facts relating to those sachems. 

At a treaty held at Pennsbury, May 9, 1735, with John 
and Thomas Penn the proprietaries, Lappawinzo distinguished 
himself as the principal orator. On this occasion Nutimus, 
Tishcohan, Lesbeconk, and others were present. Another 
meeting was agreed upon in Philadelphia, which was accord- 
ingly held on August 24th and 25th, 1737, in the presence of 
Thomas Penn, and on the latter day Lappawinzo, Manawky- 
hickon, Tishcohan, and Nutimus signed the release for the 
Walking Purchase, witnessed by fourteen whites and twelve 
Indians. Barefoot Brinston acted as the leading interpreter 
for the respective parties. According to his portrait, Lappa- 
winzo is represented as a stout Indian of about forty years 
of age. A few black marks are painted on his forehead and 
cheeks. His hair is long and brought to the back part of 
his head, with a blue blanket thrown around him, and a 
pouch on his breast fastened to his neck. This will answer 
as a description of this chief, transmitted to us on canvas 
more than two years before the Walk. 

216 Lappawinzo and Tishcohan. 

From Edward Marshall's testimony, taken in 1757, we 
learn that on the night of the iirst day's Walk they lodged 
near an Indian town called Hoekendocqua, and that early 
next morning Nicholas Scull, Benjamin Eastburn, and another 
person went to said settlement and spoke with Lappawinzo, 
who lived there, to send some other Indians to accompany 
the walkers for the remainder of the distance ; when he re- 
plied " that they had got all the best of the land, and they 
might go to the Devil for the bad, and that he would send 
no Indians with them." He further stated that about eight 
weeks after the Walk he was again at the said town, when 
the same chief said that " they were dissatisfied with the 
Walk, and that they would go down to Philadelphia the 
next May, with everyone a buckskin, to repay the proprietor 
for what they had received from him and take their land 
again." He also complained that the Walk was not fairly 
performed, and should not go the course fixed on by the pro- 
prietors, but should have gone along the Delaware or by the 
nearest Indian path as the proper direction. Alexander 
Brown, in his evidence, chiefly corroborates the aforesaid. 

It was Lappawinzo that Moses Marshall had reference to 
in his reminiscences taken down by John Watson, Junior, 
in a visit to him in 1822, in which " an old Indian said ' no 
sit down to smoke, no shoot a squirrel, but lun, lun, lun, all 
day long.' 7: ' By this it would appear as if he had been pretty 
well in years. I have been unable to trace him as living to 
a later period than the year of the Walk. Heckewelder says 
that his name signifies going away to gather food. It would 
seem by some of the statements as if he had been chiefly in- 
strumental in the selection of John Combush, Neepaheilomon, 
alias Joe Tunean, who could speak English well, and his 
brother-in-law, Tom, the three young men appointed on the 
side of the Indians to be present as deputies to see that the 
Walk was fairly performed for the Delaware nation. James 
Le Tort, an Indian trader, mentions dealings with Lappawinzo 
in 1704, if not earlier. 

From an affidavit mnde by William Allen in 1762 we 
learn that whilst on visits to the Durham iron works (one of 

Lappawinzo and Tishcohan. 217 

the owners of which he was), after 1727, he became person- 
ally acquainted with "Tishecunk, who was always esteemed 
and reputed to be an honest upright man," and with " Nu- 
timus had always been regarded the chief original owner of 
the land in and about the Forks of Delaware and adjacent 
lands above Tohiccon." This, coming from this great land 
speculator, is pretty good evidence that they had recognized 
rights there, and that any dissent on the part of either as 
regards unfair dealings in obtaining said lands must be of 
some weight. By his own oath, Allen has further implicated 
himself with the Penns in depriving at least those Indians 
of a considerable portion of their lands, long before they 
had obtained any right to them either through purchase or 

By appointment, Tishcohan and Kutimus,in October, 1734, 
had met John and Thomas Penn at Durham, in relation to a 
treaty and sale of lands, and also in May, 1735, at Pennsbury ; 
but no particular business was accomplished, except to have 
the trial walk secretly performed in order to have things in 
readiness for the signing of the release for the Walking Pur- 
chase, which was duly concluded in Philadelphia in the 
presence of Thomas Penn, William Allen, Jamts Logan, and 
others, August 25, 1737, and to which Tishcohan, Nutimus, 
and two other Delaware chiefs affixed their marks. The 
walk was performed at such speed the 19th and 20th of the 
following month by Edward Marshall, that Solomon Jen- 
nings and James Yates, who were selected his associates by 
the proprietary party, were compelled to succumb before the 
termination of it, having made, according to the testimony 
of several of the witnesses present, the first thirty mites in six 
hours. According to the evidence of Ephraim Goodwin, we 
learn that at this time Tishcohan was an aged man and lived 
at the Indian village called Hockenclocqua, near which the 
walkers and company staid over night on their first day's 

Like nearly all Indian names, that of Tishcohan has been 
variously spelled or called, as Teshakomin, Tiscoquam, and 
Captain John Tishekunk, perhaps according to the fancies of 

218 Lappawinzo and Tishcohan. 

the several writers. In bis portrait, which is nearly the 
size of life, Tishcohan is represented with a Roman nose, a 
large mouth, and several deep wrinkles reaching nearly across 
his forehead. He appears no bad-looking man, of a stout 
muscular frame, and about forty-five or fifty years of age, and 
(what is singular for an Indian) has a bunch of hair growing 
from his under lip and chin. He has a blue blanket around 
him, and a squirrel-skin pouch banging on his breast, fastened 
by a strap around his neck, in which is stuck a plaster-of- 
Paris pipe, proving it to be his tobacco-pouch, and that he 
was a consumer of " the weed." His hair is so long as to 
be gathered together on the back of his head. 

According to Hecke welder, Tishcohan means, in the Dela- 
ware language, he who never blackens himself. On referring 
to the likeness, we find the truth of this definition in the 
absence of those daubs of paint with which many of the 
Indians were in the practice of disfiguring themselves. We 
are thus minute because few such opportunities can occur of 
similar descriptions respecting those whoso long dwelt here, 
and occupied important, if not conspicuous, positions in our 
early history. We give the following extract from the report 
of Roberts Vaux, J. Francis Fisher, and Job R. Tyson, consti- 
tuting the committee (Memoirs of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, vol. iii. p. 211-12) respecting those portraits: "Of 
Lappawinzo we have been able to discover no further notice 
in history. James Logan speaks of him in 1741 as an honest 
old Indian. Tishcohan seems to have moved to the West, 
and was met by Frederick Post, when he made his first 
journey to visit the Indiana on the Ohio, in July, 1758. Such 
is the whole result of the inquiries of this committee, al- 
though they have examined all the documents printed and 
manuscripts within their reach. They have only to regret 
that they have been able to give so little interest to their 
report, and that so little has been handed down to us of the 
history of the only two chiefs of the Lenni Lenape whose 
portraits have been preserved." 

Account of the Seditious False Konigsmark in New Sweden. 219 



[The following is a translation of an unsigned manuscript, dated 1683, 
preserved in the Eoyal Library at Stockholm, referred to in a note to Rey- 
nolds's translation of Acrelius, p. 116. It is entitled Berdttelse om Uprors- 
makaren den falska Konigsmark i Nya Swerige. For many documents 
concerning the sedition spoken of (which occurred in the summer of 1669), 
see Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania and Documents relating to the Colo- 
nial History of the State of New York, vol. xii. T&ANS.] 

In Provost Acrelius's Beskrifning om de Swenska Fb'rsam- 
lingars Tilstand uti Nya Swerige, p. 123, is introduced what 
Pastor Rudman noted in the Wieaco Church Book about the 
rioter among the Swedes, who called himself Konigsmark. 
These are the particulars which I received from the oldest 
Swedes. This impostor was by birth a Swede, but, for some 
crime committed by him in England, he was sent to Mary- 
land, to serve there as a slave, for a certain number of years. 
He ran away from there, however, and came to the Swedes in 
New Sweden, who were then subject to the English Govern- 
ment. Here he made the Swedes believe he was descended 
from a great and highly honorable family in Sweden ; that 
his name was Konigsmark ; that a Swedish fleet of war-ships 
lay outside of the bay, and were, as soon as they entered, to 
take the land again from the English ; and that he was sent 
to encourage the Swedes, who lived here, to shake off the for- 
eign yoke, and to fall upon and slay the English, as soon as 
they had heard that the Swedish fleet had arrived. A great 
many of the Swedes permitted themselves to be persuaded by 
this. They concealed the pretended Kb'nigsmark for a long 
time, so that no one else knew anything of him, supplying 
him with the best meat and drink they had, by which 
means he fared very well. Moreover, they went to Philadel- 
phia, and bought powder, balls, shot, lead, and so forth, to be 

2:10 Account of the Seditious False Kb'nigsmark in New Sweden. 

ready at the first signal. Hereupon he caused the Swedes 
to be summoned to a supper, and after they had been drink 
ing somewhat, exhorted them to free themselves from the 
yoke, reminding them what they suffered from the English 
and how the latter, partly by fraud and partly by force, had 
taken from them one large piece of land after another, and 
finally asked them whether they held allegiance to the King 
of Sweden, or to the King of England? A part immedi- 
ately declared themselves for the King of Sweden ; but one 
of the most honorable of the Swedes, Peter Kock by name, 
said that, as the country was English and had been surren- 
dered by the King of Sweden to the Crown of England, he 
deemed it just to hold with the King of England. There- 
upon Kock ran out and closed the door again, laying himself 
against it, that the so-called Konigsmark might not slip out, 
and called for help, to make him prisoner. The impostor 
laboured with all his might to open the door, Kock endeavour- 
ing to prevent him by hurting him in the hand with a knife. 
Notwithstanding, he effected his escape; wherefore Kock 
immediately hastened to give information to the English, 
who then made search for him, and in a short time took him 
prisoner. The above-named Peter Kock then said to him: 
"You rascal, tell me what is your name? for we can see well 
enough that you are no honourable person." The impostor 
then answered that his true name was Marcus Jacobson. 
He proved, besides, to be so ignorant that he could neither 
read nor write. Thereupon he was branded and sent to Bar- 
badoes, where he was sold as a slave. The Swedes, who per- 
mitted themselves to be imposed upon by him, were punished 
by the confiscation of half their property, land, cattle, goods, 
clothes, and so forth. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


BURIALS, 1709-1760. 

(Continued from page 105.) 

Oct. 27, 1721. Tabiner, 





































































































































John, son of James and 


Eobert, son of Robert, 
William, son of Robert. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Robert.. 
Mary, dau. of Robert. 

Margaret, dau. of Benjamin 
John. [and Susannah. 


Dorcas, wife of William. 

Mary, dau. of Robert. 
Jonathan, son of John. 

Hannah, dau. of Robert. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Robert. 
John, son of Robert. 
Edward, son of Robert and 
William. [Jane. 

Samuel, of Jamaica. 

Thomas, from Liverpool. 

Amiable, wife of Benjamin. 
Anne, dau. of Benjamin. 
Isabella, dau. of Abraham. 
Edward, son of Thomas. 
Sarah, dau. of Henry. 

Jane, dau. of Abraham. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Aug. 31, 
Sept, 5> 
Aug. 1, 
July 22, 
Feb. 19, 
Mar. 17, 
Dec. 4, 
Nov. 29, 
Sept. 8, 
Mar. 7, 
Aug. 17, 
April 23, 
Dec. 1, 
April 13, 
Jan. 9, 
July 18, 
Nov. 22, 
Mar. 10, 
Mar. 17, 
Dec. 11, 
April 16, 
May 1, 
Aug. 27, 
July 30, 
April 25, 
Oct. 12, 
June 11, 
Sept. 11, 
Oct. 26, 
June 4, 
































, Telles, 
Teni pier, 
, Tharp, 

Oct. 9, 1745. " 

July 5, 1751. " 

Jan. 22,1756. " 

Jan. 10,1757. " 

Sept. 27, 1757. " 

July 21,1758. 

April 7,1722. Thompson, 

July 26,1735. 

Jan. 13, 1739-40. " 

Dec. 28,1740. 

Jan. 14, 1745-6. 

Mar. 30, 1748-9. 

Mar. 13, 1750-1. 

Sept. 18, 1752. 

Aug. 9, 1756. 

dau. of John. 

son of John. 

Sarah, dau. of Henry. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Henry. 
Benjamin, son of Peter. 

wife of Joseph. 

Mrs. Mary. 

Thomas, of Barbadoes. 

John, son of John and Mary. 

John, son of John and 

John. [Patience. 






Mark, son of Mark. 


Mary, Thomas Sinclair's 

James. [mother. 

Sarah, dau. of James and Anne. 

Hugh, from Scull's. 


Thomas, son of John. 



Sarah, dau. of Evan. 

Evan, son of Evan. 

Rebecca, wife of Moses. 

Strangers' Ground. 
William. Swedes' Ground. 

John, son of John and Mary. 
Anne, dau. of John. 

James, son of James. 
Anne, dau. of John. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Dec. 11, 
Mar. 30, 
July 28, 
Dec. 16, 
Jan. 2, 
Oct. 30, 
Oct. 6, 
Mar. 17, 
Sept. 26, 
Jan. 8, 
Mar. 8, 
April 30, 
Mar. 26, 
Mar. 26, 
Feb. 1, 
Aug. 13, 
Aug. 24, 
May 23, 
Jan. 12, 
July 6, 
July 4, 
Jan. 23, 
May 27, 
Aug. 14, 
Oct. 23, 
Aug. 19, 
Sept. 17, 
Mar. 6, 
April 20, 
Nov. 10, 
Mar. 28, 
Aug. 29, 
July 31, 
May 17, 
Nov. 13, 
April 23, 
Jan. 14, 
April 28, 
Sept. 22, 
Mar. 25, 
Sept. 4, 
Nov. 20, 
Sept, 1, 
Nov. 14, 
Nov. 17, 
Oct. 14, 




























































Tom son, 







George, son of John. 

Mary, dau. of Roger. 



"William, son of William. 

Jane, dau. of John. 



Josiah, son of Nathaniel and 

Thomas, son of John. [Ann. 

Thomas, son of John. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 

Joseph, son of John. 

Anne, dau. of William. 


Anne, dau. of William. 

George, son of John. 

Elizabeth, wife of John. 

John, son of James. 



Peter, son of John and Mary. 


Catharine Barbara. 

Elizabeth, wife of Henry. 

John, son of Thomas. 



John, son of Robert. 


Andrew, son of John. 


Capt. John. 

John, son of Robert. 

Richard, son of Robert. 

Thomas. Strangers' Ground. 

Abraham Bickley, son of 

Anne. [John. 



Mary, dau. of- William. 

James, son of William. 

William, son of William. 

William, son of John. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Jan. 8, 1752. Towerson, 
Aug. 19, 1728. Townsen, 

Feb. 2, 1727-8. Townsend, 
Mar. 28, 1739-40. Towrson, 
Dec. 16, 1746. Towson, 
Oct. 17,1715. Traganey, 
Dec. 9, 1709. Trath, 
Nov. 12, 1744. Traverse, 
Aug. 29, 1711. Trent, 
May 17, 1714. Tresse, 
May 28, 1714. " 
Sept. 18, 1717. 

Nov. 28, 1718. 

Mar. 31, 1719-20. " 

April 3, 1720. " 
May 31,1720. 

July 7, 1720. " 

Aug. 2,1721. " 

June 26, 
Aug. 20, 
Dec. 4, 
Feb. 1, 
Nov. 21, 
June 25, 
Aug. 29, 
Sept. 11, 
May 25, 
Mar. 15, 
June 27, 
June 17, 
Dec. 1, 
Nov. 29, 
June 15, 
Aug. 6, 
April 1, 
Aug. 14, 
Sept. 28, 
Feb. 23, 
June 22, 
Feb. 18, 
Dec. 16, 
May 15, 
Aug. 28, 








































Samuel, son of Thomas. 

Quakers' Ground. 
Grace. Quakers' Ground. 
Mary, wife of Fabric! us. 

Thomas, son of William and 
Thomas. [Mary. 

Mary, wife of Thomas. 
Thomas, son of Thomas and 


Hugh, son of Hugh. 
Margaret, wife of Hugh, Sen. 
Hugh, Jr. 

Sarah, dau. of Hush. 
Hugh, son of ye Widow. 
Thomas, son of Thomas and 


James, son of Thomas and 
Hugh. [Elizabeth. 

Margaret, dau. of Thomas. 
Elizabeth, wife of Thomas. 

Mary, dau. of Hugh. 
Hannah, wife of Capt. Hugh. 

Elizabeth. [Widow. 

William, son of William. 
Thomas, son of William. 

Catharine, dau. of Capt. 

William, son of John. 
Mary, wife of John. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Isaac. 

Mary, dau. of Peter. 
John, son of John. 
Anne, wife of Thomas. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Nov. 26, 1739. Turner, 
May 7,1741. 
Sept. 12, 1745. 

Sept. 27, 1745. 

Feb. 24,1746 
Aug. 29, 1747. 
Mar. 18,1748- 
Oct. 19,1749. 
Dec. 26,1750. 
Sept, 17, 1756. 
April 28, 1758. 
Mar. 29,1712- 
July 23,1727. 
Feb. 6, 1726- 
Dec. 31,1732. 
Feb. 12, 1727- 
June 24, 1726. 
April 15, 1727. 
Mar. 6, 1755. 
Dee. 12,1727. 
Oct. 25, 1713. 
Nov. 16, 1728. 
April 21, 1745. 
Oct. 8, 1755. 




9. " 


3. Tusbery, 

7. Tuth ill, 


8. Tutthill, 


Hannah, wife of Peter. 
Mary, dau. of Edward. 
Joseph, son of Thomas. 

Strangers' Ground. 
Rebecca, dau. of Thomas. 

Strangers' Ground. 
Margaret, wife of Peter. 
Joseph, son of Peter. 
Mary, wife of John. 
Rebecca, dau. of Edward. 
Anne, dau. of John. 
- son of Morris. 

James. [Anne. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas and 
Alice, wife of James. 
John, son of Christopher. 
Mr. James. 

William, son of Thomas. 

Anne, dau. of John. 
Nathaniel. [Anne. 

Samuel, son of Nathaniel and 
Nathaniel, son of Nathaniel. 

Dec. 5, 1748. Underwood, Holiday. 

Feb. 15,1757. Unity, 
Jan. 21, 1741-2. Usher, 
May 30,1753. 
Mar. 21,1759. " 




Rose, dau. of Abraham. 

April 14, 1727. Vabanne, Walter. Strangers' Ground. 

Oct. 10, 1727. Vahon, Mr. Robert. 

Sept. 8, 1754. Vanchurch, Elizabeth, dau. of Jacob. 

July 4, 1750. Vanderspeigle,Abraham, son of William. 
Aug. 2, 1752. " Margaret Van Veghten, dau. 

of^ William. 

Feb. 1, 1754. " Margaret, wife of William. 

Sept. 16, 1736. Vane, Susannah, dau. of John. 

Sept. 25, 1748. Vanhist, Elizabeth, dan. of Samuel. 

June 9,1759. Vanhost, Caleb. [Garrett. 

elan. 12, 1737-8. Van Houghtenbou^h. Adrianna, wife of 

Aug. 15, 1728. Vanlace, " William, son of William. 

Sept. 26, 1741. Vanlaw, Elizabeth, dau. of John. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 



















7, 1756. 
28, 1741. 
10, 1741. 
30, 1728. 
30, 1727. 
16, 1728. 
20, 1759. 
26, 1748. 

1, 1748. 
27, 1750-1 

3, 1753. 
21, 1746. 

1, 1755. 

1, 1729. 
15, 1759. 
21, 1713. 
17, 1714-5. 
21, 1716. 




Yen able, 









Jan. 11, 1726-7. Wagstaff, 
Aug. 15, 1711. Waid, 

July 6, 1735. 
Oct. 2, 1734. 
April 22, 1740. 
Aug. 7,1749. 
July 10, 1742. 
May 9, 1747. 
June 19, 1749. 
Aug. 18, 1741. 
July 21,1711. 
Dec. 31, 1717. 
Nov. 15, 1726. 
Mar. 11, 1726- 
Sept. 14, 1728. 
Sept. 5, 1736. 
Feb. 7, 1736- 
June 28, 1738. 
Oct. 5, 1742. 
Jan. 25, 1750 
July 10,1756. 
Nov. 4, 1756. 
June 28, 1747. 
Aug. 7, 1727. 
May 21,1748. 
Mur. 20,1726- 








-1. Wall, 




7. Wandliss, 

son of Isaac. 

Elizabeth, wife of Henry. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Henry. 

Nicholas. Anligna. 

Mrs. Frances. 

Evan, son of Evan. 

Daniel, son of Edward. 

Anne, wife of Richard. 

Anne, dau. of Richard. 

Thomas, Esq. 


Susannah, wife of Stephen. 




Ann, dau. of Peter and Judith. 

Judith, wife of Peter. 

Mary, dau. of Peter and Mary. 

Joseph. Strangers' Ground. 
Catharine, dau. of William 

and Ruth. 

Alexander, son of Alexander. 
Sarah, dau. of Edward. 

Sarah, dau. of William. 
Conrad, son of Conrad. 
George, son of Conrad. 
Zachariah, son of Conrad. 
Joseph. [Christian. 

Jane, dau. of Richard and 
William, son of Thomas. 
Richard, Sen. 

Catharine, wife of Richard. 
Sarah, dau. of Capt. Gurney. 

dau. of Gurney. 

son of Gurney. 

Mary, dau. of William, Jr. 




Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Jan. 27, 
Sept. 19, 
Aug. 3, 
Aug. 23, 
April 15, 
Dec. 2, 
July 18, 
Jan. 13, 
Feb. 7, 
Nov. 10, 
Dec. 19, 
Feb. 28, 
Sept. 6, 
Mar. 24, 
May 16, 
June 24, 
Feb. 24, 
Sept. 8, 
Jan. 15, 
Sept. 6, 
Nov. 17, 
Nov. 26, 
July 21, 
Sept. 23, 
April 2, 
Aug. 28, 
May 8, 
Oct. 16, 
Mar. 9, 
Nov. 17, 
July 20, 
Oct. 21, 
Mar. 24, 
Aug. 17, 
July 24, 
Aug. 1, 
July 4, 
Aug. 16, 
Mar. 16, 
Aug. 10, 
Sept. 3, 
Feb. 28, 
April 3, 
Feb. 17, 













































. Warboys, 













Mary, dau. of Eobert. 

Sarah, dau. of Robert. 



Anthony, son of Anthony. 




William, son of Ralph. 

Edward, son of Ralph. 


Daniel, son of Thomas. 


Ruth, wife of Thomas. 


Joseph, son of Joseph. 




Anne. Widow. 

John, son of Thomas. 

Martha, dau. of Thomas. 

Philip, son of Susannah. 

Pennil, son of James. 

John, son of Robert. 

John, son of John and Anne. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 

John. From over ye river. 

Mary. [London. 

James. Apothecary from 

Joseph, son of Luke. 




Joseph, son of Joseph. 

William, son of Joseph. 

Anne, dau. of Samuel. 

James, son of George. 

Mary, dau. of George. 


Susannah, dau. of Luke. 

Adam, son of Luke. 



(To be continued.) 

228 Notes and Queries. 


first printed, has recently been acquired by the Historical Society: 

Bristoll 16, 7 m 1704. 

1 have writt to thee by J. Martin in the good intent since, I think, the 
receipt from thee of any originall ; Thy last was of y e 22 d , 4 m . Now meeting 
with Ed d Lane <fc his overseer, bound hence by Ireland to Pennsilvania, I 
send this in answear to thy originall of the 26 3 m Pr. Virginia ffleet. But not 
a word from my son, or Col. Evans along w th it, but only hear, a month 
after thine came to hand that there is a Packet at my son aubreys for me 
from y e latter, as tishe writes me word hither, where we came yesterday week, 
from worminghurst I & my wife & Daugh r Penn & Johnne & Hanna w th our 
Serv ts but none of my sons Children ; and my Daughf & I returne to morrow. 
Business of moment calling for me to London. Our ff'rds here w th us, & all 
relat 8 well. So my Sister & hers. 


1 all thy letters by ships y* arrived are come to hand, originalls & coppys. 

Coll. Evans. 

2 I am not a little pleased the people generally are so, may it continue ; 
as he behaves well to mine and my ifrds honest Interest, he may be sure, if 
I surrender, he shall not want my good endeavours to continue him. He 
lias Judgem* temper, & modesty, & 1 think w* they call honour; and I hope 
he gives requisit application. I wish my poor Childe had some of his alloy 
to his fire & motion. 


3 No returns as yet from Barbado's, or Jamaica, or Carolina. I like y e 
Circuler way by Mader. to Barb. & so to Virg. or Mar. to purchass Bills; 
but corn sent to the Mader 8 . & freight of their best wines hither (in such 
request they are) would also be a good way, & save time, in y e Judgemt of 
severall men in business here. Which I leave to thee to act as thou seest 
best, my Commission w th [ 

4 I hope while you tell y e people my saveing the final assent to myselfe, 
is a flourish only, & y l by Charter from K. C. 2 y e reserve is voyd in itselfe, 
you dont mean that I have put it in the powr of an ill Dep 1 Go r . & an 
assembly y l may bribe him, to give away my Lands, rents, nomination off 
officers, fines, <fec. : for it were a distraction, & distinction indeed I therefore 
tell thee plainly, unless they come upon a better foot, and that all such Laws 
shall be declared voyd, as unjust & agst reason & right, I shall insist upon 
the validity of the restriction or have a sufficient security. I have given 
away as well as spent & exhausted myself too much already, this is enough. 

J. Momp. [Judge Mompesson.] 

5 I am truly sorry for y e little encouragemt he had. will our people 
never be wise, this is y* base fellow I). L. and the ffbolish & unthankfull 
people y* will yet be lead into reproachfull Jealousys of their poor (& almost) 
Martyrd P. & G E which ff'rds as a church should reprove & prevent or care. 

Notes and Queries. 229 

How ever, correspond closely w th J. Mom. as to points of law, for your 
security in proceedings, mine at least, as to his being of an opinion a<>\st 
y e admiralty Jurisdiction in Amer. tis so farr from being a fault or reason of 
his loss of his Judges place therein, that the Attorney Gen 11 has much out- 
done him, held an oracle at Common Law : but twas the Church fell on Ld. 
01. & Ld. Cor. writt in C Qu s [Quarry's] favour, besides twas an old dorment 
commiss. of K. W s time his church employers y* want his envy agst us gott 
fiil'd up w th a new date but the ministry is chang'd since then, & measures 
too, to greater moderat n & so M. Perry assures me he has writt C. Qu of 


6 Sell upon good Bonds, & to sufficent people for Tishes [Laetitia's] 15000 
acres, tis mine by agreemt here with her husbd. however if taken up, tis 
well, & lett ray Son have the other 15000 acres, and let him know yt ye 
things he sent for by his of y e 12 al last came last to hand, however, some 
fishing tackle I orderd him from Portsmouth where the ships lay at his 
Letf coming to hand, the other 20000 acres 1 reserve for other uses, w ch 
if not taken up, lett it be so in a good place. 


7 I am truly sorry to see so much unkindness, it has been ready to tempt 
me, as divers good ffrds have advis'd me, & relations too, besides them, to 
sell all to y e Crown, & lett y m take their own Course ; but I have not yet 
prevailed w th my selfe to come to such a parting resolution ; for god was 
with me in seeking, getting & settling of itt, & there are some y* have not 
forsaken their first love to truth & me, whom I would Live & dye with. 

Sasqrhanagh Purchassers. 

8 I had hoped there was no need of Renewing of Bonds, for y e Land 
bought, since those enter'd into were formall and I depend so positively 
upon y l Supply, that if I am baffled in it, my disapointments will force me 
to turn my back and do w* I am so little wiling to think upon, wherefore 
gett Bonds where thou canst not gett mony, & for y r Comfort, that are in 
likeing of Kg Charles of Spaine, the Duke of Maryborough has beaten france 
so, as she has not been beaten since y 1 great battle wone by Ch. y e 5 th over 
ffrancis y c first & so saved y e emperor : & just now is news come of y e defeat 
of their grand ffleet by ad. Rook <fc ad. Shevill, neer Malaga, destroyd some 
say 6 of their ships, & chased them into Tolouse : & 1 have sent by J. 
Martin y e Queens lett r for opening a Trade with the Spanish west Indias, 
to her american subjects, w l thou desired & aimed at, in 2 of thy letters, to 
save us from Sincking & y e rest of the northern Colonys. 

Settlem ts mill Tommes Lott Pennsb. 

9 I leave it to thy prudence & y e best advice about building or Planting, 
but I cant see the harm or charge of Planting some choice ffruit an acre, 
two or 3. In any place fitt to seat upon, tis always mony, & little expense 
& cant be raised in a year as a house may. a Nursery should, by grafting 
stocks, with my best fruit at Pennsberry, be made there to draw out else 
where, let me know w* comes of my other Mills, & how this new one at 
Soholoconk, & if it be 500, or 5000 [?] acres taken up there ; also w* & where 
Tommes lott lyes, if next y c house old Ed. Shippen lives in. or y* he built 
for Joseph for there is a 25 flfoot one, if not more, y 1 my-Cosin Markham 
kept his Colosh or Coach upon neer Ch. Reeds old house. Pennsberry 
had to my knowledge 40 acres cleard before I came away not to slight 
honest Johns labour & less marys I truly esteem them & wish y m well, but 
I could be glad y e whole, & fruit of it would pay his wages too. 

VOL. vii. 16 

230 Notes and Queries. 

John Blakling ffa. Callowhill & R. Sneed & M. Elson. 

x Tho I have vvritt by the opertunity of y e Pennsylvania Ships, upon this 
head, yet thine gives occasion to say something of 2 of y m & 1 add y e other 
1 too. 

John Blakelings interest I have reason to recommend, because my (Father 
Callowhill buys it for one of my Children, also R. Sneeds, Mary Elsons & 
Marg. Martindales, and for y l reason I would pick & choose being my chil- 
dren & my land, I think it cannot be a disallowable Partiality J. Bl. had 
his in two deeds, 1500 acres each, R. Sneeds thou knowst, & Mar. Marte- 
dales is one thousand, her husb. bought 2000 a, by 2 severall deeds, one 
was disposed of to Jos. or Sam 11 cart, and the other my fa r Call, has bought, 
and pray secure y e lotts belonging to it in y e front 20 ffoott, in high street 
20 foot as I take it. If thou canst not do it .there, do it where thou canst 
best do it for advantage, also John Elsons now d [ ] bly returnd to 

me by no other relat e being alive and by my ffather Call 8 purchase of y e 
widdow twas 500 acres. I ordered y l lott by y e church of Eng s Meeting 
house, for his citty lott w ch J designed for Johnne ; being almost directly 
against the end of his grand fathers lott, lett to T. Roberts. Have an eye to 
one and tother. also secure y e Liberty lands belongeing to y e aforesayd 
parcelles, in as good a place as thou canst, & together T. ff doubtless can 
do such a job. whose Bro Rob. & sister his wife give thee abundant thanks 
for thy discreet management of yt affaire w th him. 


11 I hope ther's no need of more evidence, y e fellow humbling himselfe, 
his atturney managing him discreetly & kindly towards us ; at least at Pre- 
sent : but there is [illegible] 


12 I meant a coppy to lye by me, the other is w th y e Atturney Gen 11 , & 
are like to do so till I can redeem them w th a good report at the rate of fifty 
guineas ffee, some have given 100. I resent y* base part of y e address to y e 
Gov r as if I undertook to get y e Laws past they desired me to pass. I did 
my part at my comeing away. My charters worth 20000 Ib. & I wish now 
I had never past it, since they insinuate as if 1 undertook for the triffle 
they gave me, when my hasty goeing for w l obliged y* motion was unfore- 
seen, when those Laws & y 1 charter receivd their sanction from me. but 

Bills Ed. Lane, Cos. Mark. 

13 the Bills are sent back protested as ought to be formerly. Let Ed. 
Lane have the land Lay'd out he has bought of first Purchassers here, 
according to Justice. & y e way to Mahatany carried oh in y e best manner 
for futurity as well as present; he presses it. I hope thou hast Claims of 
Cos. Markhams wife y e beding, scriptore Books, chaires &c : he had of mine, 
in a civil manner : Pewter ps fancy also 

P. Par. Com 8 for Counc 11 Coyn. 

14 Now will P. Parmyter be troublesom I have already writt of that pr. 
next I think to send a Commis r for Counc 11 the Coyn is reduced to new Eng. 
w th allowance of pre contracts iff pay'd in a yeare. By y e ships at Spitt 
head goe the Proclam 1 this by a Biddeport ship w th Ed. Lane, all here 
salute thee, wish the well, old and young. I have writt to Gr. O. abt. 
J. Pike, so wishing true love I rest in great haste, just puting my foot 
almost into ye Coach for Londoa I conclude 

thy reall ffrd 


Notes and Queries. 231 

lowing account of this affair (mentioned in the biography of Stephen Decatur 
in the National Portrait Gallery) was given by Mr. Francis Hopkinson to 
Mr. William G. Armstrong, by whom it is communicated : 

Frank Hopkinson asked Com. Stewart in regard to Decatur's fight with 
the Corsairs. Stewart said he came on board the Syren (Stewart's vessel) 
immediately after the fight. Decatur boarded one of the boats and ran the 
commander through the body with his boarding pike. He boarded the other 
boat and attempted the same thing to the captain, an immense man, who 
seized Decatur's pike and took it from him as he would from a child, and 
rushed at Decatur with it, who advanced to strike off the point with his 
sword. The sword broke at the handle. Decatur sprang at and seized the 
captain, who threw him, but Decatur brought him down with him : each had 
an arm around the other's neck. Decatur had discharged his two pistols. 
The captain drew a dagger with his right hand to stab him. Decatur drew 
a pocket-pistol from his vest pocket, held it behind the captain, and pointing 
it towards himself, fired. It passed through the captain's heart, and grazed 
Decatur's side. Stewart said, " Why, Steve, you 're wounded." Decatur 
replied, " It 's my own blood ; it merely grazed my side." 

CHARLES. The following letters (communicated by Miss Martha Morris 
Lawrence, of Hamburgh, Sussex Co., N. J., a descendant of Thomas Law- 
rence) are addressed to two brothers, George and Robert Charles. They 
seem to have been on terms of special intimacy with the Lawrence family, of 
Philadelphia. Mr. George Charles is mentioned in a letter to Mr. Storke 
as " Head Master of St. Paul's." Mr. Robert Charles was Secretary to 
Admiral Warren : 

Philad* 9 th , 24* 1746. 
Mr. George Charles. 

Dear Sir: The foregoing is coppy of my last, to which I refer; and since 
a fine ship goes from New York, I charge to send this there. Please to tell 
your good brother, that by this same conveyance goes Mr. James Hamilton, 
the son of his great persecutor, but if I have any Judgment in Men, he has 
by no means, or in any shape, his late father's vindictive Disposition. He 
really proves to be one of the most civilized young Gentlemen bred in this 
part of the world. I mention this of my own notion, that your brother may 
not behave too Shy upon the first Interview he may have with him. My 
son John is attending the Courts Abroad ; but I expect him home to-morrow, 
and he may, I hope, have time enough to pay his Respects to you, by Mr. 
Hamilton, before he leaves New York. As I have nothing materiall to In- 
form, I am, with a regular Esteem, Yours, T. LAWRENCE. 

Philad, Aprile 20 th , 1748. 
Mr. George Charles. 

Worthy Sir : This will accompany a Letter from M p Henry Cruger, one of 
the Members of the House of Assembly of New York ; and to whom your 
brother is in a particular Manner indebted.for the Agency of that Province. 
This day I am Informed that he is also appointed Secretary of Admiral! 
Warren, and that he was at Portsmouth, ready to proceed on the Intended 
Expedition formed by the Crowne. He may possibly be -absent upon the 
receipt of the Assembly's Letter and Directions. I make no doubt but you 
will take care they meet with no Delaye, least it prove Detrimental to him, 
as I am well assured of your Kindness for your brothers Promotion. I am to 
say that I have given that Gentleman all the assurance in my Power, that 

232 Notes and Queries. 

you will Act on such an occasion consistent with the Expectations from 
your good brother. As I have had the pleasure to Interest myself of all 
Matter in this Affair, I am persuaded you will have some Regard to the 
Hon r of Your Friend & Humble Serv 1 , T. LAWRENCE. 

The following letter to Mr. Robert Charles is very long. We copy only 
the allusions to public affairs : 

Philad a , Oct. 24 th , 1749. 
Mr. Robert Charles 

Our Governour has seemingly Reconcil'd all Parties, and his Behaviour is 
really extremely good, insomuch that he is generally well beloved, and I 
verily believe will be an Honor to the Station. 

By this conveyance goes Rob't Hunter Morris, Chief Justice of the Jerseys. 
What .Scheme he is upon is a Secret. It is supposed from the great Intimacy 
between him & M r Clinton, and the great Aversion he has to M r Belcher, 
that his intention is to Supplant him, or to get the Government if M r Belcher 
should Dye, as he is indeed in a very bad State of Health ; others say that 
the Distraction in the Government at New York being (as you must know) 
come to such an highth that even the Civill Administration is in great Con- 
fusion, by means of one or two Turbulent People, is the reason of his going 
to Inforce M. r Clinton's Representation to the Ministry, in order for some 
Removalls. Everybody at York & Jersey are in the Dark about it, no 
doubt you will soon see the Reason, and I make no doubt will keep your 
helm amidship, few People here if any know your Interest in the Governour, 
it may be of Service for you to know thus much, and your good sence will 
easily Discover the Rest. 

I am extremely Pleas'd at the Genteel Advancement of your brother. 
I look upon it as a fair step to a still more Distinguished Station. In all 
which he has my hearty good wishes, and I hope you will Mention him to 
me at times in his present Progress. 

I refer you to my son John's Letter for some farther advice, In which 
your good brother was partly so good to be his Friend. 

The Inclos'd, for your good sister, you will I hope deliver with my hearty 
good wishes for her & Mrs. Charles, & Believe me to be, &c. 


Lei'sterfields, 10 th February, 1750. 
Mr. Thomas Lawrence. 

Dear Sir : I am glad to find by the last Letter you favoured me with, that 
the Papers I transmitted to you were to your good liking, as there are few 
whom 1 would more willingly serve, and none who have a better right to 
command my service. 

As to what you write on the subject of the Bill for the Importation of 
American Bar-Iron Duty free it is most certainly true that by prohibiting 
the future Erection of Slitting Mills, &c., those who had such erected before 
the Act took place, will enjoy a sort of Monoply. This was seen very clearly 
at the time of passing the Act ; when it was proposed to demolish those 
already erected, upon paying the owner an Equivalent for the Cost of them. 
But it was urged that no Law had forbid such Mills being built, it was un- 
reasonable by our ex post Facto to deprive People of what might possibly be 
the means of their subsistence. Besides, this would have established a bad 
Precedent for America, whose Interest it is some such Mills should remain, 
rather than all be taken away, and it is believed here that the Integrity of 
the People on the Continent will always help them to proper Expedients 
for Relief when it is really wanted. 

The Sugar Islands have brought heavy accusations against all the Colonies 

Notes and Queries. 233 

of a Contraband Trade with France & Holland, in contempt of the Naviga- 
tion Acts, and that you openly land foreign Sugars, Rum, & Melons without 
Pay't of any Duties, in defiance of the Act of Protection which these Islands 
obtained; they are indeed driving at a scheme of particular Profit, but I 
fear their accumulated Complaints will produce something injurious to the 
Northern Colonies, whose Interest cannot suffer without doing, in my opinion, 
a sensible Injury to the United Interest of Britain. 

I find you have melancholy apprehensions about America, if a New French 
War should break out I own you will have reason for them, if some national 
spirit is not shown in support of our Rights to Nova Scotia, and some solid 
measures concerted for bringing all your Colonies to act jointly & with 
vigour against ati Enemy with whom, I fear, we shall be obliged to dispute 
at last for all our American Possessions. When you have Leisure, I wish 
you would give me your Calculation of all the present numbers & Strength 
of the Continent, & what you think those of the French are ; that I may 
compare different accounts upon the important subject. There is nothing 
talked of here but profound Peace, the Belief of which is very proper, as we 
are said to be in no Condition for War. 

I see M r Morris but seldom, it is said his Errand hither is about the Par- 
tition lines between N. York and Jersey, in which I am his opponent. Some 
say he comes to ask a Governm't, in which I wish him success, but cannot 
conceive whereon he builds any hopes of it. 

I wish your son joy of his Marriage & Success in his Business. My Wife 
and Harriot send their hearty good Wishes to you & your Lady, your 
Daughter & Sons, whose Happiness will give us sincere Pleasure. Why 
does not my friend Miss Molly visit England ? Is she afraid \ve should keep 
her here, as we propose to do by Miss Willing who, I assure you, is much 
taken notice of & commended. My brother is very well, and very often 
enquires about his American friends. 1 am ever, My dear Sir, Your faithful 
& Affectionate, humble servant, R. CHARLES. 

Leicesterfields, Aug. G th , 1752. 
Mr. Thos. Lawrence. 

Dear Sir : ... I returned last night from the country, where my wife & 
sister were, who are much your servants, and retain a very warm Regard for 
you & yours; Being called from thence on the afflicting & very unexpected 
news of my dear good friend Sir Peter Warren's Death at Dublin, on the 
29 th ult., which fills my Heart with a very real & a very just sorrow, for in 
him I have lost the kindest friend ever man had, but what is my loss to that 
of his Family ; that of the Publick ? America has much reason to bewail 
him, whose Interest he always espoused with the utmost vigour & resolution. 
But who is there that ought not to bewail the Loss of one whom Riches & 
Honours had wrought no change upon, but ever preserved the same amiable, 
friendly Disposition that endeared him to Mankind. My heart is so full 
that I can add no more than that I am, Very dear Sir, Yours very faithfully 
& Affectionately, R. CHARLES. 

AUGUSTINE HERMAN. The following letter has been received by the editor 
from Mr. B. Fernow, the learned keeper of the Historical Records at Albany, 
and editor of the last two volumes of the Documents relating to the Colonial 
History of the State of New York, who very kindly furnished the tracing 
of the signature of Herman under the portrait illustrating Mr. Ward's 
article, pp. 88 et seq., the original of which is attached to a power of attorney 
given by Herman Dec. 30, 1644 : 

Albany, N. Y., June 8, '83. 

Dear Sir: I am much obliged to you for remembering me so kindly with 
two copies of the PENNA. MAO. containing Mr. Ward's paper on Augustine 

234 Notes and Queries. 

Hermans. I regret, however, that Mr. Ward followed Lednum in repeating 
the absurd story of Herman having been sentenced to death and fled in the 
manner described. 

In September, 1659, Herman was sent as one of the Commissioners to 
Maryland (see Commission, N. Y. Col. Doc. xii. p. 261 ). IR the Journal of 
this Embassy (vol. ii. 88 et seq.} he says under Oct. f -\-: " Sent off Resolved 
Waldron .... & set out for Virginia to ascertain the opinion of the 
Governor," &c. &c. Berth the fact that he was selected for this business 
and the tone of his letter to Stuyvesant (p. 99, vol. ii.) show that in the fall 
of 1659 he was on the best terms with the Director-General. A letter from 
Stuyvesant to the Directors in Holland (vol. xii. p. 288) proves that in 
December, 1659, nothing had as yet occurred to disturb the relations be- 
tween the two men, and from letters of Wm. Beekman to Stuyvesant, April 
6, 1660 (vol. xii. 301), May 12 (p. 309), May 25 (p. 312), we learn that 
Herman was still in Maryland and Virginia, and in correspondence with the 
Dutch authorities on the Delaware, and with Stuyvesatit (p. 305). During 
this period he probably selected the site of his plantation, and most likely 
had been at the Manhattans and intended to return there (see vol. xii. p. 337), 
which he could not have done if he had been under sentence of death at 
New Amsterdam. Besides, the minutes of the Council for the years 1660, 
1661, 1662, 1663, and 1664 give the proceedings almost from day to day 
without break, and contain no indication of Herman having been tried. 

With many repeated thanks, Yours truly. B. FERNOW. 

Gregory B. Keen, Esq. 

In another letter Mr. Fernow states that a seal is attached to a letter from 
Herman to Vice-Director Beekman, printed in Doc. Col. Hist. N. I 7 "., vol. 
xii. pp. 337-8, exhibiting " a shield with two arrows crossed under a heart, 
out of which come three three-leaved clover stalks, and a crest consisting 
of three three-leaved clover stalks (trefoils)." The same arms are engraved 
on Herman's Map of Virginia, from which the portrait opposite p. 88 is 

1733 and 1776, and Those Earlier Councillors who were some time Chief 
Magistrates of the Province, and their Descendants. By Charles P. Keith. 
Philadelphia, 1883. 8vo. pp. xi. (141), 476. 

We were happy to announce, on the cover of the last number of the 
MAGAZINE, the publication of this long-promised book, the delay in the 
appearance of which is both sufficiently explained and amply atoned for by 
the extraordinary amount of labour which has evidently been bestowed upon 
the work. " The Provincial Council was," as the author says. " a distin- 
guished body," comprising "the wealthiest, the most experienced in public 
affairs, or for other reasons the most influential persons, speaking generally, 
from Cape Henlopen to the Blue Mountains." It is to be regretted that 
the writer found it impossible to include all the Councillors of the Province 
from 1681 to 1776, but the selection of the date of 1733 as the first limit of 
the period embraced within his book is not so arbitrary as it might seem, 
since those of the earlier Councillors who took the greatest part in public 
affairs, with few exceptions (such as James Sandelands, Jasper Yeates, and 
Robert French, spoken of in this MAGAZINE among the " Descendants of 
Joran Kyn"), were still in office at that time. 

The Councillors comprehended are the following: William Markham, 
Thomas Lloyd, and Edward Shipper., some time Presidents of Council; 
James Logan, William Logan, Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, Anthony 
Palmer, Andrew Hamilton, James Hamilton, Andrew Allen, Henry Brooke, 
Thomas Graeme, Clement Plumsted, Thomas Griffitts, Charles Read, William 
Till, Robert Strettell, Samuel Hasell, Abraham Taylor, Joseph Turner, 

Notes and Queries. 235 

Lawrence Growdon, Richard Peters, Benjamin Shoemaker, Thomas Hop- 
kinson, Ralph Assheton, John Penn, Lynford Lardner, Benjamin Chew, 
John Mifflin, Thomas Cadwalader, James Tilghman, John Morand, Richard 
Penn, Thomas Lawrence, Edward Shippen, William Hicks. Biographical 
sketches of these persons are given as well as of some of the more distin- 
guished of their posterity. The genealogies are intended to include all the 
descendants of these Councillors to the latest generation. In the female 
branches will be found, among many others of considerable distinction, the 
names of Fisher, Smith, Betton, McCleuachan, Brown, Emlen, Sergeant, 
Pepper, Coleinan, Schrack, Carpenter, Moore, Firth, Ellet, Chevalier, Kuhn| 
Livingston, Palairet, Troth, Brownson of La., Beatty, Potts, Gamac, 
Carnegie (Bart,), Elgin (Earl of), Cathcart (the Earls of), Hutton, Devereux, 
Burton, James, Jones, Strawbridge, Taylor, Morris, Penington, Rawle, 
Roberts, Coale, of Bait, Carroll, Wilcocks, Jngersoll, Johnston, Meigs, 
Watmoogh, Montgomery, McCall, Ring-gold, Coxe, Clymer, Dallas, Dale, 
De Lancey, Dickinson, Elliot, Galloway, Graf ton (Duke of). Schley, Gibbons, 
of N. C., Goldsborough, Hemsley, Knight, Elder, Burd, Mcllvaine, Lynch, 
Arnold, Willing, Francis, Bingham. Baring, Swift, Stirling (Bart.), Nepean 
(Bart.), Erskine (Baron), Portland (Duke of), Meredith, Hare, Powel, Byrd, 
Carter, Page, Harrison, Howard, Jackson, Wallace, Wharton, Wistar, 
Yeates, and Bayard. 

Besides the genealogical value of this work (the most important of the 
kind relating to Pennsylvania that has ever sippeared), much interesting 
information is contained in it concerning institutions and events noted in 
the history of our Province and State, and especially of the city of Phila-. 
delphia, relieving the monotony of the orderly succession of names and dates 
of which family registers necessarily consist. Suffice it to add that the book 
is well printed on good paper, and is attractively bound. 

Philadelphia, Pa., 1883. 8vo. pp. 416. 

This work consists of valuable and interesting papers, some of which have 
already appeared in magazines, and are here corrected and enlarged, and 
others of which are now published for the first time. Among the former, 
those on "The Settlement of Germantown, Pa., and the Causes which led 
to it," " Der Blutige Schau-Platz, oder Martyrer Spiegel, a Noteworthy 
Book." " Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania," and " Samuel John 
Atlee," are given in former volumes of the PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE. 
Other articles related to the history of the Mennonites in America (a subject 
to which the author has given special attention) are the following : " David 
Rittenhouse, the American Astronomer," an excellent biographical account 
of that eminent Pennsylvania!!, drawn from numerous MS. and printed 
sources of information ; "" Christopher Dock, the Pious Schoolmaster on the 
Skippack, and his Works," including a translation of his essay on "School 
Management," believed to be " the earliest written and published in America 
upon the subject of school teaching," and " the only picture we have of the 
colonial country school ;" " Abraham and Dirck op den Graeff," German 
settlers of Germantown, noted as protesting against the institution of 
slavery in 1688; and " Zionitischer Weyrauchs Iliigel oder Myrrhen Berg," 
the first book printed in German type in America, viz., at Germantown in 
1739. There are also biographical notices of " William Moore, of Moore 
Hall," " Samuel Richardson, a Councillor, Judge, and Legislator of the Olden 
Time" (one of those not included in Keith's Councillors of Pennsylvania), 
11 Captain Joseph Richardson," " Jarnes Abram Garfield," "Henry Armitt 
Brown," and " Charles Frederick Taylor." The book closes with a graphic 
" record of a term in the militarv service of the United States in the Gettys- 
burg Compaign of 1863," modestly entitled " Six Weeks in Uniform." 

236 Notes and Queries. 

HISTORY o*: r HARDWICK, MASSACHUSETTS. With a Genealogical Register. 
By Lucius II. Paige. Boston, 1883. 8vo. pp. xii. 555. This work com- 
prises the civU, ecclesiastical, literary, and military history of the early home 
and place of residence of the ancestors of the author, whose portrait forms 
the frontispiece, and who has been collecting the materials it contains 
dnring a long and active life. It is composed in a style which betokens the 
accuracy of the writer, and it contains information of general as well as of 
local interest. The genealogical portion of it seems to be not less thorough 
than it is concise. Allen, Paige, Robinson, Buggies, and Warner are names 
of most frequent occurrence. 


THE EVANS FAMILTKS OF GWYNEDD. I should like to obtain, for use in 
my intended history of Gwynedd, details respecting any of the descendants 
of the four brothers Evans (ap Evan), Thomas, Robert, Owen, and Cadwal- 
lader, who came from Wales in 1698, and settled at Gwynedd, in Philadelphia 
(now Montgomery) County. Correspondence on the subject is respectfully 

West Chester, Pa. HOWARD M. JENKINS. 

THE RURAL SOCRATES ; or an account of a celebrated Philosophical Far- 
mer, lately living in Switzerland, and known by the name of Kliyogg. 
Hallowell (District of Maine). Printed by Peter Edes; and sold by the 
booksellers in the principal towns of the United States. A. I). 1800. * 8vo. 
pp. xii. 203, xiii. Who is the author or editor of this book ? 


ALEXANDER STEPHEN (vol. iii. p. 237) was the brother of Adam Stephen. 
The following obituary notice of him appears in The Pennsylvania Gazette, 
May 19, 1768: "On the eight instant died in Frederick County, Virginia, 
Captain Alexander Stephen, late an Officer of his Majesty's Royal American 
Regiment. He was a Gentleman of Integrity ?nd Bravery. In General 
Braddock's Engagement he rescued the Colours of the 44th Regiment from the 
Enemy, after the fall of Mr. Halket, and received two Wounds in the Action. 
He distinguished himself at the Reduction of Louisbourg and Quebec ; and 
under the Command of General Murray, on the Heights of Abraham, the 
famous 28th of April, in which Engagement he received a dangerous Wound 
of which he never perfectly recovered." 

Gov. PATRICK GORDON (vol. iii. p. 237) was buried in Christ Church 
Burying Ground at the southeast corner of Fifth and Arch streets, Phila- 
delphia, Aug. 6, 1736. (See "Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia," 
printed in the MAGAZINE.) 





VOL. VII. 1883. No. 3. 


"When the disturbencies Commenced at Boston in America 
that finally terminated in its independence of Brittain, I en- 
tered a Volunteer in the service of the Parent Country, con- 
trary to the wishes of my Connections and friends, and in 
December 1775 attached myself to the Light Company of 
the 4th or King's own Regiment commanded by my Friend 
Capt. Evelyn. 2 

In January 1776, Capt. Evelyn and myself embarked on 
board the Falcon, ship of war, commanded by my Brother- 
in-law Capt. Linzee, under orders to attend Sir Henry Clin- 
ton in an Expedition to the Southward, the 4th and 44th 
Light Companys having embarked on Board the Kitty 
Transport and Sir Henry Clinton with his suit on board the 
Mercury Frigate, Capt. James Montague. We sailed imme- 
diately for the River Cape Fear, North Carolina. The Mer- 
cury, Frigate and Kitty Transport stopping at New York 
and at Norfolk in Virginia. We arrived at Cape Fear in 
Feb'y and were rec'd by Gov. Martin who was then on board 
the Cruiser with much satisfaction, as the Emigrants were 

1 From the original, in the possession of Chas. R. Hildeburn. 

2 With regard to whom see The Evelyns in America, by G. D. Scull. 
(Oxford, 1881.) 

VOL. vii. 17 ( 237 ) 

238 George Inmaris Narrative of the Revolution. 

then imbodied in the back Country and were on the march 
to Wilmington, we endeavor'd to give them some assistance, 
but without effect, and in March they were defeated and 
dispersed. Sir Henry Clinton joined us in March with the 
two Lt. Company s, and transports from Ireland were daily 
dropping in with 7 Regiments, viz. the 15th, 28th, 33d, 
37th, 46th, 54th, and 57th, under the Command of Lord 
Cornwallis and Genl. Vaughan, and several ships of wan- 
under Sir Peter Parker; we made several excursions on 
shore, more by way of exercise to the Troops, than to gain 
any other advantage than procuring some fresh provisions, 
wch we found very scarce, and from this Period till our arri- 
val at Staten Island had little else than Salt Pork and Sour 
Crout ; about the last of May we left Cape Fear and arrived 
off Charlestown, So. Carolina, the 4th June, and that night 
came on a severe storm, wch obliged us (the Kitty Transport 
in wch I had been on board off since her arrival in Cape 
Fear) to slip her cables and put to sea, we run down a 
schooner with nine men on board, owing to the darkness of 
the night ; we gained our station in ten days after, without 
Anchors and much damaged, about the last of the month we 
made an unsuccessful attack on Sullivan's Island. The .Ship- 
ping being much damaged. In July we with the whole 
Fleet proceeded for New York and arrived off Staten Island 
the 1st August, and next day landed and were ordered to 
the 1st Battalion of Lt Infantry Commanded by Majors 
Musgrave and Dundas, about the 23d of same month the 
whole army under Sir Wm. Howe embarked in flatt Boats, 
crossed ye Narrows and made our landing good at New 
Utrech, and on the 27th in the Morning abt 2 o'clock, I, 
with a few men being posted at a Cross Road, intercepted 
and took an American Patrol of Horse, composed of Five 
officers belonging to the New York Battallion, 1 after deliver- 

1 To this capture Johnson ( Campaign of 1776, p. 176 et seq.) attributes 
in a great measure the loss by the Americans of the Battle of Long Island. 
The credit of the capture is there given to Capt. Evelyn, and as Inman was 
merely a volunteer acting under his orders, he was perhaps entitled to some 
share of it. It was doubtless in recognition of this service that Sir Wm. 
Howe presented Inman with an ensigncy in the 17th Foot. 

