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Full text of "The Pennsylvania magazine of history and biography"

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OR 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XII. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLICATION FUND OF 

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 

No. 1300 LOCUST STREET. 
1888. 



F 
H6 

PfcfT 

v.12, 




CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII. 



PAGE 

Sir William Keith. By Charles P. Keith 1 

Narrative of John Hecke welder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

By John W. Jordan 34 ? 165 

Letters of General James Wilkinson addressed to Dr. James 

Hutchinson, of Philadelphia 55 

Essay of an Onondaga Grammar, or a Short Introduction to learn 

the Onondaga al. Maqua Tongue. By Eev. David Zeisberger. 

By John W. Jordan . . . . . . .65, 233, 325 

The Quarrel between Christopher Sower, the Germantown Printer, 

and Conrad Beissel, Founder and Vorsteher of the Cloister at 

Ephrata. By Samuel W. PennypacJcer 76 

New York and Philadelphia in 1787. By Frederick D. Stone . 97 
Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall, 1763- 

1777 116,240 

Notes and Queries 123, 252, 366, 483 

The Life and Services of Joel K. Poinsett. By Charles J. Stille, 

LL.D 129,257 

Charles Brockden. By Hon. John Clement 185 

Journal of Route and Occurrences in a Journey to Philadelphia 

from Dighton, begun October 24, 1778, by William Ellery. By 

Miss Henrietta C. Ellery 190 

The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. By Eev. Gold- 
smith Day Carrow, D.D 200 

Eev. William Frazer's Three Parishes, St. Thomas's, St. Andrew's, 

and Musconetcong, N. J., 1768-70. By Henry Race, M.D. . 212 
Judge James Moore and Major James Moore, of Chester County, 

Pennsylvania. By W. 8. Long, M.D 304, 465 

A Narrative of the Transactions, Imprisonment, and Sufferings of 

John Connolly, an American Loyalist and Lieutenant-Colonel 

in His Majesty's Service 310, 407 

Registers of the Anglican Church in Pennsylvania prior to 1800. 

By Philip Syng Physick Conner 341 

Muster-Kolls of Marines and Artillery commanded by Captain Isaac 

Craig, of Pennsylvania, in 1775 and 1778 . . . .350 

(iii) 



iv Contents of Volume XII. 

PAGE 

Kobert Ibbetson. By Robert Patterson Robins, M.D. . . .355 
The Red Lion Inn, Bensalem Township, Buck's County, Pennsyl- 
vania. By William J. Buck 359 

Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. Baptisms, 1709-1760. 

By Charles R. Hildeburn 362 

Bethlehem during the Revolution. Extracts from the Diaries in 
the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. By John 

W. Jordan 385 

The Authorship of "Plain Truth." By Paul Leicester Ford . . 421 

A Memoir of General Henry Miller. By Henry Miller Watts . 425 

Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. By George Vaux. 432 
American Colonies as Penal Settlements. By Charles J. /Stille, 

LL.D 457 

A List of the Issues of the Press in New York, 1693-1784. Part 

I., 1693-1720. By Charles R. Hildeburn 475 

Meetings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1888 . . 504 

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 506 

Extracts from the Report of the Finance Committee to the Council. 508 

Index . . . .* . 511 



THE 



PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



VOL. XII. 1888. No. 1. 



SIE WILLIAM KEITH. 

BY CHARLES P. KEITH. 

If a certain young printer of the year 1724 had not sub- 
sequently risen from obscurity, and become a greater per- 
sonage in history than the grandiloquent baronet who 
then presided over Pennsylvania and Delaware, by whose 
notice he was nattered, if, having gone to London in re- 
liance upon the repeated but never fulfilled promises of 
this patron, that young printer, whose name was Benjamin 
Franklin, had been lost to fame, like many another victim 
of bad conduct, and the world had never seen his autobi- 
ography, Sir William Keith, instead of being despised in 
this connection, would be extolled as the only Proprietary 
Governor who championed the rights of the People. That 
his words were not always true, that his debts were not 
always paid, that his treatment of the Penn family, or of his 
successor, or of James Logan was not always fair, would 
never have interfered. Even his advocacy of the taxation 
of America by Parliament, so long before the excitement 
upon the subject, would have been charitably regarded as 
YOL.XII.I (1) 



2 Sir William Keith. 

an error of opinion. Moreover, how much soever he may 
have deserved the animadversions of some writers, we may 
be indulged with the reflection, that, had he left descendants 
in Pennsylvania, less would have been published against his 
memory, and perhaps more have been said in his favor. 
He was the greatest of the Lieutenant-Governors under the 
Penns. His administration, too, after witnessing the de- 
pression of the colony, inaugurated a prosperity which in 
time made Philadelphia the largest city in America. It is 
not our aim to exculpate his character : as to the Franklin 
episode, which has thrown suspicion upon all else that he 
did, even if he had intended to help Benjamin through Mrs. 
Penn and the mortgagees, and had been prevented by the 
quarrel over the instructions, which occurred during the 
preparation to sail, or if Sir William had found out more 
about the future philosopher, who was far from being a nice 
young man, it was reprehensible not to let the change of 
purpose be known. Having been requested to prepare an 
article to accompany the picture, of Sir William, we would 
put in print some information chiefly as to his career before 
and after his residence in Pennsylvania. In the first place, 
it is not too trivial to notice, that while, in English law, a 
baronet is not a nobleman, yet, as such, and even as the 
eldest son and expectant heir of one, Keith had a dis- 
tinction above all his predecessors and successors in office 
(George Thomas not being so created until after his term 
expired), as well as above all the colonists of that time. 
William Penn, and after his death certain of his descendants, 
down to the Declaration of Independence, were the titular 
Governors, and those intrusted with the administration were 
only his or their Lieutenants, or Deputies ; for which reason, 
and the small salary allowed to them, their position was not 
an attractive one to Englishmen of mark. While a cousin 
of the sovereign, a viscount, a general, an admiral, etc., 
sometimes performed similar duties in neighboring colonies 
directly under the Crown, nearly all of our chief magis- 
trates were provincials or inferior military officers, and the 
subject of this sketch was the only one who outranked the 



Sir William Keith. 3 

Perms in social precedency in the Old World. Keith was 
descended from the great feudal family of that name, the 
head of which, for about six hundred years, was Marischal 
to the King of Scotland, in ancient times sitting with the 
Constable at the monarch's right hand in the Parliament. In 
the fourteenth century, John Keith, younger son of Edward, 
the Marischal, married the heiress of Reginald Cheyne, 
Chamberlain of Scotland, and so acquired the barony of 
Innerugie, within which Peterhead now stands, and which 
made his descendants a powerful line. The subject of this 
sketch was one of the Keiths of Ludquhairn, sprung from 
Andrew Keith, who received that estate in 1492 from his 
father, Sir Gilbert Keith, then Lord of Innerugie. I have 
a copy of the pedigree prepared in 1760 by the Lion King 
at Arms for our Lieutenant-Governor's son. It is in Latin, 
and quite lengthy, quoting charters and other authorities ; 
so that it cannot be embodied in this article. Suffice it to 
say that in 1629 Sir "William Keith of Ludquhairn was 
created a baronet of Nova Scotia, and that his grandson, 
Sir William, the third baronet, married Jean, daughter 
and heiress of Smith of Rapness, her mother being a 
daughter of Patrick Graham of Inchbraikie. The Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of Pennsylvania was the son of the third 
baronet and his lady, and was born probably at Peterhead, 
where he was baptized February 16, 1680 (doubtless within 
a few weeks after his birth). The witnesses to his bap- 
tism were John, Earl of Erroll, and William Jameson of 
Balmoore. The latter may have been a relative, Balmoore, 
or Balmuir, having belonged to an Alexander Keith about 
fifty years before. The Earl of Erroll appears to have 
been a distant relative, his grandmother having been a 
daughter of Sir Patrick Cheyne of Essilmount; which 
estate came to the Keith family before the days of the 
first baronet of Ludquhairn. The Earl married the sister 
of that Earl of Perth who was one of the twenty-four Pro- 
prietors of East Jersey. With the three Earls, Erroll, 
Perth, and Marischal (head of the Keith family, and son- 
in-law of Perth), all of them attached to the old rfyime, 



4 Sir William Keith. 

Sir William, the father of our Lieutenant-Governor, was 
intimate. From a letter of the Earl of Perth to his sister, 
dated June 17, 1694 (see Correspondence, published by 
Camden Society), we learn that the Earl Marischal, going 
to England, had left his property to this kinsman's manage- 
ment, and the Earl of Perth says, " Tell Sir "William Keith 
(whose Scot I am and to all his family) that I hope he will 
be carefull of my Lord's concerns in his absence." This 
baronet, perhaps by his endeavors to add to the family 
estates, sank heavily in debt, so that at his death his 
creditors, in the phraseology of Scotch law, " came to a 
ranking." Thus his heir was dependent upon public office 
or his wits for support. The mother of Lady Jean Keith 
married for her second husband Sir Robert Moray, Kt., of 
Abercairny, and by him had several sons, who were thus 
step-uncles of the subject of this sketch. The eldest married 
a sister of Dr. Thomas Graeme, who came to Pennsylvania 
with Keith. Two others became active workers in the cause 
of the Stuarts, one being also a lieutenant-colonel in the 
French service. 

It would seem that through these step-uncles William 
Keith was sent over to St. Germain as a very young man, 
and there finished his education, acquiring at least a knowl- 
edge of the world and the arts of address. He was about 
twenty-three years of age when, Bishop Burnett (" History 
of his Own Times") says, "Keith had been long at that 
court, he had free access both to that queen and prince, 
and hoped they would have made him under secretary for 
Scotland. His uncle, too, had visited St. Germain's, was 
one of those most trusted there, and had been sent with 
Fraser to ascertain the temper of the Scotch," Fraser having 
reported the Highlanders ready to raise twelve thousand men 
in the Pretender's interest if French troops and money were 
sent to their assistance. From some particulars mentioned 
in TindaTs " Continuation of Rapin's History of England," 
Keith appears to have been in London in the winter of 
1702-3, when Fraser was there in treaty with the Jacobites. 

Fraser had revealed the plot to the Duke of Queensberry, 



Sir William Kdth. 5 

endeavoring to criminate the Duke of Athol, and went back 
to St. Germain as a spy. AthoPs friends discovered this, 
and precipitated an investigation. Eraser's correspondence 
was seized, and Keith and others arrested. For some time 
he denied that he knew anything, but afterwards confessed 
that he had been made acquainted with Eraser's mission to 
the Scotch nobility. He then undertook to induce his uncle 
to come and tell all he knew, and said there was no other 
design than to arrange that the Prince of Wales should 
reign after Queen Anne. Burnett adds that there was 
" matter of treason" sworn against Keith, but there was 
only one witness to it. John Moray, the uncle in question, 
never appeared, and the House of Lords voted that Keith 
had prevaricated, and was unworthy of the Queen's mercy. 
Burnett thought, from the ill-management of the attempt 
to obtain Moray's testimony, that the investigators did not 
sincerely wish it. Keith's narrative, which had been kept 
back to await the result of his negotiations with his uncle, 
was laid before both Houses of Parliament on February 19, 
1703-4, says LuttrelPs "Brief Relation of State Affairs," 
and the Lords appointed a committee to examine him. On 
April 6 he was set at liberty on condition not to depart from 
England without leave. He seems never again to have been 
molested on account of the affair, but to have earned a claim 
for consideration by the Jacobites when they should come to 
power. He married an Englishwoman, not very long after 
his discharge from arrest, as appears from his son Alexan- 
der, who was not his eldest, being old enough in May, 1729, 
to be appointed Collector of Customs. The lady's maiden 
name had been Ann Newbury or Newberry; she was the 
widow of Robert Diggs, and her daughter by her first 
husband was born at St. Albans in 1700. This daughter 
married Dr. Thomas Graeme after the family came to Penn- 
sylvania. 

Of Keith's career, or even his residence at and for some 
time after his marriage, we are ignorant. He did not 
practice law, or he never would have spoken, as he did 
when establishing his Court of Chancery, of his "want 



6 Sir William Keith. 

of experience in judicial affairs;" nor would he have made 
his rulings as Chancellor dependent upon the approbation 
of any of the laymen in the Provincial Council. After 
his appointment as Lieutenant-Governor he was sometimes 
spoken of as " Colonel" Keith, hut we do not believe that 
this indicates previous service in the British army, we con- 
jecture that the title accompanied his right to command the 
militia of the Province, nearly every colonial Governor at a 
certain period being so called. In his " Defence of the Con- 
stitution of the Province of Pennsylvania" he says that he 
" had the honour to be personally and intimately acquainted" 
with William Penn " for above seven years, just after his 
last return to England from Pennsylvania." Logan, in a 
letter of 2 mo. 27, 1716, speaks of the friendship. There is 
no unfairness in saying that Penn was a Jacobite, and that 
political sympathy probably brought him and Keith together 
at the time the latter arrived in England from France. It 
must have been in the year 1710 that they were separated, 
probably by Keith removing from England either to Scot- 
land, which had become part of the same kingdom, or be- 
yond sea upon some public employment which authorized 
him to transport himself; a supposition which derives some 
likelihood from his composing afterwards an essay on the 
office of an ambassador. He seems to have been a friend 
of William Penn, Jr., who, according to Gordon's " History 
of Pennsylvania," recommended him for the Lieutenant- 
Governorship. 

Keith was appointed Surveyor-General of the Customs 
for the Southern Division of America in place of Colonel 
Robert Quary, deceased, and sailing from England in June,, 
1714, arrived in Virginia on the 17th of August following. 
Upon the first notice of the accession of George I. he took 
the oath of allegiance to him before the Governor and Chan- 
cellor of Maryland, where Keith happened to be ; and going 
through Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, caused the 
officers under him to do the same. In the winter he went 
to Jamaica, the voyage taking a month, and after four 
months' stay, recovered eight thousand pounds sterling for 



Sir William Keith. 7 

the Crown, a debt of nine years' standing. In June, 1715, 
in a small sloop which took three weeks to go from that island 
to South Carolina, he returned to the continent of North 
America. Discharging his duties with zeal and efficiency, 
he was, without any cause being assigned, deprived of his 
office by the appointment of a successor. The battle of 
Sheriff Muir, which left the new king in possession of the 
throne, took place in November, 1715. James Logan, some 
years later, speaks of the battle and a closet, apparently a 
refuge after the battle, having given Thomas Graeme a claim 
upon Keith. Keith's kinsman, the young Earl Marischal, 
may have hid at the Grceme seat, Balgowan, before leaving 
Scotland, with a price upon his head, losing his title by 
attainder. At the same time the commander of King 
George's army, John, second Duke of Argyll, was a friend 
of the subject of this sketch. The latter, after his removal 
from the Surveyor-Generalship, visiting Penn's dominions, 
and becoming aware of the great dissatisfaction with 
Gookin's administration, saw in the Lieutenant-Governor- 
ship and in the Governorship, when the sale to the Crown 
should be consummated, a future provision for himself; 
while the principal inhabitants turned to him as a politician 
upon whom they might impose the task of delivering them 
from Gookin. Much being afterwards said about their 
having taken pity on Keith, the " Just and Plain Vindication 
of Sir William Keith," printed in 1726, and attributed to 
himself, declares that he did not make his circumstances at 
that time known to any man in Pennsylvania, and was " so 
far from thinking of that employment" that he had actually 
gone as far as ISTew Castle on his way towards Virginia when 
he received a letter from two of the Council asking him to 
return and hear their proposals. Logan's letter of 2 mo. 
27, 1716, says that a confidential messenger was sent by 
Keith from New Castle to the Council in Philadelphia, and 
conveys the impression that by this means Keith made the 
first proposal. Those Councillors who were 'in town at the 
time met and unanimously concurred, "having from his 
first appearance here, generally entertained a very favour- 



8 Sir William Keith. 

able opinion of bis good sense, sweetness of disposition, and 
moderation in bis former post." Keith returned to Phila- 
delpbia, and bis " Vindication" says they offered their recom- 
mendation to the Proprietary's family, if be would undertake 
to obtain the office, and gave him twenty-four hours to con- 
sider it. Their letter to Hannah Penn recommending him 
is dated 2 mo. 27, 1716. It was feared, however, that Keith 
might be suspected by the King's Ministers, whose approval 
of the appointment would be necessary, of disaffection to 
the House of Brunswick. The prudent Logan asked Keith 
not to show the letter outside of the circle of Penn's 
friends, lest, should the person recommended be rejected as 
a Jacobite, some disadvantage might come to the signers. 
Gookin was ready to impute such political views to them ; 
Logan says, " Than which nothing can be more false. But 
as these distinctions cannot affect us who want nothing but 
peace under the Crown of England, and have no power 
either to advance or retard any interest, all our views, or 
rather wishes, are to have a person over us who may truly 
pursue the Interest of the Country." Counting upon his 
influence with the Duke of Argyll and others to smooth 
the way at Court, Keith went to England to obtain the 
appointment as Lieutenant-Govern or from Penn or those 
who controlled him, and confirmation from the Crown. 

Upon his arrival, he found no opposition in Penn's 
family, but the " Just and Plain Vindication," hereinafter 
mentioned, declares, and it sounds probable, that 

" it was above Three Months before he could reconcile to 
his Proposal a Set of grave Politicians that went under 
the Name of Mortgagees, tho' in Reality they were only 
plain Shop-keepers in the City of London, and creditors to 
Mr. Penn, who had pledg'd his Estate in Pensilvania for 
securing the Payment of his Debts to them ; Now some of 
those Gentlemen affecting much Grandeur, by having it in 
their Power to dispose of one of his Majesty's Provinces 
abroad, it was not more Trouble to find Access to a first 
Minister of State, and far less difficult to persuade him, 
than it was to find an Opportunity of Reasoning with, and 
Convincing some of these Gentlemen. However, after a 



Sir William Keith. 9 

reasonable Time spent in good comfortable Eating and 
Drinking, (after the Manner of the City) at Sir William's 
proper Cost and Charge, he found Means to sooth the 
Gentlemen into an unanimous compliance with his Design." 

The Assembly of Pennsylvania had adopted on May 3, 
1716, an Address to King George, expressing joy at his 
accession, apologizing for not congratulating him sooner, 
and speaking with horror of the " unnatural" rebellion, for 
the suppression of which they thanked God. Keith un- 
dertook the presentation of this, a matter of considerable 
expense, and finally obtaining an interview with the Prince 
Eegent, the King being in Hanover, received the assurance 
that the Quakers were looked upon as loyal subjects, that 
the King had a great regard for them, and that they might 
at all times depend on the Prince's good will to serve them 
in anything they had to ask of his Royal Father. 

A letter signed by William Penn " with the advice and 
consent of his Friends and Trustees under written," viz., 
Henry Gouldney, Silvanus Grove, and Joshua Gee, was 
addressed to the Prince of Wales, Guardian of the Realm, 
certifying that Penn nominated and appointed William 
Keith to be Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsylvania. " The 
said Keith having been well recommended as a Person who 
has lately given evident Proofs of his Capacity and Zeal in 
the King's Service as well as of his dutiful Affection to the 
Present Government." With this Keith danced attendance 
upon the great Lords of the Privy Council and the officers 
of state. In a letter in possession of the Historical Society, 
he writes from Hampton Court, September 10, 1716 : " I 
have been here ten days waiting for the opportunity of a 
General Council which I find we are not to expect befor 
next Thursday, & then I hope to give you the good news 
of success, if the statesmen will be true to what they have 
promised & frankly undertaken to do for me in that 
affair. The Prince has been acquainted with the business, 
and I have not yet been able to discover one enemy to 
oppose it." The Council meeting on the 13th, the subject 
was referred to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and 



10 Sir William Keith. 

Plantations. On the 16th, Messrs. Perry and Hyde the 
former being, we suppose, Micajah Perry, afterwards a 
correspondent of Keith offered to go his security. A 
letter from Keith dated September 22, says, " I have had 
all the success in my business which I could possibly ex- 
pect but people are so much out of Town at this time of 
the year, that I daily meet with unavoidable delays, how- 
ever I am assured that the Board of Trade will meet next 
wedensday, and my interest is now so much stronger than 
it was, that I hope to get things despatched with all con- 
venient speed, & without any difficulty." The statement 
of his case was communicated to the Board on September 
27, and read on October 16, when the Board agreed 
upon a favorable report, with the provisos that he give the 
usual security for observing the Acts of Trade and Navi- 
gation, and that William Penn renew his declaration that 
the King's approbation of the appointment should not 
impair his Majesty's claim to the Lower Counties. Penn 
signed a paper to this effect on October 25. The report 
of the Board of Trade was approved at a meeting of the 
Privy Council held at St. James on November 12, and, 
security being duly entered, the appointment was confirmed 
on December 17. Hannah Penn writes, " Collonel Keith 
has obtained his approbation by so general a consent that 
whatever becomes of proprietary government, we think he 
will be continued over you if his conduct answer his char- 
acter. His obtaining the post and removing his large 
family have been no small expense to him." Keith himself 
wished to impress upon the Assembly in his first speech 
" the diligence wherewith I obtained at a considerable charge 
the commission of Governour." He borrowed one hundred 
pounds of Henry Gouldney, giving him his bond dated March 
13, 1716, for the payment of that sum on the 14th of Sep- 
tember following. It was proved by a witness in April, 1724, 
and sent over to Philadelphia, and recorded. On Keith's 
embarkation for America, his family consisted of a wife 
and three sons, besides his step-daughter, Miss Diggs. At 
sea his wife gave birth to another son, who was baptized 



Sir William Keith. 11 

in Christ Church, Philadelphia. The party were in great 
danger from pirates; some of those troubling the coast, 
learning that a Lieutenant- Govern or was expected, tried 
hard to fall in with the ship. 

He landed at Philadelphia on the 31st of May, 1717, and 
entered upon the task of pleasing three masters : the Pro- 
prietary, who had appointed him, the King, who had con- 
firmed the appointment, and was in treaty for the Pro- 
prietary's powers, and the People, who were to contribute 
the salary. 

With the rare advantage of previous acquaintance with 
the people and their neighbors, Keith comprehended from 
the first the internal condition and the external relations of 
the colony, and he dealt with both with a political sagacity 
worthy to be called statesmanship. His many journeys 
even in the heat of summer indicate his energy. By urban- 
ity, by the expression of admirable sentiments, and, to some 
extent, by living in greater style than his predecessors, he 
secured popularity. By boldly notifying the ex-Lieutenant- 
Governor to make good his charge that Logan and others 
were disaffected to King George, he obtained a retraction, 
and so dissipated a trouble, the possible consequences of 
which were far-reaching. Had the accusation been allowed 
to remain, the enemies of Logan in the Assembly might 
have passed an act disqualifying him from holding office, 
and Keith with his antecedents could not have afforded to 
veto it ; had the ex-Lieutenant-Governor addressed certain 
public men in England upon the subject, the British Minis- 
try would have had a good reason for taking the govern- 
ment from William Penn without compensation, and, per- 
haps, the cupidity of royal favorites would have brought 
about by bill of attainder the confiscation of his property 
in the soil. Although an active vestryman of Christ's 
Church until a new minister thought him too officious (see 
Perry's " Historical Collections relating to Church in 
Pennsylvania"), and joining in the request for a bishop in 
America (see Dr. Dorr's "History of Christ Church") 
although when first going to Sussex County to hold court 



12 Sir William Keith. 

he took with him the missionary at IsTew Castle, who, as 
Humphreys's " History of the Society for the Propagation 
of the Gospel" recounts, baptized at least one hundred and 
sixteen persons on the trip ; nevertheless, in striking con- 
trast with other Lieutenant-Governors, Keith was duly 
considerate of Quaker feelings and privileges. His pre- 
decessor, denying the qualification in capital cases of jury- 
men who would not take oaths, had allowed two mur- 
derers to go unpunished, to continue in lawless conduct, 
and even to boast that the Province could not try them for 
a capital crime. Keith had them indicted by a grand 
inquest, of which seventeen were upon affirmation, and 
brought them to trial before a jury containing eight 
Quakers, he himself attending the court, and making a 
speech, and satisfying himself that the proceedings were 
fair to the accused, and according to the law. They were 
convicted and sentenced to death ; and although they asked 
for a reprieve to enable them to appeal to the King, Keith 
said that the Constitution of the Province must be main- 
tained, and declined to interfere with the execution. Sub- 
sequently, he prepared for the. Assembly an address to the 
King setting forth the necessity of allowing the use of an 
affirmation instead of an oath. 

Once in the Court of Chancery the hat of a Quaker lawyer 
was taken off his head by an officer. This caused a remon- 
strance from the Quarterly Meeting, and the Lieutenant- 
Governor then made an order that thenceforth all persons 
who had religious scruples against uncovering their heads 
could wear their hats in court. He accepted, too, from the 
Mennonites as equivalent to the oaths of allegiance assur- 
ances given according to their own custom ; and he vetoed 
a bill requiring applicants for naturalization to produce a 
certificate that they were Protestants. He was obliged to 
exert himself against John Talbot and Robert Welton, who 
came to Pennsylvania during the last two years of his ad- 
ministration after being consecrated to the order of bishop 
by one or more bishops of non-juring succession. Each for 
a short time conducted the services at Christ Church, fol- 



Sir William Keith. 13 

lowing the non-jurors' practice of omitting the proper name 
in the prayer for the King. According to a letter of Rev. 
John Umston in Perry's Collections, Talbot convened all 
the clergy, put on his robes, and demanded obedience from 
them. The churches in America were at that time deemed 
a part of the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London. Some 
persons threatened the Lieutenant-Governor with reporting 
the matter in England if he did not take measures against 
Talbot, whereupon the Lieutenant-Governor ordered Christ 
Church to be shut up. It was charged against him that he 
showed his sympathy for Jacobites by having the marriage 
of his daughter-in-law performed by Dr. Welton. A writ 
of privy seal commanding the latter to return forthwith to 
Great Britain was sent over to Keith for service, and caused 
Dr. Welton to take passage by way of Lisbon, at which 
place he died. 

No less than with the King's Ministers or the Quaker 
democracy, Keith ingratiated himself with the Indians, one 
of whose chiefs said that there had not been for years past 
a governor who took such notice of them, and they felt the 
same satisfaction as if William Penn himself were among 
them. He explained to them the ideas of civilization, and 
laid down the principle that a treaty of friendship with one 
English colony was a treaty of peace not only with the 
other English colonies, but also with the Indian tribes 
friendly with them. On the death of a near kinsman of 
Sacauncheuta, Sir William sent a mourning-ring off his own 
finger to that chief. He made it penal to sell or give rum, 
wine, or other strong liquors to an Indian, except the small 
quantity of a sixteenth of a quart once in twelve hours at a 
person's own dwelling, and except what the officials might 
see fit to give on the occasion of a treaty. 

He conciliated the settlers of foreign descent, and warded 
off the Marylanders, and entering into conferences with 
neighboring Governors, raised Pennsylvania to greater 
consideration. Doubtless, his intercourse with these Gov- 
ernors made him shrink from admitting, the more so after 
his succession in 1721 to the baronetcy, that, while they had 



'14 Sir William Kdih. 

no superior but the Xing, he was under a Quaker woman. 
He flattered himself that at least as to New Castle, Kent, 
and Sussex he was Governor, and he rather treated them as 
a distinct Province. 

He encouraged immigration, although he endeavored to 
regulate it. A numher of Germans who had sought a home 
first on the Livingston Manor in New York, and then at 
Schoharie, hut were made most unwelcome and uneasy, 
were invited by him to the frontier of Pennsylvania. In 
1723 thirty-three families, therefore, settled at Tulpehocken. 
This was resented by the Proprietaries as an interference by 
him in the affairs of their property. It was the beginning 
of a movement which took from New York, and added to 
Pennsylvania a considerable body of people, and seems to 
have been in pursuance of a policy to develop the borders. 

Nearly every other Governor, or acting Governor, was in 
constant trouble with the Assembly. He avoided this by 
evincing an appreciation of their designs, and a willingness 
to yield such points as they had most at heart. As the 
result, he secured a higher salary than his predecessors, 
and, moreover, the adoption of his own propositions. Logan 
writes on April 12, 1722 : " to me, who for many years had 
so great a Share of the trouble arising from our Confusions 
formerly thrown upon me, it can not but be a great Ease 
& Pleasure to see all affairs of Governm* carried on without 
the least Division or Opposition. . . . The Govern 1 is a very 
able Gentleman, excellently well qualified for a public Post 
and his failings have mostly been to his own loss & of those 
who have trusted him in Money Matters." Later, when, 
after Keith's acquisition of the copper-mine, it was re- 
ported that Gookin would be again appointed Lieutenant- 
Governor, Logan expresses his preference for Keith, whom 
he describes as "an ingenious man with many failings;" 
and adds, " for the Governm* really requires a disposition 
more generous than is to be met with in all tempers and 
kinds of education." 

An excellent account of Keith's administration will be 
found in Gordon's " History of Pennsylvania," taking the 



Sir William Keith. 15 

same side, and giving Keith the same credit, as the " His- 
torical Review of the Constitution and Government of Penn- 
sylvania," prepared under the auspices of Benjamin Frank- 
lin, who was too great a man to allow the treatment of 
himself to interfere with his estimate of action concerning 
his country. Against the encomium which Keith has thus 
received, Mr. Joshua Francis Fisher, with the assistance of 
Mrs. Deborah Logan, has written articles, published in the 
Memoirs of the Historical Society and in " Hazard's Regis- 
ter," derived mainly from the papers of the opposing coterie. 
Sir William cast in his lot with the multitude against the 
few, the poor against the rich, the debtor against the creditor. 
Whether he was right or wrong was the political question 
of that time. With one of Mr. Fisher's articles there has 
been- printed a " Narrative of Sr W. Keith's coming to the 
Govt of Pennsylvania and his Conduct in it &ct," attributed 
to Andrew Hamilton, but including, as the manuscript shows, 
some notes by Thomas Penn. Some of its statements we 
are able to elucidate, if not to deprive of their force. It was 
in the following way that he got into his hands the fund 
" which belonged to his Majesty." When, in Queen Anne's 
time, the Assembly of the Quaker Province were induced to 
aid the expedition against Canada by voting two thousand 
pounds, professed to be not for the war, but " for the 
Queen's use," it was provided that the Governor's receipt 
should be the voucher for the Treasurer. The expedition 
failing, nearly the whole amount remained a charge against 
Samuel Carpenter, then Treasurer, until his (Jeath. On 
November 12, 1717, Lieutenant-Governor Keith asked the 
opinion of the Council whether he should not call upon the 
executors of the late Treasurer for the money or an account, 
and the Council agreed that he should. Subsequently a large 
sum was paid to him, and, as the equivalent of five hundred 
pounds, there were conveyed to him by deed of March 5, 
1718, from Andrew Hamilton, who had just taken title from 
the executors, twelve hundred acres of land in Philadelphia 
County, bounded on the northeast by the line of Bucks 
County. Whether Keith ever expended as much money as 



16 Sir William Keith. 

this for public purposes we are unable to show. His " Just 
and Plain Vindication" says that he fitted out two sloops 
against the pirates, and erected a battery of cannon, be- 
sides doing " the decent honors of the government on the 
King's birthday and other festivals; and Logan's answer, 
entitled "A More Just Vindication," does not deny this. 
The acquisition of the copper-mine, situated within the 
present limits of York County, was by virtue of an unlo- 
cated right. Keith said that it was advisable that the place 
should be occupied, as the Marylanders were advancing 
towards it : it seems to have yielded him no return. The 
survey of seventy-five thousand five hundred and twenty 
acres adjoining it, as a manor for Springett Penn, who 
claimed the powers of government, which survey was the 
one referred to in the narrative as entered upon the records 
of the Council, provided a reservation for the Indians, and 
a delimited march, or belt of land, in face of the Mary- 
landers. The claim to be directly under the Crown, which 
Keith made, styling himself G-overnor, was defensible : it 
could be said that the right of William Penn had become 
vested in the Crown by the agreement of sale and the pay- 
ment of part of the purchase-money, and, as far as the 
Lower Counties were concerned, it was doubtful whether 
Penn ever had any right. The suppression of the powers 
which had been exercised by the Council was necessary for 
the carrying out of any policy, since they made it possible 
for three or four members of a body not recognized by the 
Constitution to obstruct every step desired by the Assem- 
bly, or thought wise by the Lieutenant- Governor. This 
was particularly unreasonable, because such a Cabinet was 
irresponsible, and such an Upper House represented neither 
the people, nor even a caste or an order. Yet Hannah Penn 
wrote to him to pass no laws without its concurrence, and 
not only this, but to send no message, and make no speech 
to the Assembly, without submitting the same for approval 
of these persons, to add nobody to the Council without the 
consent of the other members, and furthermore, if any had 
been so added, to suspend them until the others chose to 



Sir William Keith. 17 

admit them. Keith refused to be bound in this way ; he, 
not James Logan and friends, would be Governor. In the 
pamphlet war which followed the disclosure of Hannah 
Penn's instructions, instructions to which no man of spirit 
would have willingly submitted, Keith ably maintained 
their illegality in a "Defence of the Constitution of the 
Province of Pennsylvania and the late honourable Pro- 
prietary's Character in Answer to James Logan's Me- 
morial &ct." This, as well as his letter to Hannah Penn, 
is printed with the Votes of Assembly. As to the charge 
of betraying the interests of the Penn family, it should be 
remembered that while Logan was away from the Council, 
Keith sent back a tax bill to the Assembly, proposing an 
amendment, that the Proprietary's estate be exempted, and 
secured this immunity, for which subsequent Governors 
contended in vain. For the other articles published during 
the controversy the reader is referred to Hildeburn's " Issues 
of the Pennsylvania Press." If the reader is disposed to 
say that the Lieutenant-Governor was bound in honor to 
follow the instructions, he should bear in mind that they 
emanated from the executrix of a disputed will, and not 
from either Springett Penn, who claimed the Governorship 
as heir-at-law, or Earl Pawlett, the surviving devisee, in 
trust to make sale, or from the King, to whom the franchise 
had been sold. 

Sir William Keith, in his " Discourse on the Medium of 
Commerce," says that in 1722 over two hundred houses in 
the City of Philadelphia stood empty, and many of the labor- 
ing people daily were leaving, the shopkeepers had no money 
to go to market, and the farmer's crop was at the lowest 
value, so that all European goods, as well as bread, flour, 
and country produce, were monopolized by four or five rich 
men, who retailed them at what price they pleased, and had 
the whole country in their debt at eight per cent, interest. 
This raised such a clamor that the Assembly, which met at 
the end of that year, authorized the issuing of paper-money. 
Instead of following the method of other colonies, by taxing 
the people to provide a sinking fund, they issued the bills as 
VOL. xii. 2 



18 Sir William Keith. 

a loan upon landed security, to be repaid in annual instal- 
ments, with five per cent, interest. Certain persons appointed 
by the Assembly, styled Commissioners of the Loan Office, 
attended to this, lending, according to the Act of 1723, not 
more than two hundred pounds, nor less than twenty pounds, 
to any person, and taking his bond and a mortgage of land 
double the amount in value. Keith adds that the five per 
cent, interest paid to the Province was sufficient to defray 
the expense of government without laying any tax on the 
people. That an excise, customs, and county rates con- 
tinued to be levied was chiefly because the Province itself 
and the counties borrowed a large part of the first issue to 
pay previous indebtedness and erect public buildings, and 
undertook, like individuals, to return the amount in instal- 
ments. The duty on negroes imported was not for revenue 
only. Keith had not the merit of originating this means of 
discouraging slavery, but, by re-enacting it, facilitated the 
subsequent extension of " free soil" to Mason and Dixon's 
line. Sir William thus closes his Discourse : 

"It is inconceivable to think what a prodigious good 
Effect immediately ensued. . . . The Sniping from the 
West of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which just before 
used to be detain'd five, six, and sometimes nine Months in 
the Country, before they could get in the Debts due to them 
and load, were now dispatch'd in a Month or six Weeks at 
farthest. The poor middling People, who had any Lands 
. . . paid off their usurious creditors : . . . lawful Interest 
was at this Time [by Act of Mch. 2, 1722-3] reduced from 
eight to six per Cent, by which means the Town was soon 
filled with People, and Business all over the Province in- 
creased at a great rate : The few rich Men . . . were 
obliged to build Ships, and launch out again into Trade, in 
order to convert their Paper Riches into solid Wealth ; and 
for some Years, while that Province continued to have only 
a moderate Sum in Paper Money on foot, it kept an Equality 
with Spanish Silver and Gold, or did not fall above five per 
Cent, for as Lands there generally rise in their Value, and 
are in continual Demand, the Security was unquestionably 
as good, if not better, than any that is given in Europe for 
Paper ; and this most useful Scheme was not attended with 
any other ungrateful Consequence, but the Removal of a 



Sir William Keith. 19 

Governor who, contrary to the Sentiments and private In- 
terest of a few rich Men in that Place, had passed it into a 
Law." . . . 

If Keith was the inventor of this plan, providing a circu- 
lating medium, representing lands put under the control of 
the State, and running a government without taxation, not 
by borrowing money, but by lending it, he was a greater 
financier than many a man who has derived fame from the 
restoration of national credit. 

It was a point in Keith's favor that he had come to the 
colony with, as far as we can tell, the intention of making 
it his home, had brought up his children there, and in the 
investment of money had staked his interests upon its pros- 
perity. It was not only by obligations undertaken on or 
before receiving office, nor by lavish expenditure continued 
while the Assembly diminished and delayed his salary, that 
he was always in debt ; he launched out in business ventures 
in which his money and reputation were wrecked. His pro- 
jects, had they been successful, not only would have lifted 
him out of those necessities which were the spring of his 
ignoble conduct, but would have aided the development 
of the country. Before he dug for copper on the Susque- 
hanna, he started the erection of a grist-mill at Horsham. 
We doubt that he was a hypocrite in saying to the Assembly 
in January, 1721-22, 

" My mind is so fully bent upon doing this Province some 
effectual Service that I have lately formed the Design of a 
considerable Settlement amongst you, in order to manufac- 
ture and consume the Grain, for which there is, at this Time, 
no profitable Market Abroad. And although this Project 
will, doubtless, at first prove very chargeable and expensive 
to me, yet if it meets with your Approbation, and the Good- 
will of the People, I am well assured it cannot fail of an- 
swering my Purpose, to do a real Service to the Country; 
and every Interest or Concern of mine shall ever be built 
on that Bottom." 

The Assembly evinced its willingness to legislate for this 
industry by passing an act to prevent the exportation of 
inferior flour, and an act to require the making of beer and 



20 Sir William Keith. 

ale from grain instead of molasses, etc. On April 6, 1723 r 
he requested the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
to continue Rev. Mr. Harrison in the Province to minister 
to a new congregation at Horsham, where, he says, he had 
lately made " a considerable settlement," and the people 
were attending every Sunday to hear prayers read by a 
layman. During the last two or three years of his residence 
in it he carried on an iron-works in New Castle County. 
The investigations of Mr. Swank, the historian of the 
" Manufacture of Iron in all Ages," have brought to light 
none earlier in Delaware, although the existence of iron 
there was known even to the Dutch. Alexander Spotswood, 
previously Governor of Virginia, came to New Castle in 
September, 1724, on his way to New York to embark for 
England, and spent about a week with Sir William, appre- 
ciating his feelings in regard to Mrs. Penn's instructions, 
and undertaking to be his champion in London. Spotswood 
was very enthusiastic about iron, and may have prompted 
Sir "William to engage in its manufacture. Spotswood's 
visit to Philadelphia in October, 1722, was followed by the 
latter's purchase, by deed of October 29, of two hundred 
and sixteen acres one hundred and thirty-six perches of land 
lying along Christiana Creek, and including part of " the 
iron hills," and his subsequent sojourn with Sir William 
was prior to his erection of the furnace which Swedenborg's 
" De Ferro," published in 1734, quoted by Mr. Swank, says 
was in 1725. The " Just and Plain Vindication of Sir Wil- 
liam Keith," published about the middle of 1726, says that 
he had laid out not only two thousand pounds on a farm, 
but " 4000. in another Place ; where, by Erecting an Iron- 
Work, it is improved to near double the prime Cost, and 
this last Estate, Sir William all along, designed as a Security 
to his Creditors, until they were fully satisfy'd and paid," 
while the " More Just Vindication" answers that scarcely 
any one would take the works as a gift, if obliged to main- 
tain them. Sir William, having increased his estate in New 
Castle County to about eleven hundred acres, conveyed it, 
in February, 1726-27, to John England, in pursuance of an 



Sir William Keith. 21 

agreement, as we find from a legal opinion by Andrew 
Hamilton, that England was to erect sundry works for car- 
rying on the making of pigs and bar-iron, if sufficient ore 
could be found, and Sir William was then to have one-sixth 
of the land and works ; but if sufficient ore could not be 
obtained, England was to reconvey, being first repaid. The 
opinion says that when the agreement was made there was 
a small forge on the land. It turned out that the mine of 
ore was on the land of John Evans, near by. It was said 
lie had agreed to sell to Sir William, but he denied this ; so 
England claimed four hundred and seventy-three pounds six 
shillings seven pence, and the land seems to have remained 
in his possession to satisfy the debt. As to the land which 
Keith took from the Carpenters, and which is generally 
spoken of as " Graeme Park," much has been written by 
Mr. William J. Buck, and, with many facts relating to its 
occupants, can be found in the "History of Montgomery 
County," edited by Bean. 

Mr. William Henry Rawle, in his " Equity in Pennsyl- 
Tania," has treated of the Court of Chancery which Keith 
-established. It remains for us to call attention to the 
laws which he passed. The number of acts of Assembly 
during his term was seventy-five, and but few were re- 
pealed by the King. That allowing the wives of persons 
&t sea to act as femme sok traders has remained in force 
to the present day, a notable monument of a Governor 
who flourished so long ago. It was one of those before 

o o 

him when he told the Councillors that their assent was 
not necessary. On the same day provision was made for 
a work-house, or house of correction, in each county. Of 
the other acts of the same Assembly (October, 1717-May, 
1718), the most important was that for the trial and pun- 
ishment of felony, which in the main continued to be the 
criminal code of Pennsylvania until after the Revolution. 
One, however, perhaps more interesting, empowered the 
justices to fix the price of liquor in taverns,' and also of 
provender for horses in public stables, said prices to be 
proclaimed at the end of the session of the court by the 



22 Sir William Keith. 

crier, and to be posted upon the court-house door. At this 
time no one was allowed to keep a tavern or house of public 
entertainment without a license granted upon the recom- 
mendation of the justices of the county, or, if in the city, 
of its court of record, and the person so licensed could be 
punished for permitting drunkenness or unlawful games. 
In 1721 tavern-keepers were required to give bonds for 
good behavior, and were prohibited from harboring minors 
or servants, from selling on credit to such, and from selling 
without special license to negro or Indian servants. An act 
of 1722 provided for the licensing of ale-houses, where wine 
or distilled spirits were not to be sold. All these restrictions 
upon the liquor business remained in force until the present 
century, as well as certain rules for tanning, currying, and 
other work in leather, and for the price of shoes. In order 
to sell wine or liquor within two miles of any furnace or 
iron-works, an act of March 5, 1725-26, made necessary 
a recommendation from a majority of the owners of the 
works. Almost as notable as thefemme sole traders' act was 
that of February 24, 1720-21, which, in the language of 
Chief Justice Read (21 Penna. St. Hep., 127), " laid the 
foundation of the Pennsylvania system of party-walls, a 
great and radical improvement upon the principles of the 
common law as expounded by the English courts and those 
of Massachusetts and ISTew York." The act provided that the 
city government should appoint surveyors or regulators, who 
should, before any foundation be laid in Philadelphia, set 
out the foundation and prescribe the thickness of the wall, 
said foundation to be laid equally upon the lands which the 
wall was to divide, and the builder of the wall should be 
reimbursed half of the expense, to be ascertained by the 
regulators, of so much as the builder of the adjoining house 
should use. Chief Justice Read says, " This common-sense 
legislation was far in advance of that of the mother-country." 
It was under a law passed by Keith on August 26, 1721, 
that during the past year (1887) persons have been prose- 
cuted for setting off' firearms or fireworks in the city of 
Philadelphia without special license from the Glover nor. 



Sir William Keith. 23 

The law courts of the Province received their permanent 
constitution and powers from an act of 1722, the previous 
acts for the establishment of a judiciary having been re- 
pealed by the King. It is not to his credit that he sanctioned 
the extension to the Province of English statutes putting 
persons to death for lesser crimes than murder. In this re- 
spect, however, he did not go as far as later Governors. He 
mitigated the hardships of civil procedure by providing that, 
except in certain circumstances which may be classified as 
fraudulent, no freeholder who had resided two years in the 
Province, and had fifty acres of land in fee, with twelve of 
his acres cleared, or else fifty pounds' value in a dwelling- 
house or unimproved land, should be arrested in any civil 
action unless at the King's suit, or where a fine should be 
due to the King. As to Keith's part in legislation, his was 
the responsibility for passing the acts in their final shape ; 
but, moreover, Franklin in his autobiography tells us that 
some of the best laws of the Province were of his planning, 
and besides the alterations which he suggested in bills 
which did not emanate from him, his influence, or the 
solicitation of his friends Thomas Beak and Micajah Perry, 
was the means of obtaining the approval of them by the 
British government. 

Sir William Keith was superseded upon the arrival of 
Patrick Gordon, June 22, 1726. In the following autumn 
Sir "William was chosen a member of the Assembly from 
Philadelphia County, and on the day that the House con- 
vened manifested that he had still numerous partisans by 
riding into the little city at the head of eighty horsemen : 
but by a combination of the Proprietary's friends and David 
Lloyd, their life-long opponent, who had now forsaken 
Keith, he was prevented from being chosen Speaker. 

In 1727 he was again elected to the Assembly. In 
March, 1728, he departed from Pennsylvania. This was, 
some said, to avoid prosecution for a certain heavy debt. 
We learn from a contemporary letter that he was already 
under bail in another matter. Perhaps his design was by 
personal interviews to try his powers of persuasion to obtain 



24 Sir William Keith. 

reappointment from Springett Perm, or some office from 
those who had risen to influence by the accession, less than 
a year before, of King George II., with whom, when Prince 
of "Wales, Keith's intercourse had been friendly. Fearing 
detention by creditors, Sir William kept secret his thought 
of leaving. He even waited until the ship had started from 
Philadelphia, then followed her to New Castle in a row-boat 
with one friend, William Chancellor, besides the men who 
rowed them, and there went aboard, nobody in that town 
except the minister, Rev. George Ross, being aware of it, 
although the ship remained several days afterwards in the 
river. Sir William left a letter for the other Assemblymen 
from Philadelphia County, saying that business of impor- 
tance had suddenly called him to Great Britain, whereby he 
could not hope any more that year to attend with them upon 
the country's service. 

He also penned the following farewell address : 

" To SOME OF MY WELL RESPECTED FRIENDS & ACQUAINTANCE 

AT PHILADELPHIA. 

" Now that I am got so far on my voyage towards Great 
Brittain It will be a great part of my entertainment till I 
see you again, to contemplate with no small satisfaction on 
ye agreeable hours we have past together. For as our ac- 
quaintance has been of a pretty long standing, and ye con- 
versation generally attended with an open generous freedom 
which is more valued, and better understood in Europe than 
in any part of America, I am confident that the transition, 
which I shall make from yours into some of ye best com- 
pany, that I have formerly known in England; will be both 
natural and easy to me. 

" Those who with an honest & just design shall happen 
to be inquisitive concerning the reasons that induced me to 
undertake this voyage, so suddenly may receive full satis- 
faction from any of you, that were present in company, 
when I had ye pleasure to communicate my Intentions, & 
for ^ such who purely out of malice or ill will, Doe express 
their Desire of being informed about any part of my con- 
duct, you'll be at no loss to give them a proper answer. 

" The Public good & general wellfare of this Province, 
which will ever be acknowledged by all honest men con- 
cerned, to be perfectly consistent with both ye Prop hon r 



Sir William Kdth. 25 

& his Interest has been perhaps in ye understanding of some 
few, too much my case & in that Respect I am sensible that 
I stand charged with having neglected not only the Interest 
& support of my own family, but also the means, which 
Providence had put into my hands of Discharging the 
obligations which I owed to others. 

" But when men of virtue, & without Prejudice come to 
apply this charge unto one who has acted in a publick 
station, by ye immutable Precepts of morality & Honour, 
They will probably think. That any unfortunate event hap- 
pening to a Person so circumstanced, is very much to be 
regretted Especially when they have had occasion Farther 
to observe^ That even his greatest enemies, after many efforts, 
have not injustice Partiality or neglect in ye whole course 
of his Duty. They will doubtless approve of his fidelity 
to ^ ye Publick, alth it unhappily interfered, with his own 
private Interest & advantage. 

" As the Events of Things are not in ye hands of man 
we only can judge rightly of other mens dangers, by such 
overt acts as evidently declare the Intention of the mind, so 
when a man has faithfully Discharged a Public trust reposed 
in him & has continually showed a chearful readiness, to 
answer every just demand, that could be made upon him, ac- 
cording to his abilities at the time & has likewise applied 
himself with great Industry to promote such Improvements 
as were not only consistent with ye Publick good, but seemed 
also to promise very considerable advantages to the pri- 
vate Interest of his own Family, Let the event be what it will, 
we ought in all justice to conclude, that such a mans views 
were honest, & his Intentions well directed, else we shall 
not doe to others as we would wish in ye like Cases that 
they shall doe unto us, which is not only ye first & greatest 
Law of humanity, But ye very Bond of all society, & ye Rule 
of equal justice, between man & man. 

" The Continual & various Distribution of y e Divine 
Providence to mankind in y e affairs of this Life are evidently, 
beyond y e Reach of our Thoughts, and daily demonstrate y e 
Imperfections, of humane judgement when it is not guarded 
by an entire submission unto, & dependance upon y e will 
of God, which not only prevents indecent complaints of y 
many unforeseen accidents & misfortunes, that often befall 
ourselves but also y e too frequent Presumption of judging 
& determining the course of Providence with Respect to 
others. 

" These & y e like considerations arising now from ex- 



26 Sir William Keith. 

perience, Doe perfectly confirm to me, the opinion which I 
had conceived from my youth, viz : That a great submission 
unto & content with y e Lot that befalls us, is y e only true 
happiness attainable in this Life. For such is y e composi- 
tion, we are made of, that this calm Disposition of y e Soul, 
checks all inordinate Grief, or concern, & at y e same time 
gives an agreeable & full Relish to every enjoyment & 
pleasure, whereas without this one Ingredient, Honours, 
Riches, Youth, Beauty, & every other accession of happi- 
ness, which y e most fluent Imagination can suggest, Doe 
in reality become so many plagues to Torment us with 
e.ndless desires accompanied by y e ungovernable Passions of 
Pride, Envy, Fear, Jealousy, and Revenge, which I hope 
will ever Remain as great strangers amongst you, as I have 
found in you hitherto. 

" I am sensible that you have always taken, but a very 
small share & concern in y e little Politicks of y e place 
where you live. But as it is scarce practicable and by no 
means commendable, for a man of substance, & Business to 
be negligent, or altogether indifferent, about such things, as 
appear to be essential to the wellfare of that community of 
which they are members, & least according to custom, I may 
perhaps in my absence be unjustly charged, with more of y e 
sort, than is consistent with either my Inclinations or Prac- 
tice, I shall in very few words give you my opinion even on 
that subject.' 

" If y e House of Representatives be rightly informed by 
y e merchants and other men of business, concerning y e In- 
terest or Decay of any material Branches of trade as y a 
members of that House are most certainly y e proper judges 
of Peoples necessities They will doubtless prepare & apply 
suitable Remedie for all Publick wants and Grievances, and 
they being so often assured of y e Governers Ready Inclina- 
tions to concurr with them in every thing which they shall 
judge Requisite for y e wellfare of y e Province, It can't with 
sense or Decency be supposed, that his Honour will ever 
Hearken unto counsels, which may possibly create a differ- 
ence in sentiments between him & the Representatives of 
ye people, with Relation to Publick affairs. 

" I Depart now with a firm Resolution, if it Please God, 
to return very speedily, and I leave all y e Remains of my 
family behind, as so many Pledges of my sincere affection, 
& Love to this country, and that all men of Probity of what- 
soever Degree or Profession may be encouraged to promote 
Trade, & Business amongst you, That justice in all its 



Sir William Keith. 27 

Branches may be equally & impartially administred and that 
Peace, Plenty & good neigh bourhood may ever abound in 
Pensilvania Is the sincere, & shall be the constant wish of 
" Your affectionate friend & obliged humble servant 

WILLIAM KEITH. 

" Capes of Delaware from on board ^ 
y e ship Molly Cap* Hudson V 
March the 22 d 1727/8" j 

In England he attempted to communicate with the widow 
Penn, and her children, and in a letter of November 18, 
1728, he acknowledges to Thomas Penn : 

"The overcoming Evil with good, J s a rare but com- 
mendible disposition, especially in young People, since it 
may be truly said to be the perfection of all Moral virtue, 
and I think your self and Brothers may very well claim 
a Title to it by Inheritance. I observe with great Thank- 
fullness, your Condescension to forgive the Interest due on 
that money which I borrowed from Mess" Gouldney & Gee, 
out of regard to my present Circumstances." 

In November, 1728, he presented to the King " A Short 
Discourse on the Present State of the Colonies in America 
with Respect to the Interest of Great Britain," which was 
referred to the Commissioners of Trade, urging the policy 
of fostering those industries, and those only, which did not 
conflict with the industries of the mother-country, and 
representing that if properly encouraged the colonies could 
furnish Britain with as much as she could demand of mast- 
ing for the navy, all sorts of timber, hemp, flax, pitch, tar, 
oil, rosin, copper-ore, pig and bar-iron, by means whereof 
Britain could reduce the balance of trade with Russia and 
the Baltic. He proposed such regulations upon the planta- 
tion trade that all products of the colonies for which the 
manufacture and trade of Britain had a constant demand 
should be transported thither before any other market, 
that woollen goods for the colonies should come from 
Britain only, and linens from Great Britain and Ireland. 
Among certain changes which he thought advantageous in 
the government of the colonies was to send judges from 
England to make circuits by turns throughout North 



28 Sir William Keith. 

America. As the object of this would be to provide 
learned lawyers, his motive in suggesting it could scarcely 
have been his own appointment. He may have aimed at 
the Secretaryship of State for the colonies, the establish- 
ment of which office he also suggested. We do not know 
that he obtained even a clerkship. On April 23, 1731, 
describing himself as in the Parish of St. Margaret, West- 
minster, he conveyed his messuage and nine hundred and 
thirty-four acres ten perches in Horsham, Pennsylvania, 
unto his eldest surviving son, Alexander Henry Keith, and 
others, in trust for Sir William's wife, Dame Ann, with 
power to sell, and pay her the proceeds. They soon sold 
one hundred acres to Shoemaker. 

Sir William joined a company which applied about this 
time for a grant of the land west of Pennsylvania. 

The Gentleman's Magazine for June, 1732, said that he 
had been chosen a member of Parliament for Aberdeen- 
shire in place of Sir Archibald Grant, expelled. This was 
corrected in the next number, to the effect that Sir Arthur 
Forbes had been chosen, and Cobbett's "Parliamentary 
History," saying nothing about Sir William, mentions Sir 
Arthur as the new member. Probably Sir William had 
been a candidate, and at first was supposed to have been 
elected : it is not impossible that he really was elected, and 
that his rival got the certificate. 

The u Historical Review" before quoted, says, 

" There is no man long or much conversant in this over- 
grown city who hath not often found himself in company 
with the shades of departed Governors, doom'd to wander 
out the residue of their lives, full of the agonizing remem- 
brance of their passed eminence, and the severe sensation 
of present neglect. Sir William Keith, upon his return 
was added to this unfortunate list; concerning whom the 
least that can be said is that either none but men of fortune 
should be appointed to serve in such dignified offices ; or, 
otherwise, that for the honour of Government itself such 
as are recalled without any notorious imputation on their 
conduct, should be preserved from that wretchedness and 
contempt which they have been but too frequently per- 
mitted to fall into, for want even of a proper subsistence." 



Sir William Kdih. 29 

He became a prisoner for debt, as the record shows : 

" Sir William Keith Barronett on the Eighteenth day of 
January 1734 Surrendred himself to his Majestys Prison of 
the Fleet before Alexander Denton Esquire one of the Jus- 
tices &ct. In discharge of his Bail at the Suit of John 
Mackubin for Twenty four pounds upon Promise By Oath 
14L 14^. And also in discharge of his Bail at the Suit of 
Benjamin Hodson John Hodson & Edward Maling Execu- 
tors of Robert Hodson deceased for forty pounds upon 
Promise And also in discharge of his Bail at the Suit of 
John Norman for forty pounds Case By Oath 30. And 
on 30 January. 1734 he was charged with a Writt of Habeas 
Corpus re ton able before the Justices at Westmr. on the 
Morrow of the Purification to satisfie John Norman forty 
one pounds Damages adjudged &ct. whereof the said Sr. 
"Wm. Keith is Convicted &ct. Heber. Cooke. And with 
another Habeas Corpus retornable as above to satisfie Ben- 
jamin Hodson John Hodson & Edward Maling Extors. of 
Robert Hodson deced. thirty Two pounds Damages &ct. 
whereof the said Sr. Wm. is convicted &ct. Heber. Cooke. 
And on the 11 Febry. 1734 he was charged with another 
Writt of Habeas Corpus returnable before the Justices at 
Westmr. on Wednesday next after the Octave of the Purifi- 
cation to satisfie John Macubin Twenty seven pounds ten 
shillings Damages &ct. Whereof he is Convicted &ct. 
Risson. Cooke." 

He was less than a year in confinement. On the margin 
of the Macubin matter is marked " 30 Deer. 1735 Disch. by 
Pits. Discharge;" on the margin of the others, "Discharged 
by the Lords Act," viz., the statute authorizing the dis- 
charge of those in prison for less than one hundred pounds 
who were willing to deliver up their effects. He designed 
writing a history of all the British Plantations in America, 
but accomplished only that of Virginia, which was published 
in London in 1738. 

Chief Justice Marshall's " Life of Washington" attributes 
to Sir William Keith the conception of the project of taxing 
America by Act of Parliament. It was suggested by him 
some time before the Spanish War, as the means of pro- 
viding for the common defence of the colonies, and as such 
it was urged by a company having interests there, or a 



30 Sir William Keith. 

" Club of American Merchants," of which he was a member, 
probably the Ohio Company. The proposition, as embodied 
in the two papers on the subject, emanating from this source, 
and supposed to have been written by him, was to raise and 
maintain a military force for the protection of the British col- 
onies, and to establish a general council of their Governors 
to assist the commander-in-chief, and to defray the expense 
by stamp duties similar to those in England, supposed to be 
the easiest method of taxation. These were to be imposed 
by Parliament because the several Assemblies " never could 
be brought in voluntarily to raise such a Fund by any gen- 
eral and equally proportioned Tax among themselves." 
Coxe's " Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole" (page 753) saying 
that soon after the excise scheme, which failed in 1733, Sir 
"William Keith, " who had been deputy-governor of Vir- 
ginia (sic), came over with a plan of an American tax," then 
relates, on the authority of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, that 
Lord Chesterfield, having asked Walpole what he thought 
of it, Walpole replied, " I have old England set against me, 
and do you think I will have new England likewise ?" Yet, 
it is probable that, had the plan then been carried into ex- 
ecution, with as popular an official as Sir William for stamp- 
master, which he may have hoped to be, it would not have 
had the same consequences as a quarter of a century later, 
when the colonies had become more powerful and more 
warlike, and the proceeds of the tax were to go into the 
British treasury. Years after the death of the subject of this 
sketch some of his ideas were acted upon by the British gov- 
ernment, and the two papers were reprinted for its vindica- 
tion as the sentiments " of the greatest friends to America." 
In letters to John Adams, written in 1813, Thomas Mc- 
Kean says, " The Congress at Albany in 1754 . . . was . . . 
in reality to propose the least offensive plan for raising a 
revenue in America. In 1739, Sir William Keith, a Scotch 
gentleman, who had been a lieutenant-governor of Pennsyl- 
vania, proposed such an assembly to the ministry. He also 
proposed the extension of the British stamp-duties to the 
colonies. He was then, I believe, in the Fleet prison. The 



Sir William Keith. 31 

hints he gave were embraced, the first in 1754, the second 
in 1764." (Works of John Adams, vol. x. p. 73, edit. 1856.) 
" The anecdote of Sir William Keith's proposal to the British 
ministry is to be found in the latter end of the 1st volume of 
American Tracts, printed by J. Almon, in London, 1767. It 
had been published in London in 1739, and is titled < A pro- 
posal for establishing by act of parliament the duties upon 
stamped paper and parchment in all the British colonies.' 
Part of the anecdote I had by tradition, and in a novel, 
'Peregrine Pickle.' " (Ibid., p. 80.) 

Keith published in London in 1740 "A Collection of 
Papers and other Tracts, written occasionally on Various 
Subjects. To which is prefixed, By way of Preface, an 
Essay on the Nature of a Publick Spirit." It is dedicated 
to the Duke of Montagu. It reached a second edition in 
1749. In the dedication, the author says the papers were 
written at different times and by starts, purely for amuse- 
ment, " to pass away the hours that a tedious attendance on 
the fair but empty promises of great men in Power had 
rendered tiresome to the mind." The Collection includes, 
however, his report to the Board of Trade in February, 
1718-19, concerning the French settlements and his discourse 
presented to the King in 1728. The other pieces, besides 
the essay on Publick Spirit, are " The Citizen," " A Dis- 
sertation on the Liberty of the Subject in Great Britain," 
" An Essay on the Education of a Young British Nobleman 
after he has left the Schools," " Observations on the Office 
of an Ambassador," " A Discourse on the Medium of Com- 
merce," " Some useful Observations on the Consequences 
of the present War with Spain." These are worthy of at- 
tention for their presentation of British interests and their 
philanthropic philosophy, although a critic of style would 
not call the author more than Franklin calls him, viz., " a 
pretty good writer." In the article on the war with Spain, 
Sir William urges an expedition for the conquest of Cuba. 
In the " Citizen," purporting to be the debates of a society 
of London merchants, he sets forth views on current events, 
gives advice for married life, and moralizes upon the vanity 



32 Sir William Keith. 

of learning and science when not pursued for practical use- 
fulness. He doubts if mankind is much indebted to those 
who can boast of great reputation in divinity, mathematics, 
physic, law, natural philosophy, or antiquities, and points 
out that attainments in certain studies have served chiefly 
to enable designing men to impose upon their fellows. Of 
the chronologists, medalists, etc., the pioneers of historical 
criticism, he says that some of them " act the Part of 
Executioners, and Manglers of ancient History, by intro- 
ducing their conjectural Criticisms, in Contradiction to the 
most material Facts, and the best vouched Relations of 
Things." He sees with regret the abolition of distinction 
in dress between the different ranks of society, attributes 
it to a " sordid itch" in persons of quality to follow low 
pleasures, and warns them that " when Irreligion is become 
a fashionable Sort of Wit in all Companies, and the open, 
bare-faced Practice of Immorality, a polite Taste with the 
Men of Rank, it is unavoidable but that the same Ideas and 
Relish of Life will be gradually diffused among the Com- 
mons, and consequently tend to a lawless and universal 
Contempt of the Civil Power." In The Education of a 
Nobleman, he laments that there are men in learned so- 
cieties who "have a higher Ambition to correct and ex- 
plain an obscure, or perhaps an obscene Passage in Plautus 
or Terence, than to eradicate a vice out of human Society." 
On July 31, 1740, Lady Ann, wife of Sir William, died; 
her remains were interred in the yard of Christ Church, 
Second Street, Philadelphia. It is not known that she ever 
saw him after his leaving the colony. Watson, who calls 
her Sir William's " widow," says that " unnoticed and al- 
most forgotten" she lived and died in a small wooden house, 
Third Street above Market, where, " much pinched for sub- 
sistence, she eked out her existence with an old female ; and 
declining all intercourse with society, or with her neigh- 
bours." The deed of August 16, 1737, for the balance of 
the estate at Horsham recites that she had been obliged for 
her support to contract large debts, for the payment of which 
and her future support the Trustees, at her request, had sold 



Sir William Keith. 33 

the eight hundred and thirty-four acres at public sale for 
seven hundred and fifty pounds Pennsylvania money. In 
December following the purchaser reconveyed to her son- 
in-law, Dr. Graeme, who, we believe, notwithstanding the 
language of Watson, never allowed Lady Ann to starve. 

On October 5, 1741, died without issue Sir William's 
heir-apparent, Alexander Henry Keith, Esquire, some years 
Collector of the Customs at New Castle on the Delaware, 
and whose wife, Thomasine, was a daughter of Anthony 
Palmer of Kensington, the Councillor. So the family ap- 
pears to have been reduced to a son, Eobert Keith, who, 
under the patronage of his celebrated kinsman General 
James Keith, brother of the last Earl Marischal, became a 
captain in the Russian army, and following that hero into 
the army of Frederick the Great about the beginning of 
1748, was soon made a lieutenant- colonel and one of the 
King's aides-de-camp. 

The records of the Fleet Prison preserved in the Public 
Records Office in London do not enable us to say whether 
Sir William was again in confinement, as the commitment 
book 'for 1749 is missing. At any rate, he died in the Old 
Bailey, which part of London was a liberty of the Fleet, but 
where he may have resided because it afforded cheap lodg- 
ing. He died November 18, 1749, in the seventieth year of 
his age. Some notices incorrectly call him ten years older. 
Letters of administration upon his estate were granted by 
the Register of Wills of New Castle County on the Delaware 
to Gideon Griffith, who was sheriff of the county. 

The baronetcy has remained dormant. Robert Keith, on 
December 11, 1750, married, in Berlin, Margaret Albertina 
Conradina von Suchin, daughter of one of the King's Coun- 
cillors, but subsequently became colonel in the Danish army, 
in which he rose to the rank of major-general, and was at 
one time commandant at Hamburg. He had two sons, 
Frederick William, born in 1751, and Robert George, born in 
1752, the former being a lieutenant in his Danish Majesty's 
guards at the time that the account in Douglas's " Baronage" 
was written. Nothing later is known to us of the family. 
VOL. xn. 3 



34 John Heckewelder' 's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 



NAEEATIVE OF JOHN HECKEWELDEE'S JOUENEY 
TO THE WABASH IN 1792. 

(Continued from Vol. XL page 475.) 

On the morning of the 26 th of June, Gen. Putnam and I 
at last proceeded on our journey down the Ohio. In our 
vessel manned by nine men, there were several gentlemen, 
passengers to Gallipolis. We landed at Bellepree, visited 
friends and saw the beautiful new settlement. This colony 
consists, as was mentioned before, of three stations or forti- 
fications, about a mile and a half distant from each other, 
situated on a bluff of the Ohio about sixty feet high. The 
upper one named Stone's Station 1 lies directly above the 
Little Kanawa River, where there is also a small settle- 
ment of Virginians. Here there is a beautiful island, four 
miles long. 2 The soil in this neighborhood is remarkably 
fertile, and inhabitants as well as cattle show plainly that 
they are living in a goodly land. We spent the night with 
Major [Nathan] Goodale at the lower station. Soon after 
we had started on the morning of the 27 th and had passed by 
one of the dwellings destroyed by the Indians, we saw two 
hostile Indians. "When they discovered us, they attempted 
to conceal themselves among the high weeds. At noon we 
rode by many neglected farms. In the evening at 9 o'clock 
we reached the Great Kanawa, formerly called New River. 
This is the spot where in 1774, Col. Lewis had a severe en- 
gagement with the Shawanese in which the latter were 
totally defeated. The Yirginian government gave Col. 
Lewis, as acknowledgment of his services, a grant of 9000 
acres of land on which he has for seven years been laying 
out a town, now consisting of 30 houses, named Point Pleas- 

1 [It was situated on the Ohio, two miles above Farmer's Castle.] 

2 [Blennerhasset's Island.} 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 35 

ant. It is very beautifully situated on a high hank. The 
Kanawa, ahout as broad as the Lehigh at Bethlehem, flows 
past the lower part of the town, and then empties into the 
Ohio. Fifteen miles above this river, there is a spring which 
burns as soon as it comes in contact with fire. It was dis- 
covered by a Virginian hunter, who spent the night near it. 
At night he went with a lighted torch to get a drink, a spark 
from the brand fell into the water which immediately rose 
up in flames and frightened the hunter so dreadfully, that he 
left in haste. The spring is now visited by many gentlemen 
travelling down the Ohio, and they tell me, that when it has 
been set on fire, it usually burns for about three quarters of 
an hour. It does not however burn down to the ground, 
but only to the surface of the water. A man who had been 
scalped and tomahawked 1 by the Indians was found here in 
the water a few days ago. We rode on this same evening to 
the French settlement of Gallipolis situated on the North 
bank of the Ohio between three and four miles from the 
Eiinawa. Here we spent the whole of the following day in 
visiting the skilled workmen and the gardens laid out in 
European style. The most interesting shops of the work- 
men were those of the goldsmiths and watchmakers. They 
showed us work on watches, compasses and sun-dials, finer 
than any I had ever beheld. Next in interest were the 
sculptors and stonecutters. The latter had two finished 
mantles, most artistically carved. Gen. Putnam at once 
purchased one of them for 12 Guineas, the other was in- 
tended for a rich Dutch gentleman who has built a two- 
story house here, 50 ft. long. The upper part of a mantle 
was lying there, ordered by a Spanish gentleman in New 
Orleans, 2 which because of the fine workmanship upon it, 

1 1 presume that my readers are aware of the fact that, the savages of 
North America carry home as a trophy of war, the front head skin, called 
scalp, of their defeated foes. Tomahawk means in their language an 
axe with which they cut down their foes or prisoners or those who are 
unable to proceed on their homeward march. 

2 New Orleans is the capital of the Spanish province of Louisiana sit- 
uated at the mouth of the Mississippi. This river forms the boundary 
line between the Free States and the Spanish province. The Ohio, on 



36 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

was to cost 20 or 22 guineas. The worker in glass, seemed 
to be a born artist. He made us a thermometer, a barome- 
ter, a glass tobacco-pipe, a small bottle (which could con- 
tain about a thimble full) and a most diminutive stopper, 
and a number of works of art besides. He also manufac- 
tured precious medicine, nitric acid, etc. As we were on a 
journey and were in daily need of light and fire, he presented 
us with a glass full of dry stuff, which burns as soon as a 
match is applied. This stuff he told us was manufactured 
from bones. Concerning the fine gardens I must add the 
following, viz : that in them were to be found the most 
beautiful flowers, artichokes, and almond trees, and besides 
many fine vineyards, and some rice fields. At a distance of 
about 100 steps from the Ohio, there is a round hill which 
probably dates its origin, from the former inhabitants of this 
land as also the remarkable fortifications and buildings to be 
found in this country. This hill about 80 ft high, has been 
improved as a beautiful pleasure garden, with a pretty sum- 
mer-house on the top. The town of Gallipolis consists of 
150 dwellings. The inhabitants number between 3 and 400. 
A detachment of from 50 to 60 men of the regular army is 
stationed here for their protection. Besides a few Virginia 
spies or scouts, are kept and paid by the government. The 
militia are also willing to serve for remuneration. The 
Chikemage Creek flows back of the town, and below it 
empties into the Ohio. Fine boats are also manufactured 
in this town ; our vessel is one of them. At noon we dined 
with the most prominent French gentlemen of the place, at 
the house of the judge and doctor, M r Petit. Among the 
officers who were there as guests, there was one, by the 
name of Dimler, who told me, that he was a friend of the 

family E and that to the best of his knowledge, he 

had friends in Bethlehem. 

Early on the morning of the 29 th a new bark canoe passed 

whose banks Gallipolis is situated, empties into the Mississippi, and is 
navigated by the inhabitants. There is therefore considerable trade 
carried on with the Spanish inhabitants of Kentucky and several settle- 
ments along the Ohio. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 37 

along the banks, a sign that Indians must be in the neigh- 
borhood, who had returned from the war beyond the Ohio. 
"We started from here at 5 o'clock in the morning, and crossed 
the Gyandotte, a river which empties into the Ohio on the 
Virginia shore. Wild turkeys and deer were seen in great 
numbers on the banks of the Ohio. At half-past five in the 
afternoon, we crossed the Big Sandy, a very beautiful river 
emptying into the Ohio from the South, and forming the 
boundary line between Virginia and Kentucky. Here we 
found frequent traces of buffaloes along the river-bank. 
We left our boat float the whole night on the river, not 
without a guard, however, for now we were obliged to pass 
the most dangerous point, viz., the Sciota. For several 
years many passing Kentucky boats had been attacked and 
seized by the enemy; the Indians having provided them- 
selves with boats in order to make their attack. It is said 
that within two years about 150 people have either lost their 
lives or been led into captivity from this place. We were 
fortunate enough to be enveloped in a dense fog during the 
whole night until 9 o'clock the next morning, so that when 
it had dispersed we found ourselves eight miles below the 
Sciota river. 

The whole stretch of land on both sides of the Ohio, yes- 
terday and to-day, was very pleasing to the eye. There were 
many round hills frequently covered by chestnut trees,. and 
as they were now in blossom, they added greatly to the 
beauty of the landscape. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, we 
discovered a Kentucky boat at a place from which we could 
conclude that it had been taken there by the Indians some 
time ago. Soon after we reached the three Sandy Islands 
(a passage of the Indians to Kentucky) where we met a few 
white scouts, who had gone out to reconnoitre. We arrived 
at Mercer's station at 4 o'clock (the latest maps call the 
place Massey's Town) on the north bank of the Ohio, where 
there are about 30 families in a fort. Here there is an 
island in the Ohio, two miles long, almost entirely covered 
with Indian corn. From this point we met Kentuckians 
both on the river and land, who had gone out either to 



38 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

hunt or fish, or for other occupations. "When we reached 
Limestone, 1 at 6 o'clock in the evening, where we took 
our supper, we observed this class of people and their 
peculiar mode of life, with astonishment. This place is in 
a manner the entrance to Kentucky where most boats (or all 
boats going to the waterfalls of the Ohio) land, unload and 
continue overland on their journey to the more inhabited 
neighborhoods and places, like Washington, Lexington, etc. 
The inhabitants of this town live in idleness and poverty, and 
for support depend upon what they can lay hold of from the 
travellers to whom they occasionally lend assistance when in 
difficulty. I counted 56 large millstones lying around on 
the banks ready to be taken away by the owners. The 
town stands on a bluff 70 feet high on the south side of the 
Ohio. At 9 o'clock in the evening we started, and left the 
boat glide down with the current ; a slight contrary wind 
blowing, and the current not being strong, we only made 12 
miles through the night, to a station in Kentucky, where we 
breakfasted. The whole region, from Limestone down for 
twenty miles, is inhabited on the south side by Kentuckians, 
At 8 o'clock we arrived at the Ten-Mile Reach, so called, 
because the Ohio flows a straight distance of ten miles, with 
flat low banks on both sides, and it would appear, as if this 
were its mouth. In the evening at 5 we passed the town of 
Columbia, and took up our quarters with Major [Benjamin] 
Stites. This man who is from Jersey has purchased a tract 
of 20,000 acres from Judge Symmes 2 and has laid out a town 
upon it. The lots which are a half acre in size are sold at 7 
sh. 6 d., and those situated outside of the town, belonging to 
it, 5 acres in size, amount to as much. The town is situated 
on the Little Miami and Ohio. On the former there is a 
ship-mill. There are many well built houses, and the town 
is finely situated. The present number of inhabitants ex- 
ceeds 1100. They are provided with two Baptist preach- 



f * Maysville.] 

[ 2 John Cleves Symmes, who, in 1788, was appointed judge for the 
North West Territory.] 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 39 

ers, 1 Smith and Clark. Judge Groforth whom we visited, 
also resides here. The only disadvantage of this place is, 
that part of the land is inundated by high water. Walnut 
and Locust trees cover a great portion of it. Two military 
posts have been erected several miles behind the town as 
protection to the neighborhood. 

On the 2 d of July, after breakfast, we left Columbia and 
reached the town of Cincinnati at 9 o'clock. Fort "Wash- 
ington is situated there, and Gen. Putnam was greeted upon 
his arrival by a salute of 9 cannon shots. Lodgings were 
assigned to me with Gen. Putnam in Fort Washington, but I 
declined and went to a landlord in the town, by the name of 
Martin, formerly from Sussex County, New Jersey. After 
having rested a little Gen. Putnam and I visited the 56 
Indian women and children, prisoners in the stockade from 
the Eel River 2 and Wawiachtenos Nations, brought captive 
a year ago by Gen. [Charles] Scott and [James] Wilkinson 
from Kentucky. Putnam told them that they would soon 
be released, and that in a few days he would rejoice their 
hearts, whereupon they expressed themselves very grate- 
fully. About 1 o'clock in the afternoon, Gen. Wilkin- 
son, the Commandant, arrived here; a week ago he had 
visited the forts as far as Jefferson, 3 with a company of 
Kentucky militia. He brought the sad intelligence that 
about 100 warriors, on the day before his arrival, had sur- 

1 The doctrines of this religious party, so numerous in the American 
Free States, are contained in the 5th Vol. page 258 etc. of this selection. 

2 The Eel river flows in an unexplored region of the Western Terri- 
tory, 41 North Latitude. It, with other tributaries forms the Wabash. 
During the late war this part of the country became better known by 
scouting parties, who coming from Kentucky, destroyed the dwellings 
of the Indians. 

3 Jefferson is the present name for the most northern Fort in the 
northwestern territory of the Free States. It is situated on the west 
bank of the Miami. A line of forts extend from Fort Washington on 
the Ohio to Jefferson in order to protect the new settlers of this fruitful 
land against the savages. The situation of these forts is clearly given, 
on the map of the Western territory of North America which Imlay has 
added to his description of this region of country. This map also shows 
plainly Mr. Heckewelder's travelling route. 



40 John Heckewelder* s Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

prised a guard of 14 men, placed there to watch a band 
of workmen. The Indians had either killed them all, or 
taken them captive. If we consider that this unfortunate 
day was the one appointed by Gen. Putnam for his negoti- 
ations with the hostile Indians in Fort Jefferson, and that 
our messages had been delivered promptly and in good 
time, one can easily conclude, that this expedition had 
been directed against us, and that their intention was to 
give us an answer, by aiming a tomahawk at our heads. 
General Putnam's instructions were to travel on direct to 
Fort Jefferson, and tarry there until the return of the mes- 
sengers of peace, in order to receive their answer and 
await the Mohican Indian, Capt. Hendricks. He con- 
cluded however to depart from these instructions, and 
remain until he could learn how the messengers of peace 
had fared. 

On the 3 d Messrs. Yanderburgh, Yigo and Beard arrived 
here from Post-Vineennes. Five men and one woman 
came with them, from the "Wawiachtenos Nation accom- 
panied by a guard and their errand was, to seek and help 
to take away their captive friends. This fact was made 
known to the prisoners before night, the guard within the 
stockade was called away, and the gate opened, but for the 
safety of the prisoners, a guard was placed outside of it. It 
was touching to witness the loud outbursts of weeping 
when relatives met. The gentlemen from Yincennes men- 
tioned above, brought the tidings that the Indians from 
their neighborhood had declared that the three messengers 
of peace, Trueman, Freeman and Hardin 1 had been mur- 
dered by hostile Indians, and that their papers and belts 2 

1 [They were released from captivity after the defeat of the Indians by 
General Wayne at Fallen Timbers.] 

2 Upon the occasion of an agreement or treaty of peace it was custom- 
ary for the messengers of peace, to begin their proposals by the presen- 
tation of several belts of Wampum. This Wampum is a girdle consist- 
ing of different strings upon which bright shells have been strung. It 
is composed of four, six or more strands of this kind, is three or four 
fingers wide, and several feet long. Important treaties are ratified by the 
presentation of this belt, as well among Europeans as among Indians. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 41 

had been seen in the villages of the savages. On July 
4 th , the anniversary of the independence of the United 
States, 15 cannon shots were fired in the morning at six 
o'clock, and again at noon, while the assembled officers 
were dining ; and in the evening as a close of the day. All 
salutes were fired from a six pounder. Judge Symmes had 
come to attend this festival from North Bend, 15 miles 
down the Ohio, where he owns an estate. 

I spent my time on the 5 th and 6 th taking walks and view- 
ing the town. The well known Col. Menzies, 1 Inspector of 
the troops in the service of the United States, and Lawyer 
Smith, visited me in turns. The town of Cincinnati was 
laid out by Judge Symmes. He was formerly judge in 
New Jersey, and at present fills the same office in the 
Western Territory, northwest of the Ohio river. A few 
years ago he purchased from Congress, the whole tract of 
land, lying between the Big and Little Miami, as far as 
the Ohio river, and about 30 miles north of the two 
named rivers. The ground upon which the town stands, 
is a plain along the Ohio about two miles long, and ex- 
tending northward seven miles along the road. The town 
is in a manner divided into two parts, as one, or a second 
shore of the Ohio is 140 perches from the real banks of 
the Ohio. Each of these banks is 40 ft., high, and on ac- 
count of its situation or straight line, very pleasant to 
the eye. What lies below this second bank, is called the 
lower town ; the upper town is however connected with the 
lower one. At present there are 354 surveyed lots pur- 
chased and used for building purposes. Four acres outside 
of the town, belong to every lot within the town. The 
price of the lots was at first from four to eight dollars per 
lot, and twenty dollars an acre for the lots outside of the 
town. The rush is however so great at present, that lots 
are being sold at from $30 to $60 cash, from the second 
purchaser. More than 200 houses have been built, many 
of which are two stories high, well-built and painted red. 
They command a rent of from 50 to 60 dollars per year. 

1 [Menzius.] 



42 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

In the centre of the upper town, there are two large 
squares, the one intended for a Court House, and the other 
for a Church. On the latter a fine Church is being "built, 
and under roof. The streets of the town are everywhere four 
perches wide. All the lots which have been surveyed are en- 
closed with good posts and Indian corn, wheat, oats, barley, 
millet, potatoes and turnips are cultivated in them. There 
are eight open roads leading from East to West, and six 
from South to North, pleasant for walking, there being no 
obstacles in the way, on the one road for } of a mile, and on 
the other for J a mile. At the east end of the town, and on 
the second height, lies Fort Washington, built similar to 
Campus Martins in Marietta, the roof and palisades on the 
front are painted red. Near the fort, there are some very 
fine, large gardens, in which vegetables and fine flowers are 
cultivated. Tasty summer-houses have been built in them, 
the most prominent of these belong to Gen. Wilkinson and 
D r [Richard] Allison. Just below Fort Washington there 
are long low buildings forming a square, where the me- 
chanics in the service of the United States army work; it is 
also a storehouse for provisions. The inhabitants of this 
city number more than 900, not counting the garrison and 
its belongings. This does not contain any positive number, 
but at present consists of about 200 men. The city has its 
judges and holds regular courts. The military wish to govern, 
but the city insists upon its rights under the constitution, and 
in consequence frequent quarrels ensue. The city is over- 
run with merchants, and overstocked with goods. More than 
30 magazines or warehouses can be counted, so that one 
injures the price of the other. It is a town teeming with 
idlers, and according to the report of respectable persons, they 
are a people resembling Sodom. Yet they hope that this 
place, as well as the others on the north bank of the Ohio, 
will perhaps in time, or soon, be purged of this wicked 
class, for experience teaches, that as soon as they are made 
subject to the law, they leave for Kentucky which lies just 
across the Ohio, and if they are stopped there, they push 
on to the extreme boundary along the Clinch or Cumber- 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 43 

land river, or even down as far as New Orleans. Here I 
met the wellknown Weisser, who had last year fallen 
among the conscripts : he participated in the expedition of 
Nov. 4 th and was wounded there. He was frightened when 
he heard that I was from Bethlehem, and acted as a penitent 
sinner ; said, with many tears, that no sin he had committed, 
lay so heavily upon his conscience and pained him as much, 
as that one, that he had belied, and deceived the congregation 
of God. He remarked at the same time, that from that 
time on he had had no more success in the world, but was 
obliged to support himself in a troublesome way, with much 
uneasiness of heart. I merely said to him : " He who can 
look into the heart, whom no one can deceive, the same is 
God, a just judge." He answered : " That I must now 
most powerfully feel." He spoke to me upon another occa- 
sion again and begged me to take a letter asking for pardon, 
along to Bethlehem, but his behaviour was such, that I 
could not pay any more attention to him. Although, ac- 
cording to the description, this city consists principally of 
bad inhabitants yet a clergyman resides there. The present 
one belongs to the Presbyterian church. 1 I was really as- 
tonished to find so many, and partly attentive listeners in the 
Sunday services. What adds to the beauty of the city of 
Cincinnati, and contributes to its advantages, is the fact, that 
just opposite, on the south side of the Ohio, the beautiful 
Licking River (about } as broad as the Lehigh) empties 
into it. A city has also been located and begun there, which 
is called New-Port. From the mouth of this river, which 
flows from a rich inhabited country, a main road leads to 
Lexington, the capital of Kentucky. They expect that in 
future a lively traffic from there to this place, and from here 
down the Mississippi may be carried on. At present two 
ferries are maintained here, one of them belongs to a Ger- 
man by the name of Pickel, a former inhabitant of the neigh- 
borhood of Bethel, 2 and who, as he says, diligently frequented 
the Brethren's meetings during the time of TilPs, Reizen- 

1 [Query, Eev. James Kemper.l 

2 [A Moravian congregation in Lancaster, now Lebanon Co., Pa.] 



44 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

bach's, Huebner's and Schlegel's ministry. This Pickel told 
me, that he, when he moved down here and was with other 
Germans from Monongahela in a boat on their way to New 
Spain, was called a heretic by them, and they sought to take 
his life, but he escaped. From Pastor Man in Harrods- 
burg, Kentucky, 60 miles from here, I received almost 
daily tidings. He is highly spoken of here ; he serves two 
congregations, composed chiefly of Germans, and preaches 
both English and German. 

On the 7 th at 9 o'clock, A.M. two men, a woman and a 
large boy, who had gone in a canoe to Columbia were at- 
tacked by the Indians about a mile and a half from here. 
One man was killed and scalped, the other shot through 
the shoulder, and the boy was carried away prisoner. The 
woman who from fear, fell into the water was carried down 
some distance by the stream, reached the land safely and 
brought the news here. The militia was immediately called 
to arms to march out, brought in the wounded man, and 
the body of the dead one. They at once cut out the ball 
from the former and the wound was declared not dangerous. 
However the head of the other was dreadfully mangled. 

Sunday the 8 th in the morning the resident minister 
preached, and in the afternoon a Baptist clergyman from 
Columbia. The rain which had fallen yesterday and day be- 
fore, caused the Ohio to rise 11 feet on the 9 th . The high 
water enabled several heavily laden Kentucky boats from 
Pittsburgh to arrive here. As they passed the Sciota, a 
number of Indians fired into them, they had already entered 
their canoes in order to take possession of their boats, but 
three others some distance behind, well armed, fired off 
their guns. Hereupon the Indians had to give up their in- 
tentions for this time. One of these boats had received 12 
shots, but no one was hurt. 

On the 12 th William Wells arrived here from Louisville. 
This Wells was a boy 12 years old who on his way to school, 8 
years ago, was taken prisoner by the Eel River Wawiachtenos 
and afterwards adopted into the family of their Sachem or 
leader, where he learned their language, became a good 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 45 

huntsman and useful man. He also took part in the engage- 
ment of Nov. 4 th , and gives good, thorough and reliable ac- 
counts of all that has happened there, he has made known 
where the cannons of the Indians lie buried. As his adopted 
father Gawiahaetle (that is Hedgehog) had given him his 
freedom this spring and besides allowed him to go wherever 
he pleased, also to visit his brother in Kentucky; he first 
went to Post-Vincennes where he found an opportunity to 
go to his brother in the neighborhood of Louisville. Gen. 
Putnam being obliged to have an interpreter, and there being 
no one here who could speak with the prisoners, he sent for 
"Wells, and took him into the service of the United States. 
Here he found the rest of his adopted relations, his mother 
and sisters ; when they met, they shed many tears. 

Early on the 14 th a special messenger arrived from Fort 
Jefferson with the news, that two soldiers, one of whom had 
served in Gen. Harmer's company and the other a prisoner 
captured by the savages on Nov. 4 th , when a good distance 
from the fort, hoeing corn, agreed to desert and successfully 
carried out their purpose. However the soldiers were taken 
back on the 15 th with an escort of light cavalry and were 
afterwards cross-examined by a judge in presence of Gen. 
Putnam and put under oath to speak nothing but the truth. 
They had both been taken prisoner by the Pottowattami 
tribe, and one of them, a German by the name of Schaefer, 
could speak the language quite well. According to their 
reports the Nations wished to hear of no propositions for 
peace until they saw that all forts and settlements on this side 
of the Ohio were abandoned and removed. Besides two 
peace messengers, Trueman and Freeman, had certainly been 
killed for the Indians had shown them their scalps, clothes, 
papers and belts, with the remark : " thus we will in future 
treat all peace messengers and deserters." Of Colonel Hardin 
they knew nothing further than that they had been told, that 
he and his companions had met with a similar fate. They gave 
further news of all the parties that had started' out this sum- 
mer, and said that Simon Girty has been personally present 
at the last attack upon Fort Jefferson, made by more than 



46 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

100 Indians. Altogether the reports were found reliable and 
agreed with what we had already learned. News came to- 
day from Fort Jefferson that a party of Indians had last 
night, which had been particularly dark, driven away all 
the cattle, penned up in the palisades of the fort, and that 
Indians had been seen every day. From Columbia the 
news came to-night that about 30 Indians had been there and 
taken three men captive. A strong company of cavalry 
was sent in pursuit of them, they followed their trail for 40 
miles, but the Indians had entered a swamp and the horses 
could proceed no farther. 

On the 16 th in the morning the Wawiachtenos Head-chief 
died suddenly. He was one of those mentioned as having 
lately come from Post Vincennes. At his funeral on the 
17 th , by order of Gen. Putnam and Wilkinson, every military 
honor was shown him and three salutes fired over his grave. 
The majority of Indians followed his remains, one of them 
carrying a white flag on a long pole, which he afterwards 
planted at the head of the grave. The procession marched 
in the best order, accompanied by the most prominent 
gentlemen of the place. The funeral march was beaten on 
the drum draped in mourning. They granted him a resting 
place in the cemetery believing that this might be of ad- 
vantage to them, among the relatives as well as among the 
Nation in general. Malicious people dug up the body 
again at night, tore down the flag and post, threw them 
into a mud-hole and dragged the body down along the 
street and stood it up there. The generals had the body 
burried again immediately in the morning and a flag 
raised. Governor Winthorp's secretary issued a proclama- 
tion offering 100 dollars reward for the discovery of the 
perpetrators. On the following night however the flag 
and proclamation were torn down, but the body remained 
unmolested. For a second time a new flag was raised, a 
guard placed near by, and nothing further happened. On 
the 19 th the chief of the Indians spoke to Gen. Putnam 
about the release of the prisoners. He wished Putnam 
to accompany them personally to the Wabash and be- 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 47 

lieved that if he did this, he would find an opportunity to 
announce to those Indians the peaceful intentions of the 
United States. He added that if they were obliged to re- 
main here any longer, they would surely all die, and if they 
must die, they preferred to die and he buried in their own 
land. Putnam thereupon answered them that he had post- 
poned their journey for 30 days. On Sunday 22 d on the 
parade ground, the verdict was read and executed on a 
soldier, who had attempted a revolt. He was obliged to 
run the gauntlet, have his head shaved, a collar put around 
his neck and in this manner be drummed out of the fort 
and city. He had formerly been tied to the Wheelbarrow 
in Philadelphia. At noon young M r Stites arrived at Co- 
lumbia with the news that Indians had again been seen 
near that city and were followed by the militia. 

On the 24 th by invitation of a Kentucky gentleman I 
crossed the Ohio to visit him. Fort Washington and Cin- 
cinnati present a very pleasant view from this side. On 
the 28 th Gen. Wilkinson, with an escort of light cavalry 
went to his favorite place, Fort Hamilton. 

On the 29 th the Presbyterian minister spoke with earnest- 
ness upon the importance of man's conversion. He used 
this expression among others : " that in this matter we could 
not speculate, the choice was free to all, without price and 
merit, to accept grace and thereby to become saved, or re- 
main unsaved, and be eternally lost." 

On the 4 th and 5 th of August the Ohio rose to such an 
extent, that on the latter evening it was 12 ft. high. M r 
Clark, a Baptist clergyman, from Columbia preached twice 
in this church. He described the natural man in his sin and 
nakedness, showed how necessary it is to be converted and 
pointed out the path which he must then follow. He praised 
God's compassion, and directed all sinners to Jesus the cruci- 
fied one. He also spoke of the fruits of conversion whereby 
a regenerate person could be recognized. He gave an ac- 
count of his own conversion and how he had sought and 
found grace. The clergyman expressed himself very severely 
about those who regard this matter heedlessly or frivolously 



48 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

and depicted to them the fire of hell as very dreadful and hot. 
In regard to the Indian war he said among the rest : " God 
has placed us here in order to be punished for our sins. 
For this purpose he makes use even of the heathen and as 
long as we do not change our course and become converted, 
this chastisement will continue." He mentioned Nov. 4 th as 
an example and related how already under the old dispensa- 
tion God had made use of the heathen to punish his peculiar 
people when they had fallen into unbelief, disobedience and 
idolatry, etc. He also said " I certainly believe that we too 
are a scourge to the heathen because they do not ask after 
God." He hoped however that a time might come when all 
the heathen of this country would seek the only true God 
and a crucified Saviour and obey and serve Him. As we 
were coming out of the church, I heard several gentlemen 
saying to each other : " That man ought to have been torn 
down and thrown from the pulpit, he wants to declare every- 
thing to us as sinful, and yet he had Jesus Christ on his lips, 
who was nothing more than a carpenter ! Had he spoken 
of God's omnipotence and perhaps given some good moral 
lessons besides, for example, how men should act towards 
each other, we would have listened to him, and allowed his 
sermon to pass, but his whole subject is nothing, he is only 
a disturber of the peace and a turmoiler etc." 

On the 6 th several people, who wished to go from Colum- 
bia to Dunlaps Station on horseback, were attacked by 
about 15 Indians. One of them was killed and another was 
wounded. 

On the 10 th a company of 60 men, under the leadership 
of Captain [William] Peters, who were to act as escort to the 
Indian prisoners on the journey to the Wabash arrived 
here. 

On the 11 th four large boats loaded with war supplies 
arrived from Pittsburgh. 

On the 12 th I went after preaching to dine at a gentleman's 
house in Kentucky. 

On the 13 th the Indians made attacks at three different 
places. At Fort St. Clair they shot a soldier through the 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 49 

hat. At Dunlaps Station they wounded three men, of 
whom one died. At Fort Hamilton they stole 17 horses, 
but the owners who belong to the Kentucky militia and are 
in the service of the United States, followed them up, 
killed one of them, and brought their horses back again. 

On the 14 th Gen. Wilkinson returned from Fort Hamilton, 
where he is having a fine house built and will in future take 
up his residence there. According to all descriptions the 
country is very beautiful and surrounded by large meadows, 
on which 2000 tons of hay were cut this year. The Miami 
that flows by the Fort is said to be full of fish. 

On the 16 th all the Indians who had been prisoners here for 
more than a year and who, as the mustering officer informed 
me, had cost the United States $60,000 accompanied by four 
other boats and under an escort of 60 men, besides their in- 
terpreter "Wells, started from here for Post Yincennes. 

On the 18 th Gen. Putnam and I followed in our barge. 
Capt. Collis and D r [Samuel] Boyd accompanied us as far 
as Louisville as passengers. The former had gone in 1786 
with brethren from Bethlehem to St. Croix, but has now 
settled in Kentucky, the latter has just come from Gen. 
Hand at Lancaster and has consented to accept an appoint- 
ment in the army. In our company there was also one of 
the before mentioned Yanderburghs from Post Yincennes, 
who wishes again to return with us. Seven miles below 
Cincinnati, we passed a small settlement on the north side 
of the Ohio, called the South Bend, situated on the land 
belonging to Symmes. Eight miles farther on we passed 
North Bend, where there is a small town and larger settle- 
ment, belonging to this gentleman, who resides here. It is 
really surprising to see how the people have settled and culti- 
vated this country, which five years ago was a wilderness. 
There are between 300 and 400 inhabitants in this neighbor- 
hood living partly in the town and partly on the farms. The 
most singular circumstance is, that for two years they have 
been troubled with no Indian raids. Judge Symmes, who 
is looked upon as a father among this people, has by his 
kind treatment of the Indians, who at first came here very 
YOL. xii.- 



50 John Heckewelder' s Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

frequently, gained their friendship, and this has proved a 
better protection than a regiment of soldiers. Symrnes 
gave me an Indian interpretation of the coat of arms of 
the United States, namely the eagle, etc. Three years ago 
a considerable number of Shawanese and Delawares came 
here to trade. The judge took the chiefs to his house, 
entertained them hospitably, and gave them presents. Dur- 
ing their visit many things were discussed, he showed 
them amongst the rest the coat of arms of the United 
States, which he carefully explained. " Well," said a Sha- 
wanese captain, " let me also give my explanation, perhaps 
it will come nearer to the truth than yours. You tell me 
that every power has its own coat of arms and that this is 
good and useful. You have told me much of the peaceful 
intentions of the United States towards the Indians, and you 
show as a proof this picture. If the United States were 
such lovers of peace as you describe them to be, they would 
have chosen for their coat of arms something more appro- 
priate and expressive of it. For example there are many 
good, innocent birds. There is the dove which would not 
do harm to the smallest creature. But what is the eagle ? 
He is the largest of all birds and the enemy of all birds. 
He is proud, because he is conscious of his size and strength. 
On a tree, as well as in flight he shows his pride and looks 
down disparagingly upon all the birds. His head, his eyes, 
his beak and his long brown talons declare his strength and 
hostility. ISTow this bird, which is terrible enough in itself 
you have depicted as even more dreadful and horrible. You 
have not only put one of the implements of war, a bundle 
of arrows into one of his talons, and rods in the other, but 
have painted him in the most fearful manner, and in a position 
of attack upon his prey. Now tell me, have I not spoken 
the truth?" Symmes had to agree to his explanation, 
however, with the remark, that only enemies of the United 
States were frightened at this position of the eagle. Friends 
on the contrary, could look upon it as a sign of protection 
and this protection all the Indians who were friends of the 
States enjoyed, etc. It is remarkable how at this place, the 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 51 

beautiful Miami river, which six miles below empties into 
the Ohio, after wonderful windings of about 15 miles, at 
last here approaches within f of a mile of the Ohio. The 
two Walkers, who two years ago murdered the peaceful 
Seneca Indians on the Pint creek, still live here. At 2 
o'clock P.M. we passed through the great Miami, on the 
banks of which were wild turkeys and geese in great num- 
bers. We continued two miles farther to Tanner's Station 
in Kentucky on the south side of the Ohio, where we 
bought butter and watermelons. We saw deer, bears and 
wild fowls grazing along the shores of the Ohio. During 
the night we left our boat drift with the current. 

On Sunday the 19 th at six different times we saw herds 
of buffaloes grazing on the shore. We put Capt. Collin 
ashore, who although he had hit one, was not able to follow 
him any farther, because of the fresh Indian tracks. How- 
ever, as towards evening sixteen buffaloes, and three buffalo 
calves showed themselves, our hunter shot a very fat young 
cow weighing between four and five hundred pounds. Now 
we had a good supply of meat, and could look upon the rest 
of the game with indifferent eyes. During the night we 
again allowed ourselves to float with the current. 

On the 20 th in the early morning, buffaloes and deer were 
visible. Already at 10 o'clock we had reached the Twelve 
Mile island, and afterwards the Six Mile island, all thickly 
overgrown, with the so-called Carolina reed\, which covers 
many swamps of this region. Near the latter island the 
Kentucky shore is thickly settled. During the afternoon 
about 3 o'clock we passed Fort Steuben, on the north side 
of the Ohio, where the Indians had already arrived on the 
night before with their guard of 60 men. In honor of the 
general, on our arrival, nine cannonshots were fired and the 
commandant of this fort, Capt. [Thomas] Doyle, showed 
himself very kind towards me. He inquired about his rela- 
tives in Lancaster and Nazareth, namely the H s and 

Jacob Kr 's family. We all slept under tents, on the 

banks of the Ohio and were surrounded by sentinels. 

On the 21 st during the morning, Capt. Peters made the 



52 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

necessary preparations to take our four boats over the falls 
of the Ohio. 1 After all our baggage had been conveyed 
across the river and then 1 J miles by wagon to the lower fall. 
They now tried to pilot down the two Kentucky boats and the 
two barges. The pilot receives a guinea for each boat. As 
the water was very low and the channel narrow, it was exceed- 
ingly troublesome, and three of our boats ran aground, only 
one reached there to-day. Every effort was made to float 
the grounded boats. However to-day they did not succeed 
and the poor people who were on board, had to pass the night 
there, wet as they were. The greatest misfortune was, that 
one of these boats, forty feet long and sixteen feet broad, 
which had cost 40 Dollars sank during the night. There 
were two sick Indian women and two soldiers on it, but they 
saved themselves on the roof of the boat. The commandant 
of this place an honest good man, was busy already before 
daybreak, helping the sufferers. He sent a number of strong 
soldiers with a quantity of ropes to them, which at last 
towards noon accomplished their purpose and the two barges 
were safely brought below the falls. The four persons on 
the stranded boat were also landed with their effects. The 
poor Indians who had to see and experience all the difficulties 
and dangers and were at a place where Kentucky fury raged 
towards them, wept aloud together. As their interpreter 
had gone ashore to visit his brother, I consoled them as best 
I could and towards evening brought them back under cover 
of the cannons at the fort. Here they were out of danger 
and Capt. Doyle took the best care of them, until at last, they 
were taken next day to the headquarters of Gen. Putnam 
on the other side of the Ohio and below the falls, where they 
seemed to be quite contented. The commissary's three large 
boats loaded with provisions, intended for us and the troops at 
Post Vincennes, passed safely and quite unharmed over the 
waterfalls, so that matters could be arranged and we all had 

1 Imlay has given a correct picture of these waterfalls of the Ohio in 
his Topographical Description of the Western Territory, page 51. On 
the same may also be found the city of Louisville, Fort Steuben which 
is called Fenny there, and the city of Clarkville, consisting of a few 
houses. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 53 

room. There being various matters to be attended to here 
and Putnam's barge having lost a rudder, we were obliged to 
wait for several days. During this time, with Capt. Doyle and 
Lieut. Clark, I carefully examined the falls from all points. 
The change to this wild stream, appears very surprising, 
after passing through 750 miles of fine quiet water, namely 
from Pittsburgh to this place. The falls are indeed remark- 
able as they have three different channels, each of which 
distinguishes itself. The one channel on the south side, 
consists of many steps of smooth and pointed rocks, the 
middle one shoots down, more like a mill dam, while the 
one on the north side, is a very rapid, tearing stream, full 
of large stones. Troublesome and dangerous as it is, to pass 
over them in low water, when the water is high the passage 
is made very easily, and without the least danger. The falls 
themselves consist of a deposit or bed of smooth rocks, that 
are high and low in spots. In the falls, at low water large and 
dry rocky banks may be seen, upon which everything which 
lodges on them is caught and petrified. Walnuts, hickory- 
nuts, acorns and the shells of the same, branches, deer and 
buffalo horns, roots, fish skeletons, snails etc. are frequently 
seen lying on the flat stones, but if an attempt is made to lift 
them up, they are found to be immovable and petrified. Near 
the falls on both sides of the shore there are beautiful Lom- 
bardy poplars which they here call cotton wood trees. Below 
the falls, in deep water, large quantities of rockfish are 
caught. In the summer the falls feed thousands of wild 
geese, and also the pigs of the inhabitants, which always find 
dead fish and the like there. The surrounding country is 
beautiful and level. Although the shores rise to a height of 
from 60-70 ft they are not precipitous. On the north side, at 
the upper end of the falls is Fort Steuben in which 60 men, 
militia, are quartered. On the same side, at the lower end 
of the falls is Clarkville, a little town on Gen. Clark's land. 
He received for his former services against the Indians from 
the state of Virginia a tract of 150,000 acres of land. On 
the south side of the Ohio and nearly opposite to the falls, lies 
the city of Louisville on a fine high pjateau, which extends 



54 John Heckewelder' s Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

many miles into the country, and is very thickly settled. In 
the city there are about 150 houses, all of them, with the 
exception of two, are built of rough wood. The ground on 
which the city stands, belongs to John Campbell, our former 
host in Pittsburgh, who also owns not far from there a fine 
country seat. A French gentleman by the name of Loeke- 
sang lives here, he has a handsome residence, a very fine 
garden, with a nursery of 10,000 young and nearly all grafted 
or inoculated trees. I was invited by this gentleman to 
dinner, he even offered me a room at his house as long as 
I remained, but I could not accept of his invitation. I found 
three former Muskingum merchants, one of whom, Henry 
Reed, lives in very comfortable circumstances, and has 5 stores 
at different places in the country. He wished to insist upon 
my coming to his house, but I remained with my companions, 
all of whom were encamped in tents below the falls. I only 
visited friends and acquaintances as I felt disposed. The city 
of Louisville, with Lexington, is named as the future capital 
of the Kentucky government, and is to be viewed in three 
weeks for that purpose by a commission appointed to do so. 
There are two highways to the rest of the towns in Ken- 
tucky from here. The only disadvantage of this place is, 
that the thick fogs which rise in the autumn from the falls, 
and cover it, produce fever, and this is very much against the 
growth of the place. The raids which the hostile warriors 
made, during our stay here, carrying off negroes and horses, 
caused us much anxiety on account of the safety of our 
Indians. However everything passed off satisfactorily, so 
that on Sunday 26 th we could continue our journey. 

We were now 140 souls distributed in four Kentucky boats, 
three barges, and several canoes. The party in our barge 
consisted of M r Henry Yanderburgh, a merchant and the 
judge of Post Vincennes. We had not proceeded a great dis- 
tance when game of various kinds was visible. What strikes 
the traveller most pleasantly here are the majestic Lombardy 
poplars growing on the shores of the Ohio, and under whose 
shadows the buffaloes hide from the summer's heat. 
(To be continued.) 




.FA1NTEH ST GJ'J.SEALT. 



' ' 



Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 55 



LETTEES OF GEN. JAMES WILKINSON ADDEESSED 
TO DE. JAMES HUTCHINSON, OF PHILADEL- 
PHIA. 

MY DEAR SIR. 

I enclose you my Letter to his Excellency, containing a 
Narrative of certain Interviews between Major Gen 1 Gates 
and myself. I beg you to copy this letter & Narrative as 
I have not Time to do it, and then close & forward them 
to the General. I hope this Representation, joined to 
your Inclination to some one, & the Mutual Duty incum- 
bent on Gentlemen, will enable my Friends to silence 
any Efforts which may follow a Publication of this In- 
famous Conduct. Guard my Honor during my Absence, 
Dear Hutchinson, for I am now sensible I have to deal 
with a Machaivel in Principle & an adept in the science 
of cunning. My Love to Col. Moylan, and the dear 
Doctors. 

Haste. 

J WILKINSON 

BEADING, March 28 th 1778. 
To DR JAMES HUTCHINSON, 
Moor Hall. 

MANHEIM March 25" 1778. 
SIR. 

I beg leave to inform your Excellency that I find myself 
obliged to decline the seat which the Most Honb. Congress 
voted me in the Board of War, as the sedentary Life which 
attends the Duty would be ruinous to my Health ; permit 
me to add, that I could not consistently do Business with 
Major General Gates, after the Uncandid, Artful, Ungener- 



56 Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 

ous & Unjust Practices he has employed to Dishonour me. 
I am with Sentiments of Gratitude & respect 
Your Excellency 

Most Obdt & ready Servant 

JAMES WILKINSON 
Honh. 

HENRY LAURENS ESQ* 
PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 
York Town. 

KENTUCKY, 20 th June 1785 
MY DEAR HUTCHINSON. 

... On the 12 th May, I had the inexpressible pleasure 
to receive your favor of the 1 st Jany : believe me, I as sin- 
cerely rejoice at the predominating influence of the demo- 
cratical Interests of Pennsylvania & the United States, as 
I do in the espousal of our immediate cause, & their deter- 
mination to assert & support their Eight to the Independent 
Navigation of the Mississippi ; for as on the former depends 
the general political happiness of the Union ; so is the latter 
our only answer to domestic tranquillity, wealth, weight, & 
Importance a Free Trade out of the Mississippi, & we are 
a blessed People indeed it would push Kentucky most 
rapidly to Individual opulence & Public wealth, and would 
in a moment appreciate the Congressional Lands, several 
hundred per c allowing us to live sumptuously, our products 
are so prodigious, that our exports would exceed our imports 
five fold. But without trade the Territories of Congress 
are valueless, & Kentucky will be subject to domestic dis- 
cord, Individual Poverty & public wretchedness 'tis an 
inestimable prize & we are unanimously ready to wade to it 
thro. Blood, but our spilling all our Blood would be doing 
nothing without marine aid, unless we should make an 
attempt on the mines, several of which as soon as the Mis- 
sissippi is cleared of Spanish Posts, might be possessed with 
great facility. 

I doubt whether the acquisition would not produce more 
evil than Benefit, & do not now indulge the remark, from 



Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 57 

any Idea or desire even to see the measure carried into ex- 
ecution, tho. I have no doubt it will sooner or later be the 
case. The People of Kentucky alone, unaided by Congress 
in any particular whatever, could dislodge every Garrison 
the Spaniards have on or in the neighborhood of the Missis- 
sippi before this day 12 months, with ease & certainty but 
as I observed before this would be doing nothing, for a 
frigate, could as effectually cut off our Trade, as 50,000 
Men at N". Orleans i.e. presuming we can obtain no marine 
aid and in this view I can but lament the acrimonious 
spirit which seems to be kept up by the People of the 
United States, & Britain Surely 'tis hard policy & must 
tend to the Injury of both but I suppose this disposition 
springs in the latter Case, from the enamoured Heart, of 
the vilest & weakest Prince that ever bore a Sceptre, and 
that our People recriminate. 

As the inclosed Letters are for your perusal and disposal, 
I will not repeat any matter they contain. You oblige me 
greatly by your proffers of service, & speak with the par- 
tiality of a Friend, when you mention the practicability of 
my obtaining an appointment under Congress, for the dis- 
posal of their Land You ask me what I would prefer? 
'Tis impossible for me to answer you, without knowing what 
is to be given away ; I will therefore only observe that the 
Office which promises most to my dear Posterity, will be 
most acceptable to me, but every Congressional distinction 
however insignificant or profitless, is desirable, as tending 
to increase my local Credit & Consequence, which vanity 
apart are not inconsiderable in Kentucky I feel without 
that I am as well qualified, for any Business which can re- 
late to this Country, as my neighbours. The Commission 
for establishing the boundary line of the United States, 
must be dignified & important. I a few days since rec'd. a 
Letter from Governor Paca of Maryland & the report of a 
Committee of Congress, (I apprehend because altho it was 
stiled an Ordinance, the blank were not filled up) respecting 
the disposal of their Territory they aim at extreme equity 
in this arrangement, & pay due regard to the Interest of 



58 Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 

their Constituents, and therefore if my prayers would pre- 
vail the plann should succeed but believe me my Friend, 
it will not do besides having destroyed every ground of 
speculation, which will be found indispensably necessary, to 
give energy & dispatch to their sales the reservations are 
so extensive & general, that no man, can possess himself of a 
considerable Body of Land connected. The usual around [?] 
Salt Springs &c, &c, puts it into the power of Congress to 
say when & how these Natural advantages are to be em- 
ployed, which is a disguisting restraint however were it 
not for the reservations, the plann, would be the most un- 
wise which could have been adopted ; The remarks of the 
Surveyors are to ascertain to the Purchasers, the quality of 
each, it follows that the Good Land would be immediately 
sold (if uncramped by the reservations) & the bad would be 
left on the Hands of Congress a worthless incumbrance, 
and I informed you from certain knowledge, that (ex- 
clusive of the Virginia Military Grant) from the Pennsyl- 
vania line to the big Miami, the proportion of the latter to 
the former is as 2 to 3 a Lottery in my opinion after the 
Surveys were compleated would be preferable to a vendue, 
for by opening a field for Enterprize, or speculation, we 
should carry off the bad with the good, & prov'd d the price 
was fixed, the execution would be attended with no diffi- 
culty or additional expense and here the needy man would 
have as good a chance as the opulent Monopolizer in pro- 
portion to his property. But I am convinced, the best 
plann for expediting the sale of this Territory, would be to 
open the office in the usual way, hold the "Warrants at one 
Dollar (Certificates) pr Acre, and keep the quantity Issued 
a profound Secret until the Sales were compleated, this 
Scheme is not so pretty in Theory, or if so republican 
a fare as that which Congress have adopted, but it will be 
found in practice the most effectual & that which will best 
answer our immediate Interests. I trust I can tell you, 
without subjecting myself to the imputation of a sordid 
biass, that I now have in my Possession better information 
respecting the Country in question, than any Christian in 



Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 59 

America, it is founded upon the written remarks, location 
& drafts, of several Persons who spent the last year, under 
immenent perils in exploring all that Tract, which is com- 
prehended between the Carrying place at the Heads of the 
"Wabash and Miami Rivers, from thence to the beginning, 
or S point of lake Huron, thence down to waters of the 
Strait, to lake St. Glair & Erie to the grand River, from 
thence to the Pennsylvania line on the Ohio, down the 
same to the Illinois Grant and thence a K E. Course to 
the before mentioned carrying place and I have in my 
possession, locations on the most valuable points compre- 
hended within this Compass, made by a Circumferenter, 
with proper natural & artificial distinctions, to the amount of 
1,950,000 Acres These papers are committed to me in 
trust, to do the best with them I can, for the original pro- 
prietors & myself Jointly if any opening presents you can 
commend me to such Individuals or Companies, as chuse to 
embark in speculations of extent, and I will engage to do 
their Business with perfection & on the most reasonable 
Terms we can fit them, with soil of every quality, & in 
Tracts of any extent, not exceeding 60,000 Acres, Mill 
Seats, Fisheries, Oar Banks of Several denominations, 
carrying places, and Salt Licks with Island or penensulas. 
Holker or John Denlap would be good subjects, if the 
regulations of Congress gave an opening, and I am con- 
vinced in the end they must however I must assure you, 
that I prefer the grand Interest of my Country so much to 
my own, that if I could influence Congress, they should not 
open their Land Office, except to discharge the Military 
Bounty, before they had opened the Trade of the Country, 
got possession of Detroit & entirely quelled the hostile 
spirit of the Savages for under these circumstances I am 
persuaded J of the land they now offer at a dollar (in Cer- 
tificates) would bring rapidly a pound pr. Acre Attend to 
these matters particularly, you are my main reliance, con- 
sider our futures, as inseperable, and be satisfied, if I can 
hold up cleverly for a couple of years, I shall lay the foun- 
dation of opulence for Posterity, and if you can do any- 



60 Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 

thing with the Land Suit by McCully, I shall have no cause 
for apprehension. I now inclose you a deed & warantie, 
for . . . acres Land in two Surveys, which you will sell if 
practicable agreeable to the Proprietors to me, a copy of 
which is inclosed You may exchange them for goods, 
agreeably to the Invoice forwarded you by Gordon on 
McCully, with cash sufficient to transport the Articles 
hither, provided you can fall in with a confidential Hand 
to conduct them on the Journey remembering to increase 
the proportion of Rolls, Ognabrings, Coarse Linnens & 
Woollens. but if you can sell for cash do it & reserve it in 
your Hands subject to my draft The Land is out of dis- 
pute, is of pretty good quality, and the proprietors are men of 
responsibility however, 'tis not of that kind which I would 
wish a friend to buy You will be allowed the highest Com- 
mission that ever was given for doing Business, & if you 
could make more extensive sales, I could send you immedi- 
ately several hundred thousand acres 

I was so much indisposed that I could not attend the late 
Convention, however a separation was unanimously agreed 
to, & a petition to the Legislature on the Subject was drawn 
& adopted But in order to use and avail themselves of 
every caution, they recommended a selection of members 
in July, to form a convention, in August, with powers to 
alter all previous measures, but whose acts are to be final 
& conclusive. I shall certainly attend on this occasion, as 
in confidence I can assure you, the occasion was in a great 
degree intended for the purpose we shall meet with no 
objections I apprehend to a Separation, & shall in all prob- 
ability form one Constitution during December and January 
and as on this important point depends not only our own 
immediate happiness & prosperity, but the fate & Fortunes 
of unborn generations, I must intreat you to give me your 
own, & to promise for me from the most able of your Ac- 
quaintance, your & their Ideas of that System of Govern- 
ment, which is best adopted to the genius of our Country 
& the Times. Hurry & theoretical notions had too much 
influence, in the formation of the Constitution of the re- 



Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 61 

spective States The Errors which have sprung from these 
Causes, [ ] & practical effects, may enable us to avoid 

give me all the reasoning you can collect in favor of a 
single & against a double Branch of Government, et vice 
versa the powers of the executive, qualification of Electors 
& Representatives donation of office &c, in short a com- 
plete modification of the whole I am sensible I impose a 
grevious task upon you, but flatter myself you will go 
through it promptly & cheerfully the happiness of a grow- 
ing great Country is interested & the weight & Importance 
of your friend nearly concerned Let me hear from you on 
these various subjects as soon as possible, but be sure you 
write by a safe direct opportunity 

Inclosed are two Surveys, for poor Moylan with a letter 
which you will please seal & deliver taking his receipt for 
the Surveys agreeable to the inclosed form, with two wit- 
nesses, this you will have recorded & forward me by the 
first conveyance. I trust this may serve to satisfy the de- 
mands of some Creditor & tend to the worthy Fellow's 
relief, for I sincerely regard Him & hope he continues to 
deserve it. 

I inclose you Copies of three letters one of which I wrote 
Mr. Collins from Fort Pitt, the other from this place ; He 
had a right before the receipt of these to be offended, but 
has candor enough I trust before this to do me Justice of 
the 200 which Shull sent Him by me, I was obliged on his 
own private Acct. to disburse upwards of 60., in equiping 
Mrs T. for the voyage down the River, for which I have 
undeniable vouchers, tho. Hughgo I make no doubt, very 
speciously attempts to prove the Contrary, as he has as- 
serted it in a Letter to myself, but I can bring him to no 
settlement, by Arbitration or any other way In Confidence 
that Mr Collins has done me Justice on this subject I beg 
you to present my regard to Him, & my best respects to 

his lady 

Thy Affectionate Friend 

J WILKINSON 



62 Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 

WILDERNESS 4 th May 1786. 
MY DEAR FRIEND: 

I wrote you by Mr. Coburn in Febry, since which period 
I have not received a scrip of your pen. ... I wish to 
open ray mind to you respecting the policy and politicks of 
this country, but believe me I am afraid, what are you ? 
Separatist or anti-Separatist? As a warm Democrat & a friend 
to equal Liberty I should suspect you to be the former, but 
from your silence on the subject, I have some apprehensions 
that you may be the latter, for it was not usual with you 
to be silent on any subject which met your support or appro- 
bation. 

Independent of these doubts, I realy have not time to 
enter upon the subject you know that I was originally 
opposed to the measure, but circumstances have occurred to 
alter my opinions, the Conduct of Congress & particularly 
of the State of New York, respecting the navigation of the 
Mississippi, is disgraceful, dishonest and indeed hostile to 
this Western World. Congress by not asserting the right 
of the Union to the navigation of the Mississippi, a right 
derived from Nature & founded on Treaty, betray the trust 
reposed in them. J Tis a pity we have so soon lost sight of 
those principles of general Justice & that tenacity of private 
Bight, which produced the American Revolution. Should 
our federal Rulers fail in their duty from want of virtue, I 
hope policy will admonish them, that there are certain im- 
mutable Laws, which operating on the minds of Freemen, 
would prompt them to seek for Security to their Interests, 
by every means within their reach. The people here from 
ignorance of the subject, & from that blind obeyance which 
used to Characterize the Colonies, are divided in sentiment 
but they shall be inform'd or I will wear out all the 
Stirups at every Station pray watch Congress for me, & 
give me your full & candid opinion of what we have to ex- 
pect from them, with respect to the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi, & the reasons on which you formed your opinion. 
... & believe me always your unalterable Friend. 

JAMES WILKINSON. 



Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 63 

KENTUCKY Augt 18 th 1786. 
MY DEAR HUTCHINSON. 

I have addressed you several short letters lately on sub- 
jects of Business, & I now beg leave to write you on the 
same. I have just brought my Acct. with Wickoff & Clark 
to a close, the am* of cargo & expenses .898.17.6. Virginia 
money J of which they were bound by solemn obligations 
to pay me by the 1 st June last, of which they totaly failed. 
"Wickoff is now I expect with you, & Clark gone to K 
Orleans the Burden is too much for me to stand under 
unless I derive assistance from you thro' the aid of the Land 
which you have for sale, & of this I have strong confidence 
as Mr Marshalls writes on the 6 th July that he had been 
empowered to draw, & you write me the 6 th June " I have 
every prospect of disposing of them, (as the patents are 
received) to great advantage, & expect very speedily to part 
with the 20,698 acre patent." I however obey the Dictates 
of necessity, & draw upon you with Terror, particularly as 
my drafts will be heavy they will all be at 30 Days Sight, 
& I trust if it is within the reach of your finances, that my 
Bills will be honored. My ruin I fear will follow a dis- 
appointment, I trust in God & in your exertions, that you 
will be able should the land not be sold, to fund upon it. 
The 32,000 Acre Tract is alienated to you & the patent will 
Issue in your name it is clear of all dispute, & the Tract is 
realy valuable. The 20,000 & odd acres of J. H. Craigs 
which I put you in June, lies near the Big Bone & is really 
worth j- a Dollar per acre. I did not inclose you the power 
of attorney, promised in my last, but I now have it by me, 
signed, acknowledged, & certified by the Clerk of our Court. 
I will send it in the 1 st next month by Mr. Gordon you 
may therefore sell the Land without hesitation. I look 
forward to Independence & the highest Reputation in this 
"Western World. But God knows I toil, I pay dear for it 
the hazard I am in drawing on you occasions me sensations, 
which I would not voluntarily encounter for 1000 Guineas. 
I have as yet drawn on you only for 40.0.0. but in the 
course of this & the next month, I shall I fear be obliged to 



64 Letters of Gen. James Wilkinson. 

swell this sum to 400.0.0. You will observe that I want 
no Goods, unless you can send me a few articles, hy Gordon 
of which I shall write you. My Brother in Maryland having 
promised to Import me immediately from Europe any Cargo 
I may want. The one moiety of the product of Fowler & 
Marshalls Land must be reserved subject to my orders, the 
other is Marshalls. I shall by next May have Patents for 
100,000 Acres, which I shall be able to sell at 6d. per Acre, 
tell me what chance they will stand for a market & tell rne 
what Mr. Moylan has done with the patent forwarded Him 
for 29,000 & odd Acres. 

Our Convention will send an Agent to Congress in No- 
vember, to sollicit our admission into the confederacy, & to 
Imploy the abelest Council in the State to advocate our 
Cause. I could be this Man, with 1000 for the Trip, if I 
would take it, but I have other Business to attend. The 
Gentleman, will I expect be Col. T Marshall, Mr. Sebastian, 
Mr Brower, or Col. Bullett. I expect Sebastian will be the 
man whoever he is he will be particularly recommended 
to you. 

I carried my Election 240 ahead & I find by the observa- 
tion of several Bystanders, that I spoke 3J Hours, instead 
of 1J as I think & before mentioned to you. I pleased my- 
self, &, what was more consequential, every Body else, ex- 
cept my dead opponents these I with great facility turned 
into subjects of ridicule & derision. 

I have experienced a great change since I held a seat in 
the Pennsylvania Assembly I find myself now, much more 
easy, prompt, & eloquent in a public debate, than I ever was 
in private conversation, under the greatest flow of spirits. 
. . . Believe me very affectionately 

& Sincerely your Friend 

J. WILKINSON. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 65 



ESSAY OF AN ONONDAGA GEAMMAE, OE A SHOET 
INTEODUCTION TO LEAEN THE ONONDAGA AL, 
MAQUA TONGUE. 

BY EEV. DAVID ZEISBERGER. 

CONTRIBUTED BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

(Continued from Vol. XI. page 453.) 

10.) Of Comparison. 

The Onondaga make use of the usual 3 Degrees, the Posi- 
tive, Comparative and Superlative, but they are all inde- 
clinable. 

a.) The Positive signifies the quality of a Thing simply 
and absolutely ; as : 

hStke, high; ojaneri, good; Inu,/ar,- ostwiaha,/ew. 

b.) The Comparative heightens or lessens that quality and 
is signify'd by the addition 

haga or tschihha. 
Hetkehaga, higher. 
Ojanerechtschihha, better. 
Goanos, great, big. 
Goanohaga, greater, bigger. 
Inuhaga, not very far. 
Ostwikhaga, fewer. 

c.) The Superlative heighten or lessen it to a very high or 
low Degree, and is expressed by adding the syllable tschik to 
the positiye : 

Hetkechtschik, the highest. 

Essowotschik, the most. 

Ojanerechtschik, the best. 

Ascungtschik. 

Oqueki, has : Oquektshi. 

Some have no superlative but instead of it the adverb 
aquas, very, is used, as : 
VOL. xu. 5 



66 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

Aquas goano, very great or the greatest. 
Aquas inu, the farthest. 
Aquas hechtSge, the lowest. 
Aquas ni6hak, the least. 
Aquas jah6nisse, the longest. 

d.) Some have no Comparative. 
Jos, long, superl. itintschik. 
ase, new, " as6tschik. 

agajung, old, " agajungtschik. 
oft6a, old, " oftaentschik. 
gates, thick, " gatentschik. 
scsenoa, slow, " scsenontschik. 

e.) They often express the Comparative with a positive, 
as: 

Inuhaga, not very far off. 

Inu, far off. 

Inuhaga ganochserage, to Ganochserage is it not far f 

Inu Anajota, to Anajot it is far, I.E. it is farther to Anajot than to Ga- 
nochserage ; or tochsge"hha, near ; Inu,/ar. 

Tochsgehha Onokaris Inu Zeninge, Onokaris is near Zeninge is far, or 
it is farther to Zeninge than to Onokaris. 

Tachioni, the Wolf, ostwi, little or small. 

Ochquari, the Bear ; goano, big. 

Hostwi Tachi6ni gag6ano Ochquari ; Small is the wolf, big is the Bear, 
or the Bear is bigger than the wolf. 

Positiv. Inuhaga ne Cajugu, it is not far to Cajugu. 

Comp. Inu genechsatage, it is far to Genechsatage. 

Superl. Zoneshio aquas Inu, Zoneshio is the farthest. 

f.) They use often the Positive instead of the Superlative, 
as : 

Schung, who ; gag6ano, great ; I.E. who is the greatest f 

I gag6ano, I great or I am the greatest. 

his sag6ano, thou art the greatest. 

rauha hagoano, he is the greatest. 

schung 6stivi, who is the least t 

I/gastivi. his sastivi. ranha hostivi. 

Some Adverbs have Degrees too, as : 

hichsa, directly, immediately. 
Superl. hachsatschik 

ne"to 
, Superl. net6chtschik 

schihoquadi, thither. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 67 

Comp. schiquadihha, farther thither. 
IgSchtschik, very early, is only superl. 
lorhengechtschik, tomorrow very early. 

B.) OF PRONOUNS. A Pronoun is a Part of speech which 
has respect to and suplies the place of a Noun, as : hato, 
he says, (instead of John says) are Simple or Compound. 

1.) The simple are : 

J, I, his, thou, ratiha or hauha, He, atiha or gatiha, She, plur. Ni, we, 
his, ye, honuhha, they, ontihha, they, (femin.) are Substantives. 
2.) Schu, schtine, schunahote, nah6te 

who, which, whom, which, such &c. 

are adjectives and indeclinable. 
a.) They are Demonstratives, as : 

J, his, nene, (he) tohne, (His,) nenge, (she). 

b.) Relatives 

ne, (who which;) nene (the same) tohne (these). 

c.) Possessives, 
his, thine ; I, mine ; hauha, his. 

3.) They are express'd by Integra & inseparables, as : 

I agaowosch6h, my All. 
I agonachrozera, my Hat. 
his sanuchrozera, thine Hat 
rauha honuchrozera, his Hat. 
ni unquanuchrozera, our. 

The following inseparables express I, you, he, she, we, 
mine, thine, his, our, yours, their, in the Nouns & active 
Verbs, where they are prsefixt : 



' Pers. 


2* Pers. 


3 d Pers. 


go 


m 


ha 




se 


ho 


wage 


wassa 


waha 


wage 


wasse 


waho 


t'ya 


wasch 


t'ha 


t'ge 


tessa 


tho 


wakge 


tischi 


go 






tiago r 






t'go < feminine 






tago (. 



68 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 





Plural 


unqua 


s'wa 


tiunqua 


s'we 


taqua 


tessa 


tschiaqua 


tesse 


t'wa 


tess'wa 


tiaqua 





hoti 

hati 

hunti 

hunna 

wahunna 

wahunti 

t'hoti 

t'hati 

t'hunti 

gunti 



t'gunti 

they are all except : wage, wassa, wasse, waha, waho, laqua, 
tschiaqua, wahunna, wahoti, put before the ISTouns and all 
before the active Verbs, as : 

ganochsaje, my House. 

sanochsaja, Thy House 

ho or t'honochsaje, his House 

go or tiagonochsaje, her House 

unqua or tiunqua or t'wanochsaje, our 

s'wa or tess'wanochsaje, your 

hotinochsaje, their 

(fern.) guntinochsaje, their House. 

sing: gatakke, / run 

satakke, Thou " 

hatakke, he " 

gotakke, she " 

T'garachtat, I walk 
tessarachtat, you " 
t'harachtat, he " 
t'gorachtat, she " 

Wagenonta, I give 



plur : unquatakke, we run. 
s'watakke, ye " 
huntitakke, they " 
guntitakke, they run (fern.) 

t'warachtat, we walk 
tess'warachtat, ye " 
t'hotirachtat, they " 
t'guntirachtat, they " (fern.) 

plur: unquan6nta, we give 



Wassantinta, you " 
wahanSnto, he " 
jagononta, she " 



s'wanftnta, ye " 
hatinbnta, they " 
guntinonta, they give (fern.) 



4.) The Pronouns I, you, he, she, we, ye, they, in the 
passive Verbs are expressed by the following Prseformatives : 

Sing. Plural. 

Junki tiunqua 

Jetsa Jets' wa 

t'huwa or t'huwati or 

Wahuwa wahuwati 

guwa (fern.) guwati (fern.) 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 69 

Note. It is to be observed by the prseformatives, that g, 5, 
h, are properly the distinguishing Letters of the Persons, 
and go is nota tertice feminine. Singul. g & s generally take 
a, except where the Verb has e in the Syllable, where g & s 
shall be prsefix'd. h makes often use of the Vowel of the 
Syllable to which it shall be prefixed, yet it joins commonly 
an o particularly when it shall be fix'd before e. 

5.) In the Verbs beginning Wa or with T. the distinguish- 
ing Letters are placed between the first & 2 d Syllable of the 
"Word, as : Wageris, wasse, or wascheris, T'giatara, T'essia or 
Tshiatara. 

and when Waga, wage, notify the first Person Wassa, wesse, 
signify the 2 d . and waha, waho, the third Person, of course. 

In the plural g changes into q therefore is nota prima plur. 
unqua* instead of ungwa S. nota seconds persons takes w with 
an apostrophe. f h in tertia masc. & g in tertiafem. accept ti, 
therefrom comes hati, hoti &c & gunti (in fern) or hunna, wa- 
hunna, wahunti, t'hoti, t'hati, fhunti.% 

c.) When I, his, rauha, hauha (fern) auha, gauha, Ni, his, 
honuhJia (fern) onuha, are used as Interrogatives they receive 
the Syllable ke at the end, as : Ike f Is it I ? hiske f is it you ? 
hauhake, is it he ? item nene, him, the same, nenkt ? is it him, 
the same ? it. 

d.) Interrogatives are schu? who? Schune? who? schunahote, 
which ? nahote ot, what? Olnahoto ochti, what? ochtindh, what 
is it thou ? 

e.) Reciprocals, viz tat is a prsefix, as : 

Jonoriichqiia, to love. 
untatenorochqua, to love one another. 

f.) Gentils from whence or of what nation, is a compound 
of nahote (which) & ojata (Person) otne sajatote ? of what 
nation or from whence are you ? 

* Often tiunquajaqua, tiaaqua, tschiaqua, t'wa. 

f Sometimes S'wa S'we; sometimes Tess'wa. 

t The reason will appear from the sound & nature of the Verbs. In 
the passive Verbs the Persons are distinguished by the same Letters, but 
in prima singulari g changes into k. 



70 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

Otne hajatote ? from whence is he f 
Tiorhsenska ne hajatote he is an Englishman. 
Tiochtiag6ga ne hajat6te he is a Frenchman. 
Sgachnechtatichr6hne hajat6te he is a Low Dutchman. 
naejat6te to be of some Nation. 

OF VERBS. 

1.) A Verb is a part of Speech which signifies to be, to 
do or to suffer. It expresses what is affirm'd or said of 
things, and is the most necessary and essential Part of a 
sentence, without which it cannot subsist. 

2.) The most Verbs have two forms of Voices, the Active 
and Passive ; the first expresses what is done by the nomi- 
native and the second what is suffered by it or done unto 
the nominative. The ending of both is alike in this Tongue, 
but the prseformatives are changed, as : 

Wagerio, I beat. 
Junkerio, lam beaten. 
Genor6chqua, Hove. 
Junkinorochqua, lam loved. 

3.) They are declined by voices Moods, Tenses, numbers 
& Persons. 

The voices active & passive. 

Th Moods the Indicative, affirming or denying positively 
or asking a question, as : 

Assa norochqua, love thou. Assato, say thou. 

The Infinite expresses the signification of the Verb in 
general, as : 

lonorochqua, to love. 

The Tenses are but 3. Present, past, to come. Present, 
gato, I say. past, gatochne, I said. future, ngato, I shall say. 
conjunctive & optative they have not. 

4.) The Numbers are singular and plural the Persons 3 
first 2 d & 3 d . 

5.) The Gender male & female in the 3 d Person have 
different prseformatives as well in the singular as plural 
number. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 71 

6.) A Verb is either simple or compound, as : 

agohni, to make, (simple) 

Jocharachg6ni, to make bread, (comp) 

tiohuj6ni, to make a canoe. 

otschischt6ni, to make fire. 

tionochs6ni, to make a House. 

It is either transitive as : 
Wagerio, I beat t'garachtat, I walk. 
Intransitive. 

Waktenha, I staid. 
Watgota, to sit. 

or reciprocal, 
gattatteris, / beat myself. 

Where the active or passive implies a continuative it is 
expressed by the suffix hattie, (this the Participle,) as : 

genor6chqua, I love. 
genorochquahattie, lam loving. 
Wagin, I come. 
Waginhattie, lam coming. 
Wagi6te, / labour, work. 
Wagiotehattie, I continue at work. 
Wagenochwachtani, I am sick. 
Wagenochwachtanihattie, I am continuously sick. 

UntiatddcOy to see one another, has the Present and future 
Tense, and is only used in the following cases, as : 

honiawo t'giatadco, he is glad to see me. 
niawo tia or tessiatadco, lam glad to see you. 
niawo t'hiatadco, lam glad to see him 
niawo t'giatadco, lam glad to see her. 

plur. 

niawo t'watadco, lam glad that we see each other. 
niawo tess'watadco, lam glad to see you. 
niawo t'huntiatadco, lam glad to see them. 
niawo t'guntiatadco, " " " 

Future. 

sing, honiawo 'nt'giatadco, he is glad that he shall see me. 
niawo 'ntschiatadco, lam glad that I shall see you. 
" 'nt'hiatadco, lam glad that I shall see him. 
" 'ntica or t'giatadco, lam glad that I shall see her. 



72 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

plur. niawo 'nt'watadco, lam glad that we shall see one another. 
" 'ns'watadco " " " ye. 

" 'nhuntiatadco " " " them. 

" 'nguntiatadco " " them (fern.) 

Impersonal Verbs. 

Present. Perfect. Future. 

Iot6ni, it grows, lotoniacherong, 'njotoni. 

Otschtaronti, it rains, Otschtarontiung, 'njotschtaronti. 

Ot6ri, it is cold, Otorechquo, 'njotori 

Oger&nti, it snows, Ogerontiung, 'njoger&nti 

wastisk, it boils away, wastisqua, 'nwastisk 

gannonniaje, itfreezes, ganonniajentachqua, 'nganonniaje 

t'gawortintat, it blows hard, t'gaworontochne, 'ngaworontat. 

t'gaworontowano, it blows very hard. 

From Onerachtozera, the leaves come 

Oneracht&nta, the leaves come. Onerachtontachqua. 'njoneracht&nta. 
onerachtae, the leaves fall. 'njonerachtae. 

From Ochnecanis, water, & tajejaganha, to come out. 
tiochnekidgaenha, the water flows tioch-thachqua 'ntiochnek. 

out, 

ochrotong, it is deep, ochnotSchqua, 'njochnotong 

ochnot6nnie, the water is rising, 'njochnotonnie. 

ostisk, the water is low ostisqua, 'njostisk. 

tiostehattie, the waterfalls, n'tiostehattie. 

tiochzikere, the water is muddy. 
tiochnawate, it flows fast. 

t'gannerachtachrichta, the leaves turn red or yellow. 
ganakerij it has, it gives ganakerichqua, 'nganakeri 

gawonio, it is a question, 'ngawonio 

tiorati, the air draws, 'ntiorati 

niawo, it happens or will happen. 
niawos, it usually happens. 
wazah6niong or waocachs, it leaks. 

The Verb kejinteri agrees fully with the English, I know, 
and signifies, I can, I know, I am acquainted, as : 

kejinteri ne ogechroni, lean make gunpowder. 

" ajechwist6ni, lean do smith's work. 

" ne johate, I know the road. 

" zathonochsaje, I know his house. 
khejint&i, I know him. 
junkienteri, lam known (passiv) 
t'hawajent6richne, he was known. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



73 



kejintSri ganatajeng6na, 7am acquainted in Philadelphia. 
Schienterike assarig6na, do you know. 

Schienterik assarig6na, do you know Virginia or are you acquainted in 
Virginia f 

l ma Conjugatio. 

Active Voice Passive Voice. 

Present 

sing. 1. Genorochqua, / love Iunkinor6chqua, / am loved 

2. Sanorochqua, you " Ietsanor6chqua, you are " 

3. honorochqua, he loves , t'huwanor6chqua, he is " 

4. gonorochqua, she " tguwanorochqua, she is " 
plur. 1. t'wanorochqua, we love plur. tiunquanorochqua, we are " 



2. S'warochqua, ye " 

3. hotinor6chqua, they " 

4. guntinorochqua (fern) 

they love. 

Perfect. 
sing. Wagenorochquasqua, I have. 



letswanorochqua, ye are " 
t'huwatinorochqua, they are " 

t'guwatinorochqua, they are " 

Perfect. 
lunkinorochquasqua, I have 



Wassa or Sanorochquasqua, you 

have. 

waho or honorochquasqua, he has. 
gonorochquasqua, she " 



letsanorochquasqua, you was 

t'huwanorochquasqua, he " 
t'guwanorocliquasqua, she " 



plur. Unquanorochquasqua, we have. plur. tiunquanorochquasqua, we 



S'wanorochquasqua, ye have. 
hotinorochquasqua, they have. 
(fern.) guntinorochquasqua, they have. 



jetswanorochquasqua, ye 
t'huwatinorochquasqua, they. 
tguwatinorochquasqua, they. 



Future 
sing. 'ngenor6chqua, I will love 

'nsanorochqua, you " " 
'nhonorochqua, he " " 
'ngonorochqua, she 
plur. 'nt'wanorochqua, we " 
'nswanorochqua, ye " 
^nhotinorochqua, they " " 

(fern.) 'nguntinorochqua, they will 
love. 



Future. 
'njunkinorochqua, / shall be 

loved 
'njetsanorochqua, you shall be 

loved 
'nthuwanorochqua, he shall be 

loved 
'nguwanorochqua, she shall be 

loved 
plur. 'ntiunquarorochqtia, we shall 

be loved 
'njetswanorochqua, ye shall be 

loved 
'nt'huwatinorochqua, they shall 

be loved 
'nguwatinorochqua, they shall 

be loved 



74 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. ^ 

Active Passive. 

Pres. Imperative. Pres. Imperative 

sing. Assanor6chqua, love thou ajetsanor6chqua, be thou loved ! 

plur. Ass'wanorochqua, love ye ajets'wanorochqua, be ye loved ! 

Imperative Future 

sing, nassanorochqua, you shall love. 

nahonorochqua, he " " 

nagonorochqua, she " " 
pi. nass'wanorocqua, ye shall be loved. 

nahotinorochqua, they " 
(fern.} naguntinorochqua, they " 

Infinite. 

Pres. Jonorochqua, to love, Jewanor6chqua to be loved. 

per/. Jonorochquasaqua, to have loved, Jewanorochquasqua, to have 
been loved. 

fut. 'njonorochqua, to be about to love, 'njewanorochqua, to be about to 
be loved. 

Participle. 

generochsquahattie, lam loving. 



iOj to beat. 

Active Passive. 

Present. Present. 

singul. Wageird, / beat sing. Junkerio, / am beaten. 

wascherio, thou " Jetserio, you 

waharrie, he " t'huwarrie, he 

Jogorrie, she " Juguwarrie, she 

pi. unquarrie, we " pi. tiunquarrie, we 

S'warrie, ye " jets'warrie, ye 

hotirrie, they " t'huwaterrie, they 

(fern.) guntirrie, they " joguwatterie, (fern) they 

Perfect. Perfect* 

sing. Wageri6che, I have beaten Junkeriochne, I have been beaten. 

wascheriochne, thou 

waharriochne, he 

jagorriochne, she 
pi. nnqua or t'worriochne, we 

S'warriochne, ye 

hotirri6chne, they 

guntirrochne, they 

[* Adds ochne to the present with em the last letter.] 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 75 

Future. Future* 

sing, 'ngerio, I will or shall beat 

'ntscherio, thou 

'nsh6rrie, he 

'njag6rrie, she 
pi. 'nt'warrie, we 

'ns'warrie, ye 

'ns'hotirrie, they 

'nguntirrie, (fern) they 

Imperative. Imperative 

Frees. Prces. 

sing. Ascherio or siro beat thou s. Ajetserio, be thou beaten 

pi. Ass'warrie, beat ye. pi. ajets'warrie, be ye beaten. 

Imper. fut Imper. fut. 

sing, nascherio, thou shalt beat. sing. najetseri6, you shall be beaten 
naharrie, he shall " nahuwarrie, he " " 

nojagftrrie, she shall " nayuwarrie, she " " 

plur. nass'warrie, ye shall " pi. najets'warrie, ye " " 
nohotirrie, they shall " nahuwatirrie, they " " 

(fern) naguntirrie, they shall " (fern) naguwatirrie, they " " 
Infinitive. Infinitive 

Praes. Waerio, to beat Prses. aguwarrie, to be beaten. 

perf. waeriochne, to have beaten perf. aguwariochne, to have been " 

fut. 'nwaerio, fut. 'nguwarrie 

Waoge, to see. 

Active. Passive. 

Inftnit Infin. 

Prses. Waoge or 6ye to see, Frees, guwage, to be seen. 

Perf. Waoge" hh a, to have seen, Perf. guwagehha, to have been seen. 

fut. 'nj6ge, to shall see, fut. 'nguwage, to shall be seen. 

* Adds } n before the present. 



(To be continued.) 



76 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad BeisseL 



THE QUAEEEL BETWEEN CHEISTOPHEE SOWEE, 
THE GEEMANTOWN PEINTEE, AND CONEAD BEIS- 
SEL, FOUNDEE AND YOESTEHEE OF THE CLOISTEE 
AT EPHEATA. 

BY SAMUEL W. PENNYPACKER. 

[The personal controversy between these two remarkable men, which, 
became bitter and caused, as we are told, " a great uproar through the 
land," certainly had a curious origin. Perhaps in no locality other than 
provincial Pennsylvania did ever so much commotion come about through 
the interpretation of the stanzas of a hymn. The results of the quarrel 
were as important for the bibliography of Pennsylvania as its origin was 
curious. It was not long afterward before the Dunker Monks at Ephrata 
established a printing-press of their own, from which issued a mass of 
literature interesting and attractive to the antiquarian, the poet, the 
musician, the theologian, and the historian, culminating in the produc- 
tion of the most immense literary work of colonial America. The hymn, 
whose interpretation led up to such discussion and to such important 
consequences thereafter, is numbered 400, and may be found upon page 
450 of the " Zionitischer Weyrauch's Hugel oder Myrrhen Berg, &c., 
Germantown, C. Sauer, 1739," the first book from the press of Sower, 
and the first book printed in German type in America. This book con- 
tains six hundred and ninety-one hymns, some of them collected from 
other sources, but most of them written at the cloister by Conrad Beissel 
and other inmates of the institution. All of the information we have 
had hitherto concerning the controversy is contained in the following 
extract from the Chronicon Ephratense, that invaluable, quaint, and 
almost inaccessible record of the happenings of the cloister. It says, 

"Now the printing of the beforementioned hymn-book was pushed 
along, but toward the close of it an affair happened which caused a great 
uproar through the land, and which will now be narrated. The 
printer Sower had become acquainted with the Vorsteher in Germany 
during an awakening, and regarded him as a God-fearing man, but when 
his foresight placed him at the head of a great awakening on the Con- 
estoga the good soul began to suspect that he was trying to be a Pope. In 
addition, Sower was secretly displeased with the Vorsteher because he 
had taken the former's wife, who had separated from her husband, under 
his protection, and made her sub-prioress in the Sisters' house. At that 
time opinions in the land as to the Vorsteher's person were divided. The 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 77 

most and greatest part held him for a great witchmaster, and things 
which had happened certainly had this appearance. It has already been 
narrated that the spirit which controlled him at times made him invisi- 
ble, of which, by the way, this may be told. A justice sent a constable 
after him with a warrant who took with him an assistant named Martin 
Groff. As they came to the house they saw him go in with a pitcher of 
water. They followed after him, and one held the door while the other 
searched the house from top to bottom, but no Vorsteher could be found. 
But when they went out and were some distance off they saw him go 
out. 

" But his brethren, who were about him daily and might have seen 
many such things, were of the other opinion, and thought as the Jews 
about John whether he was not Christ. Even Brother Prior Onesimus 
said he was much impressed with such thoughts, all of which was known 
to the printer. When in printing the hymn-book the hymn was reached 
beginning, ' Weil die Wolcken-Seul auf bricht,' he was convinced that 
in the 37th verse the Vorsteher intended himself. He called the atten- 
tion of the proof-reader to the place, but this one asked him whether he 
believed there was only one Christ. This made him so angry that he 
wrote a sharp letter to the Vorsteher, pointing out to him his spiritual 
pride. The Vorsteher, who in things of this sort never was backward, 
sent a short answer of this import : ' Answer not a fool according to his 
folly/ etc. ' As vinegar upon nitre, so is he that singeth songs to an heavy 
heart.' Prov. xxv. 20. This letter excited the good man's ire, and he de- 
termined to avenge himself for the affront. So he gave out a writing 
against the Vorsteher, in which he mentioned what a remarkable combi- 
nation of stars ruled over the Vorsteher, and how each planet gave him 
its influence. From Mars he got his great sternness, from Jupiter his 
graciousness, Venus caused the women to seek after him, and Mercury 
taught him comedian tricks. He even found in the name Conradus 
Beisselus the number of the beast 666. In this way the relations be- 
tween the printer and the community at Ephrata were for many years 
broken, and were not again restored until the printer's wife returned to 
him. From that time on until his death he lived on good terms with 
the Vorsteher and all of the Solitary (Einsamen), and by many acts of 
kindness won their lasting regard." 

Recently, however, I have come into the possession of a hitherto un- 
seen and unheard-of little publication whose full title is : " Ein Abge- 
nothigter Bericht : oder, zum offtern begehrte Antwort, denen darnach 
fragenden dargelegt. In sich haltende : zwey Srieffe und deren Ursach. 
Dem noch angehanget worden eine Historie von Doctor Schotte und 
einige Brieffe von demselben zu unseren Zeiten nothig zu erwegen. Ger- 
mantown : Gedruckt bey Christoph Saur. 1739." 

It is Sower's own account of the controversy and contains the corre- 
spondence between himself and Beissel to which reference is made in 



78 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

the Chronicon Ephratense. Throwing light as it does upon the estab- 
lishment of the earliest German printing-press, upon the publication 
of the Weyrauch's Hligel, and upon the characters and beliefs of these 
two conspicuous figures among the German settlers of Pennsylvania, it is 
an important contribution to our information. I have translated it entire, 
except the appendix relating to other matters, and have endeavored to 
render the hymn in English verse, preserving as correctly as possible 
the spirit and versification of the original. The text alone would hardly 
seem to justify the criticisms of Sower, but when we view it with a 
knowledge of the remarkable influence wielded by Beissel over the 
Monks and Nuns of Ephrata, and the intense mysticism of the doctrines 
inculcated there, we are apt to conclude that there was some foundation 
for the interpretation he put upon it. Even the writer of the Chronicon 
himself says, " Since he [Beissel] was a Saviour of his people and their 
transgressions were loaded upon his back it need not be wondered that 
he let some of his hard priest-like position appear in this hymn, but it 
was hidden so reasonably in figures of speech and put in such doubtful 
shape that no one could know for sure whom he meant."] 

AN EXTORTED STATEMENT OR AN OFTEN REQUESTED ANSWER 
LAID BEFORE THOSE ASKING FOR IT. CONTAINING TWO LET- 
TERS AND THEIR CAUSE. To WHICH IS APPENDED A HISTORY 
OF DR. SCHOTTE AND SOME LETTERS FROM HIM USEFUL FOR 
INSTRUCTION IN OUR TIMES. GERMANTOWN. PRINTED BY 
CHRISTOPH SAUR. 1739. 

Preface. 

To those who have so often, as well verbally as through 
letter, desired to know the ground and cause for two 
writings about a hymn lately printed, I give the following 
information through the press, in order to avoid much cor- 
respondence. The affair happened in this way: Through 
the stars which ruled my birth or through nature I received 
some facility in acquiring the different kinds of handiwork 
without much trouble. I devoted this skill to the welfare 
of my neighbor, for the most part because it was my dis- 
position so to do and partly without considering about it. 
I was finally seized with an earnest desire to dedicate the 
remaining period of my life to my God and his son Jesus 
Christ, and with my little strength to honor his service and 
truly to do it in such a way that my fellow-men should be 



Quarrel between Oiristopher Sower and Conrad Bemel. 79 

benefitted by it ; but only upon the condition that it should 
please God and be acceptable to him. God opened a way 
for this purpose by the aid of one 1 who was of a like 
opinion with me in this matter, and I secured a German 
printing-press. But before it reached me, it was strongly 
impressed upon my mind that often, in our efforts to do 
good, the enemy accomplishes his purpose as much as God 
himself is served. Therefore, I then prayed earnestly to 
God that he would not suffer it that I unwittingly, much 
less knowingly, should be such an unholy instrument 
Scarcely were my materials on hand, before a hymn-book, 
which had long been desired by many people, consisting of 
many choice beautiful hymns for the instruction of God- 
seeking souls, was ready, and I eagerly undertook to print 
fifteen hundred copies, according to the request of the pub- 
lisher. And, after I had seen the parts and the register, 
I should have been pleased if I had printed instead two 
thousand copies, because I believed they would soon fall 
into the hands of those who wanted them, and a new 
edition would be difficult to publish. However, the edition 
remained as it was at first determined. I took hold of the 
work with loving earnestness, and gave every effort to have 
it soon finished. But as one foolish hymn after another 
came before me, such as I did not think suitable, I some- 
times shook my head a little, but always with patience. 
At this time Peter Miller 2 came to me and said, "Ama- 
teur poets sometimes do such work." When I inquired 
concerning the author, I found that my conjecture was 
not incorrect, as his life and walk and the fruits of his 
belief show. Still it was not my affair. But presently 
there came a special command that certain hymns, which 
were by no means the poorest, should be left out and cer- 
tain others should be inserted, that this one which hereafter 
follows should be the first in the Rubric, and that since al- 
ready another stood before it, there must be a change made, 
and it must be commenced with a larger letter, and the 

1 Jacob Gass, a Dunker. 

1 The Prior at Ephrata, whose cloister name was Brother Jabez. 



80 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

former initial be taken away, as if it were something im- 
portant. It was left like all the others of its kind, in its 
place. But as so many have asked for the reasons and so 
many false reports have been scattered far and wide among 
which shrewdness itself could not detect the right color, I 
have determined to publish untouched and unchanged first 
the hymn itself; and secondly my letter, but only in order 
that the little calf may be seen away from the really spirit- 
ual and worthy hymns and that the wrong may be seen, 
and then the answer which I thereupon received from Con- 
rad Beissel without his signature, and finally some thoughts 
concerning it for the information of the reader. 

CHRISTOPH SATJE. 
GEKMANTOWN, Sep. 24, 1739. 



THE HYMN. 



Weil die Wolcken-Seul aufbricht, 
Die Gott Israel zum licht 
Vorgestellet, drauf zu sehn 
"Wenn sie sollen weiter gehn. 

Darum legt die Hiitten ein 
Und gebt acht auf ihren Schein, 
Zu verfolgen unsre Reiss 
Auf des hohesten Geheiss. 

Es ist Zeit wir wollen gehn, 
Und nicht langer stille stehn, 
"Weil die Seule geht voran 
Und uns leuchtet auf der Balm, 

"Wer nun wtirde stille stehn 
Weil die Wolcke fort thut gehn, 
Wiird sich scheiden von dem Band 
Und von Gott verheissnem Land. 

Nun wir Mara sind vorbey, 
In der grossen Wiisteney, 
Wird mit vieler Segens-Lust 
Nun erfullet Hertz und Brust. 

Doch, wenn wir nicht halten Wacht 
Auf die Seule in der Nacht, 
Die im Feuer leuchtet fin- 
Don Weg, so verlieren wir. 



While the cloud-like pillar gleams, 
Which through God for Israel beams 
So that they may easily know 
When 'tis time for them to go, 

Leave your camp now out of sight, 
Fix your eyes upon the light, 

How in your journey's course 
Promptings from the highest source. 

It is time for us to go, 
Be no longer still and slow, 
While the pillar goes before, 
Lights the path we travel o'er, 

He who longer still would stand, 
Follows not the pillar brand, 
Severs him from all the host 
Promised land to him is lost. 

Now we hard on Mara press 
In the lonely wilderness, 
Every heart and each man's breast 
Fill with hope that he is blest. 

If we keep not careful watch, 
Fail the pillar's gleam to catch, 
Throwing light upon the way 
Surely then we go astray. 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel 81 



Doch weil es nun ist an dem, 
Dass wir wieder angenehm 
Unserm Gott, zu seinem Preiss, 
Kommen wir auff sein Geheiss. 

Und erwarten seinen Rath, 
Wie er es bechlossen hat, 
Und auf weitern Unterricht, 
Wie und wozu wir verpflicht. 

Soil es wahren noch viel Jahr, 
Dass wir durch so viel Gefahr 
Miissen wallen in dem Stand 
Auf dem Weg zum Vatterland, 

So woll jedes bleiben treu 
In der langen Wiisteney 
Dencken, dass nicht Gottes schuld 
Sondern vielmehr seine Huld. 

Die uns durch so lange Jahr 
Selbst will machen offenbahr 
Was in unserm Hertzen ist, 
Und wie bald man sein vergisst. 

Wann es geht nach unserm Sinn, 
Meynen wir es sey Gewinn, 
Und vergessen Gottes Eyd, 
Und die grosse Seligkeit. 

Darum schenckt Gott anders ein, 
Als wir es vermuthen seyn, 
Speisst uns erst mit Bitterkeit, 
Eh er unser Hertz erfreut. 

Darum sammle dich aufs Neu, 
Israel, und sey getreu, 
Folge seiner Zeugen Licht, 
Das er in dir auffgericht. 

Sieh jenes Israel an, 
Die gereisst nach Canaan, 
Wie sie Gott so lang versucht 
Unter seiner scharffen Zucht. 

Vierzig Jahr sie musten gehn 
In so viel Versuchungs Weh'n, 
Oft ohn Wasser, oft ohn Brod, 
Bald geschlagen seyn von Gott. 

VOL. xii. 6 



If we now our God would please, 
If we would our joys increase, 
His commands we will obey 
Honor him in every way. 

In the order of our quests 
Follow only his behests, 
Follow whatsoe'er befalls 
Where the voice of duty calls. 

Should it be for many years 
That we still must suffer fears, 
Must we wander whence we stand 
On our way to Fatherland, 

Be ye steadfast in the stress 
Of the weary wilderness, 
Blame not God for what ye find 
Bather think that he is kind. 

What we bear for many a year 
He will make entirely clear, 
What is deepest in our heart 
And how soon we all depart. 

When we have our wish secure 
Then we feel too safe and sure, 
Love of God we soon forget, 
Happiness we have not yet. 

But 'tis not as we suppose, 
God does otherwise dispose, 
Sends us first some bitterness 
Ere a joy our heart does bless. 

Gather then yourself anew, 
Israel, and be ever true, 
Seek the witness of his light 
That within will guide you right. 

Look upon that Isra-el 
Which to Canaan journeyed well 
How so long the Lord did urge 
With his very sharpest scourge. 

Forty years they went along, 
Felt the weight of biting thong 
Wanting water, wanting bread 
Driven by their God so dread, 



82 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad EeisseL 



Bis die alle fielen hin, 
Und verdurben in dem Sinn 
Der Gedancken, nach dem Bild 
Womit ihre Lust erfiillt. 

Da sie nach so vielerley 
Liisternd wurden ohne Scheu 
Sich zu weiden ohne Noth 
"Wurden sie gestrafft von Gott. 

Dass der grossen Siinden-Macht 
Ihn zum Eyffer hat gebracht, 
Und er sie umkommen lies 
Durch der feurigen Schlangen-Biss. 

Alles dieses 1st geschehn 
Ein exempel, dran zu sehn 
Dem nachkom'nden Israel, 
So betreten diese Stell. 

Auf uns zielet dieser Kath, 
Den man dort gesehen hat, 
Da inzwischen Gottes Treu 
In der grossen Wusteney. 

Sich erwiesen in dem Bund, 
Machte sein Erbarmung kund, 
That sie heilen von dem Biss 
Da er sie ansehen liess. 

Ein erhohtes Schlangelein, 
Der so treue Diener sein 
Hat empfangen den Befehl, 
Und gebracht auf ihre Stell. 

Sieh, oh wehrtes Israel ! 
Der du bist an jenes Stell 
Aufgekommen, dencke dran 
Was dich dieses lehren kan. 

Und wie du auf deiner Keiss 
Bissher auf so manche Weiss 
Dich verschuldet im Gericht 
Wider deines Bundes-Pflicht. 

Und durch deine Ungedult 
Dich vergriflen mit viel Schuld, 
Da du dich sehr hart gestellt 
Wider den, so Gott erwahlt. 



Till at last they all succumb, 
Sense and spirit overcome, 
And in images they trust, 
Filled are they with sordid lust. 

Since they were so filled with lust, 
Shamelessly so placed their trust, 
Fed themselves without a need 
God did punish them indeed. 

For his anger did begin 
At the grossness of their sin, 
And he let the serpent's fire 
Gather round them in his ire. 

This which happened long ago 
Is a warning for us now, 
An example that we may 
Show the Israel of to-day. 

And this counsel does disclose 
What each mortal surely knows, 
That God's loving tenderness 
Through the weary wilderness, 

In his promise did appear, 
And was made entirely clear, 
When he healed the serpent's bite, 
When he raised within their sight, 

Brazen serpent on a pole, 

Faithful servant of the soul, 

A partaker of his grace 

Who has brought them to the place. 

See I oh, Israel ! good and true, 
What there is to say to you 
You who, too, that place would reach 
Think of what it you can teach. 

How you often on the way 
Have been sought and found astray, 
On your duties how you slept, 
How your pledges were not kept. 

How impatient you have been, 
How you were inclined to sin, 
Hard the pains might God inflict 
Had he chosen to be strict. 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Eeissel 83 



Und mit Hohnen ihn verspott 
Gleich der bosen Sunder-Rott, 
Die nicht achten Gottes Ehr, 
Und nicht folgen seiner Lehr. 

Der vor dich getragen Leid 
In so vielem harten Streit, 
Must von dir verachtet seyn 
Unter so viel Trug und Schein. 

Der doch traget deine Last, 
Und dabey hat wenig East, 
Und vertrit dich im Gericht 
"Wenn des Herren Zorn anbricht. 

Der dir so viel Guts gethan 
Auf dem Weg nach Canaan, 
Und mit Gottes Lehr und Kath 
Dich sehr oft erquicket hat. 

Der dich aus der finstern Nacht 
Hat zu Gottes Licht gebracht, 
Von Egyptens Dienstbarkeit 
Und Pbaraons Macht befreyt. 

Dass dir drauf ist worden kund 
Der so treue Gnaden-Bund, 
Durch die Tauffe in dem Meer, 
Da ersaufft Pharonis Heer. 

Wurde dorten jederman 
Heil, der nur that schauen an 
Die erhohte ehrne Schlang, 
Was solt dir denn machen bang. 

"Weil des Menschen Sohn erhoht 
Und zu deinem Heil da steht, 
"Wer ihn ansieht ohn Verdries, 
"Wird geheilt vom Schlangen-Biss. 

Der sehr viele hat verwundt, 
Dass sie so viel Jahr und Stund 
Noch nicht bracht die wahre Frucht, 
Die doch Gott all Tage sucht. 

Dieses hat dir zugedacht 
Der zum offtern sonst veracht, 
Der dich liebet und vertritt, 
Und bey Gott urn Gnade bitt. 



How with scorn you him abused, 
Like vile sinners him refused 
"Who his honor never prized 
And his teachings have despised. 

Him who often suffered sore 
Many a pang for you he bore, 
Who for you must be bewrayed, 
Oft by mean deceit betrayed. 

Who with burdens still is pressed 
From your loads has little rest, 
Pleads your cause in many ways, 
And the wrath of God allays. 

Who has done you good a store 
On the way to Canaan's shore, 
Kindled life within your soul, 
Brought you under God's control. 

Who has oft in darkest night 
Pointed you to heaven's light, 
From the might of Pharaoh saved, 
When in Egypt you have slaved. 

That for you it might be shown, 
Covenant of grace be known 
Through baptism on that coast 
Where old Pharaoh's hosts were lost. 

Since each man is safe and sure, 
Should he look with eye secure 
On the snake raised up to view, 
Why should fear then weaken you ? 

'Tis the Son of Man you see, 
For your safety raised is he, 
Who then looks without despite 
Cured is from serpent's bite 

Bite that has so much alarmed, 
Has so many hurt and harmed, 
That though seeking night and day 
They have failed to find the way. 

This has he for you devised 
Whom you often have despised, 
Who yet loves and intercedes, 
And with God for mercy pleads. 



84 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 



Sehet, Sebet, Sehet an ! 
Sehet, sehet an den Mann ! 
Der von Gott erhdhet 1st 
Der ist unser Herr und Christ. 

Der sagts uns bestandig fur : 
Kommet her und folget mir, 
Ich bin euer bestes Theil 
"Wodurch ihr kont werden heil. 

Er ist die erhohte Schlang 
Bey dem rauhen "Weg und Gang, 
Durch die wird gezeiget an, 
"Wodurch man genesen kan. 

Wann wir dann genesen seyn, 
Wird das Lager wieder rein, 
Und des Herren Gegenwart 
Kan uns leiten auf der Fahrt. 

Und der Wolcken-Seulen Gang 
Machen einen rechten Klang, 
Dass es schalle und erthon, 
Und ausrufle, fort zu gehen. 

Diese Bahn ist uns gezeigt 
Von Gott, der sich zu uns neigt, 
Richtet auf sein Hiitt und Stadt 
Unter uns aus lauter Gnad 

Sind wir denn mit Gott versehn, 
So wird unser Thun bestehn, 
Und wir werden mit der Zeit 
Gehen ein zur Seligkeit. 

Darum freue dich aufs Neu, 
Israel, und sey getreu, 
Bleibest du auf dieser Bahn 
So erreichst du Canaan. 



Look and look and look intent, 
See the man who here is meant. 
He is raised by God the high'st 
He's indeed our Lord and Christ. 

He is saying constantly : 
Come you here and follow me. 
I am your most helpful friend, 
I can save you in the end. 

He is the uplifted snake 
By the way which we must take 
Through which we may surely know 
How that we may better grow. 

When completed is the cure, 
Will the camp be clean and pure, 
And the presence of the Lord 
On the way will help afford. 

Then the cloud-like pillar starts, 
Rings resounding and departs, 
Calls aloud that we may know 
It is time for us to go. 

'Tis the banner God has set, 
He's inclined toward us yet, 
Eaises o'er his holy place 
Prom the fulness of his grace. 

We shall have the Lord's support, 
All our work will be in sort, 
And as time grows less and less 
Go we on to happiness. 

Israel! then rejoice anew, 
Steadfast be and good and true, 
To this banner hold you fast 
Canaan you will reach at last. 



The objections which I had to this hymn were as follows : 
The pillars of fire and clouds are the martial and mercurial 
spirit. Nearly all the words of the four first verses of the 
hymn say as much. Then his command to depend upon 
him and do nothing except what he says especially in the 
14th and 23rd verses. In the 25th he complains that he is 
despised by his brethren as well as by the sinners, and that 
he had already brought them to God's light, as is to be 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad BeisseL 85 

seen in the 31st verse. In the 33rd and 34th, he makes the 
assertion, that if one should look upon him without despite 
he would already be free from the bite of the snake. In 
the 36th, he says, he who has made this little hymn, ought 
never to be despised. In the 37th, 38th, and 39th verses, 
Mercury springs to the front, and jumps upon the throne and 
cries, " Sehet, sehet," etc. And this stuff people are to sing ! 
Surely one's hair ought to stand upon end at such blas- 
phemy if he were not stricken blind or mad. 

Now follows my letter to Conrad Beissel : 

I have until within the last few days been in hopes that 
the work which I did, and caused to be done, upon the 
hymn-book would redound to the honor of God, to whom 
I am under the greatest obligations for all that he has done 
for me and all creatures, and will still do through time and 
eternity, and I remain bound to Him even though I should 
see no good day more. It is his way that when we dismiss 
all which is not from Him He fills us with that which more 
concerns Him. The result is that we love all that is from 
Him, and have a hatred and horror for all that does not 
please Him. In the beginning much remains concealed, 
while we are in the shoes of children as the saying is, 
which in the years of youth and manhood become as clear 
as day. I have therefore with patience overlooked some 
hymns, which I had rather sacrificed to Yulcan by throwing 
them into the fire. I thought something might be given 
to the first alphabet scholars as it were according to their 
ability and which they could grasp and that it would not 
be wise to break down the first rounds of the ladder. I 
have willingly let go what the amateur poets through 
vanity and sentiment have brought together, especially since 
Brother Peter Miller said to me : " The worst soldiers are 
always put in the front rank." Taking this -view of it I 
had nothing more to say. Afterward so much of wood, 
straw, stubble, and trash came that it went pretty hard 
with me. It was very deeply impressed upon me that each 



86 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

work should be a birth to appear in eternity, not in the 
lightness of the mercurial pictures drawn by men, but to 
stand in the clean way. However I remained in hope that 
something better would come in the future. A still greater 
misery befell me, to wit: In the beginning of the 16th 
Rubric or division there was placed a silly hymn which, on 
first reading through it, I considered to be among the stupid, 
amateur poetry and I wished that something better could 
be put in its place. In the 29th verse it runs : 

" Der doch traget deine Last 
Und dabei hat wenig East." 

There I stopped and read the remainder over again, but 
while I was away attending to some other business, it was 
printed. I was not at ease about it. I regarded it as 
among those great errors of which to-day the world is full 
and wished that it might still remain among those rejected. 
I thought if it should come, either here or in Germany or 
any where else, before the eyes of an enlightened spirit 
who has found and delights in God and his Saviour as the 
true rest, he might be deceived by such miserable stuff 
after such a magnificently brilliant title-page and I should 
be ashamed because of my negligence. I might perhaps 
be able to find excuses that would answer before men, but 
in my breast would burn a fire that would be quenched by 
no excuses. I thereupon asked Brother Samuel 1 whether 
he did not think that a great mistake had here occurred in 
writing, since unskillful poets are often compelled for the 
sake of their rhyme to use words which destroy the sense. 
He said to me, " No, I should let it stand just as it is." 
I consented to it then because it suddenly occurred to me, 
that in the pine forests the industrious ants gather together 
straw, wood, earth, shells, and resin from the pines which 
they carry underneath into the hill and that this is called 
" Weihrauch." This pacified me to some extent because 
it accorded with the title. Still I could not reconcile the 

1 Samuel Eckerlin, whose cloister name was Brother Jephune and 
who later was driven from the Community. 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 87 

word " Zionitisch" with it, because upon Mount Zion no 
such collection can be found as I have described. There 
God is praised in silence. There are there only two hymns. 
The one is the song of Moses running, briefly, like this : 
" Lord, thou and no other hast delivered us from all our 
enemies and dost protect us and lead us through outer 
danger." Exodus, 15th. There is no fighting nor quarrel- 
ing more, no time, no change of day and night. It there- 
fore occurred to me that you must have a wonderful idea of 
Zion since you fix its nature but know nothing of and have 
not experienced real and actual death. The second song 
is short. It is the song of the Lamb which is strangled. 
It runs thus : " All is fulfilled. There is nothing more to 
do. Now praise we our God in silence." 

But you said in the meeting when I was there that every 
verse was suitable for Mount Zion. That is easily said if a 
man has a well smoothed tongue. You will find out other- 
wise however. Meanwhile I regretted my lost time over 
the book and that my hope which had something honorable 
for its object should have so entirely failed. I spoke with 
Brother Samuel once more about it in what way it was to 
be understood. He answered me that I should not blame 
them for being Catholic, which I from my heart wished to 
be true since in the Community of Christ there are no 
others. For instance we believe in the mediation of holy 
ones and truly of those who are afterward in life. This 
caused me no scruple because it is my daily exercise not- 
withstanding I am still not holy. What then will the holy 
do. But when he asked me whether I believed only in one 
Christ I would have been shocked into a cold fever if true 
quiet had not prevented. I then read the whole hymn over 
again once more and saw the man who was intended and 
it gave me great sorrow. But I remembered how far the 
human race depart from God and that man is inclined to 
idolatry and easily moved to make images and to honor 
himself while the tendency to depart from the true way 
(found only in the ground of the spirit and by the abandon- 
ment of all creature things) is born in him. He is therefore 



88 Quarrel between Christopher- Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

easily led to act with sects, parties, and like divisions, and 
one believes and receives from another that which is pleasant 
without real experience of what will he the outcome. It may 
be therefore that it ought not to be taken amiss in the 
writer of the hymn, since as the eyes are so do they see. 
Still I have no real peace about this affair. I determined 
then to write to you and to ask you whether you had not 
seen or read this piece or had not considered what a dread- 
ful production it is; to say that without serious difficulty 
it can still be taken out and in its place something to the 
honor of God, or for the good of weak souls, can be put in 
where the two pages are cut out which I will do at my own 
expense ; and to ask you whether on the other hand it 
was done according to your wish and inclination. If so, I 
would remind you that the good Moses could not go into 
Canaan because he honored not the Lord when he said 
" must we fetch you water." See what an afflicted burden- 
bearer and once true knight Moses was and where is such 
a Moses ? Herod may well have made such an unusually 
good address to the people that it caused them to say, " That 
is the voice of God and not of man." The angel struck 
not the unwitting people because they were inclined to 
idolatry but him who accepted the Godly honor. Already 
you suffer yourself to be called " Father." l Oh, would 
there were a single one who comprehended Christ and re- 
spected and carried out the commands of him who abso- 
lutely forbid that you should let any one call you master 
and should call any man " Father" upon this earth ! The 
misery is already great enough, as you yourself said to me 
significantly. You are the greatest God in the community. 
"When you sat still everything fell back. You had once for 
sometime given up the meeting and every thing fell away. 
Your dearest brethren hastened to the world. Even Brother 
N. had made a wagon in which to ride to the city. There 
were other instances which you told me. And did you not 
the other day in the meeting significantly and at great length 
speak of this idolatry and how they went whoring after you 

1 His cloister name was " Vater Friedsam." 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 89 

as is indeed the case. And now will they with fall throats 
call and sing : 

" Sehet, sehet, sehet an ! 
Sehet, sehet an den mann I 
Der von Gott erhohet 1st 
Der 1st unser Herr und Christ." 

If Brother Samuel had not said to me concerning it that 
the hymn had a double meaning and one might take it as 
he chose, I should have considered the last as referring to ' 
Christ and looked upon the " God without rest" as a com- 
pulsion of the verse. Are there not already molten calves 
enough ? Is not the door to Babel great enough that they 
should huild another little door through which they can call 
loudly, " See here is Christ" in order to entice souls to them- 
selves? Do not misunderstand me. I value highly the 
favor of returning to you. But I fear God will play his own 
part in it and leave the beautiful vessel empty lest otherwise 
upright souls might suffer an injury which certainly would 
cause no single child of God pleasure. Much more were it 
to be wished from the innermost heart that all the might of 
the stars were entirely lost and that Christ were indeed the 
ruler in you and the whole community. This would give 
me great joy to look upon through my whole life long. 
There is nothing more to say except that, with the permis- 
sion of Brother Michael, 1 1 should like, if I might, to take 
out this one hymn and put another in its place because it 
concerns the honor of God. It is easy to see that I have no 
earthly concern in it and that the influence of no man's in- 
terest has anything to do with it. There are still as many 
as a hundred hymns with which you can feed the senses 
that they die not. I am sure that a thousand pounds would 
not persuade me to print such a one for the reason that it 
leads the easy way to idolatry. If it were my paper it 
would have been already burned. But my suggestion was 
met by the brethren only with scornful and mocking words 
and at last they said, " Now we will pack up the paper." I 

1 Michael Wohlfahrt, who in the cloister was Brother Agonius. 



90 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

thought "they have still better right to it than the Hussars." 
"With such disposition of the matter for my own part I can 
be at peace. God will find a way to protect his honor. As 
to the rest I love thee still. 

CHRISTOPH SATJR. 



Thereupon I received the following letter instead of an 
answer. 

In some respects the subject is entirely too bad for me to 
have anything to do with thee about it since it has been 
written : " Answer not a fool according to his folly, lest thou 
also be like unto him." 

" Answer a fool according to his folly, lest he be wise in 
his own conceit." This is the reason that I have been 
moved and thou needst not think that thou hast made a 
point. But that I should be like unto thee from having to 
do with thee will not happen since we already before made 
the mistake of having too much to do with thee. Thou 
wast not fit for our community. Therein also was fulfilled 
what has been written : "As he that taketh away a garment 
in cold weather, and as vinegar upon nitre, so is he that 
singeth songs to an heavy heart." 

If thou hadst not always acted in this way it might per- 
haps have been thought that there was some reason for it, 
but since thy whole heart is always ready to blame what 
is above thy conceited Sophist Heaven, it is no wonder to 
me that thou comst now puffed up with such foolish and 
desperate conceits: through which thou layest thyself so 
bare that any one who has only ordinary eyes can see that 
thou art indeed a miserable Sophist. If thou hadst only 
learned natural morality thou wouldst not have been 
so puffed up. A wise man does not strive to master or to 
describe a cause of which he has neither comprehension 
or experience but it is otherwise with a fool. Thou ought 
first to go to school and learn the lowly and despised way 
of the Cross of Jesus before thou imaginest thyself to be 
a master. Enough for thee. This may inform thee that 



Quarrel betiveen Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 91 

henceforth I will have nothing to do with thy two-sided 
double-hearted odious and half hypocritical pretensions of 
Godliness, since thy heart is not clean before God other- 
wise thou wouldst walk upright in the way and go not the 
crooked way thou dost. 

One almost springs aloft when he sees how shamefully the 
name of God is misused. 

The world sings its little song and dances straight and 
without hesitation to hell and covers it over with the name 
of God so that the deception and wickedness may not be 
seen. Believe me, thy way is sure to come before God, thy 
juggling tricks and spiritual slight of hand which thou, 
from the natural stars and not in the true fear of God, 
hast learned will come to judgment: and I say to thee as the 
word of truth that if thou dost not make atonement and 
change thy heart thou mayest expect a wrathful and terrible 
God, since the Lord is hostile to all that is double-faced and 
false. Indeed the paths which lead out from thee run 
through one another so wonderfully that the wonder is that 
God does not punish at once as he did the rebellious pack, 
Korah, Dathan and Abiram. 

Thou hast also in thy letter to me said that a fire burned 
in thy breast over this or that. It would be a good thing if 
that fire, if there is one, should consume thee until there 
should nothing remain but a soft and sweet spring of water 
in which thy heart might be mollified to true repentance. 
Then indeed couldst thou for the first time learn to know 
rightly what is from God and what from nature, what from 
God and what from the stars in the heavens. 

When I know of a man that he does not bend before God 
but still walks in his own highway, I accept absolutely no 
judgment as in Godly affairs, but say to him freely that he 
wash and clean himself before I can have anything to do 
with him. 

As concerning those other things in which. one man has 
to do with another it has also come to an end. Further 
and lastly it is my determination to remain as I have said 
above. I am so tired of the untruth of men that if I were 



92 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad BeisseL 

not under the greatest necessity, if God did not plainly in- 
tend and it were not His will that I must be needed for the 
cause of conscience, I would rather be dismissed into the 
still everlasting. On that account I would have prayed that 
I might henceforth be spared from such defamation, but 
should it give pleasure to load me with more of it I shall 
bear myself as one who knows not that there are such things 
in the world. I will at the last be separated from all and will 
no further participate either pro or con. Still will I in some 
measure continue my writing and do it again if circum- 
stances require it. 

What I have still further to say is this : that henceforth 
all right over my person shall be taken entirely out of thy 
hands, since thou for many years hast gone to work so won- 
derfully about it as if thou hadst bought it for a sum of 
money in order to do with it according to thy pleasure. 
Thou must not think that one is blind and foolish and dost 
not see what thou hast in mind. It does not even please me 
that I could write German to thee since thy envy and false- 
hood are so great that it is not easy to measure them. 
Therefore I consider thee entirely unfit to be a judge in 
Godly affairs, and for this reason I have little or nothing to 
answer to thy letter. Thou hast no experience in the way 
of God, for thou all the time walkest thine own way. 

Comment. 

We have here now heard a voice, whether it came from 
Zion or Mount Sinai may those judge who know the dif- 
ference. I am inclined to make a comment upon each 
word but every one may make his own as he chooses. I 
wish him only the soft and sweet spring of water which 
he needs instead of the fiery zeal of Sinai. Otherwise when 
he goes forth soon will he make fire fall from heaven, which 
we already hear crackle in his letter, and do signs and 
wonders. If I had thought he would take the trouble to 
describe my propensities and his I would have sent him 
a great register of the old Adam in me which I could 
describe much better than he. Since I for a long time have 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Eeissel. 93 

besought God to enable me thoroughly to discern their 
enormity and since I had found so much to do with myself 
I am ready to say the simple truth so that no man need be 
disturbed about me. And this is the reason for my long 
silence, and also for my thinking seldom of his person, not 
that it is too bad for me but because it can neither aid nor 
hinder me. If I were in such a position as he is, to give 
my nature possession I should need only the princes and 
powerful who still to a considerable degree have rule over 
the conceited Sophist-heaven, since they desire much to 
rule upon earth and to fasten their throne there. I could 
also have given him certain information that I have been 
beloved by many spiritual persons who truly were more 
beautiful and purer than those whom he holds above Christ. 
God had also so willed it that I for the same time cannot 
otherwise believe than that all is good to which the same 
spirit impelled me. I blame not the spirit which impelled 
him. He is God's creature. I only say: he is not clean 
and is still far from the spirit of Christ. I rejoice that he 
praises God the Lord as all good spirits do, and in that 
respect I love him. I hate only the untruth which he 
brings to light and wishes to lay in the hearts of men. 
Therefore is he a blending of good and evil. And when 
he as that one which through a maid had its pleasure in 
telling only the truth pointed out the Apostles to men, and 
sought to further their happiness (Acts ch. xv. v. 17), I 
should leave him in the place for which he is good and as 
for myself rather hunger until death for the completeness 
of my Jesus. In that I make myself entirely clear. In 
like manner I make a distinction between Conrad Beissel 
as he stands in his still well proportioned attributes derived 
from the old-birth or birth of the stars. 

1? 2|. & 9 3 D 

When one approaches him he shows first the complaisance 
of Jove ; when one bends, rises, and heeds well he finds his 
sweetness and lovingness from Yenus, his solar understand- 
ing and mercurial readiness. If one fails a little he shows 



94 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

the gravity and earnestness of Saturn. If one attacks only 
a little his spiritual pride he shows the severity of Mars 
with thunder and lightning, popely ban, the sword of ven- 
geance and fiery magic. What can induce a weak soul in 
sorrow and need to come and lay itself humbly at his feet 
when the unclean spirit, which takes pleasure in the fact, 
triumphs in this way. Therefore would I counsel no one 
upon whom he has laid his hands or who has been baptized 
by him or by another Father since all those who have given 
up the world and the gross fleshly life are prepared to be the 
habitations of a spirit, and through their own freed spirit 
and its suggestions and the help of other spirits they have 
the power to torture a deserter and to put him in pain of 
body and soul and also those who have little strength and 
do not depend with their whole hearts upon the true living 
God, but rely particularly upon their own virtues. Conrad 
has subjected me to this proof. He has intruded upon my 
ethereal past, which has taught me how it goes with others, 
and how I have need of the support of my Saviour and to 
press into the centre of love or heart of Jesus where this 
aqua fortis cannot reach. Therefore as I have said I would 
counsel no one without higher strength to oppose this 
Spirit. It is very powerful. And yet they are not bound 
by this strong magic, they have a free will. God has for 
many years shown me how many good and beautiful spirits 
there are which still are not clean. Already in the time of 
the Apostles there were many spirits which had gone be- 
yond their limits in this our world. I therefore do not 
believe all that every one tells me, even when they speak 
through a spirit and speak only what the spirit says. The 
moon goes through many phases and this is also his nature. 
It has happened because of his beautiful and well propor- 
tioned nature that he would like to be something great. 
He looked upon the dumb creatures in their deformity and 
wanted to bring them to the right. For this purpose he 
took the means method and way which pleased him. So 
that now all must dance according to his will and do what 
through the power of his magic he compels. But I also 



Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 95 

want to say that I by no means overlook what he has in 
him which is good, and I freely recognize that he has much 
that a true Christian cannot be without, and this many in- 
nocent people see and they are drawn to him by it. But 
for myself I can never be attached to him for the reason 
that I know that his teaching hitherto has been a com- 
pound of Moses, Christ, Gichtel and Conrad Beissel. And 
no one of them complete. The spirit of Moses stood up 
boldly and prayed for the people who had disobeyed him 
and done wrong. Should his people oppose him how soon 
would Mercury spread his wings. Christ was of an entirely 
different disposition. He knew his betrayer long before, 
and when the latter came to take his life he was such a 
gentle lamb that he said, " Friend ! wherefore art thou 
come?" He received his kiss. He cured the ear of 
Malchus. Our dear Conrad is very far from anything of 
that kind. In many points he is very close to Gichtel and 
still closer to the little beast, described in Revelations 13 
ch. 11 v. which represents his peculiarity in spiritual things. 
His figure is such that if one beseeches him he has the 
horns of a lamb, but if one touches his temper only a little 
he speaks like a dragon and is indeed not to be regarded as 
the first great beast whose number is 666. He is not in- 
deed so beast-like but is also not clean Godly, but is hu- 
manly peculiar and no other than CVnraDVs BelseLVs. 
DCLVVYI. 666. 

If he had not for the future entirely taken out of my 
hands all right to his very holy person I could and would 
have opened up to him the inner ground of his heart a little 
between me and him alone but I must now be entirely 
silent for I am bound hand and foot. It seems to me that 
during the two weeks which he took to write to me he 
did not once remember him who suffered an entirely dif- 
ferent opposition from sinners, who although he was in 
the Godly image held it not for a wrong to be like God 
but lowered himself and became as a man. But this one 
must be regarded as a God and therefore the little calf 
should and must remain upon its place. "When my Saviour 



96 Quarrel between Christopher Sower and Conrad Beissel. 

had done a notable deed he desired that it should he un- 
known. See to it that no man learn of it. But to this 
God, we must sing his folly. If I had had ten hymns in 
the book and had been requested I would have taken them 
out, but Conrad is not accustomed to having his will broken. 
I could have overlooked it in silence out of natural morality 
and as a printer but it concerned the love of God that I 
should not be silent. The spiritual harlotry and idolatry 
would have been increased and confirmed by my support. 
I would rather die of hunger than earn my bread in such 
a way. It would go worse with me than with the primate 
in Poland who proclaimed a king upon the throne and 
could not keep him there. I have, without baptizing my- 
self and letting myself be baptized four times (like him) 
placed myself under the standard of my Saviour and loved 
him and still have not had the freedom to ask of him that 
he make an officer of me, but I gave myself to him as he 
best knows as poor clay to be formed in his hand as by a 
potter, or to be thrown into a corner as clay which is worth- 
less. He has nevertheless appointed me as the least be- 
neath his standard as a sentry to watch my post, a watch- 
word has been given me which reads " Love and humility." 
"When I then upon the dark nights call out " who goes 
there" and this parole is not answered me I know that it is 
no good friend and no man of ours. I must then fire my 
piece so that each upon his post may be warned. But since 
the Commander is not far away he will himself have a care. 
To him only the honor. For me willingly the shame. 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 97 



NEW YOEK AND PHILADELPHIA IN 1787. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNALS OF MANASSEH CUTLER. 

There has been lately published in Cincinnati a book of 
more than ordinary interest to Philadelphians, as some 
parts of it refer to our city at a very interesting period of 
its existence, and afford pleasant glimpses of the social life 
and manners of our ancestors. 

The book in question is the " Life, Journals, and Corre- 
spondence of Manasseh Cutler." A typical New England 
man. A native of Connecticut, who had studied divinity 
and medicine ; served as a chaplain during the Revolution ; 
established a private school at Ipswich after having quitted 
the army ; acquired a reputation as a botanist, and at the 
time he visited our city, July, 1787, agent of the Ohio Com- 
pany, a company formed in Massachusetts, and composed 
principally of Revolutionary veterans, who intended pur- 
chasing and settling on a tract of land on the Ohio. On 
their behalf Dr. Cutler visited New York and laid their 
plan before Congress, and as the Federal Convention was 
then in session in Philadelphia, he extended his journey to 
that city to pay court to the members and to make the 
acquaintance of a number of persons to whom he bore 
letters of introduction. In New York he was introduced 
on the floor of Congress, and met Richard Henry Lee and 
Colonel Edward Carrington, of Virginia, General Arthur 
St. Clair and General John Armstrong, of Pennsylvania, 
Colonel William Few and Major Pierce, of Georgia, William 
Blount, of North Carolina, Huger, of South Carolina, and 
other members of Congress. He was also introduced to 
David Rittenhouse and Dr. John Ewing, Provost of the 
University of Pennsylvania, and Thomas Hutchins, Geog- 
rapher to the United States. He dined with General Knox, 
VOL. xn. 7 



98 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

whose lady he describes, in language more forcible than 
polite, " as very gross," but " her manners," he adds, " are 
easy and graceful. She is sociable," he continues, " and 
would be very agreeable were it not her affected singularity 
in dressing her hair. She seems to mimic a military style 
which to me is disgusting in a female. Her hair in front is 
craped at least a foot high, much in the form of a churn 
bottom upward, and topped off with a wire skeleton in the 
same form covered with black gause, which hangs in 
streamers down to her back. Her hair behind is in a large 
braid, turned up and confined with a monstrous large 
crooked comb. She reminded me of the monstrous cap 
worn by the Marquis La Fayette's valet commonly called 
on this account the Marquis' Devil." 

Another day he dined at Sir John Temple's, Consul- 
General of Great Britain to the United States. Sir John is 
spoken of as the " complete gentleman but his deafness 
renders it painfull to converse with him. Lady Temple is 
certainly the greatest beauty notwithstanding her age I ever 
saw. To a well proportioned form, a perfectly fine skin 
and completely adjusted features, is added a soft but ma- 
jestic air, an ever pleasing sociability a vein of fine sense 
which commands admiration and infuses delight. Her 
smiles for she rarely laughs could not fail of producing the 
softest sensibility in the fiercest savage. Her dress is ex- 
ceedingly neat and becoming, but not gay. She is now a 
grandmother but I should not suppose her more than 22 : 
her real age is 44." This flattering picture may to some 
extent have been the result of local partiality, for a note by 
the editor of the volume informs us that Lady Temple, like 
Dr. Cutler, was from Massachusetts, being the daughter of 
Governor Bowdoin. 

" Our dinner," he says, " was in the English style, plain 
but plentiful, the wines excellent, which is a greater object 
with Sir John than his roast beef or poultry. You can 
not please him more than by praising his Madeira and 
frequently begging the honor of a glass with him. The 
servants were all in livery. The Parlor, Drawing room and 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 99 

Dinning hall are in the second story spacious and richly 
furnished. The paintings are principally historical and 
executed by the greatest masters in Europe. The Parlor 
is ornamented chiefly with medals and small ousts of the 
principal characters now living in Europe made in Plaster 
of Paris or white wax." But as the day was Sunday, Dr. 
Cutler was obliged to leave Sir John's hospitable table at 
half-past three to attend service at St. George's Chapel, where 
he sat in the Governor's pew and heard an elegant sermon 
from Dr. Moore. But what seemed to strike him more than 
the sermon was the time selected for taking up the collection. 
In the Presbyterian church that he had attended in the 
morning it was made after singing the last Psalm, but at St. 
George's, Dr. Cutler writes, " In the time of the first singing 
the Wardens visited every pew with their pewter plates into 
which every person, small and great, put a copper. This 
seemed to be * killing two birds with one stone' for while 
they were engaged in singing their Psalm (for every body 
sings), they were as busy in fumbling their pockets for the 
coppers and rattling them into the platters." 

Dr. Cutler also dined with Colonel Duer, whose wife was 
a daughter of Lord Sterling. " She is," says Dr. Cutler, " a 
fine woman though not a beauty very sociable, and with 
most accomplished manners. She performed the honors of 
the table most gracefully was constantly attended by two 
servants in livery, and insisted on performing the whole 
herself. I presume he had not less than fifteen different 
sorts of wine at dinner, and after the cloth was removed be- 
sides most excellent bottled cider, porter and several other 
kinds of strong beer." 

One of the customs that was new to Dr. Cutler he narrates 
as follows : " I was struck this morning with a custom in this 
city which I had never before heard of in any part of the 
world. I observed as I was going to church six men walk- 
ing two and two towards the church with very large white 
sashes which appeared to be made of fine Holland the whole 
width and two or three yards in length. They were placed 
over their right shoulders and tied under their left arms in 



100 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

a very large bow, with several yards of white ribbon on the 
top of their shoulders ; a large rose formed of white rib- 
bon, was placed on the sash. As I came up to the yard of 
the church Dr. Kogers and Dr. Ewing were just before me 
going into the church, both in their black gowns, but Dr. 
Rogers with a large white sash, like those of the six men, 
only that the bow and rose of ribbons were black. These 
sashes I was informed were given the last week at a funeral. 
They are worn by the minister and bearers to the grave 
and are always worn by them the next Sunday, and the 
bearers always walk to and from the church together. To 
give these sashes, is a general custom at the funeral of 
persons of any note." 

On the day following Dr. Cutler dined with Dr. Eogers, in 
company with Dr. Witherspoon, Dr. Ewing, Dr. McCourt- 
land, of Newark, Mr. "Wilson, colleague with Dr. Rogers, 
and two clergymen from the southward, whose names he 
did not recollect. " It seemed," he said, " like a ministers' 
meeting. They appeared to be much of gentlemen and I 
must do them the justice to say I was treated with particu- 
lar marks of attention, notwithstanding my being a New 
England man." Dr. Witherspoon, he records elsewhere, " is 
an intolerably homely old Scotchman, and speaks the true 
dialect of his country except that his brogue borders on 
the Irish. He is a bad speaker, has no oratory, and had 
no notes before him. His subject was < Hypocrisy.' But 
notwithstanding the dryness of the subject, the badness of 
his delivery, which required the closest attention to under- 
stand him, yet the correctness of his style, the arrangement 
of his matter, and the many new ideas he suggested, ren- 
dered his sermon very entertaining." 

But it was with Congress, the old Congress, the Congress 
of the Confederation, that Dr. Cutler had to do, and he 
minutely describes the chamber in which it met. It was 
in the building on "Wall Street opposite Broad, where 
Washington was afterwards inaugurated, the site of which 
is now occupied by the Sub-Treasury of the United States, 
a spot towards which the eyes of the country will be 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 101 

turned next April with the same interest that they were 
directed last September to our venerable Independence 
Hall. 

Dr. Cutler describes the edifice as " a magnificent pile of 
buildings," and measuring it by a home standard, thought 
it nearly twice the width of the State House in Boston, 
but not so long. The Congress chamber was at the east 
end of the second story. " On the southern side the floor 
is raised several feet which is ascended by steps and is 
inclosed with a banister. In the center is a large chair, 
raised still higher, lined with red damask silk and over it 
a curious canopy fringed with silk, and two large, flowing 
damask curtains descending from the sides of the canopy 
to the floor, partly furled with silken cords. This is the 
seat of the President of Congress, and the appearance at 
the opposite side of the chamber is superb. On the floor 
of the chamber at the right and left from the President's 
chair are two rows of chairs, extended to the opposite 
side of the room, with a small bureau table placed before 
each chair; the chairs and tables are mahogany, richly 
carved, the arms and bottom covered with red morocco 
leather. On each side of the President's chair within the 
banisters, are chairs and tables similar to those of the 
members, for the use of the Secretary and his clerks. In 
the midst of the floor is a vacant space in the form of a 
broad aisle. The curtains of the windows are red damask, 
richly ornamented with fringe. At the east end is a portrait 
of General Washington, at fall length well executed. At 
the opposite end are the portraits of some of the general 
officers who fell in the late war. On the side opposite the 
President's seat are the portraits of the King and Queen 
of France, as large as life. They were drawn by the King's 
own portrait painter, and presented by his Majesty to Con- 
gress. The drapery infinitely exceeds anything of the kind 
I ever saw before. They are dressed in their robes and 
life and animation is imitated to perfection. When the 
damask curtains which covered them were drawn, their eyes 
were fixed upon us with a vivacity that bespoke life itself, 



102 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

and their majestic countenances seemed to chastise our in- 
solence in approaching them with so little reverence." 

On the morning of July 11 Dr. Cutler left New York for 
Philadelphia. He arrived that night at Princeton, fifty-two 
miles from New York, and at five o'clock the next morn- 
ing called on Colonel George Morgan, who enjoyed the repu- 
tation of being the first farmer in America. He hardly ex- 
pected to find him up, but want of time obliged him to call 
at that unseemly hour. The Colonel, however, was in his 
parlor, engaged with his books, and received him politely. 
He showed him his fine farm garden and apiary, in which 
were sixty-four swarms of bees in a line fifteen rods long. 
He also visited the college, and rambled through the building 
with the Rev. Samuel Stanhope Smith, Yice-President of the 
college, examined the library and philosophical apparatus, 
and climbed up to the cupola to view the battle-field. 
From there he proceeded to Trenton, and shortly after, 
having crossed into Pennsylvania, met General John Arm- 
strong and Colonel Franks. Both of them, he writes, were 
" high Bucks and affected as I conceived to hold the New 
England States in contempt. They had repeatedly touched 
my Yankee blood in their conversation at table but I was 
much on the reserve until after we had dined," when some 
reflections on the conduct of Rhode Island and the insur- 
gency in Massachusetts brought on a war of words, in which 
" the cudgels were taken up on both sides ; the contest as 
fierce as if the fate of empires depended upon the decision." 
But Cutler and a fellow-traveller who took his side parted 
with their antagonists on terms of perfect good humor, 
and he writes, u We had the satisfaction to quit the field 
with an air of triumph." 

As he approached Philadelphia " the numerous shocks of 
grain in the field demonstrated the richness of the soil. . . . 
At almost every house the farmers and their wives were 
sitting in their cool enteries, or under the piazzas and shady 
trees about their doors. I observed," he writes, " the men 
generally wore fine Holland shirts with the sleeves plaited, 
the women in clean, cool, white dresses, enjoying the ease 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 103 

and pleasure of domestic life, with few cares, less labor, and 
abounding plenty." 

Arriving in Philadelphia he put up at the Indian Queen, 
which he describes as follows : 

It " is situated in Third Street, between Market Street 
and Chestnut Street, and is not far from the center of the 
city. It is kept in an elegant style, and consists of a large 
pile of buildings, with many spacious halls and numerous 
small appartments appropriated for lodging rooms. As soon 
as I had inquired of the bar-keeper, ... if I could be fur- 
nished with lodgings a livery servant was ordered imme- 
diately to attend me, who received my baggage from the 
hostler and conducted me to the appartments assigned by 
the bar keeper which was a rather small but a very hand- 
some chamber (No 9) furnished with a rich field bed, bureau, 
table with drawers, a large looking glass, neat chairs, and 
other furniture. Its front was east and being in the third 
story afforded a fine prospect towards the river and the 
Jersey shore. 

" The servant that attended me was a young, sprightly, 
well built black fellow, neatly dressed blue coat, sleeves 
and cape red, and buff waistcoat and breeches, the bosom of 
his shirt ruffled, and hair powdered. After he had brought 
up my baggage and properly deposited it in the chamber, 
he brought two of the latest London magazines and laid on 
the table. I ordered him to call a barber, furnish me with 
a bowl of water for washing and to have tea on the table 
by the time I was dressed." 

After having refreshed himself, Dr. Cutler learned that a 
number of members of the Federal Convention were stop- 
ping at the same house, and as two of them were from 
Massachusetts, he sent word to one of them, Caleb Strong, 
that he would like to speak to him. They had never met, 
but he explains we " had a hearsay knowledge of each other," 
and the result was he was in a short time hobnobbing with 
Nathaniel Gorham, of Massachusetts, James Madison, Jr., 
subsequently President of the United States, and George 
Mason, of Virginia, Governor Alexander Martin and Dr. 



104 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

Hugh "Williamson, of North Carolina, John Rutledge, after- 
wards appointed Chief-Justice of the United States, and 
Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, and Alexander Hamil- 
ton, of New York. A notahle company, in whose presence, 
he modestly notes, the evening passed very agreeably. But 
after the others had gone, Strong and Gorham urged 
Cutler to remain, " that they might inquire with more free- 
dom and more minutely into state affairs in Massachusetts." 
At half-past one they separated, Mr. Strong promising to 
take Dr Cutler early the next morning to call on Elbridge 
Gerry, one of the other delegates from Massachusetts. 