George Inmaris Narrative of the Revolution. 239 

ing them up to Col. Maxwell who commanded the Rear 
Guard, I joined the Comp'y with my party about nine, when 
they were warmly engaged and continued so with various 
success till near noon, when the Enemy retired to their works, 
losing many men. I rec'd no other injury than a contusion 
on my Knee pan, wch for the time was very painfull a mus- 
ket shot through my hat and another through my trousers 
near the hip. The Americans two days after retired to New 
York, after reducing the Fort at Hell Gate on the 15th Sept. 
we effected our landing on York Island with little or no loss 
and that Even'g a Brigade took possession of the City, we 
advanced to Magoings Pass and the Enemy retired to the 
works that surrounded fort "Washington. The next day the 
3d Lt Infantry under Major Johnson 1 of the 28th advancing 
too near the enemy's lines, they came down in Force, wch 
nearly bro't on a General engagement, in a few days after, 
Sir Wm. Howe presented me with a pair of Colors, in the 
17th Regt, dated the day of the action on Long Island, wch 
Regt. I soon after joined. In October part of the Army em- 
barked near Hell Gate and proceeded for New Rochelle near 
wch my good and gallant friend Capt. Evelyn received his 
mortal wound he being carried to New York, and after suf- 
fering Amputation soon expired, to the great regret of all 
that knew him as a soldier or friend. 

The beginning of Novr. was at the Reduction of Fort 
Washington soon after crossed the North River to Fort Lee 


wch was also reduced and proceeded through the Jerseys 
to Trenton, meeting with little or no opposition, the begin- 
ing of Deer, we left Trenton for our own cantonments at 
Hillsborough and 2 Brigades of Hessian Troops under Col. 
Rail, marched in to be Quartered there, we Enjoy 'd our 
Winter Quarters but a few days, when Gen'l Washington 
having crossed the Delaware, came suddenly on Rail's Bri- 
gades at Trenton the 24th Deer, and Captured, Killed and 
dispersed the whole, the British Army was obliged to quit 
their Quarters and assembled at Prince Town the Americans 

1 Afterwards General Sir Henry Johnson, Baronet. He married Kebecca 
Franks, of Philadelphia. 

240 George Inman's Narrative of the Revolution. 

still remaining at Trenton and daily receiving from their 
late success large reinforcements. The Season of the Year 
being severe, snow on the ground and for Nights having no 
other Bed than hard frozen Earth or Ice and no other cover- 
ing than a cloak oftentimes induced me to Reflect on past 
times when I used to sleep in soft downy Beds and with 
every comfortable necessary around me, amongst them 
friends whom I left, and wch perhaps if I had remained 
might still have enjoy M. 

The advance of the Army having proceeded to Trenton we 
were ordered on the 3d January 1777 from Prince Town as 
an Escort to Stores and at sunrise a large Body of the Enemy 
were discovered on our left wch Col. Mawhood immediately 
determined to attack, we having the 55th and a party of 
convalescents with a few of the 17th Dragoons, the enemy 
proved too powerful for us, the 55th giving way and retired 
to Prince Town, where the 40th Reg't were posted and both 
Reg'ts quitted that Town, retiring before the Enemy to 
Brunswick ; we attacked their Centre Column and drove 
them to their main body, but, they rallying we were obliged 
to retire, after making such an exertion as we were able to pro- 
ceed to our Army then lying at Maidenhead. We suffered 
much, out of 224 Rank and file that marked off the Parade 
at 5 o'Clock that Morning we sustained a Loss of 101 Rank 
and file, Killed and wounded and much the greater part by the 
first fire received, I being the only Officer in the Right wing 
of the Battallion that was not very much injured receiving 
only a Buck shot through my Cross Belt wch just entered 
the Pit of my Stomach and made me sick for the moment. 
"We had a very severe march that day and all the following 
night, passing over the field of Action abt 4 o'Clock that 
afternoon through Prince Town and with the whole Army 
to Brunswick where we got on the 4th abt Nine in the 
Morning. After halting one day to refresh ourselves we 
proceeded to Amboy where we remained the Winter, but 
found it irksome and unpleasant Quarters, being out almost 
every day, wch harrass'd the Garrison much. 

In April, about the 23d, we took the Field, encamped in 

George Inman's Narrative of the Revolution. 241 

Front of the lines and in May made an excursion to Hills* 
borough, but finding Genl. Washington strongly posted on 
Morris's Heights, the whole Army retired to Amboy, quit- 
ting Brunswick and those places we had occupied during 
the Winter, and in June entirely quitted the Jerseys, crossed 
over to Staten Island and in a few days embarked on board 
Transports, and sailed for the Chesapeak, Virginia, and 
landed the 25th August following at the Head of Elk in that 
Bay near George Town, Maryland, and after a few skirmishes 
at Iron Hill &c. we crossed the Forks of the Brandywine on 
the llth Sept., turned the Right flank of the Enemy, engaged 
and totally defeated them began the attack after 4 in the 
afternoon and before nine were able to sitt down and refresh 
ourselves with some cold Pork and Grogg, on the Ground 
the Enemy had first posted themselves, which we enjoyed 
much as our march before the attack was better than 18 
miles. After remaining on the ground a few days we pro- 
ceeded to the White Horse near Valley forge where there 
was a large store of flour &c., and near this place fell in with 
Genl. Waine's Brigade wch was cut to pieces. Here I found 
Thomas Randall 1 (who formerly lived with Mr. Gould) badly 
wounded with Bayonets, he being a Capt. of Artillery in 
the American Army then attached to Waine's Brigade. 
We soon after forded the Schulkill and the Army formed 
a line at German Town abt Eight or Nine miles from Phila- 
delphia, wch the two Battalions of British Grenadiers took 
Possession of without any opposition. On the 4th October 
the Enemy made a heavy attack on the 2nd Light Infantry 
and Pickets on the Right of the line, wch obliged us to 
change our Front, however they were obliged to retire with- 
out effecting anything more than putting us in some hurry 
and confussion for the time and we pursued them several 

1 For some account of Capt. Eandall, see Memorials of the Society of the 
Cincinnati of Massachusetts, by Francis S. Drake, pp. 434-5 ; also, Tfie 
Journals of Major Samuel Shaw, p. 38. According to the latter, he was 
knocked down and stabbed " in eight places," and " his wounds not admitting 
of his being carried with" the enemy, "they left him at a house near the 
scene of action." 

242 George Inman's Narrative of the ^Revolution. 

miles. I being on Picket had several of my men killed and 
wounded before I was ordered in. The army shortly with- 
drew to Philadelphia and took up their quarters for the win- 
ter, forming strong lines from the Schulkill to the Delaware, 
and in these Quarters they made up for the severity of the 
last Winter, though we often made excursions to Mansfield, 
Edghill and one about Christmas to Darby where we re- 
mained for a fortnight procuring forage &c. and during 
these excursions we frequently fell in with parties of the 
Enemy and had some severe skirmishes, particularly at 
Mansfield, but we could not draw Genl. Washington from 
his Entrenchments. This year (was) fatal to Burgoyne at 

Nothing material occurred in the months of Jan'y Feb'y or 
March 1778 except frequent excursions in the Jerseys and 
other places to destroy stores and provide provisions and 
Forage, and one in particular under Col. Mawhood to Salem 
in the Jerseys, 1 were several poor Quakers were uninten- 
tionally killed, we remained there and in its neighborhood 
near three weeks and then returned to Philadelphia were I 
was forming an attachment and was married on St. George's 
Day the 23rd April. Col. Mawhood having been appointed 
Aid-de-Camp to the King left us about this time for England 
and in May Sir Wm. Howe took his departure leaving the 
Command to Sir Henry Clinton who came from New York 
for that purpose. On our preparing to quit Philadelphia I 
procured a Passage for my wife in the " Sukey" (a Brig of 
my Uncle's) Capt. Brown, for New York, but on being de- 
tained in the River, was, owing to her excessive sickness, 
obliged to send for her, and on the 16th June we evacuated 
the City, crossed (at) Cooper's ferry, and I had a Coach for 
the convenience of my wife, my man servant and his wife 
who was also my servant, attended her, as I could not be so 
much with her as I could have wished. We proceeded 
through Mount Holly and met with very little obstruction 

1 On this " excursion" see R. G. Johnson's Historical Account of the 
First Settlement of Salem, in West Jersey, pp. 155 et seq. 

George Inmarts Narrative of the Revolution. 243 

from the Enemy, excepting that of their destroying the 
Bridges we were to pass and filling up the Wells that we 
might not get water until we came to Monmouth on whose 
Heights we took Post on the 26th abt noon, and finding 
that the Americans intended an attack we halted the 27th, the 
Enemy in parties making their appearance at every avenue 
in front of our advance posts, and picked up many of our 
straglers and among the number a Mr. Nesbit, a Lieut, in 
our Regt. but he was no great loss to us or an acquisition to 

About one o'clock in the morning of the 28th Genl. Knyp- 
hausen took charge of the baggage and stores of the Army 
and proceeded towards the Neversinks near Sandy Hook, and 
for the better security of my wife I sent her on with line of 
Baggage the Army began to quit the heights about 6 o'clock 
and when we had marched about three miles the Enemy ad- 
vanced, attacked our Rear ; we faced about and formed the 
line and drove them as we advanced and when the main 
Body of Americans came up they took a very advantageous 
post on those heights we had occupied, but did not think 
proper to engage, the day being exceedingly hot and no 
water to be got, upwards of 60 British and Hessians troops 
dropt dead in the Ranks with fatigue. We marched on our 
Route towards Sandy Hook abt 12 at night without being 
further molested by the enemy. The next morning abt nine 
I got up to that part of the baggage where my wife was, she 
remaining in the Coach since she had left me, the Baggage 
had been attacked and my dear Mary very narrowly escaped 
being shot. We, about the 5th July to our great joy arrived 
safe at New York and soon after met with Capt. and Mrs. 
Linzee. In a very few days after the Army had quitted the 
Jerseys and were cantoned on York, Long, and Staten 
Islands, Count D'Estaing appeared off the Hook with 12 sail 
of the line, but made no attempt to come into the Hook and 
after remaining several days bore away for Rhode Island. 
Sir Henry Clinton appointed me a Lieutenant in the 26th 
Regt. then encamped at Laurel Hill near Fort Knyphausen, 
dated the day of engagement at Monmouth. I took for my 

244 George Tinman's Narrative of the Revolution. 

wife at Bloomingdale near her Aunt Leake's and after an ex- 
cursion to the White Plains was taken ill with a fever and 
ague and soon after my wife and two servants, so that we 
were greatly distressed. 

About this time we received accounts from Philadelphia 
of the Death of Mrs. Coombe my wife's only sister. In 
November we took Quarters in New York at one Whiston's 
formerly of Boston. The ague still continuing in me after 
Christmas I took lodging at Mrs. Spellings at half a joe a 
week for the more convenience of my wife and her Mother 
who we expected from Philadelphia, about this time the 
Eegt was ordered to Staten Island and to remain in hutts 
made by themselves for the Winter. In October or the 
beginning of November my Father and Mrs. Inman with 
Miss Murray came from Boston to Rhode Island to see Capt. 
and Mrs. Linzee who were stationed there, he being in com- 
mand of the Pearl Frigate and after remaining a few days 
returned to Boston, should liked to have been of the party 
but from (my) situation and illness, was prevented ; Linzee 
soon after was sent to the West Indies. 

In January 1779 Mrs. Badger my Wife's Mother, came 
from Philadelphia to stay with us, on the 26th in the Even- 
ing my wife was safely put to bed of a little Boy, whom I 
called Ralph after my Father. I soon after obtained from 
the Commandant a house for the convenience of my family 
and in March I went to Staten Island to join the Regt hav- 
ing recovered of the ague, leaving my Wife in Town, 
after remaining a few weeks at the Hutts I was removed to 
the Command of Major Andre's Company at Dukers ferry, 
where I found it more comfortable, having fitted up a room 
for the reception of my wife, who spent part of her time 
with me, and part with her Mother in Town. I remained 
in this situation until September when the Regiment was 
ordered to be drafted and the officers sent to England, but 
owing to the French Fleet being on the Coast, though the 
Regt was drafted early in Sept. yet they were not able to 
embark till about the 20th December. In the intermediate 
time, the 20th Sept. we, to our great grief lost our sweet in- 

George Inman's Narrative of the Revolution. 245 

fant, who died with a Mortification in his Bowels, he was 
interred in the Vault of John Leake Esq. Trinity Church 
Yard, a few days after I obtained leave to go to Rhode 
Island, to procure an interveiw with my Father and accord- 
ingly we embarked in a Cork Victualler for that Port, but 
to our great mortification found that the evacuation was so 
soon to take place that I was disappointed and returned 
again to New York in a Transport with the Fleet on ye 
Evacuation. I notwithstanding obtained a flag of Truce 
and sailed for Rhode Island again in Novr leaving my wife 
with her Mother and the interview I had with my Father 
was short and by no means satisfactory, after being tossed 
about in that Harbour for more than three weeks and twice 
very near being lost not being allowed to go on shore I left 
the Harbour and arrived safe at New York the 17th Deer, 
and then finding the fleet shortly to sail for England had 
but little time to prepare for the Passage not choosing to go 
in the transport that was allotted, and on the 21st embarked 
with my wife on board a merchantman, ourselves the only 
passengers, leaving my wife's good mother behind. The 
parting very much affected us, but yet it was unavoidable. 
The 23d we sailed from Sandy Hook near two hundred sail 
under convoy of several frigates, but Christmas eve a most vio- 
lent gale came on, which dispersed the fleet. About four days 
after we collected about twenty-eight sail, and that night a 
second storm attacked us, and we for eight weeks did not 
meet but with two of the fleet, and them we met separately. 
In short, the whole of the passage was a continued storm. 
"We arrived to our great joy about the middle of February at 
Portsmouth and found that many of the fleet had foundered, 
and that the transport that was allotted for me was also 
wrecked on the North "West coast of Ireland, after being 
buffetted about without candles for the binnacles for near 
four weeks after our arrival in February 1780. We remained 
at Portsmouth three days, and Sir Samuel Hood who was 
then Commissioner of the Dock Yard (now Lord Hood) sent 
for us, as soon as he knew of our arrival. We spent part of 
a day at his house, and the next morning I set off in a post 

246 George Inman's Narrative of the Eevolution. 

chaise for London, but paying the post boys well was soon 
hurled to Kingston, twelve miles from town, dined there and 
lodged, not choosing to go into town the latter part of the 
day. Next morning about eleven we put up at the Golden 
Cross, Charing Cross, and a son of Lady Hood's, to whom 
she had wrote, called on us and procured us lodgings in 
Adam Street, Adelphi. Many Americans called on us. 
"We remained in town three weeks, and then set off for Bris- 
tol, where I was ordered by Colonel Stuart to recruit. "We 
went to Burrington to see my uncle who proposed us to 
make his house our home, which kind invitation we most 
readily accepted. My party came to Bristol in April, and 
were successful in recruiting. In August we went to Mrs. 
Brown's, Trinity^ Street, to board and lodge for a month, 
and in September made an excursion in a one horse chaise to 
"Watchett in Somersetshire, to see a son of my uncle, who 
was married there, taking my wife and Miss Inman with 
me, and my servant Gibson on horseback. We staid there 
near a fortnight. On our return to Bristol I took lodgings, 
and remained in town at different lodgings without anything 
material happening till after Christmas. I cannot forbear 
mentioning that a family by the name of Freeman at Clifton 
near Bristol were particularly kind and attentive to me and 
mine. The old gentleman was a correspondent of my father's, 
concerned in the copper business. Their attention to us will 
ever demand our grateful acknowledgment. "We met with 
many American families that were settled here, some of the 
most intimate were: Thomas Oliver, John Vassals, Lechmere, 
Sewal, Bob Holbrook, Nat. Coffin, who died soon after, Mrs. 
Borland, Mr. Simpson, Mr. Fennel, Mr. Barnes, Mr. Coulson, 
and Mrs. Merchant, our friend Betsy Davis who resided with 
her aunt Mrs. Yassall. But (with) some of these, by some 
means or other, a coolness took place, after which my visits 
to them were more out of form than friendship. In the 
month of May we received the disagreeable account of the 
death of my dear Mary's mother, who died at New York 
about the time of our arriving in Portsmouth Harbour, 
we then being at our good uncle's. He gave her every 
consolation that her distressed situation required. In August 

George Inman' s Narrative of the Revolution. 247 

of this year E. Temple arrived at Bristol in a flag of truce 
from Boston with his family, whom I saw and spent an 
evening with at the White Lyon. Soon after our coming 
to Burrington Captain and Mrs. Linzee with their little 
Susan, and Nanny the servant, gave us the meeting at the 
parsonage, and we spent a few weeks very pleasantly, some- 
times at Bath, and sometimes at Bristol. Harry a son of my 
uncle's who was in the Navy being at home at that time, 
made one of the party. The day after Christmas I sent off 
my servant Gibson to join the regiment ; being at Shrews- 
bury with a number of recruits. My taking lodging in 
Bristol was contrary to the wishes of my good uncle, but 
having so many old acquaintance in the military line recruit- 
ing there, I could not be prevailed on to remain in the coun- 
try. Nothing more material happened to me during this 
year (1780) excepting frequent offers to purchase a company at 
the regulated price, which I was under the mortifying neces- 
sity of declining. 

In January 1781 I took a small furnished house at Clifton 
opposite my good and worthy friend Mr. Freeman, who 
wished me to be as near him as possible, Miss Inman being 
with us as much as our good uncle could spare her. Nothing 
material occurred the months of February or March, except- 
ing my being much distressed for a very necessary article 
which Mr. Freeman was kind enough to assist me with. 
The fourth of April about eleven in the morning my Mary 
was safely put to bed of a little boy. Mr. Freeman offering to 
stand Godfather, and his daughter Mrs. Blissett, Godmother. 
I could not do less than name him John Freeman after the 
old gentleman, as a small acknowledgment for the many 
favours he had conferred on me. My uncle being the other 
godfather. His birth was registered in the Parish Church of 
Clifton and at Burrington. My Mary by some means 
caught a cold which brought on the rheumatism in her legs 
that she was not able to walk for months after.. In May we 
again removed to my uncles at Burrington, taking a young 
woman by name Sarah Davis, to attend my wife and child. 
The change was recommended to Mrs. Inman, however she 
from that period till August was quite confined, and the 

248 George Inman's Narrative of the Revolution. 

first part of the time to her bed and obliged to be lifted out 
and in. Our little fellow being very well, and a pretty boy. 
About the 20th September I took my wife, Free, and the 
maid in a chaise to Plymouth. We stopped a few days at 
the London Tavern, Exeter, to see our old friend Mrs. Bor- 
land who .resided in the city. We dined with her, etc. On 
our getting to Plymouth our dear sister Mrs. Linzee and her 
little ones were happy to see us. Captain Linzee being in 
the West Indies, having the command of the Santa Monica 
Frigate of 36 guns. 

In this place we remained until the 4th December, spend- 
ing our time very pleasantly. I met here a number of ac- 
quaintance in the military and naval line, dined frequently 
with the regiments that were encamped at Maker Tower, and 
with General Gray (now Sir Charles Gray). On the 4th 
December took our departure for Bristol, staid a week at 
Exeter on our return, our little Freeman not very well, hav- 
ing a breaking out on his face. We stopped at my uncle's, 
who insisted on our staying with him a little while, (with) 
which from prudent reasons we readily complied. While at 
Plymouth, the news arrived of the fate of Lord Cornwallis 
and the troops at Yorktown, Virginia. After a visit to our 
friend Mr. Freeman, we returned to our uncle's and spent the 
Christmas, and commenced the new year, 1782, with him. 
Nothing of any consequence occurring during the month of 
January, and in the month February I commenced a kind of 
Journal, 1 which have continued ever since, making a memo- 
randum of anything particular happening to any part of my 
family, which may on some future day find amusement in 
having recourse to, and many misfortunes and disagreeable 
occurrences I shall find therein. But it has pleased the 
Almighty Dispenser of events to have thus far given me reso- 
lution and firmness to go through, and pray God will still 
give me sufficient grace to withstand the like misfortunes, 
that I may have to encounter with hereafter with the same 
fortitude. God's name be praised. 

1 Extracts from this "Journal " will appear, together with a notice of the 
writer, in a future number. 

Friends in Burlington. 249 



The following pages are an attempt to fix certain recollections of a most 
worthy body of people settled in what has been a rather remarkable com- 
munity. Burlington Monthly Meeting of Friends, at least in name, is 
familiar to many as one of the oldest in America. Its records date back to 
1678, prior to any municipal government in the place, and only twenty-seven 
years after the first body of Friends in the colonies had settled in Massa- 
chusetts. The complete records of the meeting are preserved in eleven 
leather bound folios, the early volumes of which are replete with interest to 
the antiquarian or the relic hunter. The eloquent oration by Henry Armitt 
Brown, in 1877, has introduced the passengers of the " Kent." The present 
sketch is intended to give us a slight glimpse of their later history. 

About them seem'd but ruin and decay, 
Cheerless, forlorn, a rank autumnal fen 
Where no good plant might prosper, or again 

Put forth fresh leaves for those that fell away, 

Nor could they find a place wherein to pray 
For better things. In righteous anger then 
They turned ; they fled the wilderness of men, 

And sought the wilderness of God. And day 
Eose upon day, while ever manfully 
Westward they battled with the ocean's might, 

Strong to endure whatever fate should be ; 
And watching in the tempest and the night 

That one sure Pharos of the soul's dark sea, 

The constant beacon of the Inner Light. 
March 11, 1883. F. B. G. 


" They were men of present valor, stalwart old inconoclasts, 
Unconvinced by axe or gibbet that all virtue was the Past's : 
But we make their truth our falsehood, thinking that hath made us free, 
Hoarding it in mouldy parchments, while our tender spirits flee 
The rude grasp of that great Impulse which drew them across the sea." 


James II., while Duke of York, received by a grant from 
his brother Charles possessions in America that included the 

250 Friends in Burlington. 

entire territory between the Delaware and Hudson rivers. 
Previous to that cession the land had been in the hands of 
the Dutch, from whom the " New Netherlands," including 
also this tract of wilderness, were conquered by the English. 
Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, having (1664) pur- 
chased this portion from the Duke of York, held it during 
the many national disputes that followed, and also during 
the wars in which the " New Netherlands" were retaken by 
the Dutch, and again restored to the English. 

Ten years later (1674) Lord Berkeley, then a very old man, 
determined to sell his portion of property in America, and 
made known the fact to those in England desirous of pur- 
chasing. Fabulous stories of the American Provinces had 
reached the ears of the persecuted Quakers, whose sturdy 
and dauntless evangelists, in preaching and proclaiming their 
doctrine, had explored even that distant land. Among the 
names of the travellers may be found those of William 
Edmundson, and also of George Fox, who (1672), in his 
journey from the New England States to the South, had 
passed on horseback through the spot afterward Burlington, 
and had reported the soil as good, and withal " a most brave 
country." Hardships at home, coupled with a possible future 
of comfort and peace away from England, determined two 
Friends to purchase the land ; accordingly the sale was 
effected to John Fenwick and Edward Billy nge for the sum 
of 1000. The details of a misunderstanding between these 
two pioneers need not here be repeated. It resulted in a 
division of the property, one tenth of which was retained by 
John Fenwick, who ultimately settled on the lower Dela- 
ware, at a point which, from the " delightsomeness of the 
land," he called Salem. The remaining nine-tenths, upon 
the complication of Edward Billynge in business troubles, 
were placed at his request in the hands of his three principal 
creditors, William Penn, and Gawen Lawrie, of London, 
and Nicholas Lucas, of Hertford, the former of whom had 
previously acted as arbitrator in the dispute between Billynge 
and Fenwick. Those three men discharged with exemplary 
care their task of settling the large estate ; selling it chiefly 

Friends in Burlington. 251 

in small portions to enterprising Friends who were ready to 
try their fortunes in a new country. 

In 1676 they had sent a letter 1 " to those proposing to set- 
tle in "West Jersey," from which the following extracts are 


In the pure love and precious fellowship of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, we very dearly salute you. Forasmuch as there 
was a paper printed several months since, entitled The de- 
scription of New- West- Jersey, in the which our names were 
mentioned as trustees for one undivided moiety of the said 
province ; and because it is alledged that some, partly on this 
account, and others apprehending, that the paper by the 
manner of its expression came from the body of friends, as a 
religious society of people, and not from particulars, have 
through these mistakes weakly concluded that the said dis- 
cription in matter and form might be writ, printed and re- 
commended on purpose to prompt and allure people to dissettle 
and transplant themselves, as it's also by some alledged . . . 
It truly laid hard upon us, to let friends know how the 
matter stands, which we shall endeavour to do with all clear- 
ness and fidelity." 

They then proceed to give the transactions of the various 
owners since the King's grant, and the division of property 
then existing, with their position of trust, and a statement 
of their authority, the portions exposed for sale and the 
quantity of land, etc. They add : 

u And forasmuch as several friends are concerned as credi- 
tors, as well as others, and the disposal of so great a part of 
this country being in our hands, we did in real tenderness 
and regard as friends, and especially to the poor and neces- 
sitous, make friends the first offer. . . . This was the real 
and honest intent of our hearts, and not to prompt or 
allure any out of their places, either by the credit our names 
might have with our people throughout the nation, or by 
representing the matter otherwise than it is in itself. 

" As for the printed paper some time since set forth ~by the 
creditors, as a description of that province, we say as to two 
passages in it, they are not so clearly and safely worded as 
ought to have been, particularly in serving t'o limit the 
winter season to so short a time ; when on further informa- 

1 New Jersey Archives, vol. i. p. 231. 

252 Friends in Burlington. 

tion, we hear it is some time longer and some time shorter 
than therein expressed ; and the last clause relating to liberty 
of conscience, we would not have any to think that it is pro- 
mised or intended to maintain the liberty of the exercise of 
religion by force and arms : though we shall never consent to 
any the least violence on conscience, yet it was never designed 
to encourage any to expect by force of' arms to have liberty 
of conscience fenced against invaders thereof." . . . 



This is clear evidence of the sincerity with which these 
Friends desired to guard against any misrepresentation or 
false understanding. 

A recent writer 1 has alluded to the battle of privilege 
against prerogative as the u key-note to the reign of the first 
Charles." That it is true also of that of the second, though 
perhaps in a lesser degree, cannot be denied. History gives 
us heart-rending details of the sufferings of the Quakers, 
who came in for a large share of the horrors and trials of that 
strife ; and on whose unprotected and unresisting heads both 
church and state combined to pour out their vials of wrath. 
The untold misery of that time causes intense sympathy for 
them, even at the distance of two centuries; and as if they 
had not suffered enough woe at the hands of men, they were 
called to endure greater trials from the terrors of nature. 
Especially was this true of London. If we consider the de- 
struction of life occasioned by the terrible plague in 1665, 
when 1177 persons, out of London meeting alone, were 
buried in Bunhill Fields ; 2 the destruction of property be- 
longing to survivors by the fire which swept over the city in 
the following year, together with the persecutions so rigor- 
ously pursued during the troublous periods of the protector- 
ship and restoration, we cannot wonder at the desire of 
Friends to escape and seek liberty of conscience in a free 

4 William Stebbing, in Littell's Living Age for 1 mo. 10, 1880. 

2 The name of " Bunhill" is a corruption of Bonehill, which was given 
the place on account of the great number of hasty interments occurring 
there during the terrors of the plague. See A. J. C. Hare's Walks in 

Friends in Burlington. 253 

land. How great the persecutions were in the early years of 
the society, and how far the government of England carried 
out its cruel policy, it is not the object of these pages to re- 
late, further than to note their effect in those things which 
led to the removal of the small colony from England to the 
American Province of West Jersey. 

Repeated efforts to move the heart of the King had signally 
failed. That easy-going monarch promised readily, and as 
readily let the matter slip. While Margaret Fell, afterward 
the wife of George Fox, lay imprisoned in Lancaster Castle 
(1664), her two daughters, Mary and Margaret, waited on 
Charles at Whitehall, and were pleasantly received by him. 
" The King," writes Mary, 1 " was very loving to me, and 
said he would take [my mother's case] into consideration, 
adding, ' they shall not have her estate from her.' He took 
me by the hand as soon as he came near me." At the very 
time that the words passed the lips of the King, who was 
amusing himself by hearing these and many other touch- 
ing appeals, the Parliament of which he stood so greatly in 
awe was occupied in passing the Conventicle Act, by which 
not more than five persons were permitted to worship 
together otherwise than according to the established ritual 
of the Church of England. When Friends could not con- 
scientiously comply with the requirements of this law, clergy 
and parliament united in handing them over to bitter perse- 
cution, the details of which form the darkest blot on the his- 
tory of England at this time. 

It is an evidence of the firm principle which actuated the 
Quakers of that day, that those who had become purchasers 
of the American lands, and contemplated planting the colony 
on the Delaware shore, had some hesitation in leaving 
England, fearing they might be endeavoring to escape too 
easily from ills which God had called upon them to endure. 
In the spring of 1677 (26 years after Friends first came to 
America, settling in Massachusetts), the "gaode Shippe 
Kent," Gregory Marlowe master, sailed from London down 

1 Fells of Swarthmoor Hall, by Maria Webb. 
VOL. vir. 18 

254 Friends in Burlington. 

the Thames, having on board 230 Quakers, bound for their 
new provinces in West Jersey. Of these, half were from 
London, half from Yorkshire. "The circumstance," says 
Bowden, " of so large a number of Friends emigrating in a 
body to America was a subject which attracted public atten- 
tion. The King participated in this feeling ; and meeting 
the ship whilst yachting on the Thames, ' asked if they were 
all Quakers, and gave them his blessing." 5 

Feelings which naturally must have caused regret on leav- 
ing their native land were doubtless mingled with relief in 
escaping from the dangers of persecution, even if they were 
exchanging these for the perils and discomforts of a life in 
the wilderness. Two deaths on the voyage those of John 
Wilkinson and William Perkins gave added trouble to the 
uncertainties of the time. We are informed the voyage was 
long and tedious, further retarded at its close by the inter- 
ference of Governor Andros, agent for the Duke of York in 
his territory in New York, who demanded evidence of the 
deed of transfer from his Grace to Lord Berkeley and the 
Quakers. Having come to an understanding with him 1 (the 
details of which Bowden fully sets forth in his History of 
Friends in America), they passed between the capes of Dela- 
ware, gradually making their way to the meadow land lying 
below the Assisconk Creek ; this was at that time an island. 
Here they landed (6 mo. 0. S. 1677), and, parcelling out 2 the 

1 See also New Jersey Archives, vol. ii. p. 239. Council Minute (New 
York) : " Thomas Olive and Other Passengers of the Ship ' Kent,' ask for, 
and receive Permission to settle in West Jersey. At a Councell Augt 4th 

2 " The deed for the lands between Rank okas creek and Timber Creek 
bears date the 10th Sept. 1677 ; that for the lands between Oldman's Creek 
and Timber Creek, 27th Sept. 1677 ; and that from Rankokas Creek to 
Assanpink, 10th Oct. 1677. By the consideration paid for lands between 
Oldman's Creek and Timber Creek, a judgment may be formed of the rest. 
It consisted of 30 matchcoats, 20 guns, 30 kettles, and one great one, 30 
pair hose, 20 fathom of du fields, 30 petticoats, 30 narrow hoes, 30 bars of 
lead, 15 small barrels of powder, 70 knives, 30 Indian axes, 70 combs, 60 
pair tobacco tongs, 60 scissors, 69 tinshaw looking-glasses, 120 awl-blades, 
120 fish-hooks, 2 grasps red paint, 120 needles, 60 tobacco boxes, 120 pipes, 
200 bells, 100 Jewsharps, 6 anchors rum." Smith. 

Friends in Burlington. 255 

land further obtained by treaty with the Indians, gave one- 
half the eastern portion to the Yorkshire, the other, to 
the London Friends. Most interesting details of this division 
of property, together with the names of the " masters of fami- 
lies/' will be found in Smith's History of Nova Ccesaria, or 
New Jersey. According to him, the settlement received 
the name of New Beverly, afterward changed to Bridlington, 
from the town of that name in Yorkshire, whence many of 
the settlers came^ This was subsequently altered to Burling- 
ton. Prior to 1676, the site of Burlington was occupied by 
four Dutch families, one of whom kept an inn. 

"We can imagine the new aspect of things to these English 
people, accustomed to the narrow rivers, and green, highly 
cultivated fields of the mother country. The broad bay 
which received them must have seemed a noble entrance to 
their adopted Thames; and, as they pursued its winding 
course for 120 miles, the wild beauty of the western spring 
doubtless*a wakened feelings of thankfulness that their home 
was to be upon its shores. These were lined with the waving 
rushes peculiar to low-banked streams, while the occasional 
high bluffs were crowned with trees, among which many 
were hailed as old acquaintances. Some, however, were 
strange ; and the water-fowl and fish which abounded are 
referred to with wonder and delight in the earliest letters 
extant to the home people. The following (from Smith), 
written two months after their landing, contains so much 
interesting matter, and conveys so clear an idea of the im- 
pressions of the settlers, that it is here inserted entire: 

" From BURLINGTON, in Delaware River, the 26th of 8 mo. 1677. 

Through the mercy of God we are safely arrived in New 
Jersey my wife and mine are all well, and we have our 
healths rather better here than we had in England : indeed 
the country -is so good, that I do not see how it can reasona- 
bly be found fault with ; as far as I perceive, all the things 
we heard of it in England are very true ; and I wish that 
many people (that are in straits) in England were here. 
There is good land enough lies void would serve many thou- 

'256 Friends in Burlington. 

sands of families ; and we think if they cannot live here, 
they can hardly live in any place in the world : but we do 
not desire to persuade any to come but such as are well satis- 
fied in their own minds. A town lot is laid out for us in 
Burlington, which is a convenient place for trade ; it is about 
one hundred and fifty miles up the river Delaware ; the 
country and air seems to be very agreeable to our bodies, and 
we have very good stomachs to our victuals. There is plenty 
of provision in the country: plenty of fish and fowl, and good 
venison very plentiful, not so dry but is full of gravy, like 
fat young beef. You that come after us need not fear the 
trouble that we have had, for now here is land ready divided 
against you come. The Indians are very loving to us, except 
here and there one, when they have gotten strong liquors in 
their heads, which they now greatly love. But for the coun- 
try, in short, I like it very well; and I do believe that this 
river of Delaware is as good a river as most in the world. 
It exceeds the river of Thames by many degrees. 

This is a town laid out in twenty proprietaries, and a 
straight line drawn from the river side up the land which is 
to be the main street and a market-place about the middle. 
The Yorkshire ten proprietors are to build on one side, and 
the London ten the other side : and they have ordered one 
street to be niade along the river side which is not divided 
with the others, but in small lots by itself, and every one that 
hath any part in a property is to have his share in it. The 
town lots for any propriety will be about ten or eleven acres, 
which is only for a house, orchard, and gardens, and the corn 
and pasture grounds is to be laid out in great quantities. 

I am thy loving friend, 


That the contrast between their present and former mode 
of life was great is especially true of many who had been 
accustomed to the comforts of pleasant English homes, for it 
was something other than poverty which drove the majority 
of these Friends to seek freedom from religious restraint in 
America. The neighborhood of the Raritan in the year 
1663 had been settled by a few Puritans from New England. 
In the following year, according to Bancroft, one or two 
families of Friends sought refuge near the same place. Ex- 
cept for these, the Jerseys were then totally uncolonized 
by the English. Fenwick, as we have seen, brought in the 
" Griflin" the next Quaker colony, the first which could in 

Friends in Burlington. 257 

reality claim that name among Friends in West Jersey. 
Numerous settlers between 1663 and 1677 came under care 
of the provincial officers, they themselves in several instances 
bringing their families with them. Among the important 
colonial papers preserved by the New Jersey Historical 
Society, the following affidavit of a New York resident, as 
to the number of families in New Jersey on the arrival of 
Governor Carteret, is not deemed inappropriate in this place. 1 
Philip Carteret was a distant relative of Sir George Carteret, 
and was appointed by him to the governorship in 1665. 

Affidavit of Silvester Salisbury. 

" Silvester Salisbury of New Yorke Gent, maketh oath 
that in or about the yeare 1665 ; he being then at New Yorke, 
there arrived Philip Carteret Esq r . at New Jersey in America 
in a Ship called the Philip w ch s d ship was 100 tuns & had 
then aboard her about 30 servants & severall goods of great 
value, proper for the first planting & setling of the Colony of 
New Jersey & this deponent sayeth that at the time of y e 
arrival of the s d ship there were about four families in New 
Jersey (except some few at New Sinks that went under the 
nomen of Quakers) and that y e s d Philip Carteret after his 
arrival there landed y e s d servants & goods & applied himselfe 
to y e planting and peopling of y e s d Colony & that he sent 
diverse persons into ^New England & other places to invite 
people to come & settle there, whereupon & within a years 
time, or thereabouts severall p r sons did come w th their 
families & settled there in severall townes ; and this Depo- 
nent sayth that he believes there would be few or none have 
come thither if the s d Philip Carteret had not setled him- 
selfe as afores d & brought such goodes & sent such Messengers 
as afores d and this Deponent sayeth that y e s d Ship remained 
there about six months, & then went to Virginia, England & 
other places & about a yeare or more after returned to New 
Jersey where she remained for several months ; and this 
Deponent sayeth that the s d Philip Carteret at his arrival did 
declare & owne that the s d Ship servants & goods did belong 
to the Rt. Hon ble S r George Carteret & were sent by him for 
the beginning & encouragement of the peopling and plant- 
ing of the s d country ; and farther sayeth that the s d S r George 
Carteret did send severall other Vessells thither particularly 

From New Jersey Archives, vol. i. p. 183. 

258 Friends in Burlington. 

a Ketch whereof Peter Bennet was master Anno 1673 laden 
with wines and severall other English goods 


Jurat 4 die ffeb' 1675 coram me en Cancellar Magester. 


Indorsed on the back : " A writing of great concernment." 

Between the years 1678 and 1681 no less than fourteen 
hundred persons, in five or six ships, had found their way to 
these western provinces, settling on the Delaware, either at 
Salem or Burlington. The general opinion seems to have 
been that of Mahlon Stacy (later, an influential colonial 
officer), who, in addressing his brother Revell, speaks thus: 

" This is a most brave place, whatever envy or evil spies 
may speak against it, I could wish you all here ... I 
never repented my coming hither, nor yet remembered thy 
outcry and argument against New Jersey with regret. I live 
as well to my content, and in as great plenty as ever I did, 
and in a far more likely way to get an estate. Tho' I hear 
some have thought I was too large in my former, I affirm it 
to be true, having seen with my eyes more in this time since 
than ever as yet I wrote of. 

26th 4th mo., 1680. MAHLON STACY." 1 

The names of John Crips and John Stacy appear on the 
first marriage certificate of Burlington Monthly Meeting, 
under date 6th of 8 mo., 1678. A rumor detrimental to the 
fair name of New Jersey as a desirable place of residence 
having been circulated in England, and reaching the ears of 
Friends on the Delaware, we find many protestations to the 
contrary in their letters. John Crips writes to his brother 
and sister: 

1 Thomas Olive, an important man in the community as Justice of the 
Peace and Speaker of the West Jersey Assembly soon after, established, in 
1680, a water-mill on his plantation near Rancocas Creek. Mahlon Stacy 
about the same time built one at Trenton, these two being the only grist- 
mills in the country for some years. The former inhabitants of West Jersey 
had either pounded their corn, or ground it in hand mills. Th. Olive died in 
1692, much esteemed in his private and public capacities. 

Friends in Burlington. 259 

" I have received both your letters, wherein I understand 
your faith concerning this country is much shaken, through 
several false reports thereof, which may be proved false 
under the hands of several good Friends, I hope as worthy 
to be beleived as that reporter .... and it's really my 
judgment that those people that cannot be contented with 
such a country and such land as this is, they are not worthy 
to come here ; and this I can truly tell you, if I were in 
England with you (and which I should be very glad to see) 
yet if all I had in the world would but bring me hither, I 
would freely leave you and my native country and come to 
New Jersey again. . . . And whereas your letter saith 
to me 'several have come back from this country to England,' 
two or three, I suppose ; these are lazy, idle persons that have 
done so ; but on the other hand, there are several persons, 
men of estates, that have been here and gone back to 
England and sold their estates and returned with their whole 
families hither again which, methinks, should take many of 
these scruples out of the way, if nothing else were said or 

done in praise of this country As for the mus- 

ketto fly, we are not troubled with them in this place." 

The last-named insect, unfortunately, must have made its 
appearance later on in the experience of the Quaker settlers; 
for the " musketto fly" is not a stranger to the present in- 
habitants of Burlington. During the following winter the 
ship " Shield," which had ventured (in a previous voyage) 
into the waters of the upper Delaware, came up the river, 
and was moored to a buttonwood (or sycamore) that stood, 
and still stands, on Green Bank. 1 " The river was frozen 
so hard, that her passengers landed upon it, crossing to the 
shore on the ice" a strange reception to the new-comers, 
with whom such a thing was unknown. While passing 
Coaquanock, the Indian name for the place where Philadel- 
phia now stands, we learn that " part of the tackling struck 
the trees ; whereupon some on board remarked that 4 it was 
a fine spot for a town.' " The colony thus increased gradu- 

1 This venerable tree, or one of the same group to which it belonged (cer- 
tainly within a few yards of the spot), is still the subject of much specula- 
tion. The youth of Burlington shudder before it as the old " witch tree ;" 
and a splendid tradition asserts that Captain Kidd's treasure is buried 
beneath it ! It is a noble old monument to the past. 

260 Friends in Burlington. 

ally by the coming of other Friends from England, who 
could not resist the inducements held out in the new coun- 
try. After the landing of the " Shield's" passengers, during 
the following winter, one of their number, in writing of the 
productiveness of the soil, says to those at home : " Some 
people took their carts a peach-gathering. I could not but 
smile at the conceit of it. They are a very delicate fruit, 
and hang almost like our onions that are tied on ropes." 
Many others allude with gratification to the plenty of fruits 
and grain they enjoyed ; and the general tone of their cor- 
respondence bore evidence to satisfaction in their new pos- 

For some time after their landing, the Friends held meet- 
ings under the sail of the " Kent," which was turned into a 
tent for the purpose. Here also, it is said, was solemnized 
the marriage of James Browne and Honour Clayton. We 
can fancy these solemn assemblies gathered under the broad 
shadow of the canvas, with the soft wind of early summer 
stealing by, and the peaceful Delaware flowing unruffled at 
their very side ! The picture is all the more vivid to us, 
since we know almost the exact spot at which the ships 


" Whose armour is his honest thought, 
And simple truth his utmost skill." 


"Since, by the good providence of God, many Friends 
with their families have transported themselves into this pro- 
vince of West Jersey, the said Friends in these upper parts 
have found it needful, according to the practice in the place 
we came from, to suite Monthly Meetings for the well- 
ordering of the affairs of the church : it was agreed that 
accordingly it should be done, and accordingly it was done, 
the 15 th of 5 mo. 1678." So runs the earliest minute on 
record among the valuable manuscripts of Burlington 

Friends in Burlington. 261 

Monthly Meeting. It will be seen that within a year after 
their arrival the Friends set to work to establish a meeting 
" according to" their " custom in the place they came from." 
The handwriting is beautifully clear, but no intimation isgiven 
of the clerk's name. The marriages taking place soon after 
their landing (there appear to have been thirteen couples in 
the first three years) necessitated the establishment of a meets 
ing to inquire into clearness, &c. It is evident there was some 
difficulty in bringing about the proper understanding with 
London Yearly Meeting in regard to certificates, many 
arriving without them, in some instances causing great delay 
in having them properly drawn up and forwarded. Cases 
are also recorded where false representations were made by 
new-comers, who were either outlawed by their own meeting 
in England, or else had no connection with the Society, 
simply coming to America to escape ignominy at home. 
They seem to have been summarily dealt with upon the 
truth coming to light. The second minute under date 18 of 
6 mo. 1678 is for a collection of money for the benefit of the 
poor, and " such other necessary uses as may occur," among 
which was the proper fencing in of the burial ground. The 
exact location is not known ; Smith alludes to it as having 
since become a street. The first death 1 in the new town was 
that of John Kinsey, who was interred in the ground referred 
to : the second, that of the old Indian King " Ockanickon," 
a chief among the " Five Nations," and well known in Bur- 
lington's earliest history. He became converted to Chris- 
tianity, and on his death was buried in Friends' ground, many 
of the Friends attending his funeral. An Indian village 
bearing his name is known to have existed : but the location 

1 First recorded Death : " John Kinsey allias Kelsey Latte of Hadnam 
in Hartfortsheere being taken w th a violent feavor & Payne in his Bowles 
about 8 days Passed out of y e Body y e 11 th of y e 8 th mo th & was Layd in y 
ground y e 14 th of y e same 1677." 

First recorded Birth : " Elizabeth Powel Daughter of Robert & Prudence 
Powell was Borne in Burlington the 7 th Seauenth of the 7 th mo tb 1677 Latte 
of London Chandlar. Witnesses then p'sent : Ellen Harding, Mary Cripps, 
Ann Peachee." 

262 Friends in Burlington. 

at this distance of time is forgotten. Among early minutes 
are the following : 

1) "At y e Monthly Meeting in Burlington, y e 5 th day of-y e 
7 th month, 1678 : Friends took into consideration y e paling 
in of the burial ground. 

Thomas Leeds proposed his intention of taking Margaret 
Colier to be his wife, desireing y e approbation of said meeting 

2) "At y e Monthly Meeting at Burlington the 3 rd day of 
y e 8 mo. 1678. 

Thomas Leeds proposed his intention y e second time of 
taking Margaret Colier to be his wife and y e Meeting gave 
their consent." 

Their marriage certificate is the first in the old book of 
marriages, births, and deaths. It is curious as showing the 
ancient form of that document, the names of the parties most 
concerned not being signed. Those whose names do appear 
are the prominent citizens of the place. On the books of the 
Meeting are the names of Robert Zane and Alice Alday, the 
latter said to have been an Indian girl. Frequent mention 
is made of the presence of savages about the country, some- 
times evincing hostile intentions. The peace policy, however, 
of William Penn, who about this time was gaining their 
friendship on the west of the river in Pennsylvania, was also 
pursued by Friends in West Jersey in their negotiations with 
the various tribes, generally with entire success. The neigh- 
boring colony of East Jersey was purchased in 2 mo. 1681, 
from Lady Elizabeth, widow of Sir Geo. Carteret, and 
settled by Quakers and Scotch ; the governor appointed 
being the widely know and now famous " Robert Barclay of 
Urie." 1 All the region of the Jerseys seems to have been 
growing in popularity and importance during the early years 

1 New Jersey Archives, vol. i. p. 366. 

" Lease from Elizabeth, Widow of Sir George Carteret, and His Trustees, 
to the First Twelve Proprietors of East Jersey." Also (same vol. p. 519) an 
"Agreement Between the Governors of East and West Jersey to Submit the 
Dividing Line of the Provinces to Arbitration." (Robert Barclay, Governor 
and (part) Proprietor of East Jersey; Edward Byllynge, Governor and 
(part) Proprietor of West Jersey.) Dated 14 th Sept. 1686. 

George Keith was at this time Surveyor- General of the Province of East 
Jersey, having been chosen by the Scotch Proprietors. His acquaintance 

Friends in Burlington. 263 

of its settlement. A few hostile French and Indians gave 
occasional trouble to the colonists, involving some of their 
young men whose ardent spirits got the better of them. 
Several received a reprimand for carrying arms for defence 
during an alarm of threatened attack ; which proving false, 
they had no occasion to use them. 

Quarterly and Yearly Meetings were soon established in 
Burlington, the first annual gathering being on the 28 th of 
6 mo. 1681, at the house of Thomas Gardiner, where the meet- 
ing continued to be held for some time, until the erection of 
a proper house. Th. Gardiner died in 1694 ; the exact loca- 
tion of his house is not known. Burlington Monthly Meeting 
comprised the particular meetings held at Shackamaxon and 
Chester (Pa.), Rancocas, and Friends settled about the Falls, 
Hoarkills, and New Castle; also Friends on Long Island, who, 
in 1681, desired to be considered members of this Monthly 
Meeting. The Quarterly Meeting was for a long time held 
at William Biddle's home (frequently written Beedle), pro- 
bably until about 1711, when, from that date to 1827, it met 
alternately at Burlington and Chesterfield. 

Wm. Biddle's house was at Mount Hope, near what is 
now Kinkora ; and Friends from widely separated sections of 
country resorted thither. He and his wife Sarah, in 1681, 
had removed to West Jersey from their home in Bishops- 
gate Street, London. The Chesterfield meeting-house at the 
time of the separation passed into other hands, since which 
time the sole meeting place has been at Burlington. The 
transactions of the first Quarterly Meeting are recorded with 
the following preamble : 

with Barclay, of which this appointment is said to have been the conse- 
quence, began probably from the fact that in 1683 he was master of a 
school at Theobalds attended by a son of Robert Barclay. The result of the 
Arbitration was set forth in the following : 

"Award . . . wee do hereby declare that [the line] shall runn from 
y e north side of y e mouth or Inlett of y e beach of little Kgg Harbor on a 
streight lyne to Delaware river north north west and fifty minutes more 
westerly according to naturall position & not according to y e magnet whose 
variation is nine degrees westward. 

Witness our hands this Eight day of January 168f John Reid William 

264 Friends in Burlington. 

" Whereas, the Yearly Meeting saw it necessary y* there 
should be Quarterly Meetings kept in several places in this 
Province of West New Jersey ; and y* this Quarterly Meeting 
of Friends for Burlington and y e Falls should be held at the 
house of William Beedle in Mansfield (being pretty near y e 
middle of Friends belonging to it) at y e times hereafter men- 
tioned, viz., upon the last second day of the 9 mo. ; last second 
day of y e 12 mo. ; last second day of y e 3 mo. and y e last second 
day of y e 6 mo. and to begin at y e 10 th hour, which said 
conclusion of y e Yearly Meeting y e Friends of this meet- 
ing are satisfied with. 29 of 9 mo. 1681." 

John Curtiss was their first clerk. The Yearly Meeting 
at the date before mentioned occupied four days with its 
business, and was then adjourned to meet in 7 mo. of the 
following year. It opened under the title " A General 
Yearly Meeting held for Friends of Pennsylvania, East and 
West Jerseys, and of the adjacent Provinces." 

In 1680 Burlington Monthly Meeting addressed an epistle 
to London Yearly Meeting on behalf of Friends removing 
to Burlington from that place, and requiring certificates. 
Bowden states this communication to have been the earliest 
received by London Y. M. from any meeting in America. 
Although he has given it in full in his interesting History, 
it belongs in this place, as having been entered on the books of 
Burlington Meeting. The ancient form is retained. 

" Dear Friends and Bretheren whom God hath honoured 
w th his heavenly Presence and crowned with Life & Dominion 
as some of us have been Eye witnesses (& in our measures 
p'takers w th you) in these solemn Annual Assemblies in y e 
Eememb ranee of w ch our hearts and souls are Consolated & 
do bow before y e Lord w th Reverent acknowledgments to 
him to whom it belongs forever. 

And Dear fi'riends being fully satisfied of yo r Love care 
and zeall for y e Lord & his Truth & yo r Travill & desire for 
y e p motion of it: hath given us Encouragement to address 
ourselves to you & Request your assistance in these following 
particulars being sensiable of y e need of itt & believing y* itt 
will conduce to y e honnour of God & benefit of his people for 
y e Lord having by an overruling Providence cast our Lots 
in this remote pt of y e world, our care & Desire is y* he 
may be honoured in us and through us, & his Dear truth 

Friends in Burlington. 265 

which we profess may be had in good Repute & Esteem by 
those y* are yet Strangers to itt. 

Dear ftriends our first Request to you isy* in your severall 
countyes & meetings out of which any may transport them- 
selves into this place, y* you will be pleased to take care y* 
we may have Certify cates concearning them for here are 
severall honest Innocent People y* brought no Certificates 
w th them from y e Respective Monthly Meetings not foresee- 
ing y e Service of y m and so never Desired any which for y e 
future of such defect do Intreat you y* are sensiable of y e 
need of Certificates to put y m in mind of y m for in some 
Caces where Certificates are Required & y' have none itt 
ocations a great and tedious delay before they can be had 
from England besides y e Hazzard of Letters Miscarying which 
is very Necessary to y e Parties imediately concearned & no 
wayes gratefull to Us yet in some cases necessity urgeth it or 
we must Act very Unsafely and p ticularly in cases of Marriage 
in which we are often Cotfcearned so if y e parties y* come are 
single & Marriageable att their Coming away we Desire to be 
Cirtifyed of their clearness or unclearness from other pties & 
what else you think meet for us to Know, and if they have 
parents whether they will commit y m toy Care of Friends in 
Generall in y e matter or appoint any p ticular whome they can 
trust & if any do incline to come that p fess truth & yet walk 
disorderly & so become dishonourable to Truth and y e p fes- 
sion they have made of it we do desire to be Certified of y m 
& it by some other hand (as there is frequent opportunities 
from London of doing itt) for we are sensiable y* here are 
severall y 1 left no good Savour in y r native Land from whence 
they came & it may be probable y 1 more of y* Kind may 
come thinking to be Absconded in y s obscure place, but 
blessed be y e Lord he hath a pple here whom he hath pro- 
voked to a Zealous affection for y e Glory of his name & are 
desirous y* y e hidden things of Easau may be brought to 
Light & in it be condemned for w ch cause we thus Request 
your assistance as an advantage & Furtherance to y 1 Work 
for though some have not thought it necessary either to 
bring Certificates themselves or Require any Concearning 
others we are not of y* mind and do leave itt to y e wise in 
heart to Judge whence it doth proceed for though we Desire 
this as an additional! help to us, yet not as some have sur- 
mised y* we wholly build upon it without exercising our 
own Imediate sence as God shall Guide us some we know y* 
have been other wise deserving but have Unadvisedly denied 
this Impartial right of a certificate & very hardly could ob- 
tain itt, merely through y e dislike of some to y e undertakings 

266 Friends in Burlington. 

in their coming hether which we believe to be an injury & 
though we would not that any should reject any sound ad- 
vice or council in y e matter yet we do believe y fc all y e faith- 
full ought to be Left to God's Direction in y e matter most 
certainly knowing by y e Shurest Evedence y* God hath a 
hand in y e Bemovall of some into this Place w ch we desire 
y* all y* are inclined to come heither who know god may be 
carefull to know before they attempt itt at least their Tryals 
become unsuportable unto them but if this they know they 
need not fear for y e Lord is known by Sea & Land y e Sheild 
& Strenth of y m y* fear him. 

And Dear freinds one thing more we think needfull to 
Intimate to you to warn & advise all y* come p fessing truth 
y* they be carefull & Circumspect in their passage for itt is 
well known to some of you y* such as are imployed in sea 
affairs are commonly men of y e Vilest sort & many of y m use 
Great Diligence to betray y e Simple ones which if they can 
do they triumph in itt & spread it from nation to nation to 
defame truth theirfore Let all be warned of it. especially 
Young "Women that they behave themselves modestly & 
chastly y* they may not be corrupted in mind & so drawn 
to gratify y e wanton Luxurious inclination of any for many 
temptations may be mett with some Times through short or 
Straight allowance for y e Enlargement of w ch some have com- 
plyed w th that w ch hath Dishonoured God & greived his peo- 
ple & though we Know y* true friends are never enabled y m 
to submit to any unrighteousness to gratify so mean an End 
yet all y e Professors of Truth are not of y* Growth & for their 
sakes it is intended y* all may be preserved & grow in truths 

So Dear ffr lends this w th what further you may apprehend 
may tend to truths p motion in this Place we desire your 
assistance which will be very kindly & gladly Received by 
us who are Desirous of an Amicable Correspondency w th you 
& do claim a part w th you in y* holy Body & Eternall Union 
which y e bond of Life is y e Strength of in w ch God preserve 
you & us who are your ffds & Brethren. 

Thomas Budd Jno. Woolston 

Will m Peachee Daniell Leeds 

W m Brightwen John Butcher 

Tho. Gardiner Henry Grubb 

Bob* Stacy W m Butcher 

John Hollingshead Seth Smith 

Bob 1 Powell "Water Pumphrey 

Jno. Burton Tho. Ellis 

Sam 11 Jennings James Saterthwate. 

Friends in Burlington. 267 

Several friends not being present at y e s d meeting have 
since as a Testimony of y r Unity w th y e thing subscribed 
their names. 

Mahlon Stacy E,ich rd Arnold 

Tho. Lambert Jno. Woolman 

Jno. Kinsey Jno. Stacy 

Sam 11 Cleft Abra. Hulings 

Will m Cooper Peter Fretwell 

Jno. Shinn Tho. Eves 

Will m Biles Jno. Payne 

Tho. Harding Jno. Crippe. 
Will m Hulings 

From our mens monthly meeting in Burlington in West 
Jersey y e 7 th of y e 12 th mo. 1680. 