As his room faced the east, and it was the middle of July, 
it is not surprising that Dr. Cutler arose early the next 
morning, notwithstanding a ride of forty-three miles and the 
late hours of the previous day. But he found Mr. Strong 
up as early as he was, and they walked to Mr. Gerry's on 
Spruce Street, where they breakfasted. Mr. Gerry had 
good reasons for not submitting himself to the incon- 
veniences of a public-house. " Few old bachelors," writes 
Dr. Cutler, " have been more fortunate in matrimony than 
Mr. Gerry. His lady is young very handsome and exceed- 
ingly amiable, ... I 'should not suppose her to be more 
than seventeen and believe he must have turned Fifty-five." 
But the good doctor was either a bad judge of ages or the 
beauty of Mrs. Gerry must have had an unfortunate effect 
on her husband's appearance. He really was but forty-three, 
while she was in her twenty-fourth year. " They have 
been married," says Dr. Cutler, " about eighteen months 
and have a fine son about two months old of which they 
appear to be extravagantly fond." A younger child of this 
happy union survives to-day, and a short time ago showed 
one of our citizens a miniature of her mother, painted at 
the time of her marriage, that fully bears out the judgment 
of Dr. Cutler regarding her beauty. 

" I was surprised," continues Dr. Cutler, " to find how 
early ladies in Philadelphia can rise in the morning, and to 
see them at breakfast at half after five when in Boston they 
can hardly see a breakfast table at nine without falling 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 105 

into hysterics." Mrs. Gerry said " she was inured to it 
from childhood in New York and that it was the practice 
of the best families in Philadelphia." 

From Mr. Gerry's they went to Dr. John Morgan's, in 
Pine Street, and from there to Dr. Gerardus Clarkson's, 
who resided in the same street. "Dr. Clarkson," writes 
Dr. Cutler, " is one of those fine accomplished benevolent 
characters which inspire the most exalted ideas of human 
nature. I found him fully to answer the character I had 
received of him. My letters to him were from his much 
esteemed friend Dr. Belknap and his brother-in-law Mr. 
Hazard. . . . When he found my stay in the city must be 
very short he dismissed all of his business and sent his 
servant to inform his patients that it was not probable he 
would be able to see them on that day or the next. ... I 
was formally introduced to his son who had just before 
received Episcopal Ordination from Dr. "White, the Bishop 
of the State. . . . After engaging me to dine with him the 
Doctor ordered his Phaeton to be harnessed that we might 
take a general view of the city, &c. We rode out of the 
city on the western side toward the Schuylkill and passed 
by the Hospital and Bettering-house. We continued our 
route in view of the Schuylkill, and up the river several 
miles, and took a view of a number of Country seats, one 
belonging to Mr. Robert Morris the American financeer 
who is said to possess the greatest fortune in America. His 
country seat [now known as Lemon Hill] is not yet com- 
pleted but it will be superb. It is planned on a large scale, 
the gardens and walks are extensive and the villa situated 
on an eminence has a commanding prospect down the 
Schuylkill to the Delaware." 

After returning to Dr. Clarkson's they called on Dr. 
Rush, and having dined, visited Peale's celebrated collection 
of paintings and natural curiosities. " We were conducted," 
writes the doctor, " into a room by a boy who. told us that 
Mr. Peale would wait on us in a minute or two. He desired 
us however to walk into the room where the curiosities 
were, and showed us a long narrow entry which led into 



106 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

the room. I observed through a glass window on my right 
hand a gentleman close to me standing with a pencil in 
one hand and a small sheet of ivory in the other, and his 
eyes directed to the opposite side of the room, as though 
he was taking some object on his ivory sheet. Dr. Clarkson 
did not see this man until he stepped into the room, but 
instantly turned about and came back, saying ' Mr. Peale is 
very busy taking the picture of something with his pencil. 
"We will step back into the other room and wait until he is 
at leisure.' We returned through the entry, but as we 
entered the room we came from, we met Mr. Peale coming 
to us. The Doctor started back in astonishment and cried 
out ' Mr. Peale, how is it possible you should get out of 
the other room to meet us here' Mr. Peale smiled 4 I 
have not been in the other room' says he, ' for some time,' 
6 No !' says Clarkson, 4 did I not see you there this moment 
with your pencil and ivory.' i Why do you think you did ?' 
says Peale. ' Do I think I did ? Yes' says the Doctor < I 
saw you there if I ever saw you in your life' 4 Well' says 
Peale Met us go and see' When we returned we found 
the man standing as before. My astonishment was now 
equal to that of Dr. Clarkson' s ; for although I knew what 
I saw, yet I beheld two men so perfectly alike that I could 
not discern the minutest difference. One of them indeed 
had no motion, but he appeared to me to be as absolutely 
alive as the other, and I could not help wondering that he 
did not smile or take a part in the conversation. This was 
a piece of wax work which Mr. Peale had just finished, in 
which he had taken himself. So admirable a performance 
must have done great honor to his genius if it had been 
that of any other person, but I think it much more ex- 
traordinary that he should be able so perfectly to take 
himself. To what perfection is this art capable of being 
carried !" 

" The walls of this room are covered with paintings both 
portrait and historic. One particular part is assigned to 
the portraits of the principal American characters who 
appeared on the stage during the late revolution either in 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 107 

the councils or armies of their country. The drapery was 
excellent and the likenesses of all of whom I had any per- 
sonal knowledge well taken. I fancied myself introduced 
to all the general officers that had been in the field during 
war, whether dead or alive, for I think he had every one, 
most of the members of Congress and other distinguished 
characters. ... At the upper end of the room General 
"Washington at full length and nearly as large as the life 
was placed as President of this sage and martial assembly." 
" At the opposite end under a small gallery, his natural 
curiosities were arranged in a most romantic and amusing 
manner. There was a mound of earth, considerably raised 
and covered with green turf, from which a number of trees 
ascended and branched out in different directions. On the 
declivity of this mound was a small thicket, and just below 
it an artificial pond ; on the other side a number of large 
and small rocks of different kinds, collected from different 
parts of the world and represented the rude state in which 
they are generally found. At the foot of the mound were 
holes dug, and the earth thrown up to show the different 
kinds of clay, ochre coal, marl, &c &c which he had col- 
lected from different parts ; also various ores and minerals. 
Around the pond was a beach on which was exhibited 
an assortment of shells of different kinds, turtles, frogs, 
toads, lizards, water-snakes, &c &c. In the pond was a 
collection of fish with their skins stuffed, waterfowls &c. 
. . . All having the appearance of life. On the ground were 
those birds which commonly walk on the ground as the 
partridge and quail, heath hen, &c also different kinds of 
wild animals bear, deer, leopard and wild cat. ... In the 
thicket and among the rocks, land snakes, rattle-snakes 
of an enormous size, black, glass, striped and a number of 
other snakes. The boughs of the trees were loaded with 
birds some of almost every species in America and many 
exotics. In short it is not in my power to. give any par- 
ticular account of the numerous species of fossils and 
animals but only their general arrangement. . . . Mr. Peale's 
animals reminded me of Noah's Ark into which was re- 






108 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

ceived every kind of beast and creeping thing in which 
there was life. But I hardly conceived that even Noah 
could have boasted of a better collection." 

From the Museum they went to the State House. " This," 
writes Dr. Cutler, " is a noble building, the architecture is 
in a richer and grander style than any public building I 
have ever before seen. The first story is not an open walk, 
as is usual in buildings of this kind. In the middle however, 
is a very broad cross-aisle, and the floor above supported 
by two rows of pillars. From this aisle is a broad opening 
to a large hall toward the west end which opening is sup- 
ported by arches and pillars. In this Hall the courts are 
held and as you pass the aisle you have a full view of the 
court. The supreme court was now sitting. This bench 
consists of only three judges their robes are scarlet; the 
lawyers black. 

" The Chief Judge Mr. McKean was sitting with his hat 
on, which is the custom but struck me as being very odd, 
and seemed to derogate from the dignity of a judge. The 
hall east of the aisle is employed for public business. The 
chamber over it is now occupied by the continental conven- 
tion, which is now sitting, but sentries are planted without 
and within to prevent any person from approaching near 
who appear to be very alert in the performance of their 
duty." 

The State House yard had then been laid out but three 
years. The trees were small, but the walks were well 
gravelled and rolled hard. " The painful sameness com- 
monly to be met with in garden-alleys and other works 
of this kind," writes Dr. Cutler, " is happily avoided here 
for there are no parts of the mall that are alike. Hogarth's 
'line of beauty' is completely verified. The public are 
indebted to the fertile fancy and taste of Mr. Samuel 
Vaughn for the elegance of the plan. . . . The mall is at 
present nearly surrounded with buildings," he continues, 
" which stand near to the board fence that incloses it and the 
parts now vacant will in a short time be filled up. On one 
part the Philosophical Society are erecting a large building 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 109 

for holding their meetings and depositing their Library and 
Cabinet. This building is begun and on another part a 
County Court house is now going up. But after all the 
beauty and elegance of this public walk, there is one cir- 
cumstance that must forever be disgusting and must greatly 
diminish the pleasure and amusement which these walks 
would otherwise afford. At the foot of the mall and oppo- 
site to the Court House is the Prison fronting directly on 
the mall. It is very long and high. I believe four stories 
and is built of stone. The building itself, which is elegant, 
would appear well were it not for its unsavory contents. 
Your ears are constantly insulted with their Billingsgate 
language, or your feelings wounded with their pitiful com- 
plaints. Their long reed poles with a little cap of cloth at 
the end are constantly extended over into the Mall in order 
to receive your charity which they are incessantly begging. 
And if you refuse them they load you with the most foul 
and horrid imprecations. In short, whatever part of the 
mall you are in, this cage of unclean birds is constantly in 
your view and their doleful cries attack your ears." 

The University was the next place visited. The building 
then used was the ancient one on Fourth Street below Arch. 
It had been erected when Whitefield preached in Philadel- 
phia. Dr. Cutler says, " It makes no appearance and the 
accommodations are very indifferent. The Hall is the most 
elegant part; it is pretty large handsomely ornamented and 
the inside work consists of considerable carving in the old 
fashioned style." The Provost, Dr. Ewing, whom he had 
met in New York, was still absent from the city, having 
gone with Rittenhouse and Hutchings to settle the boundary 
between New York and Massachusetts. 

From the University they went through the streets where 
the meeting-houses and churches were situated, gazed at 
them, and dropped in on Bishop White and Dr. Sproat. 
Finally they brought up at John Vaughn's, who accompa- 
nied them to Mr. Gerry's, where they found a company of 
ladies calling upon that gentleman's wife. From his ease in 
conversation and politeness in manner, Dr. Cutler supposed 



110 New Yoi*k and Philadelphia in 1787. 

they were old acquaintances of Mr. Vaughn, and was com- 
pletely astonished when he subsequently asked him, as they 
were on their way to Dr. Franklin's, if he could tell him 
their names ; they were from New York ; he had never met 
them "before, and it had slipped his memory. " What ad- 
vantages," recorded Dr. Cutler, " are derived from a finished 
education and the best of company." 

"Dr. Franklin," writes the visitor, "lives in Market 
Street between second and third streets but his house 
stands up a courtyard at some distance from the street. 
We found him in his garden sitting upon a grass plat under 
a very large Mulberry with several other gentlemen and 
two or three ladies. There was no curiosity in Philadel- 
phia which I felt so anxious to see as this great man who 
has been the wonder of Europe as well as the glory of 
America." Dr. Cutler expected to find Dr. Franklin diffi- 
cult of access, with an " air of grandeur and majesty about 
him ;" one who " common folks must expect only to gaze 
at" from a distance " and answer only such questions as he 
might be pleased to ask." How were his ideas changed 
when he was introduced to " a short fat trunched old man, 
in a plain Quaker dress bald pate, and short white locks sit- 
ting without his hat under the tree," and, as Mr. Gerry intro- 
duced him, rose from his chair, took him by the hand, and 
welcomed him to the city. " The tea table," writes Dr. 
Cutler, " was spread under the tree and Mrs. Bache a very 
gross and rather homely lady, who is the only daughter of 
the Doctor and lives with him, served it out to the company. 
She had three of her children about her over whom she 
seemed to have no kind of command, but who appeared to 
be excessively fond of their Grandpapa." Franklin showed 
Dr. Cutler a curiosity he had just received, a snake with two 
heads, and suggested what a distressing condition it would 
have been in if it had met with an obstruction in its path and 
one head had insisted on taking the right side, the other the 
left. He was just about to draw a comparison between the 
snake thus circumstanced and something that occurred in 
the convention, when he was reminded that convention mat- 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. Ill 

ters were secret, and so the story was lost to history. Dr. 
Cutler was also shown his library, said to have been the 
largest private one in America, his machine for illus- 
trating the circulation of blood in the body, his letter-press 
for copying letters, his artificial arm and hand for taking 
down and putting up books on high shelves, his rocking- 
chair with the fan over it, to keep him cool and drive away 
the flies, that he could work with a slight motion of the foot 
while reading, and other curious inventions. But what in- 
terested Dr. Cutler still more was a copy of Linnseus's 
" Systema Vegetabilia," illustrated with large cuts, colored 
from nature. The volume was so large that Dr. Franklin 
could hardly lift it from a low shelf and place it on the 
table. " With that senile ambition common to old people 
he insisted on doing it himself," writes Dr. Cutler, "merely 
to show us how much strength he had remaining." While 
the other gentlemen talked politics, Franklin and Cutler 
turned over the volume, the former, who was no botanist, 
enjoying Cutler's delight, but as the latter could have spent 
three months over the book, at ten o'clock he took his leave. 
From the doctor's he returned to the Indian Queen, 
where he found a number of his friends about sitting down 
to a sumptuous table. He was invited to join them, and did 
so ; and although he had been on the go from five o'clock 
in the morning, did not retire until midnight, having then 
made an appointment to meet a number of his companions 
at five o'clock the next day to visit Bartram's gardens and 
other points of interest. The next day was Saturday, and 
before it was light this live Yankee was out of his bed to 
see Philadelphia's celebrated markets in all the glory of 
their summer wealth. Although it was so dark he could 
not distinctly see a man a few rods distant, he found nearly 
a hundred people in the market and crowds coming from 
every street. He describes the market-houses as extending 
for nearly half a mile, situated in the middle .of the street, 
and " as neat and clean as a dinning Hall." " By the time it 
was fair daylight the marketers seemed to be all in and 
everything arranged. The crowds of purchasers filled every 



112 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

avenue so that it was almost impossible to pass. The stalls 
were furnished with excellent meat and there was every 
kind of vegetable and fruit which the season afforded. The 
crowds of people seemed like the collection at the last day 
for there was every rank and condition in life from the 
highest to the lowest, male and female, of every age and 
color." " Several of the market-women, who sold fruit," 
said Dr. Cutler, " had their infants in their arms and their 
children about them, and there seemed to be some of every 
nation under heaven. The ladies indeed are the principal 
purchasers but are in a dress not easily to be known by their 
most intimate acquaintance and are always attended by a 
servant with his basket. What would the delicate Boston 
ladies think if they were to be abroad at this hour ? There 
is I presume as much real delicacy in Philadelphia as Bos- 
ton. . . . This scene was so novel that I could not deny my- 
self the pleasure of attending to it for a little time. I made 
myself very busy in traversing from one end of the market 
to the other viewing every thing that was going on and 
gazing at the numerous strange faces which appeared 
wherever I turned my eyes. At length I found myself 
obliged to give up this pleasure for another." 

The company that visited Bartram at his gardens, west 
of the Schuylkill, below Gray's Ferry, consisted of Dr. 
Cutler, Mr. Strong, Governor Martin, George Mason and 
son, Dr. Williamson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Kutledge, Alexander 
Hamilton, Mr. Vaughn, Dr. Clarkson and his son. This 
early party evidently took the botanist by surprise, for they 
found him " in a short jacket and trousers and without 
shoes or stockings," hoeing his garden. He was, no doubt, 
blessing Dr. Clarkson, the only one he was acquainted with, 
for having brought such a company down upon him at such 
an unseasonable hour, when he was introduced to Dr. Cut- 
ler, who, he was told, wished to converse with him on 
botanical subjects, while the other gentlemen only desired 
the pleasure of walking through the gardens. All em- 
barrassment soon vanished, and the two botanists were 
before long deep in their favorite science. Dr. Cutler de- 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 113 

scribes very minutely the gardens of Bartram and those at 
Gray's Ferry, where the company breakfasted. But as the 
doctor saw almost as much on the second day of his visit as 
he did on the first, we are obliged to refer the reader, for 
this part of his visit, to the volumes in which his journal is 
printed. Suffice it to say that Gray's garden, which our 
ancestors delighted to visit in the fine weather to drink tea 
and escape the heat of the city, called forth from our New 
England visitor expressions of the greatest admiration. Its 
grottos and water-falls, Chinese bridges and pagodas, her- 
mitage and shaded walks, are in sad contrast with the rail- 
road tracks and oil-tanks that meet the eye from the same 
spot to-day, and make one regret that the march of improve- 
ments demand such sacrifices or that park commissioners 
were not of earlier origin. 

Returning to Philadelphia, the members of the convention 
repaired to the State House, and Dr. Cutler was conducted 
to the Hospital, where he was met by Dr. Rush, and was 
shown through the building. By this time Dr. Rush's 
students had arrived, and the sick wards were visited ; every- 
thing was in the most perfect order, and although the de- 
partment for the insane did not fail to excite feelings of 
distress, Dr. Cutler could not help recording that the place 
" seemed more like a palace than a hospital and one would 
almost be tempted to be sick if he could be so well provided 
for." The Bettering House at Eleventh and Spruce Streets 
was then visited, and then Dr. Cutler, Dr. Clarkson, and son 
dined with Dr. Rush. 

Soon after dinner the bell of a church rang to inform the 
citizens who subscribed to the Library that it was then open 
for the purpose of receiving and delivering books. At that 
time it occupied the second story of Carpenters' Hall, and 
to that place Dr. Cutler and his friends repaired, where he 
examined the books and a number of other interesting ob- 
jects then deposited there. 

At half-past six he left the city to return to New York, 
and after noting this, gives a few additional facts regarding 
his visit. " Philadelphia," he says, " is the capital city of 
VOL. xn. 8 



114 New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 

America. It is large elegant and populous, . . . with a good 
harbor in which there is a great number of large ships be- 
sides numerous smaller vessels. It contains 10,000 thou- 
sand 1 inhabitants and covers twice the quantity of ground to 
that of Boston. The State House, Hospital and most of the 
public buildings are magnificent, but it is singular that there 
are only two steeples in the city where there are upwards 
of twenty houses for public worship. There is an academy 
belonging to the members of the Episcopal Church and an 
Infirmary which is said to be of more utility to the city than 
the Hospital. . . . Whatever may be said of the private 
benevolence of the Philadelphians, there is certainly a 
greater display of public charity here than in any other 
part of America. The streets of this city are at right 
angles. The buildings on a straight line. They are well 
paved and at a distance of ten feet from the house is a row 
of posts and in this range of posts are all their pumps. 
It is well furnished with lamps, the pavements between the 
posts and houses are laid with freestone or large tile, and 
entirely smooth, which makes the walking on them delight- 
ful. They are kept perfectly clean being washed every day 
and here all of the foot passengers pass. While I was 
walking with Mr. Strong I happened to step without the 
posts, and walk a few steps in the street. He desired me 
to come within the posts, for he said they would certainly 
call me a New England man if I walked there." 

[In the foregoing pages we have endeavored to give the spirit of the 
impression made upon Dr. Cutler by his visit to New York and Phila- 
delphia. But we have by no means exhausted the interest of the 
volumes even in this particular. Space has obliged us to omit consider- 
able relating to the two cities. Nor are other portions of the book less 
interesting. Some, indeed, are of greatly more importance in the field of 
history than what we have given. His account of the Ohio Purchase is 
of the highest value, and the publication of it, coming as it does immedi- 
ately previous to the Centennial Anniversary of the arrival of the first 
settlers at Marietta, will necessarily attract a number of readers. Too 
much praise cannot be accorded to Dr. Cutler for the energy and tact 

1 This is clearly a mistake. By the census taken three years after- 
wards, Philadelphia and suburbs contained 42,520 inhabitants. 



New York and Philadelphia in 1787. 



115 



he showed in the cause of the Company in transacting their business 
with Congress and in pushing forward the settlement. We do not agree 
with the editors of the volumes in the influence accorded to him in form- 
ing the ordinance of 1787. But of this we will speak on another occa- 
sion. 

As our readers will observe, Dr. Cutler was a keen observer, and in 
his several journeys gives us many interesting facts regarding the country 
through which he passed and the experiences of a traveller at that day. 
A good tavern where well-cooked meals and clean, comfortable rooms 
could be had was noted with an interest that showed how highly it was 
appreciated, and as those of the opposite character are also spoken of, 
it is probable that the memorandums were made for the future guidance 
of the traveller. In 1801 Dr. Cutler was elected to Congress, and served 
until 1805, and his observations on the men and manners of the times 
are intensely interesting. Among Dr. Cutler's correspondents were Dr. 
Ezra Stiles, Dr. Jeremy Belknap, General Benjamin Lincoln, Dr. Ben- 
jamin Smith Barton, Jedediah Morse, Dr. Henry Muhlenberg, C. S. 
Eafenesque, Timothy Pickering, Ebenezer Hazard, and others. The 
two volumes contain the most readable historical matter that has been 
published for some time. F. D. S.] 



116 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 



CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN WILLIAM STRAHAN 
AND DAYID HALL, 1763-1777. 

(Continued from Vol. XL page 490.) 

LONDON June 15, 1771. 
DEAR DAVIE 

I wrote you the 8 th and 14 th of last Month by Captain 
Williams. . . . 

It is an agreeable Circumstance, that your two Sons 
are so far advanced in Life, that the eldest is already fit to 
assist you, and the other nearly so. There will be room 
enough in your own Business for them both ; and nothing 
is easier for a young Man than to pursue the Path, which 
his Father hath chalked out, and successfully trod before 
him. I am very happy in the Prospect we have that our 
Descendants will be connected, when we ourselves are gone 
to rest. The State of my Family and Business is briefly 
this. My eldest Son William is now, you know, settled by 
himself, and will, I dare say, do very well ; tho' the Printing 
Trade is by no means a very profitable one. It requires 
great Industry, Oeconomy, Perseverance, and Address, to 
make any great Figure in it. However he is very clever, 
has already a good Share of Business, and will, in time suc- 
ceed to some of the more profitable Branches of it, as his 
Seniors drop off'. My second Son George is now in Orders, 
and will, I am convinced, make a good Figure in that Walk 
of Life. My youngest Andrew is the only one now with 
me, and from whom I receive any Assistance in Business : 
But his Time is almost totally taken up in the Printing- 
house, in looking after 7, 8, or 9 Presses, which are con- 
stantly employed there : For besides the Chronicle and 
Monthly Review, I have always a pretty large Share of 
Book-work, in many Articles of which I am myself a Pro- 
prietor. I have also one half of the Law Printing-house, 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 117 

which is kept, separately, at some Distance from my own 
House ; and as my partner in that, Mr. Woodfall, died about 
two Years ago, the whole Care of it lies upon me. As doth 
the Management of the Kings Printing-house, My Partner 
M r . Eyre not being bred to the Business, and being in the 
Country. It is true, we have distinct Overseers for both 
these Branches, to take Care of the Conduct of the Business 
within Doors. But still the general Management, and the 
Accounts, of all these Branches, falls to my Share, in which 
I cannot easily receive much Assistance from any body. Add 
to all this, the Multiplicity of Concerns I have in the Prop- 
erty of Books, (above 200 in Number) which require, every 
one of them, some Attention, and a separate and distinct 
Account, and a Variety of Avocations which cannot be par- 
ticularly enumerated, the Correspondencies I am unavoidably 
drawn into, and engaged in, and the Share and Attention I 
am often obliged to take and bestow in the Concerns of 
others ; I say when you consider all these Particulars, you 
may naturally conclude that my Time is pretty fully en- 
grossed. Indeed it is so much so, that I am casting about 
how to relieve myself from a Part, at least, of the Labour I 
have now long sustained ; but have not yet been able to fix 
upon a proper Plan. Sometimes I think of selling all my 
property in Copies, and confining my whole Attention to 
printing. But against this there are great Objections, 
besides that the State of the Trade here is such, that they 
are hardly able, after so many large Stocks that have been 
lately brought to Market, to purchase mine, and of course, 
the present is a very bad time to bring it to Sale, I must 
wait a more favorable Season. It is easy to manage one 
Branch of Business ; but nobody in my Way ever before ex- 
tended it so far as I have done. My Eeason was this : I 
quickly saw, that if I confined myself to mere printing for 
Booksellers I might be able to live, but very little more than 
live ; I therefore soon determined to launch out into other 
Branches in Connection, with my own, in which I have 
happily succeeded, to the Astonishment of the rest of the 
Trade here, who never dreamt of going out of the old 



118 Correspondence between, William Strahan and David Hall. 

beaten Track. Thus I have made the Name of Printer 
more respectable than ever it was before, and taught them 
to emancipate themselves from the Slavery in which the 
Booksellers held them. But enough of this. From what I 
have already said, you may easily conclude, that my Time is 
pretty well filled up, at a Period of Life too when ones 
Industry generally begins to flag. . . . 

With regard to Politicks, I have nothing either new or 
particular, but what you will find in the Papers. You see 
Wilkes is chosen one of our Sheriffs, as I imagined he would ; 
tho' he really owed his Election to the Courts Interposing, 
(which is always unpopular with the Livery) and to the Mis- 
delivery of a Letter from one of the Secretaries of the 
Treasury. But all this signifies nothing. The Spirit of 
Faction must gradually subside for want of Fuel; for in 
reality we have no Grievances worth naming to complain 
of; tho' the most unwearied Pains hath been taken to fo- 
ment the popular Frenzy, and to make us believe we are in 
a dangerous Situation from the Weakness and Wickedness 
of the Ministry. To this End our Newspapers have not a 
little contributed; which are daily filled with the grossest 
Falsities, copied from one another all over the King's Do- 
minions. I have now before me your Paper No. 2214. for 
May 30. in the second Page of which there is hardly a Para- 
graph that is not diametrically opposite to Truth. From 
that and such like Papers, one at a Distance who had no 
other Means of Information must naturally conclude that 
we are here in a State of the utmost Distraction, and just at 
the Eve of some grand Convulsion. Whereas the real 
Truth is, we are in perfect Peace and Tranquillity, nor any 
Complaint heard, unless of the present Dearness of Pro- 
visions, which nobody lays to the Account of the King or 
his Ministry. Last Wednesday, the Lord Mayor, after ad- 
vertising for a forthnight to invite the whole Livery to at- 
tend him, presented another Remonstrance; conceived in 
the most impudent and unwarrantable Terms. You will 
doubtless see in the Papers a splendid Account of the Cal- 
vacade. But whatever they may tell you, I can assure you 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 119 

from ocular Demonstration, that it made a most pitiful and 
paultry Figure. A Number of People were brought to the 
Streets to gaze at him and the few Aldermen that accom- 
panied him ; but only ten or a Dozen Blackguards followed 
or hollowed him, which feeble Applause was much more 
than over balanced by the Hisses of the Honest and well 
meaning Spectators, whose Indignation was justly raised at 
seeing the best of Prince's teazed and abused by a little, 
pitiful, desperate and inconsiderable Junto whom as Indi- 
viduals no reputable Man would choose to associate with. 
I am sorry I am obliged to speak of these Gentlemen with 
so much seeming Asperity ; but my Warmth proceeds from 
a thorough Knowlege of their Malevolence and Futility. 
At present I shall dismiss the Subject, and leave it to Time 
to tell you whether I am right or not in what I now say. 

The Ministry, agreeable to what I have formerly told you, 
is, I think, upon a firm Foundation; which I own I am 
pleased with for three Reasons. 1. Because farther Changes, 
after the Multitude we have already had in this Reign, must 
be fatal to the Peace and Authority of our amiable Sover- 
eign, by not only weakening and distressing his Govern- 
ment at home, but rendering the Nation contemptible in the 
Eyes of Foreign Courts. 2. Because I really know not how 
their Places could be better supplied, the whole Opposition 
not affording many Names worthy of Consideration and 
Trust. 3. Because I know the Men now in Power mean 
well, and are many of them possessed of real Honour and 
Capacity. The only Fault that I think can justly be laid 
to their Charge, is Pucillanimity, which, if carried much 
farther, will become altogether inexcusable. They have 
already suffered, with by far too much Patience, the most 
sacred Names to be traduced, and all legal Government 
trampled upon by the London Rabble. I own I am unable 
to account for this long-continued Timidity, and am not al- 
together without Apprehensions for the Consequences. If 
the same Temper is retained by the People above and below, 
the one unreasonably fearful, the other unwarrantably in- 
solent, we shall have fine Work at the next General Election. 



120 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 

But I hope Things will take a more favourable Turn for the 
national Happiness and Honour before that Period. 

All my Family are in their ordinary, and join in affec- 
tionate Respects to M M . Hall and you. I am ever 

Dear Davie 

Most cordially yours 
WILL STKAHAN. 

LONDON Nov r . 9, 1771. 
DEAR DAVIE. 

... In my Letter of July 15 th I gave you a Detail of 
our then present Situation. Since that time, Things have 
exactly gone on in the Train I imagined they were in. The 
Spirit of Faction is declined almost to nothing ; the Patriots 
are quarreling with one another; the Livery, being left to 
themselves, have made Choice of M r . Nash for Mayor; a 
moderate worthy Man, of independent Fortune and fair, 
Character. This throws a great Damp upon the Operations 
of Wilkes and his Adherents, who are now melting away 
very fast. At the other End of the Town, the Ministry 
continue firm and united, as I formerly told you. No 
Changes of any Sort, as far as I have been able to discover, 
are so much thought of; the Parliament will not meet till 
the 14 th or 21 st of January ; nor do they expect any other 
than the usual Routine of Business to come before them 
during the ensuing Session. France and Spain, I know, are 
not in a Situation, and are therefore not at all inclined, to 
break with us. In short, every Thing portends lasting 
Peace at home and abroad, unless the King of Prussia 
should draw his Sword, and instead of acting the part of a 
Mediator, endeavor to avail himself of the present Dis- 
turbances of that unhappy Country Poland, and the War 
still subsisting between the Turks and the Russians. By a 
Letter which I received from Berlin a few Days ago, I find 
he is making vast Preparations for War; and tho' it cannot 
yet be discovered when or where he will begin his Operations, 
it is conjectured, with great Probability, that he has his Eye 
upon Polish Prussia, and the City of Dantzick ; An Acqui- 
sition of the greatest Consequence to him, and which, besides 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 121 

the Advantage of being Master of the Trade of that Place, 
would throw a vast Addition of Power and Strength into 
his Hands, of course endanger the Safety of his Neighbours, 
and alarm all the Maritime Powers of Europe. But unless 
his Conduct obliges other States to take part in the War, 
which may at length make it necessary for us to join one 
Side or another, I see nothing to disturb us for a great 
while to come. In the Chronicle of this Day sevenight (the 
2 d Instant) you will see my Opinion of our present Situation, 
as coming from, an old Correspondent. But whilst every thing 
seems to favour the Peace and Happiness of the Public, the 
Royal Family have been and still are in great Distress. The 
Princess Dowager is in a Declining State of Health, and has 
been very ill of late. The Duke of Gloucester, who bears 
a very amiable Character among us, had been at the Point 
of Death at Leghorn, but an Express arrived two days ago, 
that he was judged now to be out of Danger. Till that 
Account was received, his Mother and Lady Walgrave (who 
has certainly long been his Wife, and who will probably 
soon be acknowledged as such) were inconsoleable. Add 
to these, the Duke of Cumberland, a thoughtless, giddy 
and inconsistant Creature, is universally believed to have a 
few Weeks ago married a Widow Horton, Sister to Colonel 
Lutterell, a lively gay Woman, much older than himself, 
with whom he has retired for the Present to Calais. If this 
is really the Case, it is an Event that, in the mean time, 
reflects great Dishonour on the Duke, and may, in future, 
be attended with very disagreeable Consequences. Nothing 
farther occurs to me just now with respect to Politics. The 
Licentiousness of the public Papers are unworthy Notice. 
Even Junius is losing Ground every Day, and advances as 
bold and striking Truths, Things which have hardly the 
smallest Foundation ; and Wilkes, (perhaps the best Manu- 
facturer of Paragraphs that ever lived, by which he has been 
long enabled in opposition to Common Sense, to buoy up his 
sinking Popularity,) begins evidently to be exhausted, and 
is gradually sinking into Contempt and Oblivion, which 
all his feeble Efforts will not be able long to prevent. 



122 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 

Dr. Franklin hath been for some Time on a Tour to Ire- 
land, where I hear he was five Days entertained by Lord 
Hillsborough at his Lordship's House at Hillsborough, with 
great Hospitality. He is now at Edinburgh, at the House 
of M r . Hume, the Historian, where he purposes to stay a 
Week or two, and then return to London. I had a Letter 
from him thence the other Day. He is in good Health. 
His Son in law, I find, has been here, and is now in the 
Country seeing his Friends there, but I have not yet seen 
him. . . . 

Meanwhile I remain, with wonted Esteem, 
Dear Davie 

Most cordially and affectionately 
Y rs . WILL : STRAHAN, 



(To be concluded.) 




DAVID RITTENHOUSE. 



(From the original in the possession of CHARLES W. HASSLER.I 



Notes and Queries. 123 



NOTES AND QUEEIES. 



State*. 

RITTENHOUSE MONUMENT. In view of the fact that a movement is 
reported now to be on foot to erect a monument to David Rittenhouse 
in the square in your city that bears his name, it has seemed to me that 
it might be of interest to many that all obtainable facts should be brought 
together in regard to the personal aspect and physical appearance of the 
man whom it is designed to honor. 

In my copy of Dr. Bush's " Eulogium," printed in 1796, there is no 
portrait, nor is there any in the Life by Renwick in Sparks's " Biograph- 
ical Series." In the Memoir published in 1813 by William Barton, a de- 
scendant from one of the six daughters of the father of our philosopher, 
there is an engraving " from an original picture in the possession of Mrs. 
Sargent," and on page 10 Mr. Barton says it is from a painting by C. W. 
Peale, executed in 1772. Mr. Barton then says, "At that time he wore 
a wig, and was so represented in the picture; but afterwards, when he 
resumed the wearing of his own hair, and which he continued to do 
during the remainder of his life, the portrait was altered accordingly 
by Mr. Peale." 

In a note on page 10 Mr. Barton speaks of other portraits, but I have 
nowhere seen any mention of one in profile, and I think that the only 
one giving a profile is the silhouette now belonging to me. 

On page 94 Mr. Barton speaks of the family of Benjamin, the brother 
of David, and says that his first wife was the daughter of General John 
Bull. This couple were the parents of my maternal grandmother, who 
married Michel Nourse in 1800, and moved to Washington, D.C., in 
June of that year. From my grandmother I received a silhouette of 
her uncle David, upon which she had written his name, so that its 
authenticity is indisputable. I take the liberty of sending you an elec- 
trotype of a wood-cut of my original. 

CHARLES W. HASSLER. 

New York. 

ZANE FAMILY. Copies of memoranda relative to the Zane family, in 
possession of George Vaux, of Philadelphia. 

These memoranda all bear the marks of being very ancient, but there 
is nothing to indicate when they were prepared. There are five in all, 
one of them being written on the back of the title-page of a New Testa- 
ment, which has evidently been torn from a Bible. The printed date 
has unfortunately been lost from the lower part of the page. 

Robert Zane came from Ireland to America in the year [date torn off] 
landed at Elsinburra near Selam in West Jersey and stayd there about 
4 years, in which time he tuck a canew and went in sarch of a settle- 
ment & padled along the side of the river & up the creeks till at last he 
chose a place up Newton Creek in gloster County, which place is cald 



124 Notes and Queries. 

Newton, here he settled having only one child whose name was Ne- 
thaniel and was about 2 years old when they landed. 

afterwards he marred one of Hinry Willises Daughters by whom he had 
Sons & Daughters Namly Nathan, Robert, Ester, Elnathan & Rachel. 
Ester marred Joshua Delaplan & left 2 sons namly Joshua & Joseph 
in New York. Rachel marred Joshua Pine on long Island and after his 
Death marred Jonathan Peasley by him she had one daughter named 
Elizabeth. 

And Nathan had 3 children Elizabeth Nathan & Nethaniel. Eliza- 
beth married somewhere in Merland & I never knew her Nathan died 
before he marred a sober young man. Robert marred in the Jerseys and 
has many children Sons & Daughters 

My grandfather afterwards marred 

Robert Zane of Newtown came into America in y e year 1673 he was 3 
times married his last wife was Hinrey Willises Daughter by whom he 
had 5 children namely Robert Nathan Elnathan Hester & Rach[el] 

Nethaniel Zane of Newtown in West Jersey was by his first wife : who 
she was and from whence thers no ac [count] he Died the last day of the 
12th month 1728/29 aged 55 years and left 8 children namely Margrit, 
Abegall Josep, Hannah, Jonathan, Ebenezear, Isaac and William which 
were all liveing when the younges (namely W m ) was about 34 years old. 
Isaac was boarn y e 3 day of the 3 mo 1711 and married y e 15 of y e 11 mo 
1734 Sarah Elfreth the daughter of Hinrey Elfreth and had 8 children 
by the time he was 40 years old Namely Hannah, Phebe (who died be- 
tween 3 & 4 years old) Isaac (he also Died under 2 years old) John, 
Isaac, Danel (Died under 2 years old) Phebe (she Died under 2 years 
old) Danel the 5th son was boarn about the time of this was writ 

After the Deth of the above s d Nethanial Zane grace his widow who 
was a Daughter of William Rakestraw married David Price at Merian 
and she died the 6th Day of the 10th month 1741 

The Time of births of the children of Isaac & Sarah Zane 

1 Hannah was bornd y e 23d of y e 10th mo 1734/5 

2 Phebe the 16th 2d m 1737 and died y e 26th 2nd m 1740 

3 Isaac the 23 of the 10th mo 1738/9 & died y e 6th of y e 3d m 1740 

4 John the 9 of the 12th m 1740/1 

5 Isaac the 26 of y e 4 mo 1743 

[The following is written on the back of the title-page of a New Tes- 
tament as mentioned above. It is in a very dilapidated condition.] 

1733 y e 3 mo Isa Zane his book 
Isaac and Sarah Zanes Book 

The birth and Nativaty of hannah Zane was the 23 of the 10th month 
in the year of our Lord 1734/5 

The Birth of Phebe Zane was the 16 day of y e 2 month 1737 at J before 
2 of y c clok in y e morning 

Birth or Nativaty of Isaac Zane was the [torn off] day of y e 10 month 
about 8 a clok ad night the year of our Lord 1738/9 

Phebe Zane Died the 26th day of y e 2 mo 1740 3 yers & 10 days and 
her departure was nere half an hour after 6 o clok after noon 

Isaac Zane died about half a houer after one o clock at knight betwe n 
y e 5th & y e 6th day of y e 3 mo 1740 aged [torn off] year & 5 mo & 13 days 

[Jo]hn Zane the son of Isa & Serah Zane was bornd about 2 a clock 
at night betwen the 8 th & 9 th of y e [torn off] month 1740/1 

The birth or nativity of Isaac Zane the 26 th of the 4th month 1743 



Notes and Queries. 125 

[The remaining paper, as follows, though containing early dates was 
probably prepared later than the others.] 

Magrett Zane Daughter of Nathaniel Zane and Grace his wife Was 
Born the 1 day of 9 month 1698 

Abigail Born 17 day of 5 month July 1700 
Joseph Born 1 day 6 month Augt 1702 
Hannah Born 19 day No' 1704 
Jonathan Born 29 day Sep* 1706 
Ebeneazear Born 7 day Dece m 1708 
Isaac Born 3 day 3 month 1710 
William Born 26 day 11 month 1712 

Deborah Zane Daughter of Joseph Zane & Mary his Wife 

Was Born 22 day of Aug* 1729 

Ester Born 27 day 12 Month 1730 

Nathaniel Born 8 day 3 Month 1732 

Elizabeth Born 9 day 7 Month 1735 

Hannah Born 27 day 1 Month 1738 

Rodah Born 8 day 3 Month 1740 



SIR JOHN OLDMIXON. ^ M o 

lish Notes and Queries and elsewhere concerning the descendants of tMs 
gentleman. He was a noted London beau who used to flourish in Old 
Bond Street, and afterwards, in the early part of the present century, 
resided near Germantown, Pennsylvania. The following was taken 
down some years since from the recollections of the writer's grand- 
mother, a daughter of Mr. William Page, a well-known English mer- 
chant of that day, resident in Philadelphia, who was on intimate terms 
with the Oldmixons. There were four sons and two daughters, John 
was the eldest, William (married a widow), George, and Henry. The 
sons were said to have entered the British Navy. The daughters were 
Maria, who married an eminent homoeopathic physician of Philadel- 
phia, went to New Orleans, and died there ; Ellen, who first married 

Allen Armstrong, of Philadelphia, afterwards Mcllvaine, and left 

several children. She is buried in Christ Church yard. From another 
source I have heard that a family named Sharp, in Salem, New Jersey, 
were descended from this family of Oldmixon. 

WILLIAM JOHN POTTS. 

Camden, New Jersey. 

PLANS AND DRAWINGS OF BENJAMIN H. LATROBE. Through the 
courtesy of Hon. John H. B. Latrobe, of Baltimore, there has been 
recently added to the Collection of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania the following plans and drawings of his father, the eminent archi- 
tect, the late Benjamin H. Latrobe : 

Drawings of the original Water-works of Philadelphia, 1800 ; draw- 
ings of the Bank of Pennsylvania ; sketches of the Bank of the United 
States, and sundry small engravings. The Water-works and the Bank 
of Pennsylvania have long since disappeared; the Bank of the United 
States, however, converted into the Custom-house, is still standing, an 
illustration of the taste and skill of its architect. The drawings of the 
Water-works exhibit in a striking way the energy of the people of Phila- 
delphia, showing as they do the magnitude, difficulty, and costly charac- 
ter of the undertaking, then without a precedent in America, either as 
regards the object in view or the means of accomplishing it. 



126 Notes and Queries. 



A PHILADELPHIA BROADSIDE. 
IN COUNCIL OF SAFETY 



PHILADELPHIA, December 2, 1776. 
Resolved, 

That it is the Opinion of this Board, that all the Shops in this City 
be shut up, that the Schools be broke up, and the Inhabitants en- 
gaged solely in providing for the Defence of this City, at this Time of 
extreme Danger. 

By Order of Council, 

DAVID EITTENHOUSE, Vice- President. 
[Philadelphia, Printed by Henry Miller, in Eace-street.] 

NEW JERSEY HISTORICAL SOCIETY. The annual meeting of the 
New Jersey Historical Society was held January 24, 1888, at Trenton, 
and was opened with some remarks by the Eev. Dr. Hamill, the Presi- 
dent, briefly reviewing the work of the Society since it was organized in 
1845. Of the original officers the only survivor is the Hon. Joseph P. 
Bradley, the first Eecording Secretary, now Justice of the Supreme Court 
of the United States. The paper of the day was by A. D. Mellick, Jr., 
of Plainfield, entitled " The Hessians in New Jersey Just a Little in 
their Favor." Officers of the Society were elected for the ensuing year, 
as follows : President, Eev. Samuel M. Hamill, D.D. ; Vice- Presidents, 
Hon. John T. Nixon, Hon. John Clement, Dr. Samuel H. Pennington; 
Corresponding Secretary, Dr. Stephen Wickes, of Orange; Eecording 
Secretary, William Nelson, of Paterson ; Treasurer and Librarian, F. 
W. Eicord, Newark; Executive Committee, George A. Halsey, Eev. 
George S. Mott, D.D., John F. Hageman, David A. Depue, Nathaniel 
Niles, John I. Blair, General William S. Stryker, Franklin Murphy, 
and Eobert F. Ballantine. Plans were exhibited of the new building 
which it is proposed to erect at Newark for the Society's use, at a cost of 
twenty-five thousand dollars, and a very general desire was manifested 
to see it completed. A resolution was adopted expressing sympathy with 
the people of Greenesburg, Penn., in their efforts to get that third e re- 
stored to the name of the place, in honor of General Greene, although 
Mr. Nelson thought it would be well to wait until the New Jersey Legis- 
lature would restore the name of the Kill Van Kull, now called Kill 
Von Kull, and Pinhorne, near Snake Hill, now called Penn Horn, al- 
though it should properly perpetuate the name of William Pinhorne, 
Justice of the Supreme Court of New Jersey two hundred years ago, 
and for many years prominent in the Councils of both New Jersey 
and New York. The next meeting of the Society will be held at 
Newark in May. 

THE AMERICAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY. At Cambridge, Mass., in 
January last, this Society was organized " for the study of Folk- Lore in 
general, and in particular the collection and publication of the Folk- 
Lore of North America." It was also decided that the Society shall 
publish a journal, to promote such a collection, a copy of which will be 
sent to each member thereof. The annual subscription fee is three 
dollars. The officers of the Society are : President Prof. F. J. Child, 
Cambridge, Mass. Council Prof. Wm. F. Allen, University of Wis- 
consin, Madison, Wis. ; Mr. H. H. Bancroft, San Francisco, Cal. ; Dr. 
Franz Boas, New York City, N.Y. ; Dr. D. G. Brinton, Media, Pa.; 
Prof. T. F. Crane, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y. ; Miss Alice C. 



Notes and Queries. 127 

Fletcher, Winnebago, Indian Agency; Mr. Horatio Hale, Clinton 
Ont. ; Mrs. Hem en way, Boston, Mass. ; Prof. H. W. Henshaw, Bureau 
of Ethnology, Washington, B.C. ; Colonel Chas. C. Jones, Augusta, Ga. 
Pres. Wm. Preston Johnston, Tulane University, New Orleans, La.; 
Prof. O. T. Mason, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. ; Mr. W. 
W. Newell, Cambridge, Mass. ; Mr. H. E. Scudder, Cambridge, Mass. 



OLIVER. Evan Oliver, from Eadnorshire, Wales, came to Philadel- 
phia with William Penn in the " Welcome," 1682. He presented his 
certificate from Bristol, England, to the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting 
August 26, 1683. He was assessed in 1693 in Philadelphia for 30, at 
2/6. He purchased a lot in Philadelphia, 1683. No other mention is 
made of him in that city. He brought with him his wife, Jean, and 
seven children, viz., 1. David; 2. Elizabeth; 3. John; 4. Hannah; 
5. Mary, who married, June 2, 17, Thomas Canby, of Wilmington, 
Delaware; 6. Evan; 7. Seaborn. 

Did David John Evans leave any issue, and can any one give their 
names ? 

William Oliver received five hundred acres of land in New Castle 
County, Delaware, from the Commissioners in Philadelphia March 30 
1686. 

Thomas Oliver came from Dolobran, Wales, to Pennsylvania, and his 
certificate was received in Friends' Meeting, Philadelphia, December 25, 
1723. Can any one give the issue of William and Thomas? 

What connection, if any, was there between these three, Evan, Wil- 
liam, and Thomas? Who were Samuel Oliver, Sussex County, Dela- 
ware, 1723; Susannah Oliver, "spinster," Sussex County, Delaware, 
1733 ; Aaron Oliver, of Sussex County, 1734, who left daughters, Esther 
Bennett, Abigail Hayes, Elizabeth Morris, and Sarah Lofland? Did 
Reuben and Joseph Oliver, of New York City, 1754, and Melford, Dela- 
ware, 1764 and 1768, descend from any of the above? Any light cast 
upon the subject will be grateful to 

REV. HORACE EDWIN HAYDEN. 

Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. 

TYSON POTTS ROBERTS KIRK. Information is desired in regard 
to the ancestry and descendants of Rynier Tyson and his wife, who came 
over in 1683 from Crefeld with thirteen other emigrants and their fami- 
lies, and settled in Germantown with Francis Daniel Pastorius. Also 
in regard to Thomas Roberts, of Wales, who is supposed to have come 
over with William Penn in the " Canterbury," in 1699, and settled in 
Bristol Township, between Philadelphia and Germantown and married 
Eleanor Potts, daughter of Samuel Potts, of Valley Forge. Also of 
Samuel's wife. Peter Tyson, third son of Rynier Tyson, married Mary, 
daughter of Samuel Potts, in August, 1727. Also in regard to Jonathan 
Roberts, who married Martha Kirk, daughter of Rynier and Mary (Mich- 
ener) Kirk. Also in regard to John Kirk, who married Sarah, daughter 
of Rynier Tyson, and mother of Rynier Kirk. V. S. 

JAMES RUDOLPH REID. When and where was James Rudolph Reid, 
member of Continental Congress, 1787-88, born, and where and when 
did he die? J. G. L. 



128 Notes and Queries. 

CAPTAIN JOHN BUSH, THIRD PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. I am 
trying to ascertain the present whereabouts of the certificate of member- 
ship to, and the "eagle" badge of, the Society of the Cincinnati that be- 
longed to Captain John Bush, of the Third Pennsylvania Regiment, of 
the army of 1776, and thought possibly it might have come into the 
possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Can you give 
me any information about the same? 

LEWIS B. JACKSON. 

Philadelphia. 

GLASITTS. " Nederland. Biographisch. woordenb. van Nederl. Godge- 
leerden. ffertogenb., Gebr. Miiller. (Amst. J. H. v. d. Beek.) 1851-56. gr. 
8 3 din." The undersigned would be extremely obliged to any one 
stating where a copy of the above book, a biography of the clergy of 
Holland, can be seen or for a few extracts from its pages. There is no 
copy in any of the Philadelphia libraries, the Astor of New York, or 
the Public Library or Athenaeum of Boston, or the libraries of the N. E. 
Genealogical Society and Harvard College. 

WILLIAM JOHN POTTS. 

Camden, New Jersey. 

"THE SPIRIT OF DESPOTISM," BY THE REV. VICESIMTTS KNOX. 
The late Edward Solly, in the English Notes and Queries for May, 
1883, says of this work, " If the history of this book as commonly given 
is true, the original edition of 1797 must be one of the rarest books in 
existence. It is said that Dr. Knox wrote it in 1794, and had it printed 
in London in 1795, but being, on reconsideration, apprehensive that he 
had used language too glowing and enthusiastic, determined to suppress 
it, and accordingly he did so suppress it, only three copies being left in 
existence. Of these one went to America, and another in time fell into 
the hands of Mr. Hone. The American copy was immediately reprinted 
with the title, ' The | Spirit | of | Despotism | [Two mottoes.] London, 
printed in the year 1795 | Philadelphia | Reprinted by Lang and Ustick 
for Selves | and Mathew Carey | Nov. 28, MDCCXCV | 12mo. twelve 
pages to the sheet, preface and contents I-X, pp. 1-342.' Is anything 
known as to the two copies said to be existing in England or the one 
thus reprinted in America? I have made search in vain after them, 
and am led to suspect that the American edition of 1795 was really the 
first one. If a copy of the English edition of that date is in existence, 
I should be very glad to know where." 

The writer possesses two copies of what is unquestionably another 
American edition of this work, printed at Darby, in the vicinity of 
Philadelphia, it is supposed, though no place is mentioned beyond the 
following : " The | Spirit | of | Despotism. | [Two mottoes.] London : 
Printed in the year 1795. | Darby : | Re-published by Alexander M. 
Kemble. J 1837." 12mo. Preface pp. v.+ 7-204. As this is closely 
printed, it may contain as much as Lang-Ustick's edition. Was there 
any such publisher at Darby as Alexander M. Kemble? Was there a 
large edition? This extremely radical work is a violent tirade against 
the English aristocracy, and is very curious as a reflection of the spirit 
of the French Revolution on Englishmen, containing many eloquent 



WILLIAM JOHN POTTS. 
Camden, New Jersey. 




. S) .i^f-Ol^: 




THE 



PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



OF 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



YOL. XII. 1888. No. 2. 



THE LIFE AND SEEYICES OF 
JOEL E. POINSETT. 

[Through the courtesy of the surviving member of Mr. 
Poinsett's family, the Historical Society has been placed in 
the possession of a mass of papers which illustrate very 
fully his public and his private life. That life was one of 
singularly varied interest. Mr. Poinsett was probably the 
greatest American traveller of his time, penetrating into the 
most remote and then little known regions of both the Old 
and the New World ; he afterwards won distinction in the 
diplomatic service of the country, and, above all, he was 
known as the leader of the Union party in South Carolina 
during its conflict with the Nullification heresy of 1832. 
The papers which he left at his death, and which his family 
have placed at the disposal of the Historical Society, seem to 
be of great value and interest, as they throw light upon the 
important events in which he took part. An attempt has 
been made so to connect them in the following narrative 
that their true significance as contributions to American 
history may be understood.] 

VOL. xii. 9 (129) 



130 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

The career of Mr. Poinsett is not very familiar to this 
generation, at least in this part of the country, and indeed, 
the recollection of the great events which are associated in 
our history with his name during more than a third of the 
present century has strangely faded from the memory of 
most people. But fifty years ago his reputation as a states- 
man of a high order had been fairly gained by his public 
services, and was generally recognized. His title to this 
reputation seems, on a review of his public life, to have 
been on the whole a just one. He belonged in his early 
manhood to that small but brilliant body of Americans 
who, with plenty of means, many accomplishments, and 
much leisure, travelled with very observant eyes most exten- 
sively in portions of Europe, then little visited by cultivated 
people of any country. Their qualities gained them ad- 
mission into the highest social circles in the countries in 
which they travelled, and they succeeded by some means, 
of which those who came after them seem to have lost the 
secret, in knowing everybody worth knowing, however 
high their rank or official position throughout Europe, and 
in leaving a most favorable impression of themselves, and 
of the nation which they may be said to have informally 
represented. The curiosity of the foremost courtiers and 
statesmen of the Old World (men whose names are now 
historical) was naturally excited by observing the peculi- 
arities of the citizens of the New, as they were exhibited 
in the types who, at that era, presented themselves as 
Americans. It cannot be doubted that men like Wash- 
ington Irving in his younger days, the late Mr. George 
Ticknor, and Mr. Poinsett among others did us a service 
with the governing classes of the Old World during the first 
third of this century which it is not easy to over-estimate. 

Mr. Poinsett was not only a great traveller in his early 
manhood, but wherever he went he was proud of being 
known as an American citizen, a title which his own per- 
sonal qualities invested in the eyes of those with whom 
he was brought in contact with consideration and respect 
He wandered too through the most remote regions of 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 131 

Russia. He became acquainted with the Tartars, the Per- 
sians, the Armenians, the Georgians who live in the Trans- 
Caucasian range of mountains, and along the shores of the 
Caspian Sea, forming various tribes whose rulers had never 
heard of the existence of America; later, his travels led 
him to the other end of the world, to South America, 
where he was sent by our government to ascertain the con- 
dition of the different provinces at that time in revolt against 
the Spanish Crown. In all these countries he became favor- 
ably known to the most distinguished men of the time, from 
the Emperor Alexander of Russia down to the famous rev- 
olutionary chiefs in South America. Everywhere he was 
received and treated with the utmost kindness and con- 
sideration. His great intelligence, his wonderful tact in 
dealing with men, and his perfect sincerity gave him a 
commanding influence wherever he went, and that influence 
was always employed for the advancement of his country's 
interests. 

The four years he passed in Congress (1821 to 1825) added 
much to his fame, owing to his long familiarity from per- 
sonal observation with all that concerned our foreign rela- 
tions. He was thought so peculiarly fitted for the diplomatic 
service that he was appointed our first Minister to Mexico. 
There, even with his experience, he found it difficult to steer 
clearly through the embarrassments which were caused by 
the distracted and revolutionary condition of the country, 
but the knowledge that he gained was invaluable to us, and 
he at least taught the Mexicans, on a memorable occasion, 
a lesson in regard to the respect due the American flag (of 
which more hereafter) which they have never forgotten. 

He returned from Mexico just in time to take the lead of 
the Union party in South Carolina in its conflict with the 
nullification and threatened secession of that State, a post 
peculiarly suited to his active and intrepid spirit. It seems 
to me that he has never received proper credit for the cour- 
age and intelligence with which he maintained the cause of 
the Union in those dark days when the great forces social 
and political not only of South Carolina, but of a consid- 



1 32 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

erable portion of other States of the South, were in the 
hands of the nullifiers, and of those who sympathized 
with them. By his influence, and that of the Union party 
led by him, supported by the inflexible determination of 
President Jackson to maintain the Union by any display of 
force which might be necessary to accomplish his object, 
the conspiracy for nullifying the laws of Congress, which 
was embodied in the famous ordinance of South Carolina 
in 1832, was broken up, the ordinance itself was repealed, 
and South Carolina was once more brought into her normal 
relations with the general government. 

Some years later Mr. Poinsett became the Secretary 
of War in the Cabinet of Mr. Van Buren. His adminis- 
tration of that office was marked by intelligent and compre- 
hensive measures in regard to many subjects of national 
interest, among others the improvement of the artillery of 
the army, the honest treatment of the Indians dependent 
upon the government, and the organization of the famous 
exploring expedition under Commodore Wilkes. He laid 
the foundation of much that has since been done by the gov- 
ernment, by advocating a wise and liberal national policy 
with reference to these and kindred objects. During his 
whole career Mr. Poinsett proved himself a thorough and 
typical American. His notions of public policy were essen- 
tially national, and his allegiance to the government of the 
United States was always paramount. As such a public 
man, especially a public man from South Carolina imbued 
with such principles, and always standing firm on the na- 
tional side, is something of a political curiosity, his life 
and career seem well worth studying. 

JOEL ROBERTS POINSETT was born in Charleston on the 
2d of March, 1778. He was of that Huguenot stock whose 
force, intelligence, and virtue have been so conspicuous in 
the history of the whole country, and especially in that of 
South Carolina. His father, Dr. Elisha Poinsett, was an emi- 
nent physician in Charleston, and he seems to have taken un- 
common pains in the training of his son. Young Poinsett's 
school days were passed in Charleston and in Greenfield, in 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 133 

Connecticut, in which latter place he was under the care and 
instruction of the Rev. Dr. Dwight, afterwards so famous 
as the President of Yale College. His constitution was 
naturally frail and delicate, and it was found that his health 
suffered so much from the severe climate of Connecticut 
that he returned after two years' absence to Charleston. 
There, for a time, he pursued his studies, but in 1796 it was 
determined to send him to England, and enter him as a 
pupil at St. Paul's School in London, where his relative, Dr. 
Roberts, was the Head Master. There he made great prog- 
ress, particularly in his knowledge of the languages. He 
was a respectable classical scholar, for he speaks in after- 
years of having studied Herodotus in the original Greek, 
as a guide-book to his travels in Southern Russia and the 
shores of the Caspian Sea. In modern languages he became 
very proficient. He acquired a fluent knowledge of French, 
German, Italian, and Spanish, and made some progress in 
Russian, a sort of knowledge which proved eminently useful 
to him as a traveller. 

From London he went to Edinburgh, intending to pursue 
his medical studies there. He soon became the favorite 
pupil of the celebrated Dr. Gregory, then one of the fore- 
most Professors in the University. His health, however, 
broke down, owing to confinement to his hard work as a 
medical student. By the advice of his friends he abandoned 
for a time the study of medicine, and went to Portugal. 
Returning with restored strength, he became a pupil of Mar- 
quois, who had been a Professor in the Military Academy 
at Woolwich. The bent of Mr. Poinsett's mind and tastes 
was always towards the life of a soldier, and under Marquois 
he acquired a thorough theoretical knowledge of his pro- 
fession, and his body was strengthened by the active military 
habits and discipline in which he was trained. His father, 
however, was averse to his entering the army in time of 
peace, and he was called back to Charleston, .and became a 
student of law. This pursuit, however, was little suited to 
his active, not to say restless, habits, and it was soon aban- 
doned. He was then permitted by his father to return to 



134 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

Europe and to become, what his ardent curiosity and quick 
intelligence had always inclined him to be, a traveller, going 
wherever his love of knowledge or adventure might call 
him. He spent the winter of 1801-2 in Paris. He was 
fortunate in being there at a period the most interesting and 
important in many respects of any in French history. It 
was the period of the first consulate of Napoleon, the era 
of transition from the horrors of the Revolution and of 
civil and foreign war to the settlement of a stable and or- 
derly government. It was the era of the peace of Luneville 
and of Amiens, which had been brought about by the 
French victories of Hohenlinden and Marengo. Never, 
perhaps, in the whole career of Napoleon was his power of 
doing good so absolute as at this particular epoch, and never 
was his transcendent genius so conspicuous as when he 
strove to reconstruct French society from the ruins which 
had been left by the Revolution. Mr. Poinsett witnessed 
the beginning of the mighty task which Napoleon had 
undertaken of endeavoring to bring order out of chaos. 
During his residence in Paris the churches were reopened 
for Divine service, and a Concordat with the Pope agreed 
upon, the Legion of Honor was established, a general am- 
nesty was proclaimed, the national finances and credit were 
re-established, a new system of taxation was adopted, the 
revolutionary law of succession to property was confirmed, 
a system of education was organized, the Code Civil, perhaps 
the grandest and certainly the most enduring monument of 
the Napoleonic era, was discussed and its main principles 
settled, and throughout France vast works of public utility 
designed to make people forget the miseries of the Revolu- 
tion, and bless the government of the First Consul, were 
undertaken. It was an era of unbounded activity and high 
hopefulness. The young American traveller had abundant 
opportunity of studying the effect of these conciliatory 
measures on public opinion, and of witnessing the violent 
struggle between the elements of the old and new as the 
master-hand of Napoleon fused them together. Paris, too, 
at that time was full of foreigners, many of them men of 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 135 

distinction in their respective countries, who had been led 
there during the peace by their curiosity to see the wonder- 
ful First Consul, and who wished to judge for themselves of 
the likelihood of the stability of the vast changes which he 
had made in the organization of the national life. With 
these men, as well as with the distinguished soldiers who 
surrounded Napoleon, he discussed freely the various meas- 
ures proposed for the reorganization of the nation, and thus 
in a very important way his political education was advanced. 

The next year Mr. Poinsett, taking advantage of the yet 
unbroken peace, visited Italy, then divided into a number 
of ephemeral republics established by the French after their 
conquest of the country. He did not fail to observe how 
little the real character of the people of that country had 
been changed by the strange republicanism (according to his 
standard) which had been forced upon them by the French. 
That character remained still Italian, with all its defects and 
characteristic traits, and the administration was wholly con- 
trolled by French agents, and in harmony with French 
policy and interests. 

These were new specimen types of the republican form for 
Mr. Poinsett, and he found another of the same kind when 
he reached Switzerland on his travels. Switzerland was the 
oldest republic in modern history, but its ancient organization 
was not of the French pattern, and did not suit the French 
policy after the country had been overrun by the French 
armies. The radical party supported by the French strove 
to establish, contrary to all Swiss traditions and experience, 
a highly centralized system, the other, one in which each 
canton should be practically independent. This latter party, 
made up chiefly of the men of the forest cantons, determined 
upon resistance, and they selected the celebrated Aloys 
Reding as their leader. When Mr. Poinsett reached Swit- 
zerland he found that Reding had raised an army of ten 
thousand men to maintain the cantonal independence, and 
he joined his army without hesitation. The campaign was 
a short one, and Reding's forces even gained an important 
victory over their own countrymen at Morgarten, a spot 



136 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

sacred in the eyes of the Swiss, for there they had, in 1515, 
destroyed the army of their Austrian tyrants under the 
leadership of a Reding of the same name and lineage as 
that of their present leader, but the French allies of their 
enemies having surrounded them, and cut them off from all 
supplies, Reding and his followers were forced to capitulate. 

Mr. Poinsett seems always to have embraced the oppor- 
tunity of becoming acquainted with the men in each coun- 
try he visited who had become for any reason famous. 
From the camp of Reding he passed into the society of 
M. decker and that of his accomplished daughter, Madame 
de Stael, who were then exiles from France, and were re- 
siding at Coppet, on the shores of the Lake of Geneva. 
Through the kind offices of Mr. Livingston, then American 
Minister in France, who was travelling in Switzerland, he 
was brought into friendly relations with these illustrious 
personages. They told him much concerning the stormy 
scenes of the French Revolution, in the early part of which 
they had been such prominent actors, and, according to Mr. 
Poin sett's account, they never wearied of talking of events 
in French and American history. They explained, too, the 
secret motives (which none knew better than they) of many 
little-understood acts of the French government in its policy 
towards the United States during the American Revolution. 
Mr. Poinsett confirms what was well known from other 
sources the filial devotion, approaching adoration, with 
which Madame de Stael regarded her father in his declining 
years. Owing to his imperfect utterance through the loss 
of his teeth, and Mr. Livingston's deafness, Madame de 
Stael became to Mr. Poinsett the charming interpreter of 
the words of wisdom which fell from his lips. 

From Switzerland Mr. Poinsett went to Vienna, passing 
through Southern Germany, at that time far from being the 
attractive and interesting country which it has since been 
made by the conveniences of modern travel. He remained 
but a short time in Vienna, long enough, however, to become 
a habitut of the salon of the celebrated Prince de Ligne, 
the most distinguished soldier of Austria. He was called 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 137 

home by the news of the death of his father, and by the 
serious illness of his only sister. 

His love of travel and of adventure still remaining un- 
abated, he returned in 1806 to Europe, intending to carry 
out his long-cherished plan of travelling in Russia. Indeed, 
at that time this was the only country on the Continent 
through which a traveller could pass without inconvenience 
or danger, as it was the only one which was not overrun 
by the armies engaged in the Napoleonic wars. He landed 
at Gothenburg, and passed through Sweden so rapidly that 
he seemed impressed chiefly with the extraordinary contrast 
between the poverty of the people and the vast amount of 
food and drink which they were capable of consuming. 

After a painful and tedious journey through Finland, he 
reached St. Petersburg in the beginning of the winter of 
1806-7. At this capital he had unusual advantages of 
studying the character of the people and the condition of 
the country at a most important crisis. "We had then no 
Minister in Russia, and Mr. Poinsett was afterwards told by 
the Emperor Alexander that he was the second American 
gentleman who had been presented to him. 

The condition of Russia during that winter was a very 
critical one, as the danger of a French invasion became 
imminent. After the victories of Austerlitz and Jena, by 
which the French had destroyed the armies of Austria 
and Prussia, they pressed on eastward with the hope of 
subduing their ally, Russia. The battles of Eylau and of 
Pultusk were fought during this period, and although the 
Russians claimed a victory in each case, the progress of the 
French towards their frontier was not stopped. Those who 
were responsible for the safety of the country were filled 
with grave anxiety, and the Emperor Alexander did not 
hesitate to say, in a confidential conversation with Mr. 
Poinsett, that he might even be obliged to sign a treaty of 
peace under the walls of Tobolsk (Siberia). A ukase was 
issued in December calling for six hundred thousand addi- 
tional troops to defend the Empire. Notwithstanding all 
these preparations, and the grave preoccupations of the 



138 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

time, the winter gayeties of -St. Petersburg, according to 
Mr. Poinsett, were not interrupted. How the Russians 
bore themselves, and how they entertained strangers while 
in imminent danger of invasion, is best told in Mr. Poinsett' s 
own letters, extracts from which we lay before the reader. 

..." Our consul, M r . Levett Harris, asked permission to 
present me at Court on the first presentation day, whereupon 
he received the next day a note from the Baron de Budberg 
minister of foreign affairs asking an interview, whereat he 
told him, that the Emperor would not wait until the next 
presentation day, but would receive M r . Poinsett the fol- 
lowing morning at Parade and that an aide-de-camp would be 
sent to conduct him there. Accordingly I rose and dressed 
by candlelight and after taking a cup of coffee had not 
long to wait for the officer who was sent to usher me to the 
Imperial presence. We were set down at the door of an 
immense barrack where I found the Emperor in front of 
the guard surrounded by a train of general officers in bril- 
liant uniforms. He towered above them all and was dis- 
tinguished by his great height and manly form, as well as by 
a pleasing and refined expression of countenance. He re- 
ceived me courteously, even kindly. Spoke favorably of our 
country, said that I was the second American gentleman 
who had visited Russia and was glad to hear that I was the 
friend of M r . Allen Smith who was remembered in Russia 
with esteem and whose departure had been universally 
regretted. He made a sort of apology for receiving me 
so unceremoniously but supposed an American would not 
object to be so treated. After a pretty long talk he bowed 
meaningly & I withdrew. I have since been to court and 
been presented to the Reigning Empress and the Empress 
Mother on this occasion the Emperor advanced to meet 
me & shook me cordially by the hand. This distinction 
has brought me into notice, into fashion I may say. I have 
not dined in my own lodgings since I have been here nor 
passed an evening in quiet. I dine out daily as a thing of 
course, and go in the early part of the evening to some ball or 
soiree or reunion of some sort and close the night at Count 
Gregory OrloflPs where the members of the Diplomatic 
Corps usually drop in to sup & talk over the news and 
events of the day. At Count OrlofPs I meet many very 
pleasant men among them Pozzo di Borgo a Corsican 
gentleman who has just entered the service of Russia. I 
was going to say that his principal recommendation is his 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 139 

avowed hatred & hostility to Napoleon, the inheritance of 
some family feud aggravated hy personal injuries or insults ; 
but he professes other qualifications for office, is well in- 
structed and well informed, shrewd and bold. He enjoys 
the confidence of the Emperor & will rise high. He 
supped at OrlofPs the first night after he donned the Rus- 
sian uniform and we drank to his future success. He is a 
good talker and an agreeable companion. 

" My acquaintance with that gifted nobleman Lord Royston 
son of Lord Hardwicke, ripened into friendship and as our 
tastes accorded we agreed to travel together in the spring 
into the Asiatic possessions of Russia. The southern por- 
tion of the Continent of Europe was closed to English 
travellers and they were fain to turn their steps to the 
north, so that I met many distinguished men from that 
country in Vienna & in St. Petersburg. 

" Lord Royston was a ripe scholar and we read Herodotus 
together as a preparation for our eastern tour and studied 
Russ that we might talk a little to the people. We found it 
a difficult language to acquire and thought it resembled the 
Greek in the grammar & construction. Like the Greek, 
it has the dual which no other modern tongue has, & we 
found some good Russian translations of Grecian poetry. 

" Let me tell you how the day passes here to the idle man 
of leisure who seeks to make the time agreeable. I gen- 
erally dress by candle light so that the dawn of a winter's 
day finds me ready to read or go forth to parade to show 
myself. Here the Emperor sometimes chats with me and 
the officers always. By the way I am indebted to them for 
information which saved me from much suffering. It is 
against all forms of etiquette to present oneself with great 
coat or other outward covering before the Emperor, so that 
the first time I waited on him at Parade I nearly perished 
with cold. The officers saw my situation and advised me 
before I repeated my visit to have my clothes lined with 
oiled silk I did so and never suffered again from the same 
cause. After breakfast Lord Royston calls and we have our 
Russian master & read for an hour or two when we then 
go out to walk or drive to see sights or separate to our sev- 
eral amusements. I usually to the Salle D'Armes kept by 
one Silverbriik a German an excellent master. Here there 
is always good company. We then sometimes adjourn to 
take a second breakfast with Prince Adam Ctzartorizki 
an accomplished Polish nobleman and a great favorite of 
the Emperor Alexander. Then home to dress for dinner 



140 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

and the evening passes as already described. Apropos of 
dining I received the other day an invitation, an order I 
should have said, to dine with the Emperor at three o'clock. 
I repaired to the palace at the hour indicated and was re- 
ceived by the Marshal Prince Tolstoi, and ushered into 
the presence. The Empress who is one of the most dig- 
nified persons, very pretty withal, I ever saw was walking 
about the room with her sister and His Majesty standing 
at a window overlooking the Neva. A favorite aide-de- 
camp was present who with the Mareschale made our party 
of six. I was received unceremoniously and treated kindly 
so much so that but for a little extra magnificence at table 
might have fancied myself dining with a bon bourgeois. Some 
of the servants were from the East & wore the rich and 
somewhat fantastic dress of their country. The soul of the 
repast was an easy, pleasant flow of talk in which the Em- 
press mingled with great sweetness & good sense. After 
dinner we returned to the reception room, where we partook 
of coffee and had a very long conversation upon the politi- 
cal affairs of Europe. The Emperor urged me to learn the 
language and seemed pleased when I told him I was doing 
so. He then expressed a wish that I should visit his domin- 
ions and bring him an exact account of their condition add- 
ing some flattering words which I will not repeat. I have 
met him since and he has always renewed the subject. 
The last time he addressed a few words to me jocularly in 
Russ which I fortunately understood & could answer. He 
laughed and encouraged me to persevere. By the way these 
meetings in the streets are awful events. When the Em- 
peror stops to talk to any person, which he does very rarely, 
every one stops too so that the pavement & street are choked 
with the passengers no doubt cursing in their hearts the 
interruption and its cause. 

" As I was told would happen after dining with the Em- 
peror, the Empress Mother who keeps a court of her own 
invited me to her table. This was a very different affair, 
a dinner of twelve covers the only ladies the Empress and 
the Grand Duchess Catherine, the men were the officers of 
her court and attached to her service. I dare say pleasant 
gentlemanly men, but I had no opportunity of ascertaining 
their companionable qualities. I was seated nearly opposite 
the Empress and we had all the talk to ourselves. She took 
no notice of any one else & addressed herself altogether to 
me sometimes questioning me without pity & at others 
telling me of her charitable and manufacturing establish- 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 141 

ments both here and at Moscow. I must see them from 
Cronstadt to Moscow. The first part I have undergone, but 
the best is to be seen at Moscow, an orphan house & estab- 
lishment of Demoiselles nobles. The magnificence and re- 
finement displayed in these court entertainments are capti- 
vating and the notice of such personages highly flattering. 
It has not turned rny head quite & I do not think it 
would be agreeable to pass one's life in such company. I 
was going to write Society but there is no Society properly 
so called without perfect equality. As I promised I went 
to Cronstadt the port of St. Petersburg. Harris (the Con- 
sul) accompanied me in a sleigh. We set out before day- 
light that we might return the same evening. We saw the 
cotton manufactory which is under the patronage of the 
Empress mother, and the workshops of the navy yard, all 
very inferior to those I had seen at home and in England. 
In the former I especially noted the excellencies & defects 
for I was warned that I should have to undergo a strict 
examination the first time I met the lady patroness. Look- 
ing from the docks to seaward as far as the eye could reach 
was one sheet of ice covered with a thick coating of snow. 
I was summoned to the palace to assist at another dinner 
party & to be questioned by the Empress mother. The 
affair went off exactly as the first party had done except 
that we talked a great deal about carding & spinning. I 
explained how cards were made in the united States by 
machinery, and her Majesty gave instant orders to have 
the machinery introduced into her manufactory at Cron- 
stadt. I did not say so, but was sure manufactures fos- 
tered by imperial favor alone will never succeed. There 
is nothing of the energy & economy of individual interest 
and the workmen are serfs receiving only a scanty modicum 
not sufficient to maintain their families in any sort of com- 
fort. The women in serfdom pay no tribute, neither do 
they receive any wages when they accompany their hus- 
bands to these imperial workshops; altogether it is a 
wretched system. Alexander is suspected of being opposed 
to it & his actions and sayings are watched with great jeal- 
ousy by the nobles whose estates consist altogether of this de- 
scription of property. Fortunes are estimated by the number 
of souls a proprietor possesses. These souls (the men only) 
are not ill treated and pay only a moderate tribute ; but not- 
withstanding the numerous humane ukases for their especial 
benefit, they and their families are slaves and although by 
law adscripti glebce are sometimes sold without the land. 



1 42 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

" The Emperor said to me one day, ' we cannot create a 
mercantile marine and have been hitherto entirely depend- 
ant upon England for the transportation of our produce. 
We now hope the United States will relieve us from this 
dependance, and are therefore anxious to encourage your 
shipping and to form the closest commercial relations with 
you. You must say so to your President,' which I accord- 
ingly did. But I sought the reason why Russia could not 
possess a commercial marine and soon found it in the 
nature of her institutions. If a ship is to be fitted out for 
a foreign port the ship's husband must give security that 
the sailors, who are private property will return to their 
owners. A condition so burdensome puts an effectual stop 
to all mercantile enterprize in Russian bottoms. The ships 
of war are manned either by the Crown peasants or by draft 
as the army is filled. By the way no army is recruited with 
so little trouble. Orders are extended to the Landed pro- 
prietors to furnish on a given day so many per cent, of their 
vassals of a certain age. The poor serfs are marched to the 
rendezvous and on the appointed day received by the re- 
cruiting officer, shaved, uniformed and speedily converted 
under the rudest discipline into a regular soldier of won- 
derful endurance and great passive courage. 

" There is in St. Petersburg a college of foreign affairs 
where those who are destined to conduct the civil and political 
affairs of the country are educated. It ensures some fitness 
and a steady undeviating policy in the government as some 
clever men have been brought up here. I distinguished 
young Count Nesselrode and Count Lieven among the 
number Dolgorouki, but why should I repeat these Rus- 
sian names which you will never retain nor care about 
even if they should hereafter become conspicuous in his- 
tory. In this country to have rank at Court it is not suffi- 
cient to be born the son of a Knas or Prince the Russians 
have translated the word. A Knas is in most respects like 
the ancient Scotch Laird chief of a clan, but the Knas's 
clan are more slaves than the highlanders ever were. Prince 
indeed ! All the sons & daughters of these hereditary 
landholders are called Prince & Princess which multiplies 
the number of these titles inconveniently Counts are more 
rare. They are later creations since Peter the Great and 
copied from the German; Graf & Graffen serving to des- 
ignate the numerous tribe in both countries. Well neither 
Prince or Count take rank at Court or dare drive about 
the streets of St. Petersburg or Moscow in a coach & four 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsdi. 143 

unless they have served in some civil or military capacity 
up to the rank of Major. All rank having relation to the 
military. My excellent friend Count Gregory Orloff, a Sena- 
tor & Privy Counsellor, is a Lieutenant-General although he 
never saw an army except at a grand review. 

"I have seen a magnificent display of the Imperial 
troops, 20,000 men of all arms drawn up & maneuvre- 
ing on the solid ice of the Neva. You have no idea of 
the imposing appearance of such an array. Horse, foot 
& artillery perfectly appointed thundering away upon the 
smooth plain of the river. The cold was too intense for 
the troops to remain out long, so that the solemn impression 
of the spectacle rested pleasingly on the imagination. "We 
have heard of the battles of Pultusk and Preusse Eylau. 
The Russians claim the victory and have chaunted Te 
Deum ; but there is an air of consternation about the Court 
which induces me to fear the worst. The Emperor too 
said to me that he would make peace under the walls of 
Tobolsk ; which looks like an expectation of being driven 
out of his capital by the arch fiend as Buonaparte is de- 
nominated here in common parlance. The common people 
look upon him as the devil incarnate for he has been ex- 
communicated in the Greek churches of the Empire. 

" The Emperor is about to depart and draw nearer the 
frontier. This movement I find fills his most sagacious 
friends with fear. If he joins the army his courage will 
expose him to danger & they dread his Eldest Brother 
Constantine. He is indeed a fiend, and with a government 
such as this the only alternative would be to repeat the 
tragedy of the death of Paul. Again those who know 
Alexander best say that he will succumb in case of renewed 
reverses and make peace with France. We shall see. The 
Emperor told me he was going & spoke right manfully. 
He sent for me to dinner at the palace and after it was over 
took me by the arm and walked into an adjoining apartment. 
I am a little deaf you know said he & want to talk to you 
confidentially. He put many pertinent questions about our 
country & our system & after hearing my replies said 
emphatically well that is a glorious form of gov*. & if I 
were not an Emperor I would be a Republican, meaning 
of course that if he were not an Autocrat, a sovereign per 
se he would be one of the sovereigns. He then said that it 
was a pleasant thing to converse with a man who had no 
fear of offending & no favor to ask or expect, but that he 
wished to change these relations with regard to me and 



144 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

would gladly see me enter his service either civil or mili- 
tary. Seeing me about to reply & reading hesitation in 
my looks he continued execute your project, see the Em- 
pire, acquire the language, study the people & when we 
meet again let me hear your determination; and so we 
parted. The prospect is a brilliant one but somehow I 
cannot reconcile it to my sense of duty to abandon my 
country." 

In March, 1807, Mr. Poinsett, accompanied by Lord Roy- 
ston, began his journey to the southeastern provinces of 
.Russia. They were furnished by the government with 
every facility for travelling in safety through the wild 
regions on the borders of the Caspian and the Black Seas, 
being specially recommended to the care of the Russian 
commanders in that quarter. They reached Moscow after 
a journey of five days, suffering intensely from the cold, and 
travelling in a conveyance which Mr. Poinsett says, " rolled 
and pitched like a vessel in a choppy head sea," the motion 
at times making them quite sea-sick. At Moscow they saw 
what few Americans have ever seen, that wonderful city 
in its strange Oriental aspect, before it was destroyed by fire 
after its conquest by the French in 1812. From Moscow 
they passed on eastwardly to the ancient Tartar city of 
Kasan, and thence down the Volga to Astrachan at its mouth. 
Here they entered upon the threshold of a world totally new 
and strange to a Western traveller. That portion of Russia 
which they proposed to visit had been recently annexed to 
the Empire, the eastern part, or that between the Caspian 
and the Caucasian Mountains, having been taken from the 
Persians by Peter the Great, while the western, that between 
those mountains and the Black Sea, known as Georgia, had 
been conquered from the Turks by the Empress Catherine. 
These districts were then occupied by Russian troops, and 
they were inhabited by wild and savage tribes of shepherds, 
who were still in a great measure ruled by their own khans, 
and retained many of their old habits and usages. They 
stood to Russia very nearly in the same relation which Rus- 
sia had once held to their forefathers, the Tartar tribes, who 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 145 

had overrun their territory, that is, they were tributary 
states. The country which they occupied between the Cas- 
pian and the Black Seas formed the route which the larger 
portion of the original Aryan stock had taken in prehistoric 
times in their migration from Asia to Europe. Many traces 
of their most ancient manners, customs, and religions still 
remained. The population was a strange medley of races 
and tribes, retaining in many cases the various forms of 
religious worship which their fathers had brought with 
them from their original homes. There were collected in 
this out-of-the-way and comparatively small territory not 
only Kussians, but Cossacks, Calmucks, Tartars, Hindoos, 
Persians, Greeks, and Armenians. Each race lived apart, 
and preserved some of its original distinctive peculiarities. 
The travellers visited, for instance, the Hindoo temple of 
Brahma at Astrachan. There they saw, what has often been 
observed by travellers in India, a form of worship and ritual 
resembling in some respects that of the Roman Catholic mass. 
Buddhists were also to be found among the Calmuck Tar- 
tars, and the worship of the Lamas. They were there shown 
the famous prayer-machine, consisting of a barrel, on which 
were pasted written prayers, which, when revolved with 
great rapidity in the face of the idols placed before it, 
prayed as much and as effectually, in the opinion of their 
priests, in one minute as could be done in the ordinary 
method in a whole day. Later on, near Baku, on the 
southern shore of the Caspian, the seat of the naphtha- or 
petroleum-wells, and now the centre of a vast trade in that 
article with all parts of Europe and Asia, they encountered 
the Guebres, or Fire-Worshippers, who were Persian pil- 
grims, who had travelled a long distance in order to perform 
their devotions in the " Land of Eternal Fire." 

At Astrachan the travellers began to wonder why an 
empire so autocratic as that of Russia permitted such a 
diversity of opinions and usages in matters of. religion as 
prevailed there, and this wonder was increased as they 
penetrated farther into the country. They saw nothing 
which they were in the habit of regarding as distinctively 
VOL. xii. 10 



146 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

Russian except the garrisons intended to preserve the peace 
and obedience of the country. At Astrachan they remained 
about three weeks, and, although the plague was raging in 
the town, and even in the quarantine grounds, their curi- 
osity to see all the strange and novel things to be found in 
the neighborhood was boundless, and they were not deterred 
by fear of infection from visiting them all. 

The Caucasian provinces to the south of Astrachan were 
inhabited by warlike pastoral tribes, still ruled by khans 
who were practically independent. The Russian authori- 
ties considered travelling through this region dangerous, 
especially where the travellers were two strangers, who 
claimed that their only motive for visiting the country was 
curiosity, a motive which the natives could not, of course, 
appreciate. They were provided, therefore, with an escort 
of three hundred Cossacks. They were advised, it is said, 
by one of the khans whom they met at an early stage of 
their journey, to dismiss their escort, and to trust to Tartar 
hospitality for their safety and kind treatment. Fortunately 
for them, they did not follow his advice, as it proved that 
their guards were more to be trusted than some of the wild 
chieftains whom they met. They reached Derbend (Portse 
Caspise) in safety, and thence went on to Baku, then a dis- 
trict regarded with superstitious terror as the land of eternal 
fire, and now converted into a place whence a large portion 
of the civilized world draws its supplies of material for artifi- 
cial light. The travellers, of course, met with some curious 
adventures on their way, and of these Mr. Poinsett gives in 
one of his letters the following lively account : 

"... From the constant state of warfare in which this 
country has been involved the Peasantry invariably at our 
approach took to the woods, but after a little while finding 
that their houses were not burnt they returned, and the 
Mahamandar presented to the principal the firman for 
quarters and a supply of provisions, which generally pro- 
duced great murmurings and generally ended by the Maha- 
mandar beating them most unmercifully, this argumentum 
baculorum invariably produced a supper. Our quarters 
always consisted of either a scaffold erected on four poles 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poimett. 147 

on the roof of a house, the inside being uninhabitable. 
The houses of the Peasantry are built of clay or unburnt 
brick. We had proceeded thro' a well cultivated Country 
having a view of Caspian on one side and the great chain 
of Mount Caucasus on the other the summits covered with 
snow. On the third morning the alarm was given that a 
troop of horsemen were advancing towards us, we arranged 
our little troop and prepared to receive them. When they 
were within musquet shot the Principal of them advanced 
and said that he was chief of several villages near us and 
entreated us with much importunity to accompany him to 
the nearest and spend the remainder of the day. We con- 
sented, and he immediately dispatched a Courier to have 
every thing prepared for our reception. We spent the re- 
mainder of the day with him and he entertained us in the 
best manner the village afforded. In the morning when we 
wished to proceed we missed the horses of our Conductor 
and Persian Escort; fortunately our own and the Copahs 
were picketed under a guard. Our treacherous host had dis- 
appeared. Whilst we were deliberating what was to be done, 
he sent us a message to say that as we were travelling with- 
out the escort of his Khan he should not permit us to pro- 
ceed any farther, and if we attempted it by force he would 
raise the whole Country ; he appeared at the same time at 
the head of a body of horse. To attempt to proceed would 
have been folly, to retreat to Derbend near two days journey 
was equally impracticable. We therefore resolved to gain 
Kouba the residence of the Khan about thirty miles from 
the village. I accordingly ordered the Copahs to seize all the 
horses in the village and mounted the Persians in the best 
manner possible and we began our march, the Beg and his 
followers hovered about us for some time without daring to 
attack us. He at length advanced, and demanded a Parley. 
I met him with only our Interpreter. He asked where we 
intended to go. I told him very calmly to the Khan of 
Kouba to complain of his robbery and insolence. He said 
all he wished was that we should go to the Khan and that 
he would accompany us. When we were within five miles 
of Kouba he again rode up, and said that if we would say 
nothing of what had passed to the Khan he would return 
the horses. We told him that we would make no conditions 
with such a villain. He hesitated for some- time but at 
length returned the horses and his troop dispersed. 

" Upon our arrival at Kouba we were conducted to the 
market Place into a large open Piazza where Carpets were 



148 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

spread for us and we were desired to repose until the Khan 
was prepared to receive us. The whole town of Kouba col- 
lected in the market place to see European travellers a sight 
most rare in Kouha. The officers of the Khan household 
were obliged to exercise their sticks to keep them from 
crowding into the Piazza. After waiting more than an 
hour in grand exhibition, the gentleman waited upon us to 
say that the Khan was ready to receive us. 

" The Khan was seated in a large Persian summer house 
an elevation of three stories without walls. On the third floor 
the Khan was seated surrounded by all his court. Without 
the circle his guard were stationed leaning upon their fusils 
reversed. The Khan made a sign to us to seat ourselves near 
him and welcomed us to Kouba. I immediately harangued 
him upon the occasion of our coming to the Court, detailed 
the whole conduct of the Beg and demanded to know 
whether it was by his orders that we had been treated in 
that infamous manner and ended by declaring that it would 
be an eternal stain to the bright reputation of Chiek-ali 
Elian that strangers had met with such outrages in the 
Khannate of Kouba. The astonishment of the whole court 
when this was interpreted to them is not to be described. 
The Khan disclaimed all knowledge of the transaction, ex- 
pressed great regret at our treatment, but begged that now 
we were at Kouba we would no longer think of the disagree- 
able Circumstances which had brought us there, but en- 
deavour to divert ourselves in the best manner possible. He 
then became very inquisitive asking questions dictated by 
the profoundest ignorance. "We were obliged to give him a 
long geographical lecture which he made his secretary write. 
Upon being told that I was from America he asked me if 
the King of America was powerful among the Kings of 
Europe and if we joined the French Empire. After a long 
explanation he insisted upon knowing the name of our Shah 
and Thomas Jefferson is on record at the court of Chiek-ali 
Khan of Kouba as Shah of America. In the meantime the 
servants spread cotton Cloths round the room and placed 
before each guest a thin piece of bread near a yard long 
which served likewise the purpose of napkins for they eat 
with their fingers and grease their hands and beard most 
filthily. They next brought water to wash our hands, and 
placed before us different meats cut small, with rice. The 
Khan's Physician sat next to him and pointed out what he 
was to eat and served him with wine of which he drank 
plentifully, obliging us to pledge him each time observing 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 149 

that he was a strict observer of the laws of Mahommed ex- 
cept in this one instance hut he could not refrain from wine. 
Whenever any one drank < Khan Saluna' or the health of the 
Khan re-echoed round the room ; "When he drank himself 
it was a horrid tintamarre for this ceremony was repeated 
four times. Whilst we dined, some musicians and buffoons 
entered the room and the Physician came to inform me that 
one of them would play the devil for our diversion. The 
droll put on a fools' Cap with bells and began dancing and 
singing with such antic gestures as put the whole court into 
a roar of laughter. Then ensued a Contest between two 
musicians who inflating their cheeks produced such long 
shrill notes from an octave pipe as excited universal applause. 
Their music consisted of these pipes, a three stringed fiddle, 
two guitars a small drum and two tambours de basque. 
They have little idea of time and have no notes, whilst they 
played, the whole Court beat time or rather clapped their 
hands. During the contest between the pipers which should 
produce the longest and shrillest notes, several girls entered, 
elegantly dressed after the Persian manner, long large red 
pantaloons which cover even the instep, a close silk jacket, 
and over it a short robe open in front, their heads covered 
with a vail. They took their seats at the lower end of the 
room and uncovered their faces. They were generally hand- 
some & highly painted which is a general custom in the 
east. As the Fipe was handed constantly round they smoked 
in their turn with great gout. They danced and sung alter- 
nately, their dancing resembled that of the Spanish women, 
very little motion of the feet, but much graceful action of 
the arms and body. Their singing was a horrid squalling 
in loud falsett voice. They hid their faces which was neces- 
sary for to produce those sounds. The contortions must have 
been great. The Khan who had drank much wine became 
very facetious, and amused himself with drumming time 
upon his physicians head, and hitting his prime minister 
great thumps on the back to the great diversion of the court. 
During these entertainments fresh dishes were constantly 
brought in, some in a singular manner, the roast always on a 
long stick, which the Ecuyer tranchant shoved off into our 
plates. As this entertainment had lasted from five till long 
after midnight we thought it time to withdraw and accord- 
ingly took our leave retiring to our piazza, where we passed 
the remainder of the night. 

" In the morning we performed our toilette before hun- 
dreds even in the market place. When we had breakfasted, 



150 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

one of the officers led before us two handsome horses which 
he presented in his masters name. We shortly after had 
our audience of leave in which the Khan was particularly 
solicitous that we should mention him in foreign countries, 
and was particularly gratified on being assured that wherever 
we went we would always speak of the magnificence of 
Chiek-Ali Khan. "We left the town of Kouba which is for- 
tified with a single wall and delightfully situated in a vast 
valley, having a view of Mount Caucasus. As we had an 
escort from the Khan and his firman we continued our 
journey in perfect security. The Khannat of Kouba is the 
most beautiful and fertile country we had hitherto seen. 
We stopped the first night at a village where, as usual, the 
Inhabitants fled at our approach and upon their return were 
most unmercifully beaten. I assured these unfortunate 
people that I would pay them and made my interpreter 
offer them privately money, they refused however saying 
that should their Khan be apprized of their having received 
money from us they would be severely punished. Once in- 
deed an Armenian declared that there were no provisions 
in the village and upon my giving him money rode oft* with 
the declared intention of purchasing every thing necessary 
from the next village, but we saw no more of him and upon 
his comrades being beaten they produced our usual supper 
which consisted of a Pilau. The ensuing day we left the 
Khannat of Kouba and entered that of Baku a gloomy 
desert, bleak barren hills sloping to the Caspian scarcely 
covered with a blade of grass. 

" The Eussian commander received us very politely and 
assigned us very good quarters, we were obliged to remain 
here several days to recruit our sick for the fatigue of riding 
on horseback and sleeping in the air had proved too much 
for two of our servants. 

" The harbor of Baku is formed by a deep bay and the 
entrance protected by two islands. It is the best and indeed 
may be said to be the only port in the Caspian. The navi- 
gation of this sea is rendered extremely dangerous by the 
want of ports, the numerous sand banks, and frequent oc- 
currence of gales of wind, which, altho' there is no tide, raise 
the sea to a great height, and occasions an overflow of the 
adjacent low lands. 

" General Gouvief accompanied us to view the sources of 
Naptha which are within 15 miles of Baku and constitute its 
chief branch of commerce. On our approach to the source, 
the earth for a considerable distance round was covered with 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 151 

a thin stratum of Naptha. The large source is of some depth 
and the petroleum is brought up in skins and deposited 
in large reservoirs whence it is conveyed in skins to Sha- 
mackie and other parts of Persia. It is used universally by 
the Persians for their lamps, and especially in the manufac- 
tories of silk, the people imagining that it is the only light 
they can use without destroying the worm. There are some 
small villages near these works, the machinery is the same 
used by the Persians and is as bad as can be imagined. 
There are some smaller sources of white naptha near this 
but the grey or black naptha is the most abundant and the 
most productive." 

From Baku the travellers crossed the country to Tifflis, 
in Georgia. Thence they went to Armenia, and were pres- 
ent at the unsuccessful siege of Erivan by the Russians. As 
war was then waging between Russia and the Ottoman Porte 
they were, therefore, unable to reach Constantinople, but 
returned northward to Moscow and St. Petersburg, the first 
portion of the journey being through so sickly a country 
that out of the party of nine who had left Moscow together 
for their expedition only three returned alive. The health 
of Mr. Poinsett suffered so much during this journey that 
he was obliged to remain several months in St. Petersburg 
before he gained sufficient strength to travel to the waters 
of Toeplitz and Carlsbad. 

On his way thither he passed through Koenigsberg, where 
the Court of conquered and devastated Prussia, driven from 
Berlin by the French, then resided. He was presented to 
the King and to the celebrated Louisa, Queen of Prussia (the 
mother of the late Emperor of Germany), celebrated alike 
for her beauty and her misfortunes. It was then generally 
thought, and the story even now is commonly believed, that 
the Queen had been insulted by the Emperor Napoleon while 
interceding with him for mercy towards the luckless country 
whose armies he had destroyed. The statement that she had 
been insulted she positively denied, according to Mr. Poin- 
sett, and said that she had no other cause of complaint than 
that the Emperor refused to grant her prayer that he would 
spare her country. The King complained that the Emperor 



152 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

Alexander, who had urged him to embark in this unhappy 
war, had accepted from Napoleon a portion of the dismem- 
bered Prussian territory. 

At Toeplitz he met the Prince de Ligne, and Mr. Poinsett, 
true to his instinct which led him to search out all the prom- 
inent men of his time wherever he found them, was much 
interested and instructed by the view he gave him of public 
affairs at that critical period. The peculiarity of the Prince's 
position was this : while horror-stricken with the spread of 
revolutionary ideas, and the ascendency of the French arms 
in Europe, he was disgusted because Austria had not placed 
him in command of the armed force designed to combat 
them. No man in Europe had at that time a higher repu- 
tation for brilliant qualities and great services than he, but 
he had lost his influence at the Austrian Court on the death 
of Joseph IE. 

In the spring of 1808, Mr. Poinsett having recovered his 
health, went through Germany to Paris. Never was that 
city more brilliant than at this time, and nowhere could be 
found a greater number of men who had gained European 
renown by their services in the great Continental wars. One 
of the most distinguished of the soldiers of Napoleon was 
Massena (Prince of Essling), who previous to the French 
Revolution had been an instructor in fencing of Mr. Joseph 
Allen Smith, who had given Mr. Poinsett a letter of intro- 
duction to him. He seems to have been very kind to Mr. 
Poinsett, and presented him to Clausel, afterwards Marshal 
of France, and to many other distinguished French soldiers. 
Mr. Poinsett tells a curious story illustrating the relations of 
Massena with Napoleon. In a private interview between 
them a gun was suddenly heard to explode in the imperial 
cabinet. The attendants rushed in, and found Massena 
bathed in blood, while the Emperor explained that the gun 
had been discharged by accident. The rumor spread, how- 
ever, that Napoleon, in a fit of passion, had tried to murder 
the Marshal. Mr. Poinsett paid a visit to Massena, who 
was confined to the house by his wound. He spoke of the 
rumor, and Massena told him it was well founded, that the 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 153 

discharge of the gun was not accidental, adding, "The 
cursed little fool could not even shoot straight, or he would 
have killed me." 

Mr. Poinsett was present (as he always seems to have 
been, with his extraordinary luck, on every important occa- 
sion) at the celebrated interview between Napoleon and 
Count Metternich, the Austrian Ambassador, at the Tuil- 
eries in 1808, when the French Emperor publicly threatened 
Austria that, if she continued to arm her subjects, he would 
crush her beyond the power of recovery, a threat which 
Napoleon supposed he had carried out when he dictated a 
second time peace in the Austrian capital and married an 
Austrian princess. 

While Mr. Poinsett was residing in Paris there occurred 
the memorable incident of the attack in time of profound 
peace by the British war-ship " Leopard" upon the Ameri- 
can frigate " Chesapeake," the " Leopard" firing a broad- 
side into the " Chesapeake," and compelling her to surren- 
der certain of her crew, who were claimed to be deserters 
from the English navy. Like most of his countrymen, Mr. 
Poinsett regarded war with England as the inevitable result 
of this deplorable outrage. He lost no time in hurrying 
home and offering his services to the government. He 
hoped to receive the appointment of quartermaster-general, 
that being the office for which he deemed himself best qual- 
ified. He failed, however, to secure the position, and indeed 
the immediate prospect of war was removed by the disavowal 
on the part of the English government of the act of the com- 
mander of the " Leopard" and the punishment of the admiral 
who had ordered it. 

President Madison, who had been very much impressed 
with the capacity of Mr. Poinsett, then invited him to go to 
South America on a secret and confidential mission. The 
provinces of Buenos Ayres on the east and that of Chili on 
the west side of the Andes had risen in revolt against the 
Spanish government, and had established provisional Juntas, 
who were for the time being the de facto rulers of the country. 
Mr. Poinsett's instructions were to ascertain how firm a foun- 



154 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

dation these new governments had, and if he found that their 
existence was likely to be permanent, he was to negotiate 
treaties of commerce with them. Mr. Poinsett was obliged 
to dissemble the object of his mission, as the English, who 
were numerous and powerful at Buenos Ayres, were very 
jealous of the interference of any other power seeking to 
share in the rich harvest which they hoped that they alone 
would gather when the Spanish restrictive colonial policy 
was abandoned. By skill and address, however, not unmin- 
gled with a certain amount of personal danger, Mr. Poinsett 
reached Buenos Ayres by way of Rio de Janeiro, and there, 
notwithstanding the violent opposition of the English mer- 
chants, he concluded a favorable commercial treaty with the 
revolutionary authorities. 

To complete his mission it was necessary for him to cross 
the Andes and negotiate a treaty with the authorities of 
Chili. This province was then governed by the popular 
Junta, while Peru was still under the authority of the 
Spanish Viceroy. The two provinces were engaged in war 
with each other, so that until the war ended it was impossi- 
ble to tell whether it would be practicable to conclude such 
a treaty as Mr. Poinsett was instructed to make. There 
seemed, indeed, little probability that hostilities would soon 
be brought to a close. Mr. Poinsett became irritated by the 
helpless inactivity which he was obliged to maintain. Fired 
by the example of Carera, the leader of the Chilian army, 
and yielding to his influence, he was induced by him to 
accept the command of a division of his army. He could, 
it is true, find nothing in his instructions as Charge d? Affaires 
to justify such an act, but he never was idle or inactive when 
the interests of his country required him to confront per- 
sonal danger, and he did not hesitate to take the responsi- 
bility. Shortly after he had assumed command, he learned, 
through an intercepted letter to the Viceroy of Peru, that the 
commandant at Talcahuano, on the bay of Concepcion, had 
seized eleven American whalers which had touched there 
for supplies, and that the crews of these vessels would be 
sent to Callao as prisoners as soon as a " set of irons could 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 155 

be completed for the purpose of securing the men." He 
immediately put his army in motion for Talcahuano and 
completely surprised the Peruvian detachment in charge of 
the vessels. He then posted his artillery in a commanding 
position and demanded its unconditional surrender to the 
Junta of Chili. His demand was at once complied with, 
the Peruvian commander who " was completing the irons" 
was made prisoner and the vessels were released. It is not 
easy, of course, to describe the surprise and gratification of 
the American captains when they found that their liberator 
was one of their own countrymen, exercising his functions 
as Charge d? Affaires in this novel and efficient way. 

While Mr. Poinsett was in Chili he was a spectator of 
one of the most memorable combats in our naval history, and 
indeed almost one of the participants in it. Captain David 
Porter was in the neutral port of Callao with the " Essex," 
considering himself in such a place out of all danger of attack 
from two English vessels, the "Phebe" and the "Cherub," 
that lay close beside him. Captain Porter had made a most 
successful cruise in the " Essex," destroying almost wholly 
the English whaling fleet in the Pacific. He was about to 
sail for home with Mr. Poinsett as one of his passengers, 
trusting to the speed of his vessel to outstrip the two ships 
of his enemy. Unfortunately for him a gale occurred, which 
injured some of his rigging, just as he was off the port. 
He was about putting back for repairs when he was attacked 
by both English ships, and a battle ensued which, whether 
we consider the disparity of the forces engaged or the con- 
spicuous gallantry with which the " Essex" was defended in 
a hopeless contest of more than three hours, is hardly paral- 
leled in naval history. The battle was fought within the 
range of a fort on the Chilian shore, and Mr. Poinsett was 
sent to beg the commander to fire on the English, who were 
violating the neutrality of his country. But the fear of the 
consequences kept the Chilian officer quiet. The prisoners 
taken in the " Essex," including Captain Porter, were sent 
home by the English in a cartel, but permission for Mr. 
Poinsett to embark with them was positively refused, Cap- 



156 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

tain Hilyar giving as a reason what, under the circum- 
stances, was a high compliment to Mr. Poinsett, declaring 
" that he would not suffer the arch-enemy of England to 
return to America while the two countries were at war." 

Mr. Poinsett, nothing daunted, however, recrossed the 
Andes while they were covered with snow, reached Buenos 
Ayres in safety, and passing down the Rio de la Plata in a 
Portuguese vessel, and running the British blockade of the 
river, was at last safely landed in the island of Madeira. 
He soon made his way to the United States, but he found 
that peace had then been made with England, so that there 
was no longer any hope of his distinguishing himself, as he 
had always longed to do, in the military service of his country. 

On .his return home he did not seek, as he well might 
have done, repose after all the exciting adventures through 
which he had passed. His active and enterprising spirit 
found a large field for the development of its energy in pro- 
jects for improving the condition of his native State, by the 
construction of good roads and water-courses between its 
widely-separated parts. He was appointed Chairman of the 
Board of Public Works, made many suggestions in regard 
to the internal improvements of the State, and superin- 
tended the construction of at least one road which in its 
day was regarded as a model for a work of that kind, the 
turnpike through Saluda Gap. 

In 1821, Mr. Poinsett was elected a member of Congress 
from the Charleston district. He took a prominent part in 
many public measures of great importance, but his influ- 
ence was perhaps strongest on the question of recognizing 
the new republics of South America, concerning which his 
opinion, based upon personal experience, was singularly 
potent. He opposed the project of sending a commissioner 
to Greece until that country was at least de facto independent, 
in a speech of great statesmanlike force, not because he was 
without sympathy for the sufferings which the Greeks en- 
dured at the hands of the Turks, but because he regarded 
the measure as one likely to serve as a precedent for in- 
volving us in the complications of European politics. 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 157 

In the year 1822 the question of the recognition of the 
independence of Mexico by our Government became a prac- 
tical one. From the year 1811, when the revolt of the 
Mexicans against the Spanish Crown began, a number of 
governments which, judging by their short duration, can be 
regarded only as revolutionary, had ruled that portion of the 
country from which the Spanish army had been driven. 
The insurgents who formed these governments had been at 
last subdued by the Spanish forces, but in the year 1821 
a new and formidable movement took place to establish 
the independence of Mexico under Don Augustin Iturbide, 
who had been an officer in the royal army. In 1822, 
Iturbide, in the face of much opposition, was proclaimed 
Emperor, and the question for our Government was to 
determine whether, in view of all the revolutionary dis- 
turbances which had preceded his accession, he was so sup- 
ported by public opinion that he would be able to establish 
a permanent government in Mexico and thus entitle him to 
a recognition on our part as the de facto ruler of the country. 
The President (Mr. Monroe) selected Mr. Poinsett for the 
delicate and responsible duty of ascertaining the true state 
of affairs. His mission to Mexico was secret and confiden- 
tial, and he went there in 1822. He travelled through 
many districts of Mexico, mingled with all sorts and con- 
ditions of people and with men of every party. The result 
of his observations, so far as he thought proper to make 
it public, appeared in a book called "Notes on Mexico," 
which he published shortly after his return. It contained 
the best and indeed the only trustworthy account of Mexico 
which had appeared in the English language up to that time. 
His familiarity with the Spanish language and his long ac- 
quaintance with public men both in the Old World and the 
New, as well as his experience with people who " get up" 
revolutions in both hemispheres, gave to the judgment which 
he at last arrived at great weight. He came to the conclu- 
sion that Iturbide was not firmly seated on his throne, and 
therefore that it would not be wise for us to recognize him. 
He had hardly returned to this country when news reached 



158 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsdt. 

here that the Emperor had been deposed by a new revolution. 
It may be added that Iturbide was exiled, but that hoping 
again to regain power he returned to Mexico, and having 
been taken prisoner was at once shot. It is perhaps worthy 
of remark that to the Mexicans of the present day Iturbide, 
although he was shot as a traitor, is nevertheless a national 
hero. At present the highest places in the Mexican Valhalla 
are appropriated to those who although Spaniards were them- 
selves in life conspicuous for their hostility to the injustice and 
cruelty of the Spanish domination. Thus in the new Paseo 
of the City of Mexico colossal statues commemorate four men 
whose title to fame rests in the eyes of the Mexicans on this 
basis. These statues are those of Columbus, victim of the 
ingratitude of Spain; Hidalgo, who headed the first out- 
break against her authority; Morelos, who continued the 
revolution ; and Iturbide, who although once a royal officer 
and in the end executed as a traitor to the republic is still a 
popular hero because he died an enemy to the Spaniards. 

On the return of Mr. Poinsett from Mexico in 1823 he 
became a candidate for re-election to Congress. The excite- 
ment concerning the tariff was just beginning, and the 
measures which it would be proper for South Carolina to 
take in case the Government should not change its policy 
on this subject were being discussed, and it was proposed 
by some of his constituents that he should pledge himself 
before the election as to the course he would pursue as a 
member of Congress. To his honor be it said, and as an 
example to us in these days of political degeneracy, that he 
promptly and decidedly refused to make any such pledge or 
declaration. He told those who asked him to make such a 
promise that his past public career was the best pledge he 
could give for his future course, and his constituents were 
wise enough to re-elect him by a large majority. 

In 1824, Mr. Poinsett was an ardent advocate of the elec- 
tion of General Jackson to the Presidency. As there was 
no choice by the people, the contest was transferred to the 
House of Representatives, when Mr. John Quincy Adams 
was chosen. On the day after Mr. Adams's inauguration 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 159 

he offered the post of Minister Plenipotentiary to Mexico to 
Mr. Poinsett. Two things are to be specially noted in this 
offer, first, the purity of the public service at that time, 
which permitted the appointment of a political opponent to 
one of the most important offices in the gift of the Presi- 
dent; and, second, the high opinion entertained by Mr. 
Adams of Mr. Poinsett's qualifications, and certainly no one 
had had more abundant opportunities than he of testing his 
special gifts as a diplomatist, as he had been Secretary of 
State during Mr. Poinsett's former mission to Mexico. 

Mr. Poinsett's course while he represented this country 
in Mexico has been much criticised, and certainly the dis- 
tracted condition of the republic while he resided there 
was such that no active policy he could have pursued, never 
mind what, would have escaped the violent censure of some 
of the partisans who were struggling to secure power and 
office. When he reached Mexico he found the public mind 
in a highly-excited condition. Although the country was 
nominally a republic, he soon discovered that the real power 
was in the hands of the aristocracy, who, supported by the 
clergy and the army, strove to keep the ignorant populace 
under their despotic sway. One of the peculiarities of the 
Mexican revolt against Spain up to that period had been the 
maintenance of the privileges and the riches of the Koman 
Catholic clergy without any diminution whatever, for a 
fanatical devotion to their religion has always been a 
striking characteristic of the mass of the Mexicans. Many 
of the revolutionary disturbances were led by priests, and 
all of them were more or less under their control. What- 
ever else the revolutionists changed, or desired to change, 
the Church with its power and wealth was left unharmed 
and untouched like the Ark in the wilderness : it was to all 
sacred. The Church retained through all these convulsions 
property which is said to have amounted in 1857 (when it 
was confiscated) to the enormous sum of three hundred mil- 
lions of dollars, and of course the clergy from their posi- 
tion and organization with these means at their disposal 
became the most powerful body in the country. By the 



160 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

time Mr. Poinsett arrived in Mexico the higher clergy had 
become tired of the revolutions which were incessantly dis- 
turbing their peace and threatening their security. They 
had become conservative, and eagerly allied themselves with 
those who sought to establish a stable government. The 
other conservative class was the large landholders, proprie- 
tors of vast haciendas, sometimes many square miles in ex- 
tent, where they lived in a semi-independent state, defying 
any government which they did not choose to recognize, 
and, in short, enjoying the influence and possessing substan- 
tially the power of feudal lords. Indeed, so rooted is this 
system of holding land in the habits and ideas of the people 
of Mexico that to this day it remains almost wholly un- 
changed. The Church has been despoiled of its riches and 
privileges until now it is the poorest Catholic Church in 
Christendom ; the country for a number of years has been 
without serious revolutionary disturbances ; modern civiliza- 
tion in our sense has penetrated beyond the frontier; and 
yet this system of dividing the country among a few owners 
of large haciendas continues unchanged, and the proprietors 
exercise almost as much authority and influence now as they 
did in the palmy days of the Spanish viceroyalty. These 
two conservative bodies acting together had the entire con- 
trol of the army in the support of their pretensions, while 
the genuine republican party, as we should deem it, was 
made up of a few enlightened men, many adventurers, and 
the mass of the populace in the large towns. 

Mr. Poinsett thus found the Church and the State banded 
together in possession of the power on the one side, and on 
the other the discontented but true republicans, watching 
every opportunity and willing to risk even a revolution 
(which, of course, in all Spanish- American countries is an 
event far less grave than it would be with us) in order to 
snatch that power from them. 

On his arrival the leaders of the opposition crowded 
around him seeking information and advice. It was natural 
that they should have done so, for to whom would they be 
likely to turn more readily than to the representative of 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 161 

that great republic which had successfully surmounted 
those obstacles which appeared so formidable to those who 
were trying to establish in Mexico a system similar to that 
which had been adopted here ? Mr. Poinsett gave the in- 
formation, but declined to give the advice, as inconsistent 
with his duties as Minister. He could not, of course, help 
feeling that they, and not the party in power, were the true 
republicans according to the standard which prevailed in any 
of the countries in which he had passed his life. He had 
probably, too, a certain sympathy with them, for, like every 
true American of that day, he ardently desired the spread 
of republicanism everywhere, and especially upon the Con- 
tinent of America, but he never forgot that he was not 
accredited to them, and that his business in the country 
was with the established Government and not with the 
opposition. He did no act which compromised his position, 
still his sympathy no doubt encouraged the discontented, 
and certainly did not aid him in negotiating the treaty 
which he was sent to Mexico to make. His position be- 
came a very difficult and embarrassing one, and many of 
the Government party became very hostile to him. 

Meanwhile, the disaffected became more and more clam- 
orous, and at last, in consequence of the armed resistance 
of the Government to the installation of Guerrero, whom its 
opponents claimed to have elected President, they broke 
out into open rebellion. "With this revolt is connected an 
episode in Mr. Poinsett's career as Minister in Mexico 
which, as illustrating his cool courage and his chivalric 
nature, as well as the prestige of the American name and 
flag in foreign countries, is well worth repeating, although 
it is doubtless familiar to many. The revolutionists had de- 
termined to attack the National Palace, which is at one end 
of the principal street (that of San Francisco), while the 
Alameda, the public park, bounds the other. Having seized 
the Alameda, the barracks, and the artillery, the mob ad- 
vanced along this street towards the Palace. .The houses 
on each side were filled with Government troops, and many 
of them were known to belong to families of Spaniards, or 
VOL. xii. 11 



162 The Life and Services of Joel E. PoinseU. 

of persons supposed to be friendly to the Government. 
These houses were regularly besieged by the insurgents, and 
many of them were taken and destroyed. Mr. Poinsett's 
house was in this street, and while the conflict was raging, 
Madame Yturrigaray, the widow of a former Spanish Vice- 
roy, who was his neighbor, with some of her friends, all 
Spaniards, sought the refuge and protection of the American 
Embassy. The insurgents advanced to attack the house, 
which they do not seem to have known to be that of the 
American Minister, maddened by the story that was told 
them that its proprietor had sheltered the hated Spaniards. 
They attacked the gates which enclosed the court-yard and 
clamored for the blood of their enemies. A musket-ball 
which came through the window lodged in Mr. Poinsett's 
cloak. At this moment Mr. Poinsett, accompanied by his 
Secretary of Legation, Mr. John Mason, Jr., took the Ameri- 
can flag, and, advancing with it in his hand to the balcony 
of his house, displayed it for the first time before the eyes 
of the thousands who were thirsting for his blood because he 
had baulked their vengeance. He told them who he was, and 
what nation that flag represented. Either because they rec- 
ognized in that flag the emblem of the American power, or 
because some among them knew Mr. Poinsett as a diplo- 
matist who had always been a friend of their leaders, they 
at once ceased their hostile attitude. The display of that 
flag by its courageous upholder in the streets of the City 
of Mexico changed at once the threatening temper of that 
wild mob, and soon after it dispersed. 

Mr. Poinsett's affiliation with the Freemasons in Mexico 
proved a constant source of embarrassment to the success 
of his mission in that country. It seems that he had been 
long a member of the Masonic order here, and on his arrival 
in the City of Mexico he was welcomed as a visitor to the 
lodges with that cosmopolitan spirit of fraternity which is 
characteristic of the Masonic body everywhere. The Mexi- 
can Masons belonged to the " Scotch rite," while it seems 
that in the hierarchy of Masonry the " York rite" holds a 
higher rank. Mr. Poinsett explained this difference to his 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 163 

associates, and told them, with that spirit of courtesy which 
never failed him, that if it was agreeable to them he would 
apply to the Masonic authorities in this country for a charter 
to establish lodges in Mexico who should work according 
to the "York rite." The charter was granted and the 
lodges duly organized under it. But, unfortunately, the 
persons elected as members of the new lodges were nearly 
all democrats, and opposed to the party in power. The old 
lodges and the new soon formed two political camps, and 
such was the bitterness and intensity of feeling at that time, 
that they were looked upon by public opinion rather as 
party organizations than as fraternal associations. Mr. 
Poinsett's well-meant efforts to extend the Masonic rule in 
Mexico was regarded by his enemies as an underhanded 
effort on his part to give aid and encouragement to the dis- 
affected. When he found that he was being forced into the 
position of a partisan leader through his connection with 
this miserable squabble, he withdrew himself from all com- 
munication with both bodies. But the mischief was done, 
and his influence with the Government from that time was 
very much lessened. 

Mr. Poinsett negotiated a boundary treaty with the Mexi- 
can Government and also a treaty of commerce, which was 
not ratified because it contained a stipulation " that all per- 
sons bound to labor taking refuge in Mexico should be 
given up to their legal claimants." This is a noteworthy 
event in the history of republicanism on this continent, for 
it shows that the Mexicans even at that early date were at 
least so far advanced in their political education that they 
were unwilling to enact a fugitive-slave law even to oblige 
the United States. It should be added, however, in order 
to show how little public opinion at that time in other parts 
of the world supported the pretension " that a slave could 
not exist on Mexican soil," that Mr. Ward, the British Min- 
ister, concluded about the same time with the Mexican 
Government a treaty of commerce similar to ours, omitting 
the stipulation in regard to fugitive slaves. When this 
treaty was submitted to Mr. Canning, then the English 



164 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

Foreign Secretary, lie sent it back to Mexico, refusing to 
ratify it until the Mexicans would agree to surrender not 
only fugitive slaves but also apprentices from the West In- 
dies and deserters from the English army and navy. 

The annoyances and vexations which Mr. Poinsett suf- 
fered in Mexico did not make him unmindful of the interest 
felt by people here in the wonderful curiosities, natural and 
archaeological, to be found in that country. He learned 
how to propagate olive-trees, and sent many cuttings to be 
planted in his own garden in South Carolina. He intro- 
duced into this country that well-known and truly splendid 
flower now called Poinsettia, of the order of Euphorbiacece. 
He sent to the American Philosophical Society in Philadel- 
phia the original manuscript and the drawings from which 
Captain du Paix had copied the materials for his magnifi- 
cent work on the antiquities of Mexico, published in Paris 
in 1834. For a long time the ruins depicted in this work 
were regarded by the learned as antediluvian, an opinion 
which, by the way, has since been wholly disproved by Mr. 
John L. Stephens and other observers. 



(To be continued.) 



John Heckewelder>s Journey to the Wdbash in 1792. 165 



NARRATIVE OF JOHN HECKEWELDEE'S JOUENEY 
TO THE WABASH IN 1792. 

(Concluded from page 54.) 

On the 27 th our hunters shot two bears and a deer, and on 
the 28 th a fat buffalo cow, which weighed 436 fibs. 

On the 30 th we saw almost continually, herds of buffaloes 
grazing on the shores. Interpreter Wells shot a cow and 
calf weighing 134 fibs., the meat of which was found to be 
very juicy. We had now reached a country where no more 
hills are to be seen, but everything is flat and level, and the 
Carolina reed grows as thick as hemp. 

Early on the 31 st as we were passing on one side of a long 
narrow island in our barges and canoes, two herds of buf- 
faloes, frightened by the boats passing on the other side, 
rushed directly before us into the water. We did not feel 
disposed to shoot, as we had enough to do, to keep out of 
their way, for when they are in flight, they do not see what 
is before them, but run down everything in their course. 
In the evening we passed Green River, at the mouth of which 
lies an island six miles long. 

On Sept 1 st , at 6 o'clock in the morning, we stopped at 
Red Bank in Kentucky, a settlement of 30 families. This 
place which lies 20 miles below Green river, is almost en- 
tirely settled by Jerseymen. A certain Michael Sprenkel, 
from near Yorktown, inquired about various Brethren of 
that place. Another, Friedrich Bettger, said that he had at- 
tended the Brethren's school there. A Dane inquired about 
his countryman Just Jans in Bethlehem. On this spot, 
which lies very high and has a rich, sandy soil, I saw the 
largest and best grown sassafras trees. Some weather- 
boarded log huts were built entirely of this wood. The 
inhabitants of this place are all good huntsmen and last 
year shot great numbers of deer and caught many beavers. 



166 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

"We sailed 8 miles farther today, and camped near a very 
beautiful island. 

On Sunday Sept 2 d , we caught up with some people from 
Louisville ; they had four buffaloes in their boats. The 
commissary who was with us, bought the meat for 2d per 
ft> and we received our share of it. We passed the nine 
mile island and encamped at night under a high bank about 
a mile below the mouth of the Wabash. 

On the 3 d quite early, we discovered through our spy- 
glass some white people on the island, which lies at the 
mouth of the Wabash. We afterwards found that the 
troops sent by Major Hamtramck as our guards and sup- 
port, from Post Vincent, had arrived. When we joined 
them the necessary preparations for our farther progress 
were begun. The Kentucky boats, which, because the 
journey ascends the Wabash, could not be used at all for 
the purpose, were destroyed and a fortification built on the 
point of land in which the provisions that had been brought 
along might be stored and guarded by 25 men, until they 
could be gradually removed. After this had been done, the 
six large Peroges which had been brought down by the 
French inhabitants from Vincent were loaded. Gen. Put- 
nam, who was specially pleased with this neighborhood and 
particularly with the beautiful Wabash river, here hardly 
smaller than the Ohio, noticed how proudly it empties into 
the Ohio. In the mean time he had a sumptuous meal pre- 
pared and a table and benches of boards put up, where he, the 
three officers, Peters, Prior and Armstrong, the commissary 
M r Poor, M r Vanderburgh and I dined together. The meal 
was good and consisted of buffalo, bear, deer and pork, a tur- 
key 1 two ducks, pike and turtlesoup, besides various vegeta- 

1 Our tame European turkeys are descended from this wild species, 
which in the latter part of the 16 th century had become known in Ger- 
many. They are found in large numbers in the less inhabited regions, 
west of the middle free states. Schopf saw them during his journey in 
great numbers running around in the woods, hiding in the bushes or 
sitting on the limbs of trees. They distinguish themselves from the 
tame ones, by their uniformity of colors, being black, brown, and muddy 
white spotted, they weigh 28-30 ft>s. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 167 

bles. The noise of the many paroquets (a small kind of par- 
rot) was dreadful and not attuned to my ears. I remembered 
at this place, that I was 1300 miles from Bethlehem and must 
go farther still. At last in the afternoon of the 4 th we started 
up the Wabash. The Indians, who were now on their own 
land and soil, became quite cheerful. We had progressed 
about 8 miles this evening when we put up our quarters for 
the night. On the 5 th all moved on smoothly, the water and 
country were pleasant, but on the 6 th , I felt unwell, and 
thought, if I could land and were able to perspire I should 
feel better. After I had made a trial however for several 
hours, I could go no farther and was obliged to lie down on 
the shore, until a boat came and took me on board. I also 
had an attack of high fever this evening which the following 
four days prostrated me so completely, that during that time 
I knew little of myself. Lieut. Prior, who had studied medi- 
cine and was the doctor of the Ohio company, recognized 
my sickness as a bilious attack and gave me the necessary 
medicine. I improved so much that I could sit up a little 
during the day ; yet there was still a lingering fever, and 
the heavy perspiration that I had at night, with unusually 
severe headaches exhausted me so much, that I merely ex- 
isted but without strength or courage. I was in this condi- 
tion when we arrived on the afternoon of the 12 th at Post 
Yincennes. 1 M r Vanderburgh took me out of the boat imme- 
diately to his house, where I was nursed in the best manner. 
But I did not however recover entirely until the following 
month, after having proceeded several days journey from this 
place. In the mean time the Indians, who had been invited 
hither for the treaty of peace, had in part arrived and when 
they saw their friends who had been prisoners, they fired off 
their guns for joy and sang various songs to these friends. 
These prisoners, after a speech by Gen. Putnam were turned 
over to their friends, at which they all rejoiced. 

1 The author of this diary always calls this extreme western post of 
the Free States on the Wabash River, Vincennes, but as it is called St. 
Vincent in Schoepf's letters, on Imlay's map, and in other writings 
about the American republic, I have generally retained the latter name. 



168 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

From now until the 22 d Indians arrived almost daily in 
order to conclude a treaty of peace. On account of their 
continual drinking, Gen. Putnam found it necessary to issue 
a proclamation in which he forbade the citizens in the most 
peremptory manner to give or sell any liquor to the Indians 
during the negociations for the treaty of peace. 

On the 19 th , 110 head of cattle arrived. They were driven 
here from Kentucky for the use of the garrison, the inhabi- 
tants and the rest of the people at present here. Capt Doyle 
from Fort Steuben escorted them with 30 men. 

On the 20 th both on account of my health and in order to 
see the surrounding country, I rode out with several gentle- 
men. 

Post Yincennes or Saint Vincent was started already in 
the year 1725, by a French Lieutenant of that name. The 
site on which this city is built deserves to have been in the 
hands of a more sensible architect. Two lots each contain- 
ing about a third of an acre, form a separate square, so that 
the owner can look from his windows into three streets. He 
introduced some laws that are not less foolish, one of them is 
that the inhabitants must keep their cattle fenced in and 
that in a common field, the other fields outside of the same, 
shall lie open, which at the present day is still regarded as 
a law, although it vexes the majority of American inhabi- 
tants. The latter are working hard to have that law re- 
pealed, they have already sent a petition to Congress to that 
effect. The town has grown very much since 1743. It re- 
ceived most of its inhabitants from Canada, and in the year 
1770, three hundred houses had already been built and they 
numbered more than 1500 inhabitants. But as they were 
principally engaged in the fur trade they paid little attention 
to agriculture and lived very much after the manner of In- 
dians. They had a church and a priest, but they preferred 
the billiard table to his masses. Finally they no longer paid 
the priest a salary, for which reason he left, and moved to 
the Mississippi. Thither all those who still have some re- 
ligious feeling, go annually or once in several years, in order 
to partake of the holy communion. Thus this priest draws 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 169 

the sinners so far from home. They consider it nothing at 
all to make a journey by water of 300 miles and hack again, 
because on this journey they can procure fish and meat in 
abundance. Since the United States is in power here, 
which is since 1783, when Gen. Clark captured the place 
and took the Yice-Governor of Upper Canada and other 
officers prisoner, things have changed. However since the 
peace between England and the United States a large num- 
ber has removed here from the Southern States and a still 
greater change has taken place. An Indian village of the 
"Wawiachtenos Nation was near the French town and they 
together lived some fifty years in friendship and peace. 

Now the troubles began, there being continual murders 
by one or the other party, and at last the Indians grew tired 
of it, broke up their settlement, and moved five miles distant. 
Their head chiefs were indefatigable in their endeavors to 
restore peace and goodwill, until a Kentucky scamp, by the 
name of Hardin clandestinely gathered about 150 men in 
Kentucky and unexpectedly fell upon and murdered all these 
peaceable Indians, who at that time lived within a mile of 
Post Yincennes. The commanding officer Major Hamtramck 
in due time received notice of the plans of these villains 
and immediately sent a messenger who represented their 
cruelty to them. He received as answer, that if he attempted 
the least movement, he would share the same fate. At the 
news of this occurrence many hundred Indian warriors 
assembled in the year 1791 and required the French in- 
habitants to surrender to them, all Virginians (thus they 
designated all who belonged to the United States) in order 
to avenge themselves. The French sought to pacify them 
and at last a compromise was made, they collected and gave 
them a present and the Indians desisted from their purpose. 
The embitterment however has not yet been quieted and the 
Indians declare, that where ever the Virginians go, they cause 
trouble in some way. Trade, which is, as was mentioned, 
the Frenchman's true occupation, was now completely de- 
stroyed. The Indians had lost all confidence and very seldom 
came to St. Vincent but went to the British or Spaniards. 



170 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

The French were not accustomed to work and could not 
be taught how. When from necessity they had a desire to 
plant corn, there were few or none to continue with the care 
of it. The American government has heen obliged to help 
their needs for two years with contributions. Men can grow 
so careless that in the midst of a fruitful country, abundant 
in provisions, they may yet be in a famishing condition. 
The Americans at this place numbering thirty families, live 
very well. Their fields are richly covered, their gardens are 
in the best of order and they dress in cotton and linen, both 
of which they raise. On the contrary there is hardly one 
among the French, who can dress himself decently, but 
whoever knows the Indian dress, knows theirs also. Their 
gardens are in the same condition, instead of vegetables, 
nothing but weeds and if they did not enclose them with 
fences on account of the fine large appletrees, one might ask, 
why they enclose them at all. The cattle is almost starving 
and all around lie fine meadows on which they could annu- 
ally make hundreds of tons of hay. In short whoever 
starves here, cannot support himself anywhere and is a man 
who scarcely deserves to live. Before I cease to mention 
this place, I must add that of all that I have yet seen, it is 
the finest and most distinguished. The entire country is 
level, the soil is black sand, the Wabash as clear as the 
Monocasy, full of fish, and navigable for 600 miles from 
the mouth. About 1J mile from the city there are several 
round hills called Sugar-loaves. From them the city and 
fortress (Fort Knox) present a very pretty aspect. Near 
them is a little village, to the West, where the real farmers 
among the French live. The buildings of the French are 
all one story and instead of placing the smooth planks flat, 
they are put upright against the frames upon which they 
nail them. Of collar beams they know nothing, but instead 
put on massive rafters. Their chimneys are generally of 
wood and mortar. Stone buildings are very expensive, as 
not a single stone can be found on this land. Wages are 
high and every thing very dear. There is another little 
settlement five miles south from here, on a little river, 



John HecJcewdder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 171 

called Desha, entirely made up of people from the United 
States. It may be said of the meadows of this country that 
some of them are several days journey in length, buffaloes 
in great herds graze upon them and they are hunted in the 
autumn by the Indians. 

Sunday Sept. 23 d the Indians begged to begin the treaty 
negociations as they wished to start on their fall hunt. 
They were told that tomorrow a beginning would be made 
and that every day at 10 o'clock a cannon was to be fired off 
as a signal. Thus it came about that the peace meeting was 
opened by a speech from Gen. Putnam. He assured the as- 
sembled nations, namely: the Eel-Creek Wawiachtenos below 
on the "Wabash ; the Piankishaws between the Wabash and 
Illinois; the Potawattamos from Lake Michigan and St 
Joseph; the Kikapus from Kahokia; the Kaskaskias and 
Muquetons from Kaskaskias, that the United States de- 
sired to live at peace with all the Indians and to that end 
an opportunity was given them to discuss with the United 
States all that had happened, to clear away all difficulties 
and to begin a new treaty. The answer was postponed until 
the following day. 

On the 25 th by a unanimous vote the entire nations 
through a speaker, expressed their intentions and answer. 
A large pipe of peace was handed to Gen. Putnam with a 
fine broad belt of Wampum, accompanied by the desire that 
he would accept this as a sign of peace and present both to 
Gen. Washington, so that he too might smoke this pipe. 
Afterwards the chiefs of these nations rose and spoke in 
succession after offering their belts of wampum. The sum 
and substance of their discourse was, that the whites should 
not take away their land, but should remain on the other 
side of the Ohio and accept this river as the frontier line. 
However as there was some obscurity in their mode of ex- 
pression they were earnestly begged on the 26 th by Gen. 
Putnam to explain themselves more clearly which they did 
in the afternoon meeting. They expressed the wish that 
they and the whites might never live in too close proximity, 
because among both whites and Indians very bad people 



172 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

were to be found. They wished and begged to trade with 
us, and requested that Congress might not take away the 
land from the French who lived here, as their fathers had 
given it to them in former times. 

On the 27 th the articles of peace were read to the assem- 
bled nations and after they were signed by thirty-one chiefs, 
peace was declared by the general in a speech, and the seven 
necessary belts of wampum were handed to the most promi- 
nent chiefs. At the conclusion the cannon was fired eight 
times. The first time by the General himself and after- 
wards by the chiefs who had received the belts. They also 
received four large oxen, bread and brandy in order to hold 
a festival. This festival, before its conclusion cost two of 
them their lives, they were knocked down in their drunken 
brawls. 

On the 28 th Gen. Putnam, who for a week had not been 
feeling well, was obliged to take to his bed. He was taken 
with the same bilious fever that I had contracted on the 
way and on the following days he was so sick, that we 
doubted his rallying again. There were many sick with 
this fever, several of whom died. 

On the 29 th all the Indians rejoicing in the treaty of peace 
which had just been concluded, held a dance in the City 
Hall. Each nation was differently painted and all vied with 
each other to appear as hideous as possible. They first 
passed through all the streets of the city with drums and 
singing and then marched into the City Hall where they 
sang and related of all their warlike achievements. The 
figures and motions made at this dance, the disfigured and 
dreadful faces, the war implements in their hands which 
they brandished, the dry deer claws that rattled around their 
legs, the green garlands around their necks, their bodies 
without clothes, except a few miserable rags, presented an 
aspect, which I am unable to describe. But everything was 
carried on quite properly according to their ideas. 

On the 30 th we began to divide the presents among them 
and continued doing so during the following days. 

On October the 4 th Gen. Putnam's sickness came to a 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 173 

crisis and we hoped that he would soon recover, as he had 
agreed to go to Philadelphia with several chiefs. He 
wished that they might set out on their journey and that I 
should accompany them to Marietta and remain there until 
his arrival. Another company of these illustrious savages 
was dispatched with addresses to the hostile Indians, they 
were to be accompanied hy the interpreter Wells. 

On the afternoon of the 5 th the chiefs, sixteen in number, 
besides a squaw, started on their journey to Philadelphia. 
In their company was Lieut. Prior as leader, two Kentucky 
guides or scouts and two soldiers and myself, forming to- 
gether a party of 23 souls. As we passed Fort Knox seven 
cannon shots were fired. The journey was overland to the 
falls of the Ohio. We encamped this evening 5 miles from 
the place. 

On the 6 th we travelled all day through a fine rich level coun- 
try and the pleasant odor of quantities of ripe persimmons 
made the day very agreeable. Towards evening we crossed 
the beautiful White river, which is as wide as the Lehigh at 
Bethlehem. It is a branch of the Wabash and empties about 
14 miles below Post Yincennes into the Wabash. Our 
Kentucky hunters had today shot five wild turkeys. 

On the 7 th we still traveled along the eastern branch of 
the White river at least 12 miles down, but then our way led 
us into the wilderness where we could with difficulty pass 
through the grape vines and bushes. Our guide had today 
shot a very large old buffalo estimated as weighing SOOlb. 

On the 8 th we marched all day through a wilderness and 
over steep, disagreeable mountains. We encamped along a 
stream, but it was almost dried up. 

On the 9 th we reached the socalled Bufialo Salt Lick where 
it is said 500 buffaloes may sometimes be seen at one time, 
especially during the months of June, July and August. 
The salt spot, several acres in size, is so much trodden down 
and grubbed up, that not a blade of grass can gr.ow and the 
entire woods are for miles around quite bare. Many heads 
and skeletons of these animals are to be found which were 
either shot from time to time, or had died there. From 






174 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

here a great many buffalo trails lead out, and we had tlie 
misfortune to take such an one instead of the right one, our 
guides not being with us, but when they came back again, 
they led us in to the right path and preceded, in order to 
hunt. 

After we had now marched about five miles, a herd of 
buffaloes came directly towards us as if they intended running 
us down. We fired into them, killed one, wounded another 
and took the meat of the former. In the evening we came 
to a slough where we spent the night and where several 
Indians made such gluttons of themselves, that they were 
taken sick and the next day we were obliged to carry their 
bundles on our horses. 

On the 11 th suddenly in the night we were overtaken by 
a thunderstorm. We had neither huts nor covering and 
the night was pitch dark. The rain fell in torrents, we were 
drenched to the skin, and under us flowed streams. We 
were only 18 miles from Fort Steuben, but in a neighborhood 
through which the Miami warriors frequently pass on their way 
to Kentucky and are also frequently pursued by those from 
there. We had cause for anxiety, viz., that if the warriors 
had recently committed ravages in Kentucky and they were 
pursued, our Indians would have to pay the penalty. For 
this reason Mr. Prior spoke with them and the guides, and 
commanded a forced march. We had scarcely proceeded 
half a mile when a similar thundergust overtook us; it 
continued so long, that at 1 o'clock at night, when we arrived 
at Clarkville and I stepped down from my horse, the water 
oozed out at the tops of my boots, although I wore two great 
coats, one over the other and I tried to protect myself as 
well as possible. Here I saw the well known Indian mur- 
derers, David Oven and Bobbin George, now Capt. George, 
who had once stolen some of our horses on the Muskingum. 
From here we were three miles from Fort Steuben, a distance 
we were obliged to travel in the pouring rain. As soon as 
we arrived there, the Indians said : Give us enough brandy 
or we will be sick. Their guide gave them more than enough 
for all became intoxicated and remained in this condition 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 175 

during the following day. This life was unendurable to 
me and as I knew Capt. Doyle's opinion on the subject I 
addressed Prior seriously and represented to him, how he 
would lose his Indians by death one after the other, if he 
continued to go to work in this way. At first he showed 
some displeasure at my reprimand and wanted to know, 
whether I had anything to say about his Indians and whether 
I had permission to lay down rules for him. I answered 
him: that these Indians had been called by Congress for 
their own good and the welfare of the land and since they 
had appointed him leader, it would not be more than right 
and proper that he should show himself a capable man, as he 
now had an opportunity to reap honor or disgrace to aid in 
the cause of usefulness or harm. He acknowledged this, 
but the next day he continued to act in a similar manner 
and so I had to address him more seriously. I told him 
positively that if he continued thus, I would not travel 
another step with him and would complain of him at the 
proper place. Now he was frightened, begged my pardon, 
with the promise that in every particular he would follow 
my advice. This promise he kept during the rest of the 
entire journey. I spent the remainder of my time with my 
good friend Capt. Doyle and visited the French gentleman 
M r Lakesang at Louisville. In the garrison almost every- 
body was sick of the fever, which generally shows itself 
here in the fall. 

On the 16 th the canoes, on which we were to travel from 
here to Fort Washington, were brought up over the falls 
and repaired. In the mean time Kentucky gentlemen 
visited us. The venerable M r Sebastian, a lawyer in Ken- 
tucky, who wished to go to Cincinnati with us, also ap- 
peared. At last, on the 17 th , we continued on our journey. 
The cannon of the fort announced our departure and the 
Indians in a speech thanked Capt. Doyle for his kind de- 
meanor towards them. In starting we had great trouble as 
there was not room enough in the canoes and no more 
were to be had. The Indian chiefs considered themselves 
as the great and wise of their nation and believed they had 



176 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

nothing more to do than to sit in their boats, eat, drink 
and smoke tobacco. The fifteen soldiers accompanying us, 
were to act as guards and row the boats. We moved along 
in this way for a few hours in continual danger of drowning, 
because the canoes drew water. Prior did not know what 
to do, the soldiers swore at the Indians and they spoke of 
returning. Now, I said to Prior, there shall be an end to 
the trouble, if you will obey me, and as he willingly prom- 
ised me this, I advised as follows : He, I and the three in- 
terpreters should continue our journey on land and each 
carry a gun ; the oarsmen were commanded not to near the 
shore. This was done and M r Sebastian, who perceived 
what we were driving at, also landed with us. Hardly had 
we gone half a mile when a wild cat came within range, we 
shot at her but missed her, and in a bay farther up, we shot 
four turkeys and wounded a young bear. The Indians who 
saw this, requested them to steer the canoes to land, but as 
they perceived that this would not be done, seven jumped 
out of the canoes into the water and waded to land, took 
our guns and said, that hunting was their business and they 
would attend to it, we should only stay in the canoes. Our 
object was thus accomplished and we had a safe journey. 

On the 18 th the Indians, who were on land, shot five bears 
and several turkeys. At the 18 mile island we met the 
Kentucky hunters ; they had two large canoes with buffaloes, 
bears and venison. They advised us not to leave our In- 
dians alone on shore, because just at present there were 
many Kentucky hunters in the woods who could harm 
them. It was resolved that in future one or two interpreters 
should march with them and they all agreed to do it. 

On the 19 th five fat bears and a deer were shot. Early on 
the 20 th we crossed the Kentucky river. Today again two 
bears and some turkeys were shot. On Sunday 21 st a herd 
of buffaloes were seen and one of them was shot. In the 
evening we camped at Big Bone Lick creek, where large 
bones and teeth are found. 

Several times on the 22 d we met people who were going 
to this Lick where a large salt manufactory has been built. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 177 

Late at night we arrived at Tanner's station. This Tanner, 
a Baptist minister had fortified himself on his own beauti- 
ful, rich tract of land and has a non-commissioned officer 
stationed there in command as guard. 

Early on the 22 d we crossed the great Miami and rested 
today with Judge Symmes' at North Bend. We might 
have reached Cincinnati, but the inhabitants of this place 
had given the Indians so much brandy, that they could 
scarcely stand. In consequence we only arrived there on 
the 24 th at 1 P.M. and the Indians were saluted by fifteen 
cannon shots from Fort Washington. 

On the 26 th Gen. Wilkinson arrived with four officers as 
prisoners, under a guard of more than 100 men of the 
Kentucky militia, from Fort Hamilton. In the evening the 
hanging of a murderer took place. He had with another 
man, in a fit of drunkenness, vowed to murder the first man 
they should meet. A few minutes afterwards they were 
caught in the act, imprisoned and at last tried ; one of them was 
acquitted and the other condemned to death. The saddest 
part was, that this young man could in no manner be brought 
to reflection. Under the gallows however he ascribed his 
misfortune to the fact, that he had always associated with 
evil companions and warned the rest of his comrades. 

On the 27 th Col. Winthrop, secretary of the Western Ter- 
ritory gave the Indians a dinner to which he invited Gen. 
Wilkinson, other gentlemen and myself. He gave the In- 
dians good advice and instructions as to how they were to 
conduct themselves on their entire journey and in Philadel- 
phia and begged them for their own interests to stop drink- 
ing, etc. 

On the following Sunday 28 th Gen. Wilkinson gave the 
same advice at the Fort. At this meal the healths of Presi- 
dent Washington, Gen. Knox, Putnam, etc. and of each of 
the chiefs present was drank, and as each was named, a 
salute was fired. During the meal an Indian arose and in 
the name of all present addressed Gen. Wilkinson about 
the preparations for war which he noticed here and espe- 
cially about the many pack horses and soldiers that he had 
VOL. xii. 12 



178 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wdbash in 1792. 

during these days continually seen taking the road to where 
their wives and children were. This had suggested the 
question to his mind, whether they would not suffer harm 
during their absence, etc. ? Now Gen. "Wilkinson arose and 
gave the assurance in a very pleasant speech, that the friends 
left behind in their absence, should suffer no harm. Never- 
theless, he told them quite plainly that the United States 
still had many enemies, that he was a soldier and served the 
States and must obey them ; that his first thought and ac- 
tions were to follow up the enemies of the United States 
until they acknowledged their wrong and would agree to 
peace. He said further : " My coppercolored Brethren 
from the Wabash, see how we are seated at this large table, 
there is no difference between us and you ! You have lately 
made peace with us and today already you sit among us and 
eat with us from one dish, etc." The Indians arose shook 
hands with Gen. Wilkinson, and all the officers and gentle- 
men present, (there were about 30 of them.) Each nation 
thanked separately for the fine explanation and for the din- 
ner, they now remained perfectly quiet. I must only add, 
that Gen. Wilkinson had arranged the guests so, that they 
and the Indians sat mixed and the cordiality during the 
dinner was very great on both sides. 

On the night of the 30 th a Wawiachtenos prince died, he 
suffered from pleurisy ever since his arrival here. At his 
funeral on the 31 st at which all the officers and gentlemen 
of the city were present, they fired three times over his 
grave and every time they were answered by a cannonshot 
from the fort. After the coffin had been lowered, the In- 
dians present, according to their custom, all threw a hand- 
ful of ground on the coffin, those standing around followed 
their example. They put into this coffin the gun of the de- 
ceased, his tomahawk, powderhorn and balls, tobacco and 
pipe, several pairs of shoes and leather wherewith to mend 
them, a tin flask, knives and such like provisions and a 
bottle of brandy to be used on the journey in a new coun- 
try. A long pole, stripped of its bark was put up at the 
head of the grave and a white flag suspended from it. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792, 179 

OD November 1 st in the evening we started in a very large 
boat and two good sized canoes. Three cannonshots were 
fired and about 9 o'clock we arrived at Columbia. Prior, 
who had been advanced to the rank of captain, and I stayed 
at Major Stites's and were invited next day to Major Gunn's 
to breakfast. 

On the 3 d we met two canoes for Fort Washington, loaded 
with buffalo-, deer- and bear-meat. We made about 30 miles 
today and spent the night on the Kentucky side, near a set- 
tlement, where we were visited by various people until mid- 
night. All day Sunday the 4 th we passed new houses on the 
Kentucky side. The citizens of the new city of Charlestown 
were particularly friendly to us ; but the inhabitants of the 
city of Limestone manifested a very unfriendly spirit. It 
seemed in truth as if the Indians, and perhaps we, their 
companions, would also here find our graves. Several 
hundred men had assembled on the riverbank, of whom 
one-third were on horseback uttered many threats. Just 
at this juncture 16 Kentucky boats passed. They had 400 
soldiers on board, who cursed us vehemently. Fortunately 
for us, Major Rudolph, 1 commander of the light cavalry was 
on the shore and tried to pacify the people, and advised 
Prior, to proceed as soon as possible. This we did and 
pushed on until late at night. As we did not know what 
might happen and whether they would not pursue and attack 
us during the night, Prior chose a suitable position for en- 
camping on the north side of the Ohio. He also sent out 
good pickets, giving them orders how to act in any emer- 
gency. 

The Indians perceiving the state of affairs slept little, but 
everything passed off successfully, and we could on the 5 th 
continue on our journey unhindered. We made good 
progress and by evening reached the settlement of the Vir- 
ginian Colonel Graham. We were much pleased to meet so 

1 [Michael Rudolph, a captain in the Maryland line in Revolution ; 
Captain First Infantry, 1790; Major of Cavalry, 5th March, 1792; Ad- 
jutant and Inspector of the Army, February, 1793; Resigned 17th July, 
1793.] 



180 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

courageous and kind a gentleman, whose people, about 30 in 
number, all imitate their master's example. All were kind to 
us, and gave our Indians various presents. This gentleman 
with whom Prior and I took supper owns an unusually fine 
tract of land, six miles square. 

On the 6 th we again encamped on Kentucky soil. On the 
7 th at 11 o'clock in the morning we arrived at the Sciota 
where we landed and looked at the country. The tall 
Lombardy poplars on the shore present a beautiful aspect as 
if planted there. Our Indians could find no traces of hostile 
warriors in the neighborhood. We continued our journey 
until evening and encamped opposite Tiger creek. Here 
we soon discovered a raft hidden in the bushes. According 
to reports three or four warriors had gone with it, day be- 
fore yesterday to the settlements in order to do harm there. 

On the 9 th at noon we crossed the Big Sandy, which forms 
the boundary between Kentucky and Virginia and spent the 
night below Guyandot. Early on the 17 th we met hunters 
from Kanawa. At 1 P.M. we arrived in a drenching rain at 
Gallipolis. I felt great pity for the poor people there, on 
account of their unfortunate situation. The matter is stated 
in a few words as follows : A certain gentleman in New 
York (Duer) who with other gentlemen wished to buy the 
land on the Sciota from Congress, sent an agent to France 
in order to see whether a number of people could be found 
disposed to settle there or to buy some of the land. For 
this purpose a pamphlet was published, in which the land 
was described, exceeding above its value. The pamphlet 
was distributed among the people and the land offered for 
sale. Settlers now came in swarms and bought the land 
for the price of 20 shillings per acre and gave notes for the 
balance which they still owed. Thus many hundreds came 
to settle on their purchased land. In the meantime Duer's 
contract was not signed and his agent disappeared with the 
money. Duer counted on the land which he had in the 
Ohio company and sent these people there. After they had 
settled, he, Duer failed and the Ohio company to whom he 
owed great sums, seized his interest in the land and thus the 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 181 

end of the matter was, that the people were swindled. The 
Ohio company had indeed told, or informed them, that if 
they would turn to them, they would perhaps under certain 
circumstances allow them to remain. They however are no 
longer willing to be led around by the nose by any company 
and will appeal direct to Congress. 

On the evening of the 12 th we reached Point Pleasant and 
spent the night with Col. Lewis who was very kind in 
his attentions. "We at last left the Kanawa on the 13 th and 
camped about 8 miles above this place on the Virginia 
shore. 

On the 15 th and 16 th , we met many boats with families 
bound for Kentucky ; Post Vincent, or New Madrid. 

We reached Marietta on Sunday the 18 th at noon, in a 
pouring rain. The Indians were lodged in an unoccupied 
dwelling and Prior and I were taken to Macintosh's tavern. 

The savages were invited to a dinner by the inhabitants 
of Campus-Martius on the 20 th . Capt. Haskell and the 
Commander here accompanied them with the music of fifes 
and drums. As they entered the gates, they were welcomed 
by a salute of three cannon-shots, thereupon they were pre- 
sented to Gen. Putnam's family and then conducted to a 
table. Here they found a well-prepared meal, which they 
enjoyed with some of the most prominent inhabitants of 
the place. The Indians were very profuse in their compli- 
ments to the minister who sat at the head of the table and 
asked a blessing. They begged him to entreat God to pre- 
serve them from the smallpox. They entertain great fear 
of this disease. At the close of the meal, the Indians 
thanked for what they had enjoyed, and expressed the wish 
that the table might always look as it had done on this day, 
in other words, that they might never know want. They 
said God gives man his food, or he would have nothing. 
They urged the brandy distiller to come to their country, 
promising him plenty of customers. At last they prepared 
for departure and returned to the promontory. I took 
leave of my traveling companions on the 21 st ; I should 
have preferred continuing with them, but, according to the 



182 John Heckcwdder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

agreement made with Gen. Putnam, I was obliged to remain 
here and wait for him. The party felt very kindly disposed 
towards me and was loath to understand why I could not 
proceed with them. They said they would weep for me 
for days, until I promised shortly to overtake them. Capt. 
Harscall gave them another meal before leaving. After 
having enjoyed it and expressed their gratitude for the same, 
they entered their boats. In pushing off they were saluted 
by two cannon-shots, to which they responded with their 
guns. They said before leaving : Now one shot more for 
our friend Wapanachky ; by this name they designated me. 

On the 26 th the Ohio which had risen 15 ft began to fall 
and as many boats had waited for this, they continued their 
journey. 

On the 28 th we heard that Capt. Prior, with the Indians 
had been seen 40 miles from here, and on account of the 
high water was delayed for several days. 

Sunday December 2 d the flight of wild pigeons was inde- 
scribable, the low-lands were entirely covered with them. 
The inhabitants, with few exceptions forgot that it was 
Sunday and went out to shoot pigeons. 

On the 3 d we heard that Capt. Prior had arrived safely at 
Pittsburgh with his companions, and was kindly received. 

On the 6 th a canoe arrived from Fort Washington, but of 
Gen. Putnam the people knew nothing. This caused us 
great anxiety. 

On the 8 th the Ohio again rose and many boats passed. 
At last, on the 18 th , Gen. Putnam arrived to our great joy. 
He had had a second attack of sickness on the Ohio, for 
which reason he was obliged to remain quiet at the falls. 

On the 23 d we learned from a newspaper that the hostile 
Indians had also at last decided to make peace. During 
the Christmas holidays there was no divine service here, and 
I must say that I felt quite angry at these lukewarm hickory 
Christians. 

On the 1 st of January, 1793, there was shooting in every 
nook and corner. Oh ! how often I wished myself in Beth- 
lehem at this time. 



John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 183 

On the 6 th various large boats came from Pittsburgh in 
order to load corn for Fort Washington, and on the 8 th sev- 
eral others arrived. After they had their cargo, they all set 
out together for their destination. The ice which frequently 
drifted out of the Alleghany blockaded them about 40 miles 
below this place and destroyed five boats in which there 
were 1500 bushels of corn. The loss to the owners was 
75 for the boats and 362, 10 sh for corn, making a total 
437, 10 sh. 

On the 12 th at last the long desired day of our departure 
came. There were two gentlemen in our company, Messrs. 
Rome and van der Benden, they were the deputies with a 
protest from the inhabitants of Gallipolis to Congress. 

On the 16 th we passed Wheeling and arrived at night at 
Charlestown. We sent for our horses which in spring had 
been left with a farmer in the neighborhood. Major Mac 
Mahon had just arrived on a visit to his family and because 
he had lately been in our ruined towns on the Muskingum, 
and well knew that I would like to hear something about 
them, he gave me the following account. He said that last 
fall he had eaten the largest and best apples in Gnadenhuet- 
ten, the peachtrees in the three places, had yielded most abun- 
dantly, but that the bears had attacked them, and had broken 
down most of the limbs. According to his account it was 
almost impossible to recognize Gnadenhuetten and its sur- 
roundings, as the whole town plot and cultivated land in 
the vicinity is thickly overgrown with tall Honey and Locust- 
trees. The fine large plains are also covered with high Oaks, 
that are thickly intertwined, a positive proof that these open 
plains are the result of forest fires. On his last scouting 
expedition he had found an encampment of four Indians 
near Goeckhoesing up the Wahlhanding. He attacked them, 
killed two of them, and one who looked specially fine and 
light colored he wounded. The Indian began to scream 
loudly threw himself with the other one of the four, who 
was not wounded, over the high bank into this river, the 
Wahlhanding, and swam across to the other shore. 

On the 17 th we spent the night at Charles Wells', a mem- 



184 John Heckewelder's Journey to the Wabash in 1792. 

ber of the Legislature of Virginia. The boundary line be- 
tween Virginia and Pennsylvania passes this man's house. 

On the 18 th we slept near Canonsburgh, in Washington 
county, where there is an academy for young men, and on 
the evening of the 19 th we arrived in Pittsburgh. Here on 
the following day, I visited several friends and acquaint- 
ances, among them M r James Henry, son of the departed 
Brother "William Henry, from Lancaster. The former works 
here at the watchmaking trade. Because he feels kindly dis- 
posed towards the Brethren ; I had much pleasure in seeing 
him. 

On the 21 st we left Pittsburgh and spent the night at the 
Turtle, where a certain Capt. Mac Intin arrived. When he 
became acquainted with me he related much about the 
Brethren's Garden in the East Indies, where he had been in 
the year 1786. He seems to have become quite intimate 
with some of the Brethren there, had received various 
presents from them and given them some in return. He 
also knew that in the JSTicobar island matter nothing had 
yet been done. He said that the Brethren's Garden had 
last year yielded revenue of more than 200 Guineas, etc. 

On the 27 th we reached Carlisle, where I again visited ac- 
quaintances and especially M r Alexander who, if he has time, 
is to survey our land on the Muskingum. 

On the 29 th I bade farewell to Gen. Putnam and by way 
of Lititz proceeded on to Bethlehem, where I arrived on 
the 31 st . 



Charles Brockden. 185 

CHAELES BEOCKDEN. 

BY JOHN CLEMENT. 

There is something especially attractive to the antiquarian 
in studying the movements of the emigrant settlers of a 
new and unexplored country; to know and understand 
the reasons that induced them to make their homes in 
certain places and pass by others that appear much more 
eligible and attractive. Occasionally these inquiries may 
have a solution, but the causes are past finding out when 
a new-comer sought a habitation in the depths of the forest, 
miles away from other settlers, and where no apparent attrac- 
tion could exist. To be understood in part, even, some 
knowledge of the Indian trails and ancient highways in South 
Jersey must be had to know how the people passed from 
one point to another, where water-carriage was not practical. 
At this day these old paths are almost entirely abandoned, 
and in many places lost sight of. Among these was the 
" Old Cape Road," going from Philadelphia to Cape May by 
way of Tuckahoe, which passed north of Mount Ephraim, 
near Chew's Landing, Blackwood, and Williamstown, and 
between the heads of the streams to Tuckahoe and thence 
to Cape May. 

On the line of this then obscure and little-used thorough- 
fare Charles Brockden made himself a country-seat about 
one hundred and fifty years since. He located 1200 acres 
of land in Gloucester County in 1737, where Williamstown 
stands, and long before this now thrifty village bore the 
name of " Squankum," which name it was a mistake 
to modernize and change. Here he erected a handsome 
dwelling, with all the surrounding conveniences, and where 
lie with his family resided much of their time. The 
Hon. John F. Bodine, in his history of Squankum, read 
before the Surveyors' Association of West New Jersey, 
January 1, 1878, describes this house as follows : " This 
house in its earlier days must have been quite a palatial 
residence; it was built of cedar logs hewn square and 
dovetailed together at the corners, and was two stories high. 



186 Charles Brockden. 

It was wainscoted inside with planed boards, one edge 
beaded, and in it was an open entry about eight feet wide 
with an open stairway." 

In the location of this tract of land, he says, " It is in 
Gloucester County, New Jersey, at the < Hospitality Ponds.' " 
These ponds were at that time about the head-waters of a 
stream of the same name and covered considerable territory. 
Sometimes they were made by the beaver, but generally lay 
upon the low, flat soils peculiar to lands in South Jersey. 
The house stood beside the Old Cape Road, about twenty 
miles from Philadelphia as the crow flies, but a much greater 
distance when the trail was followed. As a dwelling it 
stood solitary and alone in the depths of the forest that 
covered the whole country, save perhaps a few tenements 
near by where lived the servants and retainers of the estab- 
lishment. Enough can be gathered from Judge Bodine's 
description to show that it had an air of pretention about 
it, and was occupied by those who were not to " the manor 
born," nor sought their livelihood in the timber and swamps 
in that section. 

Charles Brockden, the proprietor of this place, was an 
Englishman, born April 3, 1683, in the parish of St. An- 
drew's, near Holborn, London. At proper age he was arti- 
cled to an attorney-at-law, who was opposed to the gov- 
ernment as then administered, at whose rooms his friends 
of the same opinion assembled, and where a plot against 
the life of the king originated. Eeligious prejudice and 
political rivalry pervaded almost every class of society, and 
the failure of the new king (William III.) to fulfil his prom- 
ises increased rather than abated the feeling. The distrust 
that existed among the different factions led to secret socie- 
ties which boded no good to the king. The prerogatives of 
the crown had been abused and the people were borne down 
with taxes. "William refused to relinquish or even relax 
any of the powers heretofore claimed, and, in bringing his 
favorites around him, created much hostility to his admin- 
istration. The conspirators had reason to believe that 
Charles Brockden overheard their conversations and had 



Charles Brockden. 187 

knowledge of their plans. Being convinced of this, they 
at first proposed to murder him, hut hetter counsel prevailed, 
and he was sent to America. 

Charles Brockden came to Philadelphia in 1706, and was 
employed by Thomas Story, who (under William Penn) was 
the first keeper of the Great Seal and Master of the Rolls. 
In 1712 he was appointed Deputy Master of the Rolls, and 
on the retirement of Mr. Story, in 1715, he was selected to 
succeed him. He also served as Register of the Court of 
Chancery from 1720 to 1739, and was appointed Recorder 
of Deeds, and a Justice of the Peace in 1722. His name 
and autograph are familiar to every student of the early 
deed-history of the Province of Pennsylvania, as the former 
is endorsed on all patents of confirmation that were issued 
from the Proprietaries' land-office in the interval between 
1715 and 1767, in which latter year he resigned, the in- 
firmities of old age rendering his further incumbency un- 
satisfactory to Governor John Penn. In early life he was a 
member of the Established Church, but after his first mar- 
riage he united with the Friends, and was a member of the 
Middletown Meeting until 1711, when he was transferred 
to the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting. When Whitefield 
visited Pennsylvania he became one of his followers ; but 
through official relations with Count Zinzendorf he united, 
in 1743, with the Moravians. 1 

Charles Brockden was twice married. His first wife was 
Susannah Fox, from Hackney, near London, who died in 
May of 1747, and, although professedly belonging to the 
Society of Friends, was, in accordance with her request, 

1 The Moravian bishop, Cammerhoff, writing to Count Zinzendorf in 
June of 1747, relates the following anecdote : " Whitefield and Brockden 
recently met each other, and in the course of their conversation White- 
field said, ' I perceive you wish me to become a Moravian.' ' It is true/ 
replied Brockden, ' I wish you were a Moravian, not that I think it would 
add the weight of one grain to their cause, but because you would 
thereby find some rest and repose, which in your present situation is 
impossible. I pity you, for you are like those birds of the Malacca 
Islands, which, being destitute of feet, are therefore compelled to be 
always on the wing.' " ED. PA. MAG. 



188 Charles Brockden. 

buried at Hospitality. During her lingering illness she was 
visited by the Moravian Sisters, who also were present at 
her death and burial. Later, he made a proposition to the 
Moravian congregation in Philadelphia to take a part of his 
plantation and lay out a graveyard, which was ; however, 
declined, owing to its distance from the city. 

For his wife he had purchased a female slave, Beulah, 
whom, in 1752, he conveyed in due form by deed with cove- 
nants to the Moravian Church, which was equivalent to 
setting her free. Of her purchase he recites : " The cause 
of which purchase of her was not with any intention of 
worldly gain by continuing her in slavery all the days of 
her life, but partly for the service of my dear wife Susannah, 
who is since deceased, and partly in mercy to prevent others 
from buying her for filthy lucre's sake." This is evidence 
that even then some there were who entertained doubts as 
to the right to hold human beings in perpetual servitude, 
and set a worthy example for others to follow. His second 
wife was Mary Lisle. The issue of this marriage was : 
John, born 15th August, 1749 (died 1756) ; Charles, born 1st 
September, 1751 ; Mary, born 15th September, 1752 ; Rich- 
ard, born 13th November, 1754 (died 1756) ; John, born llth 
September, 1756. His daughter, Mary, was married at 
Christ Church, March 3, 1768, to Thomas Patterson. 

Charles Brockden died on Friday afternoon, October 20, 
1769, and two days later was buried in his private ground 
at Hospitality. The funeral was no doubt an event in the 
neighborhood. His family and friends from Philadelphia, 
with the minister of the Moravian Church, were present; 
the Germans and Swedes, who had served him, with their 
families, and a few Indians made up the remainder of the 
cortege who followed him to the grave. In the twilight 
and with uncovered heads the company listened to the last 
words of the service read by the minister, while the requiem 
sung echoed strangely through the forest. Wild and weird 
were the surroundings, and the aborigines themselves were 
impressed with the solemnity of the occasion. Now, the 
grave is not known where rest the remains of the " skilful 



Charles Brockden. 189 

conveyancer and scrivener" who drew up the articles of 
agreement of the Library Company of Philadelphia for 
Benjamin Franklin, who records the fact in 1721. 

How great the pity that in the haste and turmoil of this 
busy life so little care is taken to preserve the land-marks 
of the early days of our country, that so little respect is 
shown the many burial-places scattered through the land 
where often lie the bones of those who deserve a place in the 
history of their times, yet altogether abandoned and forgotten 
by those in whose veins flow the same blood and who may 
feel a pride in having such an ancestor. The constant change 
going on in the ownership of real estate and the removal of 
families has much to do with this, and many old graveyards 
that should be held sacred fall into the possession of strangers, 
and in a few years the rude stones that mark the graves are 
taken out and the soil levelled by the ploughman. 

The few settlers about Hospitality Ponds were Germans 
and Swedes ; but how they came there and what were the 
inducements for their going so far from the centres of trade 
and population may always remain a mystery. Some of 
these were perhaps Eedemptioners, purchased and taken 
there by Charles Brockden as servants and laborers about 
his isolated settlement. Judge Bodine also throws light 
upon this point when he gives the names of some of the old 
families, such as Hofisey, Hazelett, Yandegrift, Van Sciver, 
Imhoff, Taber, Pheiffer, and others, which at once betrays 
their nationality. 

By the foregoing sketch it will be seen that Charles 
Brockden occupied a large space in the political atmosphere 
of Pennsylvania. His education and early training fitted 
him for the positions he was called upon to fill, and made 
him one of the most useful men of the times. His associates 
were influential, and he was on social equality with the 
founders of the commonwealth, and had much to do with 
their private affairs. 

Such men deserve more than a passing notice, for their 
lives go to make up the history of a people and supply 
needed facts to make it reliable. 



190 Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 



JOUEISTAL OF ROUTE AND OCCUEEENCES IN A JOUR- 
NEY TO PHILADELPHIA FEOM DIGHTON, BEGUN 
OCT. 24 th , 1778, BY WILLIAM ELLERY. 

CONTRIBUTED BY MISS HENRIETTA C. ELLERT, NEWPORT, R.I. 

Oct. 24 th , 1778. Sat out from Dighton on a Journey to 
Philadelphia. Arrived at Providence in the afternoon. The 
black man who had engaged to attend me on the Journey, fell 
sick or pretended to be so. I sent an express to Dighton for 
a boy with whom I had talked about his going, and had re- 
fused to take on account of this same black man. The Boy 
was now unwilling to go. I applied to Gen 1 Sullivan who ac- 
commodated me with a Soldier of Jackson's regiment. The 
black fellow was a married man and alas and lack-a-day, 
was under petticoat government, and his sovereign wanted 
to keep him at home to wait upon her. If I had known 
previously to my engaging him that he had been under this 
kind of domination, I should have consulted his Domina 
and procured her consent, before I had depended upon him, 
and not suffered this sad disappointment. Well Let the 
ambitious say what they please ; Women have more to do 
with the government of this world than they are willing to 
allow. Oh ! Eve, Eve ! 

Oct. 27 th . Reached South Kingston lodged at Judge Pot- 
ter's with my wife whom I had bro't to Little Rest to pay a 
visit to Mrs. Champlin and her other friends. 

Oct. 28 th . Lodged at M r Champlin's. This day attended 
upon the Assembly. 

Oct. 29 th . Left Little Rest, called upon Mrs. Marchant 
and dined at my tenant Phillips in Richmond. Reached 
Preston in the Evening and lodged at Harkness's opposite 
Mr. Hart's meeting-house ; were well entertained. Here to 
my great comfort I found a son of ^Esculapius, to whom I 



Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 191 

disclosed my affliction. It was the same with one of Job's 
and under which I had rode 78 long miles with as much 
patience as he discovered. But it must be confessed that 
the Devil had smote him from the sole of his foot unto the 
crown of his head ; whereas I was afflicted but in the middle 
region. But then I was attacked a posteriori and in a spot 
the most exposed in riding to injury of any in the human 
body. He made use of a potsherd to scrape himself withal, 
which must have been a sore trial; he had too a set 
of friends who insulted him and a wife who would have 
disarmed him of his religion and philosophy. I had with 
me a kind friend, W m Redwood of Philadelphia, who had 
joined me at Providence in his way home, who comforted 
me, and I had left a wife who had encouraged me to endure 
affliction like a good Soldier. Upon a comparison of our two 
cases I find mine so much more tolerable than his, that I 
am compelled to ask that patient man's pardon. To return, 
the Son of ^Esculapius advised me to an Emplastrum of 
Diachylon cum gummis ; which, coinciding exactly with the 
opinion of Dr. Babcock, which I had taken the Day before 
on the case, I followed it and the next day. 

Oct. 30 th . Rode 35 miles, with more ease than before. 
"We breakfasted at Lathrop's, Norwich, dined at my tenant's 
(Jesse Billings) in Colchester and reached Emmon's at East 
Haddam in the Evening. One word a posteriorly altho' I 
infinitely prefer, in which if I rightly remember I agree 
with that great and acute reasoner Dr. Clark the priori road. 
It is now 

Oct. 31 8t . And I am almost well. Into whose hands this 
Journal may fall I know not ; but humanity bids me tell the 
reader if ever he should be in my situation not to forget 
Diachylon cum gummis. We are at Emmon's detained by a 
Storm which has been brewing for more than a fortnight ; 
but which to our comfort, is like the dram which the Gentle- 
man presented to the Rev d Phillips of Long Island, 

the least, as he said by the dram, that ever I saw of its age 
in my life. This Mr. Phillips had been preaching in I know 
not and care not what Parish, and being much fatigued the 



192 Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 

Gent: with whom he dined, to refresh his Spirits before 
dinner, presented him with a dram in a very small glass, 
observing at the same time, that dram was ten years old. 
The arch priest wittily professed that it was the least of its 
age that ever he had seen in his life ! But as small as the 
storm is, it is large enough to detain us. 

Mrs. Emmons, our Landlady, is one of the most laughing 
creatures that ever I saw. She begins and ends everything 
she says, and she talks as much as most females, with a 
laugh, which is in truth the silliest laugh that ever I heard. 
As man hath been defined to be a laughing animal, as Laugh- 
ter manifests a good disposition and tends to make one fat, 
I will not find fault with laughing, let Solomon and Chester- 
field have said what they may have said against it. Indeed 
the former says there is a time to laugh, but with the latter 
it is at no time admissible. However, Chesterfield when he 
condemns it, hath the character of a courtier only in Idea, 
and does not regard common life. And Horace I think says 
ride si sapis. The Spectator hath divided laughter into 
several species some of which he censures roundly; but 
doth not as I remember condemn seasonable, gentle laughter. 
Therefore my pleasant Landlady, laugh on ! 

Nov. 1 st . Passed Connecticut River and dined at Chidsey's 
on the middle road on* the east skirt of Durham. Our 
Landlady was very kind and pleasant, the cheese and butter 
were excellent ; but alas ! they had no Cyder ; in conse- 
quence of it she said with the tone of lamentation, that they 
should be quite lonesome this winter. The good people of 
Connecticut when they form the semicircle round the warm 
hearth, and the Tankard sparkles with Cyder, are as merry 
and as sociable as New Yorkers are when they tipple the 
mantling Madeira. From thence to New Haven is 18 miles, 
which we reached in the evening. The bridge in the way 
from Durham being broke down, we passed through North 
Haven. 

Nov. 2 nd . Breakfasted with my worthy friend President 
Stiles. Dined at Thatcher's 14 miles from New Haven, and 
lodged at Fairfield at Bucklin's which is 9 miles from 



Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 193 

Thatcher's. We took this route because the road was 
pleasanter than through Danbury, and shorter. 

Nov. 3 rd . Breakfasted at Bates' in Norwalk which is 12 
miles from Fairfield. From thence to Eidgefield where we 
dined is 14 miles. "We should have gone through Green- 
field to Ridgefield, which is a much shorter way than from 
Fairfield to Norwalk and so through Wilton to Ridgefield, 
but were told that the road was blind etc. From Ridge- 
field to Honeywell's in Upper Salem, where we lodged, is 8 
miles. 

Nov. 4 th . Breakfasted at Height's about 7 miles from 
Honeywell's, Bated at Carman's Crumpond 8 miles from 
thence to Kings Ferry which is well-tended is 10 miles, and 
from thence to Judge Coe's Cakeat where we lodged is 9 
miles. Went without Dinner this day. 

Nov. 5 th . Took the route through Paramus and breakfasted 
at a Dutchman's about 7 miles from Coe's, and were well- 
entertained. A little diverting affair took place here : The 
Children who had never before seen a Gentleman with a 
wig on, were it seems not a little puzzled with my friend's 
head-dress. They thought it was his natural hair, but it 
differed so much from mine and theirs in its shape that they 
did not know what to make of it. The little boy after 
viewing it some time with a curious eye, asked his mother, 
in Dutch, whether it would hurt my friend if he should 
pull his hair. The mother told us what the boy had said, 
whereupon my friend took off his wig put it on the head 
of the boy and led him to the looking-glass. The mixture 
of Joy and Astonishment in the boy's countenance on this 
occasion diverted us not a little. He would look with 
astonishment at Mr. Redwood's bare head, and then survey 
his own head, and the droll figure he made with the wig on, 
made him and us laugh very heartily. It is not a little 
remarkable that children who had lived on a public road 
should have never before seen a wig. From thence to 
Newark is 9 miles and to Elizabeth Town 6 miles, where 
we lodged at one Smith's. A Detachment of the Army 
under L d Stirling was here. The Officers had a ball at 
VOL. xii. 13 



194 Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 

Smith's and kept up the dance till three o'clock in the 
morning. Drum, fife and fiddle, with an almost incessant 
saltation drove Morpheus from my Pillow. 

Nov. 6 th . Breakfasted 14J miles from Elizabeth Town at 
a small Tavern just opened by an obliging young couple. 
From thence to Brunswick where we dined elegantly is 
7J miles. Bated at a corner house 10 miles from Drakes. 
From thence to Hyres's, Princeton, where we lodged is 8 
miles. 

Nov. 7 th . Breakfasted at Clunn's, Trenton, and had the 
pleasure of seeing and conversing with my worthy friend 
Mr. Houston. Dined at Bristol. Fared poorly and paid 
highly. The most noted Taverns do not always afford the 
best entertainment. When a man's name is up he may lie 
in bed until noon. 

Lodged at Bensalem, Bucks County (William Rodman's). 
Spent the evening very pleasantly. The next morning 
rode to Philadelphia and put up for a night or two at my 
friend Eedwood's, from thence went to board with that open 
generous Whig Stephen Collins, and had John Collins my 
fellow lodger. 

Dr Mac Sparaan's "America Dissected," I met with and 
read at Philadelphia. In the 30 th page he says, speaking 
of his mission at Narragansett Rhode Island, " I entered on 
this mission in 1721, and found the People, not a tabula rasa, 
or clean sheet of paper, upon which I might make any Im- 
pression I pleased: but a field full of Briars and Thorns, 
and noxious weeds, that were all to be eradicated before I 
could implant in them the simplicity of truth. However 
by God's blessing I have brought over to the Church 
some hundreds, and among the hundreds I have baptized, 
there are at least 150 who received the Sacrament at my 
hands, from twenty years old to seventy or eighty. Ex- 
pede Herculem. By this you may guess in how uncultivated 
a country my lot fell. Besides the members of our 
Church who I may boast are the best of the people, being 
converts not from convenience or civil encouragement, but 
conscience and conviction ; there are Quakers, Anabaptists 



Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 195 

of four Sorts, Independents, with a still larger number than 
all those of the Dissenters of European Parents, devoid of 
all religion, and who attend no kind of public worship. In 
all the other colonies the law lays an obligation to go to 
some sort of worship on Sunday ; but here Liberty of con- 
science is carried to an irreligious extreme. There are here 
which is no good symptom a vast many Law-Suits ; more 
in one year than the County of Deny has in twenty : and 
Billy McEvers has been so long your Father's and your 
Honor's Constable that he would make a very good figure 
on the bench of our Courts of Session and Common Pleas, 
and no contemptible one on those of our Courts of Assize 
and General Gaol Delivery." 

Sat out from Philadelphia for jJighton in Company with 
Thomas Martin of Portsmouth in New Hampshire the 3 d Day of 
July, 1779. 

I left behind me Sermons on the Subject of Indepen- 
dency, Te Deums, and a civil celebration of that important 
Anniversary which was to take place on the 5 th of this in- 
stant. Reached Tomkins's about a mile on this side the 
Crooked Billet and 17 miles from Philadelphia, where we 
drank good Coffee and were well lodged. 

July 4 th . Breakfasted at Bennet's 10 miles from Tomkins's. 
Dined at Cowels's (Howel's ferry) upon fried Chicken, boiled 
ham and Peas. Our Landlord and Lady and their well- 
sized daughters, were very obliging. This house is 7 miles 
from Bennet's. Lodged at Cahil's (Quaker Town). Our 
beds here and at Tomkins's were clean and not infested with 
bugs ! This day was intensely hot. This is 14 miles from 
the Ferry. 

July 5 th . Passed "White's Tavern through mistake and 
rode a mile on, and breakfasted at a little house just by 
Johnston's upper mills, which are about 13 miles from 
Quaker Town. Dined at James's (Hackett Town). The 
Landlady was talkative enough. This place is 13 miles 
from Quaker Town. Lodged at Syms, Sussex Court House, 
which is 18 miles from the last Stage. No bugs ! 

July 6 th . Breakfasted at Carey's 10 miles from the Court 



196 Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 

House, stopped at one Perry's, a private house about 7 miles 
from Carey's : the weather was so intensely hot that we could 
not go any farther until the afternoon, when we proceeded 
and put up early at Col. Hathorne's which is 10 miles from 
the last mentioned Place. The 5 th day of the month was 
the hottest day there hath yet been this Summer. I sur- 
veyed my bed according to custom before I ventured to 
enter it (Search first before you enter is no bad rule) and 
lo ! a bug of enormous size displayed his huge brown bloated 
corps. I instantly applied the blaze of the candle to him 
and with many sincere imprecations offered him a burnt 
sacrifice to the Goddess of Impurity. This done I drew the 
bed from the bedstead, disposed the covering in order, and 
committing myself to the Lethean God, fell fast asleep. 
Early in the morning I awoke, shook off soft sleep, mounted 
my Jenny, and broke my fast at Yelverton's which is 10 
miles from Hathorne's. This is a good house. From thence 
we rode to Hurd's about 12 miles where we dined. Here I 
stripped off my stocking and bathed the fourth toe of my 
right foot with rum. As I rose while it was yet dark, in 
walking my chamber I struck the said toe with great 
force against the edge of the foot-post of the bed and gave 
it a dire contusion. A coarse proverb says, " there is no 
help for sickness or sore-toes." I must therefore bear this as 
all other afflictions, with magnanimity. Under a red hot 
sun admist sore toes and all the trials of a tedious Journey, 
the thoughts of my Jenny supports, cheers and animates 
me ! From Hurd's to New Windsor, where the boat being 
ready, we passed the ferry with a fair wind and lodged at 
Storms's. We stopped at Major Griffin's and would have 
lodged there; but neither he nor his wife was at home: 
and his daughter and a [party] of young gentlemen and 
ladies who were at the house, were much more attentive 
to themselves and their pleasures, than to us and our 
fatigue. Humanity and its felicitating reflection are easily 
banished by the rapturous joys of Sensation ! We break- 
fasted at Morhouse's which is 15 miles from Storms's. Mor- 
house received us kindly, and treated us in the best manner 



Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 197 

he could. His house is a good one. In coming hither from 
Storms's we missed our way and were ohliged to ride 2 miles 
round. It is always well where you are not quite certain of 
the road to enquire particularly ahout it. From Morhouse's 
to Deacon Gayler's where we dined, is 6 miles. This is a 
very good house and the people obliging. (KB. Not to pass 
this house unless it should occasion great delay.) We stopped 
at New Milford a few minutes where we heard that the 
enemy had left New Haven ; had landed at Fairfield and 
burnt the Town. Lodged at Blackley's in Eoxbury. The 
people were civil, but the Bugs were so uncivil as to force 
me from my bed and compel me to lie on the floor. 

July 9 th . "We breakfasted at Gilchrist's in Woodbury : 
about three or four miles from the former the eye is saluted 
with a beautiful Landscape. The side of a mountain in a 
semicircular form, its gentle declivity presents a charming 
variety of fields, woods, and buildings. In a word it yields 
a more beautiful prospect than any you behold between it 
and Philadelphia. Gilchrist's furnished us with the best 
dish of Bohea Tea, and the best toasted bread and butter I 
have eaten for a twelvemonth. But this is a chequered state 
of things, and good alas ! is frequently attended with evil. 
My Surtout was strapped to the front of my Saddle, and my 
Saddle was placed in the entry of the house, where I thought 
it was secure from any defilement; but a little boy who had 
stuffed himself the evening before with mush and milk, 
seated himself on my Surtout. I put my Saddle on the 
horse and was just about to mount when lo ! I turned my 
eyes downward from it with abhorrence, and to my still 
greater confusion, the right side of my breeches was miser- 
ably besmeared from top to bottom. I cried out for my land- 
lady with great vociferation : She appeared and soon removed 
my embarrassment. But before I quit this Subject I cannot 
avoid remarking, that throughout the Country as you ride 
from Philadelphia to New Hampshire you shall seldom see 
a temple erected to Cloacina. From this to Baldwin's 
(private) in Waterbury is 10 miles : from thence to Curtis 
Southrington where we lodged well is 10 miles, and from 



198 Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 

thence to Ld. North's Farmington is 11 miles We dined at 
Bull's in Hartford 10 miles from North's. Had some social 
chat with Mr. Ellsworth and lodged at Hill's about ten miles 
from Hartford without Bugs. 

July 10 th . Breakfasted at BuelPs in Hebron 8 miles from 
Hill's. Dined at Jesse Billing's my Tenant in Colchester. 
The Enemy on Monday entered N w Haven and pillaged the 
Inhabit's. They were opposed by a handful of men who 
behaved gallantly. Of them between 20 & 30 were killed 
and of the Enemy it is said an equal number, and among 
them was an adjutant Campbell. The next day they landed 
at Fairfield and burned the Town. How they came to 
destroy this town and not New Haven is a matter of 
inquiry. They are now it is said hovering about New 
London, a considerable body of militia is collected there, 
and more men are ordered in. Some gentlemen of Hartford 
seemed to be apprehensive that the enemy would pay them 
a visit. I wish they might. For I presume such a body of 
men would muster on that occasion as would effectually 
prevent their return. It is thought that they mean to draw 
off the main army from their present post, and then to 
attack "West Point Fort. I rather think that their intention 
is to keep the People in constant alarm and thereby prevent 
their getting in the Summer Harvest. Finding that they 
cannot conquer the country they are determined, agreeably 
to the Manifesto of the Commons, to do as much mischief 
as they can to make our alliance with France of as little 
benefit to that kingdom as possible. Miserable Politicians, 
by their infernal conduct they will destroy every spark of 
affection which may still remain in the breast of Americans, 
and force us and our commerce irrecoverably into the Arms 
of France, which have been and still are extended to receive 
both. Quos Deus vult perdere prius dementat. We were 
detained by the rain at Mr. Billing's the afternoon, and 
lodged there. 

July 11 th . From Billing's to Lathrop's where I dined is 
12 miles after dinner drank a glass of good Madeira with 
Capt. Johnston. 



Journal of Route and Occurrences, etc. 199 

July 12 th . Met with Mr. "William Mumford at Lathrop's 
and sat out with him for Providence. Bated at Adam's 
about 8 miles from Lathrop's, where I saw a girl whose 
head-dress was a fine Burlesque on the modern head-dress 
of polite Ladies. It was of an exalted height and curiously 
decorated with Holyokes. Lodged well at Dorrances. No 
Bugs ! 18 miles. 

July 13 th . Breakfasted at Angel's 13} miles from Dor- 
rances, and lodged at Providence 12J miles. 

July 14 th . Reached home at Dinner time 18 miles from 
Providence and found all well. 

This Journey for the Season was exceedingly pleasant. 
The first four days were too hot for comfort ; but the suc- 
ceeding six were cool and my mare was as fresh when I got 
home as when I sat off. The two men who escorted me and 
a sum of money for the State, behaved very well and my 
companion was sociable and clever. 



200 The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 



THE INTRODUCTION OF METHODISM INTO PENN- 
SYLVANIA. 

BY REV. GOLDSMITH DAY CARROW, D.D. 

[Abstract of a paper read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
at a stated meeting held January 12, 1885.J 

It was not until 1767 that Methodism obtained a perma- 
nent footing on Pennsylvania soil. Like many other things, 
both good and evil, it entered at the port of Philadelphia. 
On the 13th of September, 1759, French despotism saw the 
beginning of its end on this continent. Wolfe, dying in 
the arms of victory on the plains of Abraham, was im- 
mortalized by his triumph and his fall. But there was a 
subaltern in the victorious army who made a gallant fight 
and lost an eye, Captain Thomas "Webb, the first of the 
founders of Methodism in Pennsylvania. Returning with 
his regiment to England, he was converted under the min- 
istry of Mr. "Wesley, at Bath, in 1765, and being ordered 
again to duty in America, he united with the Methodists, 
and exercised among them his gifts as a local preacher. 
Appearing in the pulpit in full uniform, and marked with 
the scars of a gallant veteran, he excited no small degree of 
attention. Such a figure, in such a place, had not been seen 
since the days of Cromwell and his militant Puritans. 

Captain "Webb opened his commission in Philadelphia in 
a sail-loft near the drawbridge which then spanned Dock 
Creek at Front Street. The surname of this sail-maker 
was Croft, and here in his upper room the first Methodist 
class-meeting was established. Here he ministered until the 
arrival of Rev. Messrs. Boardman and Pillmore in 1769. 
The society formed in the sail-loft consisted of seven per- 
sons : James Emerson and wife, Miles Pennington and wife, 
Robert Fitzgerald and wife, and John Hood. The latter 



The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 201 

was the leader, and consequently the first class-leader in the 
metropolis of the State. Soon after the society was formed, 
Lambert Wilmer and wife, Duncan Steward and wife, Bur- 
ton "Wallace and wife, Mrs. John Hood, and Mr. Croft were 
added to it. One year later (1770) John Hood was appointed 
class-leader, succeeding James Emerson. In 1783 he was 
licensed to preach by the Rev. Caleb B. Pedicord. 

The first church owned and occupied by Methodists in 
Pennsylvania was St. George's, in Philadelphia. A German 
Reformed congregation began to build, but were unable to 
finish it, having incurred pecuniary liabilities which they 
found themselves unable to meet. An act passed by the 
Assembly in 1769 authorized the sale of the church and the 
payment of its debts. The purchase was made by Mr. 
Hockley for seven hundred pounds, who, on the 14th of June, 

1770, conveyed it by deed to Miles Pennington for six hun- 
dred and fifty pounds ; and on the llth of September of the 
same year said Miles Pennington (tallow-chandler) by deed 
conveyed it to Richard Boardman, Joseph Pillmore, Thomas 
"Webb, Edward Evans, Daniel Montgomery, John Dowers, 
Edmund Beach, Robert Fitzgerald, and James Emerson, 
for the sum of six hundred and fifty pounds. It was fitted 
up for worship in plain style. 

John Wesley first sent missionaries to America in 1769, 
the first being Richard Boardman and Joseph Pillmore. 
They landed in Philadelphia the same year, finding Cap- 
tain Webb in the city, and assuming the spiritual care of 
the society he had organized, entered upon their evange- 
listic labors. John King also arrived the same year, and 
began to preach without a license. His first sermon was 
delivered in the Potter's Field (Washington Square), and 
so favorable was the impression he made that Mr. Pillmore 
gave him a license, and sent him to Wilmington, Del. In 

1771, Boardman and Pillmore were reinforced by Francis 
Asbury and Richard Wright, who came out to America by 
appointment of Mr. Wesley, arriving in Philadelphia the 
27th of October. At this date there were only ten Metho- 
dist preachers on the continent. Their order of entering 



202 The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 

the work was as follows: Strawbridge, Embury, Webb, 
"Williams, Boardman, Pillmore, King, Asbury, Wrigbt, and 
Kiehard Owen, of Maryland, the first native American 
Methodist preacher. The year following Mr. Wesley ap- 
pointed Mr. Asbury to be his general assistant in the colo- 
nies, and enjoined upon him the duty of exercising a more 
vigorous moral discipline than had previously been en- 
forced. In June, 1773, however, Mr. Thomas Eankin, a 
Scotchman by birth, arrived in the country, having been 
appointed by Mr. Wesley general superintendent of the 
whole Methodist mission- work. He was clothed with higher 
powers than had been confided to Mr. Asbury. Meanwhile, 
all the missionaries were travelling through the country 
lying between the banks of the Hudson and the Atlantic 
coast of Maryland and Virginia. But Webb, Boardman, 
Pillmore, Asbury, Wright, and King deserve to be pre- 
eminently regarded as the founders of Pennsylvania Meth- 
odism. 

The first church erected entirely by Methodists in the 
State was located on Second Street south of Catharine Street, 
Philadelphia, and called Ebenezer. Robert Fitzgerald, one 
of the original trustees of St. George's, who resided in the 
neighborhood of Shippen and Penn Streets, was the patron 
of the infant cause in that section of the city. He was a 
block- and pump-maker, and had opened his shop for Meth- 
odist preaching, and the formation of a class, and the 
gradual growth of its membership led to the erection of a 
church in 1790. It continued to be used long after the erec- 
tion of the Second Ebenezer church on Christian Street, 
which in turn gave place to the present edifice. 

The first church in a rural district of the State was built 
in Montgomery County in 1770, and was named Bethel. It 
was not only the first of the rural churches in point of time, 
but also in point of honor, for it was doubly consecrated to 
God by the shelter it afforded to his worshippers and to the 
wounded and dying soldiers of the patriot army, who were 
carried into it from the battle-field of Germantown. Hans 
Supplee took an active part in erecting this humble edifice, 



The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 203 

and his name is worthy of perpetuation. His wife was con- 
verted under the ministry of Captain Webb, and died in 
1841, in her ninety-second year. Some of the officers were 
quartered in his house, while "Washington and his staff were 
the guests of Peter Wentz on Skippack Creek. Numbers 
of the soldiers who died in the chapel were interred in its 
burial-ground. 

Particulars as to all other localities in which Methodism 
was first introduced in Pennsylvania cannot be given, but 
only some of the more important may be mentioned. In 
1772, Mr. Asbury first preached within the limits of what is 
now Delaware County. In all the eastern and southern coun- 
ties Methodism was introduced between the years 1769 and 
1773, that is to say, in Bucks, Montgomery, Chester, Berks, 
York, and Lancaster. The first Conference of Methodist 
preachers in the State and in the country was convened at 
Philadelphia on Friday, July 14, 1773, and was held in St. 
George's Church. The members were all Europeans. They 
were Thomas Rankin, who presided, Eichard Boardman, 
Joseph Pillmore, Francis Asbury, Richard Wright, George 
Shadford, Thomas Webb, John King, Abraham Whitworth, 
and Joseph Yearbry. There were one hundred and eighty 
members in Philadelphia, and in the whole country eleven 
hundred and sixty. The second Conference was held in the 
same church, May 25, 1774. The membership reported was 
two thousand and seventy-three, a gain of nearly a hundred 
per cent. But perilous times were at hand. The Revolu- 
tion, which had been surely gathering for several years, was 
about to break. The third Conference met in the same 
church, May 17, 1775, not quite a month after the battles of 
Lexington and Concord. Mr. Rankin again presided, being 
General Superintendent of the whole work by the appoint- 
ment of Mr. Wesley. The gain of members in the work 
at large was one thousand and seventy-five. But in Phila- 
delphia, owing to its being the focus of political interest, 
there had been a loss of forty-three. There was no report 
from the country, and probably at that date no society had 
been formally organized outside the city. 



204 The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 

The Methodist preachers, with one exception, were all of 
British birth, and were subjects of the British government. 
Mr. Wesley, being a stanch royalist, had felt it to be his 
duty to advise his societies in America to maintain their 
loyalty to the flag of the mother-country, and had addressed 
a letter to them with that end in view. From these two facts 
the patriots were amply justified in suspecting them of ad- 
hering to the British crown. And, in fact, all the preachers 
did adhere, and most of them went back to England. Fran- 
cis Asbury remained, and, being an Englishman, that fact 
naturally directed suspicion to him. In one instance he 
was arrested and fined five pounds. This occurred on the 
20th of June, 1776, near Baltimore. The withdrawal of Mr. 
Rankin from the country had devolved upon Mr. Asbury 
the general superintendence of the preachers and societies. 
This imposed upon him the duty of travelling at large; but 
he was so much embarrassed by the prevailing suspicion of 
disloyalty to the patriot cause that he retired to the house of 
Judge "White, of Delaware, and remained in seclusion there 
nearly a year. During this time the preachers privately 
assembled there in conference, and the superintendent 
having counselled them, and counselled with them, sent 
them forth to their work. One incident will sufficiently 
illustrate the perils of the times. Caleb B. Pedicord, whose 
circuit was the State of New Jersey, arrived one Sabbath 
afternoon at a private house, where he had an appointment 
to preach. Within a short distance of the house there was 
a post of the Continental army. Hearing of the preaching 
service, the commander sent an officer with a file of soldiers 
to test, not the orthodoxy, but the loyalty, of the sermon. 
As the preacher was about to begin the service, the officer 
drew up his men in line before the door, and, entering the 
room, laid his sword across the table that was used as a 
pulpit, and took a seat in front of it. The text was, " Fear 
not, little flock ; for it is your Father's good pleasure to give 
you the kingdom." The preacher spoke to his congregation 
of some of the things which they had good reason to fear, 
and in conclusion said they had no cause to fear the soldiers 



The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 205 

if they were true to their country ; " and as for myself," 
he exclaimed, " if my heart beats not high and strong for 
my country's independence, may it this moment forever 
cease to heat !" This 'settled the question of loyalty, and, 
without waiting for the benediction, the soldiers marched 
hack to their quarters. 

But the most important event in Methodism, the event 
that contributed most to its establishment and diffusion, oc- 
curred the year following the close of the war. In 1784 the 
societies were formed into a church, and the preachers were 
invested with authority to perform all the functions of the 
ministry. Prior to this date they had been regarded, and 
had generally regarded themselves, as laymen, only having 
the right simply to expound the Scriptures and to tell their 
own experience. The form of government adopted was the 
Episcopal, though but two orders in the ministry were 
recognized. 

It needs no argument to prove that the itinerant system 
was perfectly adapted to the social and moral condition of 
the Commonwealth at the time of its introduction. The 
bulk of the population was in towns and cities situated on 
the principal water-courses. Excepting the society of 
Quakers, the system of calling and settling pastors univer- 
sally obtained. Cities and towns, and rural settlements that 
were sufficiently numerous and wealthy, called and settled 
pastors. But, beyond these limits, the widely-scattered fami- 
lies were in a great measure left destitute of the gospel. To 
all, but especially to these, the Methodist itinerant system 
was a divine adaptation. 

Entering the Commonwealth, as has been stated, at the 
chief port in 1767 or 1768, by the end of the century Meth- 
odism had established itself in most of the principal towns 
and valleys of its northern, central, and southern sections. 
The time of its introduction into the towns I am about to 
name was in the order in which I shall name them : Reading 
in 1772; York, 1781; "Wilkesbarre, 1788; Huntingdon, 
1788; Carlisle, 1789; Williamsport, 1791; Pittsburgh, about 
1801 ; Easton, 1802 ; Lancaster, 1803 ; New Castle, 1804 ; 



206 The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 

Meadville, 1806 ; Lewisburg, 1806 ; Harrisburg, 1810 ; West 
Chester, 1810 ; Erie, 1826 ; Phoenixville, 1826 ; Pottsville, 
1828; Lebanon, 1828; Tamaqua, 1837; Pottstown, 1838; 
Scranton, 1840. 

The western tier of counties was found most difficult to 
penetrate. In the town of Erie there was no Methodist 
church till 1838, though a class was formed there as early 
as 1826, and a small church had been built in the county as 
far back as 1810. The church in the town was a wooden 
building, thirty-two by forty-five feet, and cost three hun- 
dred dollars. Rev. Robert R. Roberts, subsequently elected 
bishop, was the principal pioneer. He preached in Mead- 
ville, the county-seat of Crawford County, in 1806, the 
service being held in the parlor of a hotel on a week-day 
evening ; but there was no regular appointment maintained 
in the town till 1818, and the first Methodist class was not 
formed till 1824. In 1825 there was a revival, which re- 
sulted in the organization of a congregation, and the erec- 
tion of a church edifice was undertaken in 1829; but so 
small in number and so poor in their circumstances were 
the members, that several years elapsed before their humble 
house of worship was completed. In Pittsburgh Methodism 
made its first appearance, as already mentioned, about 1801. 
One of the first Methodists of the town was John Wren- 
shall, an Englishman by birth, and a local preacher. He 
was a merchant and a man of intelligence. In 1803, 
Thomas Cooper, also an Englishman, and an active and 
earnest Methodist, settled in the city, and was appointed 
leader of the first class, In the rear of his dwelling on 
Market Street there was an orchard, under whose trees the 
circuit preachers delivered their message in the summer 
season. 

A few of the founders were men of respectable education, 
some were naturally men of extraordinary intellectual 
powers, and some were endowed with the gift of eloquence 
in the legitimate and highest sense of the word. The most 
of them, however, possessed that clearness, soundness, and 
balance of the faculties which, for some unaccountable 



The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 207 

reason, is called common sense, but which ought to be called 
uncommon, because it is, perhaps, the least diffused among 
men of all the gifts of God. All of them, or with rare ex- 
ceptions, were intensely and supremely devoted to the work 
of their ministry. The spirit that purified and reigned in 
their inmost souls, and that consecrated them to the service 
of preaching the gospel, may be unmistakably inferred from 
the pecuniary provision they made for their own support. 
The founders of Pennsylvania Methodism were members of 
the General Conference of 1784 that organized the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church. What munificent provision the 
Conference made for themselves and their ministerial co- 
laborers ! The Conference ignored the word salary, and sub- 
stituted for it the word allowance. There were then but two 
bishops, Coke and Asbury. The allowance of a bishop was 
sixty-four dollars a year and his travelling expenses. Trav- 
elling expenses included the purchase of a new horse when 
the old one had broken down, feed for the horse when enter- 
tainment for man and beast was not offered gratis, and sad- 
dle, bridle, and saddle-bags, in which to carry the preacher's 
wardrobe and library. It was rarely the case that a wheeled 
conveyance was used, and when such became absolutely ne- 
cessary, the conveyance and its repairs were included in the 
allowance for travelling expenses. The same allowance was 
made for each travelling preacher as for a bishop. The 
preacher's wife was to receive the same amount stipulated 
for her husband, and there was an allowance for each child 
of a preacher under six years of sixteen dollars, and twenty- 
four dollars to each over six and under eleven years. Two 
years after this date the rule of allowance for children was 
repealed, and no regular provision was made for them till 
the session of the J General Conference which met in the 
year 1800. This organizing Conference of 1784 also pro- 
hibited themselves and their brother preachers from taking 
fees for baptisms, marriages, and funerals. In their view 
the preachers, from the bishops to the end of the list, com- 
posed one family, and were to share equally in the family 
provision and hardships. The General Conference of 1800 



208 The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 

made a rule permitting the preachers to receive marriage 
fees. But, in the event of the preacher having received his 
full annual allowance, he was to pay over his marriage fees 
into what was called the Preachers' Conference Fund, for 
the purpose of aiding to meet, as far as possible, the neces- 
sities of such members of the Conference as had not re- 
ceived their annual allowance. For, small as the allowance 
was, it fell fifty per cent, short much often er than it was paid 
in full. The original sum of sixty-four dollars for the 
preacher, the same for his wife, and sixteen and twenty-four 
dollars for each of their children, according to their respec- 
tive ages, having, after a fair trial of sixteen years, been found 
to be painfully inadequate, was by the General Conference of 
1800 increased to eighty dollars for the preacher, the same 
for his wife, and for each child under seven years sixteen dol- 
lars, and for each over seven and under fourteen years twenty- 
four dollars. No provision was made for children over four- 
teen years. It seems to have been taken for granted that they 
were then capable of earning their own living. This con- 
tinued to be the allowance down to 1816, when the General 
Conference of that year raised the compensation to one hun- 
dred dollars per annum for the preacher, the same sum for 
his wife ; but there was no increase for the children, the sum 
remaining as it was fixed in 1800. This was still the allow- 
ance or salary when I became a travelling preacher. It is 
but fair to state that subsequent legislation of the General 
Conference repealed the rule fixing a specific sum for the 
support of the preacher and his family, and substituted for 
it the following rule : " It shall be the duty of the Quarterly 
Conference of each circuit and station, at the session im- 
mediately preceding the Annual Conference, to appoint an 
estimating committee, consisting of three or more members 
of the church, who shall, after conferring with the preacher 
or preachers, make an estimate of the amount necessary to 
furnish a comfortable support to the preacher or preachers 
stationed among them, taking into consideration the number 
and condition of the family or families of such preacher or 
preachers, which estimate shall be subject to the action of 



The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 209 

the Quarterly Conference. The travelling and moving ex- 
penses of the preachers shall not be reckoned as a part of 
the estimate, but be paid by the stewards separately." The 
law, you perceive, is ample for the preacher's comfort, 
whether the disposition and ability of the church to which 
he is appointed be ample or otherwise. 