To our Dear Friends & Brethren of y e Yearly Meeting of 

In the next year (1681) the record of Births and Deaths 
began to be kept, and at the same time we have notice of the 
establishment of a women's Meeting. That all was not per- 
fect harmony and mutual understanding the records bear 
evidence, for cases came forward where great falling off from 
correct habits occurred, over which the meeting had cause to 
lament. In the main, however, the stern and upright char- 
acters of the heads of the meeting kept their testimony to 
the Truth unharmed ; and it is to them and those like them 
in the early and unsettled condition of the Society that we 
owe the unbending will and firm recognition of duty that 
has so strongly characterized the Society. Arbitration was 
the invariable resort upon any dispute coming to light 
among Friends ; and in very rare instances did the verdict 
of the arbitrators, who were prominent Elders, fail to give 
satisfaction to the parties concerned. By this timely and 
peaceable dealing, many cases were ended which must other- 
wise have gone to law a resort which Friends have always 
desired to avoid. 

(To be continued.) 

268 Odhner on Usselincx and Trading Companies of Sweden. 





[The following extract from Professor Odhner's Sveriges Inre Historia 
under Drottning Christinas Formyndare, pp. 299 et seq. (Stockholm, 1865), 
forms an appropriate introduction to the same writer's invaluable contribu- 
tion to the history of Swedish colonization on the Delaware translated in 
this MAGAZINE, vol. iii. pp. 269 et seq., and pp. 395 et seq. The authorities 
on which the statements in it are based, chiefly MSS. in the Royal Archives 
at Stockholm, are cited in footnotes in the original. Some points, appa- 
rently taken from it, appear in a paper entitled Some Account of William 
Usselinx and Peter Minuit, read by the late Joseph J. Mickley before the 
Historical Society of Delaware in 1874 (Wilmington, 1881). TRANS.] 

After the Swedish South Company, founded by the Dutch 
Willem Usselincx, by its union with the Ship Company of 
the Towns, in 1630, was put in a position for active progress, 
the next problem was to enlist foreign capital in the enter- 
prise. The successes of the Swedes in Germany suggested to 
Usselincx the thought of employing the resources of this 
country for that purpose. Gustavus Adolphus embraced the 
plan with interest, and in October, 1632, at Nuremberg, ap- 
proved the scheme set forth by Usselincx for the extension 
of the privileges to the German nation, and constituted him 
director of the work. These acts were confirmed and pub- 
lished by Axel Oxenstjerna at the meeting at Heilbrunn in 
April, 1633 ; and that statesman likewise issued a letter invit- 
ing participation in the enterprise from Frankfort the same 
year. Usselincx also added an explanation of the great excel- 
lence and importance of the scheme, written especially for Ger- 
many, called Mercurius Germanics, together with practical in- 
structions for the accomplishment of it. The plan, which was 
to have been concluded in January, 1634, seems not to have 
succeeded as was desired, for the subject was taken up again 
at the meeting at Frankfort in 1634, when the deputies of 

Odhner on Usselincx and Trading Companies of Sweden. 269 

the four upper circles confirmed the privilege. Immediately 
afterwards, however, the battle of ]N"6rdlingen put an end to 
the whole undertaking, and Usselincx went to France, and 
endeavoured to interest the government of that country in the 
Swedish Company. In the year 1636 we find the .indefati- 
gable schemer in Holland, where he again tried the patience 
of the government with his prolix views concerning the 
realization of his cherished South Company. His proposal 
not being hearkened to here either, in 16o9 he sought to 
bring about an alliance between Sweden, France, and England 
for the same object, and at the same time directed against 
Spain. The fallowing year he laboured in behalf of his pro- 
ject in the Hanse To\Vns, with similar lack of success, and 
finally, in 1643, was installed as Swedish agent in Holland. 

While Usseliucx was thus occupying half of Europe with 
the important business of the Swedish South Company, cir- 
cumstances brought about a new course of development for it. 
After the directors of the South Company in Sweden had 
taken charge of sixteen well-equipped vessels belonging to the 
Ship Company, they began to send these forth on naval ex- 
peditions. The voyages, however, were attended with no 
better result than the seizure, in 1632, of four of the ships in 
Spain (as was asserted, through the treachery of the com- 
missary who accompanied them), and the condemnation to 
arrest, in 1634, of five vessels in Holland, although the latter 
were promptly set at liberty. The directors were severely 
censured, the blame falling chiefly on their head man, Abr. 
Cabeliau. They were accused by the partners before the 
high court of justice, which pronounced them guilty of 
negligence ; but on the revision of this judgment, and after 
the taking of fresh testimony in 1635, they were acquitted 
by the government. They were ordered, however, to finish 
the account of their administration which had long been 
solicited by the associates. This demand was repeated by 
the estates at the riksdag in 1635, and at the meeting in 1636 ; 
and in 1637 the government appointed certain revisers, and 
fixed a day for their work: still neither then nor later did 
any examination take place, and in 1640, and in 1642, on 
VOL. VIL 19 

270 Odhner on Usselincx and Trading Companies of Sweden. 

complaint of the clergy, it was said that the partners should 
procure the revision as best they could. At the meeting 
of 1636 the question was also raised, what more should be 
undertaken with the ten vessels, which constituted the sole 
remaining property of the Company. At the conference, 
which C. Fleming held, concerning this subject, with the 
estates, some urged that the Crown should make good the 
losses, the clergy desired that the Company should be dis- 
solved and the residue be divided, but the greater number 
seemed to favour distributing the ships and partners among 
certain cities, from which trade might be carried on with the 
vessels. Some of these were also employed the following 
year for the new expedition to America. In 1640 the gov- 
ernment resolved to purchase the ships on behalf of the Crown, 
but soon afterwards, instead of this, deemed it best, without 
consulting the partners, to unite the few that remained with 
the recently formed West India Company, into which the 
former Ship and South Companies thus entered as associates. 

Report of Gov* Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 271 







1. From June 20, in the year 1644, when the vessel Fama 
went from hence, to October 1, 1646, when the vessel Haij 2 
arrived, two years and four months elapsed ; and the whole of 
this time we received no letters, either from the Kingdom or 
from Holland. The last vessel was four months on the way, 
losing her sails, topmasts, and several implements, and being 
very severely used. The master of the ship, the mate, and 
all the people, except one man, were sick ; so that, according 
to their report, they would all have been lost, if they had 
not reached land when they did. Not until the month of 
December was the vessel in repair, and the people recovered; 
and, the winter commencing at the same time, they were 
obliged to stay here until the ice broke up. Now, however, 
on the day of date, the ship is dispatched with 24,177 pounds 3 
of tobacco, the whole in 101 casks, of which 6920 pounds 
were planted in New Sweden, and 17,257 pounds were pur- 
chased. May God Almighty grant her a happy passage home ! 

2. The cargo has been delivered, according to the invoice 
accompanying it from Peter Trotzig, excepting 8 beams, 1 

1 Translated from copies in the library of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, one of which is made from an original in the Archives of Sweden 
at Stockholm, with the heading in the text, while the other (verbatim, if 
not literatim the same) is taken from one preserved among the Archives at 
Skokloster, the latter being addressed to Peter Brahe, Count of Wysings- 
borg, a Member of the Royal Council of Sweden. TRANS. 

2 Elsewhere called Gyllene Hajen (the Golden Shark). TRANS. 

8 Swedish pounds, one of which equals twenty English pounds. TRANS. 

272 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 

plank, 3 axes, and 14 ells of frieze wanting in the measure ; 
14 pairs of stockings and 180 ells of frieze were spoiled and 
destroyed on shipboard ; likewise, part of the Norrenberg 
goods 1 were much rusted, which (except what the Commis- 
sary has received to sell amongst the savages) are to be sent 
to North England 2 for sale. 

3. Concerning the improvements of the country: (1) Fort 
Elfsborgh has been tolerably well fortified. (2) Fort Christina, 
which was very much decayed, has been repaired from top to 
bottom. (3) The Fort in Skylerikj'll, 3 called Karsholm, is 
pretty nearly ready. We are filling and working at it every 
day. So that, if people, ammunition, and other resources were 
not wanting, we should certainly not only be in a position to 
maintain ourselves in the said places, but also be enabled 
to settle and fortify other fine sites. Again, 28 freemen are 
settled, and part of them provided with oxen and cows, so 
that they already begin to prosper; but women are wanting. 
Many more people are willing to settle, but we cannot spare 
them on account of the places wanting them. The country 
is very well suited for cultivation ; also for whale fishery and 
wine, if some one was here who understood the business. 
Mines of silver and gold may possibly be discovered, but 
nobody here has any knowledge about such things. The 
Hollanders boast that three years ago they found a gold 
mine between Manathans 4 and here, not in any place pur- 
chased by us, but nearer to New Sweden than to New Nether- 
land. Hitherto, however, they have not got any gold out 
of it. There is no appearance here of salt, or of silkworms, 
because the winter is sometimes so sharp, that I never felt it 
more severe in the northern parts of Sweden. 

4. The people have all the time been in good health ; only 
two men and two small children have died. The reason that 
so many people died in the year 1643 was that in the com- 
mencement of the settlements they had hard work, and but 

1 Probably iron implements manufactured there. TRANS. 

2 So New England is called throughout this Report. TRANS. 

3 Oc Skyllarkill, according to the other copy our Schuylkill. TRANS. 

4 Manhattan. TRANS. 

Eeport of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 273 

little to eat. Afterwards, since board has been given them, 
besides wages, they have been doing well. Still, all of them 
wish to be released, except the freemen. And it cannot be 
otherwise. If the people willingly emigrating should be 
compelled to stay against their will, no others would desire 
to come here. The whole number of men, women, boys, 
girls, and children now living here is 183 souls, according to 
the annexed roll. 1 

5. In the year 1645, November 25, between ten and eleven 
o'clock, one Swen Wass, a gunner, set Fort New Gottenburg 
on fire ; in a short time all was lamentably burnt down, 
and not the least thing saved, except the dairy. The people 
escaped naked and destitute. The winter immediately set 
in, bitterly cold ; the river and all the creeks froze up ; and 
nobody was able to get near us (because New Gottenburg is 
surrounded by water). The sharpness of the winter lasted 
until the middle of March ; so that, if some rye and corn had 
not been unthreshed, I myself and all the people with me on 
the island would have starved to death. But God main- 
tained us with that small quantity of provision until the new 
harvest. By this sad accident the loss of the Company, tes- 
tified by the annexed roll, is 4000 riksdaler. 2 The above-men- 
tioned incendiary, Swen Wass, I have caused to be brought 
to court, and to be tried and sentenced ; so I have sent him 
home in irons, with the vessel, accompanied by the whole 
record concerning him, submissively committing and refer- 
ring the execution of the verdict to the pleasure of Her 
Eoyal Majesty and the Right Honourable Company. 

6. Again, I have caused a church to be built in New Got- 
tenburg, adorning and decorating it according to our Swed- 
ish fashion, so far as our limited resources and means would 
allow. Also in the same place I have rebuilt a storehouse, to 
keep the provisions in, and all the cargoes which may be sold 

1 No copy of this roll has yet been found, so far as the translator is aware. 

2 According to a roll among the Oxenstjerna MSS. in the Royal Archives 
at Stockholm, Governor Printz estimated his personal loss by this fire at 
5584 rdr. TRANS. 

274 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 

there on the Company's behalf. Further, to prejudice the 
trade of the Hollanders, I have built a fine house (called 
Wasa) on the other side of Karsholm, by the road of the 
Minquas, so strong that four or five men, well provided with 
guns, balls, and powder, will be able to defend themselves 
there against the savages ; seven freemen, sturdy fellows, 
have settled in that place. Again, a quarter of a mile 1 higher 
up, by the said Minquas' road, I have built another strong 
house, five freemen settling there. This place I have called 
Mondal, building there a watermill, which runs the whole 
year, to the great advantage of the country, particularly as 
the windmill, formerly here, before I came, would never 
work, and was good for nothing. Now, when the great 
traders, the Minquas, travel to the Dutch trading place or 
house, Nassau, they are obliged to pass by those two places, 
which (please God) hereafter shall be provided with cargoes. 

7. Concerning trade, in the year 1644, when the ship Fama 
went from here, there was very little of the cargo left in 
store ; and, as no cargo has been received since, not only has 
the Right Honourable Company suffered the great damage 
of losing 8000 or 9000 beavers, which have passed out of our 
hands, but also the Hollanders have moved the principal 
traders (the white and black Minquas) to forsake us ; and 
we shall not, without great difficulty, regain them. But, as 
soon as this vessel arrived I dispatched Commissary Hindrik 
Hughen, with the Sergeant Gregorius van Dyk and eight 
soldiers, to the country of the Minquas, five German miles 
from hence, offering them all sorts of presents, by which 
means they were induced to negotiate, and we received as- 
surance from them that they would trade with us as before, 
the more so, as the Commissary promised them a higher 
price than the Hollanders. Whether they keep their word 
will be seen in the future. 

8. It is of the utmost necessity for us to drive the Dutch 
from the river, for they oppose us on every side : (1) They 
destroy our trade everywhere. (2) They strengthen the sav- 

1 The Swedish mile, 6.625 miles English. TRANS. 

Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 275 

ages with guns, shot, and powder, publicly trading with 
these against the edict of all Christians. (3) They stir up the 
savages against us, who, but for our prudence, would already 
have gone too far. (4) They begin to buy land from the 
savages within our boundaries, which we had purchased 
already eight years ago, and have the impudence in several 
places to erect the arms of the West India Company, calling 
them their arms ; moreover, they give New Sweden the 
name of New Netherland, and dare to build their houses 
there, as can be learned from the Dutch Governor's letter, 
here annexed, and by my answer to it ; in short, they appro- 
priate to themselves alone every right, hoist high their own 
flags, and would surely not pay the least attention to Her Ma- 
jesty's flags and forts, were they not reminded by cannon shot. 
They must be driven from the river, either by mutual agree- 
ment or other means; otherwise they will disturb our whole 
work. The better to accomplish their intention, some of the 
Hollanders have entirely quitted the Christians, resorting to 
the Minquas, behaving with much more unseemliness than 
the savages themselves. I have several times written to their 
Governor about all these improprieties, and also caused their 
arms to be cut down, but it did not make any difference : 
they see very well that we have a weak settlement ; and, 
with no earnestness on our side, their malice against us 
increases more and more. And all the people, who are 
doing this mischief, are merely Dutch freemen, provided with 
their Governor's passport, and trading on their own account, 
paying duties therefor, the Company itself not trading at all, 
and deriving very little advantage from this. As to the 
English Puritans, who at first gave me a great deal of trouble, 
I have at last been able, with the authority of Her Majesty, 
to drive them from hence ; and they have not been heard 
from for a long time, except that one Captain Clerk was sent 
here last year, from North England, to try to settle some 
hundred families under Her Majesty's flag, which I, in a 
civil way, denied, referring the matter to Her Majesty's 
further resolution. 

9. The Commissary's report will show our provisions and 

276 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 

state here in New Sweden. It is a pity that for a long time 
our traffic has declined, yielding very little profit, while the 
expenses and the wages are the same. Still, could we get rid 
of the Hollanders, and be left alone in our trade, by successive 
cargoes the loss would be repaired in a short time. What 
profit we may derive from foreign cargoes, besides our own, 
can be seen in the Commissary's account; I think it may be 
about 10,000 riksdaler. 

10. The cattle roll will give information about the two 
head of cattle which were here before me, and the three I 
brought with me. It shows they have increased to ten, that 
the purchased cattle are fourteen oxen and one cow, and that 
one part is divided amongst the freemen, and the other part 
is in the use of the company. And, whereas the freemen 
need cattle as the principal instrument for the cultivation of 
the land, I intend next May to buy some in Virginia, par- 
ticularly as the Governor there has written to me, also offer- 
ing his assistance in other ways. 

11. I have caused the barge to be fully constructed, so 
that the hull is ready and floating on the water; but the 
completion of the work must be postponed until the arrival 
of a more skilled carpenter, the young men here declaring 
they do not know enough to finish it. Again, we want a 
good engineer, house-carpenter, mason, brickmaker, potter, 
cooper, skilful gunsmiths, and blacksmiths, a chamois-dresser, 
tanner, tailor, shoemaker, ropemaker, wheelwright, and ex- 
ecutioner ; all these are of great necessity here, and, above 
all, a good number of unmarried women for our unmarried 
freemen and others, besides a good many families for culti- 
vating the land, able officers .and soldiers, as well as cannon 
and ammunition, for the defence of the forts and the country. 
And, when the Hollanders and other nations are aware of 
Her Majesty's royal earnestness in this behalf, I think they 
will change their minds, because when I came here, four 
years ago, they immediately abandoned the bad intentions 
they had formerly exercised against our people, but after- 
ward, seeing our lack of zeal for our affairs, once more they 
are grown overbearing. 

Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 277 

12. The savages in Virginia, New Netherland, and North 
England have made peace with the Christians, and our own 
savages have been quiet ever since. Thus, if the Hollanders 
were not here, we should soon be on good terms with them ; 
but the savages now keep peace amongst themselves, more to 
the prejudice tban to the advantage of the beaver-trade. 

13. As before stated the officers, as well as the common 
soldiers, not yet settled in the country, want to be released ; 
particularly Commissary Hindrik Hugen, whom I myself 
now, for the third time, have with great difficulty persuaded 
to stay until the arrival of the next ship; he ought to be 
replaced by a very able Commissary. Again, the minister 
Magister Johan Campanius wishes to be dismissed, and we 
want at least two clergymen in the places already settled. 
Again, the freemen desire to know something about their 
privileges, for themselves and their descendants; likewise the 
criminals, how long they must serve for their crimes ; as to 
all which I humbly asked to be informed more circumstan- 
tially in my former Reports of 1643 and 1644. 

14. "Whereas a letter from Postmaster-General Johan Beijer, 
dated Stockholm, March 17, 1645, apprises me that the ves- 
sels Calmar Nyckel and Fama had arrived in Holland, and 
that my Report was lost on the way (if this really be the fact), 1 
I only recapitulate herein what goods were sent home in 
return by the Fama, annexing a copy of Captain Peter 
Pawelson's receipt for the said goods. These were: 1300 
whole beavers, 299 half-beavers, 537 third-parts of beavers, 
great and small together, 2136 beavers; again, tobacco, 20,467 
Ibs. in 77 hogsheads ; again, my own tobacco, which partly I 
received in payment from foreigners,, and partly I planted 
myself, 7200 Ibs. in 28 hogsheads, sent home to the share- 
holders in Sweden, that they may either reimburse me at 8 
styfver per pound, or graciously allow me to sell it elsewhere. 

1 This was probably not the case, since two copies of this Report, dated 
June 20, 1644, one in Swedish and the other in German, a're still extant 
among papers relating to New Sweden in the Archives of Sweden, and have 
been printed, in part, at the end of Professor C. T. Odhner's Kolonien Nya, 
Sveriges Grundldggning 1C37-1642 (Stockholm, 1876). TRANS. 

278 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it 

15. In the 6th point of my above-mentioned Report, sent 
from here in 1644, 1 mentioned the necessity of erecting a 
tradinghouse for various kinds of merchandise, namely, for 
clothing, shoes, different sorts of stuffs, linen cloth, thread, 
silk, fine and coarse cloth, divers colours, and drugs for dyeing, 
buttons, Dutch ribbons, hats, belts, swords, tanned leather, 
etc. Those goods are very vendible here, and in Virginia 
and New England, and can be sold at a profit of 100 per cent. 
The house is also needed for various kinds of provisions, 
not only for our own people, but also for foreigners. A 
judicious and faithful man, however, must be put over the 
whole concern, who may give each of our people what he 
wants, on account of wages. Thus the people can be paid 
every month entirely out of the profit, without the Right 
Honourable Company's diminishing its principal, but perhaps 
making money, everything here being extremely dear: for 
example, one barrel of malt (Swedish measure) costs 7 to 8 
riksdaler, one pound of hops J rdr., one pound of pork 10 
styfver, one barrel of corn 6 rdr., which last could be sown 
in this country, brewed, baked, and afterwards sold to the 
people with advantage ; for instance, I have paid 54 rdr. to 
the English for one barrel of beef: in short, everything is dear. 

16. In the 9th point of my above-mentioned Report I 
have spoken about the zewandt trade in North England, 
and said that a trusty man ought to be appointed to pur- 
chase zewandt for us there, because it can be had cheap in 
that country, while here we are obliged to pay to the English 
and Hollanders a double price in good beavers, and yet we 
cannot always get it. It is not possible to keep up the Indian 
trade by means of cargoes only, because the savages always 
want zewandt besides, this being their money. 

Again, I have several times solicited a learned and able 
man: first, to administer justice and attend to the law busi- 
ness, sometimes very intricate cases occurring, in which it is 
difficult, and never ought to be, that one and the same 
person appear in the court as plaintiff as well as judge ; and, 
secondly, to act as secretary, especially in the Latin language, 
for many times it has happened (as is proved by the annexed 

Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 279 

paper) that I have received Latin letters from all parts ; these 
it would be well to answer in Latin, as really I have attempted 
to do as best I could, but I wish and submissively entreat, 
for the future, to be released from such work through the 
assistance, as above stated, of a competent person. 

17. I have caused some waterfalls to be examined suitable 
as a site for saw-mills, below the dam by the newly built 
grist-mill, as well as in three other places, where there grows 
plenty of oak. But we want a man who understands these 
matters for superintendent of the saw-mill ; also, windlasses 
and blades for saws. If such saw-mills were erected (which 
might easily be done), every year we might cut a goodly 
quantity of planks, besides making compass and pipe timber, 
which could be very advantageously bartered in the Flemish 
Islands for wine, which might be either carried to the King- 
dom, or sold in Virginia for tobacco. But for this purpose 
a proper vessel ought to be kept here by the year, which 
could cruise to the West Indies, and be annually provided 
with victuals from this country. 

18. If we are able to renew our friendly relations with the 
white and black Minquas (as we are assured and may hope 
we shall), the trade with these will commence next April, and 
continue the whole summer until fall. Our present cargo 
may be sold during that time ; therefore, it will be a matter 
of necessity, to be provided with new cargoes next November, 
and about that time we may be able (with God's help) to 
send home a great many goods in return. 

19. In the 14th point of my former Report I submissively 
asked in what way the extra entertainment of foreign guests 
coming here shall be paid. We have in such things been as 
sparing as possible ; however, the amount of the disburse- 
ment increases more and more, and the accidental revenues 
which have been assigned for this use will in no wise suffice. 

20. The freemen already settled want to be paid the rest 
of their wages ; and, whereas their intention is- to continue 
to cultivate the land with that money, I think it advisable 
to pay them for the good of the country, and as an example 
for others. But their wives and relations in the old country 

280 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 

should not be allowed to draw any of their wages, unless these 
can show the account from here, because every day we are 
obliged to give them more or less, according to their wants, 
and some are already fully paid. 

21. The bookkeeper, Carl Johansson, who chanced to get 
into a difficulty in Kiexholm, and for that reason was sent 
over to New Sweden, has been here six years, and has behaved 
very well the whole time. Three years ago I not only ap- 
pointed him to take care of the stores, but also trusted him 
to receive and revise the Commissary's monthly accounts, 
paying him 10 riksdaler per month as wages (to be ratified 
graciously by the Right Honourable Company), which service 
he has ever since faithfully performed. Now his submissive 
demand is, by Her Royal Majesty's and the Right Honourable 
Company's favour, to be allowed to go home to the Kingdom 
for a while, with the next ship, to stay as long as it may 
please Her Royal Majesty, to settle his affairs there. His 
purpose for the future is to serve Her Royal Majesty and the 
Right Honourable Company willingly and faithfully, to the 
best of his ability, so long as he shall live, either here in New 
Sweden, or wheresoever else he may be assigned to duty. 

22. Again, I humbly repeat the 18th point of my last 
Report, purporting how I for a great while (about twenty- 
eight years) have been in the service of my dear native 
country, constantly accompanying her armies to the field, 
and now have served in New Sweden one year and seven 
months beyond the time agreed upon, ordering everything 
so that Her Royal Majesty has obtained a strong footing in 
this land, and that the work does not require anything but 
sufficient means, to be continued with greater success. Thus 
(with God's help) this country will forever be subject to Her 
Royal Majesty, who sent us here, maintained us among all 
the surrounding provinces, and brought the trade into good 
condition, and satisfactory relation with that of our neigh- 
bours, insomuch that, if means fail not, all expectations may 
be fully justified. "Wherefore, my humble request to Her 
Royal Majesty and their Right Honourable Excellencies now 
is, that I be relieved, if possible, and sent home by the next 

Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 281 

ship to my beloved native land. Yet, I in no wise withdraw 
myself from the service of Her Royal Majesty and my native 
country, but I am desirous of doing duty on other occasions, 
seeking approval in nothing but for faithful service of Her 
Royal Majesty and my country, in accordance with my duty, 
so long as I shall live. My successor here (with God's help) 
will see and comprehend the diligence I have applied in 
everything, agreeably to my obligation. 

23. The officers and soldiers here have frequently solicited 
that a faithful and proper man be sent home to the King- 
dom, not only for the purpose of giving an oral account of 
the whole enterprise here, but also to procure an answer to 
the individual requests of each. Not thinking it proper to 
refuse them this, I have deputed for that business the noble 
and valiant Johan Papegaja, persuaded that he will both 
humbly deliver a good report to Her Royal Majesty and the 
Right Honourable Lords, and faithfully and diligently do 
his best in everything intrusted to him for the good of this 
work. Given at New Gottenburg, February 20, 1647. 

(Signed.) JOHAN PRINTZ. 





Noble, Honourable, and Valiant Sir Governor: 

True and Good Friend, 

I cannot forbear kindly to inform you, Sir Governor, that 
the vessel which was dispatched from hence last year, with a 
carsro for New Sweden, has returned and arrived here some 

O ' 

time since with Lieutenant Papegaja, forwarding a Report 
from you, Sir Governor, concerning the state of the new 
country, in form of a Memorial. That you may the better 

1 Translated from a copy of the original (in the Archives of Sweden) in 
the Library of our Historical Society. TRANS. 

282 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 

know our intention in several particulars, I have placed the 
points of your communication before me, and desire, as far 
as I think necessary, hereby briefly to answer the chief of 

1. Concerning the demand for more people, good officers 
and soldiers, ammunition, and means of support for the peo- 
ple, I would fain comply in every respect with the pleasure 
of the Governor ; the time, however, being too short, I am 
not able to send all that is wanting, although I have done my 
best, and a great deal of the ammunition is already dis- 
patched. The fall and winter now being so near at hand, I 
shall exert myself that people, officers, and soldiers may be 
brought together and transported with the next ship. Means 
of support for the people at the commencement may be de- 
rived from the cargoes and the trade ; but they must strive 
to sustain themselves especially by cultivation of the country, 
that thus it may be tilled, and the cost not prove so great. 

2. As to constant supplying of the country with cargoes 
for the maintenance of the trade, some neglect may have 
occurred in this matter recently, in consequence of the inter- 
vening of the Danish war ; but we shall be careful henceforth 
that nothing be neglected, only desiring that everything may 
arrive well and in good time. 

3. I am not able to give you, Sir Governor, any advice 
how to drive the Hollanders from the country. It seems to 
me best, that you, Sir Governor, by your own zeal and judg- 
ment, not by force and violence, oppose and cut off their 
trade, provided you can accomplish this by good manage- 
ment and in the most gentle way. And when the English 
wish to put themselves under the protection, jurisdiction, and 
government of the Crown of Sweden, you, Sir Governor, can 
modestly turn them away, and as before avoid accepting their 
offers with all the politeness possible. 

4. As to procuring skilled mechanics and sawyers, it has 
not been possible to get them so hurriedly, but I will bear it 
in mind to send them next year. 

5. As to sending over two clergymen, it seems best, in my 
judgment, that you, Sir Governor, give a rather higher salary 

Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 283 

to the man who is there already, that he may feel inclined 
to stay there longer. I have written to the Consistorium 
in Gottenburg, desiring them to procure an able minister, 
willing to go instantly, at the next opportunity. What my 
letter may have effected, you will learn, Sir Governor, from 
Lieutenant Papegaja. 

6. "How long the criminals, sent thither for their crimes, 
shall serve without wages?" I cannot prescribe anything 
certain in that matter, leaving it to your own discretion. 
It appears to me, that those who reform, and perform their 
duty satisfactorily, as you command, may be allowed th.e 
same wages as the other free people. But those who go on 
in the same wrong way as before, and do not exhibit any 
improvement, may have their punishment increased by you, 
Sir Governor, or may continue to serve without wages. 

7. " How long the noblemen, as well as those who are not 
noble, who cultivate the land, may enjoy exemption from 
taxes." Although I have no right alone to determine that 
matter, I think ten years, or somewhat more, is not too much, 
until the country is better cultivated, and we can see what 
will come of it. Wherefore, you, Sir Governor, may safely 
concede to them freedom for as many years as you see fit, 
until the further decision of Her Royal Majesty and the 
determination of the parties interested. 

8. " To procure a vessel, to remain constantly in the new 
country, for use in voyages to the Flemish and Canadian 
Isles." I will do my best to get this request granted, that 
the ship may be obtained next year. 

9. " To have a storehouse erected for all sorts of commo- 
dities." I shall make a note of that, and use my diligence to 
make a beginning next year. 

10. " To obtain an agent or merchant for the country; also 
that Hindrich Hygens and the bookkeeper, Carl Johansson, 
may be relieved." My courteous desire is, that you, Sir 
Governor, should persuade Hindrich H} r gens .to stay till 
the arrival of the next vessel, and that you cause Carl Johans- 
son to be transported hither to this country at the first 
opportunity, for the reasons given me by Lieutenant Pape- 

284 Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 

gaja, agreeing with him beforehand, however, that he shall 
go back again. 

11. " To procure a certain ordinance as to what you shall 
charge our people for the articles sent over in cargoes for 
trade." I cannot prescribe for you, Sir Governor, any certain 
rule as to that; I think it reasonable, however, not to charge 
our people as high as the savages. You may give them such 
things in payment of wages, and at low prices, as much as 
they require for their bodily support, but nothing superfluous 
or to sell again, only for their necessities and not for trade 
or to the prejudice of the Company. 

12. " From whence the daily cost of the entertainment of 
strangers is to be paid." Being quite alone here, I am not 
authorized to give you any certain resolution as to this ; but 
I think that, when some expenditures of the kind seem neces- 
sary for the honour and profit of the Company, you, Sir Gov- 
ernor, should make out a bill for them, and I shall see that 
it is paid. Likewise, that the Company may be informed 
about the condition of tke country, I would remind you, Sir 
Governor, always to send the accounts as formerly, that we 
may know what goods and merchandise are imported, and 
how they have been sold, so that the Company may be able 
to ascertain their profits, and may the better strengthen and 
promote the work. 

13. " That Her Royal Majesty would be pleased graciously 
to bestow twenty whole farms upon you, Sir Governor, as a 
reparation of damages, and raise your salary." 1 This matter 
I shall have recommended in the best manner, and I shall 
apply my diligence, that both of your requests be granted, to 
your pleasure and contentment. On my own behalf, as well 
as on that of the other partners in the Company, I do kindly 
entreat you, Sir Governor, to allow yourself to be persuaded 
to stay some time longer in the country, as you are so well 
experienced in everything, and particularly as to that land, 

1 This petition, it is seen, does not occur in the preceding Eeport ; no 
doubt, it formed an item in a private letter from Printz to his sovereign, 
dated the same day, February 20, 1647, the reply to which is translated in 
Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, vol. iv. p. 315. TRANS. 

Report of Gov. Printzfor 1647, and the Reply to it. 285 

and have given the Company good assistance in past times 
of war. Besides, you have now carried on this work so far, 
that we may reasonably expect still greater results. God 
having been pleased to call from hence my late brother and 
Admiral Fleminingh, on whose administration these affairs 
depended, I have taken the conduct of them on myself. I 
desire not only that they may be enduring, but also that they 
may still further improve hereafter. I wish to assure you, Sir 
Governor, on my own part as well as for the others interested 
in the Company, that we both are, and always shall be, ready 
to do everything that is possible for the good of yourself and 
your family. Recommending, &c. 


Tidon, 1 September 7, 1647. 

1 Count Oxenstjerna's country seat, on the island of the same name, in 
Lake Melaren. TRANS. 

VOL. vii. 20 

286 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 




On the 16th April, 1780, the Maryland Division, with the 
Delaware Regiment, marched from their quarters near Mor- 
ristown, in the State of New Jersey, under the command of 
the Honourable the Baron De Kalb, being bound for Charles- 
town, South Carolina, in order to reinforce that garrison be- 
ing beseiged by the enemy, having marched by land to Head 
of Elk 108 miles, when the troops embarked on board for 
Petersbourg, except the park of Artillery which went by land 
with a detachment from all the line which went to escort 

The troops having met at Petersbourg on the 26th May 
where we remained till the 30th, when we proceeded on our 
march for Hillsborough, which we reached on the 22d June, 
being 469 miles since we left Head of Elk. 

Here we lay till the 30th, and marched to meet the enemy, 
who, after they had captured the garrison of Charlestown, 
were making their way through the country obliging the in- 
habitants, as they came along, to take the oath of allegiance 
to the King. In this, indeed, they had not much difficulty, 
for most part of them joined them, especially the Scotch, 
who came in every day in great numbers. 

The first halt we made from this place was at Buffaloe 
Ford on Deep River, which we reached on the 19th of 
this instant, distant from Hillsborough eighty-seven miles. 
Here Genl. Gates came and took the command of all the 
Southern Army. At this time we were very much distressed 
for want of provisions, insomuch that we were obliged to send 
out parties through the country, to thrash out grain for our 

1 From the original in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania. A few eccentricities of spelling in the MS. have been corrected. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 287 

sustenance ; and this availed not much, for what was pro- 
cured after this manner could scarce keep the troops from 
starving, which occasioned a vast number of men to desert 
to the enemy. 

On the 27th we marched off this ground, in order to meet 
the enemy, which at this time lay encamped on the Chiraw 
Hills, taking the route of Massies Ferry on the Peadea River. 
The enemy, hearing of our approach, made a movement, and 
encamped at Rugeley's mill on the main road to Charlestovvn. 
At this time we were so much distressed for want of provi- 
sions, that we were fourteen days and drew but one half pound 
of flour. Sometimes we drew half a pound of beef per man, 
and that so miserably poor that scarce any mortal could 
make use of it living chiefly on green apples and peaches, 
which rendered our situation truly miserable, being in a 
weak and sickly condition, and surrounded on all sides by 
our enemies the Tories. 

We encamped at Rugeley's mill on the 13th of August, 
which the Enemy had abandoned on our approach, and re- 
treated into Campderi. Here came and joined us a vast num- 
ber of Militia, in number about 3000 men, from Virginia, 
North and South Carolina, which seemed to us to be a good 
omen of success, but proved to be our utter ruin in the end, 
for, placing too much confidence in them, they at length de- 
ceived us and left us in the lurch. 

We marched from Buffaloe Ford to this place in eleven 
days, being distant about 177 miles. 

We lay on this ground till the 15th, at night, when the 
General thought proper to advance and attack the enemy at 
Campden, 13 miles from Rugeley's mill. We marched off the 
ground about 8 o'clock at night, the baggage following close 
in the rear, so confident was the General, and indeed it was 
every one's opinion, that we should drive the enemy, we being 
far superior to them in numbers, we having three thousand 
militia and about thirteen hundred standing troops, and they 
not exceeding thirteen hundred here. You must observe 
that instead of rum we had a gill of molasses per man served 
out to us, which instead of enlivening our spirits, served to 

288 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

purge us as well as if we had taken jallap, for the men, all 
the way as we went along, were every moment obliged to 
fall out of the Ranks to evacuate. The enemy having notice 
of our approach made a movement to meet us, and having met 
at Button's Tavern, about seven miles from Carnpden and six 
from Rugeley 's mill, our advance guard and light infantry and 
that of the enemy meeting together, upon which ensued a very 
hot fire, in which the infantry and advance picquet suffered 
very much. Here we were drawn up in order of battle, with 
the Second Brigade on the right, the militia on the left, and 
the First Brigade in the centre. The first fire commenced 
about two o'clock in the morning. We lay in this posture 
till daybreak, when the enemy, commanded by Lords Corn- 
wallis and Eawdon, advanced and attacked us. We ad- 
vanced at the same time, and began the attack from both 
cannon and small arms with great alacrity and uncommon 
bravery, making great havock among them, insomuch that 
the enemy gave way till, observing that our militia were in 
great confusion, they having retreated off, the chief part of 
them without so much as firing a single shot, and great num- 
bers of them threw down their arms and run in to the enemy. 
This gave them an opportunity of coming round us, the 
militia having entirely left us at this time. They were quite 
round us before discovered, upon which we were obliged to 
retreat and left the enemy entire masters of the field, the 
enemy's horse making great slaughter among our men as 
they retreated. As for Col. Armand's horse, they thought 
upon nothing else but plundering our waggons as they 
retreated off. 1 This action continued about three-quarters of 
an hour, in which the brave General de Kalb was killed, with 
many more brave officers and soldiers. Of the Delaware 
Regiment were made prisoners Lt.-Col. Vaughan, Major Pat- 
ten, 2 and six other officers and seventy private men, with the 

1 Bancroft, in his account of the battle of Camden, says, Armand disliked 
his orders and was insubordinate. (See Hist, of U. S., Cent. Ed., vol. vi. 
p. 278.) For a sketch of Armand see the PENNA. MAG., vol. ii. p. 1 et seq. 

2 A descendant of Joran Kyn, for some account of whom see the follow- 
ing article. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 289 

loss of all our cannon and baggage, which fell into the enemy's 
hands. Here was a most shocking scene to behold, our poor 
scattered troops everywhere dispersed through the country, 
and the Tories every day picking them up, taking every- 
thing from them which was of any value. 

On the 18th August was Genl. Sumter defeated by a party 
of Horse and Infantry at the head of Fishing Creek, by the 
negligence of the Brigade Major not posting out a picquet, 
the men having their arms stacked, when the enemy, unper- 
ceived by any, had taken possession of them, where they put 
every one to the sword who came in their way. Here was 
another scene of misery to see about one hundred and thirty 
of our Continental Troops, with two pieces of cannon, who 
but the day before the action of the sixteenth were detached 
to Geril. Sumter, with 800 Militia, all killed, wounded, and 
taken prisoners, besides 36 waggons loaded with rum, stores, 
etc., which he had but the day before taken from the enemy. 
We assembled at Salisbury the few that were left, Genl. Small- 
wood having taken the command of them, this being the first 
place we made any halt since the action of the sixteenth of 
August. From here we marched on the 24th under the com- 
mand of Genl. Smallwood, directing our route for Hills- 
borough, that being the next place of rendezvous, which we 
reached with much difficulty on the 6th September, 200 miles 
from Campden. Here were the men who were left of the 
First and Second Brigades formed into two battalions, that 
of the First Brigade commanded by Major Anderson 1 and 
that of the Second by Major Hardman, 2 the whole amounting 
to about 300 men. About this time were retaken 160 of our 
prisoners by Col. Marion on their way to Charlestown, being 
escorted by a detachment of British troops and Tories. He 
came on them at Genl. Sumter's plantation, who rushed on 
them at the break of day before they had time to form, mak- 
ing them all prisoners of war. Among our prisoners that 
were retaken were seventy-two of the Delaware Regiment. 

1 Kichard Anderson, of the 4th Maryland Regiment, who died in Phila- 
delphia in 1835. (See Drake's Diet, of Amer. Biog.} 
8 Henry Hardman. 

290 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

Here were formed out of the different corps three compa- 
nies of Light Infantry, that of the Virginians commanded 
by Capt. Bruin, that of the First Battalion of Maryland by 
Captain Brooks, and that of the 2d Maryland, being chiefly 
of the Delaware Regiment, commanded by Capt. Robt. Kirk- 
wood, 1 whose heroick valour and uncommon and undaunted 
bravery must needs be recorded in history till after ages. 

Here we lay from the 6th September till the 7th October, 
waiting for clothes, arms and accoutrements. 

On the 7th October the Light Infantry, with a party of 
Riflemen under the command of Genl. Morgan, set out for 
Salisbury, which we reached on the 15th inst., 100 miles. 
Here we halted till the 18th, and then marched off', directing 
our march to New Providence, 15 miles from Charlotte, and 
fifty-five from Salisbury, without anything of consequence 

We encamped at New Providence the 22d ult., the men all 
in good spirits. Here joined us two battalions of North Car- 
olina Militia under the command of Genl. Davidson. 25th, 
moved our encampment further to the right, and in a more 
regular form. At this place Col. Washington, 2 with a de- 
tachment of First and Third Light Dragoons, joined us, 
which, together with the Light Infantry and three companies 
of Riflemen, formed the Flying Army. 

On the 4th November, 1780, the Horse and Infantry 
marched towards Carapden, to reconnoitre the enemy's lines 
and procure forage, marching as far as the Hanging Rock, 
which we reached on the 6th. On the 9th we returned to 
our encampment at New Providence without anything of 
consequence happening. One hundred miles. 

The tenth of this inst. we had an account that Genl. Sum- 
ter had a skirmish with a party of the British on Fishing 
Creek, obliging them to retreat in great disorder, and killing 
and wounding many men. 

The llth Genl. Gates with the main army arrived at Char- 
lotte, consisting of about seven hundred men. 

1 Killed at the defeat of St. Clair. * William Washington. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 291 

On the 14th there came in a flag from the British, which 
the General thought proper to send back without any answer, 
as he suspected they only came to spy out our encampment. 

On the 21st Genl. Sumter had another engagement with a 
party of the British, consisting of about nine hundred men, 
near Tiger River, the latter having eighty men killed, and 
one hundred and twenty wounded. Genl. Sumter had two 
men killed and three wounded. 

On the 22d our main army came to this place and encamped 
about a mile in our front. 27th, the main army marched for 

On the 28th our Horse and Infantry marched for Rugeley's 
mill, leaving our tents standing, and the sick and barefoot 
men left as a guard. We came before Rugeley's on the first 
December where Col. Rugely lay, with his Regiment of 
Tories, in number about two hundred, strongly fortified. 
Col. Washington with the Light Horse being sent to draw 
them out, who ordered a party of them to dismount and rep- 
resent Infantry, they getting a large pine knot, hauling along 
which served for a piece of cannon, and had the same effect 
as if it was the best piece in Christendom. This great piece 
of ordnance was drawn up in full view of the Tories. Col. 
Washington at the same time sent in a sergeant with a flag 
demanding the Tories to surrender, upon which Col. Rugely 
demanded some time to consider, but the sergeant who bore 
the flag made answer and told him that we had cannon 
and would put them all to immediate death if they did not 
give up, upon which the Tories marched out and gave up 
their fortifications, without so much as firing a single shot, 
and surrendered themselves up as prisoners of war. On the 
2d December we returned towards camp, which we reached 
on the 4th one hundred miles. Next day the prisoners were 
sent to Hillsborough, being escorted by a detachment of Col. 
Moore's militia of North Carolina. 

On the 6th December, 1780, General Greene arrived at 
Charlotte and took the command of all the Southern Army 
in the room of General Gates. 

On the seventh inst. were brought into camp twelve de- 

292 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

serters from the First Regiment Light Dragoons, who were 
making their way home to Virginia. 

12th December, 1780, the Tory prisoners who were con- 
fined in the provost were sent to Charlotte, there to have 
their trial. 

Col. Washington, with the Light Horse, marched from 
here on the 13th of this instant towards Hanging Rock. 

We lay on this ground from the 22d November till the 
17th December, and marched to Charlotte, fifteen miles. 
Same day General Small wood set out on his march for Mary- 
land. At this time the troops were in a most shocking con- 
dition for the want of clothing, especially shoes, and we 
having kept open campaign all winter the troops were taking 
sick very fast. Here the manly fortitude of the troops of 
the Maryland Line was very great, being obliged to march 
and do duty barefoot, being all the winter the chief part of 
them wanting coats and shoes, which they bore with the 
greatest patience imaginable, for which their praise should 
never be forgotten ; and indeed in all the hardships which 
they had undergone they never seemed to frown. 

General Greene with his troops marched from Charlotte 
on the 20th December, directing his route towards Chiraw 
Hills, in order to procure forage and there spend the remain- 
der of the winter. 

On the 21st ult. the troops under General Morgan marched 
from Charlotte, being joined by two companies more of light 
infantry detached from the Maryland Line, directing our 
march towards Pacolet River. First day's march from Char- 
lotte we came to Catabo River. Next day we crossed the 
river at Bizer's ferry. Next day we marched to Cane Creek ; 
next, being the 24th, we were alarmed about two o'clock in 
the morning by some men on horseback coming to our 
advance picquet, at which the sentinels challenging and no 
answer being made, upon which the sentinels fired and after- 
wards the whole guard, when immediately the whole turned 
out and continued under arms till daybreak. This day we 
crossed Broad River, and the next day, being the 25th, we 
encamped at Pacolet River. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 293 

On the 27th the General received intelligence that Colonel 
Tarleton was advancing in order to surprise us; upon which 
there were strong picquets erected all round the encampment, 
putting ourselves in the best posture of defence. The rolls 
were ordered to be called every two hours, and reports given 
in by those that were absent. We arrived here in five days 
since we set out on our march from Charlotte, fifty-eight miles, 
it being very difficult marching in crossing deep swamps and 
very steep hills, which rendered our march very unpleasant. 
The inhabitants along this way live very poor, their planta- 
tions uncultivated, and living in mean dwellings. They seem 
chiefly to be > the offspring of the ancient Irish, being very 
affable and courteous to strangers. 

On the 31st December Colonel "Washington was detached 
to Fort William in order to surprise some Tories that lay 
there; and meeting with a party of them near said place, 
upon which ensued a smart engagement, the latter having 
one hundred and sixty men killed dead, and thirty-three made 

On the first of January, 1781, there was one of the Tories 
tried and found guilty of desertion to the enemy and piloting 
the Indians on our arm} 7 , they making great havoc among 
them ; upon which he was hanged on a tree the same day till 
he was dead. 

On the 4th there was one of Col. Washington's Horse tried 
and found guilty of desertion to the enemy, when agreeable 
to his sentence he was shot the same day. 

We lay on this ground from the twenty-fifth December, 
1780, till the fourteenth January, 1781, and then proceeded 
on our march further up the river towards the iron works 
in order to frustrate the designs of the enemy who were 
coming round us, Colonel Tarleton on one side and Lord 
Cornwallis on the other. We encamped on the Cowpen 
Plains on the evening of the sixteenth January, forty-two 
miles, being joined by some Georgia volunteers and South 
[Carolina] Militia, to the number of between two and three 
hundred. Next day being the seventeenth January, we re- 
ceived intelligence a while before day, that Colonel Tarleton 

294 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

was advancing in our rear in order to give us battle, upon 
which we were drawn up in order of battle, the men seeming 
to be all in good spirits and very willing to fight. The militia 
dismounted and were drawn up in front of the standing troops 
on the right and left flanks, being advanced about two hundred 
yards. By this time the enemy advanced and attacked the 
militia in front, which they stood very well for some time 
till being overpowered by the superior number of the enemy 
they retreated, but in very good order, not seeming to be in 
the least confused. By this time the enemy advanced and 
attacked our light infantry with both cannon and small arms, 
where meeting with a very warm reception they then thought 
to surround our right flank, to prevent which Captain Kirk- 
wood with his company wheeled to the right and attacked 
their left flank so vigorously that they were soon repulsed, 
our men advancing on them so very rapidly that they soon 
gave way. Our left flank advanced at the same time and re- 
pulsed their right flank, upon which they retreated off, leaving 
us entire masters of the field, our men pursuing them for the 
distance of twelve miles, insomuch that all their infantry was 
killed, wounded and taken prisoners. This action commenced 
about seven o'clock in the morning and continued till late in 
the afternoon. 

In the action were killed of the enemy one hundred and 
ninety men, wounded one hundred and eighty, and taken 
prisoners one Major, thirteen Captains, fourteen Lieutenants, 
and nine Ensigns, and five hundred and fifty private men, 
with two field pieces and four standards of colours. Their 
heavy baggage would have shared the same fate, if Tarleton, 
who retreated with his cavalry, had not set fire to it, burning 
up twenty-six waggons. This victory on our side cannot be 
attributed to nothing else but Divine Providence, they having 
thirteen hundred in the field of their best troops, and we not 
eight hundred of standing troops and militia. 

The troops engaged against us were the 7th or Eoyal 
English Fuzileers, the First Battalion of the 71st, and the 
British Legion, horse and foot. 

The courage and conduct of the brave General Morgan in 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 295 

this action is highly commendable, as likewise Colonel 
Howard, 1 who all the time of the action rode from right to 
left of the line encouraging the men ; and indeed all the 
officers and men behaved with uncommon and undaunted 
bravery, but more especially the brave Captain Kirkwood 
and his company, who that day did wonders, rushing on the 
enemy without either dread or fear, and being instrumental 
in taking a great number of prisoners. 

Our loss in the action were one Lieutenant wounded, and 
one Sergeant and thirty-five killed and wounded, of which 
fourteen were of Captain Kirkwood's Company of the Dela- 
ware Regiment. 

On the 18th we marched off with the prisoners, directing 
our course for Salisbury; having crossed the Catabo River 
on the 23d at Shreve's Ford, and there waited for the pris- 
oners who went another road. On our way hither we had 
very difficult marching, being very mountainous, the inhabi- 
tants, who were chiefly Virginians, living very poor, except 
one settlement on the other side the Catabo, being excellent 
good land and inhabited by the Dutch. We remained on 
this ground till the first February, waiting the motion of 
the enemy, who this day crossed the river lower down than 
where we lay, and coming unawares on the militia com- 
manded by Genl. Davidson, on which ensued a smart skirmish 
in which General Davidson 2 was killed, and a great many 
more killed and wounded, upon which the militia retreated 
off in great disorder. 

We marched off this place for Salisbury on the eyening of 
the first February, and continued our march all night in a 
very unpleasant condition, it having rained incessantly all 
night, which rendered the roads almost inaccessible. 

1 For bravery at the battle of Cowpens, Congress presented General 
Morgan and Col. J. Eager Howard with medals, drawings of which will be 
found in Lossing's Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, 1st ed., vol. ii. 
pp. 638-9. 

2 William Davidson, born in Lancaster Co., Pa., in 1746, his father 
removing to North Carolina in 1750. He was a brave officer, and was 
repeatedly wounded in the service of his country. (See Kogers's Biog. Diet.) 

296 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

!N"ext day, being the 2d, we arrived at Salisbury and crossed 
the River Yatkin, which the enemy approached on the 3d, 
consisting of about six thousand men, commanded by Lord 
Cornwallis and General Lesley, in order to facilitate their 
way to Virginia and relieve General Arnold, who was blocked 
up in Portsmouth with about fifteen hundred men, so that he 
could not possibly get off without being taken prisoner with 
all his army. 

On the 4th we received intelligence that the enemy had 
crossed the river at a shallow ford above where we lay, upon 
which we marched all that night, taking the road towards 
Guilford Court House, which we reached on the 6th. 

Here General Greene's Army assembled on the 5th from 
Chiraw Hills, and in a most dismal condition for the want of 
clothing, especially shoes, being obliged to march, the chief 
part of them, barefoot from Chiraw Hills. Here however the 
men were supplied with some shoes, but not half enough. 

On the eighth instant we marched from here, General 
Greene's Army taking one road and the light troops another, 
being joined the next day by Colonel Lee's 1 horse and infantry. 
This day we received intelligence that the British Army was 
advancing very close in our rear, upon which Colonel Lee 
detached a party of horse to intercept them, who meeting 
with their vanguard, consisting of an officer and twenty men, 
which they killed, wounded and made prisoners, all but one 

"We marched from here on the ninth inst., taking the road 
towards Dan River, whicn we reached on the fourteenth, 
after a march of two hundred and fifty miles from the time 
we left our encampment at Pacolet River. By this time it 
must be expected that the army, especially the light troops, 
were very much fatigued both with travelling and want of 
sleep, for you must understand that we marched for the most 
part both day and night, the main army of the British being 
close in our" rear, so that we had not scarce time to cook our 
victuals, their whole attention being on our light troops. 

1 Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Lee, generally known as " Light Horse Harry." 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 297 

On the fourteenth all our troops assembled at Dan River, 
Virginia, which we crossed at two different ferries, viz., that 
of Boyd's and Irvin's. 

On the seventeenth our army marched and crossed the 
Banister River. Here we halted till the 20th, and marched 
for Hillsborough, which the enemy had taken possession of, 
there erecting the Royal Standard, where a vast number of 
the inhabitants joined them, taking the oath of allegiance, 
and many more they compelled to do the same, forcing them 
away from their wives and children. 

"We came before this place on the 25th February (sixty- 
seven miles) which the enemy had abandoned, directing their 
course through the Haw Fields. Here they had great numbers 
of the inhabitants joined them, declaring themselves true 
friends to Government. 

On the fourth of March 1781 we came up with the enemy 
on the other side the Allamance fifty-six miles from Hills- 
borough, and having sent down a party of militia to draw 
them out, we having formed the line of battle at some distance 
off, the militia meeting with and firing on them, upon which 
were several shots exchanged on both sides with various suc- 
cesses, when the militia retreated and in regular form, think- 
ing to draw them on, which however they thought proper to 

On the night of the sixth instant Captain Kirkwood, with 
his company of Light Infantry and about forty Riflemen, 
was detached off in order to surprise Colonel Tarleton, who 
lay encamped on the other side the Allamance; which having 
approached at about one o'clock in the morning, and going 
himself with a guide to reconnoitre their lines, where finding 
which way their pickets were posted, upon which he ordered 
the whole to move on, having formed the line of battle. When 
we came near the sentinels, they challenged very briskly, and 
no answer being made, upon which they immediately dis- 
charged their pieces and ran in to their guard. .We took one 
of the sentinels off his post at the same time and obliged him 
to show us where the guard lay, upon which we fired very 
briskly on them. By this time the camp was all alarmed, 

298 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

Colonel Tarleton retreating in great confusion towards the 
main army, commanded by Lord Cornwallis, about two miles 
from this place; when, meeting a party of Tories and mistak- 
ing them for our militia, he charged on them very furiously, 
putting great numbers to the sword. On the other hand, they 
taking Colonel Tarleton for our horse and infantry, there 
commenced a smart skirmish, in which great numbers of the 
Tories were sent to the lower regions. We marched for 
camp which we reached about daybreak after a very fatigu- 
ing journey, having marched all night through deep swamps, 
morasses and thickets, which rendered our marching unplea- 
sant and tiresome, twenty-six miles. 

On the seventh the enemy made a movement and were 
within a mile of us before discovered, upon which we crossed 
E/eedy Fork and drew up in order of battle, leaving some 
riflemen on the other side, when the enemy advanced and 
attacked the militia, who retreated off with precipitation, but, 
the British not advancing over the river, our troops marched 
and crossed the Haw River. 

On the 12th Colonel Lee's Horse fell in with a party of the 
British, killing and wounding a great many, taking thirty 
of them prisoners. 

(To be continued.) 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Catharine Herman. 299 


(Continued from page 205.) 


153. CATHARINE HERMAN, 6 daughter of Ephraim Augustine 
and Isabella (Trent) Herman, was born and brought up on 
Bohemia Manor, Cecil County, Maryland. She married 
Peter Bouchelle, son of Doctor Bouchelle, of Bohemia Manor, 
and his wife Mary Ann, daughter of Samuel Bayard, of Bo- 
hemia Manor,* eldest son of Peter Bayard, of New York, 

* " The year before his father's death [in 1698] Samuel Bayard removed 
[from New York] to Bohemia Manor, Cecil County, Maryland, and pur- 
chased, in partnership with his brother-in-law, Hendrick Sluyter, one of the 
four necks of land that originally constituted the Labadie Tract. February 
5, 1716, they divided their possessions, Bayard having previously erected on 
his share what was then, and has ever since been known as the ' Great 
House,' a large and substantial brick mansion still in good preservation." 
(" A Memorial of Col. John Bayard," by Gen. Jas. Grant Wilson, in Pro- 
ceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, second series, vol. v. pp. 
139 et seq., which contains an interesting account of this branch of the 
Bayard family.) Samuel Bayard, as intimated, was cousin-german to 
Samuel Bayard (son of Nicholas Bayard, of New York), whose grand- 
daughter, Judith Kemble, married Archibald McCall, a descendant of Jbran 
Kyn already mentioned (134). His son, James Bayard, was the great-grand- 
father of the late Hon. James Ash ton Bayard, United States Senator for 
Delaware, who married Anne Francis, descended, as elsewhere stated, from 
Joran Kyn. And his son, Colonel Peter Bayard, presently referred to in the 
text, married Susannah Richardson, sister of Sarah Richardson, second wife 
of Doctor John Finney (52) ; whose daughter, Elizabeth Bayard, became 
the wife of the Reverend John Rodgers, uncle to General William Mac- 
pherson, who married Margaret, daughter of Lieutenant Joseph and Mary 
(Keen) Stout (240). (For some points in connection with the genealogy of 
the Bayard family I am indebted to the courtesy of the Rev. Charles P. 
Mallery, of Wilmington, Del., whose former residence on Bohemia Manor 
enabled him to collect much information concerning that region, still care- 
fully preserved by him for publication at a suitable opportunity.) 

300 Descendants of Joran Kyn Mary Bouchelle. 

and grandson of Samuel Bayard and his wife Anna Stuy- 
vesant, the emigrant ancestor of that family. Mr. Bouchelle 
thereupon assumed the Christian name of Augustine. Mrs. 
Bouchelle and her sister Mary Lawson held the Manor as 
joint tenants for several years. During the life of the former 
Mr. Bouchelle received the rents from the lessees of the 
Manor plantations, and kept the accounts incident to trans- 
actions between the tenants and the heirs. Catharine Bou- 
chelle died about 1752, and Peter Augustine Bouchelle about 
1755. They had two children, born on Bohemia Manor : 

385. MARY. Her mother dying during her minority, Colonel Peter 
Bayard and Doctor Bouchelle were appointed guardians for her 
and her younger sister Ann. After the death of their father the 
children kept the Manor plantation one year, and then divided it 
with Mrs. Lawson, their aunt, and Mrs. Catto, their mother's step- 
mother, who had her dower in it. April 7, 1757, Mary Bouchelle 
married Joseph Ensor, a merchant, of Baltimore County, Md. 
Differences arising about this time between the heirs to Bohemia 
Manor with respect to their rights in the estate, recourse was had 
to litigation, which resulted in favour of Mr. Ensor, who finally ob- 
tained undisturbed possession of one undivided half of the land, 
which he mortgaged in 1768 to Charles Carroll of Carrollton for 
3191.* In 1774 Ensor tried the experiment, already attempted in 

* Proceedings were subsequently instituted by Carroll to foreclose this 
mortgage, and "in 1789," says Johnston (History of Cecil County, Mary- 
land, pp. 184-5), " the Legislature of Maryland passed an act empowering 
the Court of Chancery to appoint two commissioners to act in conjunction 
with two others to be appointed by the Court of Chancery of Delaware (the 
Legislature of which State passed a like act in 1790) to divide the Manor 
between Peter Lawson, Charles Carroll, Joseph Ensor, Esq., his guardian, 
and Edward Oldham, and Mary, his wife, whose approbation of, and consent 
to, this method of settling the dispute had been obtained. Stephen Hyland 
and Tobias Rudolph were appointed by the Court of Maryland, and Isaac 
Grantham and Robert Armstrong, by the Court of Delaware. These gen- 
tlemen caused the Manor to be accurately surveyed, and found that it con- 
tained about 20,000 acres. They divided it into four parts, two of which 
they assigned to Peter Lawson. One-fourth part they gave to Charles 
Carroll, and the other to Joseph Ensor and Edward and Mary Oldham, to 
be held by them in severalty, except the share of the Oldhams. These 
proceedings were ratified and confirmed by the Courts of the respective 
States, and the litigation, that had lasted for more than half a century, was 
ended, as was, also, the legal existence of Bohemia Manor, which had con- 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Anne Shannon. 301 

the early days of the colony, of building a town at Court House 
Point, and, to facilitate the execution of his plans, induced Carroll 
to release twenty-five acres of land at that spot, giving the latter his 
bond conditioned for the granting of a mortgage on the ground- 
rents of the town lots, which were to be leased for ninety-nine 
years, renewable forever, for a yearly rent of not less than forty 
shillings per acre. The troublous period of the Revolution was, 
however, not a fit season for such ventures ; and his diligent efforts 
to accomplish his purpose met with no better success than had 
attended those of his predecessors in similar schemes. Mr. Ensor 
d. about the close of the war. He left issue.* 

386. ANN. After the death of her parents she was brought up by her 
grandmother Bouchelle, then Mary Holland. She was still living 
in 1760, when she was represented in a suit in chancery by her 
brother-in-law, Mr. Ensor, who had been appointed her guardian 
three years before. She d. s. p. 

155. ANNE SHANNON, 5 daughter of John and Catharine 
(French) Shannon, inherited, besides her interest in her 
father's estate, one-half of lands devised by her grandfather, 

Robert French, to her mother, in tail. She married 

Patten, and, after his death, John Maxwell, of Dover Hun- 
dred, Kent County on Delaware, described in deeds as " gen- 
tleman" and "farmer," who died before November, 1780. 
She was still living in November, 1787, when she and her 
son John Patten conveyed their interest in land in Dover 
Hundred to James Sykes, for life, to pass after his death to 
John and Mary (Sykes) Wethered, the latter of whom, a few 

tinued for a period of one hundred and twenty-eight years. Charles Carroll 
sold his share in 1793, for 9827 10s., to Joshua Clayton, Richard Bassett, 
and Edward Oldham, who were then in possession. It contained 3931 acres, 
and was bounded on the north by Back Creek and embraced a portion or all 
of that part of the Manor that was in Delaware." The marriage of the 
daughter of Governor Bassett to the Hon. James Ashton Bayard (father of 
the late Hon. James Ashton Bayard, and grandfather of United States 
Senator Thomas Francis Bayard) transferred her share of the Manor to 
that branch of the family of Joran Kyn. 

* For some account of three of his children see Johnston's JCecil County, 
chap. xii. His daughter Mary alone married and left descendants, her hus- 
band being " Colonel Edward Oldham, an officer of great bravery and much 
distinction, who served in the Continental army, under General Greene, in 
the campaign in the Carolinas." 

VOL. vii. 21 

302 Descendants of Joran Kyn Major John Patten. 

days later, released their interest in the same to Mrs. Max- 
well, for life, to pass at her death to John Patten. By her 
first husband, Mr. Patten, Anne Shannon had one child : 

387. JOHN, b. about April, 1746. He resided in Dover Hundred, Kent 
County, devoting himself to agricultural pursuits, until the begin- 
ning of the American Kevolution. Early in 1776 he was ap- 
pointed First Lieutenant in Captain Jonathan Caldwell's Company 
of ninety privates* in the Regiment of the Lower Counties on 
Delaware commanded by Colonel John Haslet,f and, "in a few 
days after the news of the Declaration of Independence, was re- 
ceived at Dover, marched to the headquarters of the army, then 
at New York," J and was at once assigned to the Brigade of Lord 
Stirling. Lieutenant Patten took part in the Battle of Long 
Island, in which the regiment was commanded by Major Thomas 
McDonough, in consequence of the absence of Colonel Haslet and 
Lieutenant-Colonel Gunning Bedford on a General Court-Martial. 
The Delaware troops, with those from Maryland under Major Gist 
(326), and those from Pennsylvania under Colonel Hand (372), 
Lieutenant-Colonel Cadwalader (336), and other officers, exhibited 
great bravery, and maintained their position to the last. Lieuten- 
ant Patten was also present at the Battle of White Plains, but soon 
afterwards returned to Dover, to recruit a company of men " to serve 
during the war," in accordance with the resolution adopted by 
Congress September 16. His commission as Captain was dated 
November 30, 1776, when his men were mustered in, constituting 
the first company of the Delaware Regiment,^ over which David 
Hall was commissioned Colonel the 5th of the following April. 

* The roll of this company is given in The Revolutionary Soldiers of 
Delaware, by William G. Whiteley, pp. 54-55 (Wilmington, Delaware, 
1875). According to the tradition in Delaware, says the same authority, p. 
53, the soldiers of that State received the name of " Blue Hen's Chickens" 
from the circumstance that " Captain Caldwell took with his company game 
chickens, which were from the brood of a blue hen, celebrated in Kent 
County for their fighting qualities." 

f The Major originally elected for this regiment by ballot of Congress, 
January 19, 1776, was John Macpherson, brother of General William Mac- 
pherson, who married Margaret, daughter of Joseph and Mary (Keen) 
Stout (140), whose untimely death in the storming of Quebec, on the- 31st 
of the previous month, was not then known on the Delaware. A list of the 
officers of the regiment is given in the work just cited, pp. 11 and 12. 

J Whiteley, op. cit., p. 12. 

\ For the names of the officers of this company, see ibid. p. 23. The pri- 
vates numbered thirty-two. 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Major John Patten. 303 

They joined General Washington in New Jersey in the spring 
of 17-77, and Patten "fought bravely at the Brandywine, and 
Germantown."* The following detailed account of the subse- 
quent history of his regiment is given by the late Major Caleb P. 
Bennett, Governor of Delaware, who was commissioned in 1778 
First Lieutenant of the seventh company :f " After a very inte- 
resting and active campaign, the Maryland division, with the Dela- 
ware Eegiment attached, retired to winter quarters in Wilmington, 
under the command of General Smallwood. In May, 1778, we left 
Wilmington ; and the division, by general orders from headquarters, 
at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, proceeded to join the main army at 
that place without delay, as it was presumed the British army was 
making arrangements to leave Philadelphia and pass over the 
Delaware to New Jersey, and proceed for New York. A few days 
after our arrival at the Valley Forge the army took up their line 
of march for the Delaware. We crossed that river at Correll's 
Ferry, and continued our march to intercept the British army, 
which had left the city, and fell in with them in the neighbourhood 
of Monmouth, where the battle was fought on the 28th of June. 
That day month we left Wilmington. After the battle was over, 
the dead buried, etc., the army proceeded to Brunswick, and cele- 
brated the 4th of July, 1778 ; from thence to King's Ferry, on the 
North River, when we crossed that river, and proceeded to the 
White Plains, State of New York, where we encamped, and re- 
mained until September, when the army dispersed in different 
directions. We proceeded to West Point, to strengthen that posi- 
tion and the command of General Putnam, where we remained 
until we were ordered to proceed to winter quarters. The place 
designated for the army to hut was Bond Brook, New Jersey, 
where we remained during the winter. In May, 1779, when the 
army left, they dispersed, some to the State of New York, others to 
Connecticut, but the greater proportion hovered in the neighbour- 
hood of West Point on the North River : the Delaware Regiment 
remained in the western part of New Jersey. The army during 
the ensuing campaign remained inactive ; nothing material occurred 
during this season other than marching and countermarching from 
place to place, particularly the Delaware Regiment, until we were 
ordered to take up our winter* quarters at a farm near Morris- 
town, New Jersey, where the army hutted. The winter proved 
very severe, and the men suffered much from the want of provisions. 
Supplies could not be obtained from the distant magazines owing 

* Ibid., p. 45. 

t MS. narrative in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 

304 Descendants of Joran Kyn Major John Patten. 

to the excessive falls of snow that prevented their transportation. 
We remained in our quarters until April, 1780, [on the 13th of 
which month] a general order issued from headquarters for the 
Maryland Division (Delaware included) to take up the line of 
march under the command of General the Baron De Kalb, and 
proceed to join the Southern army under the command of General 
Lincoln, to aid him in his defence of Charleston."* Neither 
Colonel Hall nor Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Pope accompanying 
their regiment on this campaign, Major Joseph Yaughan took 
command of the men, as Lieutenant-Colonel, and Captain Patten, 
by virtue of his seniority, was promoted to be Major. " As it 
was understood," continues Governor Bennett, " there was a supe- 
rior force of British troops, under the command of General Lord 
Cornwallis, pressing upon General Lincoln, the division proceeded 
on by forced marches, by land and water, until we arrived at 
Petersburg, Virginia. Soon after our arrival we received the intel- 
ligence of the fall of Charleston, which had surrendered prisoners 
of war to the British commander. This circumstance only in- 
creased our anxiety, and caused us to continue our pursuit, to aid 
those troops that were out of the city on its fall, and those on their 
route to join the American forces, and endeavour to cover their 
retreat, should we arrive in time. By forced marches we arrived 
on Deep River in North Carolina, where the Baron De Kalb was 
superseded in his command by Major-General Gates, who, immedr 
ately on taking command, although the army at that time were not 
in a situation, from the extreme difficulty in obtaining supplies 
necessary for the present pursuit, ordered us to proceed on our 
route by forced marches, even in that situation, until our arrival at 
a striking distance of Camden, South Carolina, where the British 
army was concentrated. We encamped at Rugelie's Mill, twelve 
miles from the British post. We remained in this situation but a 
day or two, to recruit and refresh the army after a long and fatig- 
uing march, when orders were issued to parade at retreat beat, and 
wait for further orders. It was understood and believed, General 
Gates meant that evening to move in a direction for Camden, and 
attack the enemy by surprise in their quarters. Late in the even- 
ing our whole force moved in that direction from about equal dis- 
tance from our position and that of Camden. The advance of 
the two armies met on the high road, exchanged firing, and both 
parties fell back on their main bodies. During the night General 

* Whiteley, op. cit., who gives, pp. 25-31, a " Muster Roll of the Field, 
Staff", other officers and privates of the Delaware Regiment of Foot, com- 
manded by Col. David Hall, for the month of February, 1780," the latest 
return of the regiment on file in the office of the Secretary of State. 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Major John Patten. 305 

Gates selected his ground, and formed the line of battle, and 
waited for the coming day, to meet the enemy in battle array. 
During the night, it was presumed, the British, with the aid of the 
disaffected of that country, being perfectly acquainted with the 
ground, took advantage to reconnoitre our position, and the situ- 
ation of our forces. At early dawn the enemy made a furious 
attack on our weakest position, where the militia were posted, be- 
ing on the left of the front line. After the first fire they gave way 
and left the field, although they were commanded by officers of the 
Virginia line, who made every exertion to rally them, but all in 
vain ; they left the field helter-skelter. The attack of the left of 
the rear line was in the same style, and eventuated in the same 
way. The Continental Troops, Maryland and Delaware, were left 
to sustain the heat of the battle, when and where they acquitted 
themselves like soldiers devoted to their country." In an address, 
by Mr. William G. Whiteley, delivered before the Historical So- 
ciety, and afterwards before the Legislature, of Delaware,* speak- 
ing of this engagement, it is said : " The Continentals, which'were 
the Maryland regiments and our Delaware Regiment, not fourteen 
hundred in all, with a single regiment of North Caroliniaus,were alone, 
left to oppose the enemy. . . They held their ground, charging 
and repelling charges, broken more than once, and borne down by 
superior numbers, but forming again, and rallying, and fighting 
bravely to the end. . . What the bayonets of the enemy's foot 
could not do, the charge of Tarleton's cavalry did ; they broke 
before it, and what was left of the two Maryland and our Delaware 
Regiment retreated. The Delaware Regiment went into this fight 
five hundred strong. Lee, in his memoirs, Green, in the life of his 
father, Otho Williams, in his account of the battle, and our Ser- 
geant Seymour, in his diary,f all use the same expression, the same 
language, ' In this battle the regiment of Delaware was nearly 
annihilated ;' and it was, really and truly. Of the five hundred, 
there remained after the battle . . . four captains, seven sub- 
alterns, three staff officers, nineteen non-commissioned officers, 
eleven musicians, and one hundred and forty-five rank and file, one 
hundred and eighty-eight in all. Eleven commissioned officers and 
thirty-six privates were made prisoners, forty-seven altogether, 
making, including prisoners, a total of two hundred and thirty-five, 
and leaving a dead roll of two hundred and sixty-five, for a short 
fight of one hour. Well might the brave De Kalb, with his dying 

* The pamphlet so frequently cited, which contains an interesting history 
of both Colonel Haslet's and Colonel Hall's regiments, accompanied by 
biographical notices of prominent officers. 

t Printed in this and the following number of the MAGAZINE. 

806 Descendants of Jbran Kyn Major John Patten. 

breath, ' breathe benedictions on his faithful brave divisions.' . . 
Among the officers of the Delaware Regiment, who were taken 
prisoners, were Lieutenant-Colonel Vaughan and Major Patten. 
They held the right, and had pressed the enemy back ; but, the 
flight of the militia relieving that portion of the enemy's line in 
their front, the opportunity was seized by him to attack them in 
flank. The capture of these officers shows where the Delaware Regi- 
ment was in the advance. . . . [They] were sent to Charles- 
ton, and after a detention of some time were paroled, but, not being 
exchanged, they did not, as they could not, join their regiment." 
Thus ended the military career of Major Patten, who returned to his 
home, known as " Tinhead Court," in St. Jones's Neck, about three 
miles northeast of Dover; it is described as "an old-fashioned, 
curb-roofed, frame building," and is " said to have been a resort, 
in the Major's day, of all the best society of Delaware."* He be- 
came a Member of the Society of the Cincinnati in his native State. 
He was chosen Representative from Delaware in the Third Congress 
of the United States, but was unseated by Henry Latimer, who con- 
tested his right to the place. He was, however, subsequently elected 
to the Fourth Congress, in whose sessions he took part. Major Pat- 
ten m., 1st, December 17, 1788, Ann, younger daughter of Colonel 
John Haslet,f and sister of Joseph Haslet, twice elected Governor 
of Delaware. She d. s. p., letters of administration on her estate 
being granted to her husband, July 27, 1790. Major Patten m., 
2dly, January 6, 1795, Mary, widow of Vincent Loockerman, the 

* The Life of Samuel Miller, D.D., LL.D., Second Professor in the 
Theological Seminary of the Presbyterian Church, at Princeton, New 
Jersey, by Samuel Miller, vol. i. p. 76 (Philadelphia, 1869). 

f A native of Ireland, who became a Presbyterian minister and after- 
wards practised medicine in Kent County on Delaware. He was frequently 
elected to the General Assembly of that State. He was buried in the First 
Presbyterian Churchyard of Philadelphia under a tombstone with this in- 
scription : " In memory of John Haslet, Esquire, Colonel of the Delaware 
Regiment, who fell gloriously at the battle of Princeton, in the cause of 
American Independence, January 3d, 1777. The General Assembly of the 
State of Delaware, remembering his virtues as a man, his merits as a citi- 
zen, and his services as a soldier, have caused this monumental stone, in 
testimony of their respect, to be placed over his grave, 1783-" His remains 
were afterwards removed to the Presbyterian churchyard at Dover, in ac- 
cordance with a resolution of the Legislature of Delaware passed February 
22, 1841, and were honoured with a new monument, erected by that State. 
For interesting references to him, see William T. Read's Life of George 
Read, pp. 328 et seq., and Mr. Whiteley's paper above cited. 

Descendants of Joran Kyn Major John Patten. 307 

younger,* and daughter of the Reverend John Miller,f for forty- 
three years pastor of the Presbyterian Churches of Dover and 
Duck Creek, by his wife Margaret Millington,t b. near Dover, 
July 26, 1762. Major Patten d. in Dover Hundred, Kent County, 
December 26, 1800, "aged fifty-four years and eight months." 
He was bur. in the Presbyterian Churchyard at Dover under a 
tombstone which bears the following inscription : " In memory of 
the Honorable John Patten, Esquire, who distinguished himself 
as a brave and useful Officer, during the Revolutionary War ; and 
afterwards served his Country with honor, at different periods, as a 
Member of the American Congress. Amiable and beloved in 
social and domestic life. A firm Patriot. An honest Man." Mrs. 
Patten survived her husband until the 13th of the following March, 
and was bur. beside him with the epitaph : " An affectionate Wife. 
A tender Mother. An amiable and excellent Woman." In her 
will she bequeaths to her daughter, Ann Patten, a watch, plate, 
silver, furniture, etc., embracing " a coverlet, red, green, and white, 
two handsome chintz counterpanes, eight table cloths, and a dozen 
knapkins, which were spun and manufactured at Tinhead Court;" 
and to her sou, Joseph Miller Patten, "his father's large pic- 
ture, gold-headed cane, spectacles, and stockbuckle," and "all his 
deceased father's private library, including a full set of the Ency- 
clopedia and other books." 

* Son of Vincent Loockerman, the elder, great-grandson of Govert 
Loockermans, a noted merchant of New Amsterdam, great-granduncle of 
Gertrude Bayard, mother of Judith Kemble, wife of Archibald McCall, son 
of George and Anne (Yeates) McCall (134). 

t A native of Boston, son of John Miller, who emigrated to that city 
from Scotland in 1710, by his wife Mary Bass, great-granddaughter of Sam- 
uel Bass, who settled in New England about 1630, and of John Alden, an 
immigrant on the " Mayflower," known to New England history and poetry 
in connection with his attempted courtship of Priscilla Mullins on behalf 
of his friend, Captain Miles Standish. For some account of Mr. Miller and 
his ancestry, see The Life of Samuel Miller (a brother of Mrs. Patten), 
vol. i. pp. 13, et seq. 

J Eldest daughter of Allumby Millington, an English captain of a mer- 
chantman, who settled in Talbot County, Maryland, by his wife Elizabeth 
Harris, of Anglo-Irish parentage. Concerning Mrs. Miller, see ibid., pp. 26 
and 27. 

$ A large portrait of Major Patten, painted by Peale, and two miniature 
portraits of him, painted by Miss Peale, are in the possession of Major Pat- 
ten's grandson, the Hon. Leonard E. Wales, President of the Historical 
Society of Delaware. 

308 Descendants of Joran Kyn William Maxwell 

By her second husband, John Maxwell, Anne Shannon had 
four children : 

388. WILLIAM. Probably the "First Sergeant William Maxwell" of 

Captain John Patten's company in Colonel David Hall's Delaware 
Kegiment, who was mustered into service November 30, 1776, and 
whose name still appears on the roll for February, 1780. November 
6, of the latter year, he is described as " of Dover Hundred, Kent 
County, farmer," when he pays 500 to each of his three sisters for 
their interest (one-fourth of two-thirds each) in " the clear personal 
estate" of their father. He d. probably unm., letters of adminis- 
tration on his estate being granted to his half-brother, Major Patten, 
as " next of kin," March 5, 1787. 

389. ANNE. She m. Maxwell, and d. in Duck Creek Hundred, Kent 

County, Delaware, leaving all her real and personal estate to her 
daughter, Priscilla Maxwell, her will bearing date October 28, 
1794, and being admitted to probate January 9, 1795. 

390. CATHARINE. She m. John Brooks, son of Nicholas Brooks. Mrs. 

Brooks assigned to her father-in-law her right to administer her 
husband's estate, February 6, 1790. She d. s. p. in St. Jones's 
Neck, Kent County, Delaware, and in her will, dated September 
25, 1821, and admitted to probate January 1, 1822, bequeaths 
her property to her nephew, Joseph Miller Patten, and nieces, Ann 
(Patten) Wales and Catharine Maxwell Rees. 

391. MARY. She m. Edward Rees, "of Duck Creek Hundred, Kent 

County on Delaware, farmer," and had issue. Letters of adminis- 
tration on her estate were granted to her husband May 23, 1797. 

(To be continued.) 

Daniel B. Smith. 309 



Read at the meeting of the Historical Society, May 7, 1883. 

The duty devolves on me this evening of making to this 
Society the official announcement of the death, at his home 
in Germantown, March 29, 1883, of DANIEL B. SMITH, in the 
ninety-second year of his age ; one of the earliest members, 
one of the incorporators, and the first corresponding secre- 
tary of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

In making this announcement, I shall not attempt to give 
the full history of a life extending over nearly a century, and 
yet I cannot forbear offering a few words respecting the 
career of one to whom this Society owes much, and to 
whom, from my boyhood, I have been bound by the strong 
ties of gratitude and affection. 

William Smith, born in Bramham, Yorkshire, England, 
A.D. 1570, where, as freeholders from the crown, his family 
for many generations lived, has had in his descendants, 
of whom our venerable fellow member was one, many men 
conspicuously useful in the communities in which they have 
lived. We owe to one of them Smith's History of New 
Jersey, a book whose value is well known here. We owe to 
another, the son-in-law of James Logan, a most valuable col- 
lection of historical memoirs of eminent Friends of Philadel- 
phia and of Burlington from the settlement of the Provinces 
to the year 1770. Another, Samuel J. Smith, of Hickory 
Grove, has left the well-earned reputation of a poet ; several 
of the family were members of the Legislature of New 
Jersey, in which province Eichard Smith, the grandson of 
William, so early as the year 1676, purchased 105, 000 acres of 
land for his sons, which they soon after occupied. In our 
own Historical Society there have been and still are many 

310 Daniel B. Smith. 

useful members who are descendants of William Smith, of 

Daniel B. Smith, the son of Benjamin and Deborah Mor- 
ris Smith, the latter the great-granddaughter of Governor 
Thomas Lloyd, was born July 14, 1792. He received his 
literary education at Burlington under the care of John 
Griscom, whose school had acquired a wide-spread reputation, 
and to whom pupils came even from the distant southern 

Determining on the study of chemistry and pharmacy, he 
entered the drug store of John Biddle, a much respected 
apothecary of Philadelphia, where he remained until of age, 
and where he subsequently entered into partnership with his 
former employer. Some years later he associated with him 
in the same line of business " a young Englishman fresh from 
the shop of John Bell, of Oxford, London," and the firm of 
Smith & Hodgson, at Sixth and Arch Streets, became one 
of the most prominent and successful drug houses of the 
country. In the year 1821, a number of apothecaries, pro- 
minent among whom was Daniel B. Smith, decided that 
something more than a mere mechanical knowledge of drugs 
was needed for the education of those engaged in the duty 
of compounding of medicines. 1 As a result of their frequent 
conferences and counsels came the College of Apothecaries 
and the College of Pharmacy. Daniel B. Smith was one of 
the originators of this college, and was largely instrumental 
in imparting a scientific character to its teachings. One of 
its incorporators, he was also for twenty-five years its Presi- 
dent. As a result of this undertaking, he lived to see a col- 
lege whose pupils, in the aggregate, number 6863, repre- 
senting every State in the Union, and a considerable number 

1 The two men, who appear to have taken the very first steps towards the 
establishment of a distinct school of pharmacy in Philadelphia, were Peter 
Lehman and Henry Troth, both of them prominent druggists of this city. 
Their proposal for such a school met with a hearty response from those 
engaged in the business, and a meeting was held at Carpenters' Hall, Feb. 
23, 1821, Stephen North in the chair, and Peter Williamson acting as secre- 
tary. One of the first named on the committee to prepare a plan for such 
a school of pharmacy was Daniel B. Smith. 

Daniel B. Smith. 311 

from Canada, Cuba, and various parts of Europe. Its journal, 
published since 1825, is everywhere recognized as high au- 
thority on the matters of which it treats, and has been one 
of the leading agencies in developing the profession of phar- 
macy in the United States. He lived, indeed, to see phar- 
macy changed from a mere trade to a learned profession. 

To the College of Pharmacy is at least indirectly due the 
preparation by Drs. Wood and Bache, both of them pro- 
fessors in this College, of the United States Dispensatory, a 
book of two thousand pages, which has reached its fifteenth 
edition, and of which more than 125,000 copies have been 
sold, and Which is now, fifty years from its first publication, 
in daily use in every drug store in the United States. To 
this work Daniel B. Smith contributed many valuable 
pages. 1 

Although actively engaged in business, Daniel B. Smith 
was a man of too much mental culture, and too much inter- 
ested in the welfare of his fellow men to confine his labors 
to the shop. 

In the year 1820 three citizens of Philadelphia, Daniel B. 
Smith, Thomas Kimber, and Samuel Schober, recognizing 
the need of a free library for young mechanics and manufac- 
turers, met at the house of one of their number, and there 
resolved that the establishment of such a library would be 
likely to promote orderly and virtuous habits, diffuse knowl- 
edge, improve the scientific skill of the mechanic and manu- 
facturer, and advance the prosperity and happiness of the 
community. Out of this meeting came the Apprentices' 
Library Company of Philadelphia. Daniel B. Smith lived 
to see, as a result of these efforts of himself and friends, a 
library containing 22,000 volumes, and books furnished in 
the aggregate to 77,757 applicants for them, and doubtless 
read by treble that number. 

In the year 1816 a number of gentlemen were impressed 
with the need in Philadelphia of a safe depository for the 

1 It was originally intended by the authors of the Dispensatory that one- 
third of the book should be written by Daniel B. Smith. This intention 
could not be carried out because of other engagements. 

312 Daniel B. Smith. 

earnings of tradesmen, mechanics, laborers, house-servants, 
and others, where their earnings might not only be secure 
for them, but where also a generous interest might be paid 
to the depositors. Among the incorporators of this excel- 
lent institution appears the name of Daniel B. Smith. What 
value the Philadelphia Savings Fund has been to those for 
whom it was intended, you, gentlemen of the Historical 
Society, know quite as well as I can tell you. Daniel B. 
Smith lived to see, as the results of this effort, in which he 
was deeply interested, the record of 357,263 depositors ; of 
$93,613,335.57 of deposits, and of interest paid to these hard- 
working people of $11,235,649.50. 1 

In the year 1826 the appalling statement was made that 
there were then in prison in the city of Philadelphia " sixty 
boys, and that in the city of New York, four hundred and 
eighty persons had lately been arrested under twenty-five 
years of age, and that a large number, of both sexes, were 
wandering about without homes, and with no one to care for 
their souls or bodies." At once the necessity of a refuge for 
the endangered, an asylum for the erring, a shelter for the 
tempted, came with force on the community. 

A public meeting was held in Philadelphia, Chief-Justice 
Tilghman presiding, at which it was determined to found a 
house of refuge, and measures were taken to obtain the requi- 

1 The Philadelphia Savings Fund originated Nov. 20, 1816, with Condy 
Raguet, Esq., a native of South Carolina, but for many years a well-known 
citizen of Philadelphia. His attention had been directed to the Savings 
Banks of Great Britain, and the necessity of something similar here. While 
thinking over this subject, he met on the street his friends Richard Peters, 
Clement C. Biddle, and Thomas Hale. With these gentlemen the matter 
was discussed, and at a meeting held at the office of Colonel Biddle, Nov. 
25, 1816, at which were present also John Strawbridge, John C. Stbcker, 
and John McCrea, the subject was more fully considered. It was there 
agreed to form an association for the purposes named in the text, and on 
December 2, 1816, the institution was first opened to depositors. Andrew 
Bayard was chosen as its first President. His successors have been John 
C. Lowber, Clement C. Biddle, Lewis Wain, and Caleb Cope, Esqs. 
Among those who were early interested in this association was the late 
Roberts Vaux. 

Daniel B. Smith. 313 

site funds to carry out the plan. Prominent among these 
interested citizens, and one of the corporators, was our friend 
Daniel B. Smith. 

How much good that House of Refuge has done in keeping 
from sin, in rescuing from crime, in saving from hopeless 
death, no pen of mine can reckon. Only in that last, great 
day when the books shall be opened, and " another book 
opened which is the book of life," can its true value be 
computed. So far as figures can speak, I may say that in 
this work, which was very near his heart, Daniel B. Smith 
lived to see the day when, in the aggregate, fourteen thou- 
sand three hundred young persons had received the benefits 
of this asylum, and at least two-thirds of them, properly in- 
structed and reformed, had been restored to society. 1 

While thus engaged in works of charity and philan- 
thropy, Daniel B. Smith was yet true to his literary and 
scientific tastes. A lover of natural science and especially 
of botany, he early became a member of the Philadelphia 
Academy of Natural Sciences, of the American Philoso- 
phical Society, and of the Franklin Institute. Other public 
interests also claimed his attention. 

On the second day of December, 1824, a number of gentle- 
men met at the house of Thomas I. Wharton, favorable to the 
formation of a society for the purpose of elucidating the his- 
tory of the State of Pennsylvania, Roberts Vaux in the 
chair, and George Washington Smith secretary. At this 
meeting it was determined to form a historical society, and 
a committee was appointed to prepare a constitution and by- 
laws for its government. At the next meeting, December 
27, 1824, a list of names of gentlemen desirous of joining the 

1 The first officers of the House of Refuge were (1826) : president, John 
Sergeant ; vice-presidents, Robert Ralston and Roberts Vaux ; treasurer, 
John S. Henry ; secretary, James J. Barclay ; managers : Thomas Astley, 
Samuel Bettle, John Cooke, George M. Dallas, Thomas Evans, Philip Gar- 
rett, John Goodman, Alexander Henry, Joseph R. Ingersoll/Daniel Knight, 
John Moore, James Moore, John Paul, Charles Roberts, Daniel B. Smith, 
Silas E. Weir, George Williams, Thomas Wistar, Bartholomew Wistar, 
Ambrose White. 

314 Daniel B. Smith. 

society was read, and they accepted as members. 1 The last 
survivor of these names was our Daniel B. Smith, who was 
also the first corresponding secretary, and whose name is 
among the incorporators of the Historical Society. Daniel 
B. Smith lived to see, as the result of these early efforts of 
himself and his friends, a historical society numbering nearly 
a thousand members, a library of nearly seventeen thousand 
volumes, besides much that is valuable in manuscripts, pam- 
phlets, and pictures illustrative of our early provincial history, 
the owner of a commodious hall, in which, with the increased 
facilities thus afforded, there is every reason to believe the 
objects of the society will be promoted with increased vigor 
and success. 

In the early part of the year 1830, a number of the most 
intelligent members of the Religious Society of Friends in 
Philadelphia, who had for a long time felt the disadvantages 
which the younger members of their society labored under 
in obtaining a liberal education, met to confer together on 
the best means of remedying them. A similar conference 
was held by the Friends of New York City, and the result 
was seen in the establishment of Haverford School, now 
Haverford College. The full course of study was to occupy 
a period of four years, and was to be as full as the most ad- 
vanced college in the United States. In deference to the 
prejudices of some of the older Friends, the name of Haver- 
ford School was given it, but, as the course was a college 
course, the legislature of the State authorized some years 
later the name of Haverford College, and the granting of the 
usual collegiate degrees. 

Most active, from the start, in this good work, was Daniel 
B. Smith. Present at the first meeting actively engaged 
in bringing about this meeting, appointed on the committee 
to confer with the New York Friends on this subject, the 
early minutes every where, show his active useful interest in 

1 Among the earliest members of the Historical Society, his membership 
dating the same year as that of Daniel B. Smith, although not in the list 
above referred to, is our honored and venerable fellow member, Dr. Caspar 

Daniel B. Smith. 315 

this matter. Nor was this all ; when success had crowned 
their efforts, and the school was about to be opened, at the 
earnest solicitation of the Board of Managers, in accordance 
with what seemed to him to be a religious duty, but at no 
little personal sacrifice, he consented to accept and assume 
the very responsible duties of the chair of mental and moral 
philosophy and English literature. How fully and faithfully 
those duties were performed, all of us, whose privilege it was 
to sit under his teachings, can bear a cordial and emphatic 
affirmative testimony. 1 

I would not in any way detract from the value of the ser- 
vices of others, who in its early career were engaged at 
Haverford, prominent among whom were the Professors 
Gummere, father and son, but I am sure I do but speak the 
sentiment of my school fellows, when I say that Daniel B. 
Smith was the animating spirit of the place. It was he who 
moulded the character, shaped the destiny, influenced the 
future of its students. What Dr. Arnold was to Rugby, 
Daniel B. Smith was to Haverford. How deeply his pupils 
recognized this fact was shown nearly forty years later, when, 
then gray-headed men themselves, they came in such num- 
bers to pay, at his open grave, with filial gratitude and affec- 
tion, their last tribute to his memory. 

Daniel B. Smith always regarded his years at Haverford 
as among the happiest of his life. Blessed in a remarkable 
degree in his domestic life, happy in his association with 
bright intelligent young men (and there is something especi- 
ally inspiriting in such association), conscious, and yet not 
ostentatiously so, that he was implanting in their young 
minds and hearts those great principles which could not fail 
to affect favorably their future, his life at Haverford was a 
most useful and happy one. 

In the instruction given by Daniel B. Smith to his pupils 
at Haverford was a course of ethical lectures, the literary 
ability, the extended scope of thought, the sound theology, 

1 Some years later Daniel B. Smith accepted the position of Principal of 
Haverford School. 

816 Daniel B. Smith. 

and the practical usefulness of which could not well be sur- 

While these graver subjects occupied much of his thought, 
there were times when his pen was employed on lighter 
themes. As illustrating the brightness of his imagination 
and his familiarity with the Muses, I am almost tempted to 
quote a little poem written by him for a college paper edited 
by the students, for which he occasionally wrote, and to 
which he was always a welcome contributor. It is addressed 
to the planet Venus, the beautiful evening star, and abounds 
in graceful poetic imagery. 

More than twelve years were pleasantly passed by Daniel 
B. Smith at Haverford. He lived to see its students, in the 
aggregate, number more than a thousand, and their college, 
wherever known, respected. He lived also to see many of 
his own pupils holding prominent positions in other colleges, 
occupying posts of usefulness and honor in the community, 
and ever grateful to him for the care and instruction he had 
BO generously given them. 

In the year 1849 Daniel B. Smith removed to Germantown. 
Here in a circle of intelligent, congenial friends, visited fre- 
quently by his grateful pupils, and in the luxury of a large 
and well-appointed library, the remainder of his life was 

Long after he had entered his eightieth year he retained 
his interest in his beloved botany, and was accustomed, even 
then, to make excursions in the neighboring country for 
plants. When, at last, the physical infirmities of extreme 
age made this impossible, he turned his attention to another 
branch of natural science, and in the study of conchology 
found much pleasure and instruction. Nearly a twelvemonth 
ago he entered on his ninety-second year, and, save some 
failure of memory, with his mental vigor unimpaired. 
Spared any lingering illness, he looked forward to the future 
with humble hope, as he could look back on the past with 
reverent gratitude. And so, tenderly cared for by two gene- 
rations of his family, he fell asleep in the full promise of a 
glad awakening. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 317 



Doctor Daniel Coxe, of London, well known as a large 
landed proprietor in the American colonies, was born in 1640 
or 1641, and died January 19, 1780, in his ninetieth year. 1 
He was the son of Daniel Coxe, of Stoke Newington, Gen- 
tleman, who was buried in the church in that town Sep- 
tember 3, 1686. On May 12, 1671, Dr. Daniel Coxe married 
Eebecca, daughter of John Cold ham, Esq., of Tooting Gra- 
veney, Alderman of London. The eldest son of this marriage 
was Colonel Daniel Coxe, of New Jersey, hereinafter men- 
tioned. For many years Dr. -Coxe resided in Aldersgate 
Street in London. In 1723 he resided in Hoxton. He never 
visited America. This fact is expressly stated by Old- 
mixon. 2 

Dr. Coxe became a doctor of medicine at Cambridge. His 
name appears on the books of the University as "M.D.,^r 
literas regias, 1669." He was one of the earliest scientific 
men to experiment upon animals with the nicotine of 
tobacco. On May 3, 1665, he read a paper upon that subject 
before the faculty of Gresham College. 3 He was elected and 
admitted a member of the Royal Society in March, 1664-5. 
Papers were published by him in the Philosophical Transac- 
tions of 1674, viz., A Discourse on Alcalizates and Fixed Salts, 
A Way of extracting Volatile Salt and Spirit out of Vegetables, 
and The Improvement of Cornwall by Sea Sand. He possessed 
a chemical laboratory, and describes one of his experiments 
in which some very picturesque effects were produced by 
crystallization. Dr. Coxe was one of the physicians of King 

1 See Musgrave's Manuscript Obituary in the British Museum. 

2 See post. 

3 See the second volume of John Ward's Manuscripts in the Additional 
Manuscripts of the British Museum, No. 6194. 

VOL. vii. 22 

318 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

Charles the Second, and also physician to Queen Anne. He 
was admitted an Honorary Fellow of the Royal College of 
Physicians of London, September 30, 1680. In 1677, A 
Short Account of the Kingdoms around the Euxine and Caspian 
Seas was printed in London, written by an anonymous writer. 1 
Bliss, the editor of Anthony a Wood, states that the preface 
to this work was written by Dr. Daniel Coxe, who, he says, 
was a " physician of eminence, a man of learning, and an 
author." In the Sloane Collection of Manuscripts in the 
British Museum there is a note written by Dr. Coxe to Sir 
Hans Sloane in which he asks the loan of " the four volumes 
of the seventh and eighth Decades of Herrera, and the De- 
scription and Conquest of the Nuevo Regno de Granada." 

Between 1692 and 1698 Dr. Daniel Coxe purchased the 
patent of the province of Carolana, originally granted by 
Charles the First to his Attorney-General, Sir Robert Heath. 
Heath's grant covered the territory now comprised in North 
and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, and Louisiana, includ- 
ing that part of America which lies between the thirty-first 
and thirty-sixth degrees of latitude, and the rivers San 
Mattheo and Passo Magno, and stretching from the Atlantic 
Ocean to the Pacific, with the exception of Saint Augustine 
and Xew Mexico. 2 Sir Robert Heath conveyed the premises, 
in the 13th year of Charles the First, to Lord Maltravers, 
afterwards Earl of Arundel and Surrey, who, " at great ex- 
pense, planted several parts of the country." About the year 
1698 Dr. Coxe made energetic attempts, by exploration and 
otherwise, to revive the dormant title to this territory, as far 
as certain portions of it, and especially the Mississippi Valley, 
were concerned. In 1698 Colonel Welch travelled from 
Charleston in South Carolina to a point on the Mississippi 

1 In 1677 J. Phillips published his translation of the Six Voyages of John 
Baptist Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne, through Turkey into Persia and 
India. The Short Account above mentioned and another work were added 
by Phillips to the volume containing his translation. 

2 Coxe claimed only the unsettled parts south and west of North and 
South Carolina on the Gulf of Mexico, and in Mississippi Valley; see De- 
scription of Carolana, page 1. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 319 

near and below Old Kappa, where De Soto discovered that 
river in 1541. 1 

From the journals of different explorations by land and 
water a small volume was compiled by Colonel Daniel Coxe, 2 
son of Dr. Daniel Coxe, which was published in London in 
1722, and is called a Description of the English Province of 
Carolana, by the Spaniards called Florida, and by the French 
La Louisiane, as also of the great and famous river Meschacebe 
or Mississippi. A second edition of this work was published 
in 1727, and a third in 1741. In his preface the author 
observes that his treatise is mainly composed from the jour 
nals of explorers employed by his father, the then propri- 
etor of Carolana, and from the accounts of other travellers 
and Indian traders. For this purpose that proprietor had 
undergone great trouble and expense. For several years, 
at his own cost, he had maintained a correspondence with 
the governors and chief Indian traders of the English colonies, 
and had employed many persons in connection with explora- 
tions in the country. In the year 1698 two ships were fitted 
out by him, well armed and provisioned, not merely for the 
voyage, but also for building a fortification and settling a 
colony. 3 These two vessels contained thirty French and 
English gentlemen volunteers, besides sailors and other men 
of lower rank. One of these two vessels discovered the 
mouth of the river Mississippi, and ascended it more than 
one hundred miles, and would have perfected a settlement 
therein, if the captain of the other ship had done his duty. 
The author remarks : " Here I cannot forbear taking notice 
that this was the first ship that ever entered that river from 
the sea, or that perfectly discovered or described its several 
mouths, in opposition to the boasts and falsities of the French, 
who, in their printed books and accounts, assume to them- 
selves the honour of both." 

1 See the Present State of North America, part first, London, 1754, page 

2 Concerning him, see post. 

3 See Bancroft's History of the United States, iii. 202; P. Margry's 
Origmes Francises, 1881, ii. 304, 305. 

320 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

He further adds that, the exploration of the Mississippi 
and its seven mouths, and of a large portion of the coast of 
Carolana on the Gulf of Mexico having been effected, Dr. 
Coxe as proprietor presented a memorial to King William 
the Third, who approved warmly the design of settling the 
province. That king at one time expressed his intention of 
sending at his own cost some six or eight hundred French 
refugees and Yaudois to unite with English emigrants in 
making a settlement there. Other persons of means or influ- 
ence, including Lord Lonsdale, then Lord Privy Seal, offered 
to aid the undertaking. The deaths of King William and 
Lord Lonsdale, however, prevented the realization of the 
project. In the following reign Dr. Coxe proposed reviving 
the enterprise, but was compelled to desist therefrom by the 
wars then existing. On December 21, 1699, the Lords of 
Trade reported that the Attorney-General had given an 
opinion in favour of the validity of Dr. Coxe's title to the 
patent of the province of 'Carolana. 1 

May 2, 1698, Sir William Waller, Knight, Oliver Marquis 
de la Muce, and the Sieur Charles de Sailly purchased of 
Dr. Daniel Coxe, in London, five hundred thousand acres of 
the above-described grant situate " on the west side of the 
river Spiritu Sancto, which empties itself into the Bay of 
Apalache at the North East, and the Gulph of Mexico, which 
shall be purchased by the Proprietary of the Indian natives, 
to have and to hold the said tract of land to them, Sir Wil- 
liam Waller, etc. etc., and if they shall take up five hundred 
thousand acres more, they shall have power so to do, pro- 
vided it be taken up within the space of seven years ensuing 
from the date hereof, paying quit rents for the same. Sir 
William Waller, etc. etc., shall enjoy the said lands seven years, 
paying only a ripe ear of Indian corn in the season, and, from 
the expiration of the said seven years, five shillings sterling 
money of England, or the value thereof in other coin, as a 
quit rent for every five hundred acres of land so taken up 
and purchased by the Proprietary aforesaid. It is further 
agreed that it shall be a condition that, within two years 

1 Description of Carolana, preface, pp. 109-122. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 321 

from this date, at least two hundred families of Protestant 
colonists shall be planted in the colony or else this contract 
becomes void." 1 

King William the Third advanced three thousand pounds 
to defray the charges of sending over to Virginia at least five 
hundred French Protestants, and, it would appear, delegated 
to Dr. Daniel Coxe the supervision of such emigration. 2 

The first ship, with two hundred French under the charge 
of the Marquis de la Muce and the Sieur Charles de Sailly, 
sailed from London in April, 1700. On the arrival in Vir- 
ginia, they were sent to a place called Manikintown on the 
James River, where it was understood that everything was 
to be put in readiness by them for the reception of the refu- 
gees arriving by the succeeding ships. A second ship fol- 
lowed with one hundred and sixty-nine refugees, under the 
charge of Monsieur de Joux, who had been specially ordained 
as a minister of the gospel by the bishop of London before 
leaving that city. This vessel was the Peter and Paul, gal- 
ley of London, Daniel Perreau, commander, which arrived at 
Jamestown November 20, 1700. A third ship, the Nassau, 
under the charge of Monsieur Latine, minister, carried 
one hundred and ninety-one souls, French, Swiss, Gene- 

1 See manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. 

2 See papers in the Bodleian Library relating to the French emigration 
to Virginia in 1700. " From an account of money laid out of the contribu- 
tion. To Doctor Coxe, in part of the passage of our people, 71, of which 
Mr. Sehult has paid 22.10, and Mr. Rambonnet 18.10, and so remains 
paid 30." An account of " what contribution the French refugees have 
received :" of " Mr. Sehult and Maille 65, viz., 22.10 to Dr. Coxe and 
42.10 in tools and other goods taken with them to Florida and Carolina ;" 
of " Mr. Rambonnet 25, viz., 18.10 to Dr. Coxe in Canary wine, and the 
rest in other goods taken away to Carolina." See minutes of the Council 
held at Hon. Mr. Auditor Byrd's (James City), November 14, 1700: 
" Monsieur de Sailly is requested to lay before the Council copies of all the 
transactions betwixt him and Doctor Coxe relating to the aforesaid French 
refugees." Thirty-five of the French refugees signed a petition to Governor 
Francis Nicholson (see post.) in which they say: "His Majesty, for the 
encouragement of the design to settle a colony of French refugees in Vir- 
ginia, hath given 3000 sterling to defray the charges of 500 in crossing 
the seas and to relieve their necessities." 

322 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

vois, German, and Flemish. The Nassau was chartered by 
five merchants of London, viz., M. Jageau, J. Bel let, M. 
Penaudin, Peter Bouvet, and John Hamilton. When Mon- 
sieur de Joux and his party arrived at Manakintown, they 
" found half of the first party lay sick at the Falls, languish- 
ing under misery and want, notwithstanding the considerable 
supplies that the Sieurs de Sailly and de la Muce had re- 
ceived." So dissatisfied were de Joux and his party with 
their reception, that he embodied their numerous complaints 
and grievances in a long petition to Governor Francis Nichol- 
son, which was signed by thirty-five of the emigrants. They 
felt much aggrieved " by the hardheartedness of Sieur de 
Sailly," and speak of him as one " whose conduct was odious 
and insupportable," and say that he had " no bread nor sus- 
tenance for them, and would give them no allotment of land 
unless they would swear an oath of fidelity to such particu- 
lar persons as he had made Justices of the Peace." Antici- 
pating the presentation of this petition, De la Muce wrote 
to the governor February 15, 1700-1, as follows: "Here 
enclosed is a copy of the list of refugees given to the miller, 
as it has been sent unto me by Messrs, de Joux and Phillipe 
under their hands, but there is no corn, and Monsieur de 
Sailly, lying here sick since he came from "Westopher, and 
having already provided all what he could, can't supply them 
any longer, so I don't know what to do, unless some care be 
taken to send some corn up. I heard also that your Excel- 
lency hath our indentures of the lands we have purchased in 
Florida, so I desire your Excellency to send it up to me, 
keeping a copy, if you please, because it cost us a good deal 
of money, which we expect to recover, or part of it. I wish 
also that the factious and scandalous petition presented by 
Monsieur de Joux be delivered to me, if you please, or burnt, 
to pacify all what is past, avoid complaints and disputes, and 
to procure peace and love. I desire Colonel Byrd to let me 
know if I can have accommodation to go to England in one 
of the ships lying at Westopher. After his answer I shall 
endeavour to go to Williamsburg to take my leave." Gov- 
ernor Nicholson sent a message to the House of Burgesses 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 323 

of Virginia concerning the deplorable state of the refugees at 
Manikintown, and started a subscription in their behalf. A 
considerable sum was collected and applied to their relief. 

Some time before 1700 Dr. Coxe conceived the magnificent 
project of forming a commonwealth within the territory 
originally granted to Sir Kobert Heath. It was proposed to 
make a stock company, and the business of drawing up the 
outlines of a charter and by-laws was confided to one James 
Spooner. This he accordingly did, in a document described 
by him as the " Draught of a Scheme I drew for Dr. Daniel 
Coxe many years since for the settlement which we called 
4 the !N"ew .Empire.' '' It contains eleven pages folio, and is 
without date. It provides for a governor, deputy-governor, 
arid twelve assistant officers. Among the things in the 
charter, which Mr. Spooner thinks ought to be especially 
mentioned, is that " one motive of their Majesties' grant was 
for the promulgation of the gospel amongst the Indians and 
infidels." There were to be fourteen original proprietors of 
shares and one thousand associates. The capital stock was 
to amount to eighty thousand shares at five pounds a share. 
Of this amount there were " twenty thousand shares to re- 
main with fourteen original proprietors ; ten thousand shares 
to be given to the associates for their encouragement ; five 
thousand to be maiden shares, reserved in the power of the 
company to be paid out them, from time to time, such 
shares as shall be thought fit, to such persons of quality, aa 
may be benefactors or serviceable to the company, and for 
other purposes as the company shall think fit ; five thousand 
to be for rewards for the undertakers for getting subscrip- 
tions, as hereafter mentioned, and for other contingent ser- 
vices, etc. etc. ; twenty thousand shares to be sold at five 
pounds a share to raise a stock of one hundred thousand 
pounds for the carrying on vigorously the affairs of the com- 
pany ; twenty thousand shares to be sold to raise the like 
sum of one hundred thousand pounds, which is to be for the 
advantage of the fourteen original proprietors." Spooner 
likewise proposed that " out of the original proprietors and 
the associates are to be chosen several committees, viz.: 

324 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

1. For religion ; 2. For law ; 3. For trade ; 4. For accounts ; 
5. For poor ; 6. For criminals ; 7. For charitable uses ; 8. 
For the natives," and he fully considers what shall be the 
duties of each of these committees. Spooner's letter to 
Dr. Coxe says : " In answer to your desire, I present you 
with my thoughts as to the constitution of the New Empire. 
I am much in the dark, having not done the draught for 
the intended charter, and having none of the papers relating 
to this country by me. And, therefore, cannot but guess at 
many things, and have had but very little time for a matter 
of this importance, but if all I have proposed be not ap- 
proved, yet some parts of it may be at least thus far usefull 
as your remembrancer to put you in mind of what is neces- 
sary to make your draught the more complete and perfect." 1 

Dr. Coxe seems to have been an ardent churchman. He 
was proposed for membership of the Society for the Propa- 
gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts at a meeting held 
in London June 3, 1699. A letter of his, dated August 5, 
1692, addressed to the Rev. Thomas Bridges in Bermuda, 
encouraging him to establish himself in West Jersey, is 
printed in the Archives of New Jersey. 2 

The name of Daniel Coxe is found among those of the 
promoters of a company who petitioned for a charter " for 
naval stores to be made and produced in New England." The 
incorporafors had petitioned first King James the Second and 
afterwards King "William, and renewed their application in 
1702. In August of that year it was referred to the Lords 
of Trade and Plantations. A charter was granted in the 
first year of Queen Anne. 3 

Before Dr. Coxe's purchase of the patent of Carolana, he 
was well known in connection with the colonies of "West 
Jersey and East Jersey. IB 1684 he acquired an interest in 
West Jersey, and in 1686 one in East Jersey. After the 
death of Governor Billinge in January, 1687, he purchased 
of his family their landed property in West Jersey, together 

1 See manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. 2 II. 95, 96. 

3 See the papers of Henry Newman, agent for the colony of New Hamp- 
shire, in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 325 

with the right of government in the province under the 
grant of the Duke of York to Billinge. Dr. Coxe, in con- 
sequence, became governor of West Jersey. Shortly after, 
on September 5, 1687, he addressed a letter to the colony de- 
tailing the circumstances connected with the transaction, 
and explaining his views as to the future. At that time, 
according to Smith, he owned twenty-two of the one hundred 
proprietary shares of West Jersey. 1 On September 5, 1688, 
Governor Barclay, of East Jersey, and Governor Coxe, of 
West Jersey, made in London an agreement concerning the 
settlement of the dividing line between the two colonies. In 
1688 important purchases of lands were made from the In- 
dians of West Jersey. Dr. Coxe's connection therewith will 
appear from a document which is for the first time printed 
at the end of this paper. Gabriel Thomas remarks that 
Governor Coxe greatly encouraged and promoted the town 
of Burlington, where a " great ship " was built for him, and 
where his agents and deputy-governors resided. 

Dr. Coxe resolved in 1690, Oldmixon informs us, 2 to pro- 
ceed to West Jersey, and made every preparation to embark 
at Plymouth. At the last moment, however, he yielded to 
the opposition of his relatives and friends, and was dissuaded 
from his purpose. Oldmixon thinks that he would have re- 
curred to his project of going to West Jersey, had he not 
" sold the best part of his propriety to Sir Thomas Lane and 
others." The sale thus referred to by Oldmixon was made 
in March, 1692, and included the right of government in the 
province of West Jersey. The purchasers were a company, 
consisting chiefly of London merchants, which became known 
as the West Jersey Society. 3 

A descriptive inventory of Dr. Coxe's landed property, 
drawn up probably in the year 1688, is preserved in the Bod- 
leian Library at Oxford. It has never been printed, and is 

1 Smith's History of New Jersey, 190, 191, 192, 196 ; Mulford's History 
of New Jersey, 248-252, 264-267 ; Gabriel Thomas's Hi-story of West 
Jersey, 16, 18. 

2 Oldmixon, first and second editions, under New Jersey. 

3 The deeds relating to .the transaction are in part printed in the second 
volume of the New Jersey Archives. 

326 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

now appended to this paper. It is supposed to have passed, 
after Dr. Coxe's death, into the hands of the brothers Raw- 
linson, the indefatigable collectors of manuscripts, and to 
have been by them bequeathed to the Bodleian Library. 