All things considered, Asbury, who was chief of the 
flying cohort, was also the greatest. There were greater 
preachers than he, though, when at his best, he was a great 
preacher. But in perception of character, soundness of 
judgment, force of will, personal influence over men, and in 
administrative talent he had no equal, while in zeal, earnest- 
ness, activity, courage, self-denial, and devotion he could 
have no superior. He never married. His reasons for re- 
maining a bachelor are thus given in his Journal, under 
date of January 26, 1804 : 

" If I should die in celibacy, which I think quite prob- 
able, I give the following reasons for what can scarcely be 
called my choice. I was called in my 14 th year, and began 
my public exercises between sixteen and seventeen. At 21 
I travelled, and at 26 I came to America. Thus far I had 
reasons enough for a single life. It was my intention to re- 
turn to Europe at 30 years of age ; but the war continued, 
and it was ten years before we had a settled and lasting 
peace. At 39 I was ordained Superintendent Bishop of 
America. Among the duties imposed upon me by my office 
was that of travelling extensively ; and I could hardly find a 
woman with grace enough to enable her to live but one 
week in fifty-two with her husband. Besides, what right 
has any man to take advantage of the affections of a woman, 
make her his wife, and, by a voluntary absence, subvert the 
whole order and economy of the marriage state, by sepa- 
rating those whom neither God, nature, nor the require- 
ments of civil society, permit long to be put asunder ? It is 
neither just nor generous. I may add to this that I had but 
little money, and with this little I administered to the ne- 
cessities of a beloved mother till I was fifty-seven. If I 
have done wrong I hope God and the sex will forgive me. 
VOL. xii. 14 



210 The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 

It is now my duty to bestow the pittance I have to spare 
upon the widows, and fatherless children, and poor married 
men of the conferences." 

How many married preachers of the present day could 
give as good reasons for getting married as Bishop Asbury 
gave for remaining unmarried? He kept house in his 
eaddle-bags. "When not presiding in Conferences he was on 
horseback, and preaching wherever he found an open door. 
The original thirteen States and their territories constituted 
his diocese, and he traversed it annually from east to west 
and north to south, inspecting the field with his own eye, 
scaling mountains, fording rivers, threading pathless forests, 
exposed to the savage Indian, sleeping in the lofts of cabins, 
or on the ground, beneath the stars of God. 

Jesse Lee, of Virginia, was unequalled in wit and un- 
excelled in popular oratory. And not even Mr. Asbury was 
a match for him in getting a foothold for the Methodist gos- 
pel in the midst of prejudice and opposition, or in handling 
the case of a persistent enemy. 

Here mention might be made of Ezekiel Cooper, the 
strongest intellect and the most acute logician in the ranks 
of the Methodist ministry of that day ; of William Penn 
Chandler, a Doctor of Medicine, who was converted and 
abandoned his medical practice to preach the gospel at his 
own expense, who was orator, revivalist, and administrator all 
in one ; of Henry Boehm, son of a Mennonite preacher, who 
preached in English and German, and died recently, the 
oldest Methodist preacher in the world ; of Thomas Ware, a 
worthy companion of the best, and excelled in gifts of mind 
and grace by few ; of Lawrence McCoombs, who was a 
strong-backed and strong-willed man ; a son of thunder and 
a son of consolation ; great in the pulpit before an audience 
that would give him time to get warm ; estimating learning, 
but valuing power with God and men most of all ; a great 
presiding elder; of Lawrence Lawrenson, the most diffi- 
dent of men, but of preachers at times one of the most 
overwhelming, whose sermons were heard by men who 
fancied that they shook the solid continent beneath their 



The Introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania. 211 

feet, and were remembered, with tears in the eyes of their 
hearers, after the preacher had been in his grave for fifty 
years. 

A few sentences only remain for two of the most remark- 
able of all the preachers whose names are associated with 
the introduction of Methodism into Pennsylvania, Solomon 
Sharpe and Henry White. Solomon Sharpe was a man of 
handsome and commanding presence. His intellectual 
powers were quick, vigorous, comprehensive, and highly 
original. To be brief, he was a genius, and was therefore 
necessarily, as some think, a man of eccentricities. His 
whole ministry was illumined with lightning-like displays 
of the divine presence to attest his message. 

Henry White was born on the Eastern Shore of Virginia, 
was of poor but worthy parentage, and was in early life ap- 
prenticed to learn the trade of a blacksmith. He spent 
twenty years on districts as presiding elder, and so anxious 
were the people to hear him that many counted the weeks 
in eagerness for the Quarterly-Meeting Sabbath to roll round. 

The growth of Methodism till it has encircled the globe, 
with all its influences of education and of benevolence and 
charity, did not come within the compass of the writer's 
plan. It was of the introduction only that this paper was to 
treat, and to this extent it is submitted to the pleasure of 
the Society. 



212 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 



REV. WILLIAM FKAZEE'S THREE PARISHES, ST. 
THOMAS'S, ST. ANDREW'S, AND MUSCONETCONG, 
KJ., 1768-70. 

BY HENRY RACE, M.D. 

[Since the historical sketch of St. Thomas's Church of Alexandria, 
Hunterdon County, N. J., was published (PENNA. MAG., Vol. X. p. 256) 
there have been discovered copies of several letters written by Rev. Wil- 
liam Frazer to Rev. Dr. Benton, one of the officers of the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Mr. Frazer, under the 
patronage of this society, was missionary in charge of the parishes of St. 
Thomas's, St. Andrew's, and Musconetcong from May, 1768, until the 
Revolution, and of the former two from the close of the war until his 
death, which occurred in 1795. 

The copies are in Mr. Frazer's handwriting, and purport to have been 
made from the letters sent by him to Dr. Benton. 

In addition to these Mr. Frazer's Marriage and Baptismal Records 
have also been found. The latter appears to be incomplete. 

These interesting relics were discovered among old papers left by Mr. 
Robert Sharp, who was a warden of St. Andrew's Church in 1785.] 

COPIES OF LETTERS FROM REV. WILLIAM FRAZER TO THE 
KEV. DR. BENTON, IN ABINGDON STREET, WESTMINSTER, 
LONDON. 

EEV D SIR 

Mr. Ayers and I sail'd from London a few days after our 
taking leave of you at your house in Abington Street and 
safely arrived at Philadelphia on 21** April after an agreeable 
passage of 7 weeks. 

I repaired to my mission in two weeks after my arrival 
and met with a very kind reception from my three Congre- 
gations of Amwell, Kingwood and Muskenedkunk, and at 
their request my time is equally divided among them. 

In Amwell there is the shell of a small stone church, 1 

1 St. Andrew's, at Ringoes, in the township of Amwell, Hunterdon 
County. This church has been rebuilt (1867) at Lambertville, a short 
distance from its former location, where there is a flourishing parish, 
under the rectorship of Rev. E. K. Smith, D.D. 



Eev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 213 

built, as I'm informed, about 17 years ago, 1 but never fin- 
ishedThere I officiate every 3 d Sunday to a full Congre- 
gation consisting chiefly of Dissenters. The late unhappy 
differences 'twixt this Congregation and my unhappy pre- 
decessor 3 together with the long Vacancy that ensu'd has 
rendered the Situation of this Church truly lamentable, 
there being, at present, no more than 3 families who profess 
themselves members of our Church, and these but in very 
indifferent Circumstances. The Dissenters have now got 
such a footing here, especially Presbyterians, (having no less 
than 3 places of worship within 10 miles of this Church) 
that I despair of ever seeing it restored to its former flourish- 
ing State. However, you may be assured that with the as- 
sistance of Almighty God no pains shall be spar'd on my 
part in instructing the people and promoting the interest of 
the Church, and, as far as it is in my power, Satisfaction of 
the Ven bla Society. 

In Kingwood, about 2 miles from Amwell, there is an old 
log Building 8 in a very shattered Condition, so open and un- 
comfortable that I cannot perform divine Worship in it in the 
winter time, with any degree of decency ; but will be obliged 

1 This must have been the second house on that ground. As early as 
January 22, 1725, William Lummox, " in consideration of the sum of 
five shillings of current silver money," conveyed unto John Knowles 
and Duncan Oliphant, " in trust, to the sole benefit, and towards the 
settling of the Church of England ministry, and for no other intent or 
purpose whatsoever," a tract of land containing eleven acres, " being a 
part of the plantation whereon the said Wm. Lummox now lives," the 
boundaries of which began in the line of William Lummox and Francis 
Moore's land, and ran " by land of Godfrey Peters, crossing the King's 
road" (the Old York Koad). 

Sealed and delivered in presence of John Parke, Nathaniel Pettit, 
John S. Locker, and Christopher Becket, and attested by John Heading. 

The first church on this land was probably a temporary log structure, 
which had become unfit for use by 1751. 

2 Eev. Mr. Morton. 

* St. Thomas's Church, of Alexandria. At that time it stood in King- 
wood township, Hunterdon County. When rebuilt, in 1770, it was re- 
moved to the opposite side of the road, which is the line between the 
townships of Kingwood and Alexandria. 



214 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

to officiate in private houses until the approach of Spring. 
Here there are about 30 Families of ye Church of England 
who with several people of other denominations make up a 
large Congregation, and appear serious and devout during 
divine service. They have already set a Subscription on 
foot in order to build a handsome Church of brick or stone 
early next Spring. I hope by next Oct r it will be finished. 
I have the pleasure to inform you that this Congregation 
has increased considerably since my first appearing among 
them. 

In Muskenetcunk, 1 ab* 25 miles from Amwell there is not 
as yet any house set apart for divine worship, but hitherto- 
I have officiated in Barns and dwelling houses. There are 
a great many families who call themselves Church of Eng- 
land people from no other principle as I can find than because 
it was the Religion of their Fathers. Every time I perform 
divine service among them they appear serious enough but 
totally ignorant with regard to the prayers of the Church. 
I have once preached about 16 miles distant from the place I 
generally attend at Muskenetcunk where I was told there had 
been Churchmen (as they called themselves) arrived to the 
age of 40 who never in their lives had been to hear a Church 
min r before From these people I received very warm invi- 
tations to visit them often, but the Extensiveness of my own 
mission I'm afraid will not admit of my complying with 
their requests. 

In Muskenetcunk they are about building a log Church 
which they think will serve for a few years and as there is a 
prospect of the Church increasing very fast there they are 
of opinion that in a little time with the Society's assistance 
they will be able to support a Missionary themselves, which 
I informed them the Society would be willing to grant pro- 
viding they would engage themselves to procure a necessary 
support for a worthy Missionary to reside among them. 

1 There are traditions of a log church which stood in pre-Kevolution- 
ary times near the Musconetcong Creek, in the township of Mansfield, 
Sussex (now Warren) County, and near the village of Changewater. 
This must have been the " Muskenetcunk" of Mr. Frazer's letter. 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 215 

Muskenetcunk does not seem calculated to be joined with 
Amwell and Kingwood as they are separated by a ridge of 
high mountains 1 which the frost and snow in winter render 
quite impassable, and even in good weather I find it very 
troublesome from the distance which is 25 miles and the 
roughness of the roads to attend once in three weeks. 

I hope in my next I shall be able to give a more particu- 
lar and satisfactory account I have baptized one adult 
woman and 18 Infants. 

I have drawn for half year's salary on the Society's Treas- 
urer. 

I am 
Rev d Sir 

Your very humble Serv* 

W FRAZER 

AMWELL Oct r 20 th 1768 

I am certain that if they had frequent opportunities of 
hearing divine service Performed and being instructed in 
the principles of Religion, the Church would undoubtedly 
flourish there and the rather because Dissenters have made 
no considerable inroads among them, tho' they are forever 
assiduous in planting their Emisaries where they think the 
Church makes any progress, and they never fail among the 
first things they do to prejudice the weak and ignorant 
against the Church, her Offices and her Members, which 
prejudices once they take-root are seldom or never removed. 
So that I think if it was practicable these places should be 
supplied with an itinerant Missionary before such prejudices 
take place. 

REV D SIR : 

In my Letter of the 20 Oct. last I acquainted the Society 
of my safe Arrival at my Mission, the Reception I met with 
from my three Congregations &c. The Congregation of 
Amwell increases but slow having only an addition of one 
Family consisting of a Man and his 5 children 2 whom I 

1 The Musconetcong range. 

2 Andrew Pierce and children, of Amwell. 



216 Ret}. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

baptized on Good Friday and who formerly professed An- 
abaptism. The Church still continues in the same shat- 
tered Condition, but ain in Expectations of having it re- 
paired this Summer, as I find the Congregation disposed to 
contribute according to their Ability, which with a small 
Legacy of 5 this currency left to this Church a few years 
ago by one Kitchen, hope will enable us to put it in some 
tolerable Repairs. 

I preached here on Easter Sunday to a numerous Con- 
gregation of different Denominations and administered the 
holy Sacrament to Communicants. 

I am sorry to acquaint you that the success of the Sub- 
scriptions set on foot some time ago in order to build a new 
Church in King wood is not in a likely way to answer our 
Expectations. The slow progress we have hitherto made in 
this Undertaking I may venture to assure you does not pro- 
ceed from no other Cause than the Inability of those to 
whom the applications were made. For in this part of the 
Country the Crops have, of late years, very much failed the 
Farmers, which together with such a general Dearth of 
Money renders them entirely incapable of advancing a 
Cause which they have greatly at heart. Lewis Stevens 
Esq. 1 a gentleman of distinguished piety, who has a con- 
siderable Interest in this parish has conveyed for the use 
of this Church over an acre of Land on which the New 
Church is to be erected, and is singularly zealous in pro- 
moting the Interest of the Church here. As soon as the 
Subscriptions are completed, at least as soon as it is known 
what is to be depended upon, they intend setting about 
building ; all that I expect to be done this season is the 
procuring of the Materials. 

I expect that the Log Church in Muskenetcunk will be 
finished this Spring here are two extensive Townships 

1 Lewis Stevens was a brother of Hon. John Stevens. He lived at 
the Cornwall mansion, a half-mile from St. Thomas's. The " acre of 
Land" he gave to the parish was a part of the Cornwall plantation. He 
took a very efficient interest in the rebuilding of the church. He died 
April 19, 1772, aged fifty-one years, and was buried within its walls. 




Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 217 

which compose this Congregation. I have, hitherto (by 
their request) officiated once in three weeks in each Town- 
ship in the most central place about 16 miles apart. This 
Congregation have had one third of my time since my ar- 
rival, and I find, by the blessing of God, that my Labours 
among them are attended with success : they are very anxious 
I should continue to attend them as often as I have done : 
but I am afraid, was I to comply with their Request, and 
attend Muskenetcunc with the same constancy as I have 
already done, I should soon be made useless to the World, 
my Constitution, which (I thank God,) is naturally Good 
would soon be impaired: for no Common Constitution 
would bear what I have undergone this winter in attending 
upon those places which are 25 and sometimes 30 miles dis- 
tant from my house. Muskenetcunk does not seem calcu- 
lated to be joined with Amwell and Kingwood as they are 
separated by a Ridge of high Mountains and a River which 
the heavy rains and snow in the winter time render almost 
impassible It is with the greatest reluctance that I would 
withdraw my Services from this place as the fair prospect I 
have of forming a flourishing Congregation has been the 
only inducement of my giving them so much of my Time. 
however I intend if possible, not to make any alterations 
in the disposition of my Time till further instructions from 
the Society. 

Since last May I baptized 2 adults and 83 children, buried 
one. I have drawn for one half year's Salary on the Society's 
Treasurer. 

May 20 th 1769. 

REVD. SIR 

I wrote you in May last acquainting you as nearly as pos- 
sible of the Situation in which my Mission was at that Time : 
and I now embrace this Opportunity by Mr. Hutchins (a 
worthy young gentleman intending for holy Orders & the 
Society's Service) to inform you that our Church at Amwell 
is almost repaired The voluntary Contributions of this 
Congregation have indeed far exceeded my expectations 



218 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

Several moderate and well-meaning Dissenters in the Neigh- 
borhood have not been backward on this occasion The 
Dutch Lutheran Congregation 1 who have sometimes the 
privilege of performing divine Service in this Church have 
also promis'd their Assistance. In a few weeks I am in 
hopes of seeing this long-neglected Building comfortably 
and decently finished. 

The Lutheran Congregation I just now mentioned, have 
no Settled Minister of their own but are supplied chiefly from 
Philadelphia and new Germantown, a small village about 
25 miles to the N. E. where I am told the Lutherans have a 
handsome Church, well endowed. They often requested 
me the use of our Church providing they could procure a 
Clergyman of their own Denomination to perform divine 
Service once in Six weeks This Request (notwithstanding 
their near Conformity to our Church) I could not be free to 
comply with without first consulting some of my Brethren 
who gave it as their opinion I might indulge them with the 
greatest Safety. I should be glad to have the Society's 
Sanction likewise in this affair as I think myself in duty 
bound to consult them on every such occasion. 

I am sorry to acquaint the Society that our Church at 
Kingwood is not yet begun This long and unexpected 
delay is entirely owing to an unaccountable misunderstand- 
ing between several of this Congregation with respect to the 
Situation of the intended Church part of them (and in my 
judgment the most considerable part,) objecting against the 
Situation of the old Log building when they first concluded 
to have the new one built, as there is no building within J 

1 This church is spoken of in the old deeds as " The High Dutch 
Calvenistical or Preisbeterian Church." Their first house of worship 
was probably at this time no longer fit for use. In 1800 it was called 
the " German Presbyterian Church of Amwell ;" in 1809 it became the 
"Amwell Dutch Reformed Church;" and in 1810 it was called the 
" United First Church of Amwell," which title it still retains. It is 
situated at Larison's Corner, about a mile from Bingoes. The deed for 
the graveyard was given, January 21, 1749, by James Whittaker to 
William Kase, Peter Hofman,and William Bellowsfelt, "trustees of the 
Calvinistical High Dutch Congregation." 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 219 

mile of that place, which renders it very inconvenient in 
case any of the Congregation should be taken ill &c. The 
other place proposed is a small village 1 about two miles dis- 
tant from the old Situation. I have, from time to time, 
us'd all my Endeavors to bring about a Reconciliation and 
have at last prevail'd with them to fix on a day and deter- 
mine the matter without any animosity, & if possible to the 
Satisfaction of all the Congregation. 

The Small Log Church of Musconetcunk is built, but not 
finished within. 

AMWELL, 28 th Sept. 1769. 

KEV D SIR : 

This day I am honoured with your Letter of date 19 th Feb. 
last which was transmitted to me by Doctor Smith of Phila- 
delphia. I cannot help expressing my Surprise at the Occa- 
sion of its being so long detained before it came to my 
hands. I should be glad that when you write me for the 
future, you would please send under cover to Doctor 
Chandler. 

I am glad to understand that the Society approve of the 
measures I have taken in giving the Lutheran Congregation 
the use of my Church at Amwell ; and will take particular 
care that this Service shall not interfere with ours. 

I am very sorry to find that the Society's Funds cannot 
enable them to make Musconetcunk a separate Mission an 
Establishment which I have much at heart and earnestly 
wish for for the following Reason That as John Grandin & 
Charles Coxe Esqrs. two respectable Gentlemen of my Con- 
gregation in Kingwood, having Religion at heart & willing 
to promote the interest of the Church have empowered me 
to inform the Society that they will build a decent and com- 
fortable Church on a Lot of ground given by Mr. Charles 
Stewart, 2 a dissenting Gentleman in the Neighborhood, for 

1 Pittstown. 

3 Colonel Charles Stewart of Revolutionary renown. He lived on the 
premises now occupied by the Hoyts at Landsdown. Coxe and Grandin 
were his neighbors. 



220 Rev. Wittiam Frazer's Three Parishes. 

that purpose providing the venerable Society could other- 
wise order a Supply for Musconetcunc Congregation, and 
indulge them with a third of my Time. By this means the 
Mission under my care would be more comfortable to myself 
and the people have more benefit of my Labors as they 
would have more frequent opportunities of attending divine 
Service. Therefore as there is a prospect of a new Mission 
being erected in Sussex I would with submission propose 
that Musconetcunc (which is in the same County) should be 
made a part of that Mission : this proposal cannot appear 
improper as the advantage attending its taking effect must 
be very considerable. 

Our Congregation at Am well rather increases The Pres- 
byterian Congregation 1 attend at Church constantly since 
the death of their Minister the B,ev d Mr. Kirkpatrick, who 
died about a 12 month ago. This Gentleman's benevolent 
disposition and good Catholic Spirit has had its proper 
effects upon his Congregation who are not any ways tinc- 
tured with that rigid severity in their religious notions often- 
times so peculiar to Dissenters. 2 

Our new Church at Kingwood, (about 7 miles distant from 
that other proposed to be built) was begun after Harvest & 
by September the mason work was finished : it is built of 
Stone 30 by 40, and if they proceed with the same Spirit as 
they began I hope by next Fall we shall have it comfortably 
and decently finished. 

The Musconetcunc Congregation increases fast when the 
days are too short for having Service twice I catechise the 
Children, who have already made a considerable progress in 
the principles of the Xtian Religion This Congregation 
consisting chiefly of people but in low Circumstances are 
continually soliciting me to write to the Society for Books 

1 This church belonged first to the Presbytery of Philadelphia, and 
from 1738 to that of New Brunswick. It was organized prior to 1733. 
The house of worship stood in the graveyard on the York Road, 
about half-way between Reaville and Larison's Corner, two and a half 
miles from Ringoes. Rev. William Kirkpatrick was installed as pastor 
in June, 1766, and remained in charge until his death, September 8, 1769. 

* We presume these sentiments were reciprocal. 



JRev. Wittiam Frazer's Three Parishes. 221 

especially Prayer Books. I have already distributed the few 
I carried from England with me am'g my 3 Congregations 
which seems rather to increase their Demands. 

I have since April 1768 till Nov. 1770 baptized 11 Adults 
and 119 Infants, married 17 Couples & buried 2. I have 
drawn on the Society's Treasurer for half year's Salary. 

Nov 6 th [Date of year not given, presumably 1770. B.] 

EEV D SIR, 

In my last to the venerable Society among other particu- 
lars I made mention of a proposal made by two Gentlemen, 
John Grandin & Charles Coxe Esq of Kingwood; and in 
case my Letter should not have come to your hands, I now 
take the Liberty of repeating the s d proposal viz. " That 
they will build a decent and comfortable Church on a lot of 
ground to be given by Charles Stewart a dissenting Gentle- 
man in the neighborhood, for that purpose providing the 
Society could otherwise order a Supply for Musconetcunk 
Congregation and indulge them with a third of my time." 
I also mentioned to the Society the many advantages result- 
ing from such an Establishment and as the Gentlemen are 
impatient to know the Society's Resolution in this respect, 
I should be glad you would inform me by the first good op- 
portunity. 

The state of my Mission at present is much the same as 
it was when I last wrote Our church at Kingwood will, I 
hope, be finished by the Fall I am 

Rev* Sir 

Yours &c. 

May 17 th [1771?]. 

My Letter of 14 th March 1772 contains nothing in par- 
ticular except a few words about Messrs. Coxe & Grandin's 
Church &c. 

While the English Army was in this Province my house 
was almost every night search'd for persons whom I had 
the Bayonet presented to my Breast, and my 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

Family, more than once, Eobbed of Clothing and other 
necessaries; besides terrifying in the most cruel manner 
the dear Companion of my Life and Several small Chil- 
dren. 

MARRIAGE RECORD, 1768 TO 1795. 

[We have rearranged the Marriage Record alphabetically for more 
convenient reference.] 

A. 
1772 Oct. 22 Anderson, Benjamin, to Ann Bird, Kingwood, N. J. 

1779 Dec. 17 Anderson, James, to Jane Slack, Bucks, Pa. 

1780 April 13 Acker, William, to Ann Moore, Am well. 

Oct. 1 Alkins, Thomas, to Margaret Rodman, Bucks, Pa. 

1781 Sept. 13 Anderson, Daniel, to Fanny Anderson, Hopewell. 
1783 June 10 Anderson, John, to Ann Van Kirk, Amwell. 

1787 Mch. 26 Armory, John, Kingwood, to Catharine Vansickle, Am- 
well. 
April 4 Anderson, Joshua, to Letitia Harvey, Bucks, Pa. 

B. 

1771 Oct. 29 Burwell, Jos., to Mary Robins, Kingwood. License. 

1772 May 14 Bray, Daniel, to Mary Wolverton, Amwell. 

1778 Jan. 9 Beans, Jonathan, to Rachel Rogers, Bucks, Pa. 
Mch. 16 Bracker, Amos, to Edith Day, Bucks, Pa. 
Aug. 6 Bye, Hezekiah, to Sarah Pellet, Bucks, Pa. 

Dec. 2 Buckman, Abner, to Elizabeth Bailey, Bucks, Pa. 

1779 April 8 Bray, John, to Rachel Rittenhouse, Amwell. 

1780 Mch. 19 Birddale, Samuel, Amwell, to Elizabeth Canby, Bucks, Pa. 
Nov. 21 Berry, William, to Sarah Harding, Amwell. 

1781 July 27 Buckman, Benjamin, to Ann Jenny, Bucks, Pa. 

Aug. 12 Buckman, William, to Sarah Freeman, Maidenhead, N. J. 

1786 June 14 Buchanan, John, to Azebah Lake, Amwell. 

1787 April 12 Bellis, John, to Ann Bear, Amwell. 
July 5 Bake, Henry, to Mary Higgins, Amwell. 

1789 Sept. 20 Burke, Edward, Trenton, to Elizabeth Downie, Amwell. 
1791 Sept. 1 Barton, Mathias, Lancaster, Pa., to Hattie Cox, Blooms- 
bury, N. J. 

C. 

1769 Jan. 17 Connelly, Jas., to Ellen Kain, Mansfield Woodhouse. 

Published. 
Nov. 15 Colquhoon, John, to Mary Brewer, Amwell. Published. 

1770 May 27 Cooley, John, to Abigail Lippincott, Lebanon. Pub- 

lished. 
1772 Mch. 25 Combs, Robert, to Hulda Combs, Woodbridge. License. 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 223 

1778 Mch. 26 Carlile, Ebanezer, to Sarah Liverton, Amwell. 

1779 Mch. 8 Can, John, to Sarah Keed, Amwell. 

1780 Jan. 16 Cadwalader, Benj., to Hannah Bradfield, Bucks, Pa. 
Oct. 9 Case, John, to Margaret Buchanan, Amwell. 

1781 July 10 Carson, John, to Mary Vancamp, Amwell. 

1782 Feb. 4 Cox, Tench, Philadelphia, to Eebecca Cox, Hunterdon. 
Feb. 26 Carter, Charles, to Alice Clark, Bucks, Pa. 

May 30 Covenhoven, John, to Martha Higgins, Amwell. 
Sept. 1 Case, Tunis, to Elizabeth Landis, Amwell. 
Nov. 3 Card, Andrew, to Mary Cramer, Amwell. 

1783 Feb. 22 Church, Joseph, to Mary Comfort, Bucks, Pa. 

1785 Mch. 13 Cornell, William, to Catharine Miller, Amwell. 

1786 May 17 Covenhoven, John, to Elenor Grandin, Lebanon, N. J. 

1788 Aug. 21 Cooper, Gabriel, Bucks, Pa., to Elizabeth Hoppock, 

Amwell. 

1789 July 18 Clarmont, James Le Eoy, France, to Grace Cox, Sidney. 

1790 Jan. 16 Covert, Bergen, Alexandria, to Ann Housel, Amwell. 

D. 

1778 April 29 Deverall, John, to Ann Reed, Amwell. 

1779 July 13 Decou, Isaac, to Rachel Postlethwaite, Trenton, N. J. 

1785 May 22 Dunn, Isaac May, Philadelphia, to Abigail Tweedy, Lam- 

berton. 

1789 Sept. 20 Doan, Joseph, to Mary Connard, Bucks, Pa. 

1790 June 27 Dilts, George, to Mary Kuhl, Amwell. 

1791 Aug. 7 Dougherty, John, to Ann Foster, Trenton, N. J. 

E. 
1783 July 30 Ent, Daniel, to Elizabeth Douglas, Amwell. 

1786 Nov. 27 Eli, Abner, to Hannah Lacey, Bucks, Pa. 

F. 

1769 Aug. 19 Forman, Dr. Aaron, to Ann Emley, Kingwood. License. 
1777 Oct. 4 Fell, Samuel, to Thamer Russell, Bucks, Pa. 

1779 Oct. 17 Furnace, Thomas, to Mary Hill, Bucks, Pa. 

1780 Jan. 22 Fell, Lenos, to Elizabeth Brown, Bucks, Pa. 
Dec. 24 Fox, Peter, to Elizabeth Ross, Amwell. 

1781 Nov. 18 Farriel, Francis, to Jane Douglas, Bucks, Pa. 
1786 May 4 Featherby, Nathaniel, to Jane Harvey, Bucks, Pa. 

G. 

1768 Sept. 29 Gordon, Robert, to Rebecca Clifford, Bethlehem. Pub- 

lished. 

1769 Sept. 29 Graham, Robert, to Susannah Hall, Amwell. 

1777 Dec. 22 Godown, John, to Mary Rounsavell, Amwell. 

1778 Aug. 18 Green, William, to Mary Stewart, Bucks, Pa. 



224 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

1779 Sept. 23 Godown, Evan, to Rachel Rounsavell, Amwell. 

1780 Feb. 1 Gurten, James, to Elizabeth Tomlison, Bucks, Pa. 
May 7 Graff, Samuel, to Christine Fulper, Amwell. 

June 8 Gilbert, Stephens, to Parmelia Whitten, Bucks, Pa. 

1781 Feb. 15 Geary, Peter, to Ann Pegg, Amwell. 

Mch. 7 Gillespie, Samuel, to Myrtilla Denormandie, Bristol, Pa 

1782 May 9 Gordon, Thomas, to Mary Leovy, Bucks, Pa. 

1783 Nov. 27 Godown, Jacob, to Sarah Lake, Amwell. 
1790 Jan. 13 Gray, Joseph, to Hannah Atkinson, Amwell. 



1778 Jan. 12 Huesley, Ezekiel, to Mary Brown, Bucks, Pa. 

Aug. 9 Hoagland, Derrick, to Catharine Eobins, Amwell. 

1780 June 19 Harvey, John, to Margaret Harvey, Bucks, Pa. 
June 29 Haines, Joseph, to Ann Moore, Amwell. 
Sept. 17 Hull, Thomas, to Rebecca Sherman, Bucks, Pa. 
Nov. 16 Hoagland, William, to Mary Brewer, Amwell. 

1781 Sept. 17 Holcombe, Samuel, to Sarah Emley, Amwell. 

1782 Jan. 10 Headley, John, to Ursula Longshore, Pennsylvania. 
Jan. 15 Hough, John, to Hannah Watson, Bucks, Pa. 

Mch. 7 Humphreys, Daniel, Philadelphia, to Jane Pinkerton, 

Trenton. 

April 11 Hellings, Robert, to Parmelia Opdyke, Bucks, Pa. 
Sept. 1 Housel, Jacob, to Ruth Roberts, Amwell. 

1783 May 29 Holcombe, Thomas, to Mary Holcombe, Amwell. 

Oct. 16 Hendricks, Nicholas, Sussex, to Catharine Mershon, Am- 
well. 

1784 April 11 Harvey, Thomas, to Rachael Merrill, Amwell. 
Oct. 18 Higgins, Nathaniel, to Martha Perrine, Amwell. 

1785 May 4 Hunt, Abraham, Trenton, to Mary Dagworthy, Elizabeth- 

town, N. J. 

May 31 Heath, Joseph, to Sarah Robbins, Amwell. 

July 16 Hyde, George, Kingwood, to Sarah Smith, widow, Am- 
well. 

Aug. 18 Harvey, Abraham, to Jane Gregg, Bucks, Pa. 

Nov. 17 Higgins, Jonathan, to Mary Reading, Amwell. 

1786 Dec. 19 Hoppock, Joseph, to Anna Moore, Amwell. 

1787 May 15 Hoagland, Abraham, to Susannah Nevius, Amwell. 
June 20 Hill, Samuel, to Sarah Trout, Amwell. 

1791 Jan. 27 Hagaman, Aaron, to Charity Sutphin, Amwell. 

1792 July 31 Hoff, Jacob, to Elizabeth Creamer, Philadelphia. 

Oct. 27 Hiltzimen, Thomas, Philadelphia, to Theodosia Imlay, 
Trenton, N. J. 

1793 Jan. 16 Hart, Asa, Hopewell, to Abigail Rows, Amwell. 
April 28 Heister, Jacob, to Dipholt, Trenton. 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 225 



J. 

1779 Sept. 23 Johnson, Martin, to Ann Trout, Amwell. 

1783 Oct. 16 Johnson, Samuel, to Hepzibah Carey, Bucks, Pa. 

1793 April 14 Jones, Henry, to Sarah Cowell, Trenton. 

K. 

1770 Jan. 15 Kester, Paul, to Hannah Beans, Buckingham, Pa. 
Mch. 19 Kitchen, Henry, to Elizabeth Jewell, Amwell, 

1779 Dec. 17 Kitchen, Wm., to Sarah Lee, Bucks, Pa. 

1780 Nov. 16 Kenny, Nicholas, to Merrian Nicholas, Amwell. 

1782 Mch. 16 Kitchen, James, to Ede Wells, Salisbury, Bucks, Pa. 

1783 June 6 Kitchen, John, to Hannah Ely, Bucks, Pa. 
1789 July 12 Kinsey, John, to Patience Sacket, Bucks, Pa. 



1768 Dec. 26 Lake, Abraham, Greenwich, to Elizabeth Lock, Bethle- 

hem. Published. 

1769 Feb. 20 Lunger, Jacob, to Julia Hulsizer, Mansfield Woodhouse. 

1770 April 26 Lowrey, Nathaniel, to Mary Lee, Flemington. License. 
Sept. 9 Livingston, Robert R., to Mary Stevens, New York. 

License. 

1777 Oct. 6 Lukens, Seneca, Bucks, Pa., to Sarah Quimby, Amwell. 

1778 April 15 Large, Stephen, to Elizabeth Golden, Bucks, Pa. 
May 10 Landis, Joseph, to Sarah Calvin, Amwell. 
Aug. 6 Larew, Abraham, to Hannah Hull, Amwell. 

Dec. 17 Louderback, Frederick, to Elizabeth Horn, Amwell. 

1779 Sept. 15 Lewis, Thomas, to Ruth Doan, Bucks, Pa. 

1780 Jan. 14 Lowrey, Wm., Flemington, to Martha Howe, Trenton. 
Sept. 12 Lewis, John, Bucks, Pa., to Rachel Fox, Kingwood. 
Nov. 7 Landis, Samuel, Amwell, to Hannah Heath, Bucks, Pa. 

1781 Feb. 8 Leech, Isaac, Philadelphia, to Sarah Holcombe, Amwell. 
Mch. 1 Low, Cornelius, to Rachel Burroughs, Amwell. 

July 17 Lisk, Abraham, to Jane Thompson, Amwell. 
Nov. 1 Labaw, Charles, to Mary Hull, Amwell. 

1783 July 27 Lake, Isaac, to Elizabeth Godown, Amwell. 

1784 Dec. 4 Longshore, Levi, to Sarah Sutton, Bucks, Pa. 

1785 May 8 Lambert, Joseph, to Mary Tyson, Amwell. 

1789 Nov. 1 Ludwick, Simon, Trenton, to Elizabeth Hanna, Amwell. 

1790 July 20 List, John, to Rachel Quick, Amwell. 

Nov. 20 Luske, Jacob, to Hannah Vansickel, Amwell. 

M. 

1772 May 14 Meredith, Hugh, to Mary Todd, Bucks, PH. 
1777 Oct. 25 Moore, Elisha, to Mary Moore, Hopewell. 
VOL. xii. 15 



226 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

1778 Aug. 8 Masking, Henry, to Euth Harman, Bucks, Pa. 

1780 Oct. 5 Martindell, Miles, to Susannah Harvey, Bucks, Pa. 

1781 Feb. 15 Moore, Stephen, to Martha Burroughs, Amwell. 

1782 Jan. 9 Miller, John, to Mary Winter, Amwell. 

May 23 Mathews, Henry, to Rosannah Wolverton, Bucks, Pa. 

1783 May 24 Moore, Abraham, to Ann Lawshe, Amwell. 
May 28 Marts, William, to Elizabeth Snook, Amwell. 
Sept. 17 Martin, Silas, to Hannah Cooper, Bucks, Pa. 

1784 Dec. 26 Meldrum, Robert, to Kesiah Higgins, Amwell. 

1785 Mch. 15 Morgan, Andrew, to Margaret Ketchum, Hopewell. 
May 29 Morrice, Richard, to Charity Parker, Somerset. 
June 5 Newburn, Jonathan, to Ann Brown, Bucks, Pa. 

1788 Jan. 6 Mitchel, Aaron, to Hannah Hunt, Trenton. 
Mch. 4 Moore, Charles, to Alice Moore, Amwell. 

1789 Jan. 11 Moore, Joseph, to Hannah Landis, Amwell. 
Sept. 6 Marsellus, John H., to Joice Stockton, Bucks, Pa. 

1790 July 6 Marsh, Isaac, to Elenor Griggs, Amwell. 

1792 May 12 Menaugh, Neil, to Abigil Conner, Hopewell. 

1793 May 10 McCraight, Joseph, to Margaret Hart, Trenton. 

N. 

1779 Jan. 28 Newport, James, to Margaret Sparks, Philadelphia. 

P. 

1778 April 26 Phillips, Isaac, to Ann Sharp, Amwell. 

1779 May 19 Peters, John, to Rachel Pownell, Bucks, Pa. 
Oct. 24 Polhemus, Cornelius, to Mary Mershon, Amwell. 

1780 Jan. 31 Plumley, Jacob, to Jane Gonger, Amwell. 
May 31 Pownal, George, to Elizabeth Lee, Bucks, Pa. 
Oct. 25 Paxson, Moses, to Mary Pownal, Bucks, Pa. 

1787 April 5 Pegg, David, to Euphremia Jones, Amwell. 

1791 Jan. 30 Price, Noah, to Lena Sutphin, Amwell. 

Q. 

1772 July 2 Quick, Cornelius, Greenwich, to Elizabeth Quimby, King- 
wood. License. 
Oct. 29 Quick, Jacob, to Jerusha Rose, Amwell. 

1788 April 18 Quick, William, to Charity Busombery, Amwell. 

1789 Feb. 4 Quick, Cornelius, to Ann Johnson, Amwell. 

R. 

1769 Jan. 17 Rice, James, to Esther Smith, Mansfield Woodhouse. 

Published. 

1770 Mch. 3 Reynolds, Thomas, to Martha Pownal, Ainwell. Pub- 

lished. 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 227 

1770 Mch. 19 Bobbins, Benjamin, to Euth Bradfield, Bucks, Pa. 
License. 

1777 Oct. 26 Bobbins, Amos, to Ruth Barnes, Amwell. 

1778 May 17 Bobbins, John, to Catharine Pegg, Amwell. 
Nov. 9 Bice, Thomas, to Mary Hartley, Bucks, Pa. 

1779 Dec. 19 Bounsavell, Fregift, to Allemina Godown, Amwell. 

1780 June 28 Bobbins, John, to Grace Bunyan, Am well. 
Oct. 26 Bittenhouse, Joseph, to Ann Wright, Amwell. 

1781 Jan. 10 Bockhill, John, Pittstown, to Elizabeth Boss, Amwell. 
Mch. 15 Bounsavell, Henry, to Elizabeth Heath, Amwell. 
Aug. 9 Bussell, Malichi, to Denah Kitchen, Amwell. 

1782 Oct. 30 Butherford, Esq., John, to Helena Morris, Amwell. 
1786 Nov. 2 Bockafellow, Andrew, to Hannah Hixon, Amwell. 

Nov. 20 Boberts, Michael, Philadelphia, to Fanny Lourie, Alex- 
andria. 

1789 Mch. 1 Beading, Joseph, to Martha Hill, Amwell. 

1790 Aug. 27 Bockhill, John, to Gaynor Polls [Potts], Kingwood. 
Dec. 6 Bippon, William, to Esther Minon, Trenton. 

1793 June 9 Bunyan, John, to Bebecca Landis, Amwell. 

S. 

1772 Jan. 19 Skelton, Thomas, to Elizabeth Lourey, Flemington. 
License. 

1777 Nov. 16 Stout, Samuel, to Delilah Bunyan, Amwell. 

1778 April 14 South, Hill, to Sarah Liverton, Amwell. 
Nov. 8 Smith, John, to Ann Dilts, Amwell. 

1781 July 26 Snook, Jr., John, to Hannah Coolback, Amwell. 
Sept. 20 Smith, Ephraim, to Bebecca Lewis, Bucks, Pa. 

1782 June 13 Stevenson, John, to Catharine Corshon, Amwell. 
July 28 Smith, Samuel, to Margaret Anderson, Amwell. 

1783 May 18 Scarborough, John, to Elizabeth Kelley, Bucks, Pa. 
June 30 Smith, Joseph, to Elizabeth Patterson, Beadington. 

1784 Feb. 3 Stout, Fregift, to Sendora Gordon, Amwell. 
April 25 Shafer, John, to Margaret Kemple, Amwell. 

1785 Dec. 15 Sutton, Amos, to Jane Bobbins, Amwell. 

1786 Mch. 16 Schenck, Jacob, to Elenor Vanmarter, Amwell. 
Dec. 7 Smith, Burroughs, to Elenor Craven, Amwell. 

1787 Jan. 11 Simson, John, to Agnes Miller, Bucks, Pa. 

1788 Mch. 4 Smith, Phineas, to Catharine Vanhise, Amwell. 
Sept. 6 Sutton, Nathan, to Elizabeth Bobbins, Amwell. 

1789 Nov. 15 Stives, William, to Catharine Vanois, Somerset. 
1793 Mch. 18 Stille, Delare P., to Mrs. Beulah Wharton, Trenton. 

Sept. 8 Sicard, Juli Augustine, to Ann Bogers, Trenton. 



228 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

T. 

1778 May 9 Tomlinson, Joseph, to Hannah Sidetons, Bucks, Pa. 

1779 Jan. 31 Taylor, William, Amwell, to Catharine Wagner, Alexan- 

dria. 
Oct. 9 Templer, Peter, to Martha Severns, Amwell. 

1780 Sept. 14 Taylor, Timothy, to Achsa Johnson, Bucks, Pa. 

1784 Oct. 21 Throckmorton, Richard, to Margaret Howe, Trenton. 

1785 May 27 Thomas, Lewis, to Margaret Casewell, Trenton. 

1786 Dec. 17 Taylor, Samuel, Chester, Pa., to Ann Birdsall, Amwell. 

V. 

1780 Feb. 2 Vancourt, Moses, Philadelphia, to Louisa Denormandie, 

Bristol, Pa. 
Sept. 17 Vancamp, Gilbert, to Charity Thatcher, Kingwood. 

1782 Oct. 13 Vandyke, Dominicas, to Hannah Rous, Amwell. 

1783 Oct. 16 Vanhorn, Cornelius, Readington, to Elizabeth Hoppock, 

Amwell. 

1785 Feb. 27 Vanuxem, Benjamin, to Catharine Dilts, Amwell. 

W. 

1769 Oct. 19 Wright, Sebastian, to Peg De Normandie, Bristol, Pa. 

1770 May 10 Williamson, Wm., to Mary Sutphin, Amwell. Published. 
Aug. 19 Wall, George, to Sarah Kitchen, Bucks, Pa. Published. 

1778 Mch. 23 Wilson, Isaac, to Rebecca Blackwell, Bucks, Pa. 

1779 Jan. 3 Wolverton, John, to Rachel Quimby, Amwell. 

Aug. 19 Wurts, Maurice Morris, to Sarah Williamson, Amwell. 

1781 April 29 Willet, David, to Ann Runyan, Amwell. 
Aug. 12 Wikoff, Jacob, to Susannah Allen, Amwell. 
Sept. 19 Walker, Jonathan, to Jane Low, Amwell. 

1784 Dec. 26 Williamson, Peter, to Charity Qulick, Amwell. 

1787 Jan. 4 Wolverton, Nathaniel, to Parmelia Hudnit, Amwell. 
1789 Feb. 22 Wikoff, Nicholas, to Susannah Flagg, Somerset. 
1793 Oct. 27 Williams, John, to Sarah Munday, Trenton. 

Y. 

1780 Jan. 24 York, James, to Margaret Weddock. 

1784 Dec. 7 Young, Aaron, to Catharine Larison, Amwell. 

1786 April 9 Young, Peter, Lebanon, to Magdalene Rockafellow, Am- 

well. 

1787 April 5 Yoagley, Andrew, to Sarah Davis, Amwell. 



Bev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 229 



BAPTISMAL KECOKD, 1768 TO 1772. 

1768. 

May 12 Bansalaer, the 2nd chd. of Ransalaer & Williams, of 

Trenton. 
June 5 Eachel, an adult [probably colored] of Musconetcunc. 

" 5 Isaac, the 2nd chd. of Isaac & Betsel of Lebanon [Hun- 

terdon Co.]. 
" 19 Ellenor, 3d chd. of Daniel & Mary Cahill of Quakertown 

[Hunterdon Co.]. 
" 20 William, Abel, and Dinah, 6th, 7th, and 8th chdn. of William 

& Elizabeth Lake, of Kingwood [Hunterdon Co.]. 
" 20 William, the 2nd. chd. of Samuel & Mary Pew, of Roxbury. 
" 26 Thomas, 9 th chd. of Richard & Mary Bowlby, of Mansfield 

Woodhouse [Sussex, now Warren Co.]. 

" 26 Hannah, the 8 th chd. of Edmund & Hannah Palmer of Mans- 
field Woodhouse. 
" 26 John, the 3d. chd. of Samuel & Sarah Coleman of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 
Aug. 7 Elizabeth, the 1st. chd. of James & Ann Smith of Bethlehem 

[Hunterdon Co.], 
Sept. 25 Pamela [Permelia?] 1st. chd. of John & Mary Schooley of 

Greenwich [Sussex Co.], 

" 25 Sarah, 1st. chd. of Jediah & Elizabeth Schooley of Green- 
wich. 
Oct. 16 Esther, 3d. chd. of John & Sarah Crawford, of Kingwood. 

" 16 Samuel, chd. of & Fits of Kingwood. 

Nov. 13 John, 3d. chd. of Thomas & Sarah Bowlby of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 
" 13 Sarah, 4th chd. of Samuel & Elizabeth Bowlby of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 
" 13 George, 13 th chd. of Richard & Mary Bowlby of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 
" 27 Ann and James, 1st & 2d chdn. of Job & Martha Throck- 

morton of Kingwood. 
Dec. 4 Hannah, Martha and Katharine, 1st, 2nd and 3d. chdn. of 

Samuel & Mary Severns of Greenwich. 

" 25 John, 4th chd. of Peter & Jane Bowlby of Bethlehem. 
" 25 Thomas, 4 th chd. of Samuel & Sarah Coleman of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 
" 25 Ann, 3d. chd. of Samuel & Elizabeth Bowlby of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 



230 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

Dec. 25 Micajah, Charles, Theodosia and Achsah, 1st. 2nd 3d and 4th 

chdn. of Joseph & Sarah Park of Mansfield Woodho. 
" 26 Elizabeth and Frances, 1st. and 2nd. chdn. of John & Mary 
Cunningham of Greenwich. 

1769. 

Jan. 15 Absalom and Sarah, 4th and 7th chdn. of Benjamin & Alice 
Wilcox of Greenwich. 

" 15 John and William, 7th, and 8 th chdn. of Jonathan & Deborah 
Pettit of Phillipsburg [Sussex Co.]. 

" 15 Jonathan and John, 1st. and 2nd chdn. of Nathaniel & Mar- 
garet Pettit of Phillipsburg. 

" 29 Ann, 1st. chd. of Nicholas & Dorothy Morris of Kingwood. 
Feb. 5 Sarah and Richard, 2nd, and 4th chdn. of Nathan & Mary 
Park of Mansfield Woodhouse. 

" 19 Thomas, 3d chd. of John & Ahitophel Lee, of Lebanon. 

" 26 Ellenor and Ann, 1st and 2nd. chd. of William & Ellenor 
Ledlie of Easton, Pa. 

" 27 John and Joseph, 1st and 4th chdn. of Isaac & Elizabeth 
Jerid [Gerard?] of Bethlehem. 

" 27 Elizabeth, 5 th chd. of Gershom and Alice Barnes of Bethlehem. 

" 27 William, 6th chd. of Henry & Sophia Young of Greenwich. 

" 27 Isaac, 4 th chd. of John & Hannah Everhortpence, of Bethlehem. 
March 19 Charles, 5 th chd. of Peter & Jane Barclay, of Bethlehem. 

" 24 Andrew Pierce an adult married man, Amwell [Hunterdon 
Co.]. 

" 24 Amelia, Rachel, Johanna, Thomas and Lewis chdn. of An- 
drew and Mercy Pierce, of Amwell. 

April 9 Jonathan, Samuel, Mary, and Elizabeth, chdn. of Joseph & 
Mary Hill of Bethlehem. 

" 9 John, Samuel, Mary, Elizabeth, William and Katharine, 
chdn. of William & Ann Hibler, of Bethlehem. 

" 30 Katharine, wife of Samuel Wiggins, of Hard wick [Sussex Co.] . 

" 30 Thomas and William, chd. of Samuel & Katharine Wiggins, 

of Hardwick. 

May 21 Elizabeth and Ann, chdn. of Wm. & Hannah Corns of 
Greenwich. 

" 21 Daniel, Susannah, Mary, and John, chdn. of Lanty & Susan- 
nah Shannon of Greenwich. 

" 21 Abigail, Jane, and Esther, chdn. of Michael & Sarah Henry 
of Greenwich. 

" 28 Elizabeth, chd. of John & Elizabeth Lewis of Amwell. 

" 30 Sarah, nat : child of Sarah Yauger of Amwell, God Father 
Dr. Versilius, alias " Red-cheek Doctor" ; God Mother, Anna 
Cathn. Cook. 



Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 231 

May 30 Mary, natural child of Sarah Adams, Mansfield Wood- 
house. 

June 11 Sidney, chd. of William & Sarah Adams of Mansfield Wood- 
house. 
" 11 James, Rebecca, and Catharine, chdn. of John & Catharine 

Bowlby, of Mansfield Woodhouse. 
July 2 Sarah & Joseph, 7 th & 8 th chdn. of Henry & Jane Kitchen of 

Greenwich. 

2 Joseph, chd. of Thomas & Ann Beers of Phillipsburg. 
2 William, chd. of Ebenezer & Mary Beers of Greenwich. 
" 23 John, chd. of Brian & Elizabeth O'Brian of Lebanon. 
" 23 Sarah, chd. of James & Ann Smith, of Bethlehem. 
" 23 Hannah, chd. of Samuel & Mary Pew of Eoxbury. 
" 27 John, chd. of John & Mary Crawford, of Kingwood. 
" 27 John and Charity, chdn. of John & Mary Connor, of Alex- 
andria [Hunterdon Co.]. 

Oct. 18 John, chd. of John & Mary Cloghar, of Bristol, Pa. 
" 19 William, chd. of Joseph & Bridget Bruton, of Bristol, Pa. 
" 19 Joseph, natural child of Joseph Mcllvaine & Katharine Swan 

of Bristol, Pa. 

" 29 Rachel, wife of William Hunt, of Kingwood. 
" 29 Charity, an adult child of Mansfield & Hunt of King- 
wood. 

Nov. 26 Susannah, wife of John Cogle [Cougle ?] of Mansfield Wood- 
house. 

" 26 Mary and Ann, chdn. of John & Susannah Cogle of Mans- 
field Woodhouse. 

Dec. 25 John, chd. of Nicholas & Dorothy Morris of Kingwood. 
" 25 Elizabeth, chd. of John & Ahitophel Lee, of Lebanon. 

1770. 

May 10 Charles Park an adult married man, Bethlehem. 

" 10 Ann and Samuel, chdn. of Charles & Catharine Park of Beth- 
lehem. 

" 10 William and Ann, chdn. of Edmund & Mary Bowman of 

Bethlehem. 

June 4 John Albertson a married man of Knowlton, Sussex Co. 

" 4 Cornelius, chd. of John & Charity Albertson, of Knowlton. 

" 4 Daniel, chd. of John & Judith Butler of Knowlton. 

" 4 Joseph, chd. of William & Hannah Stringer, of Knowlton. 

" 4 John, chd. of Robert & Ann Allison, of Knowlton. 

" 18 Andrew, chd. of John & Mary Colquhoon, of Arawell. 
July 8 Mary, wife of James Piette [Pyatte?] of 'Alexandria. 

" 8 Benjamin, chd. of James & Mary Piette, of Alexandria. 

Aug. 5 Mary, wife of Wheeler Kitchen, of Greenwich. 



232 Rev. William Frazer's Three Parishes. 

Aug. 5 Jane, wife of Henry Kitchen, of Greenwich. 

" 5 Richard, William and John, chdn. of Wheeler & Mary 
Kitchen, of Greenwich. 

1771. 

Feb. 24 Rachel, chd. of Philip & Ellenor Grandin of Lebanon. 
June 16 James Baird, chd. of Edmund & Hannah Palmer of Mans- 
field Woodhouse. 
" 23 Elizabeth, chd. of Samuel & Sarah Coleman, of Mansfield 

Woodhouse. 

" 23 Mary, chd. of Thomas & Martha Eeynolds, of Amwell. 
" 23 Rebecca, chd. of Cornelius & Rebecca Prall of Amwell. 
July 21 Penelope, chd. of 
" 21 Ellenor, chd. of William & Elizabeth Reynolds, of Kingwood. 

1772. 

March 22 William, son of Revd. Will : & Rebecca Frazer of Amwell. 
God Fathers : Abm. Cottman Esq. and Colin Campbell Esq. 
God Mothers: Mrs. Mary Campbell and Mrs. Elizabeth 
Cottman. 

April 22 Buried Lewis Stevens Esq. of Cornwall, Alexandria. 
May 17 Baptized, Richard, 3d chd. of Edmund & Mary Bowman of 

Bethlehem. 

" 17 Delia, 1st. chd. of James & Margaret Farrar, of Bethlehem. 
July 12 Thomas, 3d. chd. of John & Hannah Everhortpence of Alex- 
andria. 
Aug. 2 Mary, James & Ann, chd. of James & Jane Smith of Amwell. 

9 James, 6 th chd. of Ghershom & Alice Barnes of Bethlehem. 
" 9 James, 3d. chd. of Charles & Catharine Park, of Bethlehem. 

Oct. 25 Isabel, the chd. of and Alexander of Kingwood. 

" 31 Elizabeth, Frances & Jane, chdn. of Thomas & Frances 
Thomson, of Potterstown [Hunterdon Co.]. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



233 



ESSAY OF AN ONONDAGA GEAMMAE, OE A SHOET 
INTEODUCTION TO LEAEN THE ONONDAGA AL, 
MAQUA TONGUE. 

BY REV. DAVID ZEISBERGER. 

CONTRIBUTED BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

(Continued from page 75.) 



Prces 

sing. wakhe"ge or khege, I see 
wasche"ge or sage, you" 
h6ye he " 

6ge or j6ge she " 

plur. unquage we " 

s'wage ye " 

hotige they " 

quntige they (fern) " 

Perf 

sing. wakge"hha or khegehha 
SagShha, you have seen 
Soge"hha he has seen 

og4hha she " " 

plur. UnquagShha we have " 

S'wagtfhha ye " " 

hotig&iha they " " 

guntig^hha (fern) they " " 

future. 

sing 'nkh^ga 

'nsage you " " 

'nhoge he " " 

'njoge she " " 

plur. 'njunquaque we " " 

; nswage ye " " 

Imperative 
Prses. sing, assage or asshege, see you 

pi. as'wage see ye 
fot. sing, n'ashege 



Prces 
Junkhlge 
Jetshige 
t'huwage 
guwage 

plur. tiuncquage 
Jets' wage 
thuwatige 



/ am seen 
you are " 
he is " 
she is " 
we are seen 
ye " " 
they " " 
guwatige (fern) they " " 

Perf. 

Junkig^hha / have been seen. 
Jetsig^hha you " " " 
t'huwag6hha he has " " 
guwag^hha she 
plur. tiunquag^hha, 

jets'wag^hna, ye " 
t'huwatig^hha they " 
guwatig^hha they " 

future. 

I shall see sing, 'njunkhige I will be seen 
'njetschige &c as the Praes 
'n prefixed. 



n'ahoge 



Imperat. 
sing, ajetschige be you seen 

pi. ajets'wage be ye seen 
you shall see fut. sing, n'ajetshige you shall be 

seen 
he " " n'at'huwage he shall be 



234 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

n'ajoge she shall see n'aguwage she shall be 

seen 
pi. n'as'wage ye " " plur. najets'wage ye shall be 

seen 
nahotige they " " n'ahuwatige they shall 

be seen 
n'aguntige(fem)Aey " " n'aguwatige (fern) they 

shall be seen 
Wato, to say. 
Infinitive 

Praes. Wato, to say 
Perf. wat6chne to have said 
fut. 'nwato dicturus esse 

Prces. 

sing, gato / say 
Satoyow " 
hato he says 
wato she " 
pi. unquato we say 
Swato, ye say 

hunnato, they say, or I6nto, it is said 
ogilnto instead gunnato (fern) they say 

Perf. 
sing. gat6chne / have said 

sat6chne you " " 

hat6chne he has " 

wat6chne she " " 
plur. unquat6chne we said 

s'wat6chne ye said 

hunnat6chne they said 

ogunt6chne or gunnatochne 

Future. 

sing, 'ngato J will or shall say 

J nsato you " 

^nhato he " " 

'nwato she " " 

plur. 'nt'wato we " " 

Wwato you " 

'nhunnato they " " 

'ngiinto or 'ngunato (fern) they 

Imperative. 

Prces. 

sing, assato, say thou 
plur. ass'wato, say ye 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 235 

Future Imperative 
sing, n'assato, you shall or will say 

n'ahato he " " 

n'awato she 
plur. n'ass'wato ye 

n'ahunnato they " " 

n'agunto or n'agunato (fern) they shall or will say 

Second Conjugation 

Those Verbs that have &jod on the second or even the third 
Syllable, throw it away thro' all tenses or rather change it 
in i and where in the first Rule the Pronoun in the second 
Person is sa and se, it is in this schi or tschi. e.g. Ticjac or 
Waejac to cut, break, divide. 

Prces. sing. Wagiac / cut also : jcjatowa 

schaic or tschiac you cut jcjatote 

wahajac he cuts jcjatahawi 

wagojac she cuts wojadosko. 

plur. unquajac or t'wajac, we Wajehne, wagiehne, schiehne, 

hojehre 
s'wajac ye wajtntac, wagi&ntac, schiSntac, ho- 

jentac 

hotijac they wajenewdsch, wagienewasth,schieh- 

guntijac (fern) they newasch, hojenewasch 

Perf. sing. Wagiaki, I have cut wajenewdcu, wagienewacu, schiene- 
Schiaki, you wacu, hojenewacu. 

hojaki, he jcji'ntwi, wagientwi, schientwi, ho- 

gojaki she jintwi. 

plur. unqua or t'wajaki, we wajichte, wagiichte, washi or sche- 

ichte, hojicte. 

S'wajaki ye wacjaqua, wagiaqua, schiaqua, hojat 

hotijaki they jcjatschi, giatschi, schiatschi, hojat 

guntijaki (fern) they jejinteri, gienteri or gejinteri, schien- 

teri, hajinteri 
Put. sing, 'ngiic 

'ntschiac waejatdchto wagiatachto, schiatachto, hojatachto 
'nt'kajac (Can in 2 d also be sajatachto.) 
'jagohat 
plur. 'nt'wajac 
'nhotijac 
'nguntijac 

Note. Some preserve the tot. as : waejanori. gajanori, saja, 
haja, unquaja 



236 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

swajanori, hotijanori. 

wajuntiacherong, gajuntiacherong,- sajun,- hajun, t'wajun-s'wa-hoti- 

wacjatonti. sajattinti. 

j d Conjugation 

Those beginning with T keep it in Prses & perf. but omit 
it in the future Tense as : Tajejagaenha, to rise. 

frees, sing, t'gajagaenha Perf. sing. t'gajagaenh6chqua 
tessajaganha tessajagaenhochque 

t'hajagaenha t'haja " " " &c. 

plur. t'wajagaenta 

teas' wajaganha Fut. sing, 'ngajagaenha 
t'hotijagaenha 'nsajagaenha 

'nhajagaenha 
plur. 'nt'wajagaenha 

Tajej&chiac, t'gaj achiac, tessaj achiac-t'ha-t' wa-tess' wa-t'hotijachiac 
Tajejataenha, t'gajataenha, tessaja-t'ha-t'wa-tessiva-t'hotijata^nha 
Tajejatdrichte, t'gaj atorichte, " " " " t'hotijatorichte 
Tidtera. t'giatera, tessiatera, t'hatera, t'watera, tess'watera, t'hotiatera. 
Tiorachtat. t'garachtat, tessarach - t'harach - t'warach - tess'wa - t'hoti- 
rachta. 

Tionochrochqudnnie. tgenochr-tessarochr-t'honochr-t'wanochr-tess'wa- 
nochr-t'hotinochrochquannie. 
Tajegachrd, 
Tioquatos 
Tioquitura 
Tiomtontaricta 
Tiotochqu6s 
Tinntotarichschia. 

Wath6nte, to hear, 
sing. Gath6nte,/ hear 

Sathftnte, you " 

hotli6nte, he hears 

gothonte, she " 
plur. Unquath6nte, we hear 

S'wath6nte, ye " 

hunnath6nte, they " 

gunnath6nte (fern), they " 

Perfect, 
sing. Gathonte'chqua, I have heard. 

Sathont^chqua, you 

hothont^chqua, he " 

gothont4chqua, she " 

plur. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 237 

Future. 

sing. 'ngath6nte, / shall or will hear. 
'nsathtinte, you " " " 

Wazddho, and all beginning the second syll. with z follow 
this rule. 

tentawachtcendi 

tentawatakhe. 

faun, giawi, Sdwi, hawi, unqudvri, S'wawi, hunawi. 

These have in the third person hun or hunna prsefixed and 
in the feminine gun or gunna. 

Watg6ta perf. watgotachqua. 
watequacht^er/". watequachta. 
watewacht, perf watewachta. 

watftenha, " watanhachqua. 

watie, " watiechqua, 

wachtaendi, " wachtaenditing. 

wate or untec6ni " unteconihachqua. 

all reciprocal Verbs, e.g. 

untateri6, perf. untatcri6chne 
untatta esta, " untatacstaehqua. 
untatenor6chqua, love one another. 
untatrehne 

untatfiro, to hew oneself. 
untatenochrochquannie, to salute one another. 
untatenigorhate, cheat one another. 
untattawi, to give one another and many more. 

The following belong to the first Rule too, but have in 
the third Person plur. hoti or hati with altering the perfect. 

Jonorochqua, 
Jonh6to, jonhot6nqua. 
waesta, wachniota. 
wagewa, waniota 
jonuwaz, wanaz 
wachraenge, jonigorhati. 
Echnak, Erashe. 
jSchsai, jonhachta 
wagechte jechser6ni 
jechsar6ni, enawi 
jehawi jon6chto 
waeraeu enaqu 



238 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

wachgaSntha. 

gaje, soje, hoje, unquaje, s'waje, hotije, tajonhe, g6nhe, sonhe, r6nhe 
unqu6nhe, s'wonhe, hotinhe. 

"Waonojichte, throws away the o in the 2 d syll. and is 
wagaenojichte or gaenojechte. 

saenojichte 

honojichte 

pi. unquaeno swae hotinojichte. 

perf. wagaenojichtacherong. 

Tajegochra, to look on. 

Active Passive 

Infin. PrcBS. Tajegachra, to look at or guwagachra, to be looked at or on. 

on. 
Inf. Perf. Taiegachrahha, to have guwagachranha, to have been 

looked. looked at or on. 

" fut. 'ntajegachra*, to shall look 'nguwagachr&, to be looked on. 
on. 

Prces. Prces. 

sing, tekgachra, Hook on. sing. Junkigachrd,, I am looked at or on. 

tesgachra, you " jetsigachra, you are looked at or 

on. 
t'hogachra, he t'huwagachra, he is looked at or 

on. 
tiagogachra, she " t'guwagachr^, she is looked at or 

on. 
plur. t'wagochra, we plur. tmnquagachra", we are looked at 

or on. 
tesswagachra, ye jets' wagachr, ye are looked at or 

on. 
t'hotigachra, they " t'huwatigachr^,, they are looked 

at or on. 

t'guntigachrjt, (fern) they t'guwatigachra*, (fern) they are 

look on. looked at or on. 

Perf. Perf. 

sing. Tekgachranha, / have looked sing. Tunkigachranha, / have been 

on. looked on. 

tergachranha, you have looked getsigachranha, you are 

on. 
t'hogachranha, he has looked t'huwagachranha, 

on. 

tingogachranha, we have t'guwagachranha, 

looked on. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 239 

plur t'wagachranha, we have plur. tiunquagacbranha, we have 

looked on. been looked on. 

teas' wagacbranha, ye have jetsigachranba, ye have been 

looked on. looked on. 

t'hotigachranba, they have t'huwagacbranha, they have 

looked on. been looked on. 

t'guntigacbranba (fern] they t'guwatigachranba, they have 

have looked on. been looked on. 

Future. Future, 

sing. 'Nkga.chT^ y I shall or will look sing. 'Njunkigachra, I shall be looked 

on. on 

'nsgachr&, you shall or will 'njetsigachra, you shall be 

look on. looked on 

'nt'bogacbrsl, he shall or will 'nt'huwagachra, he shall be 

look on. looked on 

'njegachr, she shall or will 'nt'guwagachra, she shall be 

' look on. looked on 

plur. *nt'wagacbr&, we shall or will plur. 'n'tiunquagachra, we shall be 

look on. looked on 

'ns'wagachra, ye shall or will 'njets'wagachr, ye shall be 

look on. looked on 

'nt'hotigachra, they shall or 'nthuwatigachr^, they shall be 

will look on. looked on 

'ntigungachra, (fern) they 'nt'guwatigacbra, (fern) they 

shall or will look on. shall be looked on 

Imperative. 

Frees. Press. 

ting. Tesgachra, look on. sing. Ajetsigachra, be thou looked on. 

plur. tess'wagachrii, look ye on. plur. ajets'wagachra, be ye " 

future. Future, 

sing. 'Ntesgachra, you shall look sing. 'Najetscgacbra, you shall be 

on. looked at. 

n'ahogachra, he shall look on. n'at'huwagachra, he shall be 

looked at. 

n'ajegachra, she " " n'at'guwagachra, she shall be 

looked at. 

plur. n'ass'wagacbra, ye shall look plur. n'ajetswagachra, ye shall be 

on. looked at. 

n'ahotigachra, they shall look n'ahuwatigachra, they shall be 

on. looked at. 

n'aguntigachra, (fern.} they n'aguwatigaChr^, they shall be 

shall look on. looked at. 

(To be continued.) 



240 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hatt. 



COKKESPONDENCE BETWEEN WILLIAM STKAHAN 
AND DAVID HALL, 1763-1777. 

(Concluded from page 122.) 

LONDON February 10, 1772. 
DEAK DA VIE 

I wrote to you the first Day of this Year. . . . 

The Business of Parliament goes on, as I expected it would, 
exceeding smoothly. There was not so much as a Word 
offered in either House against the King's Speech. The 
Commons have voted 25000 Seamen for the ensuing Year, 
without a Division. Every thing else is carrying on without 
Opposition ; occasioned in a good Measure from the Doors of 
both Houses being shut against all Strangers whatever ; so 
that the Patriots having no body to declaim to, are quite 
tired out, and seldom give their Attendance. Lord Temple, 
I am assured, and Lord Chatham, I am told, will neither of 
them enter the House this Session. Lord Camden seems to 
lye entirely quiet. In the City we have an excellent Chief 
Magistrate, by which means, and by the Divisions among 
themselves, the Patriots there are kept under. Even Junius 
has now fairly written himself down. This exceedingly fac- 
tious Writer (who is still concealed) seems to point his Ma- 
levolence chiefly against the King, the Duke of Grafton, 
and Lord Mansfield, his last Letter to whom is universally 
decried as frivolous and groundless in the highest Degree. 
"We are, at length, I hope, after a violent and tedious Hurri- 
cane, on the Eve of as long a Calm in Politicks. Indeed I 
can see nothing to prevent it. Lord North goes on calmly, 
steadily, and firmly ; and as his Hands are strengthened by 
the full Confidence of his Master, who delegates to him the 
Powers necessary to his serving him with Effect, I really be- 
lieve our domestic Government will acquire some Stability, 
and of course our Reputation with foreign States will soon 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 241 

be restored to that Standard to which our Strength, Riches 
and Consideration so justly entitle us. 

Last Saturday at 6 in the Morning the Princess Dowager 
breathed her last. She had suffered much, and with great 
Resignation, under a tedious Illness. Both their Majesties, 
and the Princess of Brunswick were the whole Night in the 
House with her, without going to Bed; and after she ex- 
pired, the King staid till Lord Boston came, to whom, and 
to the other Servants, he gave the necessary Orders. She is 
now in a State far superior to Mortal Praise or Blame; 
where the lying and malignant Voice of Faction cannot 
reach her, but I must needs say, never was a more amiable, 
a more innocent, or a more universally benevolent Princess, 
which many who were supported by her numerous, but 
secretly dispensed Charities well know, and must now de- 
plore. That she interfered in the Politicks of this Country, 
and influenced the King in Affairs of State, I may say, to 
my own certain Knowlege, was utterly void of Foundation. 
You may think this is bold, after the repeated Assertions 
that have been published again and again to the contrary, 
with all the Bitterness and Malevolence and Virulence that 
violent Party Spirit could dictate. Among many other 
Proofs which I could bring of this, I shall only mention one, 
which carries Conviction, I think, along with it. Her late 
Husband, Prince Frederic, died greatly indebted to many 
private People, for pecuniary Assistance, and other Services. 
These Obligations she continued to discharge to the utmost 
of her Power out of her own Income, which certainly was 
the best and most convincing Proof of her Disposition to 
serve them ; and yet there is hardly a single Instance of her 
procuring any thing for any of them from the King. This, 
surely, if she had had the Influence she was supposed to 
have, could not have been the Case. How precarious is all 
sublunary Happiness ! I remember her universally beloved, 
as our good Queen now is. She was the very Idol of the 
People of England : And without any Blame on her Part, 
she has lived to lose the best of Husbands, to outlive several 
of her Children, to see another marry most indiscreetly, 
VOL. xu. 16 



242 Correspondence between William Strahan and David HalL 

another struggling under a dangerous Illness, another a 
Prisoner in a distant Kingdom, and another married to a 
Man that disregards her. Overwhelmed with these accumu- 
lated Misfortunes, and struggling with bodily Distemper, 
Heaven, as a Reward for her pure and blameless Conduct 
through Life, hath seasonably delivered her from the Sor- 
rows of this Mortal State to where the Wicked cease from 
troubling, and where the Weary are at rest. 

The petition against the 39 Articles was heard in the 
House of Commons last Thursday, and rejected by a great 
Majority r as was universally expected. I recollect nothing 
more to write you. With Difficulty have I found time to 
write thus far ; not without encroaching on the Hours gen- 
erally spent in sleep. We are all pretty well just now, and 
desire to be cordially remembered to M re . Hall and your 
young Folks. 

I am ever 

Dear Davie 

Most affectionately yours 
WILL: STRAHAN. 

LONDON Oct r . 7, 1772. 
DEAR DAVIE 

Since my last of August 31 st I have only a few Lines 
from you. . . . 

With regard to public Affairs, I have not much to 
trouble you with. The India Company are determined 
upon sending out Supervisors. They were named yester- 
day, and are Six in Number, to be joined by three already 
there. Mean while, they, with five Millions worth of Goods 
in their Warehouses, which cannot be brought to Market 
soon but at an immense Loss, are in want of present Money, 
which if they cannot raise they must lower their Dividends, 
and contract their Trade. In this Situation they have ap- 
plied to the Ministry for their Advice and Assistance. Two 
Methods are talked of; one, to apply to Parliament, for a 
Renewal of their Charter and an Increase of their Capital ; 
the other, for Leave to borrow an additional Million on 



Cbrrespondenee between William Slrahan and David Hall. 243 

their Bonds. Great Difficulties stand in the way of either 
of these Expedients, so I cannot say which, or if either of 
them will take place. It is possible, however, that this may, 
among other Things, occasion the Par*, to assemble before 
Christmas. 

The Convention between the Turks and Russians is un- 
happily broke off, and they are both preparing to renew 
Hostilities. If they remain long in this State, other Powers 
will every now and then join one Side or the other, and the 
War may insensibly become general, than which nothing is 
more to be dreaded. The State of Poland, the late Revolu- 
tion in Sweden, the Rapacity of the King of Prussia, ever 
ready to encroach on his Neighbours, all weigh in the Scale, 
to damp our Hopes of remaining long in perfect Tranquillity. 
But I still hope these Fears may be groundless. 

Yesterday on the Conclusion of the Pole for Mayor, 
Wilkes found means to procure a Majority, and the Sheriffs 
will return him and Townsend, to the Court of Aldermen 
to-morrow. The Numbers were 

For Wilkes 2301 
Townsend 2278 
Hallifax 2126 
Shakespear 1912 

But as many are known to have polled twice, and many 
more to have presumed to have personated Livery men who 
being now at a Distance could not pole ; a Scrutiny will be 
demanded, which I am persuaded will greatly reduce his 
Numbers, and eventually defeat him. Tho* for my own 
part, I see no great Harm can arise from their permitting 
him to have his Frolick out. The Disgrace that it would 
entail upon the City, and the Affront thereby offered to our 
Sovereign ; in having such a Miscreant raised to that high 
Office, in which he may now and then thrust himself into 
his Presence, are the only disagreeable Circumstances that 
can attend his Success. By next Mail this must be decided 
one Way or other. 

The Removal of Lord Hillsborough, as I observed to you 



244 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 

in my last, is attended with no other Alteration in the Min- 
istry. He is entirely forgot already. That he meditates any 
farther Opposition to the Settlement of the New Colony, as 
a few of his Dependents without the least Foundation, in- 
sinuate, I am certain is groundless. But if he attempts it, 
I will venture to pronounce, that all his Endeavours will be 
fruitless. The Scheme will be carried into Execution, with- 
out Delay, in spite of any little Obstructions he may vainly 
throw in the Way. . . . 

I remain, with wonted Esteem and Regard, 
Dear Davie 

Your faithful and affectionate 

WILL: STRAHAN. 

LONDON November 4, 1772. 
DEAR DAVIE 

I wrote to you the 7 th of Oct r by the last Packett. 

Wilkes, you see, is defeated in his Attempt to obtain the 
Mayoralty ; and I have Reason to think he ever will be ; as 
some of the most respectable among his own Party have 
contracted, for very good Reasons, a great Aversion to him, 
and begin to see through his artful Manoeuvres, which are 
purely selfish, and tend to promote a general Confusion, 
that he may get something for himself in the Scramble. 
But of this Man, I need say no more. If you read our 
Newspapers, you will find enough, and more than enough, 
on so unworthy a Subject. 

The Parliament, you see, as I conjectured in my last, as- 
sembles the 26 th of this Month, in order to take into Con- 
sideration the State of the India Company. The Ministry 
have already rejected the Propositions they made for en- 
creasing their Capital, or borrowing money on Bonds, as 
totally inadmissible, and with great Justice. So they must 
lower their Dividends, and contract many useless Expences, 
and then they may soon be on a good Footing again. I was 
at their General Court last Thursday, when the Directors 
made their Report of the Supervisors. Some spoke against 
the Measure of Supervisors altogether ; some for the Neces- 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 245 

sity and Utility of it; all, against electing the Majority of 
the Supervisors from among the Directors. M r Dempster's 
Speech on this Head was, with Justice, much applauded. 
He observed, that a Variety of Military ; Legal, and Civil 
Talents were requisite for the proper Discharge of so very 
important a trust, (the greatest that had ever been com- 
mitted to Subjects) which, without derogating from the 
Abilities of the Gentlemen nominated by his Brethren of 
the Court of Directors, could not be expected to be found 
among them. In conclusion, it was agreed, that the Form 
of the Commission under which they were to act should 
be printed, and taken into further Consideration that Day 
forthnight; postponing for the present the Nomination of the 
Supervisors, and of the Instructions to be given them. "We 
shall now soon see how the Parliament takes this Matter 
up ; it being allowed on all hands that the Company are 
unequal to the Management of their great territorial Acqui- 
sitions, and cannot fall upon Methods to check the Rapacity 
of their Servants at so immense a Distance. 

Nothing else occurs to me worth communicating. The 
present Ministry not only stand their Ground, but gather 
Strength every Day ; so that a Change is apparently at a 
great Distance. Lord North acts his Part very well. 
Spirited, firm, and cool in his Operations. Neither fool- 
hardy nor over-cautious, he proceeds in a way in general 
unexceptionable, and often praise-worthy. And his private 
Character is without Blemish. 'Tother Day he was unani- 
mously elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford ; an 
Honour very rarely, if ever before, conferred on the Prime 
Minister. In short, from every Quarter it is apparent that 
the People are, in general, well satisfied with our present 
Rulers, and are duly sensible of the many Blessings peculiar 
to this Country. The Discontents and Scurrility with which 
our Newspapers are constantly filled, exist only in them, and 
are the Productions of a few profligate Individuals. You 
must therefore, in considering the present State and Temper 
of this Nation, put them entirely out of the Question, other- 
wise you will be led to make a very erroneous Estimate of 



246 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 

the Times. I had almost forgot to observe to you, that in 
Scotland, the folly of the Directors of the Douglas Bank, 
and the prevailing Luxury of the People there, are likely to 
be productive of very great Distress both to Individuals, as 
well as to the Kingdom in general. Many have failed, and 
many more are expected to give way; and the Want of 
Money is universal. I hope our Countrymen will profit by 
their Misfortunes, and learn to keep their Expences within 
their real, not their imaginary, Abilities. Both there and 
here the Prices of every Necessary of Life are nearly double 
what they were when you left Britain. 

My Family are as usual, and join me in every good Wish 
to you and yours. I remain unalterably 
Dear Davie 

Your faithful and affectionate 

WILL: STKAHAN. 
DEAR DAVIE 

As I have had no Letter from you since yours of Aug* 
4 th and there is no News to transmit to you, but what is 
sufficiently public, I should hardly have troubled you just 
now, were I not unwilling to let a Packet sail, during the 
Sitting of Parliament without dropping you a few Lines, to 
let you know, at least, that I have nothing material to say. 

The House of Commons, you see, have entered upon 
India Affairs without delay ; and their Situation will now be 
probed to the Bottom. It is already sufficiently apparent, 
that there have been great Abuses as well at home as abroad. 
Those few of the Directors who were in the Secret, have 
been extremely culpable, and have wantonly sported with 
the true Interests of the Proprietors, holding out false 
Lights to the Unwary, and representing the Circumstances 
of the Company to be very different from what they now 
appear to be. But the greatest Part of them were actually 
kept in a State of Ignorance ; and tho' their Indolence and 
Inactivity be justly reprehensible, they do not seem to have 
been intentionally guilty of any Deceit. The Object of this 
Enquiry is of great Consequence to the State ; but much less 
so in regard to the 400,000 agreed to be paid Annually, 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 247 

than to the immense Sum they pay to the Revenue for 
Duties, which makes one great Source of the National In- 
come. I see plainly it will take the best part of this Session 
before it is finished ; but they must necessarily come to some 
Eesolution about the Dividend due at Christmas, before 
they break up for the Holidays. My Opinion is, that it will 
be fixed at Six ^ Cent. And in order to disencumber them 
from their large Debts, which are more likely, even with this 
low Dividend, to encrease than diminish, they will possibly 
be permitted to encrease their Capital One Million, which 
will fully answer their purpose. But this, nor anything, 
will effectually restore them, unless great Reformations take 
place in Bengal, and due Attention be paid to the necessary 
Savings at home. One capital Error, they have unhappily 
fallen into ; and that is, keeping up too large an Establishment 
of Troops in times of Peace. This naturally tended to alarm 
the Country Powers, and made them increase their Troops 
in Proportion, so that a large Army there has now become 
unavoidable, which now costs the Company, with contingent 
Expences, not liable to Restriction, an immense Sum Yearly, 
so as nearly to exhaust their territorial Revenues. Were 
these, however, put under proper Management, they would 
still become a Source of "Wealth and Opulence to the British 
Empire. I have dwelt the longer upon this Subject, which 
may perhaps little engage Attention with you ; both because 
it is really of general Concern, and because it is the only 
Topic of Politicks now in Agitation : For every thing else 
goes on very smoothly. No Change in the Ministry so 
much as thought of; the Opposition having gradually 
melted away; nor do I foresee any considerable Debate 
likely to take place this Session. Abroad, you see, all is 
Peace with respect to us. The Dismembering of Polandi 
does not interest us ; and the Turks and Russians are both 
seriously disposed to terminate their Disputes. And to 
crown all, France is in a very debilitated State, loves Peace, 
dreads War ; and, of course, hath not, for Centuries past, 
been so cordially disposed to be upon a friendly Footing 
with us. If, therefore, nothing should occur to overcast 



248 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hatt. 

this fair Prospect, we shall soon see Trade and Manufac- 
tures, and all the lists of Peace cultivated to a higher Pitch 
than ever. We have large and fruitful Territories in every 
Quarter of the Globe ; there can be no Bounds set to the 
Increase of North America, which the more it prospers, and 
the more it cultivates every possible or practicable Species of 
Manufactures worthy itself, the more in my Opinion will 
it add to the Strength, Stability, "Wealth, and Splendor of 
the British Empire ; for if Riches increase in any part of it, 
they will, like Water poured into the Sea, naturally spread 
over the whole Surface. 

I hope you and yours are as well as me and mine are, 
who all join in affectionate Eemembrance of you. I am 
always 

Dear Davie 

Very faithfully and affectionately Yours 

WILL: STRAHAN 

LONDON Dec r 2. 1772. 



LONDON March 3. 1773. 
DEAR SIR 

With the utmost Grief and Concern I heard of my old 
and worthy Friend's Death a few Days before yours of the 
6 th January reached me. I was, for some time, fearful 
somewhat extraordinary was the Matter, and by the Jan** 
Packett wrote M r Tho 8 Wharton so, as he had always been 
extremely punctual in his Correspondence. I will restrain 
myself, and not more than is necessary recall to your Re- 
membrance the irreparable Loss you have sustained by the 
Death of one of the best of Parents and of Men. But I 
must, once for all, give my Testimony to his great and sin- 
gular Worth. In his Youth, he had none of the Levity so 
common to that Stage of Life; yet he was abundantly 
chearful, easy, and social. His Industry was constant and 
unwearied ; and his Oeconomy, even when his Means of 
Subsistence were extremely slender, was such as enabled 
him always to indulge his ardent Desire to do every body 
strict Justice. His Behaviour to his Parents, too, who were 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 249 

in his early Days both in Years and Fortune very much 
upon the Decline, was remarkably dutiful and affectionate, 
sharing with them the small Pittance he was allowed for 
Board wages during his Apprenticeship. In short, in my 
whole Life, and among my whole Friends and Acquaint- 
ance, which are not few, I never knew a Character more 
uniformly upright, steady, and persevering in a Rectitude 
of Conduct, which nothing could ever prevail on him to 
deviate from. This is a just Picture of him before he left 
Britain, which is farther verified and confirmed by his sub- 
sequent Behaviour through Life. As for my own part, I 
have not only lost a Friend for whom, merely on the Score 
of Antient Friendship, and a Similarity of Tempers, and 
Dispositions I valued in the highest Degree ; but a Corre- 
spondent punctual, faithful, and just, my sense of which 
you may read in the Course of our long and extensive Deal- 
ings together. 

As for you, my young Friend, and his Representative, I 
am much pleased to see, by the very decent and proper 
Manner in which you communicate this very distressful 
Event, that you do not need to be told what your Duty is, 
or what is expected from you on this Occasion by those 
whom Providence has now committed to your Care. Happy 
for you, and the rest of the Family, that your Father was 
given to you till you had attained the Years of Manhood ; 
nor can I point out to you a more sure and just Rule of 
Conduct, whenever you find yourself at a Loss how to act 
on any difficult Occasion, than to consider with yourself how 
he acted in such Cases, and as nearly as possible to tread in 
his Steps. You cannot, I will venture to say, tho' you must 
have many excellent Examples before you, follow a better 
Pattern. I will therefore only add a few Words more in 
regard to the feeble and now disconsolate Parent you have 
left. Her infirm Constitution must be still farther weakened 
by this awful and irreparable Blow. Your whole Behaviour 
to her will, I doubt not, be so exceedingly affectionate, duti- 
ful, and attentive, as to make her Loss sit as easy upon her 
as it is possible. You must now consider yourself as her 



250 Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 

and your Brother's Protector ; and upon you it now princi- 
pally depends, whether the Remainder of her Days, when 
Time and her Christian Fortitude and Resignation hath en- 
abled her to acquiesce in the Divine Will, shall he filled with 
any Measure of Comfort or not. Let nothing, not even 
Business itself, divert you even for an Hour from pouring 
into her wounded and almost broken Heart every Consola- 
tion in your Power to administer. Assure her also that 
could it serve, in any Measure, to soothe or alleviate her 
present Distress, she has the friendly Sympathy of me and 
my Family, and in particular of my poor Wife, whose Regard 
to her deceased Friend was such, as made him distinguish 
her with the Appellation of Mother. 

The Books you order are getting forward, and shall 
speedily be sent you ; in two or three Weeks at farthest. 
How our Account stands you will see by our late Letters. 
I shall send you a State of it as it stands in my Books in 
my next. May every Prosperity attend you. Many Ad- 
vantages you will derive from your Father's Industry and 
friendly and irreproachable Conduct ; which I promise my- 
self the Comfort of hearing, from time to time, you make 
the proper Use of. I am with the sincerest Regard your 
Mother's, your Brother's, and 
Dear Sir 

Your affectionate Friend and Servant 

WILL: STRAHAN. 

LONDON July 5. 1775. 
DEAR SIR 

My last to you was dated Febry 6 th since which I have by 
several Opportunities sent you the usual Number of Maga- 
zines, and many of the new Pamphlets regarding America, 
all of which I hope you have received. 

I have your Favour of May 6 th announcing the Arrival of 
D r Franklin. I hope he will be eminently useful in bringing 
to a speedy and happy Issue our present Quarrel, of which 
at present I can see no End. I am particularly sorry that 
Blood has begun to be shed, tho' the Skirmish was but a 



Correspondence between William Strahan and David Hall. 251 

trifling one on either Side. For my own part, if the Colo- 
nies mean to continue a Part of the British Empire, I think 
the Matter now in Dispute might be easily adjusted ; but if 
they intend to cast off all subordination to the British Legis- 
lature (as appears now to be their Plan) I dare say this 
Country will oppose them to the last Extremity ; nor do I 
think any Ministry will dare to do otherwise. It is a pity 
you are so much misled by the Voice of Faction here, which 
is by no means that of the Nation at large ; and were the 
present Ministry dismissed tomorrow, their successors (even 
Lord Chatham himself) must adopt the same Plan of Pro- 
ceedings, with perhaps a small Variation, to make their late 
Opposition somewhat specious. To be sure it behoves every 
Freeman to learn the Use of Arms to be able to defend his 
Property; but on the present Occasion, I hope you will have 
little need of employing them against us, as the Operations 
of the War (if War it must be) will probably be much con- 
fined to the Sea. In any Shape, every Step leads to our 
mutual Destruction. 

I am, with best Compliments to your Mother and Brother 
Dear Sir 

Your affectionate humble Serv* 

WILL STRAHAN. 



252 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 



THE OHIO COMPANY. [We have received the following communi- 
cation from Colonel E. C. Dawes, of Cincinnati, O., in reference to the 
statements made by Heckewelder concerning the Ohio Company. 
(See " Journey to the Wabash in 1792," PENNA. MAG., Vol. XI. pp. 
472, 473.) ED.] 

"The Ohio Company was composed of 1000 shares of $1000 each. 
The shares were payable in government debt certificates, upon which 
one year's interest was due, or to the extent of one-seventh the whole 
amount in land-warrants of 1000 acres. Each share paid $10 in specie 
as an expense fund, and those who paid land-warrants paid an additional 
amount equal to the value of one year's interest on $1000 of debt cer- 
tificates. The contract for purchase of 1,500,000 acres of land at sixty- 
six and two-thirds cents per acre was made in July, 1787. Land-war- 
rants were made receivable for one-seventh the total amount at the rate 
of 150 acres for each 100-acre land-warrant. Government securities 
were then worth 12 to 15 per cent., and land-warrants $10 to $15 per 100 
acres. 

"At the time of making the contract but 250 shares of the Ohio 
Company had actually been taken. The remainder was soon subscribed 
for, and the first payment of $500,000 was made in October, 1787. The 
second payment was not due until certain surveys were completed. The 
success of the Ohio Company in making a purchase on such favorable 
terms stimulated the market for government securities and also for land- 
warrants. 

" In 1789, after the adoption of the Federal Constitution, securities 
advanced so much that many who had subscribed for shares refused to 
pay for them, and 148 shares were forfeited. A number of others made 
but partial payments. 

" Occasional forays by the Indians delayed the surveys, and the break- 
ing out of the Indian war in 1790 stopped them entirely, and also destroyed 
the market for land- warrants and land. Securities continued to increase 
in value. Land-warrants depreciated. The treasurer of the Ohio Com- 
pany held about $200,000 of securities in his hands applicable to the 
payment, besides a large number of land-warrants. So long as these 
securities remained in the Ohio Company treasury the interest accruing 
on them inured to its benefit. When paid to the United States the 
interest ceased. The final payment was not due until the surveys were 
completed, and less payments could not secure a title. Many of the 
shareholders who had bought securities and converted them into shares 
for speculation were clamorous that the contract be given up and the 
residue in the treasury divided, securities to those who paid securities, 
land-warrants to those who had paid in them. Those who had moved 
to Ohio, or intended to do so, on the other hand, insisted that the origi- 
nal articles of agreement which defined the relative value of certificates 
and land-warrants be adhered to, and that every effort be made to secure 






& 3) 



Notes and Queries. 253 

the amount of land actually paid for, and that any funds remaining be 
divided pro rata to all shares, however originally paid. 

" Most of those who had settled on the lands were men of small 
means, and had paid for their shares in land-warrants, which they or 
their fathers had earned by service in the Revolution. The directors of 
the Company sustained the settlers. In 1792 the directors and agents 
met in Philadelphia to effect a settlement of the affairs of the Company. 
While in session, there occurred a financial panic in New York. The 
treasurer of the Ohio Company failed, owing about $50,000, most of 
which proved a total loss. 

" After much delay, a bill finally passed both houses of Congress con- 
firming to the Ohio Company the title to 750,000 acres of land for the 
payment already made, and authorizing the President also to convey to 
it 214,285 acres, to be paid for in army bounty warrants. 100,000 acres 
were granted to the directors of the Ohio Company in trust to be con- 
veyed in tracts of 100 acres each to actual settlers. Of the original 1000 
shares, 148 had been forfeited for non-payment, 83 had been paid in part, 
769 had been paid in full. The 769 only were admitted to a dividend 
of the residuary funds. The 83 were consolidated into 53 shares so 
nearly paid up as to entitle them to a dividend of the full amount of 
lands only. The dividend of lands to each share was 1173 acres. Resi- 
dent shareholders received at once 100 acres per share additional from 
the donation tract. Non-residents were entitled to the same amount if 
each share could furnish a settler within the purchase prior to April. 
1797. 

" There was left in the treasury, after paying all claims, a sum equal 
to $152.48 per share, which was paid to the 769 paid snares in four 
payments. The first, of $104, in 1792 ; the second, of $26, in 1794; the 
third, of $18.72, in ; and the final dividend of $3.76, in 1815. 

" The ' honest poor man,' who paid for his share in land-warrants, 
earned with his blood, received for his original payment of about $17 
cash and his 100-acre land-warrant 1273 acres of land and $130 in 
money, which at the time it was paid would have bought an additional 
3250 acres of land- warrants. (I have in my possession a contract made 
April, 1792, for the purchase of 50 land-warrants of 100 acres each for 
$200.) Besides, he afterwards obtained other dividends aggregating 
$22.50. The speculator who paid in securities purchased at 12 to 15 
cents on the dollar, received back the money he originally invested, 1173 
acres of land, and a donation right of 100 acres beside. 

" The settlement was therefore far more favorable to all shareholders 
than if the original plan had been carried out and the entire amount of 
lands secured, notwithstanding the loss by the failure of the treasurer." 

PASTORAL LETTER OP REV. NICHOLAS COLLIN. The original of the 
following letter has recently been donated by Dr. Alfred Stille" to the 
Historical Society : 

To THE MEMBERS OF THE SWEDISH LUTHERAN CHURCHES OF WICA- 

COA, KlNGSESSING, AND UPPER MERION. 

Beloved in God. 

Whereas it may please the Father of our immortal Spirits to call me 
before I can convene a meeting of you, I deem it a conscientious duty 
to impress this solemn charge on your minds. 

The mixture of nations and religious denominations ; the want of 
order so common in this part of America ; the gradual extinction of the 
Swedish language ; a want of gratitude to some worthy pastors ; and the 



254 Notes and Queries. 

faults of the less worthy, whether of the head or heart; all these causes 
combined in various ways have from an earlier period, but more es- 
pecially since thirty or forty years so impaired these congregations, 
that but a part of those who by the Charter have a right to mem- 
bership merit the same. Corruption of manners and many temporary 
calamities have been and are the visible consequences. Many of the 
Children receive no education ; and both from ignorance and early 
habits become vicious youths. Many persons both old and young fre- 
quent no public worship whatever : some fluctuate between various So- 
cieties, and never become settled in principles and practice. How many 
of the ancient Swedish families have lost opulent patrimonies by their 
debauchery, vanity, idleness ; and by the unhappy connections they 
formed; evil companions, fraudulent dealers, and wicked conjugal 
mates ! That orphans are bound out among strangers ; and that friend- 
less old persons are thrown upon public charity, are great evils among 
the many that arise from the defect of social aid. 

You know how earnestly and frequently I have represented these 
things, both in my sermons and private conversations ; and that Divine 
Grace has enabled me by the exertions of eleven years to effect a con- 
siderable improvement. I beseech you again, perhaps the last time, to 
reflect that God has attached the greatest blessings, both Spiritual and 
temporal, to the faithful performance of social duties, but many woes to 
the neglect of them. Collect therefore all the piety, goodness, knowl- 
edge, and whatever talents among you ; and unite for the service of your 
Creator, your own most important interests, the wellfare of your off- 
spring, and the good of the nation of which you make a part. 

The godly and generous zeal of some pastors, and the solicitude of our 
ancestors have provided an estate, which by good management will fur- 
nish the principal support of Divine Worship and of your spiritual 
ceconomy ; I charge you to preserve and administer it faithfully, as the 
Stewards of God. 

Remain at reast for awhile, unconnected with any other churches or 
religious societies, for you cannot in the present fluctuation forsee what 
is most expedient. 

I cannot recommend a Swedish successor exclusively; but as it' is 
probable that many natives of Sweden will at times arrive in this city, 
and the number of constant residents may also increase, a Swedish 
Clergyman would be very useful to them, both as a Spiritual teacher, 
and a comforter under the difficulties to which strangers are so liable. 
As it was the undoubted intention of your ancestors to benefit the chil- 
dren of their mother-country ; and as Sweden has for a century expended 
great sums for the Mission, of which your congregations have had their 
full share ; it is your duty to allot a part of the revenues for the support 
of such a clergyman, if the Swedish Government should permit one to 
come : which share ought not to be less than one-third of all the annual 
revenues, and yearly value of the parsonage. A well chosen charac- 
ter would prove very beneficial to this country by the communication 
of various interesting knowledge, as Sweden has a great number of ex- 
cellent scholars ; and not less by influencing the moral conduct of those 
who are under his care. I request your serious attention to this 1 If a 
single bad character can occasion much evil, and if the virtues of every 
individual produce many salutary fruits in Society, it is very necessary 
to promote the religious and moral means for the many of all nations 
who flock to this country. In this view not only natives of Sweden 
claim your consideration, but also those of Denmark and Norway, 
whose religious worship and language so much resemble the Swedish, 



Notes and Queries. 255 

that seamen and other persons from those countries frequent the Swedish 
Church during their residence in Philadelphia. 

Two American Ministers will suffice for the three congregations until 
their increase becomes considerable. When the revenue can be im- 
proved by leasing the vacant lots, it would be very beneficial to purchase 
a glebe in Kingsess, and even in Upper Merion after a convenient period ; 
as a clergyman must live among the people in order to be most useful. 

The rights of Swedish descendants must never be surrendered ; but a 
gradual communication of them to others on proper conditions will pro- 
mote religion, and the true interest of the congregations. Let therefore 
persons of good character purchase compleat membership ; let the price 
be equivalent to the advantages thus obtained ; and let the moneys so 
raised be laid out in the purchase of land for the improvement of the 
revenue. 

In the deepest affliction for the loss of my beloved wife who expired 
two days ago after the severest tortures in the epidemic fever, I have 
penned these principal matters of advice in the language of affectionate 
zeal ; leaving particulars to your own discretion. 

With sincere prayers to Allmighty God for his blessing upon you both 
social and personal, I am 

Your faithful friend and Servant 

PHILADELPHIA NICHOLAS COLLIN. 

the !* of October 1797. 

[Mrs. Collin died of yellow fever, and was buried in the " Old Swedes' 
Church-yard." Her epitaph reads : Beneath | repose the Earthly re- 
mains | of | Hannah, Wife of | Nicholas Collin, | Kector of the Swedish 
Churches | in Pennsylvania, | departed on the 29th of September | 1797 
| Aged 48 Years and 2 months. | He erected this monumental | record of 
her piety, kindness, | oeconomy, neatness; her faithful | affection to 
him in many trying I scenes ; of his grief, which shall not | cease until 
they meet in the land | of the living.] 

LOCKWOOD GENEALOGY. We take pleasure in announcing that the 
" Colonial and Revolutionary History of the Lockwood Family," de- 
scendants of Edmund and Robert Lockwood, of Watertown, Massachu- 
setts, 1630-36, and Fairfield County, Connecticut, is ready for the press. 
The work, covering a period of nearly three centuries, will include about 
eleven hundred family genealogies ; also extracts from official colonial 
records of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Maine, 
and other States, and the military records of one lieutenant-colonel, two 
majors, twelve captains, four lieutenants, and sixty privates ; and of one 
commodore in the navy, who served during the War for Independence. 
Particularly interesting will be a number of letters written from "Camp 
before Quebec," in 1776, by Major James Lockwood. The second express 
sent in April of 1775, conveying the news of the battle of Lexington, 
which was countersigned from Connecticut to South Carolina by the 
Committees of Safety, was written by Major Lockwood. Photographs of 
the old homestead, tombstones, and historical papers, and reproductions of 
Revolutionary documents, will further increase the value of the volume. 

LONG ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY. We have received a neat 
pamphlet from this Society, containing the minutes prepared on the 
death of Hon. James Carson Brevoort, the first President ; Mrs. Urania 
Battell Humphrey ; John Greenwood; and Albert Smith Barnes. Mr. 
Brevoort was elected a non-resident member of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania in December of 1858. 



256 Notes and Queries. 

POOR WILL'S POCKET ALMANAC. Among the recent accessions to the 
library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania are a number of Poor 
Will's Pocket Almanacs. From a copy of the issue of 1773, which evi- 
dently belonged to a member of the Pemberton family of this city, we 
make the following extracts recorded on its interleaved pages : 

January. Pleasant weather the forepart of this month to the . . . 
when it began to be very cold and filled the river with ice. 

Feby. 21. An extreme cold day high wind from W. N. W. 

Feby. 22. The cold continues ; Delaware frozen over. 

June 8. Came to David Buckman's in Newtown, Buck's Co., with son 
Phineas, nurse and Biddy. . . 

July 10. Went up with D r Smith to son Phinny at Buckmans, on a 
message received of his being very ill. 

Aug. 7. Went up to Buckman's with daughters Sally and Molly on 
5th and returned on 7th. 

In a copy of the issue for 1795, we find the following recorded : 

5 mo. 1, 1795. Put 200 dolls, into Messrs Bartram's hands for 

ting types for Concordance . . . 75 -- 
yd to him ....... 28, 6, 8 



getting 
J. Bod t 



103. 6. 8. 

5 mo. 8, 1795, Bought a Bill of John Wilcox for 100. Sterling cost 
460 Dolls. at the Mutual Eisk of the subscribers to be expended in 
purchasing a fount of Types for Printing Cruden's Concordance. 

ISAAC COLLINS, 
STACY BTJDD, 
ARCH D BARTRAM. 



PORTRAITS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. A small print, lettered: 
" Doctor Benjamin Franklin. Engraved by W m Evans, from an original 

Eicture (the last painted) in the possession of D r Jas. Hamilton. Pub- 
shed for Lackington, Allen & Co. Jan. 1. 1804," appears to be from a 
hitherto unknown painting. Who was the artist ? H. 

STOFFEL WAGNER'S TAVERN. In a letter of my grandfather, written 
in 1795, in which he gives an account of a journey made on horseback 
to the North Branch of the Susquehanna, he refers to " Stoffel Wagner's 
Tavern," where he passed the night without being " pestered by bed-bugs 
or any of their connection," and where for supper and breakfast " the 
finest brook trout were served." Where was this tavern ? 



STOFFEL WAGNER'S TAVERN. This tavern stood on the road be- 
tween Philadelphia and Bethlehem, about a mile south from Heller- 
town. It was built about 1752, on a tract of one hundred and eighty- 
four acres, patented to Wagner by Thomas and Richard Penn in June 
of that year. William Bradford, in 1755, printed a pamphlet "Ac- 
count of distances from the city of Philadelphia, of all places of note 
within the improved part of the Province of Pennsylvania" in which 
" Stephen Waggoner's" is given as ten miles north of Swamp Meeting 
(now Quakertown), and five miles south from Bethlehem. Lafayette 
rested at Wagner's on his way to Bethlehem, after being wounded at 
Brandywine. Subsequent to 1812 it was known as Woodring's Tavern. 




ANDREW JACKSON 

. a PavnriJijj' pit 



THE 



PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



YOL. XII. 1888. No. 3. 

THE LIFE AND SEKVICES OF 
JOEL K. POINSETT. 

(Concluded from July Number.) 

n. 

Mr. Poinsett asked for his recall in 1829, and his request 
was granted without difficulty. He reached this country at 
a very critical period, the era of the nullification excitement, 
and he prepared to take an active part in the controversy 
as the champion of the Union party of his State. On his 
arrival in Charleston he was received and welcomed hy his 
friends without distinction of party as a man who had done 
honor to his native State. On inquiry he found that while 
a large proportion of the inhabitants both in the city and 
the State were dissatisfied with the duties levied by the tariff 
of 1828, they wholly disapproved of the violent measures 
proposed by the Nullifiers in order to resist their payment, 
but many of the leading men on the Union side seemed to 
doubt whether it was possible to stay the torrent which was 
sweeping the people of the State into an attitude of defiance 
against the General Government. Mr. Poinsett, however, 
was hopeful, and he tried to inspire hope in others. He suo 
Yol. xii. 17 (257) 



258 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

ceeded so well that at the next election (in 1830), which was 
conducted by both sides with great energy, the Union party 
in the State was successful, electing a majority of the mem- 
bers of the Legislature. His associates in this conflict bear 
names identified with the history of Carolina as among the 
most distinguished of her citizens, Colonel William Dray- 
ton, Judge Huger, James L. Petigru, Thomas S. Grimke, 
the Richardsons of Sumter, Judge David Johnson, Judge 
O'Neal, the Pringles, and a host of others. Mr. Poinsett 
was elected Senator from the Charleston district. In Co- 
lumbia he met face to face with his late violent opponents, 
and although he and his friends maintained such pro- 
nounced opinions in favor of the Union, such was the 
character and bearing of the leading men on both sides, that 
the wide difference of sentiment between them led to no 
unseemly want of courtesy or even of cordiality in their 
personal intercourse. 

The position taken by the Nullifiers in their controversy 
with the United States Government at the beginning, and 
consistently maintained by them to its close, was simply this : 
" That any one State may not only declare an act of Con- 
gress void, but prohibit its execution ; that they may do this 
consistently with the Constitution ; that the true construction 
of that instrument permits a State to retain its place in the 
Union, and yet be bound by no other of its laws than those 
it may choose to consider as constitutional." It is to be re- 
membered that Mr. Calhoun and his friends whom he had 
convinced by his metaphysical subtleties always insisted 
that the doctrine of nullification was remedial only and not 
revolutionary, and that it was a reserved right (resembling 
the tribunitian power in Rome) on the part of each State, to 
be employed in the last resort to force the others to do it 
justice. Against such a colossal heresy, as Mr. Madison 
called it, the Union party, headed by Mr. Poinsett and his 
friends, protested with extraordinary vigor for more than 
three years, and they became, amidst many discouragements 
and much personal danger, the warm supporters of the Gen- 
eral Government in its efforts to maintain its authority in 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 259 

South Carolina as it did everywhere else throughout the 
country. It should not be forgotten, too, that the Union 
party was quite as much opposed to the provisions of the 
tariff of 1828 as their opponents, hut they looked for a 
remedy to the methods prescribed by the Constitution of 
the United States itself, and not to the annulling of a federal 
law by the alleged sovereign power of one of the States. 

The following sketch of the events of the " Nullification 
Era" in South Carolina, as it is called, written by Dr. Joseph 
Johnson, a friend of Mr. Poinsett and an eye-witness of 
most of the proceedings, seems so clear, accurate, and com- 
plete, and explains so fully Mr. Poinsett's connection with 
the movement, that we cannot do better than to present the 
life-like picture which he has drawn to the reader : 

" The foreign Enemies of our Commerce were hostile to 
our manufacturing establishments, & tried to crush them by 
various means. One of their plans was to deluge the 
United States with the coarse fabricks of their establish- 
ments. Protective Duties were imposed on all such impor- 
tations. In some cases they were so heavy, as to exclude 
such articles altogether, & thus produced an effect on Com- 
merce unlocked for & not intended. The freights of vessels 
returning from India & China were much reduced by the 
exclusion of these bulky articles, & their Profits diminished. 
The Southern States who were but slightly engaged in either 
Commerce or Manufactures, had liberally voted taxes for the 
encouragement of both, as national concerns. Their being 
willing to sacrifice so much for the public good, roused the 
manufacturers to impose much heavier Duties on most of 
the Articles of which the South was the chief Consumer. 
Many of those Articles were made to pay 40 ** C* on their 
first Cost, & the Southern Orators in their declamatory ad- 
dresses inflamed the minds of their hearers by asserting that 
this was taking from them $40 out of every $100 which they 
earnd by their daily labour. M r MDuflie insisted that the 
Genr 1 Govern* imposed on the South these unequal and un- 
just Taxes to oppress them, & by these imposts took from 
every Cotton Planter, forty Bales of every hundred that he 
could send to market. This was called MDuflie's forty 
Bale Theory, & many believed it. In vain was it explained 
to them by the Union Party, that this was an exaggerated 



260 The Life ami Services of Joel E. PoinseU. 

statement of the grievances which no one in the South ap- 
proved. In vain was it showed to them, that if this were 
true, they would now be obliged to pay from one third to 
one half more for their blankets Clothing, Salt, Sugar, Tea 
& coffee than they had always been accustomed to pay. 
They all used, they all bought, they all knew the former 
cost of such things, & could readily say whether they now 
paid more for them, in any thing like that proportion stated 
by Calhoun, MDuffie, Hamilton, Hayne, Turnbull & others 
of their public men. That as to the inequality of the Im- 
post, it was not possible to impose any Tax that might not 
bear unequally on some State or States, according to its or 
their peculiar habits or fashions. That every act of Con- 
gress extended alike over every State in the Union, & all 
had equal rights to establish the Manufactories favored by 
these imposts. That they were not imposed to favor any 
portion of our common Country, but to protect all the U. 
States against foreign Nations, & prevent them from crush- 
ing our infant establishments by their overwhelming Capital, 
their greater practical skill & experience, & the improved 
construction of their machinery. That the South had an 
equal right with the North to profit by these regulations, & 
instead of disputing about them with the North, to go & do 
likewise, to establish similar manufactories, and avail them- 
selves of their black population the cheaper description 
of operators. The public mind became more & more ex- 
cited against these heavy imposts, which unquestionably 
bore unequally on the South, as they were not manufac- 
turers of the protected articles ; & at the ensuing election 
the Nullifyers prevailed by majorities in both branches of 
the Legislature. 

" In 1828 at the Annual Meeting of the Legislature, a 
Com** 6 was appointed to consider & report on Governor Tay- 
lors Message in reference to the Tariff. A resolution was 
adopted ' That it is expedient to protest against the uncon- 
stitutional ity & oppressive operation of the System of pro- 
tecting duties, & to have such protest entered on the Journals 
of the Senate of the United States. Also to make a public 
exposition of our wrongs & of the remedies within our 
power, & to communicate them to our Sister States, with a 
request that they will cooperate with this State in procuring 
a repeal of the Tariff for protection, & an abandonment of 
the Principle, & if the repeal be not procured, that they will 
cooperate in such measures as may be necessary to arrest 
the evil.' 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 261 

" This select Com* 8 consisted of James Gregg, D. L. Ward- 
law, Hugh S. Legare, Arthur P. Hayne, W m C. Preston, "Will* 
Elliott, & R* Barnwell Smith. They reported an Exposition 
& Protest which was adopted on the 19 th of Dec r 1828, or- 
dered to be printed & appeared in Pamphlet form early in 
1829. These Pamphlets were diffused far and wide, read 
by most people of ^reflection, & commented on in all the 
public journals, variously according to the various opinions 
of their editors or Patrons. The Report admitted that a 
Tariff on Imports may be so arranged as to encourage man- 
ufactures incidentally, by imposing duties for Revenue, on 
articles now manufactured within the U. States : but asserted 
that the Tariff of 1828 was not so arranged ; that it was un- 
equal and oppressive on the South & S Western parts of 
the Union, and was not necessary for Revenue, but declared 
to be for the promotion of manufactures. That the Protec- 
tive System is therefore unjust, Oppressive, & unconstitu- 
tional ; imposing such Duties on Commerce & Agriculture, 
for the avowed purpose of promoting manufactures : & im- 
posing them on the South to favor the interests of the 
North. That it was unconstitutional, as it was not imposed 
for the purpose of raising a Revenue, & ought to be resisted. 
That each State in the Union is a Sovereignty, & has as 
such a perfect right to judge for itself the violations of its 
Rights, & a perfect right to determine the mode & measure 
of its resistance. That in the present case Nullification is 
the rightful Remedy, & if properly carried out, is sufficient 
to protect South Carolina from the unconstitutional pro- 
ceedings of Congress. * They therefore solemnly protest 
against the System of protecting Duties, lately adopted by 
the Federal Government.' 

" No further measure was taken, at this session of the 
Legislature, but the subject continued to agitate the public 
mind, & the discussion was kept up with zeal & animation 
on both sides. The Union men urged that whatever may 
be the weight or inequality of the Tariff, they felt it in an 
equal degree with their fellow Citizens of the other party. 
That they too had endeavored to prevent it from being im- 
posed to the present extent, but now that it was imposed, 
resistance by force or unconstitutional measures, would only 
make things worse, & perpetuate the evils of which they 
complained. That in 1816 M r Calhoun & other influential 
Southerners, with the best of motives, had brought forward 
this System, & imposed prohibitory Duties on Coarse Cotton 
Fabrics, usually imported from India, by which the Shipping 



262 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

Interests of the North had suffered heavily. That although 
they complained, they did not resist an Act of Congress, 
imposed for the protection of manufactures of that descrip- 
tion. Some of them withdrew a portion of their Capital 
from Commerce & united in extending manufacturing estab- 
lishments of various descriptions. They now find that these 
new & finer fabrics require protection in proportion with the 
first & coarser kinds. 

" In these great changes the North did not all concur ; 
they who had first adventured, feared that they would be 
sufferers by the great competition in their own markets, & 
the value of their Stock on hand be depressed. A meeting 
of Merchants & Manufacturers in Boston was held in Nov* 
1827. They showed how much they were opposed, and on 
what strong grounds to such sudden & such great Changes ; 
such interference by Congress in the Concerns of Trade & 
manufactures. The Union men concurred in the impolicy of 
such measures as were pursued, but as to their being uncon- 
stitutional, there were strong grounds for a different opinion. 
That in the Administration of Gen 1 "Washington in a Con- 
gress mostly composed of those who had been members of 
the Convention, in which that Constitution had been 
framed, discussed & adopted ; the second Act of that Con- 
gress, had the following Preamble 4 Whereas it is necessary 
for the support of Government, for the discharge of the 
Debts of the U. States, & for the protection & encourage- 
ment of Manufactures, that Duties be laid on Goods, Wares 
& Merchandise be it therefore enacted.' This Act was sanc- 
tioned & signed by President Washington & its principles 
adopted. Although the Federal Party lost their influence 
at the close of M r J. Adams' Administration, this doctrine 
of Protection to Manufactures continued among the Demo- 
crats who succeeded his Administration, & was advocated by 
Jefferson, Madison & Monroe. 

" Gov r Miller's term as Governor of S C* passed off with 
some increase in the proportion of Nullification Representa- 
tives & in his declaration of * the Right to Fight.' The other 
Southern States appealed to in the exposition of S Carolina 
would not countenance or unite with them in Nullification 
doctrines. It was demonstrated that such Duties were paid 
by the Consumers of the Articles thus taxed, and by each 
portion of the Union in proportion to the population of such 
Consumers in that portion. That the Northern portions 
were much more populous than the South, & the adjoining 
States to S C* much more populous than herself, therefore 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 263 

greater consumers in proportion & that they would not unite 
in her Crusade. They considered S Ca a too sensitive of her 
grievances, and trusted that these however oppressive and 
offensive could be & would be remedied by constitutional 
measures much better than by force. That as to the Perfect 
Sovereignty of the State this existed previous to the adop- 
tion of the Federal Constitution, but a part of it was then 
given up by each State to the Federal Government, to obtain 
their Guarantee of all their other public & private Rights. 
Dnder that Constitution all the States yielded their Sov- 
eign Rights to inlist Troops, to declare & carry on War ; to 
make Peace; to negotiate Treaties with foreign nations; to 
regulate Commerce ; to coin Money; to issue Bills of Credit; 
to establish a Federal Court ; & to impose Duties & Taxes 
on Goods, Wares & Merchandise. The obligations thus 
assumed by the Federal Government on the grant of these 
powers, embraced yet another viz that all the States should 
possess equal rights and privileges ; and this carried with it 
an Obligation to prevent any State from assuming Rights & 
Privileges not enjoyed by all or any of the Rest. That the 
Federal Gov* was thus bound to prevent S Car* from enjoy- 
ing her assumption of Rights, under the Nullification Acts 
& Ordinance. 

" James Hamilton J r was elected Governor in Dec r 1830. 
The so called American System continued in its strength, 
notwithstanding these statements & remonstrances, & on 
the 14 th of July 1832 an Act was passed called an Amend- 
ment of the Tariff. It indeed altered some of the Imposts 
by increasing those on articles consumed in the South, & 
reduced those only that were mostly used in the North. It 
was still more oppressive on the South & rendered the dis- 
satisfied desperate. In Octob r Gov r Hamilton issued a Proc- 
lamation convening an Extra Session of the Legislature of 
S C a . They met accordingly on the 22 d Octob r 1832 & the 
Governors message was delivered on the same day. In it 
he says, < The Tariff Act of 1832 is in point of Fact a Law 
by which the consumption of the manufacturing States is 
nearly relieved of all burdens on those Articles which they 
consume & do not produce, & under the provisions of which 
they are secured in a bounty, on an average of more than fifty 
^ r C* on the productions of their Industry, whilst it taxes 
our consumption to an equivalent amount, & the exchange- 
able value of our products in a much more aggravated 
ratio.' 'Articles of Luxury are selected as the Objects of 
comparative exemption from all burden, whilst those of 



264 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

necessity bear nearly the whole brunt of the Imposts. Iron, 
Cotton & Woolen fabrics, Salt & Sugar are burthened with 
a Tax quite equivalent to an average of seventy five ^ r C fc 
on the first Cost ; whilst the Teas, the Coffees, the Silks & 
the Wines of the Rich, enjoy a most unjust discrimination 
in their favor. Levying at least three fourths of the whole 
amount of the Federal Revenue on the industry of the 
Southern States.' He concludes by recommending the im- 
mediate call of a Convention, ' as it was in every respect 
desirable that our issue with the General Government, 
should be made before the meeting of Congress.' 

" An act was accordingly passed, ordering an election of 
Delegates to a State Convention. * The number of Delegates 
from each election District, to be the same as the present 
number of Representatives and Senators in the Legislature 
united.' 

" The ratification of the Convention Bill was followed 
in Columbia by a discharge of Cannon and Music from 
a Band, but the Band (mat d, propos) struck up ' Yankee 
Doodle.' 

" The Union Party in S Car a very properly considered this 
Convention of the State a Critical movement, pregnant with 
dangerous consequences. They therefore also called a con- 
vention of the Union Party to be held at the same time & 
place. The Members of the two Conventions met accord- 
ingly in their separate Places ; they eyed each other with 
suspicion at meeting in the Street, bowed coolly but politely 
& were evidently on the watch if either should commit itself 
by intemperate or illegal acts. The Union Members of the 
State Convention offered objections to the legality of its 
constitution the members having been elected as if for 
Taxation representing Property & persons not as Delegates 
from a People in a primary Assembly. But this & all other 
difficulties were promptly overruled by the opposite Party, 
who followed their leaders. An Ordinance was accordingly 
ratified ' for Arresting the operation of certain Acts of the 
Congress of the U. States, purporting to be laws laying 
duties & imposts on the importation of Foreign Commodi- 
ties.' To this Ordinance was attached an address to the 
people of S Car a said to have been written by Rob* L. Turn- 
bull EsqV and another to the people of the U. States written 
by Gen. M c Duffie & prefixed to the whole was an exposition 

1 " In this he announces ' We have resolved that until these abuses 
shall be reformed/ no more Taxes shall be paid here" 



The Life and Services of Joel R. PoinseU. 265 

or Introduction written by Gen 1 R fc Y. Hayne. The Ordi- 
nance itself is said to have been drawn up by Judge W m 
Harper. It was signed by Gov r Hamilton & by all the State 
Rights' Members of the Convention 136 in number. The 
Legislature met in a few days after the Ordinance was pub- 
lished. Gov r Hamilton's Message urged on them the duty 
of providing for inforcing that Ordinance. 

"They accordingly passed the Replevin Act To carry 
into effect in part an Ordinance to Nullify certain Acts of 
Congress &C &C Also < the Test Oath Act' by which all 
Officers Civil & Military, were required to take the Oath or 
lose their Offices. Also An Act to regulate the Militia, & 
another to provide for the Security & protection of the State 
of S Carolina. 

" These energetic Measures did not proceed without ex- 
citing suitable attention & corresponding measures, both in 
the Union Party of S Car a , & in the heads of the Federal 
Govern*. The Administration employed agents in Columbia 
who silently condensed the transactions of each day & sent 
the dispatch off every night to Wash'gton, under cover to 
a person or name there, who was unknown or could not be 
suspected. The Union Convention continued its meetings 
also in Columbia, & on the 14 th Dec* 1832 adopted an address 
& series of Resolutions exposing the illegality & injustice of 
the measures lately adopted by the Party in power. Among 
many other objections it declared those measures not only 
revolutionary but essentially belligerent, & that the Natural con- 
sequences would be Disunion & Civil War. That it betrays 
all the features of an odious Tyranny to those Officers Civil 
& Military, who holding their appointments legally, accord- 
ing to the Laws & Constitution of S Car*, were suddenly 
excluded, without impeachment, trial or conviction, by the 
new imposition of a Test Oath. To the members of the 
Union Party opposed to these Nullification Measures, who 
amount to the respectable Minority of more than 17,000 
votes these measures are equally despotic, oppressive, & im- 
politic. These measures produce irreconcilable opposition, 
in the bosom of their own State, with that large & respect- 
able Minority, who being equally opposed to the oppressive 
Tariff, cannot unite in such measures to effect its repeal. 
4 Disclaiming all intention of lawless or insurrectionary vio- 
lence, they hereby proclaim their determination to protect 
their Rights by all legal & constitutional means, unless com- 
pelled to throw these aside by intolerable oppression.' This 
document was published with the signatures of 182 of the 



266 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

Union members, headed by their Presid* the Venerable 
Thomas Taylor of Columbia. 

" The Inaugural Address of Gov r Hayne on the 10 th Dec* 
1832 was in his usual fluent & happy style but replete with 
denunciations against the Federal Govern* & vaunted State 
Rights & the perfect Sovereignty of South Carolina. He 
then told the assembled Senate & House of Representatives, 
that it was their Duty to provide for carrying fully into ef- 
fect the Ordinance of the Convention & defend it with their 
lives. 

" The Legislature accordingly proceeded to pass the fol- 
lowing Acts : 

"An Act concerning the Oath required by the Ordinance 
passed in Convention at Columbia on the 24 th day of No- 
vemb r 1832, which imposed the Test Oath on all Officers, 
Civil & Military, in S Carolina. 

"An Act to carry into effect in part, An Ordinance to nul- 
lify certain Acts of the Congress of the U. S., purporting to 
be Laws laying Duties on the importation of foreign Com- 
modities, from & after the 1 st day of Feby 1833. 

"An Act to provide for the security & protection of the 
People of the State of S Carolina, by which the Governor 
was authorised to accept Volunteers & to call out the Militia 
for the purpose of resisting any attempt of the Federal Gov- 
ernment to inforce the payment of Duties on importations, 
either by an overt act of coercion, or by an unusual assem- 
blage of naval or military forces, in or near the State. 
Also to authorise a Replevin on all such seizures by officers 
of the Federal Government. 

"On the receipt of these Documents, Presid* Jackson 
issued a Proclamation to the people of S. Carolina & sent a 
message to the two houses of Congress. In the Proclama- 
tion he appeals to their Reason, Patriotism, & Sense of Pro- 
priety, & then declared his determination to inforce the Laws 
of the U. States notwithstanding the measures adopted in 
S Carolina. It was dated 16 th Jan'y 1838, very ably drawn 
up & believed to have been written by the then Secretary 
of State Edward Livingston. The Legislature of S Carol* 
being then in Session, Gov r Hayne sent them these Docu- 
ments from Washington & with them, his own Proclama- 
tion. The House of Representatives in S Car* referred the 
whole to their Com tee on Federal Relations, & adopted a 
series of Resolutions, commenting on the Course of Pro- 
ceedings & confirming their own determination to resist. 
Having received lately about $200.000 from the Fed 1 Govern 4 , 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 267 

as a balance due to S Car*, the Legislature voted the whole 
of it for the purchase of Arms & other Munitions of War. 1 
" Here then was S Carolina completely at issue with the 
Federal Government, both arming for attack & defence. 
Presid* Jackson ordered seven Revenue Cutters & the Sloop 
of War Natchez Com: Zantzinger to rendezvous in Cha 8 ton 
Harbor the whole under the command of Commodore 
Elliot. He likewise ordered 700 additional U. S. Troops 
to rendezvous at Cha'ton & garrison the Forts, all of which 
were in possession of the Gen 1 Govern*: the whole were 
under the Command of Gen 1 Scott. A Company of U. S. 
troops had for five or six years occupied the Citadel in 
Cha 8 ton. They were called upon to give it up, & they 
promptly complied. The Officers of the State & of the 
General Govern* were polite to each other, but it was other- 
wise with the two parties of the Inhabitants, the Union men 
& the Nullifyers. They had many irritating occurrences at 
their Elections blows & broken heads were not uncommon, 
& some Duels occurred. When Volunteers were called out 
by the State to ' suppress Insurrection & Treason, they knew 
that such charges could not apply to the Govern* Troops ; 
& that however unjust to the Union Party hitherto, they 
now felt that they must enrol themselves for self protec- 
tion. They appointed a Central Com* 88 of which M r Poin- 
sett was the Ch r man. The military divisions were soon ar- 
ranged, the Officers selected, & the places of rendezvous 
assigned to each Company. A sufficiency of arms & ammu- 
nition was obtained from Gen 1 Scott, & distributed subject 
to the call of the Union Officers respectively. Both Parties 
had their separate respective places of meeting, for harmo- 
nious consultation & arrangements. One of these Places 
occupied by the Union men was conspired against by a 
large body of the Nullifyers & the entrance surrounded at 
night. Several of their most respectable leaders tried to 
prevent it but could not, the public mind was much ex- 
cited; they sent to M r Poinsett apprising him of it, asking 
him to persuade his friends to retire by a different entrance 
from that in common use, but M r P. returned an Answer 
that they would defend themselves if assailed. Anticipating 

1 " In conformity with Goy r Haynes Orders, the Adj* General John B. 
Earle issued his proclamation for Volunteers ' to suppress insurrection, 
repel invasion & support the Civil Authorities in the execution of the 
Laws.' The Governor likewise issued Circular Orders to each Regiment 
to examine & Report suitable Depots for Provisions &C, on the most 
direct routes from their several Muster Grounds towards Charleston." 



268 The Ltfe and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

such an occurrence, he had provided strips of white Cotton 
to be tied on the right arm of each Union man, that they 
might be known to each other in a mtlee ; he also provided 
from a Coopers Shop the but ends of their hoop poles as 
Sticks to arm his party. He & Col W m Drayton were ap- 
pointed by acclamation for the Command, & they selected 
other persons as Lieu* 8 to command each a Squad. These 
arrangements were soon perfected, & the "Union Party 
marched out three abreast in fine order. Marching up 
King Street they found themselves followed by the crowd 
of Nullifyers, that they had passed at the place of their 
meeting. The Union Party halted, formed across the Street, 
& demanded that their opponents should immediately dis- 
perse or they should be attacked by the Union men. The 
Nullifyers did accordingly disperse, but there were among 
them many disposed to be mischievous. While the two 
parties were facing each other almost within reach, three 
of the Union Leaders Mess" Petigru, Drayton & Poinsett, 
each received a blow, but from unknown hands who im- 
mediately sneaked into the crowd for concealment; The 
Gentlemen were not much hurt. 

" The Union Party found it necessary to establish Ward 
Guards for mutual protection & self defence, & these too 
were assailed. On one occasion the Nullifyers succeeded 
in surprising the Union station, & beat & ill-used the Occu- 
pants; On four other occasions the}' were repulsed, & in 
one of the four a single gun loaded with small shot was 
fired into the midst of them before they would retire ; some 
few felt it & it was a hint to the rest, but it did no harm. 
In these collisions the Officers & Leaders of the Nullifyers 
tried in good faith to prevent them, & sooth the angry feel- 
ings on both sides ; but in order to keep up a distinction ; 
they recommended that their men should all wear in their 
hats a light blue Cockade, of a Conical Shape called the 
blue button. 

" The vessels of the Government were stationed thus ; 
the Sloop of War Natchez within grape Shot of the Battery 
south of East Bay, & the Cutters about Cablelength from 
each other in a line North of the Natchez ; except One of 
them the Polk under Captain Jackson which lay in the 
Anchorage between Forts Moultrie & Castle Pinckney. 
While lying in this position, the Armament & discipline 
of a Man of War became an Object of Curiosity to the 
Ladies & Gentlemen of Charleston. At certain hours of 
each day, they were politely welcomed on board, and every 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 269 

part of the Ship freely thrown open to them. 2sTo distinction 
was made between those of the two Parties, unless when a 
hlue button appeared, & then the Officers of the Ship were 
very polite to the wearer (an acknowledged Nullifyer). The 
Visiters on board were entertained with Promenades about 
the Decks, & then with Music, Dancing & Refreshments, 
Fruits, &C. The Guns of the Forts were understood to be 
well found, & ready for action if necessary, with Mortars 
in Castle Pinckney for throwing Shells into Charleston, 
whenever hostilities might commence. A Battery of heavy 
Cannon was likewise constructed N East of the City on 
Smiths Wharf, then hired as a Naval Station, & the Guns 
pointed against the Citadel & against the Causeway in 
Meet'g S* Road, by which it was understood that the State 
troops would be marched into Cha'ton, & stationed at & in 
the Citadel. 

" The Nullify era & State Authorities were likewise pre- 
paring for the Ultima Ratio, under their Laws & Ordinances. 
Arms, Ammunition & Provisions were provided & distrib- 
uted to the different selected Stations in & out of Charles- 
ton, except where from the election returns, it was found 
that a Majority of the Union Party unquestionably existed. 
Volunteers were accepted, armed, & trained in all the other 
portions of the State, & held under Orders that they should 
be ready at a moments warning, to march into Cha'ton 
which it was well understood would be the battle ground in 
case of hostilities. Among those organized in Cha'ton was 
a body of Artillerists under Col. J. L. Wilson, who had a 
battery of heavy Cannon on Magwoods Wharf command- 
ing the rear of Castle Pinckney, the channel of Cooper 
River, & Hog Island Channel. By means of the Test Oath 
they had got clear of many of the Militia Officers in the low 
& middle Country, who as Union men had refused to take that 
Oath, & their places had been supplied with enthusiasts in 
their Cause. The State Officers held all the Stores, depots 
& arms in every part of the State, the northern & eastern 
Districts excepted. Here, the majority of Union men was 
so great that the Officers either refused to resign, or if they 
resigned were sure of being reelected. 1 

1 " About this time many strangers were in Charleston & among them 
some attracted by curiosity, to witness the impending events. At the 
Balls which were then given, Ladies of both parties were invited recip- 
rocally ; some of them attended each others parties & were welcomed 
with polite attentions; the Gentlemen were much more shy of each 
other. On one occasion a gallant young Nullifyer exclaimed 'The 
ladies are all for Union to a man.' Not all said a young Lady 



270 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

"At this Crisis another effort was made to prevent the 
payment of Duties on imported Goods. A fast-sail'g vessel 
was expected in Port, & her owner agreed to try & force her 
up to the Wharves where her cargo might be rapidly landed 
& dispersed before the Custom h. Officers could have the 
means of preventing it. Orders had been issued to Cap* 
Jackson of the Cutter Polk, to bring every vessel to Anchor 
arriving from a foreign Port, until a signal was made from 
the Custom H that the Duties had been secured according 
to Law. One of the Pilots was engaged to run up this Ves- 
sel to the City notwithstanding the opposition of the Reve- 
nue Cutter. He accordingly disregarded the Revenue Cutter 
& crowded all sail to pass up. Cap* Jackson pursued & over- 
took her but the Pilot would riot obey his Order to come to. 
He then ran the Cutter along side & leaped upon the Ships 
deck; still the Pilot held his course, & did not quit the helm 
until he saw the drawn sword of Cap* Jackson raised against 
his life. The Ship was theri put about, brought back to her 
place of anchorage, & detained there until the Duties were 
secured, & a signal given from the Custom house to allow 
her to pass up. One of the State Rights Party was overheard 
saying ' they are too strong for us, but we must strike a 
blow, we may still take one of their Forts or Vessels, & will 
do so before we surrender.' Notice of this intention was 
given to the U. S. Officers that they might not be taken by 
surprise. Accordingly in a dark night a large Canoe fitted 
for 12 or 14 Oarsmen was observed rowing up astern of the 
Cutter Polk, as she lay at anchor, with her netting all hoisted 
<fe her watch on the look out. Only a few men appeared row- 
ing the boat who on being hailed answered like Country 
negroes, and were ordered off. They however pulled the 
stronger in the same direction, until threatened to be fired 
into. They then perceived that the matches were lighted, 
the lanterns burning, & the boarding Nets hoisted, and the 
Cannon pointed at the Canoe. They then rowed off and 
reported progress. 

" One of the most talented & influential of the State Rights 
leaders, not satisfied with the representations that every thing 
had been tried in vain, came down from Columbia to see & 
judge for himself. He went on board of the Natchez with 

promptly. I will have nothing to do with the Union. But said a 
friend at her elbow, you know that you would like to capture that hand- 
some U. S. Officer. . . . Oh said the fair Carolinian, I only wish to bring 
him over to our side ; to your own side you mean, rejoined her discerning 
friend." 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 271 

others, & thought with reason that everything was there put 
in order for the public eye. He also hired a hoat & went 
about the harbour inspecting the location & state of prepara- 
tion, at different times of day & night. In one of these trips, 
he passed close to the Natchez while all were under arms, & 
practising a Sham-fight, or naval engagement. They were 
all at the moment repelling supposed boarders; with the 
Netting hoisted, a part of the Crew were thrusting their 
boarding Pikes through it; some were working the Cannon 
with lighted matches, the Marines were firing in Platoons 
from the Quarter Deck & Tops, while others on the Spars 
were ready to light & throw their hand Grenades. The 
Gentleman was perfectly satisfied & in a few days the Circus 
Meetg was convened. 

" The Central Com* 66 had frequent consultations with the 
Army & Navy commanders on various interesting subjects ; 
concerted with them the Signals to be given & returned on 
various occurrences, & what would be expected of the Union 
Party in case of an attack. It was agreed that in such an 
event the Union Party should seize the Alarm Gun & Church 
Bells, & take possession of the Guardhouse. It was also 
agreed that if unable to hold the City, they should seize on 
the Peninsula of Hampstead about a mile N E. of Cha'ton 
& intrench themselves there. 

" The Central Com* 68 had also frequent confidential meet- 
ings by themselves. On one occasion a measure was pro- 
posed, which at first view appeared very plausible to several 
of them. M r Petigru prudently remarked that they should 
be very careful to keep their proceedings within the Law. 
That this was their surest protection against the other Party, 
who would probably commit themselves by some hasty or 
lawless Act. This observation probably led to the appeals 
made to the Courts of Law for cooler considerations, all of 
which resulted against the nullifying or State R* Party. The 
first of these was on a Custom-house Bond given for the Du- 
ties on an importation of "plains." The Signer & Securities 
of the Bond objected to the payment on different Pleas, 
wishing the question of their liability to be submitted to a 
Jury, which Jury would not decide in favor of the U. S. 
Government. The cause was very ably argued before Judge 
Lee U. S. Dis* C* by the Dis* Atty. Gilchrist & M r Petigru 
against such reference; & advocated by W. P. Finley & 
Oeo. MDuffie. The Judge decided against the Pleas 
the handwriting of the different signers on the Bond was 
then proved, & a verdict given in favor of the Govern*. 



272 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

An appeal was entered, & all the notes, proceedings & argu- 
ments submitted to Judge W m Johnson, then in bad health 
in Forth Carolina. He confirmed the decision of Judge 
Lee, & the Bond was finally paid. This was a Trial of 
great interest to both Parties. M r MDuffie of very high 
reputation for talents, was sent for & came down from 
Abbe-ville to engage in the defence, & M r Petigru volun- 
teered in behalf of the Union Party to aid M r Gilchrist 
the then District Attorney in prosecuting the Suit. 

" Two other causes arose in the State Circuit Courts, & 
were both carried by appeal up to the Supreme Court. 
These both originated in the Test Oath Act. Both were 
argued ably in Columbia at the Court of Appeals. Judges 
O'Neal & Dav d Johnson decided against the constitutionality 
of the Test Oath. Judge Harper was in favor of it, but did 
not enter upon much argument on the subject. 

" It will be recollected that in the Ordinance of the Con- 
vention & in the Act of the S Car* Legislature dated Dec* 
1832 it was provided that no Duties should be paid on Impor- 
tations from foreign Countries into S Car* after the 1* 
Feby 1833. These were published as the Laws of S Car*, 
which none could violate with impunit} 7 , & none but the 
Courts of Law could set aside. Notwithstanding the for- 
mality & force of these enactments, a number of the State 
Eights Party in Cha s ton resolved to hold a Meeting of 
their Associates on the 21 st Jany 1833, only ten days pre- 
ceding the time appointed by the high Authorities of the 
State, for resisting the Power of the Union in collecting the 
duties on such importations. That informal Party meeting 
resolved that such resistance was inexpedient at that time, 
& must be postponed until the adjournment of the next 
Congress. That meeting of only a part of the State Rights 
Party, resolved to nullify the proceedings of their whole 
Party, in the Convention & in the Legislature, & to suspend 
the execution of their enactments ; & this nullification was 
acquiesced in by the rest of their party. 1 

1 " A direct attempt to evade the payment of Duties to the Government 
about this time was made by Gen 1 Ja B Hamilton. He shipped some of his 
own Rice to Havannah & ordered the proceeds to be returned in Sugar. 
The Sugar arrived & the Vessel was brought to anchor in the appointed 
place, by the Vigilant Captain of the Cutter. Gen 1 Hamilton would 
not enter or bond it, or pay the Duties hoping that it would be landed 
in Chaton & he obtain possession by some means. But M r Pringle the 
Collector arranged it otherwise, he ordered the Sugar to be landed 
on Sullivan's Island & stored in Fort Moultrie in one of its arched 
entrances. Hamilton had been heard saying to some of his Adherents, 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poiwett. 273 

" At this time the State of Virginia resolved to mediate 
& appease the dissensions in S Car*, & sent for that pur- 
pose one of her most distinguished Citizens Benj n "Watkins 
Leigh to bear the Olive Branch. He arrived on the 4 th 
Feby & proceeded with great tact & judgment. He was 
kindly & courteously received by both of the contending 
Parties, & mediated personally with the most distinguished 
leaders on both sides. Great deference & respect was 
paid to him not only for his personal worth, but as an es- 
pecial Messenger from the State of Virginia. It was accord- 
ingly arranged that another Convention should be convened, 
& that no violent measures should be pursued in the in- 
terim. The Convention met accordingly on the 11 th March 
1833 & Q-ov. Hayne brought the business before them by 
inclosing the friendly & flattering letter which he had re- 
ceived from M r Leigh Commissioner from Virginia. This 
was referred to a Com* 66 of 21, who promptly reported an 
Ordinance repealing the Ordinance of Nov r 1832, & this 
was adopted by the Convention. But many of the members 
could not divest themselves of the irritation long enter- 
tained, & of their purposes defeated. These were leveled 
against the Union Party, & of their sense of obligation of 
allegiance to the Federal Government. Some warm discus- 
sion ensued & some intemperate expressions used, but the 
majority concurred in accepting M r Clay's Bill which had 
passed in Congress, as a compromise of their difference 
with the Federal Government. 

" But as to the Law imposing a Test Oath, the State Rights 
Party were disappointed in its validity by the decisions of 
the Courts. They therefore determined so to amend the 
Constitution as to require of every one holding an Office, 
that he should previously take an Oath that his Allegiance 
to S Carolina would be considered by him paramount to 
all other obligations. A clause to this effect actually passed 
the Legislature in Nov r 1833 but as an Amendment of the 
Constitution, it was necessary that the same should be recon- 
sidered & ratified at another session of the Legislature. 
The prospect of this becoming a part of the Constitution 
alarmed the Union Party in S C* particularly in the North- 
ern parts of the State, lest they should be involved by it in 
Disunion, & cease to be Citizens of the United States, or 
fail to be protected in case of need by the Federal Gov*. 

' We will have to fight for that Sugar.' He no doubt hoped for some 
opportunity to do so, but none offered & after the Compromise he paid 
the Duty & storage, on which the Sugars were given up to him." 

VOL. xii. 18 



274 The Life and Services of Joel It. Poinsett. 

The Union Party determined to resist this change in the 
Constitution, & if it should finally pass, that they would 
appeal to arms in defence of their Bights as American 
Citizens. Spartanburgh was appointed as their place of 
Rendezvous, & in this state of anxious suspense they awaited 
the Legislative Action. The Central Com* 88 determined to 
try the effect of personal influence, talent & address to pre- 
vent the impending evils of Civil War. They appointed 
M r J. L. Petigru & Col. R. Blanding to meet their former 
friends at the Session in Columbia and prevent if possible 
the contemplated enactment. They attended accordingly & 
in personal interviews and conferences with Gen 1 Ja" Ham- 
ilton & other influential persons of the State Rights Party, 
they finally succeeded but with great difficulty. The Clause 
adopted at the previous meeting of the Legislature as an 
amendment of the Constitution, was insisted on by its 
former advocates, it could neither be rejected nor altered, 
but they consented that the following Proviso should be 
appended as a part of it. ' Provided however that noth- 
ing expressed in the above obligation shall be construed to 
impair the Allegiance of any Citizen of S Carolina to the 
Federal Government.' Or words to that effect, for by some 
obliquity in the Record or in the Publication of the Laws, 
this Proviso has not been printed with the Ratification. 

"Both parties assented to this compromise Peace was again 
restored to S Carolina & Gen 1 MDuffie was elected Gover- 
nor in Dec' 1834." 

The foregoing account presents a vivid picture of the po- 
sition taken by the Union men in South Carolina during the 
Nullification excitement. Nothing is more remarkable about 
it than the spirit of obedience which they showed for the 
supreme law of the land, because it was the law, and their 
determination to appeal for relief to the law only as it had 
been administered among them from the period of the adop- 
tion of the Constitution, as well as their unwillingness to 
rouse revolutionary passions in the conflict. The action of 
their State had not merely made void an act of Congress, 
creating an alleged grievance from which the rest of the 
country suffered in common with them, but its effect was to 
deny them the protection of their own courts and virtually 
to disfranchise them. Under these trying circumstances they 
were bold but not boastful, and, unmoved by the clamor of 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 275 

their former friends and neighbors, they formed the strongest 
support to the General Government when it put forth its 
strong arm to help them. A good deal of their forbearance 
and determination to confine their action within the strict 
limits of the law was due to the personal character of their 
leaders. They belonged to the very elite of that social aris- 
tocracy which held undisputed sway in Carolina up to the 
period of the war of the rebellion, and their opponents, 
whose chiefs were of the same class, and who had known 
them well during their whole lives, always recognized not 
merely the force and earnestness of their convictions, but 
also their personal courage and the perfect purity and in- 
tegrity of their motives. 

In considering their methods of resistance to the law- 
less acts of the Nullifiers, the first question for the Union 
men to determine was how far and in what way they would 
be supported by the General Government. All parties in 
South Carolina had concurred in voting for General Jack- 
son as President in 1828, and he was well known at that 
time to have favored the enactment of a tariff law which 
would levy only such an amount of money as would suffice 
to defray the expenses of the Government and pay the in- 
terest on the public debt. The intending Nullifiers during 
the year 1830, well knowing General Jackson's opposition 
to the " American system," as it was called, spread far and 
wide the report not only that the President and many of 
his personal and political friends sympathized with them in 
their opposition to a protective tariff, but also that he would 
hesitate to execute a Federal law in South Carolina which 
the people of that State should declare to be inoperative 
within her borders. The first thing, therefore, naturally 
was to ascertain the exact position of the President on this 
question. Mr. Poinsett, as their leader and organ, accord- 
ingly wrote the following letter to President Jackson : 

" CHARLESTON 23 Oct r . 1830 
" DEAR SIR 

" When we parted at Washington in May last, I men- 
tioned to you, that I was returning to Carolina in order to 



276 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

oppose, by every influence I might possess there, the strange 
and pernicious doctrines advanced by some of the leading 
men of our state and which, if not counteracted might 
lead to the most serious and fatal consequences. On that 
occasion I understood you to say, that you regarded them 
as ' utter madness;' and I left Washington in the firm con- 
viction, that I was acting in conformity with your wishes 
and for the good of our common country in controverting 
doctrines, which I regard as subversive of the best interests 
of that country, and in declaring myself opposed to princi- 
ples which, if they could be detected in the letter or spirit 
of our constitution by any subtlety of the human intellect, 
would render that instrument a worthless document, would 
entirely destroy the practical utility of our confederation 
and convert our bond of union into a rope of sand. 

" On my arrival in Columbia, where I went in order to 
ascertain the extent of the evil, and that my sentiments 
might be more generally known throughout the State, I 
found the public mind poisoned by the opinions uttered at 
Washington by our leading politicians there, and by the 
pernicious doctrines of the President of the College, D r . 
Cooper, whose talents and great acquirements give weight 
to his perverse principles, and make him doubly dangerous. 
On conversing confidentially with several old and valued 
friends in that place I found that they too, deprecated the 
measures proposed to be adopted as a remedy against the 
operation of the tariff law ; but regarded opposition as hope- 
less against such an array as had declared in favor of nullifica- 
tion. I found the same sentiments prevailing and the same 
fears entertained among the moderate men in Charleston ; 
but after frequent conferences with my friends Judge Huger, 
M r . Petigru, M r . Pringle, D r . Johnson and others it was re- 
solved at all hazards to organize an opposition to schemes 
which we considered likely to prove so ruinous in their 
consequences. In this determination we were confirmed 
and very much aided by Col. Drayton's honorable and pub- 
lic declaration of his sentiments in favor of the union. 

"The !Nullifiers try to make us believe that the union 
party are acting against your wishes. This has been 
already and on several occasions broadly asserted by the 
advocates of the rights of the states to nullify the laws of 
the general government and besides the respectable names 
of the Vice Prest., of W. MDume, Gen 1 Hayne and 
Major Hamilton we have had to contend against these as- 
sertions of your views on this question, which the censure 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 277 

or dismissal of M r Pringle would tend to confirm, for he is 
I believe the only officer of the general gov. in Charleston 
in favor of the Union party. The opposition which was 
commenced in Charleston has been extended throughout 
the rest of the state and the favorable result of the elec- 
tions leads us to hope, that we shall prevent the call of a 
convention, which might have ended in an act of insurrec- 
tion, for I can regard in no other light the consequences of 
this state nullifying an act of Congress. It has been as- 
serted of us that we have been induced to oppose ourselves 
to these doctrines because we are in favor of M r . Clay and 
of the American system. This M r . President is not so. M r . 
Clay and his system have no partizans in this state & so en- 
tirely do we rely upon your wisdom and sense of justice 
that we hoped that you would finally obtain for us a modi- 
fication of the system w h really is injurious and oppressive 
in its operation upon us. We severally and universally 
desire, that you should consent to serve another term." 

It seems, however, that a similar letter referring to the 
rumor prevalent in South Carolina had been written about 
the same time to the President by Mr. Robert Oliver, of 
Baltimore. To this letter General Jackson at once replied, 
and his answer may be regarded as intended not only for 
him but for Mr. Poinsett also. 

" WASHINGTON, Octobr. 26 th 1830 
"DEAR SIR 

" I had the honour this evening to receive your letter of 
the 25 th instant with its enclosure and agreeable to your 
request herewith return it, with a tender of my thanks for 
this token of your friendship & regard. 

" I had supposed that every one acquainted with me knew 
that I was opposed to the nulifying Doctrine, and my toast 
at the Jefferson dinner was sufficient evidence of the fact. 
I am convinced there is not one member of Congress who 
is not convinced of this fact for on all occasions I have been 
open & free upon this subject. The South Carolinians, as 
a whole, are too patriotic to adopt such mad projects as the 
nulifyers of that State propose. 

" That M r Van Buren should be suspected of such opinions 
is equally strange. 

" I am sir with great respect 

" & regard, your mo obdt servt 
"ANDREW JACKSON 

" EGBERT OLIVER ESQ." 



278 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

The " Jefferson dinner" to which General Jackson refers 
was an entertainment given on the 15th of April, 1830, in 
Washington, to celebrate Mr. Jefferson's birthday. The 
occasion was secretly and adroitly taken advantage of by 
the Nullifiers and those who sympathized with them to 
obtain from the leaders of the Democratic party in Wash- 
ington, and especially from the members of the Cabinet, an 
expression of opinion that their proceedings would not be 
interfered with by the General Government. The President 
was a guest at this dinner, and he was not long in discover- 
ing what was expected of him by many of those present. 
He is said to have sat stern and silent, evidently trying hard 
to suppress the violent emotions which agitated him. He 
found relief when called upon for a toast, when he rose and 
said calmly but most earnestly to the astounded assembly 
who had hoped to entrap him, " THE FEDERAL UNION IT 
MUST BE PRESERVED." The Vice-President, Mr. Calhoun, 
was then called upon, and this was his toast : " The Union, 
next to our liberty the most dear. May we all remember 
that it can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the 
States, and distributing equally the benefit and the burthen 
of the Union." 

The day of this Jefferson celebration seems to me one of 
the most noteworthy in our history. On that day the issue 
between the Union and the Disunion parties was distinctly 
and finally made up ; each party prepared for the inevitable 
conflict, and each knew under what leader it would serve. 
General Jackson's honesty and inflexible will were even then 
pretty well understood by those friends and foes who had for 
their own reasons studied his character, and it became now 
clear to all that the Union men in South Carolina, in their 
struggle for the supremacy of the Federal law, would be 
supported by the whole force of the General Government, 
with the President at its head. The Nullifiers had failed 
utterly in securing that sympathy of the administration 
upon which they had so fully counted. They were so much 
discouraged and disappointed that, although violent and 
revolutionary talk was still the fashion in South Carolina, 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 279 

no active efforts were made there to carry out their plans 
until more than two years later. Meanwhile, the Union 
party in South Carolina was much encouraged in organizing 
its powers of resistance. 

In July, 1832, Congress passed an act reducing the duties 
levied by the tariff of 1828 on certain articles, and remov- 
ing them entirely from tea, coffee, etc., by which it was cal- 
culated that the revenue from customs would be reduced 
three or four millions of dollars, or from twenty to twenty- 
five per cent. When Congress met in December, 1832, it 
was proposed by the Committee of Ways and Means still 
further to reduce the revenue levied under the act of 1828 
about thirteen millions of dollars. General Jackson was 
re-elected President by a great majority in the autumn of 
1832, and a sufficiently large number of members of the 
Congress which was to meet in December, 1833, had been 
chosen at the same time to render it apparent that the anti- 
tariff party would be largely in the majority in that Con- 
gress. Notwithstanding all these concessions present and 
prospective to the Free-trade party, and apparently in total 
contempt for the spirit of conciliation which was manifested 
by them in every part of the country, the leaders in South 
Carolina determined upon revolutionary proceedings. These 
proceedings, no doubt, confirmed the belief which had 
widely prevailed, that the cause of discontent in that State 
lay far deeper than the tariff, and that its removal would 
not remedy it. On the 24th of November, 1832, the con- 
vention in South Carolina adopted the ordinance of nullifi- 
cation and threatened secession, and the Legislature imme- 
diately afterwards passed laws to enforce its provisions. 
These measures are so fully described in Dr. Johnson's 
narrative that it is not necessary to explain them further 
here. Their effect was not only to place the State in a 
hostile attitude to the Government of the United States, 
but also to place those citizens of the State who were Io3 7 al 
to the Union beyond the pale of the protection of the State 
laws. Under these circumstances the Union men of South 
Carolina, through Mr. Poinsett, appealed to the Government 



280 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

for advice as to the course which, they as supporters of the 
Union should pursue, and for aid in resisting these measures 
should it become necessary. How this appeal was met by 
the President is best told in the eight letters addressed by 
him to Mr. Poinsett, which, as far as we know, are now 
printed for the first time. It is thought better to give them 
in a connected series as presenting the most faithful picture 
of the attitude of the President during the whole of this 
unhappy dispute, from the beginning until all danger of 
an armed resistance to the execution of the laws of the 
United States had passed away. As soon as the ordinance 
of nullification reached the President, he issued, on the 10th 
of December, 1832, his proclamation denouncing the revo- 
lutionary proceedings in South Carolina, and expressing his 
determination to execute the laws of the Government of the 
United States. Early in January he sent a special message 
to Congress asking that specific powers should be given 
him to close any port in South Carolina where armed re- 
sistance should be made to the collection of import duties, 
and during such suspension to establish custom-houses in 
places on land or on naval vessels in harbors where such 
resistance was not to be expected. The Judiciary Commit- 
tee reported a bill, commonly called the " Force Bill," 
giving him the powers he asked for, but this bill was not 
passed until the close of the session in March. Indeed, 
from the view which General Jackson had of his duty it 
was hardly necessary. The President, as will be seen by 
his letters, needed no act of Congress either to shield him 
from responsibility or to give him authority to perform the 
constitutional duty he had assumed " faithfully to execute 
the laws." But the story is best told in his letters : 



(No. 1.) 
" (Confidential) 

"WASHINGTON, Nov br 7 th 1832. 

" DEAR SIR, 

" This will be handed to you by my young friend George 
Breathitt Esqr, brother of the present Governor of Ken- 



The Life and Services of Joel R. PoinseU. 281 

tucky, in whom every confidence may be reposed. I beg 
leave to make him known to you as such. 

" M r Breathitt goes to your state & city as agent for the 
post office Depart, he bears instructions from the secretary 
of the Treasury to the collector of Charleston, but we want 
him only known as agent of the Post office. 

" I wish him to see the F te and revenue cutters in your 
harbour and to visit Sullivan's Island. This to be done 
merely as a stranger having curiosity to examine your capa- 
city for defence and facilities for commerce, to your polite 
aid I recomend him for this object. 

" I have instructed him to obtain the real intentions of 
the nullifyers whether they mean really to resort to force to 
prevent the collection of the revenue and to resist the due 
execution of the laws and if so what proof exists to show 
that the imputations against important individuals and offi- 
cers of the government in being engaged in advising, aiding 
and abetting in this threatened nullification and rebellious 
course are true. 

" It is desirable that the Executive should be in posses- 
sion of all the evidence on these points, and I have referred 
Mr. Breathitt to you & Col. Drayton believing that you will 
afford him all the knowledge you possess. 

" Mr. Breathitt is charged with the enquiry what officers, 
if any, in the Customs or post office Department belong to 
or have adhered to the Nullifyers and the character of Mr. 
Pruson Simpson from whom I have rec d a long letter to 
day, and all & every information of the views and measures 
of the Nullifyers which they mean to adopt. 

" We have been looking for some information from some 
friend of the Union in that quarter but have hitherto been 
disappointed, but it appears a crisis is about to approach 
when the government must act, & that with energy my 
own astonishment is that my fellow citizens of S Carolina 
should be so far deluded, by the wild theory and sophistry 
of a few ambitious demagogues, as to place themselves in 
the attitude of rebellion against their Government, and be- 
come the destroyers of their own prosperity and liberty. 
There appears in their whole proceedings nothing but mad- 
ness and folly. If grievances do exist there are constitu- 
tional means to redress them Patriots would seek those 
means only. 

" The duty of the Executive is a plain one, 'the laws will 
be executed and the Union preserved by all the constitu- 
tional and legal means he is invested with, and I rely with 



282 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

great confidence on the support of every honest patriot in 
Carolina who really loves his country and the prosperity 
and happiness we enjoy under our happy and peaceful re- 
publican government. 

"By the return of Mr. Breathitt I shall expect to hear from 
you. 

" With my sincere regards 

" I am yr mo. ob dt serv* 

" ANDREW JACKSON 
" JOEL POINSETT Esq r ." 

(No. 2.) 

"December2 d 1832, 
" MY D B SIR, 

"Your two letters of Nov. 24 & 25 th last have been 
received and I hasten to answer them. 

" I fully concur with you in your views of nullification. 
It leads directly to civil war and bloodshed and deserves the 
execration of every friend of the country. Should the civil 
power with your aid as a posse comitatus prove not strong 
enough to carry into effect the laws of the Union you have a 
right to call upon the Government for aid and the executive 
will yield it as far as he has been vested with the power by 
the constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. 

" The precautionary measures spoken of in your last 
letter have been in some degree anticipated. Five thousand 
stand of muskets with corresponding equipments have been 
ordered to Castle Pinckney ; and a Sloop of war with a 
smaller armed vessel (the Experiment) will reach Charles- 
ton harbor in due time. The commanding officer of Castle 
Pinckney will be instructed by the Secretary of War to 
deliver the arms and their equipment to your order, taking 
a receipt for them and should the emergency arise he will 
furnish to your requisition such ordnance and ordnance 
stores as can be spared from the arsenals. 

" The Union must be preserved and its laws duly executed, 
but by proper means. With calmness and firmness such as 
becomes those who are conscious of being right and are 
conscious of the support of public opinion we must perform 
our duties without suspecting that there are those around us 
desiring to tempt us with the wrong. We must act as the 
instruments of the law and if force is offered to us in that 
capacity then we shall repel it with the certainty, that 
even should we fall as individuals the friends of liberty and 
union will still be strong enough to prostrate their enemies. 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 283 

Your Union men should act in concert. Their designation 
as Unionists should teach them to be prepared for every 
emergency : and inspire them with the energy to overcome 
any impediment that may be thrown in the way of the laws 
of their constitution, whose cause is now not only their cause 
but that of free institutions throughout the world. They 
should recollect that perpetuity is stamped upon the consti- 
tution by the blood of our Fathers, by those who achieved 
as well as those who improved our system of free Govern- 
ment. For this purpose was the principle of amendment 
inserted in the constitution which all have sworn to support 
and in violation of which no state or states have the right to 
secede, much less to dissolve the union. Nullification there- 
fore means insurrection and war ; and the other states have 
a right to put it down. And you also and all other peace- 
able citizens have a right to aid in the same patriotic object 
when summoned by the violated laws of the land. Should 
an emergency occur for the arms before the order of the 
Secretary of War to the commanding officer to deliver them 
to your order, show this to him & he will yield a compliance. 

" I am great haste 

" Y r ms ob dt servt. 

"ANDREW JACKSON 
"J. K. POINSETT EsqV 

(No. 3.) 

Dec br 9 th 1832, WASHINGTON. 
" MY D B SIR, 

"Your letters were this moment reed, from the hands 
of Col. Drayton, read & duly considered, and in haste I 
reply. The true spirit of patriotism that they breathe 
fills me with pleasure. If the Union party unite with you, 
heart & hand in the text you have laid down, you will not 
only preserve the Union, but save our native state, from 
that ruin and disgrace into which her treasonable leaders 
have attempted to plunge her. All the means in my power, 
I will employ to enable her own citizens, those faithful 
patriots, who cling to the union, to put it down. 

" The proclamation I have this day issued, & which I en- 
close you, will give you my views, of the treasonable con- 
duct of the convention & the Governors recommendation 
to the assembly it is not merely rebellion, but the act of 
raising troops positive treason, and I am assured by all the 
members of congress with whom I have conversed that I 
will be sustained by congress. If so I will meet it at the 



284 The Life and Services of Joel E. Pointsett. 

threshold, and have the leaders arrested and arraigned for 
treason I am only waiting to be furnished with the acts 
of your Legislature, to make a communication to congress, 
ask the means necessary to carry my proclamation into 
complete effect, and by an exemplary punishment of those 
leaders for treason so unprovoked, put down this rebellion, 
& strengthen our happy Government both at home and 
abroad. 

" My former letter & the communication from the Dept 
of War, will have informed you of the arms and equipments 
having been laid in Deposit subject to your requisition, to 
aid the civil authority in the due execution of the law, ' 
whenever called on as the posse comitatus $c c. 

" The vain threats of resistance by those who have raised 
the standard of rebellion show their madness & folly. You 
may assure those patriots, who cling to their country, & 
this Union, which alone secures our liberty & prosperity 
and happiness, that in forty days, I can have within the 
limits of S Carolina fifty thousand men, and in forty days 
more another fifty thousand. How impotent the threat 
of resistance with only a population of 250,000 whites & 
nearly that double in blacks, with our ships in the port, to 
aid in the execution of our laws ! The wickedness, mad- 
ness & folly of the leaders and the delusion of their followers, 
in the attempt to destroy themselves and our union has not 
its paralell in the history of the world The Union will be 
preserved. The safety of the republic, the supreme law, 
which will be promptly obeyed by me. 

U I will be happy to hear from you often, thro' Col. 
Mason or his son, if you think the post office unsafe. 
" I am with sincere respect 

" Y r mo. obdt. servt. 
"ANDREW JACKSON 

" ME POINSETT" 

(No. 4.) 

" (Private) 

" WASHINGTON, Jan 1 * 16 th 1833. 
" MY D SIR, 

" This day I have communicated to both houses of Con- 
gress the Enclosed message, which has been referred to the 
committees on the judiciary, who, we have a right to be- 
lieve, will promptly report a bill giving all the power asked 
for. 

" I have rec d several letters from gentlemen in S Caro- 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 285 

lina, requesting to be furnished with the means of defence. 
M r I Graham, an old revolutionary patriot, a M r Harrison 
and Col Levy I have requested Genl Blair to inform Col 
Levy to apply to you & I request that you will make it 
known confidentially, that when necessary, you are author- 
ized, & will furnish the necessary means of defence. 

" Mr. Calhoun let off a little of his ire against me to day 
in the Senate, but was so agitated, & confused that he made 
quite a failure, was replied to, with great dignity & firmness, 
by Major Forsyth Calhoun finds himself between Scylla & 
Charybdis & is reckless My great desire is that the union 
men may put nullification & secession down in S Carolina 
themselves and save the character of the state, & add there- 
by to the stability of our Union you can rely on every aid 
that I can give only advise me of the action of the nulli- 
fyers, The moment they are in hostile array in opposition 
to the execution of the laws, let it be certified to me, by the 
att 7 for the District or the Judge, and I will forthwith order 
the leaders prosecuted, & arrested if the Marshal is resisted 
by 12,000 bayonets, I will have his possee 24,000 but the 
moment this rebellious faction finds it is opposed by the 
good people of that state, with a resolution becoming free 
men and worthy the name of Americans and under the pro- 
tection of the union it will yield to the power of the land, 
and they will return to their obedience. 

" I write in great haste, late at night, and much fatigued, 
& indisposed by a bad cold You will excuse this scrawl it 
is for your own eye write me often, give me the earliest 
intelligence of the first armed force that appears in the field 
to sustain the ordinance The first act of treason committed, 
unites to it, all those who have aided & abetted in the execu- 
tion to the act- -we will strike at the head and demolish the 
monster, Nullification & secession, at the threshold by the 
power of the law. 

" I am very respectfully 

" yr mo. ob dt servt 

" ANDREW JACKSON 

" JOEL R. POINSETT ESQ E ." 

(No. 5.) 

WASHINGTON January 24 th 1833. 
" MY DEAR SIR, 

"I have rec d yours of the 16 th 19 th & 20 th instant, that of 
the 16 th late last night & hasten to reply by the return ex- 
press which will leave here early to-morrow. 



286 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

" My Message to Congress, forwarded to you by the last 
express was referred to the committee in each house, on the 
judiciary that of the Senate has reported a bill which you 
will receive from the secretary of the Treasury by the con- 
veyance that will hand you this you will see from a perusal, 
that it contains, with the powers you possessed, every 
authority necessary to enable the executive to execute the 
revenue laws, and protect your citizens engaged in their sup- 
port, & to punish all who may attempt to resist their execu- 
tion by force. This bill has been made the order of the day 
for Monday next, and altho this delay has been submitted 
to by the Senate, still I have no doubt but it will pass by a 
very large majority in both Houses There will be some 
intemperate discussion on the bill & on Calhoun's and 
Grundy's resolutions. 

u It was my duty to make known to Congress, being in 
session, the state of the Union; I withheld to the last 
moment to give Congress time to act before the first of 
February Having done my duty in this respect, should 
Congress fail to act on the bill, and I shall be informed of 
the illegal assemblage of an armed force with intention to 
oppose the execution of the revenue laws, under the late 
ordinance of S Carolina, I stand prepared forthwith to issue 
my proclamation warning them to disperse. Should they 
fail to comply with the proclamation, I will forthwith call 
into the field, such a force as will overawe resistance, put 
treason & rebellion down without blood, and arrest and hand 
over to the judiciary for trial and punishment, the leaders, 
exciters and promoters of this rebellion & treason. 

" You need not fear the assemblage of a large force at 
Charleston give me early information, officially, of the 
assemblage of a force armed, to carry into effect the ordi- 
nance & laws, nullifying our revenue laws, and to prevent 
their execution, and in ten or fifteen days at farthest I will 
have in Charleston from ten to fifteen thousand men well 
organized troops, well equipped for the field and twenty 
thousand, or thirty, more, in the interior. I have a tender of 
volunteers from every state in the Union I can, if need be, 
which God forbid, march two hundred thousand men in 
forty days to quell any, & every insurrection, or rebellion 
that might arise to threaten our glorious confederacy & 
Union, upon which our liberty prosperity & happiness rest. 

" I repeat to the union men again fear not, the union will 
be preserved & treason and rebellion promptly put down, 
when, & where it may show its monster head. You may rest 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 287 

assured that the nullies of Carolina will receive no aid from 
any quarter They have been encouraged by a few from 
Georgia and Virginia, but the united voice of the yeomanry 
of the country and the tender of volunteers from every 
state have put this down They well know I will execute the 
laws, and that the whole people will support me in it, and 
preserve the Union. Even if the Governor of Virginia 
should have the folly to attempt to prevent the Militia from 
marching thro' his state to put the faction in S Carolina 
down & place himself at the head of an armed force for 
such a wicked purpose, I would arrest him at the head of 
his troops, & hand him over to the civil authority for trial. 
The voluntiers of his own state would enable me to do this. I 
repeat again, my pride and desire is, that the Union men may 
arouse & sustain the majesty of the constitution & the laws, 
and save my native state from that disgrace that the Nulli- 
fies have brought upon her. Give me early intelligence of 
the assemblage of an armed force anywhere in the state, 
under the ordinance & the laws to nullify & resist the revenue 
laws of the United States, and you may rest assured I will 
act promptly and do my duty to God and my country, & 
relieve the good citizens of that despotism & tyranny, under 
which the supporters of the Union now labour. 

" On yesterday the tariff bill (Verplancks) would have 
passed the House of representatives had it not have been for 
a very insulting & irritating speech by "Wilde of Georgia 
which has thrown the whole of Pennsylvania New York 
& Ohio into a flame I am told there is great excitement, 
and no hopes now of its passing this session. It is further 
believed that the speech was made for this purpose, at the 
instigation of the nullies, who wish no accommodation of 
the tariff This will unite the whole people against the 
nullifiers, & instead of carrying the South with the nullies, 
will have the effect to arouse them against them when it is 
-discovered their object is nothing but disunion. The House 
sat late & I have not heard from it since 7 o'clock I must 
refer you to M r M c Lane for further information as it is very 
late & my eyes grow dim keep me well advised & con- 
stantly The arms are placed subject to your requisition, 
and under your discretion I keep no copy, nor have I time 
to correct this letter 

" In haste very respectfully 

" Your Friend 
" ANDREW JACKSON 

J. R. POINSETT ESQ B ." 



288 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

(No. 6.) 

"WASHINGTON CITY February 7 th 1833. 

" D B SIR, 

" Yours of the 27 th and 28 th ultimo have been handed me 
by M r Smith that of the 30 th thro' Col. Drayton has also 
been rec d . Their contents being considered I hasten to reply. 

" The nullifiers in your state have placed themselves thus 
far in the wrong. They must be kept there notwithstanding 
all their tyranny and blustering conduct, until some act of 
force is committed or there is an assemblage of an armed 
force by the orders of your Governor under the ordinance 
and Replevin laws to resist the execution of the laws of the 
United States. The Executive of the United States has no 
legal and constitutional power to order the Militia into the 
field to suppress it until that time, and not then, until his 
proclamation commanding the insurgents to disperse has 
been issued. But this you may rely on, will be promptly 
done by the President the moment he is advised by proper 
affidavits that such is the condition of your state. You should 
not therefore fear the result of the movement anticipated from 
the upper country for the purpose of enforcing the odious 
and despotic writ in withernam should it really be made. 

"Keep me advised of the first actual assemblage of an 
armed force in the upper part of your state, or in any other 
part of it, or in any part of the adjoining states, and before 
it reaches you I shall interpose a force for your protection 
and that of the city strong enough to overwhelm any effort 
to obstruct the execution of the laws. But bear in mind 
the fact that this step must be consequent upon the actual 
assemblage of such a force, or upon some overt act of its 
commission. In this event which I trust in God will not 
happen, I will act and with firmness, promptness and effi- 
ciency. 

" I sincerely lament that there is a contingency so probable 
which menaces the safety of those who are acting with you 
to sustain the Union and laws of our happy country. But 
let what will happen remain at your post in the performance 
of this the highest of all duties. Be firm in the support 
of the Union : it is the sheet anchor of our liberty and 
prosperity dissolve it and our fate will be that of unhappy 
Mexico. But it cannot be dissolved : the national voice from 
Maine to Louisiana with a unanimity and resolution never 
before exceeded declares that it shall be preserved, and 
those who are assailing it under the guise of nullification 
and secession shall be consigned to contempt and infamy. 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 289 

" In resisting the tyrannic measures by which the ruling 
party in S Carolina have proposed to obstruct the laws of 
the Union, you are thrown back upon the right of self 
defence. Deprived of the protection guaranteed to you by 
your own constitution, violent resistance to the tyranny 
which thus oppresses you becomes a duty, and in the per- 
formance of it the constitution and the laws of the United 
States will be your shield. Do not doubt that this shield 
will be upheld with all the power which I am or may be 
authorised to use. 

" As soon as I am notified that the hostile array which you 
anticipate has been made the positions recommended as 
proper to be occupied for defence will be taken. Of this 
fact let me be notified by an express who will bring the 
proper evidences of it. 

" I have regretted that your convention did not, as such, 
memorialise Congress to extend to you the guarantee of 
the constitution, of a republican form of Government, 
stating the actual despotism which now controls the state. 
The action of Congress on the subject would have placed 
your situation before the whole Union, and filled the heart 
of every true lover of his country and its liberties with 
indignation. 

"I can order the regular troops to take any position 
which may be found necessary : but your own advice has 
been to ' do nothing to irritate.' When the crisis comes and 
I issue my proclamation, authority will be given to embody 
all volunteers enrolled for the support and execution of the 
laws, and the officers of the same of their own selection 
will be sanctioned by the president, as has been usual upon 
the receipt of the muster rolls. 

" It has just been mentioned to me that a bet has been 
taken by a man supposed to be in the secrets of the nulli- 
fiers that the convention will be called and the odious or- 
dinance repealed. God grant that this may be true. Let 
not this hope however lessen your watchfulness or your ex- 
ertions my pride is to save the character of my native 
state by the patriotism of its own citizens. Firmness on 
your part will do this. 

" The Tariff will be reduced to the wants of the Govern- 
ment if not at this session of congress certainly at the next. 

"Referring you to Mr. Smith I close this hasty scrawl 
with my prayers for yr happiness 

" ANDREW JACKSON 

" J. R. POINSETT ESQ B ." 
VOL. xii. 19 



290 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

(No. 7.) 
" (Private; 

" WASHINGTON February 17* 1833. 
" MY DEAK SIR, 

" I have just received your letter of the 9 th instant, I 
never once thought, that the mission of M r Leigh, with his 
powers, would be attended with any beneficial result what- 
ever : It has only served to place the legislature of Virginia 
in a disagreeable attitude, and has done more harm than 
it can good. Had Virginia passed resolutions disapproving, 
as she has done, nullification, and admonishing the nullifiers 
to retrace their steps, this would have done much good, and 
instead of encouraging them in expecting her aid, would 
have caused them to have repealed their ordinance. The 
great body of the people of Virginia are firmly opposed to 
the course of the Legislature in this respect, and will sup- 
port the United States nobly, should the crisis come, which 
I trust the firmness of the Union men may yet prevent. 

" The bill granting the powers asked will pass into a law. 
M r Webster replied to M r Calhoun yesterday, and, it is said, 
demolished him. It is believed by more than one, that M r 
C. is in a state of dementation his speech was a perfect 
failure; and M r Webster handled him as a child. I fear 
we have many nullifiers in Congress, who dare not openly 
appear ; the vote on the pending bill will unrobe them. 

" I am delighted to learn that you will convene the Union 
Convention simultaneously with that of the nullifiers, or 
soon after. A bold and resolute stand will put them down, 
and you will thereby save the character of your State. 
"When you recollect the noble cause you are defending, 
that our precious union is the stake, that the arm of the 
United States, sustained by nineteen twentieths of the whole 
people, is extended over you, you cannot be otherwise than 
firm, resolute and inflexible. One resolution, that you nail 
the United States colours to the mast, and will go down 
with the Union or live free ; that you will, to your last 
breath, resist the tyranny and oppression of their ordinance, 
test oath and unconstitutional proceedings, will restore to 
you peace and tranquility, which a well adjusted tariff will 
confirm. 

" Before the receipt of your letter M r . Livingston had an 
interview with M r Bankhead on the subject of the conduct 
of the British consul at Charleston. M r Bankhead has 
written & admonished him that his exequatur will be revoked 
on his first act of interference. This I assure you, will be 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 291 

done. I have only to request that you will give us the 
earliest intelligence that you can obtain of his having ordered 
a British squadron to the port of Charleston; and on an 
affidavit of the fact of one arriving there, his exequatur will 
be revoked. 

" Keep me constantly advised of all movements in South 
Carolina, the marshalling troops to oppose the execution 
of the laws of the U. States, affirmed on affidavit, and I will 
forthwith use all my powers under the constitution and the 
laws to put it down. 

" with great respect 

" Y r friend 
"ANDREW JACKSON 
" J. R. POINSETT ESQ"" 

(No. 8.) 

" WASHINGTON, March 6, 1833. 
" MY DEAR SIR, 

" Your letters of the 22 nd & 28 th ultimo are both before me, 
and I hasten to give you a reply by Col. Dray ton, who leaves 
in the morning. 

I rejoice at the firmness lately evinced by the Union party. 
The Bill more effectually securing the collection of the 
revenue, or, as some call it, the enforcing Bill has passed the 
House of Kep's by the unparalleled majority of 102. I say 
unparalleled because it has not happened, according to my 
recollection, in the course of our legislation, that any meas- 
ure, so violently contested as this has been, has been sustained 
by such a vote. This Bill gives the death blow to Nullifica- 
tion or Secession, and, if the Nulliners of your state have 
any regard for the Union, or the bold, but respectful ex- 
pression of the peoples determination, that the laws shall be 
executed, and that no state shall secede at her will and pleasure, 
there will be no difficulty. 

The Tariff Bill has also become a law, but was not passed 
until after the collection Bill. The passage of the Collection 
Bill proves to the world the fixed determination of Congress 
to execute, as far as their action was necessary, the laws 
passed in pursuance of the Constitution. I have always 
thought that Congress should reduce the Tariff to the wants 
of the Government, and the passage of such a Bill became 
peculiarly proper after Congress had, by the passage of 
the " enforcing' Bill, so fully shewn to the world that she 
was not to be deterred by a faction, which, if found in rebel- 
lion and treason, she was prepared to crush in an instant. 



292 The Life and Services of Joel E. PoinseU. 

" The Bill which has passed is not of the exact character 
which I would have preferred, hut it is hoped that it may 
have a good effect in the South, as most, if not all, of her 
prominent men gave it their support. 

" Congress displayed, after shewing how little it regarded 
the threats of some South Carolinians a proper sense of 
justice to the people by making the reduction they did, 
and, to that extent, relieving the people of useless taxation. 

"I am happy to learn that you intend moving on pari 
passu with the nullification party, and that your convention 
is called to meet at Charleston to he prepared to act, if 
necessary, in support of the Union. 

" The stake is an important one, and the retention of it 
worthy the patriots best, and noblest efforts. If lost the 
world may bid adieu to liberty and all that is dear to free- 
men. 

" Should the nullifiers be rash enough to attempt seces- 
sion, and form a constitution and submit it to the people 
surely no one would countenance such an unauthorized act 
by voting on the question. I do not doubt but that those 
who love their country and our happy union would, in such 
event, be united to a man in their maintenance, and that 
the union convention would come forth in the majesty of 
her strength which consists in the justice of her cause and 
the will of the people in denunciation of such an unholy 
procedure. 

" I have only time to say one word on the Subject of the 
union members attending the nullifying convention. My 
opinion is, that they ought to attend, but upon this condi- 
tion that they present, with boldness and talent, the tyrannical, 
wicked and unconstitutional proceedings of the Nullifiers 
to the world, in all their naked deformity. The union party 
will always gain by coming in open contact with the Kulli- 
fiers. 

"Reason must, when exercised, always triumph over 
error. Witness Calhoun's defeat in the Senate. If the 
nullifying convention determine on secession, and forming a 
new constitution the Union members ought, after entering 
their solemn protest against the proceedings immediately 
withdraw, and forthwith join the Union convention, which 
ought then to issue its proclamation, or determination, to 
adhere to, and support the Union of these United States, to 
the last extremity. 

" I must refer you to Col. Drayton for the news of the 
city. Keep me constantly advised of matters relating to 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poimett. 293 

the conduct or movements of the nullifiers, and all will be 
well, and the federal union preserved. 

" Y r Friend 

" ANDREW JACKSON 

"J. R. POINSETT 



These letters of General Jackson seem to me strikingly 
characteristic of the man. They are clear, bold, and de- 
cided in their tone, beginning, it will be observed, with a 
certain calm dignity, and then swelling with a crescendo of 
passionate indignation as the thought of the crime with 
which he is dealing fires his heart. They leave no doubt 
either as to his sentiments or his intentions. The cloud of 
sophistry, which the disunionists had thrown around the re- 
lations between the General Government and that of the 
States and the obligations of obedience to the supreme law 
of the land, disappears as it comes in contact with the strong, 
practical common sense of the President. In the position 
which he occupied he could see but one duty which he was 
called upon to perform, and that was to take care that the 
laws should be faithfully executed. His views of his duty 
may have been narrow, but they were exceedingly clear. In 
these letters there is not one word of sympathy for those 
who have taken revolutionary methods of righting what he 
in common with them regarded as a grievance. He makes 
no excuse or apology for any one who has been involved in 
the guilt of rebellion, and he waits only for the overt act, 
which shall make their act treasonable, to order their arrest 
and trial. He is so carried away by the earnestness of his 
desire to suppress armed resistance to the execution of the 
laws that he is utterly unyielding, even at times stern and 
pitiless. His business is not to advise or suggest com- 
promises, still less to conciliate, but to act. He goes so 
far as to maintain that although an act of Congress may be 
useful in authorizing him to close the ports, yet that no 
such act is necessary to empower him to execute his con- 
stitutional duty of enforcing the execution of existing laws. 
Yet he had no design or intention of doing any arbitrary 
or illegal act. His duty he looked upon as completed when 



294 The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 

he arrested traitors against the government, even, as he 
says, " the Governor of Virginia at the head of his troops," 
and handed them over to the courts, to be there tried and 
punished for their treason. 

It may readily be conceived how these letters must have 
cheered and encouraged Mr. Poinsett and his friends and 
colleagues, the leaders of the Union party in South Carolina. 
The military forces of the State had been rapidly organized 
under its authority, and thousands of armed men from the 
country districts burned with impatience to sweep down 
upon Charleston and seize there the men who were loyal to 
the Union. During the early months of 1833 it cannot be 
doubted that the position of these men was one of great 
personal danger. They looked upon the measures which 
had been adopted by the General Government for the de- 
fence of Charleston (which are so graphically described in 
Dr. Johnson's narrative) as inadequate, and in their anxiety 
they naturally complained that the Government seemed 
slow in coming to their relief. The letters of two of these 
leaders, Mr. Poinsett and Judge Huger, at this crisis have 
been preserved, and they show how great was the alarm 
and how well-founded were their fears of danger. 1 These 
letters were addressed to Colonel Dray ton, at that time a 
member of the House of Representatives from the Charles- 
ton district, a man who did more and suffered more for 
the cause of the Union in those trying times than any other 
inhabitant of the State, and it was intended that they 
should be laid before the President for his information and 
guidance. Some extracts from these letters may be given 
as disclosing the actual condition of affairs as it appeared to 
these leaders of what then seemed to be a " forlorn hope." 

On the 8th of January, 1833, Mr. Poinsett writes : 

1 1 am indebted to my friend Mr. Hey ward Dray ton for the letters 
which were addressed by Messrs. Poinsett and Huger to his father. 
These letters complete the secret and confidential correspondence be- 
tween the chiefs of the Union party in 1832-33. It is a little singular 
that these letters, coming from such different quarters, should find a 
common resting-place in Philadelphia, and that they should now be used 
for the first time to vindicate the course taken by their authors. 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 295 

" I am afraid that all hope of putting down nullification 
in this State by moral force must be abandoned I most 
sincerely hope the vain blustering of these madmen will 
not influence the deliberations of Congress upon the tariff. 
Here a hope is cherished that nothing will be done in the 
matter this year as such a concession would confirm the 
power & the popularity of the Nullifiers of the State. I do 
not share this sentiment. Such a result is of minor im- 
portance. Let us destroy the monster, and try conclusions 
with these men afterwards. I am glad to hear your opinion 
of the sentiments of Congress respecting the secession of 
the State. I go for practical results rather than for meta- 
physical abstract rights. If a State should be allowed to 
secede our gov* is at an end." 

He then adds significantly, 

" I should like to have one hundred sabres, and as many 
pairs of pistols sent to the commanding officer here." 

On the 16th of January he writes to Colonel Drayton, 

" I observe that you say that you have urged the Pres* 
not to interfere with our party by affording them the aid 
of the Federal troops under existing circumstances. But what 
are we to do if Charleston is filled with Nullifiers from the 
country? The regular troops, Municipal and Magazine 
guards will consist of 150 men divided into two companies. 
The artillery is in the hands of our opponents, and even if 
we had ordnance we have no artillery men. Five thousand 
men have Volunteered, and those from Bichland & Sumter 
are anxious to be brought down to insult us ... 

" Is not raising, embodying and marching men to oppose 
the laws of the United States an overt act of treason? 
Ought not such acts to authorise the interference of the 
Executive ? I have no hope & see no means by which the 
revenue laws can be enforced by legal process &c." 

Many other letters from Mr. Poinsett might be given, all 
showing an earnest desire on his part that a sufficiently large 
Federal force should be sent to South Carolina, ready to act 
the moment the Nullifiers should begin hostilities. The 
letters of General Jackson were written to' reassure him 
and his friends that the whole force of the Government 
would be employed to sustain them. 



296 The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 

Another of Colonel Drayton's correspondents was Judge 
Daniel E. Huger. He was a most conspicuous man in 
South Carolina, an earnest leader of the Union party there, 
and, like all the others, had many friends and relatives 
on the other side. He took a somewhat different view 
of the subject of Federal armed intervention from Mr. 
Poinsett. 

In a letter dated December 17, 1832, Judge Huger, after 
explaining that the Union Convention at Columbia did not 
call upon the President for protection lest such an appeal 
should " Exasperate the Nullifiers," goes on to say, 

" I trust in God that the President will not use the means 
he confessedly has, but will leave to Congress the deter- 
mination of the course to be pursued. !N"ot that I would 
have our noble President flinch from responsibility, but 
Congress is regarded as the People of the United States. 
From their course there could be no appeal, and this would 
dampen very much the spirit of our opponents." 

Again, in another letter of the same date, he says, 

" The great body of the Union party, at this moment, are 
unwilling to look to the Gov* for protection, and I confess 
for one that I would prefer defending ourselves, and only in 
the last extremity accept of Federal assistance. I am aware 
how dangerous this course is. I do not like the idea of 
having our opponents put down by force. If the parties 
take the field, the Gov* might be used as an auxiliary with- 
out offending the State pride of our people, but if the Gov* 
be principal in the war, our people will join most reluctantly 
if they join at all. The Gov*, of course, must do its duty ; 
the revenue laws, I suppose, must be enforced, but disabuse, 
if you can, the President of any wish on our part to have 
forces marched into this State with a view to our protection. 
We would rather suffer much than see our countrymen 
dragooned." 

It was perhaps well for the peace of the country at that 
time, that these conflicting opinions of the leaders of the 
Union party in South Carolina, as to the nature and amount 
of coercion which it was expedient to use in order to secure 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 297 

obedience to the laws, were reviewed by the cool and saga- 
cious judgment of Colonel Drayton before they were sub- 
mitted to the President. Between the urgent appeals of 
Mr. Poinsett for the immediate use of force enough to effect 
the object, and the strange kind of force advocated by Judge 
Huger, half principal and half auxiliary (a truly Southern 
definition of force, by the way), and the inflexible deter- 
mination of the President to employ force of any kind, 
"principal or auxiliary," or both, to compass his ends, 
which were the execution of the laws and the punishment 
of rebels against their authority, Colonel Drayton must have 
been sorely perplexed how to satisfy all parties. But he proved 
himself a negotiator and diplomatist worthy of the occasion. 
He had some peculiar qualifications for such an office. He 
had proved himself during a long course of public service a 
man of such high honor and such unimpeached integrity 
that he was at that time not only respected but trusted by 
all parties. He was deeply impressed with the soundness 
of the political views held by the Union party, he knew 
well the lawlessness and madness of the Nullifiers, and he 
could not help seeing that if obedience to the laws of the 
United States was to be secured, force must be in the last 
resort employed. But with the far-seeing sagacity of a 
statesman, and with a certain tender regard for the mis- 
guided men of his own State, he thought that the ultima 
ratio should be postponed until every other method of 
compelling obedience had been exhausted. 

With these views he turned his attention first to removing 
the great obstacle to peace, the provisions of the Tariff Acts 
of 1828 and 1832. On the 9th of February, 1833, he pro- 
posed an amendment to the pending bill of Mr. Yerplanck, 
reducing the rate of duties one-third after the 2d of March, 
1834, and although his proposition was then rejected by the 
House, its introduction none the less marks the beginning 
of the compromise system which was afterwards adopted 
as a modus vivendi by both Houses. In a letter to Mr. Poin- 
sett of that date, he thus explains the motives that led to 
his action : 



298 The Life and Services of Joel K Poinsett. 

" Should what I have proposed become a law the accumu- 
lation of the surplus revenue would be prevented, the rate 
of protection would be diminished, and an interval would be 
allowed for the manufacturers to save themselves from the 
losses which they would sustain by an instantaneous removal 
of the protective duties. For the sake of South Carolina as 
she is, I would not make the slightest effort to reduce the 
protective duties. On the contrary, I should be opposed to 
legislating altogether at this time unless by doing so a result 
might be accomplished which might deprive the Nullifiers 
of their means of doing mischief by conciliating those States 
whose co-operation they are desirous of obtaining, and 
without whose co-operation they must be sensible that their 
revolutionary plans would fail." 

Meanwhile, Colonel Drayton had submitted to the Presi- 
dent the views of Judge Huger. On the 31st of December 
he writes to Mr. Poinsett, 

" I have had several conversations with the President & 
proposed to him not to interfere with our party by affording 
them the aid of the Federal troops under existing circum- 
stances, & he acquiesces in the policy of this forbearance, 
observing that he hopes to see the patriots of S. Carolina 
put down sedition & rebellion themselves. So soon as the 
laws passed by our late legislature in conformity with the 
directions of the Ordinance shall reach here a special message, 
I presume, will be sent by the Pres* to Congress. Congress 
will then have this distracting subject before them, and 
unless I labor under the darkest error, the majority of Con- 
gress will not permit South Carolina peaceably to secede from 
the Union." 

As time went on, and the Nullifiers grew more bold and 
defiant, Colonel Drayton was forced to regard armed inter- 
vention as a measure becoming more probable every day. 
But his loyalty to the Union never grew cool even when 
submitted to the crucial test of coercion should it be found 
necessary to adopt it. 

" If our citizens," he says in a letter to Mr. Poinsett, 
January 13, " will not pay duties upon dutiable imports, and 
we resolve to exclude the Federal Courts from deciding con- 
troversies which are constitutionally within their jurisdic- 



The Life and Services of Joel R. PoinseU. 299 

tion our ports will be blockaded. ... In the event of our 
being drawn into a struggle with our foes and the foes of 
our country, and of our rights and liberties I hope & trust 
that we shall meet the emergency like men, prepared without 
boasting to defend ourselves with arms in our hands. The 
Nullifiers appear to be persuaded that they could raise the 
blockade of our ports and produce the retreat of the navy and 
military of the Federal Gov* whenever they please simply 
by the formal declaration of Secession ; but in this respect 
they labor under the same delusion which has characterised 
all their proceedings, for nothing is more evident to any 
observer at this place than that the Congress of the United 
States will not permit South Carolina to withdraw herself 
from the Union." 

" The President contemplates sending a special message 
to Congress upon the subject of our affairs & declared that 
he would immediately execute his intention unless I should 
say to him that a delay would contribute to the safety of 
the members of the Union party. I told him that it would 
be a source of infinite regret to us if the proper course of 
the Gov* should be arrested or paralysed by any considera- 
tion which was personal to ourselves, that we felt, I was 
confident, the same inclination which he did that the mad- 
ness & folly and lawless usurpation of those who now tyran- 
nised over us should be suppressed by the authority of the 
Union. I suggested to the President that it might be ad- 
visable to postpone the communication for a few days in 
order that some impression may be made on the tariff dis- 
cussion, this he has promised to do." 

The danger of an armed collision was averted, as is well 
known, by the unshaken firmness of the President, and the 
passage of the Compromise Bill of Mr. Clay by the com- 
bined vote of the Protectionists and the Nullifiers, with Mr. 
Calhoun at their head. The secret history of this bill may 
be read in Mr. Benton's " Thirty Years in the Senate," vol. 
i. p. 342. Suffice it to say here that the result was that the 
bill gave to the Protectionists all that they could reasonably 
claim in the changed condition of feeling throughout the 
country in regard to the Tariff question, a rate of protection 
gradually decreasing during nine years, while, of course, it 
was not satisfactory to the Legislature of South Carolina, 
which continued for some time to protest, threaten, and 



300 The Life and Services of Joel R. PoinseU. 

nullify. But the people outside of the State, and the Q-eneral 
Government paid little attention to all this talk, regarding 
it, as it proved to be, mere brutum fulmen. 

I certainly have no design of writing a history of the 
Nullification troubles. I merely wish to present the views 
of some of the most eminent men in South Carolina at that 
time of Poinsett, of Huger, and of Drayton in regard to 
a question which has always been important, and which our 
later history has shown to be the most practical in its bear- 
ings of any which can agitate the country, namely, the duty 
of the General Government to enforce the execution of its 
own laws under all circumstances and everywhere. If this 
is a principle which is now deeply rooted in the national life, 
and universally recognized as the basis of our national policy, 
we ought, it seems to me, to recall with pride and thankful- 
ness the heroic struggles of those men who in the darkest 
days of trial and personal danger, and with a full conscious- 
ness that they were sacrificing fortune, and old friends, as 
well as social and political position, boldly proclaimed and 
maintained the truth upon which the Government under 
which we live has been built. 1 

When the strife and excitement attendant upon the 
" troublous times" of the Nullification era had closed Mr. 
Poinsett married, and became a rice planter near George- 
town. Here he exhibited the same enterprise, intelligence, 
and activity which he had displayed in his public life. He be- 
came a prosperous planter, and the hours which he could 
spare from the cultivation of his farm were given to reading, 
and especially to scientific studies, while he enjoyed the 
society of the cultivated people who thronged around him, 
eager to learn from his lips the lessons which had been taught 
him by a large experience of life in many countries and under 
many diverse conditions. Like many retired statesmen he 
became extremely fond of the comparative repose of rural 

1 Colonel Drayton resigned his seat in Congress in 1833, owing, as he 
expressed it, "to a deep-rooted and thorough disgust of public life." 
He removed shortly afterwards to Philadelphia, and the remainder of his 
useful and honorable life was passed in that city. 



The Life and Services of Joel R. Poinsett. 301 

life. He believed in the possibility of cultivating success- 
fully here many of the plants which he had seen growing 
in the various countries he had visited, and he amused 
himself with experiments to naturalize them here. Prob- 
ably this period of his life was the happiest he had ever 
known. He had at last a home where he was surrounded 
not only by the comforts of life, but where his refined and 
elegant tastes had full play. Shut out, it is true, by his 
political opinions from public life in his own State, he 
nevertheless enjoyed what has always been "the classic 
diversion of a statesman's care," the cultivation of his 
fields and the never-failing resource of his books. 

But although his own State neglected him, he was not 
forgotten by those who remembered and could reward his 
services to the nation. He was appointed Secretary of War 
in 1837 by Mr. Van Buren, and certainly no one was a bet- 
ter judge than he of the activity, temper, and tact which 
Mr. Poinsett would bring to the execution of the duties of 
his office. The new field of duty upon which he entered at 
Washington was, as we have seen, one entirely suited to his 
tastes and habits from his earliest boyhood. He at once 
introduced strict methods of accounting into the transaction 
of the business of the office, and he especially distinguished 
himself by improvements in what may be called the scien- 
tific work of the Government. It was he who was chosen 
(although the subject properly belonged to the Navy Depart, 
ment) by Mr. Van Buren's Cabinet to organize and equip 
the " Wilkes Exploring Expedition," and whatever credit the 
nation received for the results of that voyage, a good deal of 
it belongs to his provident care and liberality in fitting out 
the expedition. He planned and founded, moreover, the first 
National Museum and Institute in Washington, which was 
the worthy progenitor of the more famous Smithsonian In- 
stitution. 

While in Europe in early life he had been much struck 
with certain improvements which had been introduced into 
the organization of the French armies under Napoleon. 
Among these things was the constitution and duties of the 



302 The Life and Semites of Joel R. Pohisett. 

etat major, or general staff of the army, the improvements in 
artillery equipment and practice, and the vast importance of 
a corps, known in the English service as that of sappers 
miners. He labored hard to introduce all these improve- 
ments into our own small army. He was only partially 
successful. He completely reorganized, however, our artil- 
lery, and established batteries of what were called flying 
artillery. He sent Colonel Ringgold, who was afterwards 
killed while doing gallant service at Palo Alto in command 
of one of these batteries, to Europe to perfect himself in 
the details of the service. Much of our success in the bat- 
tles of the Mexican War was owing, as is well known, to the 
superiority of our artillery, and its excellence was in a great 
measure due to the prudent care and foresight of Mr. Poin- 
sett while Secretary of War. 

When Mr. Van Buren's term as President expired, Mr. 
Poinsett returned to his plantation in South Carolina. He 
went back to his old work with renewed interest, and took 
no further part in political affairs. His health, as well as 
that of his wife, required attention, and they lived happy 
and contented together in private life. No one enjoyed 
more domestic happiness than he; and no one had more 
reason to wish for its long continuance. But the time of 
his departure was at hand, and he died peacefully on the 
12th of December, 1851, being nearly seventy-three years 
old. 

Mr. Poinsett had been much in the public eye for more 
than a half a century, and his career had been, as I have 
endeavored to show, a singularly useful and honorable one. 
During the whole of it he was remarkable for many quali- 
ties in which our prominent men are often singularly defi- 
cient. In the extent of his knowledge, in his devotion to 
duty as a principle in public affairs, in the firmness and de- 
cision of his character, in the great courage of his opinions, 
he had few if any rivals. As a speaker he was clear and 
forcible ; his voice was not strong, but so distinct that he 
could be heard without difficulty. In the control of his 



The Life and Services of Joel E. Poinsett. 303 

temper, in his self-possession in danger, in the courteous 
simplicity of his manners, he was a model. Above all, he 
was a typical American, willingly sacrificing everything to 
maintain his American principles, and as such, it seems to 
me that he is one of those Americans whose memory we 
should not willingly let die. 









304 Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 



JUDGE JAMBS MOOEE AND MAJOE JAMES MOOEE, 
OF CHESTEE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY W. S. LONG, M.D. 

My desire in presenting sketches of these gentlemen, 
father and son, is to preserve as far as possible from the 
oblivion which so rapidly envelops the men and events of 
the preceding century, the few remaining incidents in the 
lives of men who, occupying the highest social position, 
gave years of service to their country at the times of her 
greatest need. The pen of the historian has barely re- 
corded their names, which the thoughtless may deem a re- 
proach. In the dusty volumes of the " Colonial Records" 
and " Pennsylvania Archives" the persevering delver after 
dry facts will find that official mention has more fully pre- 
sented their claims to the passing attention at least of pos- 
terity. 

The first of the family of whom we have information was 
William Moore, who removed from Scotland to the north 
of Ireland, and was one of the defenders of Derry in 1689. 
He had a number of sons and daughters. Judge Moore, 
who was born in 1730, may have been a younger son, but I 
believe he was a grandson of this man. Tradition tells us 
that he had eight brothers. He was the first of the family 
to emigrate to America, and the only one of his generation. 
He was then about nineteen years of age. At different 
times eight nephews and one or more nieces were welcomed 
to his home, and from thence started out to make their for- 
tunes, and from them are descended many who have occu- 
pied distinguished positions in public or private life. These 
are all descended from William Moore, of Derry, without 
any missing link in the chain of descent, or uncertainty, as 
in the case of their uncle. One nephew, Samuel Moore, of 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 305 

Lancaster County, was a captain in the Pennsylvania Line, 
and was grandfather of General John Fulton Reynolds, the 
hero of Gettysburg, and of Rear-Admiral William Reynolds. 
Another nephew, Robert Moore, was engaged in one of the 
Irish rebellions, and only succeeded in escaping to the 
United States after hair-breadth escapes from the English 
soldiers. At one time he was hidden for several days in an 
oven. Two fine silver-mounted holster pistols, which were 
carried by him, are preserved in one branch of our family. 

James Moore, Sr., settled in Chester County, and in time 
became possessed of several large farms bordering on 
Springton and Brandywine Manors. In 1752 he married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Judge James and Rachel (Creswell) 
Whitehill, of Pequea, Lancaster County. She came of a 
good Scotch-Irish family, one that furnished many men of 
mark in the early annals of our country. Two of her 
brothers were members of the Constitutional Convention 
of 1787, and three were members of Congress between 
1803 and 1814. The family was represented in the Com- 
mittee of Safety, Council of Censors, General Assembly, or 
Congress, almost continuously from 1776 to 1814. 

Mrs. Moore was a lady of great refinement and sensi- 
bility. She was active in assisting the poor and wounded 
soldiers of our Buffering army. She was possessed of great 
personal bravery, such as is frequently seen in persons of 
her character in times of danger, but which may remain 
unsuspected in peaceful days. She was considered a very 
proud woman. When severe trials came upon her she re- 
mained silent, and no tradition remains of any complaint to 
any human being. After her husband's death she had total 
loss of sight, and was greatly comforted in being able to 
repeat many passages from the Bible and hymns. Of the 
latter her favorite was, "Consider all my sorrows, Lord, 
and thy deliverance send." She died June 25, 1815, aged 
eighty-two years. 