Daniel Coxe, 1 previously mentioned as the eldest son of Dr. 
Daniel Coxe, was born shortly before August 31, 1673, on 
which date his baptism is registered in the Church of St. 
Botolph, Aldersgate, in London. When twenty-eight years 
of age he came to America, where he became well known as 
Colonel Daniel Coxe, of New Jersey. He took a prominent 
part in the public affairs of that colony, and was at different 
times Member of the Eoyal Council, Speaker of the As- 
sembly, and Judge of the Supreme Court. He was also Pro- 
vincial Grand Master of the Free Masons of the Middle 
Colonies. The date of this appointment was 1730, a fact 
which, Hough remarks, shows him to have been the earliest 
Masonic grand master in North America. In 1707 Colonel 
Coxe married Sarah, daughter of John Eckley, of Phila- 
delphia. Their posterity are now residents of several States 
of the Union. Colonel Coxe died at Trenton in New Jersey 
April 25, 1739, and was buried in St. Mary's Church in 
"Burlington. He made several prolonged visits to England 
after first coming to America, and while sojourning in London 
in 1722 published the Description oj Carolana previously 
mentioned. In this work the author proposes what is pro- 
bably the earliest printed plan of political union for the 
American colonies. The Coxe title to Carolana continued to 
exist until 1769. In that year Colonel Coxe's children and 
grandchildren surrendered the charter of Carolana to the 
British Government, and received in compensation a grant of 
one hundred thousand acres of land in the colony of New 
York. The township of Carolana and other patents of land 
were located in New York under this grant. 2 

1 See biographical notices in Field's Provincial Courts of New Jersey, 
132-137, and Hough's Masonry in New Jersey, pages vi.-xii. See also 
Smith, 427 ; Mulford, 318 ; N. J. Archives, iii. 25, 44; Watson's Annals, i. 
50 ; Penn and Logan Correspondence, i. 174, 230 ; ii. 197. 

2 See Duer's Life of Stirling, 88-93 ; Jones's Annals of Oneida County, 
N. Y., 59; New York Book of Patents, xv. 197-204. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 327 



From the Rawlinson Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, England. 

The province of New Cesaria or new Jersey is extended in Latitude 
from 38 Degrees 55 Minutes unto 41 degrees 40 minutes the Breadth in 
some places 90 miles in none lesse than 40. 

The Quantity of my land in East and West Jersey amounts unto about 
Eight hundred thousand acres according unto the calculation hath bin made 
partly by persons upon the place whoe have travers'd it all, and partly by 
diverse here skilled in the Mathematick and Surveying. 

My land in the County of Merimack scituated upon the greate River of 
Merrimack and the greate Lake of Winepesiocko amounts unto about 
Two hundred thousand acres, together one million of acres. 

I have Leased about Tenn thousand acres for one hundred pounds per 
Annum and they are to purchase the fifee simple within three yeares paying 
Tenn pounds for every hundred acres. The land lately Leased is raised to 
Twelve pounds per hundred acres, and I never sold any under Tenn pounds 
per hundred. Greate Numbers come yearely from Bermudas, New England, 
New Yorke, Long Island, pensilvania and other parts of America to pur- 
chase lands and many hundred fiamilyes from the before menconed places 
are there already seated. 

Besides the money may bee raised by sale of lands the purchasers will 
bee Intituled to the following Benefits. 

1. The Hereditary or perpetuall Governm 1 of West Jersey which Containes 
almost foure Millions of acres and planted by a Numerous Industrious peo- 
ple. I have refused a Thousand Guineas for this only. 

2. I have at the Expence of above Three thousand pounds setled a Towne 
and Established a ffishing for Whales which are very numerous about Cape 
may both within the Bay and without all along the sea coast which I 
am assured if well maunaged will bring in above 4000 per Annum all 
charges Defrayed. 

3. Upon diverse greate Bancks within the greate Bay which is 60 Miles 
deep 30 Miles Broad at certaine Seasons resort infinite numbers of Excellent 
cod ffish. Basse, and other sorts and prodigious numbers of Sturgeons with 
which diverse shipps might bee yearly ffreighted for the Islands of Barbadoes, 
Jamaica, &c. and for a Trade with the Streights, Spaine and Portugall. 

4. Because the only thing which hath hindred our setting up this fishery 
was want of salt wee have lately sent over diverse {frenchmen skillfull in 
makeing salt by the sun in pitts or pans whoe assure us there are many con- 
venient places upon the Coast over against the places of ffishing where 
millions of Bushells may bee made at the Expence of 4 pence per Bushell. 

5. Wee have Excellent Timber for fforemasts and yards of shipps above 
a Thousand Tumi in burthen, Timber to build shipps good as any in y e 

328 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

world greato plenty and admirable situacons of which I have lately made 
diverse Tryalls. There is excellent Timber for boards, spars, Mil posts, 
clapboards, pikestaves and other Lumber for ye plantacons, Rivers for saw 
mills, the most proper land in the world for hemp for cordage, Store of 
y e pitch pine to make pitch and Tarr. I have been profered 200 per 
Annum onely for 7 yeares to have y e sole liberty of cutting masts upon my 
Land and wood for Lumber without any expence on my parte. 

6. Excellent land for rape seed, Linseed, and fflax arid good Iron workes. 
In severall parts of y e Country multitude of wild Grapes of which very good 
wine made of some sorts and y e worst affords Store of good Brandy. It is 
beleived by judicious p'sons ffrench vignerons & others y* some sorts of them 
improved by cultivating would p'duce as good wine as any in y e world. 

7. I have erected a pottery att Burlington for white and Chiney ware a 
greate quantity to y e value of 1200 have beene already made and vended 
in y e country neighbour Colonies and y e Islands of Barbadoes & Jamaica 
where they are in great request. I hayo two houses and Kills with all 
necessary implem ts , diverse workemen, and other serv ts . Have Expended 
thereon about 2000. 

8. I have intirely and soly in my possion a greate Tract of Land abound- 
ing w th rich Mines and Mineralls of diverse sorts excellently scituated 
for workeing viz* water for mills & water carriage, the particulars too many 
& too considerable to bee yett made publicke. 

9. I have made greate discoveryes towards y e greate Lake whence come 
above 100.000 Bevers every year to y e ffrench Canada and English at New 
Yorke, Jersey, pensilvania. I have contracted ffreinshipp with diverse 
petty Kings in y e way to and upon y e s d greate Lake and doubt not to bring 
y e greatest parte of y e s d Traffick for ffurs into y* part of y e Country where I 
am setled and by my patent I am intituled to y e said Trade Exclusive of 

10. I can Exclude y e Inhabitants of Pensilvania from this ffurr trade by 
a grant I with diverse others have from M r Penn of one hundred ffifty 
thousand acres w ch I will procure to be transferred to y e purchasers of my 
land paying ffive hundred pounds downe & 100 per annum quitt rent. 

11. Lastly y e two provinces of East and west Jersey w th pensilvania which 
is onely seperated from them by y e river, take of ffifty thousand pounds worth 
of English Comodities giveing in returne beefe, porke, wheate, fflower, 
meale, biskett, pease, horses, ffurs, oyle, & c . y e provisions sell very well in 
Barbadoes, the Leewards Islands & Jamaica where they have in returne 
peices of Eight, sugar, Cottons, Indigo, Ginger & c . By a Magazine or 
Storehouse in Delaware River for European Comodities & for such as you 
receive in Exchange, a Circular trade may bee driven for greate profitt 
which by modest Computation may amount unto above Tenn thousand 
pounds per annum nor is there need of Ensurance. Wee have never lost 
goeing thither or returning for England or in y e Trade from thence to y e 
plautacons & Returnes one Single shipp out of above 300 have beene im- 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 329 

ployed within twelve yeares there being neither Rock or Shole in any of y e 
menconed Navigations nor any Danger upon y e coast within the greate Bay 
or River or within some hundreds of miles of our Coast either towards y e 
North or South. 

I have either att Cape May or Burlington four stout Negroes. Att the 
same Cape May a vessell of 30 or fforty Tunns begann many Months agoe 
and I suppose now finished. I built last yeare an Excellent good Sailour & 
yett strong built shipp of an 130 Tunns w ch is now engaged in a circular 
Trade & comes from y e Barbadoes with y e next shipping. I soul'd her to 
divers Merchants for y e first cost with Interest. I ordered a shipp of the 
same magnitude to bee built upon the lanching of the former. 

I have a plantacon att Cape May made by a very skilfull ffrench Gar- 
diner who is there resident hee hath planted some thousand firuit Trees of 
divers and y e best sorts could bee procured. 

I p'chased from y e Indians divers yeares agoe a Tract of admirable good 
Land conteyneing ab* 70.000 acres. 15.000 of y c best in West Jersey (y* line 
dividing the two provinces passing through itt), I have taken upp and part 
thereof is in the Lease, & 30.000 in East Jersey some of w ch is likewise lett. 
Whosoever takes upp any of y e remainder must pay mee the share of Indian 
purchase. I have mortgaged the 15.000 acres in West Jersey & my In- 
terest in the Indian purchase (w 011 amounts to ab* 200) for 700 Sterling 
money here in England, besides y e twenty proprieties I can att p r sent make 
good, theire will p'bably come to my share 7 or 8 proprieties or 100 parts 
being partly proprieties not sold or mortgaged for small sumes or in Trust all 
w ch belonging to Billing I have p'chased from his heires and have p d all 
Excepting an Annuity of 30 per Annum for a life. I have besides the 
fore menconed a right unto three of the Tenn Burlington proprieties or 
Yorkshire Tenth unless they redeeme itt by y e paym 4 of 300 Sterling 
mony with divers yeares Interest. I am likewise entituled unto Tenn Lotts 
in the Towneshipp of Gloucester and as many in y e Townshipp of Dorsett 
or Egg harbour. I doe conjecture I have 100 per annum or more in Lease 
att Cape may and in Budd's Indian purchase where they have gen r ally as 
I am Informed planted and built, they have in their Leases a Liberty to buy 
y e flee within the space of three yeares. 

Divers p'sons are indebted unto mee and I to others yett I doe beleive ' 
upon the Ballance there is not ffifty pounds difference. I will quitt them 
to the purchasers or take upon my selfe w ch unto them shall seeme most 
expedient. I had almost forgott to mencon a proposall hath been lately 
made mee of selling unto the undertakers for the building of St. Paul's, 
Ceeder Trees for the roof & inword work where wood is Imployed. By 
unanimous relacon of divers who have Examined these Trees there cannot 
bee found better in America, I might add, the world for both purposes. 

ffive of the tenn proprieties in Salem Tenth or County are Mortgaged 
unto mee for about 100 principall Interest and charges but about a moyety 
of the said proprieties were sould before mortgage. The remainder is 
Tenn times the value that is due to mee. 

830 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

An Account of ye quantity Scituation Vallue of my Land 

In America. 

In "West Jersey Twenty Proprieties each supposed to contain thirty 
thousand acres. Twenty thousand being for each propriety already surveyed 
and y e rest is to bee added when upon a Gen'all survey wee can certainely 
Learne what number of acres the whole p'vince containes, w ch will bee 
soone efected by comparing particular surveys w th that little remaines unsur- 
veyed for p'forming w ch I have given particular Instructions. 

Ten of these proprieties are extended a Long y e sea w th out y e Bay 
towards Egg harbour and forty or fifty miles w^in y e Bay towards Cohanzey 
amounting unto Two hundred Thousand acres Plantable Land besides greate 
allowances for Wasts, Barrans, Roads &. This secures to mee the Whale 
ffishing w th in & w th out y e Bay. In order to y e Establishm 1 whereof I have 
Expended betweene two thousand & Three thousand pounds Sterling mony 
and whereunto I am solely entitled and doubt not to make thereof five 
hundred pounds per annum cleare of all Charges. 

Besides there is Contained as followeth w th in this tract of land greate 
numbers of p'digious greate Trees for Masts & yards boards and Lumber 
for y e Isle Lands w ch will bring in if Leased w th out any Lands 200 per 
annum some have offered to take Leases for 7 yeares soe that these proprie- 
tys having cost me as followeth 

Bought of Edward Billing 2 Pro 8 800 

Billing & Saldler.... 2 Pro 8 800 

Benj. Bartlett 5 Pro 3 2000 

Humphrey Madge... 1 Pro 400 

Intrest of 4000 for foure yeares 960 

Survey and Indian Purchase 600 

The Whale flashing 2000 

Besides In* of y e 2660 for Two yeares 


I have Tenn Proprieties more in y e upper part of y e Country whereof 
I have taken up above One hundred thousand acres and itt is Gen'ally 
afirmed unto mee that there is not one hundred acres in all that Tract w ch 
is not most Excellent Land. I have Lett a considerable quantity for 10 
shillings every hundred acres w th Interest for y e mony untill paid w ch is 
Tenn pound, some att y e Expiracon of Two others Three yeares and my 
last Letters acquaint mee they have raised itt to Twelve pound every hun- 
dred acres and hope to advance itt. this Tract of Land lyes for ye space 
of thirty miles upon y e River of Delaware besides 4 Rivers running through 
itt att five or six miles distance & Empty themselves into y e great River. 
This vallued att twelve pence per acre amounts to five thousand pounds, itt 
being surveyed and y e Indian purchas payed w tt out reckoning above one 
hundred thousand acres of Land w ch upon y e division of y e Country is to 
bee added thereunto. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 381 

Adjoining unto this tract is another w ch wee call the Minnisinke Pro- 
vince. This was given mee by an agreemt betweene both provinces, itt 
contains betweene 3 and 400.000 acres but a greate part of itt mountainous 
yett admirable Land between and round the said Mountainous tract soe that 
although halfe bee not good Plantable Land yett y e number and goodness 
of y e mines and mettalls of Lead & Copper & c and diverse usefull mineralls 
doe abundantly Compensate that defect. This Tract then dispised but 
now Enjoyed Cost mee 1500 in y e country with Interest and charges payed 
heare for the proprieters accounts to above 2000. But itt is by mee 
valued att 5000, itt lyes forty Miles w th out Interupcon upon y e greate 
Kiver Delaware admirably scituated for Trade w th the Indians for furs the 
upper part being w th in six dayes easy Journey of y e greate Lake from 
whence most of y e furres are carryed to Canada and brought to New 
York, Jersey, Pensilvania and Maryland. I have beene att greate Ex- 
pence to make friendshipp w 111 the Indians, discover y e passages to the 
Lakes and open'd a way for a vast trade thereunto. I have in East Jersey 
w ch is supposed to contain 1.500.000 acres, two proprieties and a halfe being 
above a tenth part of y e whole and have taken upp (viz 1 ) Surveyed and 
payed y e Indian purchase 50.000 acres of Excellent Land admirably scitu- 
ated viz*. 

acres acres. 

att Barnagate Meadow 1000 upon Doctors River 5 000 

upon Milstone River 7500 upon Wicketouck p* 5 000 

upon Crosswicks Creeke 1500 Tho 8 Budds Indian | 

purchas } 
Totall 50.000 acres. 

These cost mee first purchase above a Thousand pound but I have since 
expended in Indian purchase, survey & above 300 besides y e Interest of 
my Mony. 

Besides Tenn Lotts att Amboy vallued att 12 per Lott. Wee have as I 
remember 600 per annum in quitt Rents for Land sold distinct from the 
fore menconed 50.000 acres of w ch upon dividend a tenth part Comes to 
mee. Besides my tenth of all other Lands hereafter to bee sold or leased 
wee sell land ordinaryly scituated for Tenn pound per hundred acres, well 
scituated from 20 to 30. 

Some of these proprieties were formerly sold att 900 per proprietie 
and one of our p'sent proprietors who hath taken up Land in most places 
togeather w th me to y e quantity of 1C. 000 acres, assured me he hath refused 
800 Sterling for his proprietie soe that I cannot vallue mine att lesse than 
2000. I have about six thousand acres of admirable Land most meadow 
in Long Island w ch altjio itt cost me but 200 Sterling here in England, 
the two p r sons being then greatly streight'ned for mony is vallued on y e 
place att 600 and I am assured I may have soe much for itt." I have in y e 
Towneshipp of Herlam near New Yorke a curious little farme but being 
one of the freemen, have the right of y e Comon w th Tenn tymes y e vallue of 
y e Land already laid out. I vallue both att . . . . 700. 

332 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

12: Mar. 16. Car. 2 a . By letters patents y e King grants to James, 
Duke of Yorke his heires and Assignes diverse lands and Territoryes in 
America, not by any of y e Names given in by D r Coxe at y e yearely Rent 
of fforty beaver skins & and alsoe power to Governe by such Laws in Capi- 
talls and Civills as hee and they shall establish soe y 1 such Laws and pro- 
ceedings bee not contrary to y e Lawes of England but as neere as may bee 
agreeable to y e Lawes, statutes and Governm* 8 of England saveing to y e 
Crowne all appeals and alsoe power to make and name and to alter 
Governor's officers and Ministers & c and to make ordinary fformes of 
Governm 1 & and to p r mitt any p r sons to possesse Lands & and power by 
force of armes as well by sea as land to repulse, resist and Expell all such 
persons as without the speciall Licence of y e Duke his heires or Assignes 
shall attempt to Inhabit within y e s a Territoryes. 

6 Aug't 32 Carl 2 a . By Indenture reciteing y* by y e Letters patents 
above menconed y e King had granted to y e Duke and his heires and assignas 
(among others) y e Lands and Territories then to bee called New Cesaria or 
New Jersey and writeing severall other Deeds whereby a moiety of y e 
p r mises divided and called west New Jersey came to William Pen, Gawen 
Lawry, Nich 8 Lucas, John Edridge and Edm. Warner, in Trust as to 90 
hundredth pt s y e whole in a 100 pt s to be divided for Edw. Billing in flee 
and as to y e other 10 hundred parts in trust for John Eldridge and Edm. 
Warner in flee. The Duke grants to Pen, Lawry, 

Legail estate & upon y e Trusts afores d and grants to Ew d Billing & 
Billing the hj s heires y e same powers, authorities, Jurisdiccous, 

powers only. Governm* &c. which had beene granted to y e Duke. 

14 mar. 35. Carl. 2. By Indenture reciteing y e Kings grant ut supra & c 
The Duke of Yorke Grants and confirmes to Billing and three and twenty 
others and their heires and assignes East New Jersey and all y e powers 
Jurisdiccons, right of Government & c . 

19 ffeb. 3. Ja. 2. By Indenture reciting the p r mises and that Billing was 
dead and had left 2 daughters his only children and heires viz* Gratia 
Bartlet y e wife of Benj Bartlet and Loveday Billing and y* y e powers 
relating to west new Jersey were vested in Benj u Bartlet, Gratia his wife 
and Loveday Billing some or one of them & reciting y* D r Dan 1 Coxe had 
purchased sev'rall proprietyes or shares of west new 
Jerse y y e sd Ben J B and Gratia his wife "and Loveday 
Note a Feme Billing for a Competent sume grt and assigne all y e 

Covert grants powers, Jurisdiccons &c before menconed to be granted 

to Billing unto D r Coxe, his heires and assignes. 

King Charles y e second makes a Grant of y e New Netherlands given in a 
Treaty by the Dutch in Exchange for Serenam with an Ample patent for 
Soyle and Governm*. 

The Duke of York Grants y e Moiety of this province then called New 
Yorke unto y e Lord Barkley and S r George Carteret who named it New 
Cesaria or New Jersey and since it is Comonly called New Jersey. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 333 

They divided the province into two parts y e one called East Jersey which 
came by agreem' to s r George Cartaret y e other West Jersey belonging to 
y e L d Barkley. S r George Carteret Conveyes his moiety of East Jersey 
to twelve proprietors. 

The Lord Barkley his moiety of West Jersey to Edward Byllynge and 
because there was some dispute whether y e Duke of Yorke had conveyed 
w th y soyle all his rights & powers of Governing Edw d Byllynge and the 
proprieto" of East Jersey obtained a new Grant from y c Duke of York, 
therein declaring he did invest them w th all his rights & power of Governm*. 
Adding att y e Bequest of the proprietors of East Jersey 12 proprietors to 
y e former 12 soe y* they were in all 24 proprietors and have soe continued 
ever since most resident in greate Brittaine choosing every 3 yeare a 
Governo r out of their number and manage all their affaires, give ordr 3 for 
sale of Lands Instructions for Governm* here in England to a Deputy 
Govern 1 " whome they likewise intrust with convenient powers for Governm* in 
y e province and have continued this course divers yeares w th out Interupcon. 

Edward Byllyng dies, his heires Convey his land unsold with all his powers 
of Governm' to Daniell Coxe who hath exercised four yeares. 

The Authority granted by y e s d patent is now in the actuall possession 
thereof w th out y c least dispute or Interuption from the Crowne or private 

Qucrc 1. Whether Daniell Coxe Cannot Convey with his land his Rights 
of Governm 11 to a certaine number of Twenty four more or lesse. 

Quere 2d. Whether it will bee more advantagious for purchasers to take 
y e Grant of y e said D r Coxe which is y e most Ample of any yett granted or 
to obtaine a new Grant from y e King in way of a Corporacon who will 
never bee able to obtaine diverse priviledges in the Auntient patent, 
ministers of State haveing declared against such greate powers. 

Quere 3d. Whether if y e Ministers should Dispute our rights of Governm* 
and endeavour to seize it for y e King they cann have any Legall pretence or 
Authority soe to doe y e parliament viz' y house of Comons haveing de- 
clared all such Licenses Illegall & void by vertue of which Declaracon wee 
entred againe upon our Governm* being by y e late King disseized a few 
months before his abdicacon and y said house of Comons by Bill had Con- 
firmed y Charters of New England and Jersey but being suddenly Dis- 
solved it did not passe y c house of Lords. 

1. I conceive D r . Coxe may grant his land w th his rights of Governm* to 
w* number of p r sons hee pleaseth, there being noe restriccon in y c foregoing 
Grant either Exprest or implied. 

2. I see noe cause for y r obtaining a new grant from y e Crowne & thinke 
it more advantage to a purchas r to take y e Doctors Grant alone than 

3. This being in effect y King's owne purchase of a Tract of Land out 
of y Dominions of Greate Britain & Ireland He might alter or impose w* 
lawes lice thought meet therefore if y e Kings Grantee his heires or assignes 

VOL. vii. 23 

334 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

pursue y e powers granted as neere as Convenience will permit! and intro- 
duce or establish no other Eeligion than Christian I thinke y e Crowne 
cannot seize it. 

Proposalls made ly Daniell Coxe proprietary and Governour of 
ye provinces of East and West Jersey in America. 

The above menconed Daniell Coxe being resolved to sell his interest in 
Land and Governm* of the Collonies of East and West Jersey the land 
Amounting by a moderate Calculacon unto one million of acres whereof 
above 400.000 are surveyed and the Indian purchase paid, the remainder 
surveyed but not all y e Indian purchase p d which the said Daniell Coxe will 
att his owne Expence effect. 

Besides the purchase of y e land many thousand pounds have beene Ex- 
pended upon the establishing a whale ffishing which will bring for y e future 
very greate profitt to y e und r takers with a small expence. Itt is believed 
a thousand pounds per ann m cleere of all. charges, the said Daniell Coxe 
hath likewise at Burlington two houses & Kill with all necessary mate- 
rialls & implem ts with diverse servants who have made a greate progresse in 
a pottery of white and China ware above 1200 worth being already made 
& vended in the Country neighbour plantacons & the Islands of Barbadoes, 
Jamaica, & & well managed will probably bee very advantagious to y e 
undertakers. D. Coxe having Expended thereon to bring it to perfeccon 
all most 2000. 

Further diverse Tracts of Land belonging unto D. Coxe are Excellently 
accomodated with Timber for building ships, Timber for y e plantacons, 
masts & yards for greater ships of which greate benefitt may bee made being 
neer great navigable rivers & furnished with divers small ones fitt for saw 
mills whereof one or two are already erected. 

Besides the said D. Coxe hath y e greatest assurance imaginable that 
y e upper parte of y e Country wherein 2 parts of 3 of his land is scituated 
abounds with very rich mines of lead, Copper & other mettals & mineralls 
needlesse to be here menconed and that neer navigable Rivers. 

Besides 2 ffarmes one at y e towne of Harlem in New Yorke Island, the 
other neere Huntingdon in long Island, containing both betweene six and 
seaven thousand acres of choice land admirably scituated for Trade and 
Navigacon both having a good and numerous neighbourhood being both in 
the Government of new Yorke neere East Jersey. The premises will bee 
sold together with the Hereditary Governm* of west Jersey for which I have 
refused a Thousand Guineas, and above a tenth parte of y e Governm* in 
East Jersey w ch were valued by Indifferent p'sons att 12.000 Sterling 
though they cost y e said D Coxe almost double will bee sold for 20.000 
Sterling in manner following. 

1. The whole is to be divided into 400 shares each share to be valued at 
fifty pounds and every share intitles y e purchaser to one vote and soe pro- 
porconably in y e managem 1 of y e Trade unto and Governm* of y e lands 
before recited excepting w* is hereafter Excepted. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 335 

2. "Whosoever subscribes for 20 Shares shall bee stiled a grand proprietor 
of course imediately & thence forwards w th out new eleccon or Confirmacon 
one of y e Comittee of y e proprietors for Governm 1 of y e Country, improveing 
y e land and workeing y c mines for y e good of y e Communication as likewise 
of y e Committee of trade from England and in y e provinces w th Indians, 
English & others & to continue in such stacon so long as hee is intitled 
unto 10 shares when his interests fall short of that number to bee in equall 
Condicon with others in like circumstances. 

3. Whoesoever subscribes for 10 shares is always of course to be w th out 
further eleccon or Confirmacon one of y e Committee for Trade so long as 
hee keepes 5 shares then to be on equall termes with others. 

4. A Governour & Deputy Governour are to be Annually chosen or 
confirmed by the purchasers or proprietors having votes according to y e 
number of shares. 

5. Att the same time y e purchasers or proprietors are y e first meeting to 
elect and every other meeting after add soe many Assistants to y e Comm tee 
of grand proprietors soe many as will make their number 20 and soe many 
to y e originall proprietors for trade w ch are such as have 10 shares soe many 
Assistants as will make them 30. 

6 th If any p r son hereafter by purchase attaine to 20 Shares hee shall bee 
of course a grand proprietor. If 10 of course one of y e Committee for trade 
to take his place y e next Annuall meeting and not sooner w th out consent 
of y e majority of y e said Committee or of a Generall Court. 

7. Out of y e Grand Comm* 6 of proprietors 5 shall bee deputed to Concert 
affaires w th y proprietors of East Jersey whensoever there is occasion abo 1 
y e Governm* of y c said province according unto their present Laudable 
Custome & Constitution whereby every one possessing halfe a propriety is 
admitted to all publick consultacons with a right of voting. 8. As every 
share hath a vote soe shall every proprieto r receive their Dividends out 
of y e profitt & pay towards all charges agreed upon by y e respective Com- 
mittees according unto their particular proporcons. The p r sent proprietor 
of these lands demands this priviledge y* he may have the liberty any time 
w th in 12 months if hee thinkes fitt to put in any sume of money not 
Exceeding 2000 and thereupon be Entitled unto 40 Shares paying his 
proporcon towards all publicke charges from y sale of y e p r mises by him 
unto y e Society of purchasers or proprietors. 

Being desired by diverse who designe to purchase y* I would propose a 
scheme, I present y m w th what preceeds not as if they were to be con- 
cluded by it but to approve or reject or substitute thereunto or subtract 
therefrom as they shall see Convenient. 

For a copy of the following document, the writer is indebted to the cour- 
tesy of Judge John Clement, of Haddonfield, N. J., who states that "the 
original manuscript being torn, and the writing often defaced, the words 
inclosed in brackets are conjecturally supplied." 

336 Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 

Proceedings of the Commissioners, 

The 8 th day of y e twelveth month 16 [87] 

The deputy Govenor and Commissioners being then met at y e bouse of 
[Henry] Grubb in Burlington, proposed to Govenor Coxe's agent to joyn 
y e Proprietors [and] Commissioners in making as large a purchase from y e 
Indian natives [as can be] had on y e behalf of y e Govenor and proprietors 
of this Province. The [same] to be done with all convenient speed : to y e 
intent y e same purchase be made to y e best advantage to y e Govenor and 
proprietors. And that y e land (being soe purchased and cleared of y e Indians) 
may then accommodate those who are shortly expected from England. 

Alsoe it being proposed by y e Govenors agent that a general warrant be 
granted to y e Deputy Govenor and Com" for y e surveying of y e [said] lands 
belonging to y e first settlements for twelve proprieties, 
of this province for y e Govenor. To which y e Deputy Govenor [and] they 
are very ready and desirous to accommodate y e Govenor therein: And 
alsoe may preserve themselves as clear of violating those laws [which] they 
are obliged by y e laws of y e Province to observe. And [alsoe they much] 
desire they may first see the deeds or authentique coppys [to follow] what 
had been y e methods of their predecessors in such [cases] whereupon war- 
rant was issued forth calling y e [Proprietors together] that their minds may 
be further known therein. 

The 13 th of y e 12 th month 1687. Upon several proposals of y e Govenors 
agent on behalf of y e [Govenor Daniel Coxe Esquire]. 

To y e Deputy Govenor and Councill and y e Comm rs with petition to 
[forward] to y e Surveyor General for taking up y e Govenors shares of land 
of y e first divident or settlem ts for twelve proprieties through y e Country, 
His making a particular purchase from y e Indians. The proprietors were 
thereupon called together to give their answer [and did] conclude and 
agree as follows. That foreasmuch as y e proposalls of y e Govenors agent 
y e day and year above said came before y e proprietors which being by 
them well considered] and found to be contrary to y e former rules and 
methods for taking [up] land. Yet they being desirous to accommodate 
y e Govenor [as well as] those many families from England here hath given 
inform [ation and] are upon their remove into this Province. And alsoe 
upon y e [expectations] and hopes of y e great advantage that will accrue 
to y e Prov[ine] in poepleing y e same. 

The proprietors agree that y e Go[venor] may take up y e shares of land 
belonging to him for y e [first] divident of twelve proprieties, y e same to be 
taken up [as follows] one half thereof between Cohanzey and Beare-gate 
no[t exceeding] two places or tracts, and the other half to be taken up 
[above] the falls on any lands not before taken up and s[urveyed not] exceed- 
ing two places or tracts [ ] at soe [ ] the [ ] satis- 
fied that y e [ ] not [ ] his purchase of y e same land parti- 
cularly by himself. 

Biographical Notice of Doctor Daniel Coxe. 337 

Alsoe y e proprietors agree and appoint y e Court to assign a Warrant to 
y - General surveyor to survey and lay out y e lands as above said for y e use 
of y e Govenor when y e same shall be purchased of y e Indians. Y e agreement 
aforesaid subscribed by y e proprietors underwritten. 

Andrew Robeson. Thomas Gardiner. John Dayes. "William Royden. John 
Hugg. Bernard Devonish. John Pancoast. Ehas ffar. Thomas Barton. Free- 
dom Lippincott. Isaac Marriott. William Cooper, John Shinn. James Atkin- 
son. Thomas Sharp. Thomas Farnsworth Percival Toole. William Beard. 
William Bates- John Kay. Thomas Thackara. John Reading. William 
Albertson. Thomas Mathews. Joshua Humphries. Nathaniel Cripps. An- 
thony Elton. 

Copy of y e Warrant to y e Surveyor General. 

In persuance of y^Agreement of y e Proprietors mett at Burlington in 
y e Province aforesaid y e 13 th day of y e 12 th month called ffebruary instant, 
you are hereby required to lay out and survey to and for Daniel Coxe Esquire 
Govenor of y e said Province his severall shares and parcels of land to him 
belonging as his first divident for 12 proprieties in y e Province aforesaid: 
the one moietie or halfe part thereof to be taken up between Cohanzey and 
Beare-gate in y e said Province not exceeding two tracts or places, and 
y e other moietie or half part thereof above y e falls in y e said Province on 
any land not before taken up and surveyed, not exceeding two tracts or 
places. The same land to be soe taken up and surveyed as aforesaid being : 
first to be purchased and cleared from y e Indian natives, and make return 
thereof and of the bearings and boundings thereof at y e next quarterly court 
of sessions to be held at Burlington for y e jurisdiction thereof : to y e intent 
y e same may be then published and recorded by order of Court. 

And for soe doing this shall be yo r sufficient Warrant 

Given unde o r hands at Burlington y e 13 th day of y e 12 to 
month called ffebruary Anno 1687. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


BURIALS, 1709-1760. 


July 14, 
Dec. 9, 

Oct. 7, 
Aug. 26, 
Oct. 10, 
July 4, 
June 30, 
Dec. 5, 
Feb. 15, 
June 26, 
Aug. 20, 
Feb. 12, 
July 15, 
Aug. 28, 
Sept. 20, 
Sept. 25, 
July 7, 
Sept. 29, 
Mar. 21, 
Mar. 24, 
June 6, 
Oct. 31, 
Jan. 18, 
Nov. 26, 
Jan. 25, 
April 29, 
Oct. 7, 
April 14, 
Aug. 3, 
Aug. 27, 
Dec. 21, 
Oct. 23, 
Sept. 5, 
Dec. 31, 
Aug. 26, 




































(Concluded from page 227.) 

Watson, John, son of Samuel. 

Watterman, Thomas. 
Watts, John. 

" Samuel. 

" Charles, son of Charles. 

Wayfrench, Susannah, wife of George. 
Wayne, Gabriel, son of Gabriel. 

" Jacob, son of Abraham. 

Web, Elizabeth, dau. of Robert 

Webster, Robert. Barbadces. 
Weildy, Hannah, An orphan. 

, Welch, George. 

Welden, Grace, dau. of John and Mary. 

Weldon, Mary, wife of William. 

Andrew, son of William. 

Mary, da'u. of William. 
" Mary. 

Welldon, John. 
Wells, Mary, wife of Henry. 

Mary, dau. of George. 

George, son of George. 

Arthur. Presbyterian Ground. 

Captain Henry. 

Jehosheba, wife of George. 

William, son of Thomas. 



Sarah, wife of Thomas. 


Sarah, dau. of Thomas. 

Welshman, William. 
Wessels, Edward, son of John. 

West, Capt. John. 

" Eleanor. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Dec. 22,1736. 
Jan. 13,1736-7 
Nov. 14, 1746. 
Aug. 4,1753. 
Oct. 12,1757. 
Feb. 27,1720-1 
Dec. 31,1729. 
May 24,1720. 
Feb. 14,1734-5, 
July 31,1733. 
June 5, 1737. 
Aug. 12, 1749. 
Mar. 25,1752. 
May 28,1722. 
April 14, 1731. 
Aug. 11, 1734. 
Aug. 23, 1743. 
Mar. 7, 1755. 
Feb. 27,1730-1. 
Jan. 3, 1732-3. 
Oct. 18,1754. 
Sept. 19, 1749. 
April 9,1726. 
Oct. 9, 1727. 
Jan. 8, 1728-9. 
July 24,1731. 
April 27, 1732. 
Jan. 5, 1736-7. 
Feb. 15,1736-7. 
Dec. 3, 1745. 
Dec. 4, 1745. 
April 25, 1746. 
July 21,1746. 
Sept. 26, 1749. 
Dec. 14,1751. 
Oct. 4, 1754. 
Nov. 22, 1754. 
May 9, 1755. 
Oct. 5, 1756. 
Sept. 5, 1757. 
July 21,1758. 
Aug. 8,1758. 
Sept. 12, 1758. 
July 19,1759. 
Oct. 17,1759. 
June 16, 1743. 

West, Caleb, son of William. 

" Mary, dau. of Richard. 

" Richard. 

" James. 

" William. 

. Weston, Thomas. 

" Martha, dau. of Peregrine. 

Westward, Thomas. 
. Wey, Anne. Widow. 

Weyn, Jacob, son of Jacob. 

Whatley, Joseph. 
Wheat, Mary. 

Wheatly, John. 
Wheldon, Debora. 

" Mary, dau. of John. 

" John, eon of John. 

" John. 

" Margaret, dau. of Mary. 

, Whelin, Hannah. 
, Whey, Anne, wife of James. 

Whiley, Hannah, dau. of James. 

Whitby, Mary, dau. of Charlelote. 
White, Capt. Thomas. Drowned. 

" Thomas, son of Robert. 

Giles. Strangers' Ground. 


Sarah, dau. of Philip. 

Jane, dau. of Robert. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Susannah. 

Martha, dau. of John. 

Susannah, dau. of John. 


Jane, wife of John. 

William, son of John. 

Anne, dau. of Townsend. 




son of Thomas Blanch. 

John, son of John. 
Elizabeth, dau. of John. 
Sarah, dau. of John. 
Jacob, son of John. 
" Martha, dau. of John. 

" Thomas, son of William. 

Whitebread, Mary, dau. of William. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

June 29, 1744. Whitehand, 

Ann, dau. of Joseph. 

June 13, 1717. Whitehead, 

William, son of Oliver and 

/ ' 


July 31,1741. " 

Elizabeth, dau. of Robert. 

Nov. 15, 1742. " 

Jane, wife of Robert. 

Sept. 23, 1759. " 

William, son of Robert. 

Oct. 31,1756. Whitelock, 

dau. of Thomas. 

Oct. 23,1758. " 


July 12,1743. Whitely, 

Mary, wife of Anthony. 

IS T ov. 19, 1732. Whitmore, 

George, of Bristoll. 

July 25,1743. Whitten, 

Mary, dau. of James. 

Aug. 18, 1713. Whittingham,John, son of William and 


June 11, 1716. 

Mary, wife of William. 

June 9, 1744. Whitton, 

James, son of James. 

Oct. 1, 1748. " 

Sarah, wife of James. 

Oct. 13,1748. 

Sarah, dau. of James. 

Aug. 3,1759. 

James, son of James. 

July 15,1756. Whitwood, 


Mar. 19, 1759. Widgery, 

Ann, dau. of John. 

July 17,1758. Wigley, 

George, son of John. 

Nov. 28, 1746. Wilcocks, 

Benjamin, son of Capt. John. 

Aug. 31, 1714. Wilcox, 

Marah, dau. of William and 


Sept. 3, 1740. " 

Thomas, son of John. 

June 28, 1756. " 

son of Robert. 

Sept, 17, 1727. "Wild, 

Thomas, son of Benjamin. 

Buried over ye river. 

Aug. 26, 1744. Wildey, 

Mary, wife of Copeman. 

Aug. 3,1727. Wildman, 


July 22,1740. Wiley, 

Sabras, dau. of Alexander. 

May 17,1741. " 

Mary, wife of Alexander. 

Dec. 9, 1741. " 


Aug. 1,1742. " 

Alexander, son of Alexander. 

Jan. 16, 1715-6. Wilkinson, 

Elizabeth. An orphan. 

May 14,1722. 


Feb. 21,1732-3. " 


Aug. 15, 1734. " 

Gabriel, son of Gabriel. 

Feb. 26,1736-7. " 

Anthony, son of Anthony. 

Dec. 4, 1738. 

Rebecca, dau. of Gabriel. 

June 7,1740. 

Anne, dau. of John. 

Aug. 15, 1747. " 

Gabriel, son of Gabriel. 

Nov. 22, 1747. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 

July 18,1750. " 


Dec. 26,1750. " 


May 11,1751. " 


Becords of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 341 

May 29, 1751. Wilkinson, Mary, clan, of Brian. 

Aug. 31, 1757. " Jane, wife of John. 

Dec. 12,1759. " Elizabeth, dau. of John. 

Aug. 23, 1723. Willard, - child of John. 

Dec. 8, 1736. " Michael, son of Benjamin. 

Aug. 25, 1746. Judith, dau. of Richard. 

June 27, 1714. Willcox, Love, dau. of Daniel and 


Feb. 1, 1718-9 " Marcy, wife of Daniel. 

Dec. 1, 1745. " Elizabeth, dau. of Capt, John. 

Sept. 10, 1750. William, Mary. 
July 17, 1709. Williams, James. 

Oct. 18, 1710. " John, son of John and Mary. 

Nov. 6, 1714. " Roger. 

July 19, 1723. " Henry. 

Jan. 25, 1726-7. " John. Strangers' Ground. 

Aug. 6,1727. " Amy, wife of John. Quakers' 

Nov. 1,1730. " Sarah. [Ground. 

Feb. 25, 1730-1. " Mary, dau. of Charles. 

June 15, 1732. " George, son of Charles. 

Dec. 26,1732. John. 

May 6,1733. " John. 

Sept. 26, 1738. " Charles, son of Adam. 

May 4, 1739. " Sarah, dau. of Elizabeth. 

June 25, 1739. " Anne, dau. of Charles. 

Oct. 3,1740. " Charles. 

Sept. 6, 1743. " Benjamin, son of Charles. 

Oct. 11, 1743. " Jacob. Swedes' Church. 

Nov. 15, 1743. " John. 

Feb. 14, 1744-5. " William, son of Thomas. 

June 26, 1745. " Mark. 

Mar. 9, 1746-7. " John, son of Edward. 

Oct. 1, 1747. " Hannah, dau. of Edward. 

Oct. 2,1747. " Elizabeth. 

July 31, 1748. John, son of John. 

May 26, 1749. " John. 

Jan. 23,1752. Priscilla. 

June 20, 1755. " son of William. 

Nov. 14, 1755. " Mary, dau. of John. 

Dec. 7, 1755. " Sarah, dau. of Samuel. 

Sept. 9,1756. " William. 

Dec. 17,1756. " son of John. 

Aug. 11, 1757. " son of Charles. 

July 30, 1758. " John, son of Charles. 

Sept. 2, 1758. " William, son of William. 

Oct. 9, 1758. " Sarah. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Mar. 1, 1759. 


April 30, 1759. 


July 19,1759. 


Aug. 1,1759. 


Nov. 14, 1729. 


May 22,1733. 


Aug. 6,1733. 


Dec. 12,1738. 


Aug. 27, 1746. 


June 1, 1752. 


July 7, 1756. 


Aug. 26, 1734. 


July 5, 1750. 


Dec. 2, 1754. 


Feb. 3, 1756. 


June 28, 1714. 


Jan. 23,1718-9. " 

Dec. 27,1738. 


Oct. 24,1741. 


June 30, 1742. 


Oct. 2, 1742. 


Aug. 12, 1727. 


April 3,1751. 


Jan. 18,1752. 


Oct. 7, 1717. 


July 22,1718. 

Aug. 18, 1746. 
June 7,1717. 


April 12, 1731. 


Oct. 26,1738. 


Nov. 18, 1743. 


Sept. 23, 1746. 


Dec. 15,1746. 


July 29,1747. 


Aug. 9,1747. 


Mar. 27,1754. 


Nov. 6, 1756. 


Sept. 2, 1758. 


Nov. 1, 1734. 


May 10,1748. 
Aug. 16, 1748. 

Wind ridge, 

Sept. 10, 1748. 


June 11, 1749. 


Nov. 27, 1726. 


son of William. 

Abraham, son of Abraham. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Charles. 


John. [Ground. 

John, son of William. Swedes' 

"William, son of William. 

Swedes' Ground. 
John, son of Henry. 
Martha, dau. of Henry. 
William, son of Henry. 

son of William. 

Sarah, dau. of Benjamin. Over 

ye river. 

Joseph, son of Charles. 
Charles, Esquire. 
Ann. [Elizabeth. 

Thomas, son of Richard and 
Elizabeth, wife of Richard. 
Lydia, dau. of Thomas. 
Sarah, dau. of Thomas. 

Eloner, dau. of Thomas. 

Sarah, wife of Saul. 
Mr. Thomas. 
Marcy, dau. of Marcy. 
Zachariah, son of Solomon. 

Joseph, son of Henry. 

Mary, dau. of John, deceased. 

Mary, dau. of John. 
Anne, wife of Edward. 

Paul, son of the widow. 
James, of Kent Co., Gent. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 


Jan. 24, 1710-1. Wiseman, 


Oct. 1, 1736. Wisenger, 

Daniel, son of Daniel. 

Oct. 7, 1753. Witterens, 

Francis. [Mary. 

July 11, 1710. Wittingham, 

William, son of William and 

Aug. 19, 1713. Wivell, 

Mary, dau. of William and 

Sept. 29, 1711. Wollis, 

Anne, wife of Robert. 

Jan. 20, 1736-7. Wood, 

George, son of John. 

Mar. 12, 1736-7. " 

Elizabeth, dau. of Daniel. 

Oct. 3, 1742. " 

George, son of John. 

Nov. 15, 1743. " 

Mary, wife of Francis. 

July 29,1746. " 

Mary, dau. of Joanna, widow. 

Sept. 10, 1749. " 

Susannah, dau. of Joseph. 

July 30,1750. " 

Mary, dau. of John. 

June 29, 1756. 


Aug. 20, 1756. " 

nOTl r\+ ly-fcl-**^ 

ilcttl* Ul cJUIlIl* 

Sept. 3,1759. " 

Mary, dau. of Thomas. 

April 12, 1731. Wooddrop, 

Hannah, dau. of Alexander. 

Oct. 2, 1736. Woodfield, 

William, son of Thomas. 

Oct. 19,1736. 

son of Thomas. 

Dec. 8, 1738. " 

Thomas, son of Thomas. 

July 24,1743. " 

Mary, dau. of Thomas. 

Aug. 25, 1747. " 

Thomas, son of Thomas. 

Sept. 6, 1746. Woodley, 

Jonathan. [Anne. 

Aug. 16, 1722. Woodrop, 

William, son of Alexan der and 

Aug. 6, 1742. " 

Ann, wife of Alexander. 

Nov. 9, 1742. 


June 9, 1734. Woodrope, 

Francis Alexander, son of 


Aug. 27, 1747. Woodward, 

Mary, wife of Joseph. 

Jan. 7, 1735-6. Woolard, 


Jan. 12,1735-6. " 

James, son of Benjamin. 

Oct. 23,1742. Woolf, 


Jan. 22,1753. Worrel, 

Hannah, wife of James. 

July 21,1754. 

William, son of James. 

Feb. 28,1758. " 

Mary, wife of James. 

Oct. 2, 1722. Worrell, 


Jan. 2, 1732-3. " 


Feb. 3, 1732-3. " 


July 17, 1752. " 

James, son of James. 

Sept, 6, 1750. Wragg, 


April 3, 1731. Wrath, 

Rachel, dau. of William. 

Oct. 12, 1733. " 

Sarah, dau. of William. 

June 9,1736. " 


Aug. 29, 1736. " 

Leah, dau. of William. 

July 20,1738. 

Robert, son of William. 


Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

Nov. 4, 1726. Wright, 

July 28,1731. 

June 15, 1735. " 

Aug. 23, 1736. 

Aug. 21, 1747. 

May 12,1748. 

June 2,1748. 

Jan. 17,1750-1. " 

May 5, 1752. " 

May 12,1758. Write, 

June 1, 1757. 


June 25, 1758. 


Sept. 14, 1759. 


Sept. 17, 1753. 


Nov. 10, 1737. 


Jan. 22,1737-8 


April 2,1744. 


Oct. 11,1756. 


July 11, 1750. 


Aug. 3,1752. 


April 27, 1756. 


Dec. 17,1728. 


Dec, 9, 1742. 


Aug. 4,1752. 


Nov. 30, 1758. 


Oct. 6, 1726. 


Sept. 28, 1728. 


July 1, 1729. 


July 11,1739. 


July 9, 1746. 


Oct. 31,1750. 


Oct. 28,1752. 


Dec. 26,1752. 


July 12,1757. 


Jan. 30,1759. 


Mar. 19, 1759. 


June 12, 1755. 


Nov. 8, 1731. 


April 2,1736. 


May 17,1746. 


Moses, son of Moses and 

Robert. [Susannah. 

Anne, dau. of William. 


Samuel, son of Edward. 


Kendrick, wife of Henry. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Edward. 


Mary, wife of Edward. 

John, son of John. 
Mary, dau. of John. 

son of John. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Eandolph. 
James, son of Eandolph. 
Jane, wife of Randall. 

wife of Joseph. 

Mary, dau. of William. 
Mary, dau. of William. 

son of William. 

Elizabeth, dau. of John. 
Margaret, wife of Thomas. 
David, son of Thomas. 

dau. of Thomas. 

Elizabeth, dau. of William 

and Joanna. 
Mary, dau. of William. 

Thomas, son of John. 
Lucy, dau. of John. 
Chas., son of John. 
Rebecca, dau. of John. 

dau. of John. 

Jane, wife of James. 
Jane, dau. of James. 

son of James. 


Henry, son of Christian. 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 



(Additions in Roman type, corrections in italics.) 

April 21, 1717. Ashton, 

Sept. 3, 1728. Assheton, 

Nov. 15, 1759. Bane, 

June 21, 1743. Bard, 

Oct. 28,1759. 


July 31,1742. 


Aug. 14, 1728. 


Oct. 17,1739. 


Oct. 25,1747. 

By water, 

Sept, 9, 1729. 


Dec. 5, 1756. 


July 15; 1735. 


June 22, 1711. 


May 28,1732. 


Aug. 23, 1711. 


Sept. 18, 1711. 


Aug. 22,1713. 


Jan. 25,1736-7 


Sept. 30, 1759. 
Nov. 19,1734. 


June 21, 1754. 


Aug. 2, 1758. 


July 13,1733. 


Sept. 14, 1712. 


Aug. 3,1735. 


Oct. 18,1753. 


July 4, 1737. 


Sept, 20, 1758. 


Oct. 8, 1747. 


Oct. 1, 1748. 


Oct. 26, 1758. 


Mar. 18,1733. 


Dec. 11, 1753. 


July 17,1740. 


Aug. 31, 1730. 


dau. of Jonathan and 

Solomon, son of John. 

son of Abraham. 

Harriot Elizabeth, dau. of 


Hannah, dau. of French. 
Mary, wife of Anthony. 
John, son of John. 

Elizabeth, dau. of Jervis. 

son of Daniel. 

Elizabeth, dau. of William. 
Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas and 
John. [Elizabeth. 

Mary, dau. of Francis and 


Sarah, dau. of Francis and 
Thomas. [Mary. 

Rachel, dau. of John. 
Samuel, son of John. 

Susannah, dau. of James. 
Sarah, dau. of Thomas. 
Mary, wife of Francis. 

Hannah, dau. of Thomas. 
States, son of Thomas, Junior. 
Mary. Widow. 

Martha, dau. of Robert. 
Joseph, son of Robert. 

John, son of George. 
Samuel, son of William. 
Phoebe, wife of Obadiah. 

346 Notes and Queries. 


CHARLES YARLO AND NEW ALBION. The publication of the Latin origi- 
nal of Plowden's Charter of New Albion in the last number of the MAGAZINE 
has attracted fresh attention to the subject of that grant, and we are in- 
debted to Mr. William Kelby, Librarian of the Historical Society of New 
York, for transcripts from Charles Yarlo's Nature Displayed, and Floating 
Ideas of Nature, works sufficiently rare to justify the republication of the 
extracts. The same gentleman has also sent us a kindred item from The 
Massachusetts Centinel. For a further account of this rather obscure point 
in American colonial history, the reader is referred to a "Note on New 
Albion," by the editor, in vol. iii. of Mr. Justin Winsor's Narrative and 
Critical History of America, soon to appear. 

(From The Massachusetts Centinel, August 14, 1784.) 

As a paper in the style of a Proclamation and signed Albion, has lately 
made its appearance in Philadelphia, and excited the curiosity of the Pub- 
lick we may perhaps stand excused for inserting the following advertise- 
ment, copied from the London Evening Post of the 22d of January last. 

To Be Lett. 

In the finest part of America, on leases of lives renewable for ever, in such 
sized Farms as may be agreed on, the Estates of the Earl Palatine of Albion, 
consisting of Long Island, together with 120 miles square on the continent, 
one side of which joins the sea from Sandy-Hook to Cape May, called New 
Albion. This Province is not one of the thirteen included in the articles of 
Peace between the Congress and England. The lands are good, and will be 
let very cheap to industrious tenants. The Charter, and conditions of letting 
the lands, etc., are printed in a pamphlet, price one shilling, sold by Mr. Rey- 
nell, printer, No. 11 Piccadilly, London. Letters post paid, and signed with 
real names, directed for E. P. at the said printers, will be answered to the 
purpose, by the Agent to the Earl of Albion. 

(From Nature Displayed, by Charles Yarlo, London, 1794, page 142 et seq.) 

One Edward Plowden, Esq., member of the Assembly for Maryland, farms 
his own estate, being about fifteen hundred acres. ***** This 

very gentleman is one of the offspring of Sir Edward Plowden, Earl of Al- 
bion, Lord Chief Governor, Prince Palatine, and Proprietor of New Albion, 
(now corruptly called East and West Jerseys,) which is 120 miles square. 
This province was discovered and settled with five hundred men, by the said 
Sir Edward Plowden, for which, King Charles I. in the tenth year of his 
reign, granted him a charter, which is now enrolled in the City of Dublin, 
where Sir Edward Plowden chose to have it registered, being a Peer of 
Ireland : however, it was very unlucky for the family, as this immense estate 
is likely to be lost by it, as the Earl of Albion gave the province of New 
Albion to his second son. Edward Plowden accordingly, with his lady and 
two children, went over as governor, to enjoy his property ; but they had 
not been long there, before the Indians came down on them, and killed the 
governor, Lord Albion, his lady, and family, except the two sons, and they 

Notes and Queries. 347 

being so young that they retained nothing but the name ; the copy of the 
charter the governor took over, with other records, was burned by the In- 
dians ; consequently the province lay vacant without a governor or owner, 
for many years, as the next heirs to the estate could not find where the origi- 
nal charter was enrolled, not suspecting it to be in Ireland. 

Thus it lay till Charles II. came to the Crown, and then, tyrant-like, 
secretly, without consent of parliament, made another grant to his brother 
the Duke of York ; from which grant most of the inhabitants hold the lands 
to this day, tho' they all know that their titles cannot be good while the 
first charter is subsisting ; it is a proverb in that country, that the lawyers 
at New York and Philadelphia have fed upon the bad titles of the Jerseys, 
as few people, of eminence but knew that there was another charter subsist- 
ing somewhere, as many local grants from it are registered both in Burling- 
ton and Philadelphia; as also pamphlets wrote in early days, setting forth 
every particular of this province, which are preserved in the libraries of Bur- 
lington and Philadelphia. It is likewise fully set forth in Smith's History 
of New Jersey. 

In 1772, an accident discovered to us, that the real charter was registered 
in Dublin. A just copy in Latin was procured under the hand of Mr. Perry, 
which was translated into English, printed and distributed among the in- 
habitants of New Albion, which has opened their eyes so much, that no one 
doubts the justness of the claim : However, as it is held under another grant, 
tho' false, it will be a doubtful case to recover, as it must be tried in the 
same province, where both judge and jurymen would be self-interested ; but 
a suit may perhaps commence shortly against the crown of England to re- 
cover damages, as it is supposed to be as much answerable for the miscon- 
duct X its predecessors, as a private subject of Great Britain would be to 
recover damages in such a case ; and every one knows, that if an estate be 
sold twice over, the second title cannot be good, consequently must fall to 
the ground, and be null and void to all intents and purposes. 

I having a right to one-third part of the large province, induced me to under- 
take such a long voyage at so late a period of life, hoping to recover it, and 
having room, I thought it not amiss to convey this extraordinary proceeding 
of Charles II. down to posterity, in order to bear record how the true heirs, 
who not only spent their fortune, but blood also, to christianize this country, 
were robbed of it, as no king has a right to break a charter, without consent 
of parliament. 

(From Floating Ideas of Nature, by Charles Yarlo, London, 1796, 
vol. ii. p. 9 et seq.) 

To His Royal Highness, Prince of Wales. 

Royal Sir, As this address will convey to your royal ear, what is not 
commonly met with in the journey through life, I beg to add the following 
motto, it being suitable to the subject : 

Deviating from truth, by thee, O man, 
Counteracts grand nature's plan. 

As truth, royal sir, is the brightest jewel in a mason's breast, I shall ad- 
here strictly to it in relating an act of oppression which was committed by 
a crowned head, long before the present royal family came to the throne, 
and only known to myself, by which I have suffered severely. 

Till I met with this snake in the grass, before the American War, I was 
easy in affluence, and my children classed among the first fortunes, but 
strange reverse of fate has now decreed it otherwise. In 1772, I resided in 
London, where I published a treatise, entitled " Political Schemes," which, 
if some hints therein set forth had been put in execution, perhaps America 

348 Notes and Queries. 

might yet have been subject to the crown of England ; my many observa- 
tions in politics so convinced me in this, that lest the then ministry should 
not purchase the books, I presented many among them, gratis, lest they 
might escape their notice ; at the same time, I presented one to your royal 

Before the American War, I purchased the third part of a charter granted 
by King Charles the First, of a province therein, called New Albion, but 
now corruptedly known by the name of East and West Jersey, being one of 
the best settled provinces in America ; in consequence of which I spared no 
pains nor expense to secure my property, by registering my title-deeds under 
the great seal of London ; I also sent printed copies of the Charter to be 
distributed among the inhabitants of said province. 

In May, 1784, I broke up housekeeping in Sloane-Square, where I then 
resided, and with my family embarked for America, invested with proper 
power as Governor to the Province of New Albion ; not doubting the enjoy- 
ment of my property but on my arrival, I found it settled on a false grant ; 
In consequence of which, I took every step, possible, to recover the estate by 
law in chancery, a court of which is held in said province, but in vain, because 
judge and jury were land-owners therein, con sequently parties concerned; 
therefore, after much trouble and expence, I returned to Europe, and went 
immediately to search the records for the false Charter alluded to, and to 
my great surprize, found it the first on the rolls in chancery (Chancery 
Lane,) granted by King Charles the Second to his brother, Duke of York. 