James Moore, Sr., at a meeting of the Executive Council 
at Philadelphia, May 23, 1770, was appointed justice of the 
General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and of the Court of 
VOL. xii. 20 



306 Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 

Common Pleas for Chester County. On December 20, 1774, 
in company with Anthony Wayne, Thomas Hockley, and 
about thirty others, he was chosen a member of the Commit- 
tee of Safety of Chester County. This body held meetings at 
irregular times at various places in the county, increasing 
their frequency as the danger became greater, until, in 1776, 
" they met almost daily in Philadelphia. Their duties were 
arduous in the extreme. It is indeed difficult to comprehend 
how a body of men could control and direct such an amount 
of business, in all its details, as was brought under their 
notice." (" Hist. Chest. Co.," by Futhey, p. 63.) At a meet- 
ing at Richard Cheyney's in East Cain, Messrs. Hockley, 
Johnston, Gronow, Lloyd, Frazier, Moore, and Taylor 
were " appointed a committee to essay a draft of a petition 
to present the General Assembly of this Province, with re- 
gard to the manumission of slaves, especially relating to 
the freedom of infants hereafter born of black women within 
this colony." Funds were collected at this meeting for the 
use of Boston. At a meeting held September 25, 1775, 
" at the sign of the Turk's Head," the following paper 
was published. It has been well said that it has a strange 
sound at this day, yet, without doubt, it was the prevailing 
sentiment at the time : 



" Whereas some persons, evidently inimical to the liberty 
of America, have industriously propagated a report that the 
military associations of this County, in conjunction with the 
military associations in general, intend to overturn the con- 
stitution by declaring an Independency, in the execution of 
which they are aided by this committee and the Board of 
Commissioners and Assessors with the arms now making 
for this County ; and as such report could not originate but 
among the worst of men for the worst of purposes, this 
Committee have therefore thought proper to declare their 
abhorrence even of an idea so pernicious in its nature ; as 
they ardently wish for nothing more than a happy and 
speedy reconciliation on constitutional principles, with that 
state from whom they derive their origin. 

" By order of the Committee. 

" ANTHONY WAYNE, chairman" 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 307 

On December 26, 1775, " Anthony Wayne, James Moore, 
Francis Johnston, Dr. Samuel Kennedy, Caleb Davis, Wil- 
liam Montgomery, Persifor Frazier and Eichard Thomas, 
Gentlemen," were appointed to represent the county in the 
Provincial Convention for the ensuing year. One of the 
many good things done by this committee was the securing 
the appointment of Anthony Wayne to his first military 
office. 

Mr. Moore was made a justice of the peace, March 31, 
1777. Resigned November 17, 1781, to take his seat as 
representative from Chester County to the General As- 
sembly, to which office he was re-elected in 1784, '85, '86, 
'87, and '88. Reappointed justice of the peace, November 6, 
1782. On December 13, 1783, he was elected a member of 
the Council of Censors. This body was to meet every seven 
years, to see if the new Constitution had been preserved in- 
violate and justice administered. General Anthony Wayne 
was his colleague from Chester County. They met in the 
summer of 1784. On October 31, 1785, he was elected a 
judge of Court of Common Pleas, but on the same date he 
appeared before Benjamin Franklin, president of Supreme 
Executive Council, and resigned this office, to take his place 
in the General Assembly. In 1790, Judge Moore, John 
Worth, and Joseph Gibbons, as County Commissioners, 
bought land and superintended the erection of the Public 
Office building at West Chester. On August 17, 1791, he 
was appointed an associate judge of the Supreme Court of 
Pennsylvania. His associate judges in the Second Division, 
consisting of Chester, Lancaster, York, and Dauphin, were 
Judges Shippen and Finney, with William Atlee as presi- 
dent. Judge Moore was a warm patriot during the Revo- 
lution, and was active in enlisting men for the Flying Camp 
and the Pennsylvania Line. He had charge of public 
funds and payment of bounties to the soldiers, and stores 
for the army. For a long time he was obliged to take the 
money and sleep in a secret place away from his house, in 
order to secure it from the Tories and outlaws, who made 
several attempts to gain possession of it. They visited his 



308 Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 

house in his absence, but his wife met them bravely and 
was never molested. She never knew where his hiding- 
place was, desiring that it should be kept secret from her, 
so that no consideration for her own safety would ever 
impel her to reveal it. After his death she regretted that 
she had not asked him to take her to it, when all reasons for 
secrecy had passed away. Judge and Mrs. Moore lived in a 
fine, large stone mansion, on the crest of a hill overlooking 
the Brandywine, near the present village and station of Glen 
Moore. Two rows of trees bordered the broad avenue from 
the house to the road. A few pieces of furniture, of silver 
plate, and fine Irish linen, which he had brought from Ire- 
land, afford us but a glimpse at the solidity and elegance 
which several aged persons I have met have affirmed char- 
acterized their well-ordered home; for about 1800 it was 
destroyed by fire, and very little was saved. A carpet 
covered the drawing-room floor, and was a great curiosity, 
people coming from long distances to see it, some prophesy- 
ing the loss of their broad acres for indulging in such vanity. 
It was only used in winter, being considered too warm for 
summer. Hospitality was practised such as only the olden 
time or, perhaps, the South of antebellum days could 
illustrate. The household work was done by slaves. 

Judge Moore has been pictured to us as a tall man, 
though not fleshy, and of a dignified presence, his pow- 
dered hair in queue, a coat with a high-rolled collar and gold 
buttons, knee-breeches, silk hose, with silver buckles on his 
shoes. Shirts made entirely of linen were alone worn, and 
the ruffles were models of neatness and artistic skill. His 
dress was such as he thought befitted a gentleman of high 
social position. Republican simplicity, as exemplified by 
Jefferson in wrapper and slippers receiving the foreign min- 
isters, would have found little favor in his sight. In religion 
he was a Presbyterian, a member of the church of the Forks 
of Brandywine. It was one of the curious customs of that 
time, which made it possible for a liquor-dealer to become 
an elder in the church, while a lawyer was ineligible to 
any office higher than trustee. While Mr. Moore was one 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 309 

of the most liberal givers in the congregation, and an ac- 
tive worker in whatever he set his hands to do, he never 
advanced heyond the bounds set to the men of his profes- 
sion. Being a judge in Pennsylvania's Supreme Court in 
no respect altered the case in the view of those old Scotch- 
Irishmen. He was elected trustee in 1761. This congre- 
gation is the one of which history tells us, that at a dark 
time in the nation's struggle for liberty there was not an 
able-bodied man remaining in its bounds, all were in the 
service of their country, while the old men, women, and 
boys harvested the crops. Judge Moore had four children, 
James, who became a major in the Pennsylvania Line; 
William, John, and David. His death, which occurred 
March 31, 1802, was very sudden and unexpected, and was 
ascribed to apoplexy, but the rapid result would make it 
probable that it was due to cardiac disease. He was over- 
seeing the building of a fence when he fell, and death took 
place instantly. He and his wife are buried in one grave 
in Brandywine Manor churchyard. 



(To be continued.) 



310 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 



A NARRATIVE OF THE TRANSACTIONS, IM- 
PRISONMENT, AND SUFFERINGS OF JOHN 
CONNOLLY, AN AMERICAN LOYALIST AND 
LIEUT. COL. IN HIS MAJESTY'S SERVICE. 

There cannot, perhaps, be a more severe task imposed 
upon a person, who has any pretensions to that sense of 
propriety which distinguishes a delicate mind, than to be 
obliged to relate a long story, of which he is himself the 
subject. It has, however, always been held excusable if the 
incidents were extraordinary, and it were necessary to the 
future peace and prosperity of the narrator they should be 
known, provided the tale were told with modesty and truth. 
I hope this gentle indulgence will be kindly extended to 
me, and that the unavoidable egotism that must pervade 
this narrative, will be benevolently overlooked in mercy to 
the misfortunes of one who is at least conscious of having 
acted with good intentions, and from principles which he 
believed were descriptive of a loyal subject, an honest man, 
and a man of honour. 

I was born in America of respectable parents, and re- 
ceived as perfect an education as that country could afford. 
In the early part of life I was bred to physic, the practice 
of which it was intended I should pursue ; my natural bent 
of mind, however, determined otherwise. It was my am- 
bition to be a soldier ; and this passion was so prevalent 
that, contrary to the wishes of my friends, I went a volun- 
teer, while yet a youth, to Martinico, where I endeavoured 
to distinguish myself, as far as inexperience and an unim- 
portant station would admit. After the peace of 1762, the 
North American Indians entered into a general confederacy 
to destroy our frontier settlements and demolish the garri- 
sons. The British commander in chief was obliged to send 
an army to repel these invaders; in which, once more a 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 311 

volunteer, I served two campaigns, at my own private ex- 
pense ; and, as became me, cheerfully and ambitiously en- 
countered the dangers and fatigues of war. Here I had an 
opportunity of observing the great difference between the 
petite guerre of the Indians, and the military system of the 
Europeans, and how essentially necessary it was for a good 
soldier in this service to be master of them both. Ani- 
mated by a strong desire to make myself worthy to serve 
my King and country on future occasions, after peace was 
established with the Indians, I explored our newly ac- 
quired territory, visited the various tribes of native Ameri- 
cans, studied their different manners and customs, under- 
took the most toilsome marches with them through the 
extensive wilds of Canada, and depended upon the pre- 
carious chace for my subsistence for months successively. 
A perseverance in these preliminary duties of a good sol- 
dier taught me to endure hardships, and gave me agility of 
body, and an aptitude to enterprize, very proper to form a 
partizan officer. 

Delighted with the soil and climate, I afterwards fixed 
my residence beyond the Apalachian mountains in West 
Augusta county, and as numbers were daily emigrating 
thither from the middle Colonies, I was active in encour- 
aging the new settlers; these soon acquired property, the 
spirit of industry increased, cultivation and improvements 
were extended, and establishments, scarcely credible, arose 
from the midst of a wilderness, and spread for more than 
one hundred miles down the river Ohio. To be at the head 
of a new settlement was not the only object I had in view. 
During the preceding war, France had sent her soldiers 
from Canada, and by seizing this country, and erecting 
Fort Du Quesne (now Fort Pitt) had given great disturbance 
to Virginia, and the Middle Colonies in general. This new 
settlement precluded the possibility of renewing the like 
ravages from Louisiana, now the only avenue through 
which we were vulnerable, in case of future hostilities with 
the House of Bourbon. I had been taught from my earliest 
infancy to revere my King and country, and provide against 



312 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

their enemies : I had here an opportunity of performing my 
duty, and I was happy. 

In the infancy of the settlement, the magistrates of Penn- 
sylvania usurped a power of jurisdiction that was not only 
illegal but extremely prejudicial to the inhabitants ; to 
preserve which, they proceeded to many very unjustifiable 
acts of violence, and went even so far as to threaten an ap- 
peal to the sword. I was the person, who having the most 
power, had the greatest share in procuring a redress of 
these grievances. I was sensible the Charter limits of the 
Province of Pennsylvania could not justify the exercise of 
jurisdiction beyond the Western bounds of that govern- 
ment ; and therefore applied to the Governor and Council 
of Virginia, and obtained the necessary authority to pro- 
hibit such usurpation, until his Majesty's royal pleasure was 
known. These things are mentioned, not to display my 
own merits or consequences, but because they are necessary 
to the narrative ; for though it was my endeavour, through- 
out this transaction, to conduct myself with a dispassionate 
and candid regard to justice only, yet, as it was prejudicial 
to the pecuniary interests of some individuals in Pennsyl- 
vania, they became my enemies, among whom, was a Gen- 
tleman since advanced to high military rank in the Ameri- 
can service. 

In the year 1774, disputes arose between the Indians and 
some inconsiderate people, who, it appeared from every cir- 
cumstance, had treated the former in a very harsh and im- 
proper manner; reciprocal injuries took place, and the in- 
dustrious and meritorious husbandman, with his innocent 
family, suffered for the injustice committed by his unprinci- 
pled countrymen. I was, at that time, invested with the 
command of the militia ; it was, therefore, my peculiar duty 
to avert, if possible, a war that threatened the destruction of 
a flourishing Colony, and every endeavour at pacification 
was employed by me, but unhappily without effect. Depre- 
dations continued, and the defenceless inhabitants fled from 
the vengeance of their enraged enemies. However, in obe- 
dience to the orders of his excellency Lord Dunmore, I raised 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 313 

a body of men sufficient to cover the frontier, and by a 
chain of small forts repelled the violence of their incursions. 
Hostilities did not end here; other Indian nations joined the 
confederacy, and the war became more important. Two 
small armies were marched into the enemies' country, as the 
sole means of effecting a speedy and permanent reconcilia- 
tion. Lord Dunmore, in person, commanded, and a battle, 
the most important that ever happened on a similar occa- 
sion, in North America, was fought, in which the Indians 
were totally routed, pursued to their towns, and reduced to 
the necessity of giving hostages for the accomplishment of 
a treaty of peace entered into by them, and which was to 
have been finally ratified the ensuing Spring at Pittsburgh. 
I cannot speak in terms sufficiently expressive of the admi- 
ration with which the whole army beheld Lord Dunmore, 
during this expedition. His conduct was exemplary to the 
officer and the soldier: he chearfully encountered every 
hardship, waded through every creek, and marched with 
his men upwards of Four hundred miles on foot. He 
preserved the dignity, by fulfilling the duties of his 
station. 

In the course of the contest, the principal warriors and 
chiefs were made prisoners, and committed to my charge at 
Fort Pitt, where, after the expedition, I had the honour to 
command some Colony troops as Major Commandant. I 
have before spoken of the efforts I had used to qualify my- 
self for the profession of arms ; and I had now the satisfac- 
tion to meet every honourable testimony of applause for my 
behaviour in the Indian war, both from his excellency Lord 
Dunmore and my fellow-subjects. 

Although Congress had assembled themselves in Septem- 
ber 1774, yet as that was about the time I was going into 
the Indian country, my mind was so intent upon the war, I 
paid but little regard to political heats which every loyalist 
imagined would soon subside; but on my return, the inti- 
mations of my friends, and the proceedings of the disaf- 
fected, gave me the first unhappy presages of the ensuing 
commotions. These were greatly heightened by the follow- 



314 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

ing letter, which I received from General Washington, in 
answer to one I had written to him on Indian affairs. 

MOUNT- VEKNON, Feb. 25, 1775. 
DEAR SIR, 

Your servant, on his return from Williamsburg, affords 
me occasion to answer your polite letter. I confess the state 
of affairs is sufficiently alarming ; which our critical situa- 
ation, with regard to the Indians does not diminish : but as 
you have wrote to Lord Dunmore, relative to the prisoners 
under your charge, there can be no doubt of his Lordship's 
having now transmitted you the necessary directions on that 
subject. I have only to express my most ardent wishes that 
every measure, consistent with reason and sound policy, may 
be adopted to keep those people, at this time, in good 
humour; for another rupture would not only ruin the ex- 
ternal, but internal parts of this government. If the jour- 
nal of your proceedings in the Indian war is to be published, 
I shall have an opportunity of seeing what I have long 
coveted. With us here, things wear a disagreeable aspect ; 
and the minds of men are exceedingly disturbed at the 
measures of the British government. The King's Speech 
and Address of both Houses, prognosticate nothing favour- 
able to us ; but by some subsequent proceedings thereto, as 
well as by private letters from London, there is reason to be- 
lieve, the Ministry would willingly change their ground, 
from a conviction the forcible measures will be inadequate 
to the end designed. A little time must now unfold the 
mystery, as matters are drawing to a point. 

I am, dear sir, 

your friend, and most obedient 

humble servant, 

G. WASHINGTON. 
MAJOR CONNOLLY, 

Fort Pitt. 

This letter spoke in plain terms the spirit of its dictator, 
and the intelligence I received from all quarters confirmed 
my apprehensions. And here I have the consolation to 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 315 

reflect, that ray loyalty to my Prince, and respect for the 
established form of government, were too confirmed to 
admit of the least doubt which party I should espouse ; I 
decided instantly, and resolved to exert every faculty in 
defence of the royal cause ; from which resolution not one 
idea has ever swerved, although my succeeding misfor- 
tunes left me only the inclination, while it deprived me of 
the power to execute. At this time, indeed, I had better 
prospects ; for notwithstanding that those illegal assemblies, 
called county committees, had generally pervaded the thir- 
teen Provinces, I had influence enough, not only to prevent 
any such assembly in West Augusta county, where I pre- 
sided, but likewise to engage a formidable body of friends, 
at the risk of life and fortune, in support of the constitu- 
tional authority. 

The battle of Bunker's Hill had now been fought, and 
the flames of rebellion began openly to blaze. I had written 
to Lord Dunmore for instructions respecting my conduct, 
who, I found, would be obliged to quit his government; and 
received for answer, that he advised me to disband the 
troops, at the time limited by act of assembly, that they 
might have no cause of complaint on that head; that I 
should convene the Indians to a general treaty, restore the 
prisoners, and endeavour to incline them to espouse the 
royal cause. This last proved a most hazardous enterprize, 
though not therefore relinquished ; for the assembly of 
Virginia, having resolved themselves into an unwarrantable 
convention, finding I had invited the contiguous Indian 
tribes to a general congress at Fort Pitt, deputed a commit- 
tee of their own body to inspect my conduct. These people 
were ordered to impress upon the minds of the Indians, the 
justice of the hostile proceedings against this country, and 
the necessity of arming as a preliminary to the intended 
requisition of their auxiliary aid in future. This was the 
direct contrary to what it was my duty, if possible, to effect ; 
and, narrowly as I was watched, I had the" happiness to 
succeed in this dangerous and critical undertaking. 

This was owing to my superior knowledge of Indian 



316 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

manners and tempers, and the measures I had previously 
taken. I had most assiduously cultivated the friendship, 
and insinuated myself into the favour of my prisoners; 
had convinced them of the advantages that might accrue to 
their nations, by adhering to the British government; and 
procured their promises to negotiate the business with their 
brethren, which they punctually performed. Thus I se- 
cretly frustrated the machinations of the Republicans, while 
I received their thanks, and procured assurances from the 
Indian chiefs to support his Majesty, at all events, as his 
Majesty's most faithful friends and auxiliaries ; as a proof 
of which, I was authorized to transmit a large belt of wam- 
pum to Lord Dunmore, from him to be sent to his Majesty, 
as a symbol of their inviolable attachment to his royal per- 
son. This public transaction employed a fortnight, at the 
end of which I dismissed the Indians perfectly satisfied and 
informed ; having first added an additional and considerable 
present out of my private fortune, to what had been pub- 
licly voted for that purpose. 

The troops lately under my command were now dis- 
banded, the demagogues of faction were active, the spirit 
of sedition was every where prevalent, and distrust of each 
other pervaded hearts the most loyal. But as nothing 
great or good could be effected in times like these with- 
out risk, I considered only what plan was best at such 
conjuncture ; and having determined, resolved to act with 
vigor, as a temporizing neutrality was neither consistent 
with my principles nor my passions. My design briefly 
was, first to engage as many gentlemen of consequence 
as possible to join with me in defence of government, 
and afterwards to make my way through the country, 
visit Lord Dunmore, who was now driven, for personal 
safety, on board a ship lying at Norfolk, consult with him, 
and take his instructions concerning the most effectual 
mode I and my adherents could pursue to serve his Majesty. 
I began by inviting such of my friends as I could best de- 
pend on to an entertainment, where, as public disturbances 
were now the universal topic, little address was necessary 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 317 

to introduce such discourse. Encouraged by an unanimity 
of opinion, each man delivered his sentiments freely; and 
as I found them universally enraged against the arbitrary 
proceedings of the Republican party, I ventured to predict, 
that nothing less than independency, and a total revolution, 
were intended by the leaders of faction, whatever might be 
their pretentious. My friends were men warmed with a high 
veneration for his Majesty, and the constitution ; and as the 
conversation operated as I could wish, I found means to 
take some of the most confidential aside, and inform them 
of my plan, of my resolution to execute it at the hazard of 
life and fortune, and of my expectation of their hearty con- 
currence and aid. The gentlemen present were most of 
them either officers in the militia, or magistrates of the 
county, consequently were those whose influence and wealth 
could most effectually serve the cause. A solemn compact 
was immediately entered into, stating, that if an accommo- 
dation did not take place, and I could procure the necessary 
authority to raise men, they would, at the risk of life and 
property, most willingly engage to restore the constitutional 
authority, as far as any co-operative measure from that 
county could contribute to so salutary a design, after which 
the strictest secrecy was enjoined, and the company separated. 
The circumspection and art necessary to escape to Lord 
Dunmore, occasioned some preparatory delay; and the 
following incident, which will give a lively picture of the 
anarchy of the times, made this delay still greater. Two 
nights before my intended departure, my servant entered 
my room after midnight, to inform me that an express was 
just arrived, with dispatches from Lord Dunmore, and de- 
sired admittance. I ordered him to be brought in, and im- 
mediately a man followed my servant in a travelling dress, 
with a packet in his hand. I drew my curtain, received it, 
and was breaking open the seal, when the villain seized me 
by the throat, presented a pistol at my breast, told me I was 
his prisoner, and, if I offered the least resistance, a dead 
man. I had been so long learning to despise danger, and 
acquire fortitude, that I was not easily to be intimidated. 



318 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

I rightly suspected he had accomplices, so leaping up, I 
drove the fellow back, seized him, and while struggling 
gave the door a kick, and shut it by the spring-lock. I 
called to my servant for my sword or pistols; but to his 
stupefaction, it is probable, I owe my present existence; for 
though I should have killed my antagonist in self-defence, I 
should have fallen the immediate martyr of revenge. My 
door was quickly burst open by his armed coadjutors, about 
twenty in number; and the contest becoming unequal, I 
was compelled to submit myself their prisoner. I was 
scarcely allowed time to dress, my servants were secured ; I 
was mounted on a horse brought for the purpose, hurried 
away, and obliged to ride all night at the risk of my neck, 
till about ten o'clock in the morning, when I found myself 
at Ligonier, fifty-four miles from Pittsburgh. 

I soon learnt I was in the power of my inveterate enemy, 
the commander of the militia, and principal man of the 
place ; who had taken this opportunity of wreaking his 
malice, under pretence of seizing a dangerous person and a 
Tory, an appellation lately revived, and given by the repub- 
licans to the loyalists ; and which the common people were 
taught to hold in such abhorrence, that Tory was, in their 
imaginations, synonimous to every thing vile and wicked. 
My only hope, and that a very distant one, was, a rescue by 
my friends ; and as I was informed, that I was suspected of 
an intention to raise a body of men to act against the liber- 
ties of America, to answer which accusation I must imme- 
diately be sent to Congress, I found I could only escape, by 
gaining time, and protracting a journey so destructive to all 
my future designs. The agitation of mind unavoidable in 
such times, and under such circumstances, with the fatigue 
of such a jaunt, had brought on a slight indisposition, which 
I purposely magnified, and prevailed on the gentleman in 
whose custody I was, to suffer me to go to bed ; where by 
continuing the same pretence, I remained all day, and when 
night came was indulged with a farther respite till the next 
morning. My wish was, that my friends, who had the cause 
of royalty as well as friendship at heart, would gain the 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 319 

passes of the Lawrel-hill [Laurel-Hills] or Allegheny 
mountains, and there effect my rescue. 

In the morning, when we had breakfasted, the guard had 
mounted, and I reluctantly on the point of setting out for 
Philadelphia, a man on horseback arrived at Ligonier from 
the mountains, who had apparently rode very hard. He 
was stopped by the Captain of the guard, and I soon per- 
ceived, by their whispers and change of countenance, he 
brought intelligence they did not like ; and almost at the 
same instant, another person was seen coming, with the 
greatest expedition, in the contrary direction from Pitts- 
burgh, whom I soon knew to be one of my neighbours, 
though not perfectly satisfied at that time of his loyalty. To 
me these were favourable omens, and my conjectures were 
quickly confirmed, by the arrival of the Gentleman who 
planned and directed this expedition, and who now saluted 
me very civilly, entered into conversation, spoke of the dis- 
agreeable prospect of civil war, and the unjustifiable at- 
tempts of the British legislature ; which supposition I re- 
pelled, as far as the delicacy of my situation would permit. 

Happening to pass through the kitchen of the public 
house where we were, one of the maids followed me out, 
and informed me, that a considerable body of my friends 
were waiting at the Lawrel-hill, who had vowed to put 
every man to the sword whom they should find guarding 
me, and afterwards to burn down the house of the princi- 
pal, in revenge for such a lawless outrage. This intelligence 
perfectly explained appearances, and gave me boldness, so 
that when I re-entered, I presently came to an eclaircissement 
with my enemy. I observed to him, that his conduct seemed 
to precipitate the horrors of civil dissention, and that his 
having recourse to an armed force to remove me out of my 
own country, in so hostile and suspicious a manner, could not 
fail to awaken the resentment of my friends, who, undoubt- 
edly, on such a pressing occasion, would have recourse to 
force also, and repel violence by violence : I added, that it was 
mutually our duty to suppress, not encourage such proceed- 
ings, for they were indubitably big with the most dreadful 



320 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

calamities. The conclusion was, I was permitted to return 
home, and very gladly took my leave. I had not yet, how- 
ever, passed the boundaries of danger. 

I had not proceeded far on my return, before I met one of 
my servants with a led horse, and a portmanteau of cloaths 
for my use, in case I had been taken to Philadelphia. He 
informed me of several persons he had seen assembled at 
Hannah's Town, whose political characters were the reverse 
of mine, and that he suspected they intended me some in- 
jury ; and accordingly we presently saw three persons ap- 
proach, whom I knew to be Magistrates of Pennsylvania, 
and whom I had some time before been under the necessity 
of arresting and holding to bail, because they would persist 
to execute their magisterial functions beyond the limits of 
their own province and county, (as related in the beginning 
of this narrative), very much to the prejudice of his Majesty's 
subjects in the colony of Virginia. These Gentlemen, who 
were accompanied by the Sheriff, after a hasty salute, ar- 
rested me on a writ of twenty thousand pounds damages, 
for having confined their persons. They proposed returning 
to Ligonier with me ; to this I objected, alledging, that the 
action was of so strange a nature, I would not give bail, but 
insisted on being taken to the county gaol, which was near 
my own home and friends. 

My partizans having heard of my release at Ligonier, 
and not suspecting any farther attempts, were satisfied and 
dispersed, and remained quiet two or three days ; but when 
they heard I was again detained at Hannah's Town, under a 
fresh pretext, they were greatly enraged, and were only 
prevented from proceeding to extremities, by the prudence 
of a few individuals. A letter was, however, immediately 
sent from the senior Magistrate of the county, over which 
I had the honor to preside, to the committee of Westmore- 
land county, written in a firm but proper tone, demanding 
my release. This had instantly the desired effect, and I 
was at length allowed to return to Pittsburg, where I was 
met by a great number of my adherents, armed, and im- 
patiently waiting the issue. My gratitude and feelings at 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 321 

the firmness of their attachment were powerful, and after 
returning them my thanks in the most expressive manner I 
could, they again dispersed. 

I have not related these incidents, "because they are not 
only descriptive of the factious spirit that prevailed, and 
how plausibly private pique could assume the appearance 
of public spirit, but tend likewise to show, that formidable 
as the republican party was, the loyalists were not less so ; 
and that had it not been for the after impediment, of a 
long and rigorous imprisonment, I should undoubtedly have 
had the power, by collecting, encouraging, and heading 
my friends, to have served my king and country most essen- 
tially. 

Once more at liberty, I had now to pursue my plan of 
visiting Lord Dunmore ; but the distance I had to travel, 
and the lawless and suspicious temper of the times, made 
this no easy matter. The treaty which I had concluded 
with the Indians, gave me ostensible business to the Com- 
mittee at "Winchester ; and the better to hide my intentions, 
I prevailed with three of the Indian Chiefs to accompany 
me thither, carrying with me a copy of the treaty, calculated 
for the inspection of the President and Convention assem- 
bled at Richmond. I travelled about one hundred and 
eighty miles from Fort Pitt, till I came to the warm springs 
in Frederick county, without any remarkable occurrence. 
Here I met a great concourse of Gentlemen from the differ- 
ent governments, who delivered sentiments very opposite 
to mine; but though I had the caution not to contradict, 
notwithstanding that I heard the grossest falsehoods indus- 
triously propagated, yet my silence was construed into dis- 
sension, and I was given to understand, I was a suspected 
person, and that it had been proposed to form a committee 
to enquire into my conduct and intentions. Though his 
arbitrary examination was dropped, I learnt, that several 
Gentlemen had written to the Committee at Winchester, 
describing me as a suspicious and dangerous character. I 
determined, however, to proceed; and concluded, that if 
I could escape, with plausibility, this one more difficulty, 
VOL. xii. 21 



322 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

I might obtain some certificate of the satisfaction my con- 
duct had given this newly erected tribunal, which might 
serve as a passport through the remainder of my journey. 

The day after I arrived, the expected scrutiny took place, 
and I found not only the letters written from the suspicious 
valetudinarians of the warm springs, but one come express 
from the clerk of the county where I myself presided, re- 
plete with assurances to the committee, of my dangerous 
and Tory principles ; and expressive of a conviction, that I 
intended to join Lord Dunmore, and meditated every op- 
position to the laudable purposes then adopted for the sup- 
pression of tyranny. To men enflamed with enthusiastic 
ideas of infringed rights, this was a charge most criminal : 
I endeavoured to avert and soften it, by declaring, first, in 
general terms, that though my reverence for the King and 
Constitution might, at some moments, possibly have be- 
trayed me into expressions reflecting on certain proceedings, 
which I could not help dreading, might plunge our unhappy 
country into all the horrors of a civil war, yet I had ever 
exerted myself to the utmost extent of my abilities for the 
public good, in all affairs which I had been deemed worthy 
to transact : that I flattered myself, the treaty and proceed- 
ings with the Indians, now open for their inspection, would 
vouch for my assertions : that with respect to letters and 
suspicions, they were no proofs ; and that the letter most 
positive in accusation, came from a person not instigated by 
a love of justice and his country, but by motives far less 
praiseworthy, of which I gave them satisfactory and notori- 
ous proofs. 

And now an incident happened, that turned the scale en- 
tirely in my favour, for just as the Clerk of the Committee 
had finished reading the Indian treaty, an express arrived 
with dispatches from the President of the Convention, held 
at Richmond, containing not only entire approbation of my 
conduct, in the beforementioned Indian treaty, of which 
the Commissioners, sent to inspect and assist, had given an 
account, but likewise a polite and complimentary letter from 
the President to me, expressing a desire to see me along 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 323 

with the Indian Chiefs. This produced everything I could 
wish. The Clerk was ordered to give me a copy of a re- 
solve, signifying their entire satisfaction, at my good and 
able conduct, and their belief, of my having acted hereto- 
fore, in a manner conducive to the liberties of America. 

It was not my purpose, however, to visit the convention, 
but Lord Dunmore : the next day, therefore, I informed the 
Indians, I must now part with them, as my business re- 
quired I should take a different route; advised them to 
meet the Convention at Kichmond ; brought to their recol- 
lection, the duty I had so often inculcated, and took my 
leave ; but not without regret at parting with men, who, 
though unpolished and barbarous, had great integrity ot 
heart, and an inviolable friendship. 

So full was the country become of Committees, new 
raised militia, petty officers, and other persons officially busy, 
in hopes of being distinguished, that the utmost circum- 
spection was continually necessary. When I came to Fred- 
ericksburg, I dined with an old friend, in better days Doc- 
tor, afterwards General Mercer, and killed at Prince Town, 
in an action with the seventeenth regiment, and because I 
was silent, when inflammatory and unconstitutional toasts 
and sentiments were drank, the next day, when I again set 
off on my journey, I found they had placed a spy upon me, 
under the appearance of an accidental traveller on the road 
to Richmond. 

Him, however, I had the address to shake off. When I 
came near Williamsburg, I contrived so as to pass through 
the town in the night. I saw several officers and soldiers, 
and was hailed by the centinels, but answering, " a friend," 
they supposed me a country Gentleman, and suffered me to 
pass. Though the rains had been, and were exceedingly 
heavy, attended with violent thunder and lightning, I did 
not stop till I came to York-Town, which was towards 
midnight, and there, thoroughly drenched, and excessively 
fatigued, I went to bed. Being near the end of my journey, 
on the morning I set forward, through still unremitting rain, 
which, though very disagreeable, was a very convenient cir- 



324 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

cumstance, for the militia and inhabitants were obliged to 
keep in their houses, and I passed through Hampton safe 
and unobserved. I here procured a boat, and by a little 
finesse with the waterman, got on board the ship where 
Lord Dunmore usually remained. His Lordship was gone 
on shore to Gosport, whither I instantly followed, and im- 
mediately obtained the ardently wished-for-pleasure of an 
interview. 

Those only who have seen such times, and been in 
similar situations ; who have felt the like passionate desire 
to distinguish themselves in the service of their King and 
country, and the like apprehensions of being prevented, 
those only can conceive the satisfaction I experienced at 
this moment. I had been twice a prisoner, twice rescued ; 
had passed the Apalachian Mountains, and come upwards 
of four hundred and fifty miles, through a country where 
every eye seemed intuitively suspicious; had formed a 
party in favour of the cause I had espoused ; and my heart 
swelled with the hopes of doing something eminently con- 
spicuous: I had happily joined a Nobleman, whose loyal 
sentiments corresponded with my own, and who made it an 
invariable rule never to suffer those who preferred their al- 
legiance to the vain applause of a giddy multitude, to pass 
undistinguished. Thus far success attended my efforts, 
and I was happy : the reverse of the medal must presently 
appear. 



(To be continued.) 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



325 






ESSAY OP AN ONONDAGA GEAMMAE, OE A SHOET 
INTEODUCTION TO LEAEN THE ONONDAGA AL. 
MAQUA TONGUE. 

BY REV. DAVID ZEISBERGER. 

CONTRIBUTED BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

(Concluded from page 239.) 

4 th Conjugation 
Agotaeri, to pity, forgive. 

I forgive Perf. sing. wagitae*richne 

you " 

she for gives 

we for give 

ye " 

they " 



Prces. sing, wagitaeri 
waschitaeri 
wahotaeri 
plur. unquaetaeri 
s'wantaeri 
wahuntaeri 
guntaeri (fern.) they 



Fut. sing, 'ngitaeri 
'nschitaeri 
'nhotaeri 
'ngotaeri 

plur. 'nt'waentaeri 
'ns'waentaeri 
'nhuntaeri 
'nguntaeri 



waschita6 
wahota6richne 
jogota6 

plur. unquantae 
s'wanta^r 
wahuntaer 
guntaerichne 



Infinit. PTCRS. untatterio, to fight. 

Perf. untatteriochne, to have fought. 

Fut. 'njuntatteri6 



Prces. sing, gatatterio 
satatterio 
hatatterio 
gotatterio 

plur. unqua or t'waetterio 
s'watatterio 
huntatterio 
guntatterio 



Fut. sing, 'ngatatterio 
'nsatterio 
'nhatatterio, &c. 

Imperative. 

Prces. sing. scheateri6 
plur. aswaterio 

Fut. sing, n'ashiaterio 



326 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

Per/, sing, gatatteriochne n'ahatatterio 

satatteriochne n'agotatterio 

hatatteriochne plur. n'asivaterio 

gotatteriochne, &c. n'ahuntatterio 

n'aguntaterrio. 

Thus go the reciprocal Verbs : untattaesta, untatterio. 

Waqua, to take away. 
Active. Passive. 

Press, sing. wagSchqua sing. tiungSchqua 
wass or tessSchqua ietsSchqua 

wahaqua or wahachqua t'huwaqua or thuwachqua 

tiagochqua. t'guwaqua. 

plur. unquaqua or t'waqua plur. tuinquaqua 
tess'wachqua jets'waqua 

hotishqua t'huwatichqua 

guntishqua (fern.) t'guwatichqua 

The Perfect is as the present tense. 

Future. 

sing, 'n'gechqua sing, 'njunkechqua 

'ntochqua 'njetsechqua 

'ns'haqua 'nhuwaqua 

'njagochqua 'nguwaqua 

plur. 'nt'waqua plur. 'ntiunquaqua 

'ns'waqua ; njets'waqua 

'nhotichqua , *nt'huwatichqua 

'nguntichqua 'nt'guwatichqua 

Imperfect. 

sing, tessechqua sing. ajetsSchqua 

plur. tess'waqua plur. ajetswaqua. 

Future, 

sing, n'atess^chqua sing, n'ajetsechqua 

n'ahaqua n'ahuw4qua 

n'ajagochqua n'aguwaqua 

plur. n'aswaqua plur. n'ajets'waqua 

n'ahotichqua n'ahuwatichqua 

n'aguntichqua n'aguwatichqua 

Irregular Verbs verba anomala. 

Inf. Prces. Wack, to eat. Perf. waexqua, to have eaten. Fut. 'njek, to eat 

hereafter. 

Prces. Future, 

sing, wagek sing, 'n'gek 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 327 

j'chsek 'ntsek 

j'chrek 'ntrek 

jwix 'njek 
plur. jaquak plur. 'ntschiaquak 

jsswak Vs'wak 

htinik 'nhtinik 

gunik (fern.) 'ngtinik 

Perfect. Imperfect, 

sing, wagexqua sing. sec. or jchsec 

jchse"xqua plur. s'wal or jsswac 

jchrexqua Future. 

jwixqua sing, 'n'tsck 
plur. jaquaxqua 'n'trek 

jss'waxqua 'njek 

junixqua plur. Wwak 

gunixqua (fern.) 'nhfinik 

'ngunik (fern.) 

Inf. Press. Tajecht, to come from thence. Perf. tajechta, to be come from 
thence, Fut. 'ntajecht, to come from thence. 

PTOBS. Future. 

sing. Tajecht, sing, 'ntagecht 

tachsecht, 'ntachsecht 

tahect, 'ntahecht 

tajecht, 'ntajecht 

plur. jttewecht, plur. 'n'twecht 

jssewecht, 'n'swecht 

tahunnecht, 'ntahtinnecht 

tagunnecht, 'ntagunnecht 
Perfect. 

ting, tagechta, &c. Imperative is like the Press. 

plur. jttewechta, &c. Tentagecht, to return. 

Infin. Wauntenc, to go with. 

PTCBS. Future, 

sing, jttene sing, 'ntene, 

jssene 'ntsene, 

h6tene 'nhotene or 'njackene, 

plur. jttewe plur. 'ntewe, 

jssewe 'ntsewe, 

hotettene 'nhotettene, 

Perfect. Imperfect, 

sing, jttenlsqua Frees, sing, jasene or zittene, 

jssenesqua plur. jssewe or zisswe, 



328 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

hosenesqua Put. sing, 'ntsene, 

plur. jttewesqua ahotene, 

jssewesqua plur. 'ntsewe, 

hotittenesqua ahotittene, 



In/in. Waeju, to come. Per/, waejuchne, to be come. Put. naeju, 

to come. 

Prces. sing, wagiu, Fat. sing, 'nsgio, 

sachschiu or saju, 'n'tschio, 

t'haju or s'hoju, 'nshoju, 

sayoju, 'nsagoju, 

plur. jaqua, plur. 'nt'waju, 

s'waju, 'ns'waju, 

hoti'ju, 'nsh6tiju, 

guntqu, 'nguntiju. 

Perf. sing, wagiuchne, 

sajtichne, Imper. is like the Press. 

s'hoj fichu e, 
sagqjuchne, 
plur. tiaquajfichne, 
s'wajfichne, 
s'hotijuchne, 
saguntijuchne. 

Infin. Tentaje or Tentie, to come again. Perf. tentiesqua, to have come 
again. Fut. 'ntentie, to come again. 

Prces. sing. Tentke, Fut. sing, 'ntentke, 

tentsche, 'ntentsche, 

tentre, 'ntentre, 

tentie, 'ntentie, 

plur. 'ntentiaqusea, &c. 

Imper. as Prces. 
plur. tentiaque, 
tentissene, 
tenthotiju, 
tentiju. 

Perf. sing, tenthegesqua, 
tentesSsqua, 
tentehSsqua, 
tentifisqua, 
plur. tentiaqufisqua, 
tentissnfisqua, 
tenthunnSsqua, 
tentqungsqua. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 329 

Defective Verbs. 

Verbs that want considerable branches or are used only 
in a few tenses or persons. 

Infinitive. 

Active. Passive. 

Press. Jonn6nu, to accompany. (fails.} 

Perf. jonnenochne, to have. 
Fut. 'njonnenu, to shall. 

Pros. 

sing. Wagen6nu, sing, junkenenu 

sannenu or snenu, tess'nenu 

honnenu, honnenu 

gonnenu. gonnenu 

plur. unquenu, plur. tiunquenu, 

s'w&iu, tess'wenu, 

hunn&iu, huniienu, 

gunnenu, (fern.) gunnenu. 

Perfect. 

sing. wagenen6chne, sing, junkenenochne, 

snenochne, tesane, 

honnen6chne, honne, 

gODnen6chne, gonne, 

plur. unquen6chne, tuinquenochne, 

s'wen6chne, plur. tess'we, 

hunnen6chne, hunne, 

gunnen6chne, gunne. 

Future. 

sing, 'ngen&m, sing, 'njunkenenu, 
'nsn^nu, 'ntessn&iu, 

'nhonn^nu, 'nhonenu, 

*ngonnenu, 'ngonnenu, 

plur. 'nt'wenu, &c. plur. 'ntiunqu^nu, &c. 

Imperat. 

PTCBS. sing. Asn6nu, accompany. plur. As'w6nu, accompany ye ! 
sing. n'osn6nu, 
n'ahonn^nu, 
n'agonn^nu, 
plur. 'naswSnu 

n'ahunn^nu, 
'nagunn^nu. 



330 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

Wdtiehhaqua, unexpected, has only the Perf. Tense. 

sing, wagatic'hhaqua, to me unexpected 

wassatic'hhaqua, to you " 

wahatic'hhaqua, to him " 

wagotic'hhaqua, to her 

plur. unquatic'hhaqua, to us 

s'watic'hliaqua, to ye " 

wahuntic'hhaqua, to them " 

waguntic'hhaqua, (fern.) to them " 

Zawdtong, to recover from a sickness, has the Perfect and 
Future Tense. 

Perf. future. 

sing. Zagatong, lam recovered, sing, 'ngatong, I shall recover. 

Zasatong, 'nsatong, 

Zah6tong, 'nhotong, 

Zag6tong, 'ngotong, 

plur. Zaunquatong, plur. 'nquatong or 'nt'watong, 

Zas'watong, 'ns'watong, 

Zahunnatong, 'nhunnatong, 

Zagunnatong, 'ngunnatong. 

Schitaje, one is coming. 
schitachne, two are coming. 
tajuquarie, many are coming. 
tiarat, two lie together, from warat, to lie. 

technuhtero, two are together, from uhtero, to be, but is only used for 
husband and wife. 

Of Participles. 

Hattw or tattle seems to be the only one and is used at the 
end of a Verb when it bespeaks a continuation of the thing 
spoken of, e.g., gmerochsquahatti, I am loving, or Hove always. 

Voice, Number, Person and Gender are distinguished by 
Prsefix of the inseparable Pronouns. Use can only teach 
which of the above mentioned prseformatives suit to such 
or such a Verb, and Euphony or well-sounding has a great 
influence. 

The Infinitive is the root; the Present Indicative is formed 
from it by prefixing a Pronoun and instead of that the 
first syllable of the Infinitive is commonly thrown away, 
and the Prseformative takes its place, as : 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 331 

jonor6chqua, to love. 
genor6chqua, Hove. 
wauntgochtwi, to see. 
gatgachtwi, I see. 

The Perfect is the present with an affixum of ochne, hqua, 
chta, nha, squa, hqua, sta, hha, &c. 

The Future is like the Present with en or in prsefix'd, but 
as the Vowel must be heard very little, an apostrophe is 
placed instead of it, as : 

'ngerio, I will or shall beat. 

The Imperative present is as the Indicative present, only 

an a prsefix, as : 

asanor6chqua, love thou. 
as'wanorochqua, love ye. 

Future imperative has the prsefix, na, as : 

na sanor6chqua, you shall love. 
na honordchqua, he shall love. 

The auxiliar. Verb lam, does not exist in the Onondaga 
tongue, in its stead they use nominal verbs, which are all 

neuter, as : 

wagenochwactari, lam sick. 
wegenochwactanihhachqua, Twos sick, 
'ngenochwactani, I shall be sick. 
wagatazhechs, lam tired. 
gunquetis, lam a good man. 
unquetiochnea, he was a good man. 

When the Verb in the present ends with ta, the Perfect 
adds chqua, chne, &c. 

A. 

Pres. Perf. 

ta, chqua or chne. gatgota, I sit. 

gatgotachqua, I sat. 

tiagocharechta, call. 

tiagocharechtachna, I call. 
we, chta. arag6wa, to wipe off. 

aragewachta, wiped off. 
ra, nha or ochne. tiatera, meet. 

tiateranha, met. 

waonatachera, visit. 

waonatacherochne, visited. 



332 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



qua, 

Pres. 
ac. 



squa. 

Per/, 
hqua. 

ki. 



jonhot6nqua, to open. 
johotoiiquasqua, opened. 



jiihterdntac, abide. 
j uhterontachqua. 
wagenochiac, I hurt myself. 
wagenochiaki, / did hurt myself. 



(Note Here is c of the present omitted or into k changed.) 

ax qua. ganuwax, / like it. ganuwaxqua. 

ganax, Hie. genaxqua. 
acht. a. wagattewacht, I miss, wagattawachta. 

gatequacht, I hunt away, gatequachta. 
at. ochne. taieschuwarat, I shoot. 

taieschuwarat6chne. 

taiequocha, fetch. 

taiequachochne. (Euphony.) 



te. 

ge 

he 

we. 

ichte. 



ze. 



chqua. 

hha. 

sta. 

squa. 
acherong. 



hochne. 



Pres. Perf. 

echte. kne. 
ek. qua. 



B. 

gath6nte, I hear, gathontechqua. 

wa6ge, to see. waogehha. 

waeradhe, to step, waeradhesta. 

iwe, go. iwesqua. 

the final e omitted. 

waonoj ichte, to lie. 

waonoj ichtacherong. 

waj ichte, to throw. 

wajichtacherong. 

e final omitted. 

wagaze, to tear off asunder. 

wagazhochne. 

wagechte, I carry, wagechtekne. 
the final k into ch or x. 
jirhek, to think, jirhechqua. 
waek, to eat. wa^xqua. 



wi. 
ki. 
ri. 



chne. 



oni. acherong. 



wagiintwi, / sow, plant. 

wagUntwichne. 

enawi, to catch, enawichne. 

jejinteri, to know, jejinterichne. 

jehawi, to bring, (has also jeha wine.) 

jechwenoni, to fold up. 

jechwenoniacherong. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



333 



hhachqua. wagechserdni, I make. 

wagechseronihhachqua. 
ani. hhachqua. jonochwactani, to be sick. 

jonochwachenihhachqua. 
ji. onitaji, to do your needs. 

onitajihhachqua. 

di. ung. wachtaendi, to go. wachtaendiung. 

ti. otschtar6nti, it rains, otschtarontiung. 

O. 

o. chne. agaowo, to say. agaow6chne. 

chqua. wachiato, to write, wachiatochqua. 

chna. gano. ganochna. 

chochna. watschiro, to angle, watschirochnochna. 

U. 
Pres. Perf. 

u. chne. waeracu, to pick out. waeracuchne. 

enaqua, to be angry, enaquuchne. 
ochne. jonnene, to go in company, jonnenochne. 

Adverbs. 

Adverb is an indeclinable Part of Speech which being 
joined to a Noun, Verb or other Adverb, expresses some 
circumstance, quality or manner of their specification. 

Adverbs denoting circumstance are chiefly those of Place, 
Time, and Order. 

A. Of Place. 



za ? where f 
gand? where f 
gaSnto, here. 

tohne, hissi, there or here. 
wata-garak, within. 
hazte, without. 
tigaqueki, everywhere. 
jachgiHga, nowhere. 
gangiqua, somewhere. 
ojahoquadi, elsewhere. 
nacu, in, within (a hole, bag.) 
gachra, above. 
hechtage, below. 
ohento, before. 
ochnage, behind. 
sgagarati, on both sides. 



hechtage, below, upon the ground. 
jnu,/ar off. 
jnuh&ga, pretty far off. 
ganohoqu^di ? whither f 
ganarequadi ? whether f 
nunquadi, neto, thither. 
ojahoquadi, to another place. 
gangiquahoquadi, to someplace. 
schiquadihha, J thithert 
hissinunquadi, J 
nacu, into it. 

tigoquekihoquadi, everywhere to. 
zagejenerechquihoquadi, to the right 

hand. 

sgejenogaratihoquadi, to the left hand. 
ochnagehoquadi, backwards. 



334 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

tochsgehha, near. netonunquadi, thitherwards. 

quatdh, close by. tiotogechto, straightway. 
neto, this way. 

B. Of Time. 

pres. zadhne ? when f quatoh, immediately. 

uchke, | noWt achso, not yet. 

ohneuchke, ) t6chke, than. 

ohnequatoh, just now. gaenschikhiari, in a while. 

ganschik, | ^ 0( ^ av indefinite. zadhne ? when f 

uchgaenschik, ) gns, sometime. 

oras, still yet. scaenoah, slowly, 

past, ohne, already. asteszi, early. 

seteschdh, lately. jge"shtschik, } early in the 

s^te, tataeri, yesterday. orhaengechtschik, ) morning. 

t'waehntage ohne, the day be- garachquah, late in the day. 

fore yesterday. 

gajeri ne wahntage. tiotcout, always, at all times, 

ohne, four days ago. t6chke, than. 

za > I then, at that time. Jachwento, never. 

t6cnke, ) tigate, often, many times. 

jah6nisse ohne, long ago. jah6nisse, long, the longest, 

to come. J6rhae, | tomorrow , jah6nissehaze, pretty long. ; 

jorhanha, ) gatogehha, yet. 

ojaqua, another time. ohnehe, again. 

we"nto, when. orasaqua, over again. 

ojantschi6rhae, the day after skataqua, but once. 

tomorrow. 

gangiquane waehntage, the first ojaqua, another time. 

days. 
garogeh&, soon, in a moment. 

C. Of Order. 

tochke, than. naji6chni, yea also. 

ochnage, thereafter. tiotie>echte, first. 

jatengaj6ri, at last, finally. ochnegagtlnta, the last. 
schihoquadi, 1 further, 
taohne ne, ) moreover, 

Adverbs denoting quality or manner of the signification 
of the Noun, Verb or Adverb joined, are absolute or com- 
parative. 

1.) absolute. 

ojaneri, good, well. t'gachr6chwa, broad. 

wahe"tke, bad, base. gats, thick. 

gannonem, bad, heavy, dangerous, gagachre, thin. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



335 



wazaenaji, fine, fair. 
tiogaju, diligent. 
jozachnicht, bravely. 
scaeno, in vain. 
netoniocht, also, thus. 
sadewat, equal, the same. 
zagata, alike. 
aquas, very. 

2.) descriptive. 
schnotong, deep in water. 
tiochses, deep in earth. 
tiosserong, deep in flesh. 
JOB iontschik, long. 

3.) certainly. 
neto, naji, yes, yea ! 
aquas neto, by all means. 
toges, truly, verily. 
aquat togSs, certainly. 

4.) Negation or prohibition. 
jachte, no I 

jachstennahote, nothing. 
aqu&s jachte, not at all. 
jachnowaento, never. 
jachochni, even not. 
achqui, let it alone. 



zaniocht, like as. 
netoniocht, likewise. 
sadejocht, even, also. 
netpochni,) ^ 
najiochm, ) 

zagata, at once, together. 
titschiaro, they both. 
skatashdh, singly. 



stenschoh, something. 

niung, much. 

iwak, short. 

gochniso, hard, firm, strong. 

gagozte, hard, dry. 

otschiwaga, sour, sharp. 

owisquat, smooth. 

otschiano,/reA, cool. 

otori, cold. 

awaenge, upon the water. 

gahuwagescho, a board on the water. 

hechtagescho, afoot. 

jachtent6ges, not true. 

5.) interrogation. 

otgarihoni, why, wherefore, if, whether t 
ochtneocht ? how t 
otnahote ? which f 
ochti, nahote ? what f 
essowa, much. 
gajeri, enough. 
ostwihha, little. 
hetke, high. 
Ot? what f 

ochtina ? what is it then f 
tohni6cht ? how isitf 
netoke ? is it so ? 
jachke? is it notf 
jachgunte ? not f 
najike ? is it true f is it so t 
tohniung ? how much f 

6.) comparative. 
essowotschik, too much t very. 
oras, more. 
ostwihhage, less. 
ozitastwi, very little. 
iontschik, very long. 
netoniung, so much. 
ni6hak, a little. 
scaenontschik, slowly. 
t6ha, almost. 
t6gat, kissS, perhaps. 
hting, perhaps. 



jachung, ) be 
jacharong, ) 



336 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

ottiage, several. togeshung, may be true. 

schungara, J somebody . nioh ! wdl on ! 

schungarati, ) tschiaco, well on do your best. 

Prepositions. 

A Preposition is an indeclinable word, shewing the Re- 
lation of one substantive Noun to another. 

The Onondagas use in their stead suffix to the Nouns, 
or Verbs, which in their sense comprehend such Preposi- 
tions, as : 

in and upon. 

ochnecan6s, water, anuwara, the head. 

ochnecage, in the water, anuwarage, upon the head. 

geihuhatatti, the river, otschischta, fire. 

geihuhatage, in the river, otschischtacu, in the fire. 

garochia, Heaven, genatschia, the kettle. 

garochiage, in Heaven, genatschiacu, in the kettle. 

uchwuntshia, the Earth, gahuwa, the canoe. 

uchwuntshiage, upon ye Earth. gahuwacu, in the canoe. 

ganiatare, the sea. joshtiwe, a hole. 

ganiatarage, upon the sea. joshuwacu, in the hole. 

gahuwejaga, upon the ship. ganochsaje, the house. 

gahuntage, upon the plantation. ganoschko, in the house. 

ganataje, the town. genatacu, in the town. 

on, upon, gachera. 

onflnto, hill, mountain. onontachrattie, along upon the hill. 

onontaehera, upon the hill. ganochsachera, upon the house. 

under, by the suffix ocu. 

uchwuntschi6cu, under the Earth, onizquachracqua, bench, stool. 
garont6cu, under the tree. onizquachr6cu, under the bench or 

stool. 

garochiocu, under Heaven. ochnecacungwe, under the water. 

otschtechra, the rock. 
otschtechr6cu, under the rock. 
ogechra, ashes. 
ogeclir6cu, under the ashes. 

zahunnatteriohattie, during the fight. 

zahojotehatie, during his labor. 

zajonteconihatte, during the meal or eating. 

zataiochtaendiohatte, during walking. 

oras zahatattie, during his discourse. 

zahochiatonuie, during writing. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 337 

at, on, by, by the suffix acta. 

ganochsacta, by the house. onontacta, on the hill. 

gahuntacta, by the plantation. garontacta, on the tree. 

geihuhacta, on the river. ganiataracta, by the sea. 

ganatacta, on the town. ganawate, swamps, morass. 

ganawatacta, on the swamp. ochsochratacta, on the cedar swamp. 

job ate, the path. johahacta, on the path. 

onontactatic, alongside of the hill. johahactattic, alongside of the path. 
ganawatactattic, alongside of the swamp. 

Of. 

ase hochseroni, he made it anew. otahra ganochsote, a house of brick. 
onaeja attachrote, a wall of stones. ganatajeng6na tahecht, he comes from 

Philadelphia. 

over, on the other side, by the suffix ati. 
sgeihuhati, on the other side of the river. 
tschian6ntati, over the hill. 
sganatati, on the other side of ye town. 
sganiatarati, over the sea. 

To, unto, the suffix ge or chne. 
zinnagarechne wagSne, I go to Zinagaree. 
sequallisechne, to Sequallisere. 
unquehuwe"chne, to the Indians. 
asseronige, to the white people. 
zathorochsaje, to his house. 
otschinochiataje wagene, I go to Otschinochiata. 
t'giatechntintera, the next to me. 
titshia technuntera, the next to thee. 
t'hotech nuntera, the next to him. 

by, at, about. 

zatonochsaje watgachta, I returned at his house. 
toha ganatacta, near the town. 
otschischtacta hatg6ta, he sits at the fire. 
t'giateranSge, he sits by or with me. 

tochsgehha, near, nigh. 
tochsgehha geihuhattie, the river is nigh. 
t6ha garrichwaehnta, nigh the end. 
aquas gancataracta, quite near the sea. 

for, before. 

achson tiogaras, before night. achso wiorhe, before day. 

achson t'hod6ni, before his birth. achson t'hawohejuchne, before his 

death. 
VOL. xii. 22 



338 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

tVaehntagS 6hne, two days ago. ohaento zagaje, I have it before me. 
achson t'hojuchne, before he came, achne t'jogerontiung, before it snowed. 

about, suffix actuntie. 
ganochsachuntie, about the house. 
garontactuntie, about the tree. 
onontactantie, about the hill. 

on this side, gahrohoquadi. 
gahrohoquadi geihate, on this side the river. 
gahrohoquadi zanatage, on this side the town. 
gahrohoquadi onontacta, on this side the hill. 

to, towards, hoquadi. 

watewazodwa hoqu&di t'ganataje, the town lies to the westward. 
t'garachquitgaenha hoquadi, eastwards. 
garochiah huhoquadi, southwards. 
atoge hoquadi, northwards. 
zaganiatare hoquadi, towards the sea. 
neto hoquadi, thitherwards. 
ganohoquadi, whereabouts. 

within. 

achso ne waehntage, within three days. 

gajeri ne jochserage, within four years. 

gajeri ne wechnitage, within four months. 

ganatacu, in or within the town. 

hactattie, without. 

ganatactattie, without the town. 

ne garihoni, therefore. 

j garihoni, as for me. 

hauha horihoni, on his account. 

through. 

ganatacu, thro' the town. gahuntacu, thro' the plantation. 

jochseratattie, thro' the winter, achsontatattie, thro' the whole night. 
s'wechnitaqueki, thro' the whole month. 
geihuhatage waon zo6ho, to bathe through the river. 

ochnage, behind. 
ochnage haentero, he is behind. 
ohuntacu, behind the bushes. 

garontage wahatachsechta, he hid himself behind a tree. 
tistinecharate, behind one another. 
t'hunteranegessho, they walked behind one another in a row. 

after. 

zadhne 'nt'wattequessai 'nt'wachtandi, after eating we will go. 
zadhne hawoheje, after his death. 



Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 



339 



zawaor hanhattie, at daybreak. 

ostwihha waorhe 'ntwachtandi, at daybreak we will set out. 

zatiodhentocte hegesqua, I was to the end of the plain. 
zatisteniatarocte, till to the end of the sea. 
zatischwuntschi6cte, until the end of the earth. 

zajogarak, about the evening. 

gangiqua ne garachquah, about the afternoon. 

gangiqua satewachsdntha, about midnight. 

Interjections. 

An interjection is an indeclinable word thrown into dis- 
course to signify some passion or emotion of the mind. 



1.) Joy. nio ! Mniawo ! hei, hehe, 

n6 niaw6. 

2.) Grief, hilauwih! 
3.) Wonder. Nufqubha,ah, 

saniguchke satidnerong, 

hehe, hoho ! 

4. ) Praise, aeh, ndji, neto, toges ! 
5.) Aversion, eh, uh f omisserat. 
6.) exclaiming. Of tah f gohf 
7.) Surprise or fear. 
8.) Imprecation. 
9.) Laughter, he, he f ho t ho! 
10.) silencing. 



11.) calling, M, 'st, toh, hdzqui, juh, 

i, i, i, ih. 
12.) Derision, eh, uh f (onisserat, 

awentoniat (verb) Phew how 
it stinks!) 
13.) attention, gohf 

Respond, ot, ochti, ochtina, nio, 

mahdte, ha, ho f 
concluding, tah f now you see I 

now you hear I 

approving, aeh, naji, neto, toges. 
concluding in Council, juhaehf 
juh, uh. 



Conjunctions. 

A conjunction is an indeclinable word that joins sentences 
together and thereby shews their dependence upon one 
another. 



1.) ungwa, and, too. 
jach6chni, even not. 
sadejocht, as also. 
zaniocht, as. 
zaniochtone, even as. 
2.) disjunctive; as aqua, but. 
3.) concessive; as kind, though. 
4.) adversative; as gatogehha, 
nevertheless, yet. 
aqua, but. 

5.) causal; as se (suffix), than for. 
satgazto satochgarriaxse, 
eat for you are hungry. 



ne wah6ni, because, since. 

jachta, that not. 

negarihoni, therefore. 
6.) final; as negarihoni, that, therefore, 

to the end that. 
7.) conditional, as za, when, so. 

zaohne, altho\ 

jachteza, if not. 

qua, only, (is mostly a suffix.) 
8.) ordinative or continuative. 

jatengajeri, at last. 

ochnage, hereafter. 

najiochni, yea also. 



340 Essay of an Onondaga Grammar. 

ADDENDA. 

That the original MS. from which we have transcribed 
these pages was submitted to the late Mr. P. S. du Ponceau, 
is evident from the following annotations signed with his 
initials"?. S. D." [J. W. J.] 

Verbalia. 

Oanorochqua, I love. 

genorochquahdttie, I am in the situation of loving, I am about to love 
or intend to love. 

in the passive. 

Junkinorochquahattie, I am now, at this moment loved ; one is now 
loving me. 

toagiu, I come. 

wagiuhattie, I am coming. 

wagidte, Fwork. 

wagiotehattie, I am continually at work. o 

gachtaendi, I go. 

gachtaendiohdttie, I am always going. 

wagenochwattani, I am sick. 

wagenochwattanihdttie, I continue to be sick. 

Participles. 

In the Delaware language there are a multitude of parti- 
ciples. (See Hist. Trans, p. 416.) 

The following shows that the Onondagos can express in 
their language our figurative and even poetical ideas. 

The heart, aweriachsa 

To inflame a heart with love, Schungara aweriachsacu 

watecata, otschischtoni ; aweriachsate"ke 

esso-wotschik jonor6chqua garihoni. 
The straw takes fire, (entziindet sich), esthonteratSke. 
lie quickly takes fire, gets angry, (Er entziindet sich heftig), 

ohne waote"ke, otschisch-tontachqua. 
otschischta, fire. 
From Zeisberger's Dictionary, Verbis, herz, entzUnden,/evcr. 

It is curious that " hearts" and " flames" should be used 
by the savages as by us, to express the passion of " love." 

P. S. D. 



Registers of the Anglican Church. 341 



EEGISTEES OF THE ANGLICAN CHUECH IN PENN- 
SYLVANIA PEIOE TO 1800. 

BY PHILIP SYNG PHYSICK CONNER. 

[Abstract of a paper read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 

May 7, 1888.] 

Although a period of more than two hundred years has 
passed since the service of the Church of England was or- 
dained to be read in the Province of Pennsylvania, and one 
of nearly two hundred years since the offices of that church 
were first actually performed within her bounds, and although 
much has been written on that church's missions, mission- 
aries, and church buildings, nothing has been said regarding 
the registers kept by those missionaries, the record of the 
baptisms, marriages, and burials, ay, of the very existence 
of a body of churchmen ; and yet, such registers were kept, 
and some of them still remain. The silence of church his- 
torians concerning this part of church history would be 
hard to explain were we not aware that this whole matter of 
registration, although enjoined by ecclesiastical authority, 
has, for the most part, been slighted and looked upon with 
indifference by both clergy and laity. And yet registration 
is a most important act and the register a most valuable 
book, for it is the proof of church existence, the evidence of 
numerical strength. 

Such, at least, the register should be; but, unfortunately, 
for the reason above stated, even without the losses and acci- 
dents of time considered, it never is this, but, at most, a 
merely partial record and chronicle of the past. And yet, 
nevertheless, it is always valuable, and hence it is that I now 
propose to give a sketch of those yet remaining from Pro- 
vincial times, a sketch made chiefly from personal research 
and examination of the original registers, partly by corre- 



342 Registers of the Anglican Church. 

spondence with the rectors of the old churches throughout 
the State. 

Of all the registers of the Anglican Church in Pennsyl- 
vania the oldest is that of Christ Church, Philadelphia, since 
its mission was the first to the province, commencing before 
the year 1695 by the arrival of the Rev. Richard Sewell and 
the Rev. Thomas Clayton, 1 the first church being built 
under the latter's charge in 1695, and whose register, if not 
burnt in the fire which is said to have destroyed the most of 
the oldest records, may still be hidden away somewhere in 
Maryland, for Mr. Clayton died in that province, at Sassa- 
fras. As it is, the oldest register now known of this the 
oldest parish of the Anglican Church in Pennsylvania does 
not begin until nearly a decade after the dawn of the 
eighteenth century, viz., in the year 1709, its first entry 
antedating that of Trinity, Oxford, which also opens in the 
same year. Then come the registers of St. Paul's, Chester, 
and of St. Martin's, Marcus Hook. St. Paul's oldest register, 
beginning in 1704, was lost some years ago, but fortunately 
it was first copied, and its marriages, at least, may be seen 
printed in Vol. VHL, "Penna. Archives," 2d series. St. 
Martin's Church has a vestry-book, commencing in the year 
1724, which contains some parochial registrations. 

St. David's, Radnor, has an old volume with entries con- 
temporaneous with the events they record, commencing in 
172}, as, for instance, the list of persons taking the sacra- 
ment on the 23d of March said year ; but its baptisms do 
not begin, strictly, until 1727, the entries of those recorded 
as having occurred in 1706 having been made long after that 
year. It has no burial register before 1800, and but one 
marriage recorded prior to that year, viz., Matthew Hughes 
to Margt. Madson, 2d August, 1737. 

From these churches on the broad Delaware we must turn 
to the picturesque Schuylkill, in whose valley at Douglass- 
ville now rises the lovely Gothic shrine of new St. Gabriel's, 
and close at hand the ancient church and graveyard dedi- 

1 Perry's " History of the American Episcopal Church," Vol. I. p. 
225. 



Registers of the Anglican Church. 343 

cated to that angel. Here we find a register commencing in 
1735, and a minute of its vestry duly recording the voluntary 
entering in of that Swedish congregation to the communion 
of the Anglican Church. 1 

And now comes a gap of fifteen years, that is, until 1750, 
before we find the opening of another register, and that 
record is the register of Gloria Dei, " Old Swedes," at 
Wicaco, Philadelphia, 1750. Why, this church was conse- 
crated in 1700 ! Had it no earlier registers ? Yes, but they 
are lost, gone, no one knows where. And in the loss of these 
records has vanished the early one pertaining to St. James's, 
Xingsessing, and Christ Church, Merion, for these two were 
long united to Gloria Dei, whose register embraced theirs. 

And so, continuing our course in imagination, we spring 
from the Delaware, inland, to Lancaster, where five years 
later, that is, in 1755, the ink lay wet upon the first page of 
St. James's register. Then began that interesting and val- 
uable series of records embracing not only the families of 
that city for over a hundred and thirty years, but also those 
of the country for many miles around ; for its rectors were 
Also the ministers to other congregations formed in the 
Province, and it is from this reason that the register of 
St. James's, in common with other " mother churches," is 
increased in value, for it is not only the record of one single 
parish, but also that of its associated ones, their records 
being, in many instances, at least, embraced in its register 
and not utterly lost, as has been supposed. Thus, for in- 
stance, although the old registers of St. John's, Pequea, of 
St. Thomas's and Bangor Church in Caernarvon, and of St. 
John's, York, are supposed to be lost, it is evident from an 
inspection of St. James's register that the loss is not total, 
since entries of rites performed in these places occur in it. 
Moreover, this register is valuable as recording other things 
besides marriages and the like ; as, for instance, the date of 
the introduction of inoculation for the smallpox, etc. The 

1 Although embraced, under the general title of this paper, among 
Anglican churches, St. Gabriel's, Gloria Dei, St. James's, Kingsessing, 
and Christ, Merion, were originally of the Swedish Church. 



344 Registers of the Anglican Church. 

first series of these registers is bound ; but later and most 
interesting ones of about ninety to sixty years ago are but 
bundles of loose leaves tied up with string. 

Through the facilities here afforded me, I was enabled to 
make the discoveries regarding the value of St. James's 
register, above noted, and " discoveries" I think I may well 
call them ; for I doubt if any outside of the church knew 
of these old volumes, while I am sure the fact of their con- 
taining records of other points, besides St. James's records, 
supposed to be totally lost, was utterly unknown until found 
by me. And here I have the satisfaction of announcing 
another discovery, the chest of Bangor Church, with its 
oldest deeds and records. 

This chest had long been lost, no one knew exactly where 
it was ; so, after consulting with the rector, who freely gave 
me all advice and directions in his power in aid of my quest, 
I started upon it; not mounted as a knight of old, how- 
ever, but seated in a " buggy" drawn by a horse and driven 
by a Mr. Cox, a convert of glowing zeal. And truly the 
pilgrimage was a pleasant one, adown the lovely valley of 
the Conestoga, on to Pool Forge where dwelt the family of 
De Haven, some of whom it was thought could give infor- 
mation of the box. We found the ladies of the house at 
home ; but, unfortunately, both were so deaf that I was in 
despair. But Mr. Cox proved equal to the occasion, making 
them understand our mission, when one of them said, 
" Yes, there is a church box somewhere in the house ; you 
may find it up in the garret." And so it proved; and soon 
I had it unpacked, discovering no old registers, but sundry 
account-books, and ancient title-deeds. Mr. Cox, with com- 
mendable promptness, clapped the box into the wagon and 
we drove off, discoverers and recoverers most lucky, for,, 
out of the number of possible hiding-places, we had gone 
straight to the right one at once. 

From Lancaster and the Conestoga Valley we must re- 
turn to the Delaware. Here, in St. Paul's Church, Phila- 
delphia, we find the next register. It begins in 1759 (1759- 
1806), about two years before the building was finished. 



Registers of the Anglican Church. 345 

Its marriage-list is printed in Vol. IX. of the 2d series of 
" Penna. Archives." 

Again we must wing our way from the great river, in- 
land, to York. Here is the register of St. John's, begin- 
ning in 1786. 

And now a still farther point must be reached, namely, 
St. John's Church, Carlisle. Here the register goes back 
to 1793. And now must we turn eastward, a hundred 
miles of flight lying between us and the next register. 
Straight from Carlisle to pleasant Torresdale on the Dela- 
ware, near by which we find, in All Saints' Church, a reg- 
ister containing a single entry for the year 1799, perhaps 
like that for the year 1706 in St. David's at Radnor, a 
record made long subsequent to the event it records. 

Of the twenty-six churches which I find were built be- 
fore the year 1800 the original registers from twelve are 
left; extracts from four of which have been printed. Of 
the other fourteen churches all is lost prior to the said 
year, excepting a printed extract of St. James's, Perki- 
omen, beginning in 1788. We must remember, however, 
that, as several of the last-mentioned fourteen churches 
were either associated with other churches, or at least 
were served by ministers in common with others, it is 
more than likely the early records of some of them are 
embraced in the registers of the twelve churches first men- 
tioned. That such is the case in a few instances, at least, 
is certain ; but, at the most, the matter saved to us in this 
way is merely partial and not consecutive ; the fact being 
that through indifference and neglect many old registers 
are now lost, and, I must add, remaining ones are in im- 
minent danger of the same fate : for generally there are no 
fire-proofs to keep them in. 

Of the churches known to have possessed old registers 
now lost, I will mention, among others, St. Paul's, at Ches- 
ter. It had a register commencing in 1704 ; but all that is 
now left of this record is the printed list of marriages, from 
1704 to 1733, in Vol. VHL, "Penna. Archives," 2d series. 
A note in Christ Church Register, dated September 1st, 



346 Registers of the Anglican Church. 

1779, and signed " S. P.," tells us that the Rev. Mr. Combe 
having gone to England, his list of marriages for the years 
1774, '75, '76, '77, and '78 is missing. Other gaps occur; 
but notwithstanding a goodly mass of matter remains to 
this church, much of which has been printed, viz., the 
marriages from 1709 to 1806, in the " Penna. Archives," 
2d series, Vol. VIII. ; the burials, from 1709 to 1760, in the 
PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE, commencing in Vol. I., and the 
baptisms are soon to appear in the same journal. Of Gloria 
Dei, all before 1750 are lost ; but from that date down the 
original registers remain, parts of which have been printed, 
viz., the marriages from 1750 to 1810, in " Penna. Archives," 
2d series, Vol. VIII. , and also in a separate volume by Mr. 
Park McFarland, Jr., who also possesses copies of the bap- 
tisms, burials, and epitaphs. The old records of St. James's, 
Bristol, were stolen to prevent their evidence in a lawsuit. 
Those of St. Thomas's, White Marsh, were destroyed in the 
Revolution, as the following citation shows : " April 17th, 
1786, ordered that . . . proper books be provided for 
keeping the registers of this parish, the old books and reg- 
isters having been destroyed during the late war." This 
quotation is printed by Bean, in his "History of Montgomery 
County," published in 1884, when it seems the record-book 
from which it was taken was extant, as well as another vol- 
ume dating from 1742 to 1766. Both of these books have 
since disappeared. Bean also states that the " records" of 
St. James's, Perkiomen, begin in 1730; of these the parish 
registrations have all been lost, down to 1800; however, 
before that happened a list of marriages, from 1788 to 1810, 
was copied and may be seen printed in " Penna. Archives," 
2d series, Vol. IX. I have already spoken of St. Paul's, 
Chester. I must add the case of St. John's, Concord, in 
the same county of Delaware. Its old record-books were 
shuffled about until, like a spent pack of cards, there were 
none left to deal. On one of their last fragments is written : 
" The first part of this book, having met with an ill accident, 
is left with William Pierce, if any one desires to examine 
them." All are now lost. It is the same with the early 



Registers of the Anglican Church. 347 

records of St. John's, New London, in the neighboring 
county of Chester. Its present register begins in 1824, 
and in it are extracts showing that the parish possessed 
records at least as old as 1741. 

From the above review it will be seen that out of the 
dozen old registers left but four have been even partially 
printed ; thus eight remain with nothing between them and 
utter loss in case of flood or fire. I will give their names, 
viz., Trinity, Oxford; All Saints', Torresdale ; St. David's, 
Radnor ; St. Martin's, St. James's, Lancaster ; St. Gabriel's, 
St. John's, York ; and St. John's, Carlisle. 

And now, in conclusion, I wish to ask whether the church 
will remain passive and indiiferent to the fate of these 
records of her early flock ? Will the thousands of to-day 
permit the memory of their ancient few to depart forever ? 
The few, truly, naught now among living men ; but just as 
truly the founders of your church, the chain that binds you 
to it in unbroken succession, the actual progenitors of many, 
the spiritual fathers of all. 

If the few volumes that contain the records of the chief 
events in the lives of these your forefathers are to quietly 
disappear and all memory of them to depart forever, then 
continue to allow these frail books to remain as at present, 
scattered over the face of the State, subject to every accident, 
liable at any moment to total destruction by fire. But if, on 
the contrary, you have due regard for the memory of these 
who ploughed the field from which you reap, due reverence 
for those who, though now dead, lived for you ; you, the 
living churchmen of to-day, will arise from such wasting 
inaction, and with united effort strive to save and preserve 
these records of your past. And in doing this you will not 
be setting an example, for the chance of that is lost, but 
merely following one already set; for here, within your 
bounds, by a people decrescent, not like you, increscent, is 
this already done ; not only has a place been designated for 
the deposit of the ancient records of the Friends, but, in 
addition, reverent and loving hands, supported by contribu- 
tions from the funds of this society, have copied the great 



348 Registers of ike Anglican Church. 

body of their registers ; volumes of them are in the library 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It is the same 
with the Roman Catholics and Presbyterians; each has 
either deposited many of its old records in a safe place, or 
else is engaged in preserving the same by copying and print- 
ing. Surely it is time for our church to save the remnant of 
her registers. If not done now, to-morrow there will be none 
to save. 

I am aware that the church has a place appointed for the 
reception and storage of her records in this city ; I refer to 
the room in the Episcopal Academy ; but the place is not 
fit for such a purpose, a bare apartment in which the docu- 
ments received are, perforce, but piled in promiscuous 
bundles on the floor, subject to sudden destruction, for the 
building is not fire-proof. Considering the character of this 
building, it is fortunate, after all, that no registers have 
come to it, the mass of papers being printed journals of the 
diocese. ' 

The further use of this unfit place, as a muniment room, 
would be derogatory to the character of churchmen, so far 
as prudence is concerned. If the great body of members 
is still unable to afford the erection of a proper building 
for the preservation of the church archives, it can, at least, 
choose some safe place of deposit for original documents 
and registers from among the many fire-proof buildings of 
our city. Such a building is within a few doors of the 
present unfit place. I allude to the fire-proof library of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. If those vestries pos- 
sessing old registers would send them to the said society, it 
would receive them on deposit subject to the recall of the 
vestries. 

Thus, while the records would be in a place safe from fire 
and damp, and where transcripts of them could be easily 
made, they, nevertheless, would not cease to be the property 
of the parish whence they came, and recoverable at the will 
of its vestry. 

The charge and preservation of ancient manuscripts is 
one of the chief objects for which the Society exists ; hence, 



Registers of the Anglican Church. 349 

to avail itself of this advantage should be the immediate 
object of the church in regard to her old registers. And 
therefore it is that I now respectfully but earnestly sug- 
gest that action be taken at once by the clergy and laity 
to collect and place these records in the keeping of the said 
Society. 

So far I have appealed to the members of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church ; but it must not be inferred that they are 
the only people interested in the saving and preserving of 
these records. By no means; on the contrary, the great 
body of Pennsylvanians, each one and all, are more or less 
concerned in the matter, irrespective of sect ; for with us 
a free and enlightened people, by whom Christianity is es- 
teemed above sectarianism, and the teachings of reason and 
conscience held superior to mere dogma no family is 
blindly bound to any one form of the Christian religion, but 
each generation follows that one deemed by it the best; 
hence, in the lapse of years, there may be much changing 
about among the various denominations, and hence, if any 
interest at all is felt in family-records, these records must be 
searched for amid a variety of religious bodies. 

With grateful feelings and thanks to the clergy for the 
kind assistance afforded to me during my researches, and 
with the repeated recommendation to them and to my brother 
Pennsylvanians of every sect, that these records, which are 
valuable to all of us, be placed in safety, I close this earnest 
appeal. 



350 Muster-Rolls of Marines and Artillery. 



MUSTEK-KOLLS OF MAEINES AND AETILLEEY 
COMMANDED BY CAPT. ISAAC CRAIG, OF PENN- 
SYLVANIA, IN 1775 AND 1778. 

"We are indebted to Isaac Craig, Esq., of Alleghany, Pa., 
for the following copies from the originals in his possession, 
of muster-rolls of companies commanded by his grand- 
father, Major Isaac Craig, during the War for Independence, 
and an inventory of the stores captured at Forts Nassau 
and Montague, New Providence, W. I. The latter differs 
somewhat from that published by order of Congress. Ma- 
jor Craig, a distinguished soldier and citizen of Pennsylva- 
nia, was born near Hillsborough, County Down, Ireland, in 
1741, and emigrated to Pennsylvania in 1765, settling in 
Philadelphia. In November of 1775, he was appointed 
lieutenant of marines in the navy, then being fitted out, 
and served ten months on the brig " Andrew Doria," com- 
manded by the gallant Nicholas Biddle. He was pres- 
ent at the capture of Forts Nassau and Montague, the 
cannon from which were subsequently used in the forts on 
the Delaware and in Rhode Island. Commissioned a cap- 
tain, 22d October, 1777. In November following, with the 
marine corps he was ordered to join the army to do duty as 
infantry. Retiring from the marine corps, on 3d March, 
1777, he was appointed a captain in Col. Thomas Proctor's 
regiment of artillery, and promoted major in October of 
1781, serving to the end of the war. He participated in 
the battles of Trenton, Monmouth, Brandywine (where he 
was severely wounded), and Germantown ; commanded the 
fort at Billingsport, and joined Gen. Sullivan's expedition 
against the Indians of Western New York. He was one 
of the original members of the Pennsylvania Society of 
the Cincinnati. Major Craig died near Pittsburg 14th 
May, 1826. [ED. PENNA. MAG.] 



Muster-RoUs of Marines and Artillery. 



351 




f 





352 



Muster-Rolls of Marines and Artillery. 



M W 



S3 





rf-; 






00 






** 



8 
1 S 



** 

11 



*.Sis 




*.g w 3 8- a H 
us w S-S-^ " 

PI^^^HOH"^ 



Muster-Rolls of Marines and Artillery. 
PKOOF OF THE EFFECTIVES. 



353 



Rank. 


1 


Capt. Lieut. 


1st Lieut. 


2d Lieut. 


3d Lieut. 


"3 


fta 
I 


1 


Gunners. 


"3 
S 


, 


P 




1 




1 


1 


1 


? 


1 


1 


1 


14 


f 


2 














i 








H 
































Total 


1 




1 


1 


1 


3 


1 


1 


1 


17 


? 


2 





























We do Swear that the within Muster Roll is a True State of the Com- 
pany withou Fraud to these United States, or to any Individual according 
to the best of our Knowledge ISAAC CRAIG Capt. Artillery 

JAMES LLOYD Lt. A. 
Sworn before Me this 14th day of September 

B. ARNOLD M. Genl 

Inventory of Stores c. taken out of Forts Nassau $ Montague, 

New Providence, March 3 d & 4** 1776. 
46 Iron Cannon. 
3907* Inch Shells. 
298151 Do. Do. 
1966 4J Do. Do. 

140 Hand Granadoes 
9831 Round Shot from 24 Ib. to 6 Ib. 
154 Bolt & dbl. headed Shot. 
11 Canister Grape Do. 
2 6 Inch Mortars. 



2 5* Do. 
4r- 7 Do. 
2-r-ll Do. 
5__4 DO. 



Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 



400 W l each. 



46 Rammers & Worms. 
46 Copper Laddies. 
1 Cannon Scraper. 
5 Old Copper Measures. 
24 Barrells Powder. 
220 Cannon Trucks. 
407 Copper Hoops. 
1 Broken Bell. 

1 Good Do. (large.) 

2 Boxes Tallow Candles. 
4 Barrels Flour. 

1 Sun Dial. 
816 Fuzees. 

12 Mortar Beds. 
VOL. XII. 23 



Fort Nassau. 






354 Muster-Rolls of Marines and Artillery. 

5 24 p d Cannon. 
612 do. do. 
19 do. do. 
1240 Round Shot 18 Ib ' to 6 lb ' 

121-6 Inch Shells. , Fort Mont 

81 Carriage Trucks. 
2 Copper Measures. 
22 Copper Hoops. 
1 Worm & 1 Ladle. 
Some old Copper & Lead. 

Am* of dry Goods, 

355 x/ 8 x/ 5i Sterling 

Extracts from a letter from Commander Hopkins of the 
American fleet to the President of Congress, dated on board 
the ship " Alfred," New London Harbor, April 9, 1776 : 
" When I put to sea, on the 17th of February from Cape 
Henlopen, not thinking we were in a condition to keep on a 
cold coast, I appointed our rendezvous at Abacco, one of the 
Bahama islands. 

" I arrived at the rendezvous in order to wait for them 
fifteen days, agreeable to orders. I then formed an expe- 
dition against New Providence, which I put in execution 
the third of March, by landing two hundred Marines under 
the command of Capt. Nichols and fifty sailors under the 
command of Lieutenant Weaver of the Cabot, who was well 
acquainted there." 



Robert Ibbetson. 355 



KOBEET IBBETSON. 

BY ROBERT PATTERSON ROBINS, M.D. 

In my short sketch of Colonel James Coultas, 1 the state- 
ment is made that Kobert Ibbetson, the brother-in-law of 
Coultas, the father of the wife of George Gray, was British 
consul at Lisbon in 1766. By a curious coincidence, in 
the same number of the MAGAZINE, this same statement is 
repeated by Dr. Egle in his sketch of George Gray, 2 with 
the trifling difference that he makes Ibbetson's Christian 
name William instead of Robert. In making my notes on 
Ibbetson I followed the short biographical notice of George 
Gray in the " Pennsylvania Archives," 3 and I think it prob- 
able that Dr. Egle's information came from the same source. 
The statement, however, has thus gained considerable cur- 
rency, and having found it to be inaccurate, I desire to 
correct it as soon as may be. 

The records of the Friends' Monthly Meetings, and the 
copies of their Certificates preserved in the library of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, afford us some little in- 
formation, and from them I have mainly drawn the facts 
which I am about to set down, although I must also ac- 
knowledge my indebtedness to the manuscript notes of my 
cousin, General Thomas L. Kane, whose researches upon 
all subjects relating to genealogy were painstaking and 
accurate. 

We know but little of the early life of Eobert Ibbetson 
save that he was a Dissenter, born at Leeds, and presum- 
ably of the respectable family of which another branch is 
settled at Denton Park, Yorkshire. Family tradition has it 
that it was not until middle-life that he became a follower 
of George Fox, but the certificate of dismissal' about to be 

1 PENNA. MAG. OF HIST. AND BIOG., Vol. XI., No. 1, foot-note to p. 50. 
Ibid., p. 78. " Pennsylvania Archives," 2d S., Vol. I. p. 11. 



356 Robert Ibbdson. 

quoted shows that he became a member of the Society of 
Friends, removed to London, and in 1749 emigrated to 
Philadelphia. His brother-in-law, Colonel Coultas, had by 
this time built his house, Whitby Hall, near the Darby 
road, and this evidently determined Ibbetson in his choice 
of a residence, for the minutes of the Darby Meeting show 
that " Robert Ibyson, wife and children were received from 
Peel Meeting, London, 6. 2. 1749." x 

After the marriage of his daughter, in 1752, he decided 
to remove to Philadelphia, and he was accordingly dismissed 
to the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 4, 4, 1753. 2 The 
certificate of his dismissal has been preserved, 3 and reads 
as follows : 

"From our Monthly Meeting held at Darby the 4 th 4 mo. 
1753. 

" To friends of Philadelphia Monthly Meeting 
" Dear friends Our friends Robert Ibeson and his wife re- 
quest* of us a few lines to you on behalf of themselves and 
son in order to be more immediately under your care we 
therefore inform you that some years since they came well 
recommended to us from London & may likewise on their 
behalf certifie you that on enquiry we do not find but that 
their conduct & conversation has been answerable thereto 
frequenters of our religious meetings as friends in unity 
with us for whose growth and increase in the knowledge of 
the Truth we have earnest desires we recommend them to 
your Christian care and oversight with their son a youth & 
an apprentice in your city & subscribe our selves your frd 8 
Brethren & Sisters in the Truth 

" Signed in and on behalf of our said meeting by 
" Thomas Fell Enoch Bonsall Sarah Sellers Samuel Sellers 
Samuel Bun tin Mary Smith Nath n Gibson Aron Hibbard &c. 
Eliz a Fell & others." 

After a brief sojourn in Philadelphia, Robert Ibbetson 
died, was buried 2, 6, 1756, 4 and his will was probated on 
the 23d of the same month. In this will he mentions his 
wife, Margaret, his children, "William and Martha, his 
brother Richard, and the children of his deceased brother 

1 Records of the Darby Monthly Meeting. 2 Ibid. 

3 Philadelphia Monthly Meetings, Certificates of Removal, page 233. 

4 Philadelphia Monthly Meetings, Record of Births and Burials, page 348. 



Robert Ibbetson. 357 

Hugh and his deceased sister Ann. He had married, in 
England, Margaret Coultas, daughter of Henry and Marga- 
ret (Chapman) Coultas, of Whitby, Yorkshire, and sister of 
Colonel James Coultas, High Sheriff of Philadelphia, 1755- 
1758, and hy this marriage he had two children. 1 

(1) William, mentioned in the Darby Meeting certificate 
as an apprentice in Philadelphia, returned to England, and 
in 1768 was a merchant at Dartmouth. 2 

(2) Martha, who was married, November 25, 1752, 8 to 
George Gray, of Gray's Ferry, " according to the rites and 
ceremonies of the Church of England," as the family Bible 
puts it. This departure from the customs of the Friends 
required explanation, which was given several years after- 
wards, as appears from the following certificate : 4 

" From our Monthly Meeting held at Darby the 5 th day 
of the 2d month 1755 

" To Friends of Philadelphia Monthly meeting 

" Dear Friends 

" Martha Gray the bearer hereof desired a few lines to you 
as a certificate. We therefore inform you that She came 
recommended to us from London with her parents & almost 
ever since has lived within the verge of your meeting for 
which reason we can say little as to her conduct and con- 
versation but refer to your better knowledge of her but so far 
we may acquaint you that at our last meeting She made sat- 
isfaction for her outgoing in marriage, as a member of our 
Meeting we recommend her to your Christian care & over- 
sight, and as we are informed that in her very young yeares 
she received the Truth in the love of it our desires are that 
her fruit may be unto holiness the end thereof is everlasting 
life. With the Salutation of Love we conclude your friends 

r Abraham Bonsall clerk, Sarah 

" Signed in & on behalf 1 Sellers, Eliz* Fell Rebecca Davis, 
of our said Meeting by j Ann Bonsall, Hanna Wood, and 

v many more." 

George Gray died in 1800, his wife having predeceased 
him. They left issue. 

1 General T. L. Kane's manuscript notes. * Ibid. 

1 At Christ Church, Philadelphia. (See " Pennsylvania Marriages," 
Vol. I., page 105.) 
4 Philadelphia Monthly Meetings, Certificates of Removal, page 240. 



358 Robert Ibbeison. 

There can be no doubt as to the identity of the Eobert 
Ibbetson of the above certificates with the Robert Ibbetson 
whose daughter married George Gray, and as he undoubt- 
edly was the same whose will was probated in 1756, it is 
manifestly impossible that he should have been British 
consul at Lisbon in 1766. But I think it highly probable 
that his son, William Ibbetson, who re-emigrated to Eng- 
land, and was settled at Dartmouth in 1768, was the Eng- 
lish representative at Lisbon, and that it was from this fact 
that the confusion arose. Of this, however, I have no 
proof, and I am content to allow the matter to remain in 
abeyance. 



The Red Li<m Inn. 359 



THE RED LION INN. 

BENSALEM TOWNSHIP, BUCKS COUNTY, PENNA. 

[Abstract of a paper prepared by Mr. William J. Buck and read at 
the meeting of the Bucks County Historical Society, 17th July, 1888.] 

The first highway used for travel by land was the route 
leading northeastwards from the present city of Philadel- 
phia to the Falls of Delaware, where is now Trenton. In 
1677, we find it called the " King's Path/' whereof the 
court at Upland appointed, March 14th, 1681, Clause John- 
son to be overseer " from Poquessink Creek to Samuel 
Cliff's," at the present Bristol borough, and John Arkaman 
from thence to the Falls ; they being required to " repair the 
highways within their respective precincts, which is to be 
done before the last day of May." William Penn writes 
from Pennsbury to his secretary, James Logan, in Philadel- 
phia, the 22d of the 6th-month, 1700, to " urge the jus- 
tices about the bridge at Pennepecka and Poquessin, forth- 
with for a carriage, or I cannot come down." These ex- 
tracts reveal to us the early condition of affairs respecting 
travel in this vicinity. After the use of this ancient high- 
way for upwards of half a century, Philip Amos, in 1730, 
determined to set up an inn, and applied for a license to 
keep a public-house " near Poquessing Creek, on the high- 
way from Philadelphia to Bristol," which later was given 
the name of the Red Lion. 

After his death we know that his widow, Ann Amos, in 
1744, received a license to keep the same, there being at 
this date but one other public-house in the township. From 
the colonial records we learn that on the 5th of April, 1747, 
a resurvey of the road was made " from Philadelphia to Po- 
quessing creek, and over it to the Widow Amos', being 
eleven and three-quarters miles from the city." Nicholas 



360 The Red Lion Inn. 

Scull, on his map of the Province, published in 1759, notes 
"Widow Amos;" also, William Scull on his map of 1770, 
and Reading Howell, on his large township map of Penn- 
sylvania, published in 1792, calls it "The Red Lion." 

Henry Tomlinson, an old resident of Bensalem (where 
he died in April, 1800, aged 79 years), for upwards of forty 
years kept a journal, noting therein the principal occur- 
rences of his neighborhood, to which we are indebted for 
the following interesting facts : 

"October 30th, 1763, there was a smart shock of an 
earthquake. 

" May 18th, 1775, Joseph Cox went to learn the military 
exercise at Red Lion. 

" August 5th, a great muster among the soldiers. 

" June 24th, 1777, two soldiers took away two of my 
horses out of the plow. 

" January 4th, 1778, the soldiers 'took away from me two 
cattle. 

" March 6th, much wheat and hay burnt by the soldiers. 

" March 15th, a horse taken by the soldiers. 

" March 27th, a mare taken for the use of the Conti- 
nental army. 

" April 17th, all night the English ranging to Bristol and 
Bensalem. 

" August 17th, 1780, had a horse taken out of the plow 
for the army wagons." 

As Mr. Tomlinson relates, the people of this vicinity 
during the Revolution suffered severely from the maraud- 
ing parties of the hostile forces. It was between the Red 
Lion and Dunk's Ferry that General Lacey destroyed a 
large quantity of forage in the beginning of March, 1778, to 
prevent its falling into the hands of the British while in 
possession of Philadelphia. 

Benjamin Loxley, captain of the Philadelphia artillery, 
on his march to Amboy, makes the following remarks in 
his journal, under date of March 22d, 1776 : " That they 
had started from Frankford at four o'clock in the morning 
and arrived at the Red Lion by nine, where they halted and 



The Red Lion Inn. 361 

ordered breakfast, which the landlord refused supplying, 
stating he had not enough bread for five men ; that he won- 
dered how he could expect it for one hundred." During 
the Revolution, distinguished men sought accomodation at 
the Eed Lion as they journeyed to Philadelphia while it 
served as the national capital : as members of Congress 
from Massachusetts, Messrs. Bowdoin, Gushing, Robert 
Treat Payne, Samuel Adams, and John Adams. The latter 
mentions in his diary as stopping here, August 29, 1774, 
again December 9, 1775, and October 13, 1776. 

Washington, the 28th of August, 1781, with the com- 
bined French and American army, suddenly left the vicinity 
of New York, which he had threatened to attack, for the 
purpose of investing Yorktown and compelling Cornwallis 
to surrender. Henry Tomlinson states in his journal that 
the army passed through Bensalem August 30th, and that 
" General "Washington went to Philadelphia, escorted by 
forty or fifty men, who rode sword in hand as a guard." It 
was this night, that a portion of the army encamped at the 
Red Lion, a locality favorable for the encampment of a large 
army. 

The turnpike from Philadelphia to Trenton was com- 
menced in 1803, and in the following year finished to the 
Poquessing, but from the Red Lion to its termination, at Mor- 
risville, not until about 1813. The Hall family are now the 
proprietors in the third generation of this ancient hostelry. 



362 Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 



EECOEDS OF CHEIST CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA. 
BAPTISMS, 1709-1760. 

CONTRIBUTED BY CHARLES R. HILDEBTJRN. 

[Philadelphia September the 14: a. do. 1710 The Clarks buck of 
accounts of the churg of Ingland In Philadelphia Cept by him to 
Passefie and Sartyfie baptised bans published marreg and burialls from 
the year a domy : 1710 for the Publick good of the afore Said Church In 
Philadelphia In amaraca. by me Johnathon ashton Clack of the curch of 
Ingland in Philadelphia in penselvania.] 

1758 April 2 Abercrombie James, s. of James and Margaret, b. Jan. 
26 1758 

1711 Jan. 2 Abbett John s. Joseph and Mary 2 weeks 
1710 Oct. 7 Abbott Thomas s. Joseph and Mary . . . 

1712 Dec. 23 Mary d. Joseph ... 1 day 

1738 Feb. 8 Eachel d. Richard and Sarah 3 days 

June 4 Acre Susannah d. Henry and Hannah 4 days 

1737 Jan. 18 Actis Sarah d. Tarver and Elizabeth 11 years 
Jan. 18 Mary d. Tarver and Elizabeth 9 years 
Jan. 18 John s. Tarver and Elizabeth 2 years 
Feb. 18 John s. Tarver and Elizabeth 3 weeks 

1758 Jan. 22 Adam William s. William Jan. 13. 1757 

1730 Aug. 23 Adams Elizabeth d. William and Rachel 5 mo. 3 weeks 

1732 June 25 Margaret d. William and Rachel 8 months 

1733 Nov. 25 William s. William and Rachel 4 mo. 1 week 
1735 June 21 John s. William and Rachel 4 days 

1737 Nov. 13 Alexander s. William and Rachel 1 month 

1740 Feb. 25 Charles s. William and Rachel 5 months 

1741 Dec. 26 Salomea d. William and Rachel 3 months 

1743 Dec. 26 Rachel d. William and Rachel 3 months 18 days 

1744 Oct. 14 Mary d. William and Elizabeth 7 months 5 days 

1745 June 16 John William s. Wm. and Elizabeth June 11 1745 
Aug. 18 Robert s. William and Rachel July 6 1745 

1749 Mch. 5 William s. William and Elizabeth Feby. 6 1749 
1752 Nov. 19 Hannah d. George and Catherine Oct. 5 1752 
1754 Aug. 8 William s. William and Martha May 9 1754 

1754 Aug. 18 Adams George s. William and Elizabeth July 28 1754 

1755 Nov. 26 Elizabeth d. William and Martha Nov. 2 1754 



Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 363 

1757 July 6 Elizabeth d. William and Elizabeth June 8 1757 
Nov. 4 Mary d. Alexander and Mary Jan. 11 1757 

1758 July 28 Ann d. Giles and Elizabeth Nov. 21 1757 
Nov. 16 Rachel d. William and Rachel June 22 1758 

1759 June 7 Mary d. Robert and Mary Dec. 1 1757 

Sept. 16 Charles Henry s. Alex, and Mary Aug. 17 1759 

Robert s. Robert and Martha June 25 1759 

1750 April 15 Adamson Anthony s. Anthony and Dorothy Aug. 27 1749 
1742 Dec. 11 Aedes Mary d. Robert and Ann 4 months 

Dec. 11 Ann adult 

1727 Jan. 29 Afflick William s. Willyam and Ann 2 yrs. 2 mo. 
1730 July 24 Owen s. William and Ann 2 years 7 months 

July 24 Elizabeth d. Willyam and Ann 6 weeks 
1742 April 19 Albright Elias s. Anthony and Catherine 3 weeks 
1746 Oct. 18 Hannah d. George and Mary Oct. 5 1746 
1721 July 30 Aldridge Rebecca d. Peter and Elizabeth . . . 
1759 June 1 Timothy s. William and Catherine April 3 1759 

1757 July 30 Alridge Robert s. Timothy and Katherine July 11 1757 
1742 June 25 Alemby James s. John and Mary . . . 

1716 Dec. 21 Allen Elizabeth d. George and Dorothy . . . 

1720 Oct. 9 George s. George and Dorothy . . . 

1725 Aug. 6 William s. George and Dorothy 6 weeks 
Aug. 6 Sarah d. George and Dorothy 3 years 

1742 Feb. 15 Lydia d. Richard and Rebecca 3 weeks 2 days 
July 28 Sarah d. William and Eliza 6 weeks 

1743 May 25 Hannah d. Richard and Rebecca 3 weeks 4 days 

1744 April 10 William s. Richard and Rebecca 15 days 

1745 Sep. 18 Rebecca d. Richard and Rebecca Aug. 25 1745 

1746 Dec. 27 John s. Richard and Rebecca Dec. 12 1746 

1758 Jan. 1 John s. Thomas and Hannah Dec. 29 1757 

1759 Sep. 23 William s. George and Susannah Aug. 29 1759 
1743 Nov. 27 Allston Joseph s. Joseph and Judith 10 weeks 
1746 May 28 Rowland s. Joseph and Judith April 23 1745 
1746 May 28 Mary d. Joseph and Judith March 5 1744 

1726 Dec. 2 Anderson Hannah d. Capt. Lawrence and Susannah . . . 

1728 Dec. 5 Susannah d. Capt. Lawrence and Susannah 7 weeks 
1730 Mch. 18 John s. John and Elizabeth 2 weeks 

1732 April 24 Mary d. Lawrence and Susannah 2 days 

1733 Sept. 27 Jane d. John and Elizabeth 18 months 

1734 Oct. 27 Jane d. James and Sarah 2 years 2 months 
1736 April 28 Jane d. William and Jane 20 months 
1739 June 29 James s. James and Eleanor 2 weeks 

1743 Dec. 30 Laurence s. Laurence and Abigail 1 month 18 days 
1746 Aug. 13 Abigail wife Capt. Laurence Jr. ... 

1717 June 4 Andrews Ann d. Thomas and Abigail 1 year 1 month 

1721 Dec. 25 Susannah d. Vidle . 



364 Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 

1754 July 4 Christopher s. Joseph and Mary Jan. 1 1753 
July 4 Joseph s. Joseph and Mary June 16 1754 

1741 Sep. 26 Angel Mary d. John and Rebecca 2 months 3 days 

1732 Nov. 26 Annis Mary d. William and Patience 10 weeks 

1736 Dec. 16 Sarah d. William and Patience 2 years 6 months 
Dec. 16 Ann d. William and Patience 10 months 

1746 April 27 John William s. William and Susannah Nov. 14 1745 

1748 April 26 Susannah d. William and Susannah Jan. 29 1748 
1714 Mch. 7 Anthony Stephen s. Richard and Sarah 2 weeks 

1716 May 20 Charles s. Richard and Sarah 4 days 
1720 Jan. 24 Sarah d. Richard and Sarah . . . 
1722 Nov. 10 Elizabeth d. Richard and Sarah . . . 