A clearer piece of fraud and oppression can scarcely be conceived, than 
appears on the face of said charter ; for he therein says, " though there may 
be another grant subsisting, this shall stand good," etc. ; consequently he 
knew there was a prior grant, besides said charter was secretly conveyed 
without consent of parliament, which is well known to be contrary to the 
constitutional laws of England. 

Indeed, Royal Sir, this was a very oppressive act, as it was the destruc- 
tion of many families who settled there, at great expence and labour in im- 
proving the land, erecting buildings, etc., as appears by the leases granted 
from the original Charter of King Charles the First, now my property, and 
in which the leasees were bound down upon the following conditions : viz. 

First 5000 acres was granted to Lord Monson to settle it with 50 men. 

1000 do. to Lord Sherrard 100 do. 

1000 do. to Sir T. Dandy 100 do. 

5000 do. to Mr. Heltonhead 50 do. 

5000 do. to Mr. Heltonhead's brother ... 50 do. 

4000 do. to Mr. Bowls 40 do. 

5000 do. to Capt. Claybourn 50 do. 

5000 do. to Mr. Muskery 50 do. 

Thus, Royal Sir, you see the facts are indisputable, as may appear on 
perusal of the Latin Charter of Charles the First, a copy of which I have 
the honour to inclose, properly authenticated, from under the stamp of the 
Chancery in Dublin, with other documents, registered in London, and which 
may be inspected at pleasure. The sufferers by this wrong step of Charles 
the Second, has been many, but none so great as myself, not so much from 
the first purchase, as by the consequences attending it. I have taken every 
step in my power to extricate myself; I have presented petitions to your 
royal father, but received no answer I then applied to Mr. Rose at the 
Treasury, who paid the money granted to loyal American sufferers, suppos- 
ing I had as muck right to redress as Mr. Pen, or any other man, but Mr. 
Rose's answer was, that I could not be redressed, without another act for 
money took place, as all the cash granted was paid away ; but this was at 

Notes and Queries. 349 

that time unknown to me, I being then in America, striving to recover my 
property ; so that by many years waiting, attendance, etc. I may exclaim 
with the poet : 

Were I to curse the man I hate, 

Attendance and dependance should be his fate. 

Being thus explicit, Royal Sir, I have no more to add but my prayers, 
that you may have the remembrance of a mason, the obligation of which, 
none but a mason knows. 

I never before communicated this oppressive act of King Charles the 
Second to any one, but shall now take it as a royal favour if your Highness 
will please to make it wholly known to his Majesty, humbly hoping he may 
order some restitution for the heavy losses I have had in perusing an uncon- 
stitutional act, arising from a crowned head. 

I am Your Royal Highness's 

Dutiful and most obedient 

Humble Servant 
No. 2, Southampton Row, C. YARLO. 

New Road, Paddington. 

N. B. King Charles the Second's grant to his brother, Duke of York, 
may be inspected the first on the rolls in chancery. My grant by King 
Charles the First, is in the chancery of Dublin ; and my name and title to it, 
is registered in Guildhall, London, under the city arms and seal, signed by 
the Lord-Mayor. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OP CHARLES BIDDLE : Vice-President of the Supreme 
Executive Council of Pennsylvania, 1745-1821. (Privately printed.) Phila- 
delphia: E. Claxton & Co. 1883. 

Charles Biddle, whose autobiography is before us, was the son of William 
Biddle, a direct descendant of one of the same name, an early settler in 
West Jersey, and Mary Scull, his wife. At the age of fourteen, he made a 
voyage to St. Lucas, in Spain, and from that time until he reached middle 
life he followed the sea. In his recollections of his early experience as a 
sailor, particularly those which relate to his voyages to the West Indies, we 
have a picture of what the merchant marine of this country was in colonial 
days. The truthfulness, which permeates these pages, is as evident as that 
which gives such a charm to Dana's Two Years before the Mast, while the 
incidents which enliven them are of more than passing interest. 

Upon the breaking out of the Revolution, Biddle went to France to pur- 
chase powder and arms for Congress. After his return to Philadelphia he 
joined Captain Cowperthwaite's company of Quaker Light Infantry, volun- 
teered to serve in an attempt which was made to capture the British man-of- 
war " Roebuck," and took part in the Jersey campaign in the summer of 
1776. In the same year he heard the Declaration of Independence read in 
the State House yard, and in September sailed for Port au Prince in the 
brig " Greyhound," which was captured. Biddle was taken to Jamaica, where 
he suffered an imprisonment of several months, the severity of which was no 
doubt increased on account of an attempt to escape. He was back in Phila- 
delphia in time to witness the excitement caused by the battle of Brandy- 
wine. In 1778 he married Miss Hannah Shepard, of Beaufort, North Caro- 
lina, and for a while resided there. He served as a member from Carteret 
County in the Assembly of North Carolina, and, upon being introduced to 
the Speaker, created a laugh against himself, by acknowledging that he did 
not know what county he represented, supposing that Beaufort was situated 
in a county of the same name. In 1780 Mr. Biddle returned to Pennsylva- 
nia and settled at Reading. In November, 1781, he sailed in a Letter of 
Marque for St. Thomas. On his voyage home his vessel was captured when 
VOL. VII. 24 

350 Notes and Queries. 

off the capes of Delaware, and he was sent a prisoner to New York. After 
he was exchanged he made a number of voyages with varied success. 

In 1785 he was chosen Vice-President of the Supreme Executive Council 
of Pennsylvania, Dr. Franklin being its President. The latter part of the 
autobiography is replete with anecdotes of persons with whom the author 
came in contact and accounts of events which occurred under his eye. Cap- 
tain Biddle was active in promoting many objects of public importance, one 
of which was a company for the insurance of lives and granting annuities, 
none, such existing in the State. The limited knowledge then possessed by 
the public regarding such institutions is shown in the following speech of a 
German member of the Legislature against the bill : " Mr. Speaker," he 
said, " I am against this bill, and I will tell you for what. If you pass this 
bill, old McKean [the Governor] will get his life insured, and so we shall 
never get rid of him." " This was not to be got over," wrote Mr. Biddle, 
and the bill was lost. Since that day our legislators, even from the German 
counties, have become more familiar with life insurance methods, and have 
learned that in some cases, at least, they do not conduce to the preservation 
of life. 

The writer gives us an excellent idea of the condition of our country and 
particularly of our State at the close of the eighteenth and beginning of the 
nineteenth centuries, very much in the same vein as Graydon (who was a 
friend of Captain Biddle's) does, in his Memoirs of a Life chiefly passed in 
Pennsylvania. The portion, however, which will probably attract the 
widest attention is that which treats of Burr's trial and of his duel with 
Hamilton. Mr. Biddle was a man of strong and independent character. 
While quite young he refused an advantageous offer to command a vessel, 
the owners of which intended to use her in the slave trade at a time when 
that calling was not severely reprobated, and during the Revolution, while 
a staunch patriot, never allowed himself to feel the least resentment against 
any American who espoused the cause of the Crown. The violent treat- 
ment of tories he strongly opposed. When the duel between Burr and 
Hamilton occurred, Biddle, who was acquainted with both, wrote at once to 
Mr. Pendleton, the second of General Hamilton, and asked if everything in 
connection with the meeting had been conducted in a proper manner on the 
part of Colonel Burr. Receiving an answer in the affirmative, he then 
wrote to Burr, inviting him to make his house his home until the excite- 
ment which the duel occasioned, and which Mr. Biddle believed to be of a 
political nature, should have subsided. In 1806 Burr, while visiting Mr. 
Biddle, told him of a plan to establish a settlement of military men on 
the Mississippi, in which he and a number of gentlemen were interested. 
The Spaniards there, he argued, were ripe for a revolt, and the fortunes 
of all engaged in the enterprise would be insured. Mr. Biddle told him 
that such a scheme, if carried into effect, would involve the country in a 
war with Spain, and refused to listen to his arguments. After Burr, Wil- 
kinson, and Truxton had become bitter enemies, Mr. Biddle's relations with 
each continued, and the letters, now published for the first time, which relate 
to the duel and to Burr's trial, form an interesting appendix to the volume. 

Another appendix is devoted to a genealogical account of the descendants 
of William Biddle, the West Jersey settler. An elder brother of Charles 
Biddle was Edward, a member of the Continental Congress (see PENNSYL- 
VANIA MAGAZINE, vol. i. p. 100.). A younger brother was the gallant Cap- 
tain Nicholas Biddle, whose sad fate on the "Randolph," when only 27 years 
of age, is familiar to all versed in our Revolutionary history. Commodore 
James Biddle, who distinguished himself during the war of 1812, was son of 
Charles Biddle; another son was Nicholas, president of the United States- 
Bank ; another, Charles, whose diplomatic attainments secured for his coun- 

Notes and Queries. 351 

try valuable results ; another, Thomas, who rose to the rank of major in 
the war of 1812 ; John, another son, served on the Canadian frontier, and 
attained the same rank ; he was a Member of Congress from Michigan, and 
was president of the first Constitutional Convention of that State ; Richard, 
the youngest son of Charles, was an eminent member of the Pittsburgh bar, 
and author of the Life of Sebastian Cabot. F. I). S. 

THE WEITZEL MEMORIAL. Historical and Genealogical Record of the 
Descendants of Paul Weitzel, of Lancaster, Pa. Including brief sketches of 
the families of Allen, Byers, Bailey, Crawford, Davis, Hayden, M'Cormick, 
Stone, White, and others. By Rev. Horace Edwin Hayden. Wilkes-Barre, 
Pa., 1883. 8vo. pp. 81. This pamphlet embraces five generations of de- 
scendants of Paul and Charlotte Weitzel, Germans who settled in Lancaster, 
Pa., about the middle of the last century. It includes over 200 individuals, 
chiefly inhabitants of Pennsylvania, of many of whom good biographical 
notices are given. Among the latter may be mentioned Lieut.-Col. Casper 
Weitzel, Judge John Weitzel, Colonel Jacob Weitzel, Col. Hugh White, 
Judge George Crawford, Judge Robert Gray White, Judge Allison White, 
and John Alphousa Byers. 

By Josiah B. Smith, of Newtown, Pa., 1883. 8vo. pp. vii. 113. This book 
comprises a short biographical sketch of William Smith, who came to Penn- 
sylvania from Yorkshire, England, in 1684, and a genealogical account of 
his descendants to the present time, numbering 2100 persons, most of whom 
resided in our Commonwealth. 


GUEST POWEL PASCHALL. Information is wanted in regard to George 
Guest and his wife Alice, who came to Philadelphia soon after its settle- 
ment, viz., the date of their arrival and the place from whence they came, also 
the names of their children, one of whom, Phebe, married Anthony Morris 
in 1704. Also in regard to Samuel Powel and his wife Abigail, who were 
early settlers in Philadelphia, viz., the date of their arrival and the place 
from whence they came, also the names of their children, one of whom, 
Sarah, married Anthony Morris in 1730. Also in regard to Thomas Paschall 
and his wife Margarent, who settled in or near Philadelphia at a very early 
date, viz., the time of their arrival and the place from whence they came, 
also the names of their children. W. H. J. 

HAWKS WARD. Can any one give information concerning the maiden 
name of Mrs. Elizabeth Hawks, wife of John Hawks, an early settler in 
Deerfield, Mass ? Was she Elizabeth Ward ? Nathaniel Ward, of Hart- 
ford, a gentleman of good standing in the colony of Connecticut, and one of 
the first settlers of Hadley, Mass., where he was made freeman, 26th March, 
1661, married Jane, widow of John Hopkins, of Hartford, Ct. He died 
childless, naming in his will, dated 27th May, 1664, and proved the follow- 
ing September, his kinsman Wm. Markham, kinswoman " Elizabeth Hawks," 
and others. He was buried 1st June, 1664. The second child of John and 
Elizabeth Hawks was named Nathaniel, bom 16th Feb. 1645, died young. 

Elizabeth, N. J., Aug. 13, 1883. B. 

352 Notes and Queries. 

CASSELL BuzBY.Information is wanted of Sarah Cassell and her de- 
scendants. She was the daughter of Roger and Elizabeth (Buzby) Shelley, 
and married Daniel Cassell in 1731. In 1769 she was a widow living in 

Also in regard to William and Sarah Buzby, of Oxford, Chester County, 
Pa., and their descendants. The above Elizabeth Shelley was their 
daughter, but I know of no other descendant. C. L. B. 


MILES'S MANUSCRIPTS (vol. vii. p. 113). The extracts referred to in this 
query, and the journal in Pa. Archives, second series, vol. i. page 519, are 
from a manuscript autobiography in the handwriting of Col. Samuel Miles, 
dated April 4, 1804, now in the possession of F. Potts Green, of Bellefonte, 
a great-grandson of Col. Miles. All of a public nature was published in 
the 1st and 2d vols. of Archives, and the whole autobiography in the 
American Historical Record (1873), vol. ii. pp. 49, 114. 

In 1772 Col. Miles took up nine thousand acres of land embracing nearly 
all the arable land of what is now Miles Township, Centre County, Pa., and 
soon after the Revolution sold and leased it to German farmers from Dau- 
phin, Lebanon, and Northumberland counties, and made a market for them 
by establishing, in connection with Col. John Patton, Centre Furnace, in 
New College Township, and Harmony Forge, on Spring Creek, between 
Bellefonte and Milesburg, in connection with James Harris. Centre Furnace 
has been abandoned for many years, but Harmony Forge, now known as 
McCoy and Linn's Iron Works, one of the most important of our charcoal 
iron works, remains a monument of Col. Miles's early enterprise in that 
direction ; and the substantial wealthy community of Brush Valley (Miles 
Township) and the village of Milesburg will ever remain enduring memorials 
of his successful projects for the early settlement of Centre County. 

Col. Miles never resided in Centre County, but his sons, John Miles and 
General Joseph Miles, came to Bald Eagle Valley in 1792 with their uncles 
James and Richard ; and their descendants are numerous and highly re- 
spectable. John Miles had four sons, all prominent ministers of the Ba'ptist 
Church. Col. Samuel Miles died at his country seat at Cheltenham, Mont- 
gomery County, Dec. 29, 1805. In 1783, he was one of the Judges of the 
High Court of Errors and Appeals ; in 1790, Mayor of Philadelphia. A 
neat biographical sketch of Col. Miles, written by Joseph Lapsley Wilson, 
appeared in the History of the First Troop, Philadelphia City Cavalry, 
Nov. 17, 1874, of which body Col. Miles was Captain from 1786 to 1791. 

Bellefonte, Pa. JOHN BLAIR LINN. 

AUTHORSHIP OP " THE RURAL SOCRATES" (Vol. VII. p. 236). The author 
of the original work was Jean Gaspard Hirzel. W. B. B. 


ill 8 

^ ^ 2^ ^ ^ N ^5 

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^ ^ 8 * ** ^ 



iJ s 

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VOL. VII. 1883. No. 4. 



(Continued from page 287.) 


" Unsung 
" By poets, and by senators uupraised." 


About this time, when the " masters of families" and those 
with them had their properties fairly under successful culti- 
vation, and had overcome the first difficulties incidental to 
settling a wilderness, the question of building a meeting- 
house began to be considered. The meeting had out-grown 
the capacity of any private house. The amount of subscrip- 
tion raised during the next five months was 132 16s., 1 and 
Francis Collings was contractor for the new building. 

"5 of 12 mo. 1682. Friends took it into consideration of 
what service it might be to visit such Friends y* are newly 
come over and are unsettled to advise w n them and under- 
stand what their intent is, either to take up land or follow 
some other imploy and to y e utmost endeavor to assist them 
in their intention. 

It is ordered that a meeting-house be built according to a 
draught of six square building of forty foot square from out 

1 For list of subscribers and amounts paid by each, see p. 47, Book A, 
Burl. Mo. Mtg. 

VOL. VIL 25 ( 353 ) 

354 Friends in Burlington. 

to out for which he is to have 160, which y e meeting 
engageth to see y e Persons paid that shall disburst y e same 
to Francis Collings." 

There is a note in the minute of 2/ 11, 1684, "when the 
meeting engageth to pay the under money lent out of the 
first money received to buy boards for the meeting-house." 
This was later on. During its rather slow building, Friends 
met in private houses. In this interval they issued several 
documents of advice to their members, and were also in fre- 
quent communication with London. The minute of 5th of 
9th mo. 1682, advises those who do not require them to 
guard against the admission of servants into their houses, 
especially such as do not " profess the same truth with us." 
The next contains the following: 

" Friends ; to you who may be concearned this is written 
for y e Truth's sake by way of advice from y e Generall Meet- 
ing, that male and female both old and young who make 
mention of y e name of y e Lord, may all take heed that they 
be not found in, nor wearing of, Superfluity of Apparel nor 
Immoderate nor unseemly taking of Tobacco, also selling of 
needless things whereby any may take offence justly: but 
y* we may be found to be kept within y e bounds of modera- 
tion, & within y e limits of y e Spirit of Truth & may be 
known to be governed by y e Truth in all Concearns. So 
shall we be to the Glory of God & y e comfort of one another, 
which is y e desire of 

Your Friends & Brethren." 1 

An entry showing the influence and importance of Wm. 
Penn's testimony against war occurs soon after and runs as 
follows : 

1 The advice of Dublin Friends to those in America in 1681 had been more 
straight than this. They were admonished to refrain from the use of " costly 
attire, foolish Dresses, and new Fashions, ruffling Periwigs, needless Buttons, 
wide Skirts and long flap-sleeved coats," to " keep up their testimony against 
Stip'd and Flower'd Stuffs," and to avoid adorning their kitchens " with 
flourishing needless Pewter and Brass." " Let all young Men and others in 
Riding to or going from Meetings or other occasions refrain from Galloping 
and Riding after an aiery flurting manner, but let your moderation and 
gravity appear," Ac. (Signed) WILLIAM EDMUNDSON, 


Dublin Half-year's meeting, AMOS STRETTELL. 

9 th , 10 th & ll t!l of 9 mo. 1681. 

Friends in Burlington. 355 

"In behalf of Truth and y e Blessed Name of y e Lord y e 
which we make a profession of, thought meet to write to our 
friends of the Monthly Meeting of Upland and Marcus Hook 
y t they, together with Wm. Penn, would be pleased to give 
this meeting an account Concearning y e report of y e prepara- 
tion for War, which God in his mercy hath given us a testi- 
mony against, y* we may know what satisfaction they can 
give y e Meeting therein, Samuel Jennings & Robert Stacy to 
draw up a paper to y e Meeting concearning it." 

It does not appear whether the report was read. There 
follows close upon this, mention of a letter received from 
George Fox ; and Christopher Taylor and Samuel Jennings 
were appointed to draw up a paper in answer to it ; it was 
"concerning the state of your meeting, and how many ye 
have and in what order." The reply was written "and left 
with Samuel Jennings to send it safe to G. F., and was 
directed to John Bringhurst at y e Book in Gracious Street," 1 

Subsequently, several other epistles from Geo. Fox were 
received. Three of the original documents are still preserved, 
dated respectively, 1675, 1677, 1682. (The copy of the first 
was sent to America after being circulated in England for 
two years, and was full of general advice.) The three were 
addressed to Thos. Olive, "Wm. Peachy, and Wm. Cooper, 
" to be dispurst abroad among Friends." They were to those 
in America, with messages for Barbadoes and West Jersey. 
The immense labors of Geo. Fox may be better conceived 
when we recollect that reports of the condition of meetings 
throughout the entire extent of the Society were sent him ; 
in each case eliciting a special reply of advice or approval. 

The meeting at Burlington and in the immediate neighbor- 
hood grew so rapidly at this time that the government of 
church affairs began to be an important power, vested in the 
hands of Friends who were aware of the grave duty resting 
upon them, and to whose careful supervision the entries bear 
abundant witness. Among other things, the publication by 
Daniel Leeds of an " Allmanack" containing various state- 

1 Gracious Street, now Grace Church Street. Hare. 

356 Friends in Burlington. 

ments evincing,as they thought, a " froward spirit," drew from 
those in authority, a remonstrance which ended in Leeds 
making an acknowledgment for the matter published. Soon 
after we find " John Day is ordered to speak to D. L. that 
he send nothing to the press before it be perused by this meet- 
ing." This was an early testimony against " pernicious read- 

" At our men's monthly meeting held at Thomas Gardi- 
ner's" (1685). 

" Peter Woolcott was willing to make graves, and to look 
to y e Fences of y e burying-ground, and Friends are willing 
to see him paid an old English shilling for such mens or 
womens graves y* may not be paid for by y e persons y* 
employ him." 

Just about the same date is an order for a hearse " or car- 
riage to be built for the use of such as are to be laid in y e 
ground." Bernard Davenish, in 1689, and James Satter- 
thwaite, in 1695, succeeded to the position of sexton. Peter 
"Woolcott, for his service in " opening and shutting y e Door," 
received 155. quarterly. 

The cause of some delay in completing the meeting-house 
creates an involuntary smile, the contractor's private enter- 
prise of his own in getting married for the second time hav- 
ing absorbed his attention. The meeting " thought fit that 
John Budd should oversee the working of the meeting-house 
which belongs to Francis Collings to be performed." On F. 
Collings's marriage with Mary Gosling, the building pro- 
ceeded without further hindrance, and in 1691 (6 of 2 mo.) 
the minute states : 

"This day it is ordered that our First day meetings at 
Burlington shall begin in the morning at the 9 th hour, and 
at the 2 d hour in the afternoon ; and be held both morning 
and evening in the meeting-house." 

The accompanying picture of this hexagonal structure is 
from a drawing presented to the artist, a native of Burlington, 
by Samuel Emlen. The court for a short time held session in 

Friends in Burlington. 357 

this building ; but in 3 mo, 1691, it was ordered that Bernard 
Davenish " should not suffer the Court to be kept in our 
meeting house any more." At the Quarterly Meeting held 
at Wm. Biddle's, 3 of 9 mo. 1691, 

"It was thought good and therefore ordered that what 
marriages for time to come shall pass Friends' Monthly 
Meeting and have unity and consent of Friends, shall be 
solemnized at the usual meeting place." 

A charge of 9s. due Anthony Weston is recorded for 
"colouring y e meeting house." At this time Friends appear 
to have become finally settled in their new building, which, 
however, was not capable of being warmed during the winter 
season until the new brick addition was put up several years 
later, when proper heating arrangements were made. During 
inclement weather, when it was impossible for delicate per- 
sons to sit in a cold room, they met again at private houses. 
Foot-stoves, which are now almost forgotten, or kept as heir- 
looms only, were then the constant companions of our ances- 
tors, and all that rendered their stay in meetings possible. 
The next few minutes record, five years later, th6 erection of 
the " new meeting house ;" which was in reality the addition 
just referred to, forming part of the old hexagonal house and 
built back of it, the roofs joining. 

U 3 mo. 4 th 1696. It was proposed at this meeting the 
building of a winter meeting house. It was agreed that it 
should be done as followeth, viz.: a Brick house of Brick and 
half thick after it is raised a foot and a half from the ground, 
which is to be done with good sound stone and the wall to 
be built of equal height with the old meeting-house and the 
roof to be covered with cedar and join on the other roof, the 
breadth to be equal with one of the old house and the length 
30 feet. To be plastered with lime and Hair, and lined below 
with slit deal 4 ft. high from the seats with 2 good pine 
floors, one of them to be grooved. Divers necessary things 
omitted here are left to be agreed for by the workmen by 
Samuel Jennings, Robt. Hudson, Jr., Jno. Hollingshead, Tho. 
Raper, Sam 1 Furnis, and Henry Grubb, whom this meeting 
appoints to take care of the same and to agree with a work- 
man or workmen, any 4 of the 6 mentioned agreeing provided 
they all be consulted about it." 

358 Friends in Burlington. 

"9 mo. 1696. Whereas the former subscriptions concearn- 
ing the building of the winter meetinghouse falling short, 
it is ordered that Henry Grubb and Christopher Wetherill 
do get subscriptions for defraying the charge that remains." 

""3 of 3 mo. 1697. Whereas there is a gate made at the 
west end of the burying ground by James Satterthwaite, it 
is ordered that Friends dwelling on the back side of the 
town shall have the use of said gate in meeting time, they 
paying the charges of the iron-work and making the said 

This occupied the same relative position as the present 
Wood St. entrance, although not on precisely the same spot, 
and was a part of the old wood fence. 14 of 3 mo. 1698, 
"posts and rails" were ordered to be put before the meeting 
house ground. 10 of 4 mo. 1698, the "new burying ground" 
was ordered fenced. 

There occurs about this time notice of John Tomlinson and 
wife and the people from their plantation being "visited be- 
cause not attending meeting." Reason given: "they were 
offended at women's speaking in public, but for the future 
they should be more diligent." 

The Quarterly Meeting minutes of a rather earlier date 
than the above (31 of 12 mo. 1686) record the interesting fact 
of a meeting with the Indians: 

"Tho. Budd and Robt. Stacy are appt'd to give the Indians 
timely notice that Friends intend to visit them on the account 
of Truth, and also to desire the Indian interpreters to be there 
at that time to interpret between them and Friends." 

29 of 6th mo. 1693, the same minutes record: 

"Women Friends acquaint this meeting of several Friends 
that are under sufferings in New England and in great dis- 
tress by reason of y e Indians by whom they are in danger to 
be killed if they stir abroad to work for food." 

Burlington promptly responded. These two meetings, it 
will be remembered, were held at Wm. Biddle's house. 
Meetings "for the instruction of Youth" were held from 
1697 to 1793 four times yearly, viz.: Chesterfield, 9 mo.; 
Burlington, 12 mo.; Chesterfield, 3 mo.; Burlington, 6 mo. 

Friends in Burlington. 359 

In the Archives of New Jersey 1 the following interesting 
census of West Jersey in 1699 is given, with a note subjoined 
by Wm. Dockwra, 2 who presented the statement to the Lords 
of Trade on the 21 of 8 mo. 1701. The tenor of his remarks 
will show that no love was lost by the Provincial Government 
for the Quakers. The almanac quoted from by Dockwra is 
that of our friend Daniel Leeds, whose publications, as we 
have seen, had been suppressed by his meeting. 

"Account of the Inhabitants of West New Jersey, as taken 
in the year 1699. Presented to the Board by M r Dockwra. 

Daniel Leeds in his Almanack for the year 1701 in the page 
of Nov br gives the following ace*. 

In Sep br 1699 The Freeholders in West Jersey were com- 
puted as follows 

Burlington County 302 

Gloster County 134 

Salem County 326 

Cape May County 070 

In all 832 

Whereof Quakers . . . .266 

In all more Christians . . . 566 

NOTE. The Quakers are more numerous in Burlington 
County than in all the other Countys. Salem County has 
two to one for Gloster and 58 over. Tho the Quakers will 
have the latter double the number in the Assembly to that 
of Salem; Contrary to Justice and Equity. Wherefore Salem 
will not Send Members till they have equal 1 with Gloster, 
They paying double the Tax and more than Gloster." 

The Monthly Meeting records of 4 of 2 mo. 1698 state 
that "Isaac Mariott is appointed with Benjamin Wheat to 
provide a pine table for the use of this meeting against the 
next meeting." This pine table is still in use; it is of im 
unusually graceful shape and finish. Originally the clerk's 

1 Vol. ii. p. 305. 

2 William Dockwra was Receiver-General of the Province in -1688. In 
1686 one thousand acres of land had been granted him under the title 
" Merchant of the Parish of St. Andrew Undershaft, London." He has been 
somewhat famous as having started the penny post in that city. His death 
occurred in 1717. 

360 Friends in Burlington. 

desk, it is now employed to receive the marriage certificate 
signatures, and is a cherished relic. 

" 3 of 1 mo. 1700. This meeting orders y e Eeceiver of y e 
Collections to pay Jno. Day 31b 3.. 2.. it being the Remain- 
der of Bridget Guy's Interest money during her life, taking 
up the bond & bring it to next meeting.'"' 

There is reason to suppose that Bridget Guy originally 
owned at least a portion of the land where the meeting-house 
stood. Her name occurs occasionally in such a connexion as 
the above, she evidently having some claim on the meeting 
for money due her. The minutes do not make any direct 
statement to that effect, but confirm the impression of some 
of the present members that Bridget Guy was an original 
owner of the property. Richard Guy, whose widow she was, 
came over in Fenwicke's colony and settled at Salem, remov- 
ing in 1690 to Burlington, where they both died. 

The Friends scattered about in neighboring villages gradu- 
ally built for themselves meeting-houses, and established 
Particular and Preparative Meetings, with the permission 
and aid of Burlington Monthly Meeting. The dates of their 
erection are given as follows: 

Springfield, 1694 ; completed 1699 ; " on the hither side of Mattocopany 
Bridge" (Copeney now, 1881). 

Kancocas, 1702 New meeting house, 1722. 

fist " " 1715. 

Mt. Holly, called first Bridgetown . ! 2d " " 1762. 

I 3d " " 1837. 

Shrewsbury . 1722. 

Trenton (originally Trent-town) . . . . . 1741. 

Crosswicks 1713. 

Mount Holly's meeting-house of 1762 was built of the 
materials from the first " old meeting house and stable out 
town," being removed to the centre of the village, which had 
grown up at a short distance from the original home. 

28 of 6 mo. 1699, Burlington and Chesterfield appoint a 
suitable Friend to accompany travelling Friends to East 
Jersey and New York, " this provision to be constant." 
(From Quarterly Mtg. Rec.) 

Friends in Burlington. 361 

"We are now come to the end of an eventful 23 years, and 
of the 17th century. The persecuted Quakers were become 
an independent and prosperous community of Friends. The 
exchange of Old England for Young America had brought 
them many more blessings than it had deprived them of. 
Civil and religious 1 liberty were enjoyed, and they had fairly 
entered on Burlington's most prosperous epoch, when, in the 
next four years, that place was to become an important cen- 
tre of trade, 2 sending its vessels to Calcutta and the West 
Indies. Indeed, for a very short time, Burlington enjoyed 
more commerce than her younger sister, Philadelphia, 
which, however, soon sprang into flourishing existence, and 
cast into the shade the town twenty miles above. The 18th 
century was in the main prosperous and peaceful until the 
war of the Revolution threw confusion among the quiet 
dwellers on the Delaware, and disturbed the community to 
its foundations. 

Of course by this time many had arrived who were not Friends 

1 " Item, That noe person qualified as aforesaid within the said Province 
at any time shall be any waies molested punished disquieted or called in 
Question for any difference in opinion or practice in matters of Religious 
concernements, who doe not actually disturbe the civill Peace of the said 
Province, but that all and every such person and persons may from time to 
time and at all times truly and fully have and enjoy his and their Judgments 
and Conciences in matters of Religion throughout all the said Province : 
They behaving themselves peaceably and quietly and not using this liberty 
to Licentiousness, nor to the civill injury or outward disturbance of others, 
any Law, Statute or clause conteyned or to be conteined usage or customs 
of this Realme of England to the contrary thereof in any wise notwith- 
standing." From the " Concessions and Agreements of the Lords Propria- 
tors of the Province of New Cesarea or New Jersey to and with all and 
every the Adventurers and all such as shall plant or settle there." (New 
Jersey Archives, First series, vol. i. p. 30.) 

2 " IV. That the Port of Perth- Amboy, in East Jersey, and the Ports of 
Burlington and Cohanzie in West Jersey, may be established Ports of these 
respective Provinces for ever : and that no Ships bound to any of these 
Places shall be obliged to enter at any other port ; nor any Ships to be laden 
there shall be obliged to clear at any other port." From Memorial to the 
King by the Proprietors of the Jerseys, relative to the Surrender of their 
Governments to the Crown. (New Jersey Archives, vol. ii. p. 405.) 

362 Friends in Burlington. 

chiefly of the Church of England. The parish of St. Mary's 
was established by the Rev. John Talbot, the corner-stone 
of the old church, founded by Queen Anne, being laid 25, 
4 mo. 1763 ; the building is still in excellent preservation. 
Some intercourse existed between the members of the two 
denominations, but the " steeple-house" was regarded as a 
dangerous attraction by the older Friends. With these, and 
the later establishment of other churches, we have nothing 
to do directly. Our story confines itself entirely to the 
doings of Friends, and their life and work in the old town. 
Of one of the English clergy, the first rector Talbot, men- 
tioned above, we must, however, speak further, since the 
Friends had considerable trouble at his hands. This man 
was very bitter in his denunciations of the Quakers, calling 
them in a report to the. Secretary of the " Society for Propa- 
gating the Gospel in Foreign Parts" u these anti-christians 
who are worse than the Turks." The town at the time com- 
prised few out the two sects, of which much the larger por- 
tion were Friends. The clergy viewed them with an intoler- 
ance truly surprising, considering the harmlessness of their 
conduct. This was further evidenced by their declining to 
appear in a public meeting held in the town-house (3 rd of 11 
mo., 0. S., 1702) to answer the hot attacks made against 
their doctrines by the above-named gentlemen and George 
Keith. This latter was originally a member of Friends. In 
1691 he caused a controversy among them by an attack on 
their doctrine, in which 1 he alleged that those Friends who 
were in office in Philadelphia had executed laws against 
malefactors in a manner inconsistent with their tenets, and 
also affirmed that Friends preached more allegory than prac- 
tical Christianity. 4 rno. (0. S.) 1692 he was disowned by 
Phila. Mo. Mtg. of Friends. A number were drawn off in 
sympathy with him. Afterward joining the Church of 
England, he was returned by the Society for Propagating 
the Gospel, as their first American missionary, and helped 
the Rev. John Talbot in attacking Friends. These men 

1 Proud'a History of Pennsylvania, vol. i. p. 363. 

Friends in Burlington. 363 

were too fresh from scenes of Quaker persecution in Eng- 
land not to feel an antagonism to their growing prosperity 
in the Jerseys; and, although good and Christian men in 
other respects, they shared that intolerant spirit common to 
the age which found an outlet in most unrestrained lan- 
guage, wherein the name of Quaker was made symbolical of 
everything heretic, heathen, and unchristian. Their preach- 
ing was said to have been " of cursing and Lyes, poisoning 
the souls of the people with damnable errors and heresies." 
An instance, quoted from a late church history, 1 will serve 
to show the meek and unresisting spirit which distinguished 
the Friends of that day. Although they were immovable in 
defence of law and justice, as was shown by their determi- 
nation in resisting the oppression of Lord Cornbury and 
others, they were willing rather to suffer than give offence. 

" Mr. Sharpe was very jealous to bring y e Quakers to stand 
a tryal : he carried one of y e 4 Bombs' [an attack published 
at the time] into their meeting and read a new challenge I 
had sent them to answer what they had printed: but all in 
vain. Samuel Jennings stood up and said, c Friends, let's call 
upon God.' Then they went to prayer, and so their meeting 
broke up." (Letter from J. Talbot to G. Keith, dated New 
York, Oct. 20, 1705.) 

Later (1713) the General Assembly, with Col. Robert 
Hunter, Governor of the Province, passed an act, 

" That the solemn affirmation and Declaration of the Peo- 
ple called Quakers shall be accepted and taken instead of an 
oath in the usual form, and for qualifying and enabling the 
said people to act as Jurors, and to execute any office of trust 
and profit in this Province." 

This occasioned a petition of remonstrance to "Her Majesty 
[Queen Anne], to prevent the giving her Royal Assent to so 
mischievous an Act" a petition, however, of no avail ; and 
the churchmen were forced to be "disgraced" by seeing 
Friends in the Jury-boxes and Law r Courts. 

1 History of the Church in Burlington, by Dr. Hills, 1876. 

864 Friends in Burlington. 


" The victory is most sure 
For him, who, seeking Faith by Virtue, strives 
To yield entire submission to the law 
Of Conscience." 


The name of Samuel Jennings has been frequently men- 
tioned. Those familiar with State history will have made 
his acquaintance before. He was very influential, not only 
because at one time Governor of the Province, but also in a 
private way among the citizens, and in the meetings of 
Friends. His coming to America was occasioned by Edward 
Byllinge claiming the right to govern West Jersey after 
having sold a large portion of the land. The Friends who 
were the actual owners, not caring at the time to cause a 
contest, submitted quietly, and Samuel Jennings came out 
as his deputy from his home ("Coleshill") in Buckingham- 
shire, 3 mo. 1680. 1 The remainder of his life was spent in 
Burlington, at his residence "Greenhill," a short distance 
from the town ; his office stood near the corner of Pearl and 
Main streets. We shall have occasion to refer to it again. 
His death occurred in 1709, before which Friends had be- 
come independent of any deputy in his capacity. His will^ 
after providing for his family, leaves a bequest to a very 
eminent member of the Society in England ; it runs : 

"I give and bequeath unto my long-ncquainted, worthy and 
endeared friend, Thomas Ellwood, of Hungerhill near Amer- 
sham in y e county of Bucks, in Great Britain, the sum of 
twenty pounds sterling money, to be paid out of my effects 
there to buy him a gelding, or otherwise, as he shall think 

Horses are also left to the trustees. The witnesses are 
Thomas Gardiner, Thos. Rapier, and Daniel Smith. Richard 
Hill, at one time Mayor of Philadelphia, is a trustee. Isaac 

1 See letter of Saml. Jennings to Wm. Penn on the arrival of the former 
in the Delaware. Smith's History, p. 124. 

Friends in Burlington. 365 

Pennington, Samuel Jennings's eldest grandson, was grandson 
also of Isaac Pennington, half-brother of Gulielma Maria 
Springett, wife of Wm. Penn. The three families of Penning- 
ton. Stevenson, and Smith now represent the Jennings (or 
Jenings) family. 1 

There is much interesting matter yet to be gathered con- 
cerning the oldest Burlington families. These have only 
been in part published in the very entertaining histories of 
the Hill Family, by John Jay Smith, and the Burlington 
Smiths, by R. Morris Smith. The Journals also of Grellet 
and Woolman, with other biographical sketches, have made 
us familiar with the various important events in the lives of 
their subjects. This account, therefore, because not meaning 
to serve as a complete record of individuals, does not pretend 
to go into much detail, or family history, beyond what is 
immediately required. It aims rather to consider Burlington 
Meeting as a whole, and to present its doings. The inhabi- 
tants of the Quaker part of the community are already in 
a certain degree familiar to the local reader. Main facts are 
all that claim attention here, beyond such anecdotes as are 
unfamiliar, or may best illustrate character. 

Let us for a moment imagine ourselves among those going 
to attend service at 8 o'clock (the hour for worship at this 
time on First Day eve), in the early years of the last century. 
Drab is, at least, with the men, the universal color. "Small 
clothes," low, silver-buckled shoes, broad-brim hat, and heavy 
cane, constitute the style of dress. Their wives come in short- 
waisted gowns, coal-scuttle bonnets, elbow-sleeves, fitting 
tightly to the arm, and mits reaching far enough up to join 
the sleeves. Handkerchiefs as white as snow are folded across 
the breast, and quiet and demure the tones in which greetings 
are exchanged as they enter the meeting-house yard. An 
occasional carriage, much on the pattern of a chest on wheels, 
with Venetian doors, and drawn by a friendly-looking horse, 
discharges its freight at the gate. More frequently, the 

1 R. M. Smith, in Burlington Smiths. For official acts of Samuel Jennings 
see New Jersey Archives ; also, Smith's History. 

366 Friends in Burlington. 

country Friends arrive on horseback, the wife on a pillion 
behind her husband, who shakes his head, as some youth, in 
whom young blood will stir itself, canters gaily past. The 
gate on the main street in front of the hexagonal meeting 
house was the spot at which those who did not walk were 
obliged to dismount. A row of stables stood along the north 
wall; there was no side-entrance until the erection of the 
present building in 1784. Friends, as we have seen, were 
obliged to travel long distances. There is a notice of ten 
men from Burlington and ten from Salem having shortly be- 
fore been appointed to clear a public road at the people's ex- 
pense. 1 

Frequent mention occurs in the minutes of "our meeting 
house on Broad St." This was an ordinary dwelling, pur- 
chased and used by Friends as a meeting-house. It stood on 
a lot situated just above Stacy, on the north side of Broad 
Street, adjoining that on which the Baptist church now stands. 
References are confusing in the various minutes. A piece of 
ground next above was afterward (1784) bought by Friends, 
and the whole sold (1792), when it became needful to erect a 
new school-house for the Preparative Meeting. 2 In regard 
to Main Street, there is a reference to the "great" or "new" 
meeting house in 6 mo. 5, 1706, when the floor was ordered 
mended, and a committee appointed to "get convenient seats 
in gallery for the Yearly Meeting, and also get a little gal- 
lery for the public women friends made before the General 
Meeting." This hexagonal structure stood probably some 
feet below the present house, and back of it. In digging a 
recent grave the workmen disclosed portion of a thick founda- 
tion wall, near the brick one on the north side of the grave- 
yard ; this is sapposed to have been part of the original 
meeting-house. The magnificent twin sycamores (or button- 
woods) which are known to be fully two hundred years old, 
and are yet standing in a green old age just behind the pre- 
sent house, stood then with their branches close to the quaint 
little steep-roofed, six-sided affair, which in our eyes, at this 

1 Smith. * See page 373. 

Friends in Burlington. 367 

later date, will suggest a "steeple house" in spite of ourselves. 
Friends had not quite freed themselves from the idea that a 
house for God's worship must have a higher roof than those 
about it. Heuce the first meeting-house in Burlington boasted 
a superstructure that, whether they called it "observatory," 
"ventilator," or "chimney," must at least to the "world's 
people" have suggested a steeple. 

^ " Ye 7 of y e 7 mo. 1701. This meeting taking into con- 
sideration y e late Riott of breaking up y e prison doors in y e 
doing of which were severall y* goos under y e denomination 
of Quakers, whereby a scandal is brought upon our Holy 
Profession, therefore y e meeting orders y e Friends appointed 
by y e particular meeting to inspect into disorders y* they 
speak to every ofender they know y* belongs to their meet- 
ing in order y* they give satisfaction to y e Governor and 

This was in consequence of a riot caused by some dissatis- 
fied people who, refusing to pay the taxes levied by the 
Government, and paid by the majority of loyal citizens, 
created a disturbance on the 18th of 3 mo. (1701), when some 
eighty rioters forced open the prison doors, and rescued two 
of their number, who were under confinement for refusing to 
find surety for their good behavior in future. The number 
of Quakers in the town, in a petition to King William III. 
is referred to as being the reason that the disturbance was 
not more promptly suppressed " many of the Inhabitants of 
that Towne are such whose Religious Perswasions will not 
suffer them to bear Armes." 1 

Here follows an extract from the Quarterly Meeting min- 
utes which is of much historical interest. It will explain 
itself. The following acknowledgment was sent, as appears, 
to Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, then belonging to Bur- 
lington Quarter : 

" At y e Quarterly Meeting of Friends held at the house of 

William Beedle y e 22 of y e 12 mo. 1702 

This day a paper of acknowledgment signed by James Logan 
was read in this meeting & was thought convenient to be 
recorded here. 

1 New Jersey Archives, vol. ii. p. 379. 

368 Friends in Burlington. 

To Friends of the Monthly Meeting met at Philadelphia, 
this 25 of y e 10 mo. 1702. Whereas, upon provocation given 
by Daniel Cooper of West Jersey injuriously (as was judged) 
to our proprietarys right and contrary to authority, invading 
in the 5 mo. last one of the reed Islands of Delaware over 
against this city, I undertook to go over to y e said Island to 
divert him from proceeding in his design accompanied with 
the Sheriffe of Philadelphia who hearing of an opposition de- 
signed, took with him some other persons with fire-arms for 
the greater awe of such as should attempt to oppose. And 
whereas occasion has been, or may be, taken from the said 
arms being carried in my company to reflect not only upon 
me as concerned for the Proprietary but also upon the pro- 
fession of God's truth owned by and amongst us, I do there- 
fore in a true sense of the inconveniences that have naturally 
ensued from the said action and its contrariety to the said 
Profession heartily regret my complying with or being in 
any wise concerned in that method which ministers such 
occasion and do in sincerity declare that could I have foreseen 
the ill consequences of it I should have by no means have 
engaged in it. Hoping and earnestly desiring that it may 
Please God the author of all good counsel and direction so to 
enlighten my understanding by his spirit that I may avoid 
not only all such occasions, but all others that by being 
contrary to his divine will may minister offence for the 


The records of Burlington Monthly Meeting, 6 of 8 mo. 
1703, contain this statement : 

"John Humphiers complains on John Woolman for not 
making up his fence whereby he is damaged on cretuers 
[creatures] on his corn. John Woolman promises to make 
up his fence as soon as conveniently he can, and to pay what 
damages his neighbors shall award him." 

This John Woolman was an ancestor of the famous minis- 
ter of that name. 

In the following year, all public meeting-houses were 
ordered recorded in the archives of the Province. They were 
carefully named by the meetings where they were owned, 
and on the 28 of 6 mo., same year, a full account of deceased 
Friends since the settlement of Burlington was forwarded to 
the Yearly Meeting, whose minutes, however, fail to give 

Friends in Burlington. 369 

the list. It seems that the Yearly Meeting of London re- 
quested those in America to forward the names of deceased 
Friends, and the action of Burlington Yearly Meeting was 
in response to that request. 

23 of 11 mo. 1704. "Friends: whereas I was charged in 
the face of the meeting by Restore Lippincott that I pulled 
off my hat when John Langstaff was buried is not true. I 

have many witnesses to the contrary Thomas 


Further on we find (6 of 6 mo. 1705) : 

" Whereas some time since there was a paper sent in by 
Tho. Atkinson that Restore Lippincott charged him falsely 
in the face of the meeting with pulling off his hat att the 
time of John LangstafFs funeral whilst the priest was speak- 
ing for which at our last meeting some Friends were to speak 
to Restore Lippincott to be at our last Monthly Meeting to 
answer to itt for himself, and he making it appear by several 
evidences to be true, it is this meeting's Judgment that 
Restore Lippincott did not accuse Tho. Atkinson falsely." 

In 1704-5 Friends held their meetings for Springfield at 
the house of Restore Lippincott during the cold weather, the 
meeting considering the " badness of the way" in going to 
the usual house. 

11 mo. 24, 1704 (adjourned from previous day). Four 
young men (Joseph Endecote, Wm. Petty, Jr., Richard Eayre, 
and Jacob Lamb) make an acknowledgment for carrying 
arms, upon a rumor reaching them that the French were at 
Cohacksink: they proved to be Spanish and Indian runaways 
from a vessel on the river. The young men declared, 

"That it seemed best for those that had guns, to take 
them, not with a design to hurt, much less to kill, man, 
woman or child ; but we thought that if we could meet these 
runaways, the sight of the guns might fear them." 

"From our Monthly Meeting held at Burlington y e 1 st of 
y e 11 mo. 1704, and continued by adjournment til 'y e 25 of 
y e same. 

To all captains and other military officers concerned 
wereas : 

VOL. vii. 26 


Friends in Burlington. 

For Burlington. 

Peter Tretwell, 

John Carlyle, 

Robt. Tullis, 

Tho. Gardiner, 

Sam'l Lovett, 

Jno. Petty, 

Tho. Raper, 

Joshua Tomkins, 

Tho. Framton, 

William Gabitas, 

Richard Cowgill, 

Sam'l Mariot, 

Sara'l Furniss, 

Henry Wilson, 

John Barten, 

Isaac Mariott, 

James Sarterthwaite, 

Solomon Smith 

Peter Hearon, 

Isaac De Cou, 

Benj. Woolcott, 

Daniel Smith, 

Nathan Allen, 

Tho. Fenton, 

Thos. Scattergood, 

Benj. Furniss, 

Tho. Chipman, 

Tho. Smith, Jr. 

Edward Hardman, 

George Parker, 

John Smith, 

Jonathan Lovett, 

Sam'l Smith, 

Francis Smith, 

Barnet Laine, 

Joseph Smith. 

Natth. Pope, 

Tho. Wetherill, 

For Wellingborrou. 

John Fenimore, 

Samuel Eves, 

Tho. Eves, 

Bobt. Lucass, 

Benj. Eves, 

Natt. Paine, 

Eichard Fenimore, 

Isaac Evans, 

Joseph Fenimore, 

John Simons, 

John Harvey, 

Charles French. 

Tho. Lippincott, 

Daniel Eves, 

For Northamton. 

John Antrim, 

James Antrim, Jr. 

Richard Pearce, 

William Stevenson, 

Isaac Horner, 

Joseph Endecott, 

Natt. Cripps, 

Tho. Briant, Jr. 

Sam'i Gaskill, 

Henry Burr, 

Tho. Garwood, 

Restore Lippincott, 

Eobert Harvey, 

Richard Eayre, 

Sam'l Lippincott, 

Josiah Southwick, 

Tho. Furniss, 

Wm. Parker, 

Joseph Parker, 

James Shinn, 

William Petty, 

Edward Gaskill, 

Matthew Worick, 

Joseph Davenish, 

John Antrim, Jr. 

Thos. Bishop, 

Tho. Haines, 

John Powell, 

John Wills, 

Robert Hunt, 

Josiah Gaskill, 

Joshua Humphries, 

Jacob Lamb, 

Sam'l Lippincott, 

John Woolman, 

Zach. Roswell, 

Richard Browne, 

William Haines, 

James Buchanan, 

Tho. Briant, Sen., 1 

John Harvey, Shoemaker, 

James Lippincott, 

Tho. Stoaks, Jun. 

For Mancefield. 

John Brown, 

Michael Buffin, 

Isaac Gibbs, 

William Pancoast, 

Jonathan Woolston, 

Sam'l Woolstone, 

James Antrim, 

Daniel Hall, 

Benj. Scattergood, 

Edward Barton, 

Sam'l Gibson, 

Joshua Smith, 

Robert Ganeton, 

James Jilkes, 

William Foster, 

Robert Smith, 

John Smith, 

Edward Baulton. 

Joseph Jones, 

Friends in Burlington. 


For Chester and Eversham. 

John Hollinshead, John Eves, Tho. Paine, 

William Hollinshead, John Hackny, William Hackny. 

John Gosling, Anthony Fryer, 

Did att our last Monthly Meeting appear declaring that 
they were of y e Society of y e people called Quakers & that 
for conscience sake they could not bear nor use arms to y e de- 
struction of y e lives of men, and being willing to receive y e 
benefit of y e favor expressed to y e said People in an Act of 
Assembly lately made & published att Burlington entituled 
an Act for setling the Militia of this Province ; pursuant to 
the requi rings of y e said Act, they do request of us that we 
would certifie that they were of the People called Quakers : 
and though most of them were well known to us, yet that 
we might act with more care and caution therein, we did 
appoint certain persons to make particular enquiry iqto their 
Behaviour & uppon such Enquiry made, we do not find any 
Reason to Deny them their request as aforesaid. 

These are therefore to certifye that the persons above 
named are of y e Society of y e People called Quakers, & were 
so at y e time of y e making of y e said act. 

Signed in, & by order of, y e said meeting. 

John Brown, 
Sam'l Furniss, 

Samuel Jennings, 
Joshua Humphrey, 

Samuel Jennings, 
Tho. Gardiner, 

Sam'l Jennings, 
Peter Fretwell, 

Sam'l Jennings, 
Peter Fretwell, 

Sam'l Jennings, 
Tho. Gardiner, 

For Burlington, by 
Joshua Humphrey, 
Samuel Jennings, 

For Springfield, by 
Peter Fretwell, 
Thomas Eves, 

For Willingborrou, by 
Dan'l Smith, 
Peter Fretwell, 

For Northampton, by 
Tho. Eves, 
Tho. Gardiner, 

For Mancefield, by 
Tho. Eves, 
Tho. Gardiner, 

Tho. Eves, 
John Butcher. 

John Brown, 
Thos. Gardiner. 

Joshua Humphrey, 
Tho. Raper. 

Tho. Raper, 
Daniel Smith. 

Tho. Raper, 
Joshua Humphrey. 

For Chester and Eversham, by 

John Brown, Joshua Humphrey, 

Peter Fretwell, John Butcher." 

372 Friends in Burlington. 

The above minute appears without further explanation 
than that which it contains in itself. There must have been 
ample cause for such action in the condition of the Province 
and the occasional presence of the much-dreaded French. 
As it was, more than one Friend was obliged to confess hav- 
ing " taken up arms" for one cause or another. 

We now come to the first mention of a school kept in Bur- 
lington. It occurs in minute of 7th of 11 mo. 1705 : 

" It is the request of some Friends of Burlington to this 
meeting that they may have the privilege of allowing a 
school to be kept in this meeting-house in Burlington, which 
request is answered by this meeting." 

There is no evidence of the master's name, nor where the 
majority of scholars came from, though there was evidently 
a large number of families in Burlington ; in fact, as before 
stated, it was almost altogether a Quaker settlement 

In 1706 several young men " hear the priest." 

In 1709 Jonathan Lovett determines to join the Church, 
and is " sprinkled." 

In 1711 (17 of 3 mo.) money was raised to help Boston 
Friends build their meeting house. Friends from each par- 
ticular meeting were appointed to receive subscriptions, and 
the same was ordered forwarded to Samuel Carpenter, 6 of 
6 mo. 

In 1711 there began to be a movement toward changing 
the Yearly Meeting to Philadelphia, which, with its growing 
prosperity, numbered many Friends among its inhabitants 
and claimed the right of holding the annual assembly within 
its own limits. The time had not yet come however, and 
the record speaks for itself: 

; At our Monthly Meeting y e 7 th of the 11 mo. 1711. The 
minute of the Yearly Meeting was read at this meeting in 
Eelation to Removing of y e Yearly Meeting to Philadelphia, 
which this meeting are all in general against, but would 
have it kept in its common course as it hath been used & in 
y e same plans and y e same time both as to worship & Busi- 
ness & with the same authority as formerly." 

1 mo. 5, 1716-17, a minute states that a subscription paper 
was started at that meeting to build a new house for the ser- 

Friends in Burlington. 373 

vice of the Yearly Meeting. The Committee appointed con- 
tinued a year and nine months, when, 4 of 9 mo. 1717, the 
amount raised was reported in the following list, chiefly 
valuable as showing the comparative size of the meetings : _ 

s. d. 

Burlington ....... 84 8 9 

Springfield ....... 21 4 

Northampton ....... 10 10 

Mount Holly ....... 10 14 

126 16 9 

There is no very clear statement of the fact that a meeting 
house was finally built at that time, but the following minute 
from the Quarterly Meeting of 2 mo. 27, 1792, would seem to 
have been so interpreted by Bowden. Sixteen years before 
(in 1700) the Monthly Meeting records speak of a meeting 
house on Broad Street, which we incline to believe was not 
originally built by Friends, but adapted to their use. 1 The 
minute is as follows: 

" In respect to the Meeting house and Ground on the 
side of Broad Street, in Burlington. 

We find that Thomas Wetherill by Deed dated the 16 th of 
the 3 d Month 1716, in Consideration of the Sum of Ten 
Pounds, conveyed to Four Friends the said Lot, being 60 
Feet square to hold &c . . . . without pointing out 
any particular use. 

And it appears by a report last Quarter, that in 1779, 
liberty was given to the Preparative Meeting of Burlington 
to repair the House on the said Lot for the use of a School to 
be kept up by them conformable with the Recommendation 
of the Yearly Meeting; and in 1780, further liberty was 
given to make two Lodging Rooms in the chamber; all of 
which has been done by that Preparative Meeting at a very 
considerable Expence, and used to accommodate a School- 

Committee to investigate ( DANL SMITH, 

[JOHN cox, 

During this time, it must be remembered, the inclination 
was varying in regard to a permanent transfer of the Yearly 

1 See page 366. 

374 Friends in Burlington. 

Meeting to Philadelphia. This was finally done in 9 mo. 
1760 ; for many years before, it was held at the two places 
alternately. From 1685 until 1760 a period of 75 years 
this had continued uninterruptedly. The change from 6th to 
9th month took place in 1755 ; from this to the 4th month 
(which is the present time) in 1798. 

1 of 2 mo. 1723, a subscription paper was started to aid 
Friends who had suffered " great loss by fire in Bristol." 

23, 11 mo. 1725, a charitable contribution was recommended 
for John Hanson, whose wife, four children, and servant were 
taken captives by Indians in New England. 11. 45. were 
collected toward their ransom. 

4 of 9 mo. 1728, William Foster was disowned for " kill- 
ing his neighbor's tame deer, concealing the fact, and putting 
it to his own use." 

Friends were also at the same time desired to examine 
into the " remarkable passages of our Friend Tho. Wilson, 
who travelled among us in Truth's service." 

In 1723 it was " considered how the little meeting house 
might be enlarged," the book of discipline was ordered dis- 
tributed, and " read twice yearly" (in meetings). A General 
Meeting for worship was held Yearly at Egg Harbor. Estab- 
lished in 1726, it was for some years held regularly at that 

There was an astonishing number of marriages during 
these early years of the Monthly Meeting. The minutes are 
monotonous in their continuous recital of couples who went 
through the trying ordeal of " passing meeting" twice before 
they could accomplish their object. They were required to 
inform the meeting of their intention on the first of these 
occasions, and on the second to declare themselves " still of 
the same mind," and desire Friends' consent. The second of 
these appearances is now no longer required, and the infor- 
mation may be given in writing. 

The Quarterly Meeting minutes state that in 1729 a Peti- 
tion was sent to the Assembly concerning the bad effect of 
Fairs, and desiring a remedy. These Fairs were among the 

Friends in Burlington. 375 

important occurrences in Burlington's annual history. 1 They 
were held four times a year in the town, when people from 
far and near not only came to do their purchasing of what 
wearing apparel they did not make themselves, and of house- 
hold articles, but to learn the news. There was comparing 
of notes about Provincial matters, and the Governor's admin- 
istration; the crops and trade; the compounding of recipes, 
and preparation of "simples ;" who was born, and who dead ; 
whose son had taken up arms and was " training;" and 
whose daughter had married out of meeting and joined the 
" world's people." So great an affair was this annual trading- 
time, that, when Monthly Meeting fell on that day, for a 
number of years it was invariably adjourned until the Fair 
was over ; the young Friends were particularly enjoined to 
observe great discretion in regard to behavior and apparel, 
remembering the Profession which they made as Quakers 
before the world. The first minute in regard to the matter 
is under an early date: 

"At our Mens Monthly Meeting held att our Meeting 
House Burlington, y e 4 th of y e 8 mo. 1697. Ordered at this 
meeting that our next Monthly Meeting be deferred one week 
longer than the usual Day because the fair falling on that 
Day the Meeting should be." 

Later, 1 of 9 mo. 1714: 

"And by reson the publick faire being this day and many 
friends having much business so as they cannot well attend 
the Meeting. It was thought necessary to ajorn y e said Meet- 
ing to the next second day following being the 8 th day of 
this Instant." 

1 " that the Proprietors of "West Jersey may hold . . Markets in 
every Week, for ever on Monday, Wednesday and Friday at Burlington in 
West Jersey, and four Fairs in every Year, these to begin the [ ] Monday 
in the Months of [ ] and each Fair to continue Six Days." " Memorial" 
to the King, dated " August 12th, 1701." N. J. Archives, vol. ii. p. 406. 

The Proprietaries in 1683 instructed Gawen Lawrie to appoint Fairs " as 
soon as may be," and in the year 1686 " Wednesday in the week" was made 
market day by the Assembly. The semi-annual Fairs were held in 5th and 
10th months. In 1718 there were two market days in the year, a custom 
continued in a general way until the Revolution. 

376 Friends in Burlington. 

The Quarterly Meeting of Burlington having desired in- 
formation of Philadelphia on the subject, that Yearly Meet- 
ing advises none of its members, in marrying, " to approach 
nearer in kindred than what is agreed on and restricted by 
the church of England, as appears published in print in a 
table inserted in divers Bibles." 

"Alt our Monthly Meeting at Burlington y e 7 th of y e 12 th 
mo. 1731. The Friends appointed to attend the Quarterly 
Meeting are Daniel Smith Matthew Champian and Thomas 
Scattergood Edward Bartin, William Coate and Nathaniel 
Cripps, which Friends are to report y e state of this Meeting : 
that Friends are in love & unity and that meetings are gene- 
rally keept to arid the Discipline is put in practice in good 
degree. And as to the ministry, those that appear amongst 
us in publick are generally well received, Their Testimony 
being sound & edyfying & are in love and Unity one with 
another & diligent in attending meetings." 

At this date, and for many years after, as many as thirty 
or thirty-five Representatives were usually sent from Bur- 
lington Quarterly Meeting to attend the Yearly Meeting. 

(To be continued.) 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 377 




(Concluded from page 298.) 

On the 14th we encamped near Guilford Court House, after 
a march of about one hundred and ninety miles in about 
seven days' time, nor have we been all this time more than 
ten or twelve miles from said Court House. 

This part of the country is very thickly inhabited ; the land 
indeed is not very productive, yielding corn and some grain. 
Along the Haw River you may see some good settlements, 
especially the Haw Fields, which abound very plenteously 
with fine corn fields, wheat, rye, oats and barley. The inhabi- 
tants here and about Guilford Court House are chiefly Irish, 
being very courteous, humane, and affable to strangers, as 
likewise are the inhabitants of the counties of Mecklinbourg 
and Roan, over the River Yatkin, the latter being remarka- 
ble for being true friends to their country on this present 
critical occasion, which no other parts about here can boast 
of. The inhabitants from here to the River Yatkin are 
chiefly high Dutch and very great Tories and enemies to their 

On the fifteenth in the morning the British Army, com- 
manded by Lord Cornwallis and General Lesley, advanced in 
order to give us battle, upon which General Greene drew up 
his army at Guilford Court House and waited the motion of 
the enemy, Colonel Washington's horse and infantry being 
posted on the right flank of the army. Colonel Lee, with 
his horse and infantry and a detachment of riflemen, went to 
observe their motion, and meeting with their vanguard, upon 
which there commenced a smart skirmish, in which Colonel 
Lee's detachment did wonders, obliging the enemy to give way 
in three different attacks, driving them into their main army, 

378 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

in which they killed and wounded a great number. By this 
time their main army advanced and began a brisk cannonade. 
Our cannon at the same time began to play, which contin- 
ued for the space of a quarter of an hour without intermis- 
sion, at which time the small arms on both sides began, in 
which our riflemen and musquetry behaved with great 
bravery, killing and wounding great numbers of the enemy. 
Colonel Washington's Light Infantry on the right flank was 
attacked by three British regiments, in which they behaved 
with almost incredible bravery, obliging the enemy to retreat 
in three different attacks, the last of which they pursued 
them up a very steep hill, almost inaccessible, till observing 
the enemy, who lay concealed in ambush, rise up, and pour- 
ing in a very heavy tire on them, in which they were obliged 
to retreat, having suffered very much by the last fire of the 
enemy. By this time General Greene drew off the army, as did 
likewise Lord Cornwallis his, they both having retreated off 
the field at one and the same time, neither parties not knowing 
to which the honour of the field belonged. Lord Cornwallis, 
however, afterwards confessed that General Greene had the 
honour of the field, and likewise the best of the battle, if he 
did but know it. Colonel Washington, with his cavalry, in 
this action deserved the highest praise, who meeting with 
the Third Regiment of Foot Guards, arid charged them so 
furiously that they either killed or wounded almost every 
man in the regiment, charging through them and breaking 
their ranks three or four different times. 

This action began about nine o'clock in the morning and 
continued about the space of an hour and a half, in which 
the en-emy lost in killed and wounded fifteen hundred men, 
our loss not exceeding one hundred and fifty in killed and 
wounded, of which twenty-seven belonged to Col. Washing- 
ton's Light Infantry, of which Captain Kirkwood had the 

Among the number of our killed and wounded were Major 
Anderson, of the Maryland Line, Captain Wallace, of the 
Virginia Line, and Captain Hoffman, Washington's Infantry, 
killed ; Lieutenant Yaughan, Infantry, wounded. General 
Greene marched with the army this day about ten miles, 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 379 

where he lay for some time, in order to give some rest to the 
troops, which they stood in great need of, being very much 
fatigued with marching. 

On the twentieth March Lord Cornwallis marched towards 
Wilmington, North Carolina, and General Greene marched, 
in order, if possible, to intercept him and harass his rear, 
thinking thereby to take a great number of prisoners. But 
this availed him not much, for Lord Cornwallis, with his 
army, made such precipitate and forced marches, that it was 
a thing impossible to overhaul them, he leaving the sick and 
wounded behind with a flag, keeping his rear so close that 
we could not pick up not so much as one of his stragglers. 

On the twenty-fifth instant was tried and found guilty 
one Solomon Slocum, of the Second Maryland Battalion, for 
desertion to the enemy, joining with them, and coming in as 
a spy into our camp; when agreeable to his sentence he was 
hanged on a tree by the roadside in full view of all who 
passed by. 

On the twentieth March our army encamped on Deep 
River at Ramsey's Mill after a march of a hundred and 
twenty miles. On our march hither we came through a very 
barren part of the country, the inhabitants being for the most 
part Tories, which rendered our march the more unpleasant. 
Here the enemy built a bridge over the river, which they 
left standing, they not having time to pull it down, so close 
did we pursue them. 

From this place was Colonel Lee despatched with his Horse 
and Infantry, Captain Oldham, 1 of the Fourth Maryland Regi- 
ment, with his company, and one six-pounder. 

1 Capt. Edward Oldham. He married a descendant of Joran Kyn ; see 
p. 301. " To the name of Captain Oldham," says Henry Lee, in his edition of 
his father's Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United 
States, p. 243 (1827), "too much praise cannot be given. He was engaged in 
almost every action in the South, and was uniformly distinguished for gallantry 
and good conduct. With the exception of Kirkwood, of Delaware, and Ru- 
dolph, of the Legion Infantry, he was probably entitled to more credit than 
any officer of his rank in Greene's army a distinction which must place him 
high on the rolls of fame. In the celebrated charge on the British at Eutaw, 
of thirty-six men, which he led, all but eight were killed or wounded ; yet he 
forced the enemy." See, also, Scharf's History of Maryland, vol. ii. p. 421. 

880 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

From here he marched towards the Santee River, in order 
to take some fortifications which the British had erected 

On the 30th Colonel Washington, with his Horse and In- 
fantry, marched towards Wilcox's Iron Works, in order to 
have the troop horses shod, which at this time they stood in 
great need of. 

On the third of April, 1781, we encamped on one Mr. Cheek's 
plantation, after a march of two thousand four hundred and 
fifty-six miles since we left our quarters at Morristown. 

General Greene finding it impracticable to follow Lord 
Cornwallis any farther, and seeing he could not come up with 
him, he therefore bent his course towards Campden, marching 
over the same ground which our army went the last summer 
along with General Gates. This is a poor barren part of the 
country. The inhabitants are chiefly of a Scotch extraction, 
living in mean cottages, and are much disaffected, being 
great enemies to their country. 

On the nineteenth April, 1781, we encamped before Camp- 
den, after a march of one hundred and sixty-four miles. We 
took this day eleven of the enemy prisoners, who were strag- 
gling through the country. 

The same night Captain Kirk wood, being detached off with 
his infantry, in order to take post before Campden, accordingly 
having arrived there about ten o'clock, drove in their picquets 
and took his post near the town till morning. 

Next day, being the twentieth, General Greene with the 
main army arrived, and encamped before Campden. 

On the twenty-first the horse and infantry under Colonel 
Washington marched to the Wateree, there destroying a 
house and fortification, marched towards camp arid brought 
away three hundred and fifty horses and cattle belonging to 
the enemy. 

On the twenty-second we moved our encampment quite 
round Campden, the horse and infantry being sent about three 
miles down the Wateree there to procure forage, which hav- 
ing done, we returned to camp without anything of conse- 
quence happening. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 381 

The same day happened a skirmish between a detachment 
of Colonel Campbell's Regiment and a picquet of the enemy's 
at a mill near Campden, in which the enemy were obliged to 
abandon their post. Of our men were slightly wounded one 
Lieutenant and one private. Of the enemy were four killed 
and five wounded. 

The twenty-third we moved our encampment to the same 
ground from whence we came the day before. 

On the twenty-fifth the enemy made a sally out of Campden 
and were down on our picquet before discovered. At this 
time our men were, for the chief part, some washing their 
clothes, and some were out in the country on passes. The first 
that discovered the enemy were a small picquet belonging 
to the light infantry, under the command of Captain Kirk- 
wood. As soon as the sentinels discovered them, they fired 
on them, and gave the alarm ; upon which the light infantry 
immediately turned out and engaged them very vigorously 
for some time, but, being overpowered by the superiority of 
their numbers, they retreated about two hundred yards 
across the main road, where the main picquet of our arrny 
was formed, and, falling in with them, renewed the fire with 
so much alacrity and undaunted bravery, that they put the 
enemy to a stand for some time, till, being overpowered by 
the superior number of the enemy, they were obliged to re- 
treat, not being able any longer to withstand them, having 
all this time engaged the main army of the enemy. 

By this time our main army was drawn up, and engaged 
them with both cannon and small arms, in which Captain 
Singleton, of the Train, very much signalized himself in 
levelling his pieces so well and playing with such impetuosity, 
that they put the enemy in great confusion, having killed and 
dangerously wounded great numbers of them as they crossed 
the main road; as did likewise Colonel "Washington with his 
cavalry, who, falling in with their rear, killed and wounded a 
great number of them, making two hundred and fifty of 
them prisoners. 

Our main army, being in some confusion by this time by 
the enemy taking them in flank, retreated off, leaving the 

382 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

enemy masters of the field of battle, which, however, they 
very dearly bought, they having three hundred and fifty 
killed and wounded in the field, our loss not exceeding two 
hundred in killed, wounded and prisoners. 

Lord E/awdon retreated with his army in to Campden, and 
General Greene with his army retreated about four miles. 

In this action the light infantry under Captain Robert 
Kirkwood was returned many thanks by the General for 
their gallant behaviour; as did likewise Captain Benson, 1 of 
the Maryland Line, who signalized himself in this action, 
having fought the whole time along with the light infantry. 
On the 26th Colonel Washington's horse and a detachment 
from the line went to reconnoitre the lines. The 27th were 
parties sent to bury our dead. Same day the army marched 
and encamped at Rugeley's mill. Ten miles. 

On the 29th, at night, happened an alarm occasioned by a 
waggon coming out of Campden with one of our captains, 
wounded, which our light horse took for cannon; upon which 
our infantry and a party of horse were sent to observe their 
motion, when, meeting with said waggon, we discovered the 
mistake and returned to camp. Six miles. 

On the first May, 1781, there were five of our men execu- 
ted, who were deserters from our army, who were taken 
prisoners in the late action. 

On the third we marched from this place and crossed the 
"Wateree without anything of consequence happening. 
Marched this day eleven miles. 

On the fourth we marched six miles from this place. The 
horse and infantry marched to the Wateree, there destroyed 
a house and fortification, and returned to camp. Sixteen 
miles. On the seventh we moved our encampment nine 

On the eighth the enemy made a movement out of Campden 
and were within a little distance of us before discovered, 
when immediately our horse and infantry was formed in 
front and waited their motion, the main army having re- 

1 Perry Benson, of Talbot County, Md. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 383 

treated to an advantageous piece of ground, but, the enemy 
not advancing, we kept our own ground. 

On the 10th our infantry and a detachment from the 
Maryland Line, with some horse, were sent to surprise some 
Tories, and, marching twenty-six miles without meeting 
them, the infantry went to Campden, which the enemy had 
evacuated. Eleven miles. 

We marched from Campdeu the 12th, leaving a guard to 
destroy the works, and proceeded on our march for Ninety- 
Six, marching the first day to Reynolds's Mills. Thirteenth, 
marched about eighteen miles. Fifteenth, marched eighteen 
miles. Sixteenth, marched six miles and encamped at Cap- 
tain Howell's. On the seventeenth were executed five of our 
deserters who were taken in Fort Friday by Colonel Lee. 

On the eighteenth marched and crossed Broad River and 
encamped on the other side, fifteen miles. On the nineteenth 
marched twenty-five miles. This day were executed three 
more of our deserters, who were taken in the late fort. Next 
day, being the twentieth, we marched seventeen miles. 

On the twenty-first of May we took and killed about 
twelve Tories. Marched sixteen miles. Next day, being the 
twenty-second, we crossed at Island Ford, and encamped be- 
fore Ninety-Six. Nine miles. This day we took and killed 
eleven of the Tories in their encampment. We were employed 
this night and the next day in making breast-works and 
batteries before the town. On the twenty fourth we opened 
our batteries before the town. 

On the twenty-fifth we had an account that Colonel Lee 
had taken two more of the enemy's forts at Augusta. We 
lay before this garrison from the twenty-second of May till 
the twentieth of June, when, on the eighteenth, we had a 
general attack upon the town, taking Holmes's Fort with the 
redoubt therein, thereby occasioning them to lose the use of 
their springs. The garrison must have surrendered had not 
Lord Rawdon with his army come, upon which we were 
obliged to raise the siege. 

First day's march from Ninety-Six we marched about 

384 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

fourteen miles towards Charlotte. Next day, being the 
twenty-first, we marched about eight miles. The twenty- 
second marched sixteen miles. The next day, twenty- 
third, marched fifteen miles, and crossed the Innerree. 
Twenty-fourth. Marched this day twenty-one miles and 
crossed the Tiger and Broad River. From here the main 
army went one way, and Colonel Lee's horse and infantry 
and Colonel Washington's infantry marched another, march- 
ing along Broad River through a Dutch settlement, being 
all Tories. 

We marched along this settlement seventy-seven miles, and 
joined our own horse on the other side Broad River at 
White's farm. Next day we marched to Captain Howell's, 
sixteen miles, which we reached on the third of July, 1781. 
On the fourth we marched nine miles. On the fifth we 
crossed the Congaree at McCord's Ferry, and, being mounted 
on horses at Colonel Thompson's, we marched that night to 
Brown's Mill, thirty-two miles. Next day, being the sixth, 
we marched to Thompson's farm on the Santee, thirteen 
miles. On the seventh we crossed the Congaree, at which an 
express came and we were countermarched back to Brown's 
Mill, twenty-five miles. On the eighth, marched twenty- 
five miles. We lay this night on Doughtey's farm. On the 
ninth marched ten miles, Colonel Middleton's. On the 
tenth we marched seven miles. This night we joined the 
main army at Beaver Creek. Next day, being the eleventh, 
we marched towards Orangeburg, which we reached on 
the twelfth, and sent parties of horse and foot to draw them 
out ; but, they not coming out of their entrenchments, we 
marched off, directing our course towards McCord's Ferry. 
Marched this day fifteen miles. Next day we marched 
eleven miles. We lay this night near Brown's Mill. 

On the fourteenth crossed the Congaree at McCord's, and 
encamped at Simmond's farm, twenty miles. We lay on this 
ground till the twenty-second, and moved to Dawson's farm, 
nine miles. Here we lay till the twenty-seventh, and moved 
to Walden's plantation, six miles. Here were brought in 
ten prisoners from the enemy, taken near Orangeburg. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 385 

On the second of August a party of Colonel Hampton's 1 
men had a skirmish with a party of the enemy, killing 
thirteen of them. Of Colonel Hampton's was slightly 
wounded one man. On the fourth we marched and crossed 
the Wateree at Symmond's. Marched this day thirteen miles. 
On the sixth marched and encamped near Head-Quarters. 
Seventh, marched and encamped at Captain Richardson's. 
Ten miles. We lay on this ground till the twenty-fourth, 
and marched farther up the river, twenty miles. The 
twenty-fifth ; marched this day to Campden, eighteen miles. 
Twenty-seventh ; this day arrived at Captain Howell's on 
the Congaree River, eighteen miles. Twenty-eighth ; this 
day joined Colonel Washington's horse, five miles, at Mr. 
Culpeper's on the bank of the river. In the evening 
were informed, the enemy this morning left Colonel Thomp- 
son's on their way to Charlestown. Thirty -first, marched to 
HowelFs Ferry on the Congaree River, thirty -five miles, 
where our army had crossed. This day the General received 
information that the enemy had marched from the Centre 
Swamp on their route for town, which occasioned the horse 
and Captain Kirkwood's infantry to return to the place they 
left in the morning. Twelve miles. 

On the fourth of September crossed the Congaree Eiver 
at Culpeper and encamped on Mr. Johnston's farm, fifteen 
miles. The fifth marched, and encamped with the main army 
at Everett's Creek, six miles below Colonel Thompson's, four- 
teen miles. Sixth, marched to Medway Swamp, six miles. 
Seventh, marched within seven miles of the Eutaw Springs, 
twenty miles. Eighth ; this day our army was in motion 
before daybreak, resolved to fight the British Army. We 
marched in the following order of battle, viz. : the South 
and North Carolina Militia in front and commanded by 
Generals Marion and Pickens, having Colonel Lee's horse 
and infantry on their left. The second line was composed of 
North Carolina Regulars, Virginians and Marylanders, with 

1 Colonel Wade Hampton, of S. 0., born in 1754, died in 1835. He was a 
distinguished soldier during the Revolution and the War of 1812, being 
Colonel and Brigadier-General in the Army of the United States. 

VOL. VIL 27 

386 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

two three-pounders and two six-pounders. Colonel Wash- 
ington's horse and infantry were the corps-de-reserve. In 
this order we marched down to action. Coming within three 
miles of the enemy's encampment, we fell in with a foraging 
party of sixty men, loaded with potatoes, most of whom we 
either killed, wounded or took prisoners. We met with no 
farther opposition till we came within one mile of their 
encampment before discovered, and with their front line 
began the action, which soon brought the action general. 
We drove their first and second lines, and took upwards of 
five hundred prisoners. They took shelter in a large brick 
house and a hollow way in the .rear of the house. At this 
time our men were so far spent for want of water, and our 
Continental officers suffering much in the action, rendered it 
advisable for General Greene to draw off his troops, with the 
loss of two six-pounders. Major Edmund with a small party 
of men joined our infantry in the British encampment, keep- 
ing up fire for a small space of time; found our army had 
withdrawn from field made it necessary for us likewise to 
withdraw. We brought off one of their three-pounders, 
which was with much difficulty performed through a thick 
wood for four miles, without the assistance of but one horse. 
We got to the encamping ground, where we left in the 
morning, about two in the evening. 

Tenth. Received intelligence that the enemy had left 
Eutaw Springs the evening before, on the road to Monck's 
Corner. The General pursued them to Mr. Martin's, within 
twelve miles of the Corner. 

Twelfth. Returned as far back as Whistling George's, 
six miles. Thirteenth, marched to the widow Flood's on 
Sanfcee River, fourteen miles. Fourteenth, marched with 
the army on the road leading to Lawrence's Ferry, on the 
Santee, and separated from them, they being bound to the 
high hills of Santee, and 'we for the encampment on Mr. 
Caldwell's farm at Half Way Swamp, nineteen miles. Fif- 
teenth, marched to Kelly's farm, twenty miles. Sixteenth, 
marched to Mr. Patrick's farm, thirteen miles. Seventeenth, 
crossed the Congaree at Mr. Patrick's, and inarched to Cul- 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 387 

peper and from thence to Colonel Goodden's, ten miles. 
Nineteenth, marched this morning a little after sunrise, joined 
Colonel Washington's horse, and encamped one mile below 
them on Mr. Pierce's farm, eleven miles. 

October the sixth, marched to Simmons's farm on the 
Wateree, forty miles. 

Return of the killed, wounded, and missing in the action 
of the Eutaw Springs, the eighth of September, 1781. Five 
Lieutenant-Colonels killed and wounded, one Major, eighteen 
Captains, thirty-one Subalterns, forty Sergeants, total, four 
hundred and thirty in killed, wounded or missing. 

Here we lay till the sixth of November, and marched to 
Gooden's Mill, thirty-seven miles, without anything of conse- 
quence happening. About this time our men were taken 
sick with the fever and ague, insomuch that we had scarce 
men enough to mount two small guards. 

Nothing of consequence happened from this time till we 
came to Stono Ferry, two hundred miles from Gooden's Mill, 
which we reached on the twelfth of January, 1782, we having 
had detachments from the Pennsylvanians 1 and Carolinians 
joined us, the whole amounting to four hundred men, which, 
together with Lee's infantry and a detachment from the Mary- 
land Line, amounting to about three hundred men, the whole 
amounting to about seven hundred men. We came before 
this place on Saturday, the twelfth, at night, and thought to 
cross the river on Inos Island at low water, which we might 
have effected if we had not been too late, the tide making so 
fast that it was rendered impracticable. On Tuesday, the 
fifteenth, the infantry of the Delaware Regiment entered the 
Island, making several prisoners, refugees, the British Army 
having evacuated the Island. 

Sixteenth, we marched to Stono Church, thirteen miles. 
Seventeenth, moved our encampment about two miles towards 
Parker's Ferry. 

1 These troops, doubtless, belonged to Wayne's command. It was the in- 
tention of Washington that Wayne should join Greene in 1781, but this 
arrangement was changed on account of the Yorktown campaign, and Wayne 
did not join the Southern Army until the beginning of the year 1782. 

388 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. , 

On the fourth of February, 1782, we marched from Dray- 
ton's Cowpens and encamped on Warren's plantation, five 
miles. On the eighth we marched to reconnoitre the enemy's 
lines, marching within four miles of the quarter house, and 
returned to our encampment the tenth, without anything of 
consequence happening, forty miles. 

On the twelfth the detachment of Pennsylvanians and 
Carolinians marched from here and joined their respective 
regiments, we having remained with Washington's horse and 
under the direction of Major Caul. We lay here till the 
thirteenth, and marched about nine miles. Fourteenth, 
moved our encampment one mile. 

Seventeenth, marched and joined Colonel Lee's infantry 
near Mr. Warren's plantation, eleven miles. Same night we 
received intelligence that the enemy meant to surprise us, in 
consequence of which we marched about two miles and lay 
on our arms a night. Next day, being the eighteenth, 
we were employed in building huts. Here we lay till the 
twenty -fourth, and marched and encamped near McQuin's, 
five miles. Marched since we left our quarters near Morris- 
town five thousand five hundred and three miles. 

Here we lay till the third of March, and marched to re-en- 
force Gen. Marion, who was surrounded by the enemy, march- 
ing towards Goose Creek, when we received intelligence that 
the enemy were returned to Charlestown. We marched back 
on the sixth, and lay that night near Bacon Bridge, forty- 
five miles. 

On the seventh marched and encamped near Mr. Izard's 
plantation, five miles. Here we lay till the twelfth, and 
marched and encamped near Bacon Bridge, five miles. 

The sixteenth of March we were joined by a detachment 
from the main army consisting of two hundred men. 

On the seventeenth marched to the enemy's lines, and sent 
parties to draw them out, but they not advancing, upon which 
we returned to our encampment, sixteen miles. 

On the twenty-fifth moved our encampment from here to 
Dorchester, two miles. 

Here we stayed till the 29th and marched towards Hatley's 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 389 

Point; marched the first day and passed the Strawberry 
Ferry, twenty miles. Thirtieth, marched twelve miles. 
Thirty-first, marched twenty miles. First of April, marched 
twenty-three miles. Second, marched twenty miles. Third, 
marched twenty-two miles and encamped at Bacon's Bridge. 

On the fourth the detachment under Colonel Moore marched 
and joined the main army. On the fifth of April the horse 
and infantry marched down the Ashley River eight miles. 
April the seventh, marched farther down the river, two 
miles. We moved from here on the thirteenth, and encamped 
on Gough's plantation, sixteen miles. 

On the sixteenth moved our encampment to Farre's planta- 
tion, two miles. Here we lay till the 22d, and marched and 
encamped at Thomas Warren's plantation, five miles. On 
Sunday, the 21st instant, happened a skirmish between a party 
of our cavalry and a scout of the enemy's horse, between 
Dorchester and the Quarter House. Our horse meeting with 
about forty of theirs, our men consisting of twenty-four, 
and charged on them so vigorously that they retreated with 
precipitation, when another party of the enemy's horse, who 
lay in ambush, rushed out on our men, and fired on them 
with carbines, and killed three of our horses and wounded 
two or three men. One of our men engaged and killed two 
of the enemy's negro horse, and a third, which happened to 
be a Major, thought to make his escape by running into a 
swamp, where he came up with him, and with one blow of 
his sword severed his head from his body. 

On the 22d instant was executed at Head Quarters one of 
the Sergeants charged with mutiny, when agreeable to his 
sentence he was shot. A man named William Peters, who 
was steward to General Greene and his wife, was confined in 
the provost under sentence of death for corresponding with 
the enemy by letters, some of the letters being found about 
him, which specified that he was to recruit a number of men 
in our service for the enemy. Little did the General think 
that one of his own domesticks should prove his utter enemy. 1 

1 " The face of mutiny appeared among us a little time past. I hung a 
sergeant and sent away five others, among whom was Peters the steward. 

390 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

On the 27th, at night, our horse and infantry marched, in 
order to obstruct the enemy, who made a practice of coming 
out. We lay this night in ambush, waiting the enemy's 
motion. Next morning we marched ten miles round, and 
came in on the main road above Dorchester, but, the enemy 
not stirring out, we returned to our encampment, fifteen miles. 

On the 29th moved our encampment three miles. We lay 
on this ground till the 3d of May, and marched to Dray ton's 
Cowpens. Same evening marched and encamped near Mc- 
Quin's, seven miles. 

On the 29th of April there had like to have happened an 
accident to General Greene, which would have proved of 
fatal consequence. A woman living on Ashley River invited 
him and his lady to dinner to her house, she giving informa- 
tion thereof to the British Commandant at Charlestowu, giv- 
ing him notice of the day on which Gen. Greene, his lady, and 
two Aides-de-Camp were to be at her house. Upon which a 
gentleman in town and one who was a friend to his country 
took notice of their conference, and, coming the day appointed 
to this woman's house, there found General Greene, his lady, 
and two Aides-de-Camp, and giving him to understand that 
he was not safe in that place, for that there was a plot laid 
for him ; upon which he immediately quitted the place, and 
had not been gone twenty minutes when the house was sur- 
rounded by a number of the British Horse, the officer riding 
up and demanding General Greene, when, to his sad dis- 
appointment, he was gone, upon which he immediately went 
oft' with his guard, being vexed that he was so sadly dis- 

On the eleventh of May the horse and infantry, and a de- 
tachment from the main army, consisting of two hundred men 
under the command of Colonel Egleston, marched to the 
enemy's lines, the horse and infantry marching round, and 
entered Goose Creek road, Major Egleston's detachment 

This decisive step put a stop to it, and you cannot conceive what a change 
it has made in the temper of the army." (Greene to Gen. 0. H. Williams, 
June 6, 1782. See Heed's Reed, vol. ii. p. 470). Cf. Greene's Life of Greene, 
vol. iii. p. 450. 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 391 

taking the main Charlestown road, and forming a junction 
about a mile below the Quarter House, where the cavalry 
went on in front and quite close to the enemy's picquets, in 
order to draw them on ; but, they keeping close in their 
works, we waited for a considerable time for their coming, 
after sending several challenges, and daring them to come 
out. But, finding all our efforts were in vain, we returned 
towards camp, which we reached on Monday, the 13th, after 
a march of fifty miles since we left our encampment. We 
took nine of the enemy prisoners, which were paroled, into 
town, in order to be exchanged for Colonel Lee's cavalry, 
which were prisoners in town. 

On the eighteenth the horse and infantry marched from 
McQuin's, and took post on the right flank of the main army ; 
five miles. 

On the 24th a detachment of horse and infantry was sent 
on the enemy's lines, the infantry crossing the Ashley, and 
lay in ambush for the enemy, the horse marching round by 
Dorchester, and meeting with a party of the British horse, 
which they entirely defeated, making twelve prisoners, and 
returned to camp. 

On the 27th another party of our infantry crossed the 
Ashley in the night, and went to an inn within a mile of 
Charlestown, and found there three British officers, which 
they made prisoners, and returned to camp. 

On the 5th of June the horse and infantry and a detach- 
ment from the main army marched to reconnoitre the ene- 
my's lines, amounting to about three hundred men, and en- 
tered the Goose Creek road, where, meeting with nothing to 
obstruct their passage, returned to camp ; thirty miles. 

About the 15th of June General Gist, 1 with a detachment 
from the line consisting of a hundred men, came and took 
the command of all the horse and infantry, Colonel Laurens 
having the command and acted under General Gist. The 
27th of June our horse and infantry moved further down the 
Ashley River; three miles. 

1 Mordecai Gist, of the Maryland Line. He married a descendant of 
Joran Kyn : for an account of him see the PENNA. MAO., vol. v. p. 459 et seq. 

392 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1788. 

The 4th of July, being the day of our Independence declared 
throughout the United States of America, our army was 
drawn up and fired a fudijoy [sic], which was performed with 
great dexterity from both cannon and small arms, to the 
great satisfaction of a vast number of spectators. 

On the 7th General Greene, with the main army, marched 
farther down the Ashley, about eight miles, taking up his 
quarters at Widow Kettle's, General Marion having taken 
post at Bacon's Bridge. 

On the 19th of July we moved our encampment about two 
miles. At this time the men were taken sick very fast, so 
that there were scarce any left to mount the necessary guards 
about camp. 

On the 7th, at night, our horse and infantry marched to 
Goose Creek, in order to collect forage, which having done, 
on the eighth we returned to camp without anything of con- 
sequence happening, thirty miles. 

On the 24th of August, 1782, our horse and infantry 
inarched towards Cum bee Ferry, in order to hinder the enemy 
from foraging on the Island of Bluefort, and the places ad- 
jacent, having arrived at Cumbee on the 25th. 

The enemy this time lay in this river with two row gallies, 
some top-sail schooners, and other small craft, the whole 
amounting to eighteen sail, and three hundred regular troops 
and two hundred refugees. 

On the 27th of August Colonel Laurens, with a detach- 
ment of the Delaware Regiment, engaged the enemy in the 
river from the main land, and, having stopped them in the 
river, they then tacked about and landed above where our men 
were, to the number of three hundred men, our men not ex- 
ceeding forty in number, where commenced a smart skirmish, 
in which Colonel Laurens was killed, and several of our men 
dangerously wounded, upon which our men were obliged to 
retreat off the field, the enemy being far superior to us in 
number. The enemy took one howitzer, which we could not 
possibly get off. The loss of the enemy was thirty-five men 
in killed and wounded. They retreated to their shipping 
without attempting to follow our men any farther ; neither 

A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 393 

could our cavalry come at them, till they had embarked on 
board and moved off. 

On the second of September our men, with a six-pounder, 
engaged one of the enemy's gallies in the same river, which 
struck to us, having on board two nine-pounders, and a num- 
ber of fowls and other provisions, etc. 

We returned from this expedition on the 8th of September 
after a march of one hundred and fifty miles. 

On the llth of September moved our encampment to Turkey 
Hill, near Stono, to Squire Johnson's plantation, nine miles. 
From here we marched on the 18th, and encamped on the 
right of the main army, leaving the sick behind, under the 
care of Doctor Guilder and Lieutenant Hyatt. Marched this 
day ten miles. 

On the 4th of November a party of our men, under the 
command of Colonel Koseiusko, fell in with a party of the 
British Negro Horse, consisting of ten men, of which they 
killed and wounded all but two men. 

The British deserters come in now every day, and may be 
averaged at thirty per week, and numbers more would come 
off, but are prevented by the Negro Horse, as they are kept 
constantly patrolling for that purpose. They all give an 
account that the British are for evacuating the town. Some 
are bound for Augustine, some for the Island of Jamaica, 
some for Halifax, Nova Scotia, and some for Europe. 

November 7th, the Maryland and Pennsylvania troops 
were formed into two Battalions or Regiments, each regiment 
consisting of six hundred men, rank and file, the eighteen 
months' men being sent home to their respective States. At 
the same time the Delaware Regiment had orders to hold 
themselves in readiness to march home from the Southward 
on the 16th of November. 

On the 16th instant marched from Head-Quarters on Ash- 
ley River, and arrived at Campden on the 22d. Here we 
were detained by orders of General Greene till the 5th of 
December, when we marched for Salisbury, which we reached 
on the 10th, two hundred and forty miles from Ashley 

394 A Journal of the Southern Expedition, 1780-1783. 

On the 14th marched from here and came to Paytonsbourg 
on the 21st, one hundred and thirty miles. We proceeded on 
our march from here on the 24th, and arrived at Carter's 
Ferry on James River, on the 30th, ninety-five miles. 

Marched from here on the first of January, 1783, and arrived 
at Georgetown, in the State of Maryland, on the eighth, one 
hundred and thirty miles. 

From here we marched on the 12th, and arrived at Chris- 
tiana Bridge on the 17th of this instant, after a march of 
seven hundred and twenty miles since we left our encamp- 
ment on Ashley River, South Carolina, which was performed 
with very much difficulty, our men being so very weak after a 
tedious sickness which prevailed among them all last summer 
and fall. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 395 




The history of the little colony of New Sweden belongs to 
the note-worthy period when the valour of Gustavus II. Adol- 
phus was elevating our heretofore almost unknown land of 
Sweden to the position of arbiter of the destinies of Europe, 
and extending her sway and publishing her fame to the an- 
tipodes. It does not, to be sure, present a single event or act 
related to the main work then prosecuted by the Swedes in 
Europe, so fruitful of results for this part of the globe, still 
it forms a portion of the annals of our country ; and, if the 
enterprise, we are about to describe, had no great conse- 
quences for Sweden, it cannot be devoid of interest, whether 
considered in connection with the ideas which gave birth 
to it, or in view of its significance for a land, which has been 
regarded, for several decades, as one of the most favoured in- 
habited by our compatriots. 

Among the lofty we may even say, fantastical projects 
not seldom noted in the career of King Gustavus, such, for 
example, as the well-known designs on the crowns of Russia 
and Poland and the imperial throne of Germany (a natural 
result, perhaps, of his military success), there are many 
others, which, whether actually executed or merely enter- 
tained, exhibit the far-reaching penetration, and the many- 
sided statecraft of that ruler and his able officer, Axel Oxen- 
stjerna. While the former tended, doubtless, to the tempo- 
rary honour and grandeur of Sweden, but were too factitious 

1 Kolonien Nya Sveriges Historia. Akademisk A f handling, som med 
vederborligt tillstand for erhdllande of Filosofisk Doktorsgrad vid 
Lunds Universitet till offentlig granskning framstdlles of Carl K. S. 
Sprinchorn, Filosofie Licentmt, Sk. Stockholm, 1878. Hist. Bibtiotek. 
1878. Pp. 167 et seq. A brief notice of this dissertation appears in THE 

396 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

to enjoy a long continuance, on the other hand, the latter, 
conceived in the interests of peace, with view to the improve- 
ment of mankind, and the furthering of trade and commerce 
all, either more or less completely, attained their consum- 

Among ideas of the kind described, then in the mode and 
of great acceptance with many European powers, was that of 
planting foreign colonies. The new world, recently discov- 
ered and constantly assuming vaster proportions in men's 
eyes, afforded large avenues for increase of material prosper- 
ity, and came to be regarded not so much as a field for the 
slow but sure accumulation of wealth such a thought being 
out of keeping with the temper of the times as a grand 
treasure-house stored with abundant riches providentially 
accumulated for the advantage of the good people of Europe. 
Spain and Holland had so apprehended the matter, and did 
not yet appreciate the fatal error of their conceptions ; and 
other nations were beginning to share these views, and seeking 
to enrich themselves in the same manner, obtaining Ameri- 
can products at less cost than hitherto by dispensing with 
the intermediary traffic which had rendered them so dear. 
The remoteness and poverty of Sweden may, at first, have 
deterred that country from following this example, but when 
the victories of her warrior-king extended her limits far 
within the boundaries of other lands, and brought her into 
more intimate contact with the great European powers, she 
naturally conceived the thought of emulating her neighbours 
in foreign colonization schemes. 

We observe this in the magnificent projects devised by the 
well-known founder of the Dutch West India Company, 
Willem Usselinx, for adoption by the King of Sweden, dis- 
closed in detail in his Argonautica Gustaviana. 1 To further 
these, Gustavus Adolphus conceded privileges June 14, 1626, 
to the incorporated " South Company" with exclusive right 
to trade with foreign lands. 2 What extravagant expecta- 

1 Printed at Frankfort on the Main, 1633. 

2 See further on this subject Stjernman, Eicon. Forordn., i. 910, 912, 932; 
Cronholm, Sveriges Hist, under Gust. II. Adolf., iv. 368 et seq. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 397 

tions were entertained, as to the significance and value of 
this commercial enterprise, are gathered from the following 
extract from a document, published by order of His Majesty 
in 1625, touching the new company. Regarding Spain thia 
paper says : " It is well-nigh incredible what immense treas- 
ures, wealth, and profits have accrued for the past hundred 
and thirty years, and are still accruing, to the Spanish nation, 
from Africa, Asia, and America, so vast that the receipts 
from America alone yearly amount to 20,000,000 riksdaler, or 
30,000,000 Swedish dollars, for the most part clear gain both 
for the king and for his subjects, comprising gold, silver, 
quicksilver, pearls, emeralds, amber, cochineal, indigo, skins, 
sugar, ginger, tobacco, all kinds of spices, gums, and valuable 
woods, not including some millions of ducats, which (besides 
other outlay) the said king bestows upon his servants as 
wages, upon governors of provinces, bishoprics, prebendaries, 
president and lords of council^ and many other offices, of 
which some are worth annually 5000 or 6000, 8000 or 10,000, 
and several 100,000 riksdaler" 1 And in a like exaggerated 
manner are depicted the large gains of the United Netherlands 
from their trade. The document also sets forth the presump- 
tively great advantages enjoyed by Sweden over these coun- 
tries, regarded in a practical aspect. Nor does it fail to 
indicate the importance of the commercial enterprise in rela- 
tion to Christian missions among the natives, " heretofore 
living in abominable heathenish idolatry, and all mariner of 
ungodliness." Individuals of every station were flattered 
with illusive assurances of great gains appropriate to their 
circumstances, and so forth. 

Political and, above all, economical considerations hindered, 
however, all execution of these projects, and after the death 
of Gustavus, both Axel Oxenstjerna and TJsselinx, each in 
his own fashion, endeavoured to interest the German States 
in the undertaking. Still, notwithstanding all the brilliant 
speculations of Usselinx in the already-mentioned Argonau- 
tica Gustaviana and, particularly, the Mercurius Germanice, 

1 See Stjernman, op cit., i. 914-15 et seq. 

398 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

the plans came to nothing under that extravagant form ; but 
the general purpose was not abandoned, and the execution of 
it, in a less ambitious manner, gave rise to the events related 
in this history of New Sweden. 

The preparations then made for planting a Swedish colony 
in some foreign part of the globe, and the mode of founding 
such a one on the river Delaware in North America, are 
fully detailed in Professor Odhner's dissertation, Kolonien 
Nya Sveriges Grundlaggning, 1637-1642. 1 Referring, there- 
fore, to this treatise, we shall briefly extract from it merely 
the chief points, in consequence of their connection with our 

It was during a visit of Axel Oxenstjerna to Holland, in 
1635, that the plans of Usselinx seem first to have acquired 
new life through the intercourse of the chancellor with a 
merchant of Amsterdam named Samuel Blommaert, 2 a part- 
ner in the Dutch "West India Company, and formerly a par- 
ticipant in a private colonization scheme on the east side of 
the Delaware Bay. 3 Another energetic Hollander, Peter 
Spiring, who had already been engaged in the Swedish ser- 
vice, received a commission from the chancellor to confer 
with Blommaert on the projected enterprise, the following 
year, and these persons, together with a third, Peter Minuit, 
who afterwards carried out their plan, devised the mode of 
establishing the Swedish colony, whose name, it was agreed, 
should be NEW SWEDEN.* 

At the beginning of the year 1637 the destination of the 
expedition was more definitely determined, viz., a portion 

1 Printed in HistorisJct BiUiotek, published by C. Silfverstolpe, ny fo'ljd, 
i. (A translation of the treatise is given in THE PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, 
vols. iii. pp. 269-84, 395-411 ; iv. 125. TRANS.) 

2 For a note concerning this person, see this MAGAZINE, vol. vi. p. 460. 

3 See Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, xii. pp. 
16-17. (Albany, 1877.) 

4 For a letter of Peter Minuit proposing the founding of the colony of 
New Sweden, see this MAGAZINE, vol. vi. pp. 458 et seq. TRANS. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 399 

of the coast of North America not already occupied by the 
Dutch or English. 1 

On this point, of course, Minuit possessed trustworthy in- 
formation, since formerly, from 1624 2 to 1632, he had been 
Governor of the Dutch West India Company's colony of New 
Netherland, which comprised the territory between and in 
close proximity to the Hudson and Delaware rivers (called 
by the Hollanders the North and South rivers), whose chief 
seat was New Amsterdam, a fort on Manhattan Island. To 
the north and south of New Netherland lay the English 
Provinces of New England, Maryland, and Virginia. Minuit's 
plan was to found the Swedish colony on the Delaware, 
where the Dutch had planted, at sundry times, three settle- 
ments, which he believed, or at least alleged, had by that 
time come to nought. In this he was deceived, however, 
and since the circumstance is not without weight for deciding 
on the Swedish right of possession to the land, and was con- 
tinually the subject of controversial statements and disputes 
with the Hollanders, variously related by recent authors, it 
may not be superfluous to recount, in few words, the events 
which preceded the arrival of the Swedes within the region. 

The Dutch West India Company, incorporated in 1621, 
two years afterwards equipped an expedition, which sailed 

1 Odhner, op. cit., pp. 6 et seq. We think worthy of mention a statement 
made by both of the oldest Swedish writers on this subject, viz., Thos. Cam- 
panius Holm (Beskrifn. om N. Sverige, Stockholm, 1702) and Acrelius 
(Svenska Forsaml : s tillstand i N. Sverige, Stockholm, 1759), to the effect 
that the Swedish government obtained, through its Ambassador, Johan 
Oxenstjerna, from King Charles I. of England in 1634 (Campanius says erro- 
neously 1631) the transfer to themselves of "all pretentious of the English 
to that country, based on their first discovery of it." The author has 
vainly searched the Archives of the Kingdom for some confirmation of this 
assertion in letters and acts relating to the affair, although, on the other 
hand, he has met with the same declaration in moce than one contempora- 
neous document. 

2 The date given by Hazard, Annals of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 
1850. Brodhead (History of the State of New York, vol. i. p. 162) cor- 
rects the date of Minuit's arrival at Manhattan to May 4, 1626. TRANS. 

400 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

up the river Delaware under Cornells Mey, and built a lit- 
tle redoubt called Fort Nassau on the eastern bank, in the 
immediate neighbourhood of what is now known as Glouces- 
ter, New Jersey the truly valid basis of the claim of the 
Hollanders to the land by right of prior possession. Com- 
mercial engagements were entered into with the Indians, and 
for several years, at least, this place was inhabited by the 

In 1629 a company of private individuals in Holland, 
among whom was the formerly mentioned Blomrnaert, 
equipped an expedition, which, under the leadership of one 
of the partners, named de Yries, 1 landed in 1631 on the west 
shore of Delaware Bay, near Cape Henlopen, and planted a 
colony there, called " Zwaanendal," on a tract of land some 
miles in extent, as well as on one directly opposite on the 
other side of the river, formally purchased from the Indians. 2 
It is true, the latter speedily destroyed this settlement, and 
at the same time, also, Fort Nassau was abandoned, but cer- 
tain circumstances indicate that it must have been reoccu- 
pied afterwards, and that there may have been some private 
settlers here and there, so that at the arrival of the Swedes 
the region of the Delaware had not been altogether deserted 
by the Dutch. 3 

We may add, further, that the English, who lived in the 
adjacent province of Virginia, also laid claim to the land, 4 
both then and often afterwards ; 5 also that an assault was 

1 Sprinchorn follows Hazard's incorrect statement as to de Yries's leader- 
ship of this expedition, which was really conducted by Pieter Heyes, of 
Edam, in North Holland. De Yries visited the colony (after its destruc- 
tion) in 1632. (See Brodhead, op cit.} TRANS. 

2 The land on the east side of the Delaware was not settled, so far as 
known. TRANS. 

8 The foregoing is taken from Hazard, op. cit., pp. 22 et seq. Of., how- 
ever, Doc. Col Hist. N&w York, xii. pp. 16-17, 20, 29. 

4 They called the river after Lord Delaware, who visited it in 1610 ; by 
the Indians it was known as the Poutaxat. (On the alleged visit of Lord 
Delaware to the river which bears his name, see Brodhead, op. cit., vol. L 
p. 51. TRANS.) 

6 Hazard, op cit., pp. 31 et seq. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 401 

made on Fort Nassau by English colonists from Connecticut 
in 1635, which, to be sure, miscarried, in consequence, proba- 
bly, of the fort's having been rebuilt and set in order by the 
West India Company of Amsterdam, who that year obtained 
from the individual proprietors the territory purchased by 
them. 1 

In the mean time the Swedes stipulated to plant the 
emblems of civilization in good earnest on the Delaware. 
After the three above-named persons had completed the 
initiatory preparations, and settled the distribution of the 
expense of the project between the Dutch and Swedish part- 
ners, Minuit left Holland for Sweden in February, 1637. 
The chancellor of the kingdom and Klas Fleming were the 
chief promoters of the scheme, and they subscribed, with the 
two other Oxenstjernas in the government, and Spiring, half 
the cost of outfit. 

The first expedition consisted of two vessels, the Kalmar 
Nyckel and Gripen^ belonging to the United South and Ship 
Company, 2 which were equipped by the Grand- Admiral of Swe- 
den, and furnished with a crew and cargo from Holland. After 
long delay they left Gottenburg in the autumn of 1637, but, 
meeting with rough treatment in a storm in the North Sea, 
were obliged to put into a Dutch harbour for repairs and fresh 
provisions, and at the close of the year again set out for their 
place of destination. According to Campanius's narrative 
the emigrants first landed on the west side of Delaware Bay 
by a little stream (now called Mispillion Creek) at a place 
they named Paradis Udden (Paradise Point), probably, says 
he, because "land seemed so grateful and agreeable to them." 3 
Former uncertainty concerning the date of the first arrival of 
the Swedes on the Delaware is so diminished in Professor 
Odhner's work, already mentioned, that the period is brought 
within " March or early in April of 1638." We have it in 

1 Hazard, op cit., p. 39. 

2 On earlier enterprises of this company, "see Prof. C. T. Odhner's Sver- 
iges Inre Historia under Drottning Christinas Formyndare, pp. 299 
et seq., translated in this volume of this MAGAZINE, pp. 268 et seq. TRANS. 

8 Campanius Holm, op cit., p. 29. 

VOL. vii. 28 

402 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

our power to complement this statement by another: 1 that 
the event took place at the latest in the middle of March, 
since on the 29th of that month the Swedes concluded their 
first purchase of land from the Indians, when, probably, 
Minuit had begun to explore a tributary of the Delaware, 
situated higher up the river, called Minquas Kil (the present 
Christiana Creek). Here, on the day named, five chiefs of 
neighbouring Indian tribes 2 presented themselves, one of 
whom, named Mitatsimint, resigned to the Crown of Sweden 
the land on the west side of the Delaware "from Minquas Kil 
southward to Boomtiens Hoeck," called on the first Swedish 
map Boomtiens Udde (in the vicinity of the present Bombay 
Hook) ; while the rest of the chiefs made over the territory 
north of this, probably as far as the river Schuylkill, 3 and 
delivered a written deed signed with the Indians' marks, 
and witnessed by the Christians present, the Indians being 
acceptably recompensed with articles of merchandise. 4 That 
this purchase extended as far north as Santickan (or Sanchi- 
kan, now Trenton, as Acrelius states), we cannot certainly 
affirm ; no limit to the land towards the interior was ever 
settled. When the boundaries were determined, posts were 
erected, cut with Her Majesty's initials. 
After this Minuit felt safe in beginning to build a little 

1 This is derived from a document found in the Archives of the Kingdom 
in the summer of 1877. It comprises a renewed patent of land from the 
Indians, dated 1651, of which more hereafter. See Appendix I. 

2 They were called by the Swedes Minquesser and belonged to the great 
Iroquois race, which then occupied the land south of the great lakes. 
Odhner, op cit., p. 13. Consult the map in Bancroft's History of the United 
States, ii. p. 297. 

3 In accordance with the patent of 1 654, about which more is said further 
on. See the accompanying map. The Dutch " kit" signifies creek; " hoek" 
corner or bend (of the river). 

4 The money in general use among the natives consisted of white and 
black beads of stone or shell, polished and strung together, and measured 
by the yard or fathom. It was called sewan. (Odhner, op. cit., p. 33, follow- 
ing Campanius Holm.) The Swedes value " six white beads and three black 
ones at a stiver, calling the former silver and the latter gold money." (Lind- 
strom to the College of Commerce, July 9, 1654, among papers relating to 
New Sweden in the Archives of the Kingdom.) 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 403 

redoubt as a centre and starting point for future colonization 
and the carrying on of trade. The site selected by him was on 
the northern bank of the recently mentioned Minquas Kil, 
two English miles from its mouth, consisting of a neck of 
land formed by the junction of this" stream with the Fisk 
Kil (now Brandy wine Creek), at present a part of the city of 
Wilmington. The fort received the name of Christina, after 
the young queen of Sweden, which the stream has ever since 
borne. 1 

As lately stated, the Dutch had possession of Fort Nassau 
on the eastern side of the Delaware, and news of the enter- 
prise of the Swedes was soon transmitted from thence to the 
Governor at New Amsterdam, at that time Kieft. This 
officer despatched a protest to Minuit in May, calling to 
mind the right of the Hollanders to the land, even sealed 
with blood during the administration of Minuit himself, as 
Dutch governor. 2 Minuit, however, gave this admonition 
no heed. By means of presents he began to induce the Indians 
to sell him skins ; he sent off Gripen to Virginia, to barter a 
portion of her European cargo for one of tobacco (an errand 
in which, indeed, she failed); and he laid out a small garden, 
and provided as well as possible for the little garrison in the 
fort. Besides the profit the colonists expected to derive from 
trade with the natives, whose chief article of merchandise 
was fur, they meant to prosecute the cultivation of tobacco, 
and even had hope, through commerce with the West Indian 
Islands and possibly by capture of Spanish vessels, of acquir- 
ing the metallic treasures the latter were supposed to carry 
in their voyages from America. 3 The little settlement, thus 
set in order, was placed under the charge of Lieutenant 

1 On the character of the tract, and so forth, see Odhner, op cit., p. 13 ; 
Ferris, The Original Settlements on the Delaware, Wilmington, 1846, pp. 
41 et seq. ; and Doc. Col. Hist. New York, xii. p. 29. (The exact site of 
Fort Christina was a point of the Brandywine still recognized by the pre- 
sence of certain rocks TRANS.) 

2 Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., xii. p. 19. Acrelius, op cit, p. 12. 

3 Blommaert's letter to the chancellor, Novr. 3, 1638, in the Archives of 
the kingdom. 

404 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

Mans Kling and one Henrik Huyghen, whose names were 
long associated with the history of the colony, that of the 
latter, indeed, until its conquest by the Dutch. Minuit then 
left New Sweden on the Kalmar Nyckel, probably in July, 
1688. During a sojourn on the West Indian Island of St. 
Christopher, to effect the sale of the rest of his cargo, and 
take in a load of tobacco, while paying a visit to a Dutch 
ship that happened to be in the harbour, he perished with 
her in a sudden and violent storm. The Kalmar Nyckel for- 
tunately escaped destruction, and in November arrived in 
Holland. The other vessel, Gripen, which had also gone to 
the West Indies, returned to New Sweden, where she took in 
a small load of skins, and afterwards set out for Sweden, 
arriving at Gottenburg in May, 1639. x 

In pursuing their colonization scheme, the Swedish pro- 
moters of it now sought to continue in the. interest of their 
own country an enterprise initiated by foreigners, and 
desired to send forth Swedish settlers to the Delaware. 
Such persons not offering themselves of thei.r own accord, the 
government was obliged to authorize the forcing of deserters 
from the array or other criminals, with their wives and chil- 
dren, to join the colony, where they were to remain at least 
two years. Difficulty also was experienced in raising the 
necessary funds. Nevertheless, through the zeal of Fleming 
(now President of the College of Commerce), Spiring, and 
Blommaert, the Kalmar Nyckel was supplied with a crew in 
Holland, and taking on board the emigrants, with their fam- 
iles and farming implements, at Gottenburg, sailed from the 
latter port in the fall of 1639. The commander of this, the 
second expedition, was a Dutchman in the Swedish service, 
Captain Cornelis van Vliet, who was accompanied by Lieuten- 
ant Peter Hollender Eidder, appointed as Governor over the 
colony. 2 The vessel was damaged, this time also, by autumn 
storms, and had to be repaired in a Dutch harbour, when the 
captain was discharged for dishonesty and negligence, and 

1 For fuller details, see O^hner, O p. cit., pp. 14-15. 

2 IB 1667 he was appointed " Slottshooppman," and in 1669 Command- 
ant of the Castle of Yiborg. See the Register of the Kingdom. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 405 

another 1 was engaged to take his place, with a new crew. In 
February of the following year the ship set sail, and reached 
Christina April 17. 

How the first settlers fared during this time is not known 
from any statements of theirs. Letters of Governor Kieft, 
however, intimate that they succeeded, at least, in appropri- 
ating to themselves the trade of the Indians, since he com- 
plains they had quite ruined that of the Dutch. In any case 
the fresh reinforcement from Sweden must certainly Taave 
been most opportune. 

The new Governor now purchased of the Indians, or, at 
least, obtained confirmation of their grant of the land above 
Christina to Sanchikan, 2 and when some Puritan families 
came from New England, and settled on the eastern bank of 
the Delaware, Hollender hastened to buy of an Indian sachem, 
named Wichusy, a strip of land along the river twelve Ger- 
man miles in length, beginning at Cape May. 3 At the same 
time the Englishmen acquired the same tract from another 
chieftain, giving rise to controversies too long to recite. In 
May, 1640, the Kalrndfr Nyckel sailed from New Sweden, 
this time probably well-laden, and arrived at Gottenburg in 

Another expedition to New Sweden was planned this year 
from the province of Utrecht, in Holland. Certain members 
of the Dutch West India Company, who were at the head of 
the enterprise, solicited from the Swedish government the 
privilege of founding a colony on the model of those of the 
Dutch company known as " patroonships," which was con- 
ceded in January, 1640. The settlers were to be under the 

1 Pouwel Jansen. TRANS. 

2 This may be inferred from the " Instructions" for Printz, 5 (printed 
by Acrelius, op. cit.). That the Swedish territory on the west side of the 
river extended as far south as Cape Henlopen is corroborated by documents 
which follow, as well as by the Swedish names of creeks in the region in- 

3 Cf. Odhner, op. cit., p. 23, and transactions between Printz and Winthrop 
mentioned hereafter. From Printz's " Instructions," $ 6, it appears that the 
land from Cape May to Narraticcns Creek was then regarded as Swedish 
territory. See the accompanying map. 

406 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

protection of the Crown of Sweden, and to establish them- 
selves, with specified rights and obligations, some miles from 
Christina, which was effected in November. 1 Since nothing 
is known of this peculiarly constituted colony, and it is men- 
tioned only once 2 (in the " Instructions" for Governor Printz 
in 1642), it seems probable that these Dutch emigrants were 
soon confounded with the rest. 

Meanwhile a new expedition was to go forth from Sweden. 
Mans Kling, who happened now to be in this country, and 
Johan Printz, afterwards Governor of the colony, were 
despatched to enlist emigrants in the mining region and 
Finland ; and the Governors of Orebro and of Yarmland and 
Dal received orders to seize Fins in their districts, who were 
then continually overrunning Sweden, and by their injury of 
the forests, and nomadic mode of life, for some years past 
had caused the authorities much anxiety, and were regarded 
with aversion by the settled peasantry. At the same time 
the government took measures to render their colony exclu- 
sively Swedish by making it independent of the Dutch part- 
ners. This was accomplished by buying out the latter for 
the sum of 18,000 gulden, and conferring on the new South 
Company the monopoly of the tobacco trade. Goods were 
purchased in Holland for foreign use, and, when all the need- 
ful preparations had been completed, the third expedition 
set out on the Kalmar Nyckel and the Charitas, in 1641, this 
being the most definite information we can obtain as to its 
departure and arrival at the Delaware. 3 

The interest in the new colony was now at its height, and 
from 1642 we possess more complete, although well-nigh 
unused, materials for our history. During this year fresh 
measures were taken for the promotion of the enterprise. On 
a visit of Spiring to Sweden in the summer, and through his 
influence, a new company was established, with a capital of 

1 See, more in detail, Odhner, op. cit., pp. 20-21 ; Hazard, op. cit., pp. 51 
et seq. 

2 The leader of this expedition, Jost van Bogardt, is mentioned (as " one 
Bogot") in Beauchamp Plantagenet's Description of New Albion. TRANS. 

8 See Odhner, op. cit., pp. 24-25. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 407 

36,000 riksdaler, in which was merged the old South and Ship 
Company, which contributed 18,000 riksdater, the Crown, the 
Chancellor, and others supplying the remaining half. This 
company bore the name of the West India, American, or 
New Sweden Company although generally called the South 
Company and the monopoly of tiie tobacco trade was now 
transferred to it. 

What were the relative parts borne by the Crown and the 
company in conducting the colony, it is difficult to deter- 
mine, from lack of sources of information. The former was 
obliged, however, to pay the salaries of the Governor and 
other employes. From the government (afterwards from the 
College of Commerce) proceeded all instructions and com- 
mands for the direction of the colony, and all purchases of 
land were made in the name of the Crown ; while, on the 
contrary, the company had the trade in their hands, with a 
monopoly of the tobacco, and enjoyed certain tracts of land, 
cultivated by hired freemen for their own benefit, other 
places being granted by the government to emigrants on the 
terms customary in Sweden. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Johan Printz was selected as Governor 
of the colony, who for ten years from this date actively, if 
not always prosperously, directed the settlement. This gen- 
tleman had received a liberal education, and subsequently 
devoted himself to the profession of arms, and participated 
in the Thirty Years' War, until his military career was sud- 
denly cut short through a misfortune at Chemnitz. Beleag- 
uered by the enemy in this city, he was compelled to capitu- 
late through the cowardice of the burghers and his soldiers, 
notwithstanding he had lost only ten men to the adversaries' 
two hundred during a siege of five days. 1 He was court- 
martialed for this surrender and suspended from the service, 
but his ennoblement two years afterwards and appointment 
'as Governor of Kew Sweden seem to prove his culpability 
could not have been, by any means, so great as Acrelius 2 and 

1 See Pufendorf, Drottn. Christinas hist., book xii. \ 9. 

2 Op. cit., p. 55, quoting Stjernman, Matrikel ofver Sveriges Bikes Rid- 
derskap och Add, for the year 1754. 

408 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

later authors, who follow his statements, intimate. Printz's 
lengthy "Instructions" 1 are dated August 15, 1642. He is 
enjoined to devote himself sedulously to the cultivation of 
the land, especially with view to the planting of tobacco, of 
which it was expected a goodly quantity would be shipped 
on every vessel returning to Sweden. The raising of cattle, 
the culling of choice woods, the growth of the grape, the 
manufacture of salt, the taking of fish, especially whales, the 
production of silk, etc. etc., were committed to his care ; and 
he was to keep up the fur trade, not allowing any one save the 
company's commissary to traffic with the Indians. As to 
his demeanour towards the Dutch and English, injunctions 
were given, which indicate the self-confidence inspired in the 
Swedish government by the victories of the Thirty Years' 
War. He was to regard as territory subject to his direction 
the whole western side of the Delaware from Cape Henlopen 
to Trenton Falls, with the right to as much land as he chose 
to occupy towards the interior, besides a somewhat smaller 
tract on the east side of the river (already referred to). Nor 
was this strange, seeing that the Swedes considered them- 
selves rightful owners of this soil in virtue of their purchase 
from the natives. In case the Dutch continued their chal- 
lenges of claims and protests on the subject, and endeavoured 
to hinder the Swedes from sailing past Fort Nassau, the 
Governor must arrange "to meet them in a suitable manner, 
and, with gentleness and moderation, indicate to them the 
lawful purpose of Her Royal Majesty and her subjects to en- 
gage in peaceful commerce, and, if this did not succeed, must 
encounter force with force. If it was found necessary, the 
Governor should remove farther away the small Dutch colony 
(previously mentioned) which settled not far from Christina. 
Still further to assure his dominion, he was to erect a fort 
capable of closing or commanding the South River. The 
English families, that seated themselves upon the eastern 
side of the Delaware, he was to endeavour to draw under 
the Swedish crown, and if they were not so inclined, to 

1 Printed by Acrelius and other authors. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 409 

get rid of them. He must seek to attract the trade of 
the Indians by underselling the Dutch, and on all occa- 
sions " labour to instruct these wild people in the doctrines 
and worship of the Christian religion, and in other ways 
bring them to a state of civilization and good government." 
Finally, he was endowed with extensive authority in the 
" administration of discipline, justice, and government," and 
was commanded scrupulously to maintain the Swedish form 
of religion and education of the young. On the 30th of 
August the Crown prescribed a budget for New Sweden, 
and appointed, besides the Governor, a lieutenant, a serjeant, 
and other officers, with twenty-four " privates ;" and, in the 
civil list, a preacher, secretary, surgeon, provost, and hang- 
man, the entire disbursement amounting to 3020 riksdaler 
per' annum. Fleming and Beyer, now postmaster-general, 
had the chief direction of the whole, and special factors were 
appointed for the company's service in Gottenburg and 

At length all preparations were completed, and the fourth 
expedition, consisting of the ships Fama and Svanen, set 
sail from Gottenburg November 1, 1642, carrying the Gover- 
nor and his wife and children, the preacher, Johan Campanius 
Holm, whom we speak of later, Mans Kling, Knut Liljehook, 
and others, among whom were a number of forest-destroying 
Fins, sent out, as formerly, by their respective Governors. 
The course pursued was the usual one, through the channel 
and past the Canary Islands. On the 20th of December they 
arrived at the West Indian Island of Antigua, where they 
were kindly received, and where they celebrated Christmas. 
The following month the vessel reached the mouth of the 
Delaware Bay, having experienced a violent, long-continued 
storm (from which they suffered considerable damage), and 
February 15, 1643, she came up to Fort Christina. 1 

Printz succeeded Hollender as Governor, concerning whose 
administration of the colony nothing can be learned. 

Three nations were now competing for the possession of 

1 Campanius Holm, op. cit., pp. 63 et seq. 

410 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

the territory, and the position of the Swedish Governor 
clearly demanded the utmost energy and circumspection 
qualities, it may be, not united in this officer. The follow- 
ing occurrences go to show that he defended the assumed 
rights of his country certainly with force and resoluteness; 
but he was a soldier accustomed to the right of might of the 
Thirty Years' War, and does not seem to have been skilled 
in any other species of justice. If he had acted with greater 
prudence and moderation, it is possible the Swedish colony 
might have enjoyed a more prolonged existence. That he 
did not even acquire the good opinion of his fellow-colonists 
we show hereafter. His situation was, however, peculiarly 

We remember, Printz was obliged by his " Instructions" to 
guard certain territory on both sides of the river as Swedish 
property, although, so far as we know, neither above Chris- 
tina on the western shore, nor anywhere on the eastern, had 
there been planted any Swedish colony. We recollect, also, 
that a body of English emigrants had settled in 1641 on the 
eastern bank at Varckens Kil (now Salem Creek, New Jer- 
sey) on land which they had bought, with some other on the 
western bank, from an Indian sachem. At the beginning of 
the following year they also took possession of the latter, 
and certain of them, confiding in their right by purchase, 
commenced to build on the river Schuylkill nearly opposite 
Fort Nassau, and to carry on traffic with the natives. The 
Governor at Manhattan meanwhile protested against their 
action, and finally despatched two vessels with armed crews 
to attack them,, under the direction of the commander at 
Fort Nassau, and destroy their settlement, unless it were vol- 
untarily abandoned. 1 

The Swedish Governor now laid claim to the same region, 
and all three competitors were able to support their juris- 
diction by bargains with Indian chieftains, a circumstance 
which indicates the vague views as to the rights of property 
entertained by the latter, who, it is affirmed, made no scru- 

1 Doc. Col. Hist. N. P., xii. pp. 23-24. 

The History of the Colony <J New Sweden. 411 

pie of selling the same land to different people. Printz's first 
care was to select a site for a residence, and he determined 
this should be an island in the river called Tennakong (now 
Tinnicum), situated about three Swedish miles north of 
Christina, at the outlet of a little tributary of the Delaware. 
Here he erected a small fort, to command the passage to Fort 
Nassau, and built himself a house which he named Printzhof, 
and surrounded it with u an orchard, kitchen-garden, pavil- 
ion," etc. 1 In this vicinity most of the Swedish emigrants 
settled. The whole place from that time received the name 
of Nya Gbteborg (New Gottenburg). 

In order further to strengthen his dominion over the river, 
Printz immediately began to look about for a site for another 
fort, and selected a spot in the tract purchased on the eastern 
side of the river, two Swedish rniles south of Christina, a lit- 
tle below the mouth of Varckens Kil (on an insignificant 
stream known as Mill Creek). Here he constructed a re- 
doubt, which he provided with a little garrison and some 
cannon, to command the channel. This place obtained the 
appellation of Elfsborg (called also Elsingborg, now Elsing- 
borough), and was put under the charge of Sven Schute. 2 So 
zealously was the work prosecuted, that the fort was ready 
for occupancy in October, 1643, and two years afterwards 
the Dutch oflicer at Fort Nassau complains that all vessels 
belonging to the West India Company were compelled to 
cast anchor at that point and await permission to go farther, 3 
which (as Acrelius expresses it) " stuck in the Dutchmen's 
stomachs." 4 

The building of this fort seems to have furnished the first 
occasion of conflict between the Swedes and their rivals on 
the Delaware, although, curiously enough, it was not with 
the Hollanders. The structure lay directly south of the 

1 Acrelius, op. c?'t., p. 26. 

2 For some account of this person see this MAGAZINE, vol. vi. p. 454. 

3 Commandant Hudde's " Report," November, 1645, in Doc. Col Hist. N. 
Y., xii. p. 29. 

4 Acrelius, op. cit., p. 39. The writer's statement that the fort was 
erected in 1651 is incorrect. 

412 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

English colony at Varckens Kil. According to 6 of his 
" Instructions," Printz was required to bring u these English 
families under the jurisdiction of Her Royal Majesty and 
the Crown of Sweden," or (better still) "endeavour with 
good grace to remove them from the place," the choice of 
conduct to be pursued being left to his discretion. They 
submitted to Printz's superior force, and their trading-house 
was burnt by the Swedes, in conjunction with the Dutch, 
who looked upon the colony with similar disfavour. 1 

How they were proceeded against appears from the com- 
plaint made by Winthrop, the English Governor in New 
England, in a letter to Printz. 2 This states that, though 
the English were invited by the Swedes to form a settlement, 
and had purchased land of the Indians, they had nevertheless 
been hindered in their traffic with the natives ; and an agent 
of the United Colonies of JSTew England, 3 named Lamberton, 
had been compelled to pay twenty per cent, as compensation 
for the privilege of trading on their own territory, and had 
finally been imprisoned, with his companions, in the Swedish 
fort, by Governor Printz, who, partly by force and partly by 
suasion, endeavoured to induce the latter to accuse Lamberton 
of having paid the Indians to attack and murder the Swedes. 

Doubtless for the purpose of proving the legitimacy of his 
actions, Printz held a court to determine the matter, com- 
posed, as their names indicate, of Swedish and Dutch settlers, 
the latter probably belonging to the colony of Hollanders 
under Swedish supremacy, already spoken of. The full, 
though not perfectly intelligible, documents regarding this 
are found in Dutch in the Archives of the King-dom, from 

O ' 

whence we draw the following in elucidation of Governor 
Printz's conduct. 

1 Hazard, op. cit., p. 73. 

2 Dated Boston, in Massachusetts, 1643. Correspondence between Printz 
and Winthrop in Latin, among documents relating to New Sweden in the 
Archives of the Kingdom. 

8 Connecticut, New Haven, Plymouth, and Massachusetts had formed 
an alliance for mutual protection. Mr. Lamberton was at that time their 
agent on the Delaware. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 413 

The tribunal assembled on the 10th of July, 1643, at Fort 
Christina, in the name of Her Royal Majesty, the Queen of 
Sweden, to take cognizance of the dispute between Governor 
Johan Printz, plaintiff, and Mr. Lamberton, defendant. 
The Court was composed of the following persons: "Captain 
Christian Boy, Captain Mons Clingh, Hendrick Huyghen, 
Commissary, Jan Jansen, Commissary, Schipper Wessel 
Evertsen, Schipper Sander Lenertsen, Oloff Stille, Gvert 
Sievers, Carl Jansen, David Davidsen." 

At the trial Lamberton presented two protests from 
Winthrop. According to one, dated June 22, 1643, the 
Puritans had bought from certain Indian chiefs (two of 
whom are named) a tract of land on the west side of the 
river, embracing the Schuylkill, the extent of which, how- 
ever, we cannot determine, since the Dutch document gives 
a number of Indian names of rivers and places not contained 
on any map. The second protest aims to prove their right 
to territory on the eastern shore nearly corresponding to the 
Swedish tract, on which Elfsborg was situated. On being 
asked, in presence of the court, by what right and on what 
ground he claimed the land upon the Schuylkill, Lamberton 
answered that he had bought it two years since from the 
savages, and had no other " ground" to urge. The court de- 
manding it, Printz produced documents exhibiting the two 
separate purchases made by the Swedes, during the governor- 
ships of Minuit and Hollender, of the western bank of the 
Delaware from Cape Henlopen to Sanchikan, which were 
confirmed by H. Huyghen, Mans Kling, and Gregorius van 
Dyck. With respect to the land on the eastern shore, Lam- 
berton maintained that he had purchased it, long before the 
arrival of the Swedes, from 4t a savage prince," who repre- 
sented the rightful owner, Chief Wichusy, two writings by 
whom were exhibited by Lamberton in proof of this. On 
the. other hand, Governor Printz was able to show, with the 
aid of Mans Kling and several other witnesses, that Peter 
Hollender had bought the same land of this very Wichusy 
three clays before the acquisition of it by Lamberton. Printz 


The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

further accused the latter of having, without leave of any 
one, and notwithstanding repeated prohibitions, carried on 
traffic with the Indians in the vicinity even of Christina, 
obtaining a great quantity of beaver skins, which Lamber- 
ton was obliged to admit, at the same time offering to 
pay duty. Finally, according to a charge of Printz and 
the testimony of several witnesses, Lamberton had been 
guilty of bribing the Indians to assault and murder the 
Swedes and Dutch on a certain day, on which also, by their 
statement, an unusuaL number of savages had assembled at 
Christina, but were frightened off without accomplishing 
their purpose. The court gave their decree upon these sub- 
jects, disallowing the Englishmen's claim to the places men- 
tioned, and requiring Lamberton to pay double duty for the 
beavers bought by him on Swedish territory. With regard 
to the accusations of murder, the tribunal preferred to act 
with clemency on this occasion, and pass that matter over. 

Winthrop's letter above referred to was answered by 
Printz, January 12, 1644. In this epistle the latter made a 
statement of facts in accordance with the proceedings of the 
court, alleging that Lamberton and the English were the 
aggressors in the case, and, proclaiming his u freedom from 
fault before God and the whole world," declared that he had 
acted agreeably to the commission from Her Royal Majesty, 
etc. Winthrop's reply is dated January 21, and is couched 
in friendly phrase, thus closing the controversy for the 

We have treated this subject somewhat more at length 
because Hazard 1 gives a representation of the same, grounded 
on a document in " the Secretary's office at New Haven," in 
which a certain Thickpenny,. in Lamberton's service, reports 
that the Swedish Governor was guilty of great violence 
towards the English, arresting Lamberton, and trying, by 
force and craft, to bribe his people to bring false accusations 
against him of murderous plots against the Swedes, and so 

1 Op. cit., pp. 73 tt seq. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 415 

This was, perhaps, the reason that induced Governor 
Printz to institute an examination, January 16, 1644, of the 
persons who were mentioned in Thickpenny's account as 
having been ill-treated by him. To the queries whether 
Printz had done them wrong, or sought to drive them from 
their settlement, or to compel them to swear allegiance to 
the Crown of Sweden, they answered "No," and two of them 
strengthened the accusation against Lamberton, charging 
him with selling gunpowder to the Indians that they might 
attack the Swedes. 

We cannot quite determine the bearing of all this. It 
seems, however, that Printz seriously endeavoured, by every 
means, to acquire supremacy over the country ; and from his 
Report of June 11, 1644, 1 it appears that he brought the 
English at Varckens Kil under the Swedish Crown. 

With the Dutch he was apparently on friendly terms, 2 
although secretly they looked upon each other with aversion. 
Printz thus speaks of this matter in a letter to Per Brahe: 3 
" Notwithstanding they threaten and menace us without 
cause, they correspond and deal with us, complying with 
our requests, and giving us what we ask of them." And, 
when Winthrop 4 intimated his design to send some persons 
to settle the boundary between the colonies, Printz signified 
in his answer that he had furthered their undertaking in 
every way, but a subsequent addition made by himself to 
the copy of the letter transmitted to Sweden advises us that 
he took care that the Dutch at Fort Nassau brought this 
voyage to naught, and by discharge of cannon drove away 
the English vessel, which carried the agents, as it was the 

1 Printed by Odhner, op. cit., pp. 27 ct seq. 

2 This appears from a letter from Printz to Kieft, dated at Christina, 
May 30, 1643, among documents relating to New Sweden in the Archives 
of the Kingdom. Of. also the Report of 1644, g 8. 

3 Dated July 19, 1644. Skokloster Archives. 

4 In a letter dated at Boston, April 22, 1644, among documents relating 
to New Sweden in the Archives of the Kingdom. Printz's answer of June 
26, eodem anno, ibid. 

416 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

purpose of the latter, says he, " to build a fort above our post 
at Sanchikan and supply it with men and ordnance to 
attract to themselves the whole profits of the river." 1 

We have already seen how Printz frustrated the attempt of 
the English to settle on the Schuylkill ; this place also gave 
rise to the following imbroglio with the Dutch. It was a 
highly important post, since next to Christina this river was 
the usual route to the interior and the trade of the Indians 
of the Minquas race who dwelt there. 

The Hollanders had early perceived the commercial value 
of the Schuylkill, and had purchased (in 1633) a tract of 
land near the mouth of that river, on the north side of 
which they built a strong little house of defence called Fort 
Beversrede, where they established a store-house. 2 Printz, 
desiring to render himself master of this highway of trade 
with the natives, towards the end of 1643 began to erect a 
small fort, with palisades, on an island (no longer distin- 
guished) on the south side near the mouth of the Schuylkill. 
This was finished some years after, and received the name of 
Nya Korsholm. From that time Printz had the control of 
that river. About midway between Christina and New 
Gottenburg a colony was founded, comprising houses and a 
fort, 3 called Upland. North of this also several scattered 
settlements were gradually established. 4 Printz's zeal was 

1 Compare the different account of this matter given by Hazard, op. cit., 
p. 79, after English documents. The author here, once for all, observes that 
he relics for his relation of these affairs chiefly on the Swedish acts in the 
Archives of the Kingdom, although often containing statements quite oppo- 
site to those made in the Dutch and English documents cited by Hazard. 
It is not to be wondered at, that each of these nations looked at the sub- 
ject from its own peculiar point of view. 

2 On this see Hazard, op. cit., p. 35. Probably the place had been aban- 
doned, however, until the rebuilding of Fort Nassau. Although the latter 
is often spoken of, we cannot, with entire certainty, indicate its site. 

3 Perhaps it needs to be observed that these " forts" were commonly mere 
block-houses, intended especially for protection against the Indians. Only 
Elfsborg and Christina, and (in a less degree) Korsholm and New Gotten- 
burg, corresponded in any sense to our interpretation of that word. 

4 Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y., xii. p. 29. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 417 

rewarded by his government with the grant of New Gotten- 
burg as a perpetual possession for himself and his heirs for- 
ever. 1 Through their Governor's 'energetic action, the 
Swedes thus effectually became masters of the river, and the 
greater part of the neighbouring territory. The renown of 
the mother-country in Europe at that period gave still 
greater stability to their enterprise ; the Dutch authorities 
frequently exhorted their subordinate officers to circumspec- 
tion and a conciliatory temper towards the Swedish colo- 
nists. On the other hand, Printz loy no means exhibited the 
same qualities in his conduct ; and, if we can trust contem- 
poraneous testimony, he even did not disdain to disparage 
his rivals to the Indians, spreading reports of the weakness 
and fraudulency of the Dutch Company and of their evil 
designs against them. 2 

Printz was prudent enough to keep on a good footing 
with the savages (a relation, indeed, which characterized 
the Swedish colony during the whole of its existence), not- 
withstanding, if he had had sufficient force, he might, for his 
part, have felt no hesitation in following the system of ex- 
termination that marked the intercourse of the whites with 
the aborigines. 3 This was all the better now, as the latter were 
waging a bloody war of revenge against the Dutch, in conse- 
quence of a massacre perpetrated on one of their tribes by 
Governor Kieft. 4 The credit enjoyed with the natives by 
the Swedes was, indeed, so great that, when, in the spring of 
1644, some of that nation were murdered by the savages, 

1 It passed to his daughter, married to Johan Papegoja, and often after- 
wards is spoken of as her property. The name Printztorp, which also 
occurs a couple of times, appears, however, to have been applied to a place 
on the main land. See Rising's Report, Appendix 3. Hazard, op. cit., pp. 
220, 339. (See also Benjamin H. Smith's Atlas of Delaware County, 
Pennsylvania, on page viii. of which is given a translation of Printz's patent 
for New Gottenburg. TRANS.) % 

2 See Doc. Col. Hist. N. F, xii. pp. 34, 40, 44-45, etc. 
8 See Printz's Report of 1644, 8. 

4 Bancroft, op. cit., ii. pp. 563 et seq. 

VOL. vii. 29 

418 The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 

sachems presented themselves before Printz to offer compen- 
sation and sue for peace. 

As to their own condition, it may be said, in the begin- 
ning the Swedish colonists had great difficulties to contend 
with, not being able even to produce their daily bread, with 
which, therefore, they were provided partly at the cost of 
the company. The novelty of the climate and the various 
privations suffered caused the death of many persons (during 
1643 no fewer than twenty-five), according to the Dutch 
account reducing the number of men in 1645 to eighty or 
ninety. 1 The situation of fhe survivors, however, rapidly im- 
proved ; tobacco was diligently cultivated, and the raising 
of corn and breeding of cattle were duly promoted by the 

We have already mentioned the indefinite or, at least, un- 
known relations subsisting between the Crown and the com- 
pany, corroborated, as we find, by queries propounded by 
Governor Printz in his Reports of 1644 arid 1647. Almost 
equal uncertainty prevails about the standing of the colo- 
nists. A great number, we observed, were criminals or the 
like, who did not emigrate of their free will, and were obliged 
to work on behalf of the Crown or company until they 
gained their freedom. In subsequent years, however, few 
such persons were brought over. The "frimannen" (peas- 
ants) constituted another grade of settlers, to whom the 
company immediately assigned land, with wages also, as it 
seems, to cultivate it. 2 These, with their posterity, gradu- 
ally came to be regarded as owners of the soil. A third 
class of inhabitants comprised the soldiers and civil officers 
in the employment of the Crown or company. 

In the spring of 1644 the ship Fama arrived from Sweden, 
having been equipped at the expense of the Crown, and set- 
ting sail the previous year, bringing, it is presumed, both 

1 Doc. Col. Hist. N. F, xii. p. 30. Compare the list in Printz's Report 
of 1644, Odhner, op. cit. 

2 Printz's Report of 1647, 20, in the Archives of the Kingdom. (Trans- 
lated in this volume of this MAGAZINE, pp. 271 et seq. TKANS.) We shall 
find more precise regulations further on. 

The History of the Colony of New Sweden. 419 

emigrants 1 and merchandise, although we have not found 
any definite information concerning this, the fifth Swedish 
expedition to the Delaware. 2 The vessel was despatched 
back to Sweden, June 20, 1644, carrying a cargo of 2136 
beaver skins, arid 20,467 pounds of tobacco for the company, 
besides 7200 pounds sent over by the Governor to be sold on 
his own account. 3 Possibly on this occasion, as often after- 
wards, a portion of the tobacco was purchased in Virginia 
or in the Caribbean Islands. The ship was compelled to 
enter a Dutch harbour, and the West India Company speedily 
claimed toll and duty of recognizance, as proprietors of the 
territory from whence she came. There ensued a long cor- 
respondence on this subject between Appelbom, the Swedish 
minister at the Hague, and the States-General, resulting in 
the release of the cargo on payment of the customary impost 
and 8 per cent, recognition duty, but delaying the arrival of 
the ship at Gottenburg till May, 1645. The question raised 
as to the right of proprietorship of the colony naturally re- 
mained unsettled. 4 

1 Besides Johan Papegoja, only five are mentioned in a list of persons 
living in New Sweden, March 1, 1648, viz : 

The barber Mr. Hans Janche, from Konigsbergh, who "settled in New 
Sweden, in the service of the Crown, March 31, 1644." 

Jan Matsson, gunner, at Fort Blfsborg. 

Anders Joensson, soldier, engaged by Papegoja December 1, 1643. 

"VVolle Lohe, soldier, ditto. 

Sven Svensson, a lad. 

For the names of many of the emigrants in the four earlier expeditions 
see this MAGAZINE, vol. iii. pp. 402-3, 409-10, and 462-4. TRANS. 

2 In Her Majesty's letter to the Admiralty, dated August 12, 1645, and 
note to Captain Berendt Hermanson Hopp, dated May 3, eodem anno, in the 
Kegister of the Admiralty in the Naval Archives, the ships Kalmar Nyckel 
and Fama are mentioned as having made the voyage to Virginia under the 
command of the above-named captain ; but in Printz's Eeport of 1647 the 
Fa/ma only is spoken of, for which reason we merely give that vessel in the text. 

3 Printz's Eeport of 1644; Hazard, op. cit., p. 81; Letter from Beyer to 
Axel Oxenstjerna, dated June 19, 1645, among the Oxenstjerrra papers in 
the Archives of the Kingdom. 

4 Hazard, op. cit., p. 81. 

(To be continued.) 

420 Indian Land and its Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. 



"Indian land," the scope of the jurisdiction of the "Fair- 
Play" code, was the part of the present county of Lycoming 
north of the west branch of the Susquehanna, bounded on 
the east by Lycoming Greek, and on the west by Pine Creek. 
Settlements being mainly along the river, its operations and 
influence upon land titles were confined to the territory now 
embraced within the present townships of Porter, Piatt, 
Woodward, and Old Lycoming from Stewberry, now within 
the city limits of Williamsport, to the mouth of Pine Creek, 
two miles above Jersey Shore. 

The period during which this code had full sway was from 
the year 1773 to the 1st day of May, 1785, when the land- 
office was opened for applications within the purchase of 
October 23, 1784. The deed made by the Indians at Fort 
Stanwix (now Eome, N. Y.), November 5, 1768, made " a 
creek, which is by the Indians called Tiadaghton," the 
northwestern limit of that purchase. The proprietaries were 
uncertain whether Tiadaghton meant Pine Creek or Lycom- 
ing, and, to prevent controversy, no lands were permitted to 
be surveyed west of Lycoming Creek. The commissioners 
appointed to make the next purchase were instructed to 
inquire of the Indians which creek was meant, but as late as 
December 21, 1784, before the result of the inquiry was 
known", the Assembly of Pennsylvania (Dallas's Laws, vol. 2, 
page 233) declared "Lycoming Creek to be the boundary of 
the purchase, to all legal intents and purposes, until the Gene- 
ral Assembly shall otherwise regulate and declare the same." 
The Indians replied that by Tiadaghton they meant Pine 
Creek, but the purchase then consummated (October 23, 
1784) made the answer of no consequence, divesting, as it 

Indian Land and its Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. 421 

did, the Indian title to all lands in Pennsylvania west of 
Pine Creek, rendering it unnecessary for the Assembly to 
legislate further about the line, and ending forever " squatter 
sovereignty" within the limits of this commonwealth. 

Charles Smith, 1 the compiler of Smith's Laws, in his admira- 
ble resume of the land law of Pennsylvania (vol. 2, page 195, 
note) says : 

"A set of harrly adventurers seated themselves on this 
doubtful territory, made improvements, and formed a very 
considerable population. They formed a mutual compact 
among themselves, and annually elected a tribunal in rota- 
tion of three of the settlers, who were to decide all con- 
troversies and settle disputed boundaries. From their 
decision there was no appeal, and there could be no resistance. 
The decree was enforced by the whole body, who started up 
in mass, at the mandate of the court, arid the execution and 
eviction were as sudden and irresistible as the judgment. 
Every new-comer was obliged to apply to this powerful tri- 
bunal, and, upon his solemn engagement to submit in all 
respects to the law of this land, he was permitted to take 
possession of some vacant spot. Their decrees were, how- 
ever, just; and when their settlements were recognized by 
law, and fair play had ceased, their decisions were received 
in evidence and confirmed by judgments of court." 

The code was probably not in writing. J. F. Meginness, 
in his History of the West Branch Valley, has preserved what, 
thirty years ago, remained in the memory of their descend- 
ants, of anecdotes of the Fair-play men, but was unable, after 
diligent search and inquiry, to obtain a copy of their code. 
Some of its provisions crop out in the depositions taken in 
subsequent cases. In that of Greer v. Tharp, William King, 
who came to live in the Indian Country in 1775, says that 

1 Son of Provost Wm. Smith, D.D. For biographical notices of him, see 
PENNA. MAG., vol. iv. p. 380, and vol. vii. p. 203. He was admitted to the 
Northumberland bar on examination in 1786, settled at Sunbury, and rose 
rapidly to eminence at the bar. He was attorney for plaintiff in lease of 
Greer v. Tharp, May session, Nisi Prius, 1799, Northumberland County, 
before McKean and Shippen. I quote largely from a bundle of depositions 
taken in that case, which has fallen into my possession. 

422 Indian Land and Us Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. 

" there was a law among the Fair-play men by which any 
man, who absented himself for the space of six weeks, lost his 
right to his improvement." 
Bratton Caldwell says: 

" In May, 1774, I was in company with "William Greer 
and James Greer, and helped to build a cabin on Wm. Greer's 
place (this was one mile north of the river and J mile west 
of Lycoming Creek). Greer went into the army in 1776 
and was a wagon-master till the fall of 1778. He wrote to 
me to sell his cattle. I sold his cattle. In July, 1778, the 
Runaway, John Martin, had come on the land in his absence. 
The Fair-play men put Greer in possession. If a man went 
into the army, the Fair-play men protected his property. 
Greer was not among the Sherman's valley boys [the witness 
no doubt refers to the early settlers of what is now Perry 
County, who were forcibly removed in May, 1750]. Greer 
came back in 1784." 

The summary process of ejectment employed by the Fair- 
play men is clearly described by "William King in a deposi- 
tion taken March 15, 1801, in Huff v. Satcha, in the Circuit 
Court of Lycoming County : 

" In 1775 I came on the land in question. I was informed 
that Joseph Haines claimed the land. He asked thirty 
pounds for it, which I would not give. He said he was 
going to New Jersey, and would leave it in the care of his 
nephew, Isaiah Button. Some time after I heard that Sutton 
was offering it for sale. I had heard much disputing about 
the Indian land, arid thought I would go up to Sutton's 
neighbors and inquire if he had any right. I first went to 
Edmund Huff, then to Thomas Kemplen, 1 Samuel Dough- 
erty, 2 William McMeans, and Thomas Ferguson, and asked if 
they would accept me as a neighbor, and whether Isaiah 
Sutton had any right to the land in question. They told 
me Joseph Haines had once a right to it but had forfeited 
his right by the Fair-play law, and advised to purchase. 
Huff showed me the consentable line between Haines and 
him. Huff's land lay above Haines's, on the river. I pur- 

1 Captain Thomas Kemplen and his son were killed by the Indians at the 
month of Muncy Creek in March, 1781. 

2 Captain Samuel Dougherty fell in the attempt to relieve Fort Freeland, 
July 28, 1779. 

Indian Land and its Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. 423 

chased of Sutton, and was to give him nine pounds for the 

" I did not come to live on the land for some weeks. One 
night, at a husking of corn, one Thomas Bond told me I was 
a tine fellow to be at a husking while a man was taking 
possession of my plantation. I quit the husking, and Bond 
and I came over to the place, and went into a cave, the only 
tenement then on the land, except where Sutton lived, and 
found some trifling articles in the cave, which we threw out. 
I went to the men who advised me to go on the land, all 
except Huff and Kemplen ; they advised me to go on, turn 
him off and beat him if I was able. The next^morning I 

fot some of rny friends and raised a cabin of some logs which 
understood Unities had hauled. When we got it up to 
the square, we heard a noise of people coming. The first 
person I saw was Edmund Huff foremost with a keg of 
whisky, William Paul was next with an axe, and many 
more. They got on the cabin, raised the Indian yell, and 
dispossessed me and put William Paul in possession. I and 
my party went off. Samuel Dougherty followed me and 
told me to come back and come on terms with Paul, who 
had money and would not take it from me for nothing. I 
would not go back but waited for Dougherty who went 
for Paul. The whole party came and brought the keg along. 
After some conversation, William Paul agreed to give me 
thirteen pounds for my right. He pulled out the money, 
gave it to Huff to keep until I would assign my right. I 
afterwards signed the conveyance and got my money. 

" William Paul went on the land and finished his cabin. 
Soon after a party bought Robert Arthur and built a cabin 
near Paul's in which Arthur lived. Paul applied to the 
Fair-play men who decided in favor of Paul. Arthur would 
not go off. Paul made a complaint to the company at a 
muster at Quinashahague 1 that Arthur still lived on the 
land and would not go off, although the Fair-play men had 
decided against him. I was one of the officers at that time 
and we agreed to come and run him off. The most of the 
company came down as far as Edmund Huff's who kept 

, ' Now Linden, in Woodward Township, a few miles west of Williamsport. 
Quenischaschaki was the name given by the Delawares to the long reach in 
the river above WTlliamsport. Hence they called the west branch Quenischa. 
chgek-hanne, which word has been corrupted into Susquehanna. The town 
was visited by Moravian missionaries prior to 1754. (Reichel, Transactions 
of the Moravian Historical Society, vol. i. p. 263.) 

424 Indian Land and its Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. 

Stills. We got a keg of whisky and proceeded to Arthur's 
cabin. He was at home with his rifle in his hand and his 
wife had a bayonet on a stick, arid they threatened death to 
the first person who would enter the house. The door was 
shut and Thomas Kemplen, our captain, made a run at the 
door, burst it open and instantly seized Arthur by the neck. 
We pulled down the cabin, threw it into the river, lashed 
two canoes together and put Arthur and his family and his 
goods into them and sent them down the river. William 
Paul then lived undisturbed upon the land until the Indians 
drove us all away. William Paul was then (1778) from 
home on a militia tour." 

Amariah Button testified, July 5, 1800, that he came to 
the plantation on which he then resided in 1770. (He lived 
on the east bank of Ly coming Creek on the border only of 
Indian land.) That Joseph Haines, who was his relative, 
came from New Jersey a few years after, and began to im- 
prove on the tract of land at the mouth of Lycoming Creek 
on the Indian land side, making his home at his, Button's, 
house, that in the course of three years he returned to New 
Jersey and never came back. " We were all driven off by 
the Indians in May, 1778." 

John Sutton says: U I came to Lycoming Creek in 1772, 
went to the Indian land in 1773, and have lived there ever 
since except during the Runaway. There was a law of the 
Fair-play men, that if any man left his improvement six 
weeks without leaving some person to continue his improve- 
ment, he lost the right to push his improvement. After the 
war I was one of the first to come back. I believe that Wil- 
liam Tharpe and myself were the two first men who came 
to the Indian lands. I never understood that William 
Greer's claim extended as far as where Tharpe now lives 
[March 13,1797, date of deposition] ; the improvement made 
by William Greer was near the house in which Greer now 
lives. A man name Perkins lived on the land in dispute be- 
tween William Greer and William Tharpe. In the winter of 
1775-6, Thomas Kemplen bought out Perkins, and Kemplen 
sold to James Armstrong, commonly called 'Curly Arm- 
strong.' I saw William King living in the cabin in which 
Tharpe now lives. I sold my place which adjoined William 
Tharpe's to John Clark. I came back after the war with the 
first that came in eighty-three. William Dougherty lived 
on Tharpe's land, after him Richard Sutton. Sutton lived 
in the cabin in '84 or '85. I am sure he lived there before 
Mr. Edmiston came up to survey." 

Indian Land and its Fair-Play Settlers, 1773-1785. 425 

Samuel Edmiston was the deputy surveyor of district No. 
17, embracing the Indian land. He made the survey of the 
William Greer tract, 302 acres, 148 perches, December 4, 
1788, on warrant of May 6, 1785. The return of survey calls 
for John Sutton's land on the east, widow Kernplen and 
John Clarke's land on the south. 

The act passed December 21, 1784, on account of their 
resolute stand and sufferings during the late war, allowed a 
right of pre-emption to settlers without the bounds of pur- 
chases theretofore made, and the right of pre-emption to their 
respective possessions was given specially to all and every 
person or persons and their legal representatives, heretofore 
settled on the north side of the west branch of the river Sus- 
quehanna, between Ly coming Creek on the east and Pine 
Creek on the west. This ended the rule of Fair-play men, 
though questions arising under the operation of their code 
claimed the attention of the Supreme Court for years after- 
ward, and their agreements were ruled to be binding upon 
themselves. John Hughes v. Henry Dougherty, 2 Smith's 
Laws, 196. See Meginness's History, pages 165-168, for 
names of other Fair-play men not mentioned in these deposi- 
tions, and other interesting facts in regard to them. Accord- 
ing to the same historian, page 192, the Fair-play men were 
among the earliest (in July, 1776) to declare themselves in 
favor of throwing off all allegiance to the mother country, 
Great Britain. 

426 Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 



James Hollyday, son of Col. James Hollyday, of Prince 
George's County, Maryland, and grandson of Col. Thomas 
Hollyday and his wife, Mary (Truman) Hollyday, was born 
at " Wye House," the Lloyd homestead in Talbot County, 
Maryland, November 30, 1722. His father removed to that 
county prior to 1721, became eminent as a statesman, served 
several terms in the Lower House of Assembly, and was for 
many years one of his Lordship's Council, Treasurer of the 
Eastern Shore (that part of the State which lies east of the 
Chesapeake), and Naval Officer at the port of Oxford. His 
mother was Sarah Covington, of Somerset County, Maryland, 
who first married Col. Edward Lloyd (Governor of the Col- 
ony of Maryland, 1701-1704, and 1709-1714), and becoming 
his widow March 20, 1719, married May 3, 1721, Col. James 
Hollyday, whom she also survived. 

According to tradition, Mrs. Hollyday " was a remarkably 
beautiful woman," and her portrait, still in the possession of 
the family, defaced as it is by the ravages of time, gives 
undeniable truth to the report. The intellect and force of 
character there denoted were strikingly exemplified in the 
settlement and management of the estates of both husbands, 
she having been in each case appointed executrix. 

In 1729 Col. Hollyday bought a tract of land beautifully 
situated on Chester River, in Queen Anne's County, known 
as " Readbourne," and in 1731 erected the fine mansion 
house now standing (1883), and occupied by his descendants 
of the fifth generation. This mansion, built of English brick, 
was planned and constructed under the supervision of Mrs. 
Hollyday, she being in correspondence with Charles Calvert, 
the fifth Lord Baltimore, in regard to its style of architecture. 
The family lived at " Wye House" until James, the subject 
of this sketch, was nine years old, removing to " Readbourne" 

Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 427 

when Edward Lloyd, his half-brother, having attained his 
majority, came as the heir to take possession of his paternal 

Mr. Hollyday, Sr., died at " Readbourne" Octoher 8, 1747, 
and on his tombstone in the burial-ground there is the fol- 
lowing inscription, surmounted by the family arms a demi- 
lion rampant holding an anchor, and three helmets; motto, 
"Nulla virtute secundus." 

" To the memory of James Hollyday Esqr. 
Who departed this life on the 

8th of October 1747. 

He was many years one of his Lordship's 
Council, and in public and private 
life always supported the character of a worthy 
gentleman and good Christian." 

Mrs. Hollyday died in London April 9, 1755, and was 
huried in the churchyard at "West Ham, County Essex, about 
ten miles from London. Her grave bears the following in- 

" Beneath this stone lieth the body of 

Mrs. Sarah Hollyday, 

late of the Province of Maryland, in America, from 
whence she came to London in the year 1754, and died 
the 9th day of April 1755, aged 71 years. She had been 
the wife of Edward Lloyd (formerly of the aforesaid 
Province) Esq ; and, after his death, of James Hollyday 
(late of same place) Esq, whom she also survived. 

Though a stranger here, 
she was known, esteemed, and respected in her 
Native Country." 

"We have no data regarding the early education of the 
subject of our sketch, but he must have improved the advan- 
tages the schools of that day offered, for he commenced early 
in life to practise law, and was for several terms member of 
the Assembly prior to 1754, when, in order to perfect himself 
in his profession, he entered as a student the Middle Temple 
at London, then the great law school of England. 

The exact date of his embarkment is recorded in the issue 
Sept. 19, 1754, of Green's Annapolis Gazette : 

428 Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 

"On Monday or Tuesday last, sailed from below Kent 
Point, the ship Prince Edward, Capt. Blackburn, for London, 
with whom went passengers, Madam Sarah Hollyday and 
her son James Hollyday, Esq., of Queen Anne'a County." 

Both mother and son suffered all the disagreeables of an 
ocean voyage, and had the misfortune to lose their captain 
by an illness resulting in his death. The object of Mrs. 
Hollyday's visit to England was to embrace once more her 
only daughter, Rebecca C. Lloyd, whose marriage with Mr. 
William Anderson, a London merchant, had caused a sepa- 
ration of many years. Her eon having no family ties, and 
moreover unwilling to part with the mother he so loved, 
took advantage of this opportunity, not only to prove his 
filial love, but, as before stated, to continue his studies in 
London under more favorable auspices than those America 
at that time afforded. 

During his residence in London, a period of nearly four 
years, Mr. Hollyday received many interesting and important 
letters bearing on the condition of the colonies at that time, 
some of them from the pen of his half brother, Col. Edward 
Lloyd (born May 8, 1711, and, after holding many positions 
of honor and trust, died Jan. 27, 1770), and Thomas Ringgold 
(born Dec. 15, 1715, died April 1, 1772), two of the most 
prominent men of the Maryland Colony at that period. Mr. 
Ringgold was a delegate from Kent County, and conspicuous 
as one of the commissioners from Maryland to the Stamp Act 
Congress held in New York City in October, 1765, and the 
following incident connected with his public career will show 
the character of the man. 

Mr. Zechariah Hood was the person appointed by the 
British Ministry as Stamp Distributor in Maryland. His 
appointment gave great dissatisfaction, and McMahon writes: 
" An incident occurred soon after his arrival (in Annapolis) 
which made him still more obnoxious to the people of the 
province. Finding himself the object of general detestation 
he endeavored to palliate his conduct by the assertion that 
the office he held had been solicited by a member of the 
Assembly who had offered a large sum for the bestowment 

Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 429 

of it, and that therefore the people ought not to expend their 
whole fury on him for his acceptance of it. The person 
pointed at by this slanderous assertion was Thomas Ring- 
gold, who, hearing the rumor, spoke the general sentiment 
of the people in the following noble and indignant reply. 
4 1 hope/ he says, 4 that my conduct has been such both in 
public and private stations as to induce a general belief that 
I have the feelings of humanity, am a friend to liberty, and 
love my country. I should be extremely sorry by an act so 
truly contemptible to have afforded room for a contrary 
opinion. I therefore beg the liberty publickly to declare 
through your paper (Green's Gazette) that no consideration 
should have induced me to have had any hand in the execu- 
tion of a law tending to the subversion of our dearest rights 
as freeborn subjects of England, and to the suppression of 
the freedom of the press.' ' : 

Col. Edward Lloyd writes BTov. 25, 1754: 

" We long looked, and for some time with a great deal of 
impatience, for a letter from you, as we heard of the mis- 
fortune that happened to you by the death of Capt. Black- 
burn some time before your letter reached us. The concern 
we had at hearing of both your and my mother's indisposi- 
tion is not to be abated, until we hear that you have recovered 
yr health." 

Thomas Ringgold, in his letter to Mr. Hollyday, dated 
Dec. 7, 1754, says : 

" Capt. Blackburn was really much lamented by all his 
acquaintances. Indeed, there are few men act their part iu 
life so well as he did." 

The events in Maryland during the period that Mr. Holly- 
day was pursuing his studies in London were of a highly 
interesting and important character, and as the correspond- 
ence treats largely of public affairs and the condition of the 
colony, and furnishes many details of operations during the 
French war, I quote freely from it. 

McMahon records that " the colony during the early years 
of this struggle, from 1754 to 1758, was in a very distressed 

430 Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 

condition," and Col. Lloyd, in a letter to his brother, bearing 
date Nov. 25, 1754, says : 

" We seem to be in but a bad situation here at present, 
our crops poor, Trade almost lost, and just on the brink of 
war in the very heart of our Continent. Our Governor 
(Horatio Sharp) since you went away has received a Com- 
mission which makes him a Lieutenant-Col, in the British 
Establishment, and 'tis said Cornmander-in-Chief of all our 
forces in America. He has gone to Wills's Creek to recon- 
noitre the troops, and to form schemes how the better to 
conduct the Spring Campaign, which we live in certain ex- 
pectation there will be, although we are but a handful of 
men to the great many which the French can readily raise." 

In Maryland and Pennsylvania the want of efficient co- 
operation in the French war was seriously felt in several of 
the campaigns. " The requisitions of the Crown for the sup- 
ply of men and money," says McMahon, " although backed 
by the entreaties and remonstrances of their respective 
governors, were in almost every instance disregarded by the 

Thomas Ringgold writes Dec. 7, 1754: 

" Our Governour has a commission from Home to command 
in Chief in ye Ohio and is very intent, but the stiff-necked 
Quakers of Penna. carried the Election again, and still stand 
out, will not give a farthing. Would they do anything, I 
believe matters would go on with some spirit, otherwise I 
fear the French will get too well fixed there next summer to 
be easily moved. We have report of 5 sail of men of war 
having arrived at Quebec, if so, it will no doubt be a great 
addition to their strength. Let us know what is thought of 
this affair at Home. W ill it not bring on a general war and 
a second ruin to poor Maryland?" 

Mr. Ririggold writes Dec. 13, 1754: 

^ " Your law business is and shall be taken care of so as to 
give your clients content." 

Also March 10, 1755 : 

" Our Assembly is called very frequently but do little, 
they are now sitting, and have voted 10,000, but whether 
ye bill will pass or not we can't tell. Ye Upper House 
refused the same on terms in December, and they'll not alter 

Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 431 

it. The Lord Baltimore objects to two clauses of our in- 
spection Law, ye one for ye regulation of ye money, ye other 
for Limitation of officers' fees, neither of which the Assembly 
will repeal, but obstinately insist on holding both. So I fear 
we shall lose ye whole, and then what shall we do ? bad as 
times are they must be much worse." 

Sept. 27, 1755, Mr. Ringgold writes: 

" I sit down to write now, not because I don't know how 
to employ my time otherwise, (for tho' I have quitted ye 
profit of the Law, I have been this summer hurried enough 
in finishing old affairs), nor because I have a great deal to 
say, but to show you when a ship is sailing to your door and 
you have no postage that I will not omit an opportunity of 
showing you that time or space wears not out ye friendly 
regard I always had for you. Times have been very difficult 
Xvith us this season. Tobacco from great destruction in the 
House, has run short and put us in the loading way under 
difficulties about loading our ships. Crop notes have been 
precious things, tho' suppose we must lose by them, and 
they'd be more so next year, as we shall not have above Jth 
of a crop, & very scant of corn. This you may say is news 
for a Planter and Merchant, and not fit for ye Temple. To 
ye great shame of whoever is in fault, our Assembly nor that 
of Pennsylvania have yet done anything. Ours still split on 
ye ordinary licenses, and theirs now have voted a gen'l land 
tax to raise 50 thousand pound which the Governor will not 
pass unless ye Proprietary's private Estate is exempted, 
which they "cry out is highly unjust and unreasonable. 
Whilst we are thus contending the northern people are 
exerting a noble spirit. Col. Johnson at the head of an 
army of American militia without one regular or officer on 
ye establishment, is making bold pushes for Crown Point, 
and the people fly daily to his assistance, so that we expect 
by this time he has 5000 men at least with him. 

Your Brother the Col. [Col. Edward Lloyd] tells me he 
incloses you ye particulars of what he has done, I therefore 
need not repeat, but we are in the highest Expectation, as we 
have taken off all their principal officers we shall soon have 
a good account of them. It is said only 600 Indians and 
200 French defeated Genl. Brad dock, who was lost in his 
abundant security, and by his contempt for ye enemy, and a 
bad agreement amongst the officers. Tho' notwithstanding 
our defeat with Braddock, we have yet considering our ships 
and everything, abundantly the best of the campaign. Col. 
Washington behaved with great calmness, bravery, and in- 

432 Biographical Memoir of James Holly day. 

trepidity in Braddock's action, and keeps up his character. 
He had several horses shot from under him, his cloaths shot 
to pieces, and came off unhurt." 

A letter from Robert Lloyd (first cousin of Col. Lloyd, 
Mr. Hollyday's half brother), Oct. 20, 1755, says : 

" This will just give you to understand that I am still in 
motion, and upon the brink of dismal times. We don't 
make the country through above a fourth part of a crop of 
Tobacco, scarce corn to support the inhabitants, the stock 
must shift for themselves, the tiax has messed, and the people 
almost naked and destitute of money and credit. The French 
and their Indians nibbling on our Frontiers, and no one 
seems to have resolution enough to set the dogs at them. 
You'll say this is a wretched situation to wish you back 
again to, but so it is. Yr assistance will be wanting for 
the relief of a distressed country, the good of which you 
know we have all much at heart. Would our grand Lord 
and Master permit us to furnish the necessary means for our 
defence. We have offered to give and they have refused 'till 
now they won't ask or even give us a publick opportunity of 
either giving or refusing. 'Twas expected on the defeat of 
Braddock we should have had an Assembly called, and again 
upon the arrival of packetts by Montgomerie, but I hear 
nothing of it." 

Under date of Dec. 9, 1755, Col. Edward Lloyd writes : 

"We are in a most unhappy situation here being often 
alarmed and under apprehension that the French and Indians 
will penetrate far into our country. The horrid cruelties 
that they have acted on some of ours as w r ell as the Virginia 
and Pennsylvania back inhabitants, is most shocking and 
arousing, they impale men and women and even children, and 
set them up on high by way of scare crows, and mangle the 
bodies in a most frightful manner as a terror to others! The 
act of scalping has introduced this. 'Tis amazing that any 
civilized nation should countenance the practice, it ought to 
be held as against the laws of all nations. Our armies are all 

fone into Winter Quarters, although within this month we 
ave been threatened with an attack on our army at Lake 
George. The report was that 9000 French and Canadians 
were on their march to attack Gov. Johnson, but this gasco- 
nade or boast presently went off in a mere puff. From Nova 
Scotia Gov. Lawrence has sent home into Maryland 903 of 
the people, who call themselves neutral French! A copy of 

Biographical Memoir of James Hollyday. 433 

Ilis letter I here enclose you. They have been here this 

The Gov. being at New York, Mr. Tasker called a Council, 
the resolution (it it may be called a resolution or advice) you 
have also here inclosed. As no doubt much will be talked in 
London of this transaction, you'll from that and the know- 
ledge you have of the law of nations, form an adequate 
judgment of the fitness of the measures taken not only by 
us, but the Council of ]S"ova Scotia. These inhabitants 
before the treaty of Utrecht were said to be the subjects of 
the King, as such no allegiance or obedience could be re- 
quired of them by the King of England, therefore as soon 
as this place was ceded to the Crown of England, rather than 
distress or deprive them of the property they had gained on 
that part of the Continent, his Majesty was most graciously 
pleased to offer them the most advantageous terms that could 
be consistent with the British Constitution, i. e., that they 
should remain in possession of all they had on condition that 
they would become subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, 
and manifest their allegiance and willingness to the said 
King, by taking the oath or oaths prescribed to that end. 

These were the terms by which these people were to be 
distinguished as subjects of the King of England. This, 
however, it is said and well known to be true, they would 
not condescend or subscribe to. Then in the first place it 
may well enough be made a question whether that act which 
they are charged with as being in arms in the French Fort 
at Bodusejour when it surrendered amounts to a rebellion, it 
being said that they never had consented to become subjects 
of the King of England. If the conclusion may be that they 
cannot be deemed rebells, then they are taken and held as 
prisoners of war, and this to me seems the proper state to 
set them in, for it seems that the subjects of the King of 
England (and I suppose by his command) for breach of treaty 
committed by these French, invaded and overcame with 
armed power, and took them as prisoners of war, and retain- 
ing them sent them as such into this province to the care of 
this Government. This Government received them in that 
state from the Capt. that brought them here, and afterwards 
sent them into several County's not under the restraint or 
confinement of any person, but let them at large and to their 
own liberty. It may be here made a question whether this 
conduct be prudent or consistent with good policy, for as 
enemies they came here and as such they must certainly 
remain, because they are all rigid Roman Catholicks