1714 April 5 Antrobus Mary d. Joseph and Elizabeth 1 month 

1717 Feb. 15 Elizabeth d. Joseph and Elizabeth 10 months 
1731 Jan. 24 Ap Evan Susannah d. Margaret 2 years 

Jan. 24 Margaret d. Margaret 2 years 

1753 May 18 Ap Owen John s. Samuel and Hannah April 26 1751 
May 18 Samuel s. Samuel and Hannah Nov. 16 1752 

1754 Dec. 19 Hannah d. Samuel and Hannah Dec. 7 1754 
1758 Mch. 8 Mary d. Samuel and Hannah Feb. 7 1758 

1727 Oct. 15 Appleton Joseph s. Cornelius and Jane 7 months 

1733 Feb. 6 Hester d. John and Alice 5 years 6 weeks 
Feb. 6 Stephen s. John and Alice 5 weeks 

1744 Mch. 11 John, adopted s., James and Elizabeth 7 years 
1743 Oct. 9 Ares Catherine d. John and Eloner 4 weeks 

1742 July 11 Arils George s. John and Mary 3 weeks 2 days 
1738 Sep. 6 Aris Sarah d. John and Mary 2 weeks 

1747 Jan. 21 Mary d. John and Mary Jan. 19 1746 

1758 Mch. 8 Anthony s. Peter and Lucretia Hodgkinson Dec. 24 1751 

1759 Oct. 7 Arkle William s. Thomas and Mary Aug. 22 1759 
1741 Jan. 19 Armstrong Stephen s. John and Elanor 7 days 

1737 May 18 Arnold Alice d. John and Sarah 7 months 
June 12 Arping Richard s. Richard and Anne 4 months 

1757 Nov. 9 Arty Catherine d. Thomas and Mary July 31 1755 
Nov. 9 John s. Thomas and Mary July 14 1757 

1731 Aug. 26 Asbrook Mary d. James and Elizabeth 3 weeks 

1749 Dec. 14 Ash James s. Henry and Rebecca Dec. 9 1749 

1750 April 29 Robert s. William and Anne April 15 1750 
1752 Dec. 24 John s. William and Anne Aug. 19 1752 

1755 May 16 Mary d. William and Anne April 7 1755 
July 27 Mary d. Henry and Rebecca June 16 1754 

1756 Mch. 11 Henry s. Henry and Rebecca Feb. 8 1756 

1758 June 4 Joseph s. Henry and Rebecca May 21 1758 

1732 June 6 Ashbey Mercy d. James and Mary 5 months 
1713 Sept. 4 Ashborn Elizabeth d. John and Mary 1 month 

1728 Aug. 15 Ashburn Richard s. Martin and Elizabeth 1 month 



Records of Christ Church, Philadelphia. 365 

1726 Sept. 18 Ashmore Thomas s. Edward and Prissilla Sept. 9 1726 

1729 April 16 Asheton Kalph s. Ealph and Susannah 1 month 
1731 Sept. 17 Kobert s. Ralph and Susannah 5 weeks 

1733 Feb. 8 William s. Kalph and Susannah 1 month 3 days 

1735 Nov. 23 Jonathan s. John and Mary 3 weeks 

1736 July 31 Ealph s. Ralph and Susannah 6 weeks 

1737 July 29 Thomas s. Ralph and Susannah 2 months 

1740 Oct. 31 Margaret d. Ralph and Susannah 11 weeks 
Nov. 31 Margaret d. Ralph and Susannah 11 weeks 

1709 June 19 Ashton Issaac s. Jonathan and Hannah 2 months 

1711 July 3 John s. Jonathan and Hannah . . . 

1713 Sept. 13 Hannah d. Jonathan and Hannah 1 week 
1720 Jan. 1 Susannah w. Ralph . . . 

1723 Mch. 27 Robert s. William . . . 

1726 June 15 Robert s. Ralph and Susannah . . . 

1731 Aug. 24 Richard s. Richard and Mary 7 months 
1736 Dec. 21 William s. Isaac and Sarah 2 years 6 months 

Dec. 21 John s. Isaac and Sarah 10 months 

1738 June 15 James s. John and Margaret 1 day 

1739 June 9 William s. John and Margaret 1 day 
July 30 Isaac s. Isaac and Sarah 1 year 

1740 Aug. 18 Anne d. John and Margaret 2 weeks 

1741 Mch. 22 Hannah d. Isaac and Sarah 8 months 

1745 April 25 James s. Isaac and Sarah Aug. 3, 1742 
April 25 Sarah d. Isaac and Sarah Jan. 24, 1744 

1746 April 9 Frances d. Susannah Dec. 19 1745 

1735 Nov. 26 Asselius Lydia d. Gustavus and Lydia 10 days 

1710 Mch. 25 Asshton Charles s. Robert and Margaret . . . 

1745 Nov. 22 Aston Susannah w. John . . . 

1726 Jan. 9 Atkins Elizabeth d. Thomas and Rebecca Dec. 18, 1725 

1733 Dec. 6 Atkinson Nicolas s. William and Mary 10 weeks 
1735 July 26 Atley William s. William and Jane 26 days 

1714 Dec. 31 Austin Edward s. John and Mary 4 days 

1715 Nov. 28 Edward s. John and Mary 4 days 

1730 Dec. 27 Elizabeth d. Edward and Elinor 1 day 

1732 July 30 John s. Edward and Elinor 11 days 

1741 Aug. 2 Auston Samuel s. Edward and Elizabeth 19 months 
Aug. 2 John s. Edward and Elizabeth 3 years 6 months 

1732 April 27 Avery Elizabeth d. Thomas and Martha 5 weeks 

1734 Sept. 27 Axford John s. Charles and Sarah 6 weeks 

1746 Mch. 23 Ayres Abraham s. John and Elinor Feb. 16 1745 

1712 Jan. 9 Ayrs Charles s. John and Susannah 5 weeks 

(To be continued.) 



366 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 



THOMAS LIVEZEY AND JOSEPH GALLOWAY. Nearly one hundred 
and fifty years ago the banks of the Wissahickon Creek were occupied 
by mills of various kinds at all available places. There were grist-, fulling-, 
oil-, and paper-mills. The most prominent millers were the Robesons, 
Gorgases, Livezeys, and Rittenhouses. These mills were accessible only 
by cross roads leading from the Manatawny or Beading Road, in Rox- 
borough, and the Main Street in Gerinantown. As early as 1745, the 
Livezeys had a grist-mill just above where the Pipe Bridge now is, and 
that was only to be reached from Germantown by what is now known 
as Allen's Lane. For many years a certain Thomas Li vezey owned and 
resided at the mill, and cultivated a large farm, and on the hill-sides 
had a vineyard, and, as was the custom in those days, made his own 
wine. No doubt it was good, for in 1768 Robert Wharton sent a dozen 
bottles to Dr. Franklin, who, in a letter dated February 20, 1768, wrote 
to Wharton as follows : 

" DEAR FKIEND : 

" I received your favours of November 17th and 18th, with another 
dozen of excellent wine, the manufacture of our friend Lievzey. I 
thank you for the care you have taken in forwarding them, and for your 
good wishes that accompany them." 

Mr. Livezey was a member of the Society of Friends, and when the 
British were in Philadelphia, and our troops used to wander about seek- 
ing provender, he sunk a number of barrels of wine in his dam in the 
Wissahickon, where it remained until the close of the war. Some of 
that wine was bottled and preserved by the late Mr. John Livezey, a 
grandson of the said Thomas Livezey, until a short time before he died, 
in 1878. He gave me a small bottle of this Revolutionary Wine, which I 
shall deposit in our Society. 

Mr. Livezey was a man of great prominence in his day, and for many 
years was a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly. Among other 
members of the Assembly was the celebrated Joseph Galloway, who 
was one of the leading lawyers of the Colony. He and Mr. Livezey 
were warm friends, and, being full of wit, often joked his friend Thomas 
for living in such a hidden place as the wilds of the Wissahickon, so 
far removed from the busy world and so inaccessible. 

Mr. Livezey had a large family of daughters and three sons. One 
daughter married John Johnson, of Germautown, and another, Peter 
Robeson, of Roxborough. Two of his sons were named John and Jo- 
seph. He died in 1790, and in his will speaks of his copy of Black- 
stone's 'Commentaries, which shows he had some knowledge of law. 
The following letter to his friend Galloway, shows his wit and also his 
appreciation of the beauties of nature, which were to be found then as 
now, along the banks of the picturesque Wissahickon. 



Notes and Queries. 367 

"KoxuoROUGH, 12th Mo. 14th, 1765. 
"To JOSEPH GALLOWAY. 

"DEAR FRIEND, 

"As thou hast often concluded from the lowness of my situation that 
I must be nearly connected with the Lower regions or some Infernal 
place of abode, I have sent thee the following true description of the 
place of my residence in order to convince thee of that error : 

Near Wissahiccon's mosey banks, where purling fountains glide 

Beneath the Spruces' shady boughs and Laurel's blooming pride, 

Where little fishes sport and play, diverting to the sight, 

Whilst all the warbling winggd race, afford my ear delight; 

Here are evergreens by Nature set, on which those warblers sing, 

And flowery aromatic Groves form an eternal spring; 

Refreshing breezes round me move, which with the blossoms play, 

And balmy odours on their wings through all my vale convey. 

Those charming scenes did'st thou dwell here would all thy care beguile 

And, in the room of anxious fear, would cause a harmless smile. 

Here's innocence and harmony, which give me thoughts sublime, 

Little inferior to the place call'd Eden in its prime. 

Thus situated, here I dwell, where these sweet zephyrs move, 

And, little rivulets from Rocks add beauty to my Grove. 

I drink the wine my Hills produce ; on wholesome food I dine; 

My little Offspring round me are like Clusters on the Vine ; 

I hand in hand with second self oft walk amidst the bowers, 

Whilst all our little prattling ones are gathering opening Flowers. 

In this low station here I'm fixed, nor envy Court nor King, 

Nor crave the honours Statesmen crave, nor Cares which riches bring. 

Honour's a dangerous, tempting thing, which oft leads men astray, 

Riches, like insects, spread their wings and quickly flee away. 

My meditations here are free from interrupting strife, 

Whilst different ways, aspiring men pursue indifferent life; 

I see what art the Clergy use who will be paid to pray, 

And how poor Clients are abused by Lawyers' long delay. 

I see what cunning artifice the busy men employ, 

Whilst I this lonely seat of bliss unenvied here enjoy. 

This is the place of my abode, when humbly here I dwell, 

Which, in romantic Lawyer mood, thou hast compared to Hell. 

But Paradise where Adam dwelt in blissful love and ease, 

A Lawyer would compare to Hell, if thence he got no fees. 

Canst thou prefer thy Heaven on earth thy fee the Root of evil 

To this my lonely harmless place, my Hell without a Devil ? 

" Permit me from my low situation to thine of eminence, to do myself 
the Justice to say, I am, with much respect, 

" Thy sincere friend, 

"THOMAS LIVEZEY. 

" I shall conclude with the words made use of to Zaccheus of old, 
' Come down come down quickly/ for I want thee to dine at my house." 

HORATIO GATES JONES. 

PRE-HISTORIC WEST CHESTER. The following extracts from a val- 
uable paper on " Pre-historic West Chester," prepared by Mr. Philip P. 
Sharpless, and published in the West Chester Republican of February 9, 
1888, gives the location of Indian villages and paths on and adjacent to 
the present site of West Chester : 

"On the south side of the town [West Chester], within one or two 
hundred yards, ran the great path which led from their fishing-grounds, 
on the Susquehanna at Peach Bottom to the rapids of the Delaware. 
Near, and on both sides of it, are the sites of many of their villages. 



368 Notes and Queries. 

The Susquehanna was visited early in the spring by whole tribes on 
arriving of fish from southern waters, as was common at that season of 
the year, returning to the Delaware as the season advanced. 

" The great path, which is still visible in some places, commences, so far 
as I know it, and is still well marked at that point, in a piece of wood 
on lands of the late Abraham Williams, formerly known as the southeast 
corner of the eighty acres. Passing nearly directly west, it enters the 
small woods formerly owned by Joshua Darlington, now belonging to 
Wm. Smith, where it may still be traced. Continuing west through the 
south side of ' The Friends Burial Company's Grounds,' thence it passes 
between the residences of Smedley and John Darlington. Continuing its 
westerly course, it now crosses over the hill on to the land of W. T. In- 
gram, then to about fifty feet south of the gateway leading to the dwell- 
ing of the late Emmor Davis, crossing the Birmingham road north of 
Sconneltown school-house, it runs through the farm of Paschall Hacker, 
thence on to the land of Wm. Reid ; still continuing the same course, 
its route was up the road on Dr. Price's farm, in front of his green- 
houses, and so on through George Little's woods to the Brandywine, 
being nearly a straight line from where it enters the land of Abraham 
Williams, until it reaches the creek about one-half mile above the forks. 

" On the sides of this great highway I can locate the sites of at least 
twenty old camping places that have been occupied by Indians, not one 
of which is more than three miles from West Chester. To find these 
locations they must be looked for after the ground has been recently 
ploughed or harrowed, whilst it is still free from vegetation, and soon 
after a rain. When a field is in corn, or after it has been cut, it affords 
the best opportunity to ascertain the location of an Indian camp ; but 
an amateur, when in the midst of a town-site, will often be disappointed 
because of his impatience and his want of knowledge. He will look for 
arrow- or spear-points when these may have all disappeared, having been 
gathered and sent away, while the spalls under his feet, the hammer, the 
knife, or pieces of basins or other worked stone may abound without 
attracting notice. 

" A little practice with an expert will soon enable him to overcome 
this difficulty if he has patience, and of this he will need a good store, 
as it may be years before grass lands may be turned into fallow grounds ; 
and until this is done his labor will be in vain, as most of the objects he 
is in search of are buried beneath the sod, whilst the farmer has re- 
moved those that laid on the surface and sent them away to help macad- 
amize some road. 

"There are four well-marked camping-sites within the borough of 
West Chester. The first is in the southeastern part, about one hundred 
yards west of the Philadelphia and West Chester Railroad, where it 
crosses the borough line. 

" The hill faces to the southeast, and the camp extends from top to 
foot of the same, covering about four acres, and is located near a spring 
of good water. 

" The second camp is on a stream in the southern part of the borough, 
between Darlington Street extended and New Street, and where it is 
proposed in the future to lay Nields Street, on the line between lands 
of George Fitzsimmons, Albert Hall, and others. There are about eight 
acres in this camp. 

" Number three is on the same stream, in the southwest corner of the 
borough, on the farm of Dr. Jacob Price, near the fine spring which he 
now uses for dairy purposes. The new house west of his barn is near 
the centre of the camping ground, and I think must have exceeded 



Notes and Queries. 369 

either of the others in size, or contained a greater number of inmates than 
they did. Between numbers two and three are several places that have 
been temporarily occupied by the Indians, where their marks are not so 
distinct as those named. 

" To the north of number three, in a lot belonging to M. B. Hickman, 
between Wayne and Brandy wine Streets, and north of Price, around an 
excellent spring, have been found many good arrow-points, but a more 
thorough examination will be required to ascertain how they came there. 
If a village stood there at any time it must have been a small one. 

" Number four is on the lands of Hoopes, Bro. & Thomas, east of the 
old borough water-works. It is undoubtedly the spring from which the 
savages obtained their supply of water. The centre of their camps must 
have been near where the barn of the company now stands, situated 
northwest of the road leading to the residence of Wm. P. Marshall, and 
about two hundred yards northeast of the public park. These grounds 
have long been under cultivation, and most of its treasures have been 
carried away, but there remains sufficient of waste material to mark it 
as a favorite dwelling-place." 

THE FOULKE FAMILY OF GWYNEDD, PA. In preparing the sketch 
of the genealogy of the Foulke family (descendants of Edward Foulke, 
of Gwynedd) in my Historical Collections Relating to Gwynedd, I failed 
to get either full or satisfactory details concerning the line of Caleb 
Foulke, Jr. Recently Mr. Frank Foulke, of New York City, a lineal 
descendant of Caleb, has supplied me with data enlarging and correct- 
ing what is given in my book. I therefore offer it in the PENNSYLVANIA 
MAGAZINE in the hope that it may reach some of those particularly in- 
terested in the subject. 

The line to Caleb, Jr., is as follows : 

1. Edward Foulke, of Gwynedd, original settler there, 1698. 

2. Thomas, m. Gwen Evans. 

3. William, m. Hannah Jones. 

4. Caleb, m. Jane Jones (dau. of Owen, of Wynnewood, Lower 
Merion). 

5. Caleb, Jr. He was twice married. His first wife, whom he m. llth 
mo. 26, 1795, was Margaret, dau. of Thomas and SibinaCullen, who died 
7th mo. 23, 1809, buried at North Wales. (She had a sister who m. a 
Mr. Cottinger, of Baltimore.) His second wife was Sarah Hodgkiss, 
widow, of GermantoWn; whom he m. in 1814. By Margaret he had ten 
children, five of whom survived infancy, and are named below. By 
Sarah he had one daughter named Sarah, who died unm. 6th mo. 3, 
1834. The five children were : 

6. Louisa, b. in Philadelphia, 12th mo. 21, 1797 ; d. unm. in Jersey City, 
N. J., Oct. 24, 1886 ; buried at Gwynedd. 

7. Jane, b. at Gwynedd, 8th mo. 30, 1799 ; d. in Philadelphia, June 
20, 1845 ; m. Alexander Hall, and had one son who d. unm. 

8. Ellen, b. in Philadelphia, 3d rno. 30, 1801; m. Samuel Hatfield 
(uncle to Dr. Nathan Hatfield, Sr.) ; d. in Jersey City, July 12, 1880 ; 
buried at Gwynedd. 

9. William, b. at West Cain, Chester Co., Pa., 2d mo. 2, 1804; d. in 
Philadelphia, 12th mo. 2, 1847 ; m. at Hadley, Mass., Oct. 26, 1830, Lucy 
Dickinson, and had three children: (1) Charlotte, d. in infancy; (2) 
Margaret, b. in Philadelphia, Jan. 13, 1833 ; ra. in Philadelphia, Oct. 
25, 1866, Arthur Johnes, of New York City (who d. March 27, 1880), and 
has two living children, William F., b. Jan. 15, 1868, and Lucy, b. June 

VOL. xii. 24 



370 A'otes and Queries. 

8 1870 ; (3) Edward D., b. February 14, 1837, in Philadelphia ; d.unm 
May 15, 1887. 

10. Henry, b. at Berwick, Pa., 2d mo. 9, 1808 ; d. in New York, April 
20, 1866. He m. Sept. 25, 1832, at the house of her brother, Jonathan 
Trotter, of Brooklyn (then mayor of that city,*the second in service), 
Hannah Trotter, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, England. 

(10). The issue of Henry and Hannah Trotter Foulke are as follows: 

11. William Henry, b. in New York, July 1, 1833 ; m. Clara Hoyleof 
that city. No children. 

12. Charles Trotter, b. in New York, March 6, 1837 ; m. Emma Gil- 
dersleeve, of that city, and has issue : Henry, b. Sept. 1, 1858 ; Jane, b. 
Nov. 19, 1860; Joseph S., b. Sept. 11, 1862; Frank, b. July 31, 1864. 

13. Jane, b. in New York, May 18, 1844; m. in Philadelphia, May 7, 

1863, John Potts Butter, of Pottstown, Pa. He went to New York, 

1864, became a member of the New York Stock Exchange in 1870 ; d. 
Nov. 6, 1887. No children. 

14. Frank, b. in New York, Feb. 9, 1849 ; m. Mrs. Marguerite Staples 
Wood, nee De Puy, of Delaware Water Gap, Pa. (The De Puys is the 
oldest family in that section.) No children. 

In comparing the foregoing with the account given in my book (page 
241) there will be observed several corrections, but the most important is 
the addition of the fifth child (Henry) of Caleb, Jr., and Margaret, his 
children and grand-children being all that are now living of this branch 
of the family. 

I add a few further details concerning the two sons of Caleb and Jane 
(Jones) Foulke (4th generation above). They were : 

1. Owen. In my book few details are given concerning him. Besides 
being a partner with his father in business, he was a member of the 
Philadelphia bar, and was regarded as a man of more than ordinary 
talent. In 1798 he became a member of the City Troop. During the 
later years of his life he practised law in Sunbury, Pa. He was born in 
Philadelphia, 6th mo. 27, 1763, and died (and was buried) at Gwynedd, 
8th mo. 30, 1808. He was, I believe, unmarried. 

2. Caleb, Jr. (named above, No. 5), was born in Philadelphia, 8th mo. 
7, 1770, and died in that city, 10th mo. 15, 1823. He was a merchant. 

HOWARD M. JENKINS. 
Avalon, Gwynedd, Pa. 

WASHINGTON'S DIARY. Oliver Pollock, noticed in Washington's 
Diary, PA. MAG., Vol. XI. p. 306, in a note as attorn ey-at-1 aw, is no 
doubt an error, as he was a wealthy merchant of New Orleans. He 
joined the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick June 17, 1783. (See a brief ac- 
count of the Society, published in 1844, p. 79.) He came to Philadel- 
phia before 1791 (see Directory of that year, in which he is called 
Oliver Pollock, Esq.) ; and as this designation was at that day only 
applied to lawyers, judges, and government officials, it led to this error. 

JOHN HILL MARTIN. 

ACCOUNT OF ANDREW BRADFORD AND GLAUS KITTENHOUSE. 
Among my collection of the Eittenhouse and Bradford papers is an ac- 
count which is given below. It shows the prices of rags, paper, etc., in 
the year 1729. The Glaus Rittenhouse was the second paper-maker in 
America, and was also a Mennonist preacher, and officiated at German- 
town, where the church of which he was preacher still exists. Although 
the name of Andrew Bradford does not appear in the account, yet I am 
satisfied it came from his office, as in it there is a charge for printing the 



Notes and Queries. 



371 



" Minones Book." By referring to Hildeburn's " Issues of the Press," 
Vol. I., p. 82, it will be seen that in 1727, Andrew Bradford printed the 

i<TlT^*- ^-K-kinJ- f"1*-x*-i -Pencil r\-*\ rt-P T^o-i^l-i " o >-i r\ n r\ *"\4-V^i "M'^nnrkmef". r\nr4i?" wn<i 



was 



MemkTnist Confession of Faith," and no other Mennonist book 
printed in Pennsylvania in 1728 or 1729. The paper used by the ac- 
countant has on it the Eittenhouse paper-mark, viz., the clover-leaf. 

HORATIO GATES JONES. 



CLAUSE 



August 

H 

Septem br 



October 



November 
December 



Jan*. 
March 



April 



PHILADELPHIA June 27 th 1729 

RUTTENHOUSE Acompt. Dr 

To Cash 0.10. 

21 To 710 ft Rags at 1J ... 4. 8. 9 

17 To Cash 2. 0. 

2. To Cash 1.10.0 To 14 ft Glew 0.14s.O 2.04. 

14 To Cash 1. 0. 

23 To Cash 1. 0. 

6. To Cash 1. 0. 

20 To Cash 0.15. 

22 To Cash 1. 0. 

27 To Cash 1. 0. 

18 To Cash 1. 0. 

25 To Cash 1. 0. 

27 To 12 of Glew 0.12.6 

17. To Cash 2.0.0. To 25 ft Cheese at 4 0.9s 4./2 2. 9. 4 

3. To Cash 1.15. 

11 To Cash 10* To 636 ft Rags at 3.16.6 . . 4. 6. 6 
20 To Cash 1. To Bushel of salt Is 3. To a 

Brass Kettle of John Hyatt 1.6.3 . . 2. 7. 6 

17. To Cash 1.10. 

6. To Cash 1. To Cash in part for Brining y e 
Minones Book 1 To Cash for account 
of Philip French, York 18s. To Cash 
payed y r son Matthias 7. To ft of 

Chocolate 2s. 4. To Cash 10s. . . 10.10. 4 

10 To Cash . 1.10. 



21.19. 



1729 June 
July 



August 


Septem 1 



Contra 

27 By 36 ft press Papers at 9 d 
3 By 1 Ream writing paper at 14 By 3J 
Reams Printing paper at 7/6 . 

12 By 4 Reams Brown paper at 4/6 By 2 
Reams printing paper at 7/6 By 45 ft 
press paper at 9 d per ft By 2 Reams of 
writing at 14/ .... 

17 By 3 Reams Large printing paper at 10/ 

22 By 1 Reams printing Large at 7/6 . 

14. By 11 Reams printing paper at 7/6 . 

23. By 14 ft Fine press papers at ll d . 
6 By 7 Reams of Brown paper at 4/6 . 

20. By 5 Reams of printing paper at 7/6 

22. By 30 ft press papers at ll d By 20 pound 
press papers at 10 d 

27 By 15 ft of press papers at By 3 ft 
Coarse at 



Cr 

2. 2. 

2. 0. 3 



4.19. 9 

1.10. 
0.10. 9 
0.10. 9 
4. 2. 6 
0.13. 3 

1.11. 6 

3. 8. 



1.10. 5 



372 Notes and Queries. 

October 18. By 16 ft> Paist Board at By J a Eeam of 

writing paper ..... 0.12. 
25. By 86 ft> Bonet papers at 9 d By a Eeam 

of Brown 3.11.10J 

November 17 By 3 Keams writing at 14 By 2 Reams 

Brown 4/6 2. 6. 6 

December 3. By 42J ft) paist Board at 7 d By 2 Reams 
of Brown paper at 4/6 By 1 Ream 

printing 2. 4. 6 

11 By 2 Reams Brown paper at 4/6 . . 0. 7. 6 
20 By 3J Reams Brown paper at 4/6 By 1 

Ream writing paper . . . . 1. 9. 
January 17. By 5 Reams of Brown paper at 4/6 . . 1. 2. 6 
March 6. By 5 Reams Brown paper at 4/6 By 2 

Reams Printing paper at 7/6 . . 2. 1. 3 
1730 April 6. By Ream writing at 14 . . . . 0. 7. 

36.12. 3 



LETTER OF PIERPONT EDWARDS TO DR. JAMES HUTCHINSON, OF 
PHILADELPHIA. 

"NEW HAVEN, Oct r . 4, 1792. 

"SIR: 

** The importance of the subject, upon which I shall address you in 
this, must be my apology for troubling you. 

" A dissatisfaction with the Vice-President, which is extensive though 
not general in the Eastern States, induces a wish to fill that office with a 
character more unexceptionable. Many suppose that a too strong ten- 
dency to aristocracy is a trait in Mr. Adams's character ; I am of the 
number of those who entertain this idea. 

" We are not without hope from New England, that, even here, some- 
thing can be done, but our greatest expectations are from those friends 
to true republican liberty who live south of us. 

" There certainly are symptoms in our present court and courtiers that 
are alarming. A disposition to treat with coldness those who, from an 
honest regard to the preservation of real liberty can not blindly devote 
their interest to the support of all their measures, points out the danger 
of unconditionally advocating their schemes, and sound the alarm to 
those who mean to guard against the first advances of tyranny. 

" To preserve our liberties, we think a watchful reasonable jealousy is 
necessary, and we shall always endeavor to tread upon the line which 
divides between stupidity on the one hand, and zeal without knowledge 
on the other. 

" The names of Governor Clinton and Col. Burr (and of no others) are 
seriously mentioned. Some votes, we flatter ourselves, can be procured 
for either of them. But all that can be done here will be fruitless, if it 
is not done in concert with the South. Rhode Island, Vermont, New 
York, and New Jersey will yield, as we are led to believe, important 
support to either of them. After all our dependence is upon the States 
which form the Southern division of the empire. 

" May I solicit the favor of a line from you, advising me of the arrange- 
ments which are, or shall be, made on this subject. Secrecy is indis- 
pensably requisite here, we therefore at present only whisper our thoughts 
to a few, very few, confidants. If we can be honored with information 
of your final resolution, no exertion shall be wanting to insure success. 



Notes and Queries. 373 

" Candor obliges me to observe to you, that ancient political antipa- 
thies to Governor Clinton will render his success here more precarious 
than Col. Burr's. 

"A knowledge of your character is the policy of insurance on which 
I have hazarded this free communication. 

" I have the honor to be with very great respect your most Obedient 
and very Humble 

"PIERPONT EDWARDS." 

GENEALOGICAL NOTES. ABSTRACTS OF WILLS RECORDED IN 

PHILADELPHIA. 

JAMES PLUMLEY, of Middletown, in the county of Bucks. Wife 
Mary. Son John (an infant). Brother Charles Plumley. Uncle Wil- 
liam Budd. Dated 8th mo. 16, 1702 ; proved Oct. 14, 1702. 

CHARLES PLUMLEY, of Philadelphia, joiner. Wife Rose. Son 
Charles and daughter Sarah, both under 21. Brothers George and John 
Plumley. Brother-in-law Henry Paxson. Dated Nov. 13, 1708 ; proved 
Dec. 17, 1708. 

AUSTIN PARIS. Wife Elizabeth sole heir and executrix. Dated 
March 20, 1729/30 ; proved April 7, 1730. 

ELIZABETH PARIS, of Philadelphia, widow. Nephew George Okill, 
of Philadelphia, merchant, residuary legatee and executor. Small be- 
quests to John Wilme, of Cole's Alley, Castle St., Dublin, Silversmith, 
and his daughter Elizabeth. Dated Dec. 15, 1740 ; proved Aug. 24, 1741. 

MORTON GARRET, of Blockley, yeoman. Wife Bridget. Sons John 
and Jacob Garret. Daughters Magdalen and Christian Garret. Dated 
7th mo. 8, 1750 ; proved March 23, 1750/1. 

ABIGAIL MORTON, of Philadelphia, widow. Son John Hood. 
Daughters Elizabeth Custard and Rebecca Scattergood. Grand-daugh- 
ters Ann Watson and Elizabeth Custard. Mentions also Prudence and 
Sarah West, daughters of Charles and Sarah West. Dated 10th mo. 
1, 1748 ; proved Oct. 26, 1750. 

LAWRENCE MORTON, of Darby, Chester Co., yeoman. Wife Bridget 
and unborn child. Son Tobias. Brothers John Matthias and David 
Morton. Dated April 5, 1713 ; proved June 16, 1713. 

WILLIAM GARRIT, late of Darby, Chester Co., but now of Philadel- 
phia. Daughters Sarah, wife of Randal Croxton, Hannah, wife of Wil- 
liam Tidmarsh, and Alice, wife of Joseph Powel. Sons William and 
Samuel Garrit. Grandchildren Hannah, William, and Job Noble. 
Mentions Susannah, William, and Hannah, children of Thomas Garrit, 
deceased, and his kinswoman Sarah Dun. Dated Feb. 26, 1723 ; proved 
Dec. 3, 1724. 

NATHANIEL EVERSTON, of Wiccacoe. Friend John Johnson, his 
daughters Mary and Martha, and his (J. J.'s) nephew John Smith. 
William, son of Joshua Keunelly, of Dorset Co., Md. Dated Oct. 9, 
1719 ; proved Oct. 26, 1720. 

JUSTEA JUSTEA, of Kinsess., yeoman. Sons John, Thomas, Justea, 
and Morton Eusten. Sons Charles and Andrew Justea. Daughters 
Ellen Morton and Mary Justea. Charles, Frederick, Joseph, Elizabeth, 
Ann, and Mary, the six children of his brother Charles Justea. Dated 
Feb. 7, 1721/2; proved Feb. 17, 1721/2. 



374 Notes and Queries. 

SWAN JUSTEN, of Kinsess. Sons Peter and Swan Justen. Daughters 
Britta Roads, Judith and Ann Justen. " My 3d wife" Katherine Jus- 
ten. Brother Morris Justen. Dated April 19, 1722 ; proved March 9, 
1722/3. 

ERIC GUSTANBURG. Wife Hannah. Peter Johnson, and Peter Jones, 
" my sisters' sons." Mary Toy, Bridget Toy, and Abigail Ward, daugh- 
ters of my deceased brother Niels Gustanburg. Sister Britta Enoch. 
Brother-in-law Nicholas Likin. Mentions Lena, wife of Garret Morton. 
Dated May 28, 1719; proved Feb. 9, 1724/5. 

ANDREW LONGACRE, of Philadelphia. Wife Maudlin. Sons Peter, 
Andrew, and Gabriel Longacre. Daughter Ellen. Dated Oct. 10, 1718 ; 
proved Dec. 10, 1718. 

ANDREW JONASON, of Lower Dublin, yeoman. Sarah Cosins, with 
whom I have been twice published at the Swedish Church at Wiccacoe, 
sole heir and executrix. Dated Nov. 5, 1738 ; proved Dec. 19, 1738. 

ANDRE BANKSON, of Philadelphia Co. Wife Gertrude. Sons Benet, 
Andre, John, Peter, Jacob, and Daniel Bankson. Daughters Catharine 
and Bridget Bankson. Friends Lawrence Cock and Andre Rambo. 
Dated Aug. 30, 1694 ; proved Sept. 2, 1706. 

HANS URING, of Calcoon Hook, Darby, Chester Co., yeoman. Wife 
Elizabeth. Sons Frederick, Johannes, and Andrew Uring. Daughters 
Elizabeth, Mary, Dorothy, and Ellen Uring. Friends John Bhenston 
and Swen Boon. Dated March 5, 1713 ; proved May 7, 1713. 

GABRIEL LONGACRE, of Kingsess., yeoman. Mother Maudlin. Sisters 
Mary, Anna, Maudlin, and Britta Longacre. Dated Jan. 18, 1722/3 ; 
proved June 8, 1723. 

JOHN RAMBO, of Upper Merion. Wife Sarah. Sons Mouns, Gabriel, 
Michael, and Ezekiel Rambo. Daughters Ann and Elcande Rambo ; 
children by present wife Sarah, Gunner, Maudlin, Lydia, and Israel 
Rambo. Dated Nov. 27, 1745 ; proved March 9, 1746. 

MARGARET RAMBO, of Lower Dublin, widow. Son Elias Rambo. 
Daughters Mary Rambo, Margaret, wife of Gabriel Nessman, and Chris- 
tian Rambo. Friends John Vanhorn and Andrew Toy. Dated July 
27, 1747 ; proved Sept. 24, 1747. 

BRIDGET RAMBO, of Lower Dublin, widow. Daughters Deborah and 
Martha Rambo. Son-in-law Isaac Worrell. Grandson Thomas Wood- 
field. Dated Sept. 8, 1796 ; proved Feb. 17, 1797. 

STEPHEN COLEMAN, of Philadelphia, glover. Wife Sarah. Dated 
Aug. 15, 1699 ; proved Aug. 21, 1699. 

ELIZABETH MOORE, widow of Robert, late of Philadelphia. Mother 
Mary Middleton of Ashley, near Gloucester in England. Brothers 
Thomas and William Gibs. Sisters Hannah, Mary, and Anne. Son 
William Moore. Dated Aug. 19, 1754 ; proved Aug. 29, 1754. 

PETER RAMBO. Sons Gunner, John, Andrew, and Peter Rambo. 
Daughters Gertrude, wife of Andrew Bankson, and Catharine, wife of 
Peter Dalbo. Dated Aug. 3, 1794 ; proved Nov. 9, 1798. 

JOHN RAMBO, of Passyunk, yeoman. Wife Christian. Daughter 
Mary. Brother Andrew Rambo. Contingent remainder to other 
brothers and sisters without giving their names. Dated Nov. 23, 1816 ; 
proved April 19, 1817. 



Notes and Queries. 375 

JOHN REDMAN, of Philadelphia, M.D. Wife Mary. Daughter Sarah, 
wife of Daniel Coxe, and her children John Redman Coxe, Leonard 
Steel Coxe, George Coxe, Edward Plaisted Coxe, and Anne Philadelphia 
Coxe. Dated Nov. 9, 1807 ; proved March 24, 1808. 

JOHN RICKETTS, of Philadelphia, Locksmith. To be buried in 
Friends' Burying Ground with my mother. Sister Elizabeth Jackson. 
Uncles Thomas and William Palmer. Friend John Brooks. Dated 
9th mo. 6, 1712 ; proved Dec. 20, 1712. 

ADRIAN RENATJDETT, of Philadelphia, gentleman. John James and 
James, sons of deceased nephew James White. Sarah Furman, Town- 
send White, Jr., Isabella Edgar, and Ann Constable, children of de- 
ceased sister Ann White. Brother Peter Renaudett. Sisters Jane 
Osborn, Elizabeth Beekman, and Mary Chevalier. Nephew Moore 
Furman, of Trenton, and friend John Duffield. Dated Dec. 10, 1785; 
proved Jan. 6, 1786. 

PENNSYLVANIA SOCIETY OF SONS OF THE REVOLUTION. In April 
last, this Society was instituted to perpetuate the memory of the men, 
who, in military, naval, or civil service, by their acts or counsel, achieved 
American independence ; to promote the proper celebration of the an- 
niversaries of Washington's birthday and prominent events relating to or 
connected with the War of the Revolution ; to collect and secure for 
preservation the manuscript rolls, records, and other documents relating 
to the War for Independence ; and to inspire among the members of the 
Society and their descendants the public spirit of their forefathers. Its 
officers are: President, William Wayne; Vice- President, Richard McCall 
Cadwalader ; Secretary, George H. Burgin, M.D. ; Treasurer, Robert P. 
Dechert; Board of Managers, J. Edward Carpenter, Chairman; O. C. 
Bosbyshell, John W. Jordan, E. Dunbar Lockwood, Samuel W. Penny- 
packer, Herman Burgin, M.D., J. Grauville Leach, Charles Marshall, 
William Brooke Rawle. A By-Law provides that the Registrar of the 
Society, if practicable, shall be a member of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania. 

To be eligible for membership, applicants must be descended from an 
ancestor, who, either as a military or naval officer, soldier, sailor, or as 
an official or recognized subordinate in the service of any one of the 
thirteen original Colonies or States, or of the national government rep- 
resenting or composed of these Colonies or States, assisted in establish- 
ing American independence during the War of the Revolution. 

EARLY INHABITANTS OF PHILADELPHIA. The Pennsylvania Chron- 
icle of March 23, 1767, announces : 

" On Monday last departed this life in the 87 th Year of her Age Mrs 
Lydia Warder, Widow of the late John Warder of this city. She was 
born in London in the year 1680, and came over to this Part of the 
World, then an inhospitable Wilderness, with her father Mr. John Good- 
son, about the same time the Founder of this Colony arrived in it. They 
landed near where the city now stands, and were for some time obliged 
to take up their abode in Wigwams and Caves, there being no other 
Habitations. Here she spent her long life in such Acts of unaffected 
Piety and Virtue as reflects the highest credit on her name ... to al- 
leviate the sufferings of the Poor, Needy and Distressed, to whom she 
was a constant Friend, and by her Skill in Physic, which she employed 
without Fee or Reward. . . . On Wednesday following, her Remains 
were attended by a number of her Fellow Citizens to the Burial Place 



376 Notes and Queries. 

of the Quakers, whose principle she professed, and lived and died a 
worthy Member of their Society." 

January 29, 1770 : " On Sunday, the 14th of January, died Sarah Mer- 
edith, aged 90 Years. She was born in a little Log House, where the 
City of Philadelphia now stands (her maiden name was Rush) and 
there lived till she arrived to Woman's State, when she was married 
David Meredith, and soon after settled in the Great Valley, Chester 
County, about 28 miles from Philadelphia, then the westernmost settle- 
ment in the Province, being six Miles beyond any neighbours, except 
Indians, who were very numerous, kind and inoffensive . . . She was 
Mother of 11 Children, Grandmother of 66, and Great Grandmother of 
31, in all 108." 

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S PORTRAIT IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT- 
GALLERY, LONDON. From the most admirable catalogue of this col- 
lection by George Scharf, F.S.A., Director, Keeper, and Secretary, edi- 
tion of 1884, perhaps the best work extant on British portraits and little 
known in this country, I take the following description : " Painted, at 
Paris, by F. Baricolo, 1783. Description : A corpulent figure, seen to 
the waist, and turned to the right, wearing a pale blue-grey suit, with 
buttons of the same colour. A plain white neckcloth, and no collar, en- 
circles his neck, and the white frill of his shirt projects from the opening 
of his unbuttoned waistcoat. The close-shaven fat face is seen turned in 
three quarters to the right. The yellow-brown (raw siena) eyes look 
slightly upwards towards the left. The complexion is fair, and the 
cheeks clear pink ; the lips pale red. His long grey hair hangs down 
on each side in waving tresses. The scarlet back of a chair is partially 
seen to the left, and the shadow of the figure is cast on the plain yellow 
background to the right. The colours of the face are much worn by in- 
judicious cleaning. 

" Painted on a twilled canvas. 

" On the back of a similar picture, in which the colour of the coat was 
of a deep crimson, were inscribed the name and date as given above. 

" A similar portrait, wearing a loose overcoat trimmed with fur, with 
the same arrangement of necktie and frill to the shirt, but with the eyes 
fixed on the spectator, is engraved in Charles Knight's ' Gallery of Por- 
traits,' vol. 3, p. 77. It was painted by J. A. Duplessis, and then be- 
longed to Mr. Barnet, Consul for the United States of America at Paris. 

"Purchased by the Trustees, June 1871. (327) 

" Dimensions. 2ft. 4 ins. by 1 ft. 10 J ins." 

Concerning the artist the biographical sketches in the back of this 
volume state "no particulars known." 

WILLIAM JOHN POTTS. 

Camden, New Jersey. 

JOSEPH CERACCHI, pupil of Canova, born in 1760 (some authorities 
say much earlier. This I believe to be the correct date), near Cicognara 
in Corsica, took an active part in the establishment of the ephemeral 
republic of that state in 1798, guillotined in Paris, January 30, 1801, 
on the charge of attempting the life of Bonaparte. A brief notice 
occurs in Nagler's " Kunstler-Lexicon," Munchen, 1835, and of his son 
Komoald Ceracchi, giving a list of his foreign works which I do not 
find in any American biography. Some portrait busts not mentioned in 
the foregoing are Washington's, Jefferson's, the latter colossal, said to 
have been very fine, destroyed by fire in 1851 ; bust of Alexander Ham- 
ilton, also said to be very fine, medallion of Madison, besides busts 



Notes and Queries. 377 

of Jay, Trumbull, and Governor Clinton, this in clay. " Twenty-seven 
models of heads of eminent Revolutionary characters, for the model for 
a colossal monument to the American Statesmen and Generals of the 
Revolution." See Randall's "Life of Thomas Jefferson," Philadelphia. 
8vo, 1863, Vol. II., pp. 199, 200, 201, and Appendix, No. XL, pp. 596, 
597, which contains an interesting letter of Ceracchi written in English, 
dated 1792, to General George Clinton, Governor of New York. See 
also " Portraits of Washington," an essay by H. T. Tuckerman in the 
Appendix to Irving's Washington Sunnyside edition, New York, 1860, 
Vol. V. pp. 309 et seq., which contains a few critical remarks on Wash- 
ington's bust, said to be in the possession of Governor Kemble, now 
deposited in the Corcoran Gallery at Washington. See also Custis's 
" Recollections of Washington," New York, 1860. 

Philadelphia possesses three busts of white marble said to be by this 
sculptor. That of Rittenhouse, in the hall of the American Philosophical 
Society, is much more characteristic of a thoughtful scholar than the 
more commonly known oil-portrait. It is most dignified in expression, 
and elegantly finished. That of Alexander Hamilton, in the collection 
of the Academy of Fine Arts, has the air of a recent work. It is strong 
and vigorous, more forcible than most of the portraits of Hamilton. 
That of Franklin, in the same collection, is so inferior in every way to the 
others, resembling a poor copy of Houdon's busts, that, in the writer's 
opinion, its authenticity is very doubtful. 

Thomas Jefferson, in extracts from his " Financial Diary," published 
in Harper's Monthly Magazine, March, 1885, p. 535, has the following 
entry, apparently in the first quarter of the year 1791 : "Agreed with 

Bohlen to give 300 livres tournois for my bust made by Cerrachi if 

he shall agree to take that sum." 

The Ceracchi mentioned in Kayser's " Bollstandiges Bucher Lexicon" 
as having translated some papers on art into Italian and German, is 
evidently the son of the sculptor. 

The fullest sketch of Ceracchi occupies about ten octavo pages in 
Dunlap's "History of the Art of Design in the United States." Most 
of the above details are supplementary to that work and to the sketch 
in Elizabeth Bryant Johnston's work on original portraits of Wash- 
ington. 

WILLIAM JOHN POTTS. 

Camden, New Jersey. 

PAPER MONEY IN THE COLONIES' Circa, 1744. The London Maga- 
zine for July, 1746, p. 329, publishes " Itinerant Observations in America," 
which appear to have been written by a young Englishman, author of 
an " Expedition to St. Augustine, printed for T. Astley in the year 
1744." His observations on the Colonial paper money remind one of a 
similar custom of tearing a bill to pieces and passing the parts to make 
change which prevailed in Austria about 1862. " There certainly can't 
be a greater Grievance to a Traveller, from one Colony to another, than 
the different Values their Paper Money bears, for if he is not studious 
to get rid of the Money of one Place before he arrives at another, he is 
sure to be a considerable Loser. The New England Money, for Instance, 
which is excessively bad, and where to pay a Six-pence or Three-pence, 
they tear a Shilling Bill to Pieces, is much beneath the New York Money 
in Value and will hardly be got off there without some Person is going 
into the first nam'd Province. New York and Pennsylvania often differ 
about the Dignity of their Bills, and they fall and rise in the different 
circulations they take. The Maryland Money is generally pretty good, 



378 Notes and Queries. 

but of a low Value, and this, again, is not taken on the Western Shore 
of Chesapeake, where only Gold and Silver is current ; North Carolina is 
still lower than Maryland, and South Carolina worst of all ; for their 
Money there is so low as seven for one Sterling, so that it makes a pro- 
digious sound; and not only so, but even private Traders there coin 
Money, if I may use the Expression, and give out small printed or 
written circulating notes, from Six-pence to a Pound and upwards ; in 
which they are, no Doubt, considerable Gainers, not only by the Currency 
of so much ready Money, without much Expence in making it, but also 
by Loss, wearing out or other Accidents. In Georgia again this Money 
never passes, for all their Bills are of Sterling Value and will pass all 
over America as well as Bank Notes. There are, I find, some consider- 
able Gains, and Stockjobbing in America by the issuing out, and calling 
in, their new and old Bills, which I shall not think proper to touch 
upon." W. J. P. 

THE SUSQUEHANNA PAPERS. The " Trumbull Papers" in the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society are rich in material bearing upon the discus- 
sion of the right of Connecticut to effect a settlement in the valley of the 
Susquehanna. One volume of the manuscript is exclusively devoted to 
this subject, and is entitled " The Susquehanna Papers." Besides these 
papers there are others scattered through the volumes which relate to 
the subject, and not a few treat of the " Wyoming Massacre" of 1778. 
Among these is a copy of the articles of capitulation, 4th July, 1778, 
between Colonel John Butler and Colonel Nathan Denison ; report of 
Colonel Denison of the attack upon the valley ; a brief statement by 
John Jenkins, describing the lamentable condition of the inhabitants ; 
a list of those who were killed in the battle, 3d July, 1778, and who left 
families, giving the number of children left fatherless ; and a letter of 
Jacob Johnson, late minister at Wilkes-Barre, appealing for aid for the 
sufferers. The subject is one in which great interest is taken, and a 
large number of historical students will welcome the publication of 
anything which will further elucidate the history of the Wyoming 
Valley. 

OBITUARY NOTICES, AMERICAN WEEKLY MERCURY. Last night 
died at his house in this city, George Claypoole, Esq ; one of our Alder- 
men. 

Tuesday Dec. 22, 1730. 

Last Thursday one Joseph Ralph was found drowned at one of our 
wharves. He was seen fishing there the night before, and by several 
circumstances it is supposed the net pulled him in. 

Tuesday Jan. 19, 1730/1. 

Last night died in this city Mr. William Shippen youngest son to 
Edward Shippen, Esq. deceased, late one of the Commissioners of Prop- 
erty for the Province, a young Gentleman of a considerable fortune. 

Tuesday Feb. 2, 1730/1. 

We hear from Gloucester, that the Hon. John Hogg, Esq. one of the 
members of his majesty's Council for the Province of New Jersey, died 
there suddenly. 

Tuesday Feb. 16, 1730/1. 

Philadelphia, September the llth. On Friday last was decently in- 
terred in Philadelphia, the body of Richard Hill, Esq. He had his 



Notes and Queries. 379 

birth in Maryland, was brought up to the Sea and commanded some 
good ships in his youth; but afterwards settled in Philadelphia on ac- 
count of his wife, the relict of John Delaval, and eldest daughter of 
Thomas Lloyd, Esq. once Governor of Pennsylvania. He was 25 years 
a member of Council for the Province, had been divers times Speaker 
of the Assembly, had born several offices of trust, and during the last 
ten years of his life, was one of the Provincial Judges. His intrepidity 
and resolution in what he undertook, his sound judgment, his great es- 
teem for an English Constitution and its laws, his tenderness for the lib- 
erty of the subject, and his zeal for preserving the order established in 
his own community, with his great generosity to those he accounted 
proper objects of it, qualified him for the greatest services in every sta- 
tion he was engaged in, and rendered him valuable to those, who more 
intimately knew him. 
Thursday Sept. 18, 1729. 

HEAP'S PHILADELPHIA. The original of the following document 
will be found in " Penn MSS., Official Correspondence," Vol. V. p. 303. 
The drawing referred to is called " An East Prospect of the city of Phila- 
delphia taken by George Heap from the Jersey shore under direction of 
Nicholas Skull Surveyor General of the Province of Pennsylvania" : 

MR. LARDNER, 

Having Mr Penns Order to Employ an Artist to take a Perspective 
of the City of Philadelphia in w h we have met w 111 Several Disappoint- 
ments and Mr Heap Having on his own Motion taken the Perspective 
in Order to go to London to get it Engraved we have agreed w 01 Mr. Heap 
that he make the first Offer to Mr Penn in what Manner he wou'd Choose 
to have it done at his Mr. Penns Expense Paying Mr. Heap to his Satis- 
faction or if on Subscription then Mr. Penn to take Fifty we do Desire 
you to pay to Mr Heap Fifty Pounds and for so doing this shall be your 
Voucher 

RICH* PETERS 
RICH* HOCKLEY 
30th Nov r . 1752 

Nov r 30 1752 

Rec d of Mr. Linford Lardner 
Fifty Pounds 

GEO HEAP. 

NEW JERSEY COLONIAL UNIFORMS, 1758. Pennsylvania Gazette, June 
8, 1758, New York [Letterl June 5. " A few days ago the New Jersey 
Forces, of between 11 and 1200 of the likeliest well set Men for the 
Purpose, as have perhaps turned out on any Campaign, passed by this 
Place for Albany. They were under Col. Johnston, and all in high 
spirits : their Uniform blue, faced with red, grey Stockings, and Buck- 
skin Breeches." W. J. P. 

ST. PAUL'S CHURCH. " We understand that Messrs. Baynton & 
Wharton have lately presented to St. Paul's Church in this city, a very 
valuable donation from the generous and beneficent Mr. Richard Neave 
& Son, Merchants in London, consisting of a complete suit of Hangings & 
Cushions, for the Pulpit & Communion Table, Beading Desk and Clerk 
Desk, made of the best Crimson Genoa Velvet, richly adorned with Gold 
Lace, Fringe, Tassels, and Embroidery valued at Two hundred & Fifty 
Pounds." Penna. Chronicle, May 4, 1767. 



380 Notes and Queries. 

UNIFORMS IN FIRST BATTALION PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT, 1758. 
(See advertisement of Deserters from Capt. Charles Garraway's Com- 
pany of the first Battalion in the Pennsylvania Regiment. . . . ) 
" N.B. They all had their Regimentals green faced with Red and Hill 
and Miller new rifles." Penna. Gazette, June 15, 1758 ; Ibid., June 22. 
Three deserters advertised from Capt. William Biles's company of the 
Pennsylvania Regiment, on the 12th inst., June, 1758, having on green 
regimental coats. One of these is mentioned as having on " Honey 
Comb Breeches," the other " black Everlasting Breeches." W. J. P. 
f 

SEALER OF MEASURES IN 1738. The American Weekly Mercury, May 
4-11, 1738, contains the following advertisement: 

PUBLICK NOTICE is hereby given, 

FjlHAT Benjamin Morgan at the Still and Blue Ball in King-Street, 
JL Philadelphia, is by the Mayor 
and Council of the said City, ap- 
pointed sole keeper of the Standard 
for Corn Measure, and Sizer and 
Sealer of Measures, to whom all 
who want Measures ready Sealed, or 
have Measures to be rectify'd, may 
repair, and be well served, he only 
being duly authorized and qualify'd 
for that office. 

N.B. Above in the Margin is the 
Seal or Brand to be imprinted in the 
Bottom of every Measure, and this [B.M.] on the upper Edge. 

DANIEL WEBSTER AND THE SECRET SERVICE FUND. In connection 
with Mr. Dallas's letter of 12th April, 1848 (PENNA. MAG., Vol. XI. pp. 
458-462), impugning Mr. Webster's integrity as Secretary of State, in 
disbursing the Secret Service Fund, it appears fair to print the fact that 
a committee of the House subsequently investigated the charges. Of 
their report Mr. Lodge (in his " Webster," p. 269) says : " It appeared 
on investigation that Mr. Webster had been extremely careless in his 
accounts, and had delayed in making them up and in rendering vouchers, 
faults to which he was naturally prone ; but it also appeared that the 
money had been properly spent, that the accounts had ultimately been 
made up, and that there was no evidence of improper use." 

Mr. Ingersoll was misled by information furnished by another who, 
adding some inferences to his knowledge, made an apparent case against 
Mr. Webster. E. M. P. 

Gettysburg, Pa. 

FRANKLIN LETTERS. In the collection of autograph letters formed 
by the late Lord Londesborough, sold in June last, were seven of Ben- 
jamin, and one of his wife, Deborah Franklin, also four of Gov. William 
Franklin, ail addressed to William Strahan, of London. From three of 
the latter we take the following extracts : 

Burlington, December 18, 1763. " I have still a perfect Harmony with 
Everybody in the Province & shall not fail to follow the good Advice 
you gave to me for that purpose. I trust the King and Queen's Pictures 




Notes and Queries. 381 

were finished, as there is no Picture of either of them (except the Prints) 
yet sent to North America. Please tell Mr. Myers (if it is possible that 
he has not yet finished the miniatures) that Mrs. Franklin would be 

flad to have them made a little fatter, as I have encreased considera- 
ly in Flesh since I left London. She would likewise be glad to have 
my Father's Picture from Mr. Chamberlyne's (which I wrote for in my 
last) & mine from Mr. Wilson's," etc. 

Burlington, January 29, 1769. "As my Income (my necessary Ex- 
penses considered) will not allow me to keep even a private secretary or 
Clerk to copy my Dispatches, I long much to have a Chat with you on 
our American Affairs, which are really become very critical. But I 
durst not trust my Sentiments on that Subject to a Letter for fear of Ac- 
cidents. We wait with Impatience to hear the Results of this Session 
of Parliament, with respect to America. Your Letters of political In- 
telligence, which Mr. Hall generally publishes in his Paper, afford me, 
from time to time, the best Information we receive of what is doing in 
Parliament, it containing many interesting Particulars, & little Anec- 
dotes, which we have not thro' any other Channel," etc. 

New York, December 6, 1781. "The Bearer, Mr. Christopher Saur, 
Junior, is a German Printer by Profession. Being a loyal Subject, he 
was obliged to quit Philadelphia when evacuated by the King's Troops. 
He is a sensible, intelligent man, has been a good deal confided in at 
Head Quarters, and often employed in carrying on a Correspondence 
with the Loyalists in the Rebel Country," etc. 

LETTER OF WILLIAM PENN, JR. The following letter of William 
Penn, Jr., to William Shiers is copied from " The Storrs Family :" 

" 5 th 12 mo 1710. 
" LOVING FRIEND, 

" My poor, but I hope honest Father being here, and intending over 
sea, I believe wo'd be glad to have thy helping hand ; and unless thou 
art against it, upon the grounds and reason of it, I desire thee to be sen- 
sible of his circumstances and yield him thy filial and friend-like as- 
sistance, and I hope it will be acceptable where it will have its reward 
too. So soon as the Peace is made, as it will quickly be, thousands will 
follow from almost all the nations of Europe, so great is the property, 
and so high the taxes and rents too as yet ; and the American Coloneys 
are the Providential reserves for overdone and overprest people, labor 
being very valuable, and good land exceeding cheap. This with my 
love in the Truth to thee and thine and frds as free, closes now from thy 
real frd. W. PENN." " 

SOME EARLY SETTLERS OF BERKS Co., PA. Mr. C. F. Hill, of 
Hazleton, Pa., sends us the following names of some early settlers in 
Greenwich and Maxatawny townships, Berks County. They are taken 
from a release of John Philip Faust and Catherine, his wife, for some 
land owned by them in Greenwich township, to Christoffel Roeth, of 
Maxatawny. Michael, the father of Christoffel Roeth, took out a war- 
rant for one hundred and fifty acres of land in " Mexadany," 8th Sep- 
tember, 1739, said land adjoining that of James Dela Plank. The wit- 
nesses present at the signing of the indenture were Conrad Henninger, 
Henry Christ, and Frederick Dela Plank, all taxables of Maxatawny 
township in 1759. 



382 Notes and Queries. 

AN EPITAPH. In the " long ago" (not to be precise) there lived in 
Dorchester, Mass., a pious old innkeeper, whose house was the favorite 
resort for members of a certain congregation to drop in on their way to 
the Sunday morning service. When death summoned him hence his 
pastor prepared the following epitaph : 

" In Faith and Works, his live did well accord ; 
He served the Public, and he served the Lord." 

T. M. A. 

FAREWELL LETTER OF SIR WILLIAM KEITH. In my article on 
Sir William Keith, published in the April number of the MAGAZINE, I 
introduced a farewell letter by him, dated " Capes of Delaware." No 
other writer, I believe, has mentioned it. It was through the kindness 
of Dr. S. Weir Mitchell that I learned of it, using a copy, evidently 
contemporaneous, in his possession, the only one, as far as I know, in 
existence. CHARLES P. KEITH. 



LETTER OF MORGAN CONNOR. The following letter, presented to 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania by Louis Richards, Esq., Reading, 
Pa., was given to him by Mrs. Thomas Potts James, of Cambridge, Mass. 
Major Connor was an aide of General Washington, and, it would appear, 
had enjoyed the hospitality of Messrs. Rutter & Potts at Potts Grove. 

" WILMINGTON N. CAROLINA 28 th April 1776 
"D'SiRS. 

" I can no longer restrain my impatience of writing to you tho' the ex- 
pences of postage will be more than the Scroll is worth, but when I con- 
sider the many unmerited civilities I've rec d at your hands I must in 
justice to your friendship think you'll chearfully add this to the rest. I 
can only inform you that 1 arriv'd here last night in company with Mr. 
York & Mr. Sykes of Philad a , the accommodations for the last five days 
have been exceeding bad, we lived intirely on Bacon & Eggs. Mr. 
York thinks he feels the Bristles come out at his back already. I must 
in justice to the Gentlemen of this province say that when we come to 
any town or settlement where they are, that we are treated with the 
utmost politeness & hospitality. I find all the Colonies from Maryland 
southward ripe for Independence. South Carolina has elected a Governor 
& Council. This Province is in a poor State of Defence, they are very bad 
off for Arms & Ammunition. Clinton can effect a Landing here when 
he pleases and take possession of this town without much opposition, 
tho' the people are very spirited. I expect to be in Charlestown in four 
days, the favor of a line from you now and then I shall esteem a great 
pleasure. I beg my most affec te Comp 18 to Mrs Rutter, Mrs Potts & the 
children. 

" I am Gentlemen with great regard 

" Your much obliged 

"and very humble Serv* 

" MORG. CONNOR. 

" N.B. Under is my address Morgan Connor Esq Major of Brigade 
Charlestown S Carolina." 

DUNLOP. In PENNA. MAG. HIST. AND BIOG., Vol. III., p. 439, fourth 
line from top, for Dunlap read Dunlop. E. McP. 

Gettysburg, Pa. 



Notes and Queries. 383 

NARRATIVE OF A JOURNEY DOWN THE OHIO AND MISSISSIPPI IN 
1789-90. By MAJOR SAMUEL S. FORMAN, WITH A MEMOIR AND 
ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES, by LYMAN C. DRAPER. 12mo. 66 pp. Robert 
Clarke & Co., Cincinnati, 1888. Paper, 50 cents ; cloth, 75 cents. 

General David Forman, of New Jersey, in 1789 entered into a negoti- 
ation with the Spanish minister, Don Diego de Gardoque, for his brother, 
Ezekiel Forman, of Philadelphia, to emigrate with his family and about 
sixty colored people, men, women, and children, and settle in the Natches 
country, then under Spanish authority. Major Samuel S. Forman ac- 
companied this emigrating party at the request of his uncle, and in his 
narrative gives a minute account of their trip, the places they passed 
through and at which they stopped, prominent people they met, with 
many curious particulars. Dr. Draper's annotations add greatly to the 
narrative. 

NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY LEGAL NEWS. We have received 
several numbers of this new " weekly publication, devoted to legal 
doings in county and State," edited and published by A. N. Brice & 
Sons, Williamsport, Pa. To the legal profession it will be of particular 
value and use, for its columns contain the opinions delivered in the sev- 
eral courts of the county, as well as in adjoining counties, legal notices, 
sales, etc. We note that J. F. Wolfinger, Esq., is contributing 
" Recollections of the Bar of the Counties of Northumberland, Ly- 
coming, Union, and Columbia, from 1772 to 1840." The News is neatly 
printed on good paper, and will receive the support it so justly deserves. 

MORAVIAN REGISTERS, WEST JERSEY. There has been recently 
added to the collection of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania copies 
of the births and baptisms, marriages, deaths and burials, and reception 
of members of the u Moravian Congregation of Oldman's Creek and 
. vicinity, in West Jersey," 1743-1790. The following are some of the 
names which appear on the Registers : Adams, Avis, Barber, Briarly, 
Burden, Cobb, Estlack, Fox, Franklin, Gill, Gracebury, Guest, Hoffman, 
Holton, Holstein, Izard, Jones, Keen, Kohl, Lautenbach, Lloyd, Lin- 
meyer, Mostlander, Mullica, Noah, Petersen, Salsbury, Shute, Sparks, 
Smallwood, Stratton, Taylor, Vanneman, Wiseman, and Wood. 



BENCH AND BAR. Can any of your readers give me the dates of birth 
and of death of either of the gentlemen whose names are given below, 
and where they were born and where they died ? I give the date of the 
admission to the Philadelphia Bar of each one, viz. : 
Duncan, Abner F., February 26, 1798. 
John Collins, April 9, 1876. 
Joseph M., October 1, 1825. 
Robert, April 24, 1792. 
" Samuel, December term, 1798. 

William F., October 7, 1824. 

I would like also the middle name in full, and the title of any judicial 
or public office held. J. HILL MARTIN. 

HUGH HALL. In his will, dated November 24, 1698, Hugh Hall, of 
Bridgetown, Barbadoes, bequeathed to his son, Hugh Hall, " a parcel! of 



384 Notes and Queries. 

Land called Greenfield, which I bought of Jno Edmonson of Maryland, 
lying and being in Duck creeke in the Province of Pennsylvania con- 
taining about twelve hundred acres." To his younger sons, Joseph, 
Jehu, and Benjamin, "a Parcell of Land call Wappin which I bought 
of Jno Edmonson of Maryland, Lying and being in Duck Creeke in the 
province of Pennsylvania, containing about one thousand acres." 

In the will of this son above mentioned, dated November 15, 1732, 
and probated in Bridgetown, Barbadoes, he bequeathed to his son, Hugh 
Hall, Jr., " now in Boston in New England, Esq & to his heirs forever 
all that Parcell or Parcells of Land situate and being in Kent County in 
the Province of Pennsylvania, which was devised me by the will of My 
Father, or that I may by any other ways or means have a right unto 
them." 

On the back of my copy of the first will of 1698 was written this : 
" Note. I cannot find the will of this persons Father who is said to have 
been called William" 

On a full register of baptisms, marriages, and burials of Hall, done in 
Barbadoes from 1652 to 1796, sent me from the records there, I find three 
names of William Hall, one a young man, the others possibly ancestors 
of Hugh. On writing thither to the copyist, the reply came back that 
the previous records are in such a dilapidated state that nothing couldi 
be made of them. 

Now, one of the Williams was sent out to Barbadoes as a bond-slave 
in 1635, having been engaged in a rebellion. He was from Chard, Som- 
ersetshire, England. 

I find, however, that a Hugh Hall and a William Hall were sent over 
about that time to Virginia, who had been rebels, and were deported, 
and, as the name Hugh seems to have been a favorite name in the 
family, or granting that the Virginia bond-slave William may be the 
right party, and that this " Parcell of Land" may indicate a connection, 
and that the ancestor may, as so many persons did, have passed over 
from Virginia to Barbadoes, and, being a merchant, have had dealings 
with Jno. Edmonson, possibly I may find some clue to guide me in 
opening the matter to the learned men of your society. " Duck Creeke," 
Greenfield, Wappin, and Kent County (now in Delaware, originally in 
the Province of Pennsylvania) must be known to your readers, and it 
may be that old deeds or transfers may throw light on the rather obscure 
question. Hugh Hall bought the land, and still he may be spoken of as 
a resident, or as residing in Barbadoes. If a resident, then I can look 
to the chance of discovering his father there or in Virginia. Informa- 
tion is earnestly desired. 

CHARLES H. HALL. 

157 Montague St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 



V. S. Address Mrs. Jesse E. Smith, 226 South Twenty-first Street, 
Philadelphia. 



THE 



PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 



HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



YOL. XII. 1888. No. 4. 



BETHLEHEM DUEING THE KEVOLTJTION. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARIES IN THE MORAVIAN ARCHIVES AT 
BETHLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

[The following extracts from the diaries of the Moravian congrega- 
tion at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 1775-1782, have been selected for the 
valuable data they contain relating to the struggle for American Inde- 
pendence. The Rev. John Ettwein, whose name frequently appears, 
was a distinguished clergyman and the accredited agent of his church in 
the negotiations with Congress, and with the Assembly, through the 
troubles arising from the test acts. What the position of that church 
was during the war, may best be ascertained from their petition to Con- 
gress, from which we quote : 

" Encouraged by that Act [Act of Parliament, 1749, exempting the 
Moravians from military service and the taking of oaths in the Colonies] , 
and the glorious liberty in Pennsylvania, most of the Moravians on the 
Continent came from Germany in full trust and confidence that they and 
their children would enjoy here liberty of conscience without restraint, 
and which they enjoyed with thankfulness until the breaking out of the 
present troubles ; since which they have been continually troubled for 
not associating in the use of arms or acting against their principles in 
regard to war ; some have been made prisoners, and all able bodied of a 
certain age have been heavily fined, many so that if they had not been 
VOL. xii. 25 (385) 



386 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

assisted by Charity they would lie in prison. By the operation of the 
Test Acts some have already suffered imprisonment, and by an Act of 
Assembly of the 1st of April last, we find ourselves subject to be out- 
lawed and exiled without any enquiry into our behaviour, for which we 
hold ourselves always accountable to the Magistrates. We hold no 
principles any way dangerous or inconsistent with good government. 
We have been tried and sifted enough on that head by the British Par- 
liament, the kings of Prussia and Denmark, the Empress of Russia 
and others before they granted us the beforementioned and other privi- 
leges in their dominions. . . . We willingly help and assist to bear public 
burdens and never had any distress made for taxes ; and we are willing 
to give all reasonable assurance that we will in no wise act against this 
or the other United States. We humbly conceive that at altering the 
government we were entitled to the benefit of these privileges which in- 
duced us to come into this land, and we have by no word or acts against 
the new Government forfeited them. ... If the laws of Pennsylvania, 
in regard to the Test, are to be executed upon us, we and our families 
must be ruined and our creditors wronged, for we cannot take that pre- 
scribed oath, it is against our conscience. . . . We have an awful im- 
pression of all oaths or affirmations, and cannot say Yes ! and think 
No ! or No ! and think Yes ! We want not to deceive anybody, but 
will by the help of God act honestly before God and man, not fearing 
the consequences."] 

1775. 

April 27. First heard through the newspapers of blood- 
shed at Lexington, on the 19th inst. 

June 1. Bro. [John] Bonn, 1 [John Francis] Oberlin, 2 and 
George Klein 3 went to Jacob Arndt, 4 to inform him of our 
views about military training and fighting ; that although 

1 John Herman Bonn, during the first occupation of the Brethren's 
house in Bethlehem by the Continental Hospital, was acting steward. 

2 John Francis Oberlin was for nearly twenty years in charge of the 
church store, which was located on the north side of Market Street, 
opposite to the graveyard. He was a vehement Tory, and the remark 
which he once made, " that he had sufficient rope in his store to hang 
all Congress," rendered his situation so unpleasant, if not precarious, that 
he was compelled to resign it. 

3 George Klein, from Baden, settled in Warwick Township, Lancaster 
County, prior to 1740, and took up successive tracts of land until he 
became the owner of over six hundred acres, which, subsequent to his 
removal to Bethlehem, in 1755, he conveyed in part to the Moravian 
Church. On this tract the town of Litiz was laid out. 

* See PENNA. MAG., Vol. III. p. 99. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 387 

we are desirous of the good of the land in which we live, 
and that we would not oppose the current of events, still we 
cling to the liberty, which as a people of God we enjoyed 
in all countries, to he freed from actual military service ; and 
that we were willing to bear our share of the burdens of the 
country. 

July 8. A company of provincials from York passed 
through on their way to Boston. 1 

July 20. We kept fast day as ordered by Congress. 

July 21. Three companies of riflemen passed through. 

July 24. This morning a company of riflemen marched 
through, and in the evening a company of Virginians under 
Capt. [Daniel] Morgan arrived and encamped for the night. 
Bro. Ettwein by request preached to them in English. 

July 26. Capt. [Thomas] Price with his company from 
Maryland arrived. 2 

July 28. Another company of Virginians marched 
through early this morning on their way to Boston. 

August 10. A company of provincials from Bedford 
County passed through. 

December 5. Some English officers and soldiers taken 
prisoners by General Montgomery at St. John's arrived, and 
are quartered here. 

December 6. About 200 royal prisoners of war arrived. 
All those here will leave to-morrow. 



1776. 

January 30. Four sleigh loads of the wives and children 
of the royal prisoners from Canada arrived. We assisted the 
poor women and children ! 

January 31. Toward evening there arrived some 20 
wagons filled with soldiers and their baggage, belonging to 

1 They left York for the camp at Cambridge on July 1, 1775, under 
command of Captain Michael Doudle. 

2 The second company of " expert riflemen," recruited in Frederick 
County, whose officers were Captain Thomas Price, Lieutenants Otho 
Holland Williams and John Ross Key. 



388 Bethkhem during the Revolution. 

the Canadian prisoners. We found much trouble to provide 
for and lodge them. 1 

February 1. Justice John Okely 2 having secured the 
teams needed, the prisoners continued on their way. 

February 3. Fifty men, belonging to the same party of 
prisoners passed through. 

February 14. To-day there arrived a party, mostly French, 
members of the Canadian militia, who had been taken 
prisoners. 

February 15. They left for Bristol, where they will be 
quartered. 

April 4. After dinner a company of riflemen from Lan- 
caster passed through on their way to New York. 

May 1. Pursuant to an Act of Assembly, there was an 
election held for two additional Assemblymen for this county. 

May 6. Governor John Penn arrived from Allentown, 
and, owing to the rain, remained over night at the Sun 
Tavern. 8 

May 7. Thomas Bartow, 4 wife and five children, arrived 
from Philadelphia. They will make Bethlehem their home 
during these troublous times. 

May 10. We heard to-day that in Philadelphia there was 
a great panic, at the approach of several British men-of-war. 5 

x The population of Bethlehem on January 1, 1776, was 564, divided as 
follows : 140 married couples ; 11 widowers ; 32 widows ; 115 single men 
and youths ; 179 single women and maidens ; 81 young children, and 
6 clergymen. 

2 John Okely, from Bedford, England, for a number of years was the 
scrivener and conveyancer of the church, residing in Bethlehem. In 
1774 he was commissioned a justice of the peace by Governor John Penn, 
and, during the Kevolution, was an assistant commissary in the Con- 
tinental service. Withdrew from the Moravians. 

8 The first house of public entertainment erected in Bethlehem. The 
building was commenced in 1754, but, owing to the Indian war, was not 
completed until 1758. 

4 Thomas Bartow, a prominent merchant of Philadelphia, was born at 
Perth Amboy, N. J., 27th January, 1737. On June 23, 1768, he married 
Sarah, daughter of Daniel and Elizabeth (North) Benezet. His family 
remained in Bethlehem above three years. He died January 26, 1793. 

5 See Marshall's " Kemembrancer," p. 69. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 389 

May 17. We kept Fast and Prayer Day as appointed by 
Congress. 

May 30. The County Committee met in Easton and 
declared for Independence. 

June 13. Intelligence came from Philadelphia that New 
York was expected to be attacked daily, and that the troops 
from the former city were moving thither. 

June 26. Mr. [Carter] Braxton, a delegate to Congress 
from Virginia, with wife and daughter, came to see Bethle- 
hem, as also Mr. Hunt from Trenton. 1 

July 4. From the papers we learned that to-day Congress 
was resolved to declare the colonies free and independent. 

July 8. We learned to-day that in Philadelphia Indepen- 
dence is to be proclaimed, and in all the counties election 
for members of the convention was held. In Northampton 
County there were elected five Germans and three Irish 
farmers as delegates. 

July 10-11. Twenty army wagons from Canada passed 
through. From Philadelphia we learned that on Monday 
Independence was proclaimed from the State House, and 
that no one but violent partisans of the American cause had 
been elected to the Provincial Convention. 

July 15. Our team from Hope in the Jerseys arrived, after 
an uncalled for detention. Passing through Easton, heavily 
laden with flour, it was suspected of secretly carrying muni- 
tions of war, and accordingly the Associators dispatched 
some of their number in pursuit. The wagon was overtaken 
a short distance from town, and summarily searched. 

July 19. Yesterday an order was received from the Pro- 
vincial Brigadier General, that the militia of the county 
should march to New Brunswick. 

July 23. Col. Kichline came from Easton to collect the 
remaining fire-arms here. On representing that a place like 
ours should not be entirely without fire-arms, he without 
hesitation left a few pieces. 

July 29. Col. George Taylor, now a member of Congress, 
came by order of the Convention to collect fire-arms. 

1 Abraham Hunt, merchant and postmaster of Trenton, New Jersey. 



390 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

July 30. One hundred and twenty recruits from Allentown 
and vicinity, passed through on their way to the Flying Camp 
in the Jerseys, to which our County has been called on to con- 
tribute 346 men. Every volunteer is entitled to a bounty of 3. 

August 4. At 9 A.M. arrived Capt. Old's company from 
Eeading. The captain asked us to preach to his men, and 
came with them to the Chapel, where Bro. Ettwein dis- 
coursed both in English and German. 

August 11. Capt. Syms, a British prisoner of war, came 
by permission of Congress to reside here or within a radius 
of six miles. 

August 16. Four companies of militia from Tulpehocken, 
with flying colors, drums and fifes, arrived en route for the 
Flying Camp at New Brunswick, and lodged over night at 
the Sun Tavern. 

August 17. In the afternoon there arrived five companies 
of Provincials from Lebanon, who were quartered at the 
Sun Tavern. 

August 18. At the request of their officers, Bro. Ettwein 
preached to the troops in the Chapel at 10 o'clock A.M. 

August 19. The Lebanon troops left. Yesterday and 
to-day we heard heavy cannonading, which we learned was 
at King's Bridge. 

August 23. There lodged here a company from Reading, 
under Capt. "Will, en route for the Jerseys. They attended 
evening service. 

August 24. Mr. [Thomas] Lynch, a Congressman from 
South Carolina, with wife and daughter visited here. 

August 26. Two companies arrived; one from Oley, 
under Capt. Daniel de Turk, attended evening service. 

August 28. A company from Reading, under Capt. 
[George] May 1 arrived. 

September 1. At noon to-day arrived the Fourth Battalion 
of Berks County militia, Col. Gehr commanding. 2 At 4 

1 George May, grand-uncle of the late George May Keim, of Reading, 
was captain in the Fourth Battalion of Berks County militia. 

2 Member from Berks County of the Provincial Committee, January 23, 
1775 ; of the Council of Censors, convened at Philadelphia 10th November, 
1783 ; and of the Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania, 1789-90. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 391 

o'clock Bro. Ettwein preached to them in the Chapel, taking 
for his text Mark x. 17. 

September 4. Several deserters from the army passed 
through, and stated that in the hattle of Long Island, one 
of the battalions from this county was badly cut up. 

September 18. To-day we received news that the English 
were in possession of New York City, and that the Provincials 
had been driven from Ticonderoga. The Lebanon Battalion, 
Col. Greenwald in command, returned from the Jerseys. 

September 22. A train of wagons passed through early 
this morning, en route for Albany. 

October 1. To-day there was no election for assemblymen. 

October 12. Mr. [Joseph] Galloway, George Taylor, and 
others, visited here. 

November 20. The fire-arms, which up to this time had 
been stored at John Okely's, were, on order of Col. [Geo.] 
Taylor taken to Easton. We learned that Fort Washington 
had been taken. 

November 24. The news of the capture of Fort Constitu- 
tion was received. 

November 27. Capt. Syms, who has been here three 
months, set out for New Brunswick, where he is to be ex- 
changed. We heard that all the royal prisoners at Beading 
and Lancaster are to march through our town. 

November 28. Another party of officers arrived. 

November 30. From Philadelphia we learned that all were 
panic-stricken there ; that the militia have been ordered to 
the field, a part to join Washington's army, as the British 
are threatening the city. 1 

December 3. We are notified that the army hospital is to 
be removed to this place. 2 

1 See Marshall's " Bemembrancer," p. 105. 

2 The commodious buildings common to the larger Moravian settle- 
ments, and the situation of the latter, which, while somewhat interior, 
was not too remote from the line of military operations, were points of 
importance which the American officers were not slow in appreciating. 
In addition, the commissary department knew that its wants would be 
well supplied by an agricultural community who were in possession of 
large and fertile farms. 



392 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

EASTON, Decem'r 3 d 1776. 
GENTN. 

You will see by the Letter herewith sent that the General 
Hospital of the Army is ordered to be at Bethlehem. "We 
therefore request of you that you would be aiding & assist- 
ing to Doctr. [Cornelius] Baldwin 1 who waits upon you with 
this, and who is come for the purpose of procuring suitable 
accommodations for the sick, to furnish him with such 
proper accommodations as Bethlehem can afford. 
By order of Committee, 

ABRAHAM BERLIN, 

To the EEV. tf ATH SEIDEL Chairman. 

Bethlehem. 

To the Committee of the Town of Bethlehem, or others whom it 

may Concern: 
GENTLEMEN : 

According to his Excellency General "Washington's Orders, 
the General Hospital of the Army is removed to Bethlehem, 
and you will do the greatest act of humanity by immediately 
providing proper buildings for their reception, the largest 
and most Capacious will be the most convenient. I doubt 
not, Gentlemen, but you will act upon this occasion as be- 
comes Men and Christians; Doct'r Baldwin, the Gentleman 
who waits upon you with this, is sent upon the Business of 
Providing proper Accommodations for the sick; begging 
therefore, that you will afford him all possible Assistance, 
I am, gentlemen, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 

JOHN WARREN 2 

Gerfl HospWL Surg'n and P. T. Direct. 
Hanover Gen'l. Hospit'l. 

December 1, 1776. 

In the evening arrived Drs. Warren and [William] Ship- 

1 See Toner's "Medical Men of the Revolution," p. 117. 
7 The distinguished surgeon, and brother of General Joseph Warren, 
who was killed at the battle of Bunker Hill. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 393 

pen, 1 and we assured them that we would do all we could 
for them. 

December 4. Several buildings were cleared for hospital 
purposes. Dr. Shippen and Surgeon John Warren were so 
pleased with our willingness that they made arrangements 
to have the greater part of the sick quartered in Easton and 
Allentown. They informed us, that the hospital at Morris- 
town, from whence they came, contained one thousand 
patients; of these five hundred will be quartered in the 
Forks, about one hundred and fifty in Bethlehem. 

Many officers and soldiers from Ticonderoga passed 
through. In Philadelphia confusion reigns ; all places of 
business are closed, persons capable of bearing arms are 
compelled to take the field, blankets, shoes, &c., are given 
to the soldiers, on penalty of being confiscated. 2 

December 5. A day of unrest at Bethlehem ! The sol- 
diers from Ticonderoga impressed wagons and left for Phil- 
adelphia. Many wagons with sick from the Jerseys reached 
here to-day. Col. [Isaac] Reed, 3 from Virginia, arrived lame 
and sick. He had sent his surgeon on ahead to engage 
private lodgings. 

December 6. Capt. Forest, a gentleman from Boston, who 
tarried here a few days as a prisoner, set out for New Bruns- 
wick. 

The sick were brought here to-day in crowds. Their 
sufferings and lack of proper care made them a pitiable 
spectacle to behold, and had we not supplied them with 
food, many would have perished, for their supplies did not 
arrive for three days. 

December 7. Two of the sick died to-day. A burying 
place for the dead of the Hospital was selected across the 
Monocacy creek. 4 

1 See PENNA. MAG., Vol. I. p. 109. 

2 See Marshall's " Berne mbrancer," p. 106. 

8 Colonel of the Fourth Virginia Regiment. 

4 This was located on the hill, west of what is now called Monocacy 
Avenue, in West Bethlehem. In digging the cellars 'of new buildings 
in that section of the borough, portions of coffins and human bones have 
been unearthed. 



394 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

December 8. Two dwellings were hurriedly cleared, to 
make more room for the sick coming from Trenton. A de- 
tachment of these arrived after dinner, and remained on the 
other side of the river, where two died. 

December 9. Frederick Beitel, 1 who had taken several 
officers (prisoners of war) to the army, returned from New 
Brunswick with the news that on the 7th inst., the British 
army had broken camp and set out for Philadelphia. 

December 10. Bro. Ettwein for the first time visited the 
sick in their wards. 

December 12. Dr. Shippen's, Joseph Dean's, 2 and many 
other families are coming here, fleeing from the impending 
storm. 

December 13. Bethlehem was never so full of strangers 
as now, endeavoring to find a place of safety. Among the 
number are : [Philip] Livingston, delegate to Congress, Dr. 
Reed, and others from New York ; [William] Floyd, 
[Elias] Boudinot, Drs. [William] Burnet 3 and Jacob Ogden 
from Newark in the Jerseys. The latter paid 18 hire for a 
farmer's wagon from Philadelphia. 

December^. Dr. [Isaac] Foster, 4 a New Englander, asked 
us for lodgings for his wife, as he must repair to the army. 
We gave her a room. Mr. [William] Livingston, the new 
Governor of New Jersey, and Gen'J. [Horatio] Gates, ar- 
rived this evening. An order came from Easton to impress 
our flat-boat, 5 and take it to that place, to assist in trans- 
porting Gen. [Charles] Lee's division of one thousand men 
across the Delaware. We learned that Lee had been taken 
prisoner twenty miles from Hope. 

1 He was " wagon-master" for the congregation, and his name will 
frequently appear in the diary in that capacity. 

2 Joseph Dean, a merchant of Philadelphia, and a member of the 
Committee of Safety and Board of War. 

3 See PENNA. MAG., Vol. III. p. 308. 

4 Elected by Congress, in April of 1777, Deputy Director-General of 
the Hospitals for the Eastern District. 

6 The ferry across the Lehigh, located but a short distance above the 
present railroad bridge, was opened in 1743. The first bridge was built 
in 1794. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 395 

December 16. This afternoon Gen. Lord Stirling arrived 
with dispatches from Gen. "Washington for Gen. Gates. 

December 17. Gen. Gates with his officers visited our 
larger buildings. About noon we heard that several thou- 
sand New Englanders, under Gen. Sullivan, 1 would reach 
here to-day, and that we should bake bread for them. As 
the hospital is here, and as all possible room is engaged by 
the soldiers who came from Albany, Gen. Gates sent his 
Adjutant, Col. [Walter] Stewart to meet the New England- 
ers, and order them to cross between here and Easton, and 
encamp in Saucon. Nevertheless, towards evening, some 
three or four thousand men arrived and went into camp. 
As the night was cold, our fences on both sides of the river 
suffered. Gen. Gates set a guard (from his body-guard) at 
each door of the Sisters' House, until the soldiers withdrew. 
The New England officers politely asked for quarters and 
most of the houses took some in. In the Congregation 
House, ten or twelve of the higher officers were lodged; 
and in the town between five and six hundred men. In the 
Sun Tavern were Gens. Gates, Sullivan, Stirling, Arnold, 
Glover, and many other officers of rank. At dusk Gen. 
Sullivan accompanied by thirty officers came to attend our 
meeting, which, owing to the confusion in town, was dropped. 
They were taken into the Chapel to hear the organ, and 
were pleased with the music. We were told that Bethlehem 
has been represented to the army as a nest of Tories, and 
that Gen. Lee had said, " that in a few hours he would 
make an end of Bethlehem." 

December 18. Gen. Sullivan's troops moved off, and later 
more troops arrived via Nazareth. 

December 19. Gen. Gates and his troops left to-day. He 
invited us to make a settlement on the Ohio river, in Virginia. 

December 20. More troops arrived this evening from 
Albany via Nazareth, and were lodged over night. James 
Allen 2 was taken from his house at Allentown and carried 

1 See PENNA. MAG., Vol. II. p. 196. 

2 A son of Chief-Justice William Allen. See PENNA. MAG., Vol. I. 
p. 211. 



396 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

to Philadelphia, charged with having sought to dissuade the 
militia from taking the field. 

December 22. Five deaths were reported in the Hospital 
to-day. Bro. Ettwein, who visits the sick once or twice a 
week, had very attentive listeners to-day (Sunday) in the 
five wards. 

December 24. At the Vigils of Christmas Eve were 
present all the Doctors and Surgeons of the Hospital. 

December 25. This evening Dr. Shippen with a majority 
of the surgeons left for the Army, having been summoned 
by a courier. 1 

December 31. As many strangers desired to be present at 
our Night Watch Meeting, we closed the year at 11.30 P.M., 
Bishop Seidel officiating. 

1777. 

January 1. Bro. Ettwein made his rounds through the 
Hospital, and wished the sufferers God's blessing on the 
opening of the New Year. 

January 3. During the forenoon we heard long-continued 
cannonading, (which later was ascertained to have been at 
Princeton.) 

January 8. Dr. [John] Morgan and surgeons received 
orders to repair to the army in New England. 

January 10. There was a rumor to-day that it had been 
decided to transfer the County records to Christian's 'Spring. 2 

January 14-16. Capt. [John] Hays' [Jr.] 3 company of 

1 To participate in the movements with the army in New Jersey. 

2 This Moravian settlement for young men was commenced in 1747, and 
was the westernmost, and third in point of date, of the five settlements on 
the Barony of Nazareth, sixteen hundred acres being appropriated for 
the purpose. In the summer of 1777, one hundred and twenty men of 
Colonels Eland's and White's Virginia cavalry, who were quartered there 
for some weeks, fed their horses on the new wheat of the recent harvest, 
a species of contribution to which the Moravians were more than oc- 
casionally subjected. 

3 John Hays, Jr, was born in Ireland, and when two years of age immi- 
grated with his parents to Pennsylvania. He died while on a journey 
to Pittsburg, November 3, 1796. His company was enlisted in the 
Craig settlement, in Allen Township, Northampton County, and was one 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 397 

militia passed through on their return from Trenton. They 
were the first in this county last December to take the field. 
Mr. Bosbrugh, 1 a Presbyterian clergyman, stationed in the 
Irish Settlement, 2 in our vicinity, had taken a zealous part 
in the organization of the company, and even submitted his 
name among the lots to be drawn. The lot falling to him, 
he shouldered a private's rifle and repaired to Trenton, 
where he alone of the company was left dead on the field. 

January 25. Messrs. John Adams, [James] Lovell, and 
[Lyman] Hall, delegates to Congress, arrived here on their 
way to Baltimore. [They left the next day.] 

January 28. Mr. [George] Walton, delegate to Congress 
from Georgia, who has been appointed to meet the Indians 
in treaty at Easton, stopped on his way to see our town. 
Bro. Leinbach returned from Philadelphia, where he had 
with difficulty purchased one bushel of salt for $8. 

January 29. To-day expires the term of sixty days, fixed 
in Lord Howe's proclamation for the submission of the 
Colonies. 

February 6-7. The 300 men from Ticonderoga we have 
quartered in the workshops and private houses generally, 
as the Brethren's House could only accommodate 90. 

February 9. Bro. John Bonn returned from Philadelphia 
with 50 bushels of salt, @ $4. per bush., which he obtained 
through the mediation of Dr. Shippen. 

February 10. During the past week, we learned of threats 
made on the part of some militia in the vicinity of Allen- 
town, against us and our town; that they intended to search 
the houses, seize all blankets, and compel our young men to 
march to the field with them. The soldiers and the officers 
at present quartered here have resolved to protect us, and 
will remain until the militia have passed through to camp. 

of the first to take the field from that county. They were on their way 
home, to go into winter-quarters. 

1 See " Rosbrugh, a Tale of the Revolution ; or, The Life, Labor, and 
Death of Rev. John Rosbrugh," by Rev. J. C. Clyde. 

2 There were three settlements made by the Scotch-Irish within the 
present limits of Northampton County. The one to which the diarist 
refers was commenced in 1730, near Weavers ville, in Allen Township. 



398 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

Joseph Dean, of the Committee of Safety, remained here 
on account of the threatened disturbance. 

February 13. The first four companies of the Allentown 
militia passed through in quiet. In Easton they entered 
the houses in squads of ten and twelve, and took blankets 
and coverlets from the beds. Mr. Dean was sent for by an 
Express, and compelled them to desist and return the stolen 
property. 

February 14. The soldiers from Ticonderoga left to-day. 

February 15. Five additional companies of militia passed 
through. Col. Geiger, a farmer, who had been a soldier in 
Germany, came in advance. Mr. Dean ordered him to lead 
his men through without halting. Col. Reed, who is lying 
sick here, stationed as guards some of the convalescents at 
the Sisters' and Brethren's Houses and at the Store. As a 
Colonel in the Continental army, Eeed ranks Geiger. 

February 19. Joseph Dean and his wife left for Philadel- 
phia. 

February 23. To-day there unexpectedly arrived a party 
of soldiers from Albany. 

February 24. Sixteen wagons with Continental stores, 
consisting of ammunition, wine and rum, arrived from 
Morristown. 

February 26. Additional Continental stores reached here. 
As the small-pox has been brought to town by the soldiers, 
and as forty of them have been inoculated, thirty of our 
children were treated likewise. 

March 1. A rumor reached here that Congress had made 
proposals of peace to England. 

March 9. Towards evening arrived 30 Canadian officers 
on their way home, who had been prisoners of war at 
Heading one year. 

March 11. Brig. Gen. [John] Armstrong arrived en 
route for the army. 

March 14. Dr. [Jonathan] Potts 1 with some surgeons 

1 Dr. Potts was appointed Director of the Hospitals for the Northern 
Department of the army in January of 1777. His letter book is in the 
library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 399 

and several wagons loaded with medicines and baggage, 
passed through en route for Albany. Dr. [James] Houston, 1 
the most skilful and attentive of the surgeons in the Hos- 
pital here, pursuant to orders, set out for the army in the 
Jerseys. 

March 24. Early this morning, Dr. Shippen's infant 
son William died, and, at the request of the parents, was 
buried in our grave-yard. 2 The mother, who has been so- 
journing in our midst almost four months, will leave on the 
29th. 

March 27. The Hospital has been transferred to Phila- 
delphia, so our buildings were cleared, except a few soldiers, 
30 left for the army. 

April 3. Fast and Prayer Day in the State. Brig. Gen. 
[M. A. R.] de Fermoy, 3 with several American officers on 
their way to Albany, visited our public buildings ; also one 
English, one Scotch, and two Waldecker officers, prisoners 
of war on parole, en route for Maryland. 

April 7. Gen. Horatio Gates and staff arrived this 
evening. 

April 11. Gen. Gates and staff set out for Ticonderoga, 
where he is to assume command. At his request Bro. Ett- 
wein accompanied the party to Christian's Spring and 
Nazareth, and as far as the plains beyond Schoeneck. 4 

April 29. Mr. [Richard] Stockton, of Princeton, who had 
come here to buy household utensils (his house had been 
plundered by royalists), returned home. 

May 9. Col. [Allen] McLane, with a troop of horse, 
reached here from Philadelphia, expecting to find Lady 
Washington, who he was to escort hence. She had, how- 

1 See Toner's " Medical Men of the Revolution," p. 122. 

2 Register of Bethlehem Congregation, No. 444, " William Arthur Lee 
Shippen, born September 27, 1776, in Philadelphia; died March 24, 
1777, at Bethlehem." 

8 Matthias Alexis Roche de Fermoy, French engineer, was commis- 
sioned, November 4, 1774, brigadier-general by Congress. He returned 
to France in January of 1778. 

* Schoeneck, i.e., Pretty Corner, half a mile north of Nazareth, on the 
road to the Minisinks, over which General Gates was travelling. 



400 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

ever, struck off on the Durham road, and thus missed 
Bethlehem. 

May 12. Bro. Ettwein called on [Robert Lettis] Hooper 
[Jr.], general quartermaster for this county, from whom he 
learned that Bethlehem was designed to be made one of the 
principal points at which the Continental army was to be 
massed, should it be repulsed by the English. 

May 13. Col. [Abraham] Labar * and Jacob Shoemaker, 2 
two of the Commissioners, came from Easton to collect 
blankets for the army. This county was assigned a quota 
of 167 blankets ; they got 27 here, about one-sixth of the 
number wanted. 

May 24. Gen. Joseph Reed arrived to-day. 

May 29. Gen. Schuyler, with part of his staff, en route to 
Albany, stopped and requested to be shown through the 
public buildings. Gen. Reed accompanied the party. Col. 
Isaac Reed was very low to-day. 

May 31. Capt. [Thomas] Webb, the Methodist preacher, 
with his family of seven persons, arrived from Philadelphia. 
He is a prisoner on parole, with permission to reside here or 
within six miles of the town until exchanged. Lodgings 
were given them. 

June 4. An express from Easton came to demand six 
wagons from this town and Nazareth, for the transportation 
of prisoners to the army. 

June 16. Sir Patrick Houston 8 and his brother, a phy- 
sician from Georgia, stopped here on their way to New 
England. 

June 20. "William Ellery, of Newport, and William 
Whipple, of New Hampshire, delegates to Congress, visited 
our town to-day, and on leaving expressed themselves de- 
lighted with it. 

June 22 (Sunday). Bro. Ettwein preached in English this 
morning ; three members of Congress with their wives were 

1 In command of the guard of the ferry at Easton. 

2 He was appointed sub-lieutenant for Northampton County, March 
21, 1777. 

' See Sabine's " Loyalists of the American Kevolution," Vol. I. p. 545. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 401 

present. At noon Col. Isaac Reed, of Virginia, who since 
December 5th last has lain sick here, set out for Philadel- 
phia. He was conveyed in a sedan-chair, with two horses, 
and eighteen of our Brethren carried him down to the 
Lehigh. Two of them, with his physician Dr. [Alexander] 
Skinner 1 and Paymaster Button, accompany him. 

June 25. Late this evening Gen. [Thomas] Mifflin ar- 
rived. We were astonished to hear that he had left orders 
with Quartermaster Hooper, to station a special guard of 
seven men for the protection of the Continental stores, and 
to apprehend deserters. 

July 11. Bro. Ettwein received a letter from Gen. Gates, 
who is in Philadelphia, concerning a tract of land in Fin- 
castle County, Virginia, which he wishes to sell to our 
Brethren in North Carolina for a settlement. 

July 21. John Duffield, 2 a surgeon, who has lain ill at 
the house of "William Boehler, 3 left for Philadelphia. He 
was the last of the sick attached to the Hospital here. 

July 25. Unexpected news reached us that the Conti- 
nental Army was marching to this neighborhood, and from 
here and other places on the river, boats were taken to 
Easton, and many wagons impressed. 

July 28. Learned that the army was moving lower down 
the Delaware, and would not cross at Easton. 

August 4. George Kribel, 4 a Schwenkfelder, was taken 
to Easton jail, because he refused to abjure the King. From 
this county 200 wagons went to Philadelphia, to assist in 
the removal of families. The militia from all sections are 
on the march. 

August 12. The teams which had been impressed in this 
neighborhood (among the number four of ours), returned from 
Philadelphia. We heard that about 3000 wagons had been 
collected there, for the removal of the women and children. 

1 Surgeon of " Light-Horse Harry Lee's" legion of cavalry. See 
Toner's " Medical Men of the Revolution," pp. 50 and 127. 

3 See Toner's " Medical Men of the Revolution," pp. 112 and 120. 

3 This building is still standing on Market east of Main Street. 

* He was one of their preachers, and a man of eminent talents and 
virtues, and was released after being in custody but a short time. 
VOL. xii. 26 



402 Bethlehem, during the Revolution. 

The alarm was occasioned by the strategy of the British, who 
had sent their fleet to the Capes of the Delaware, in order to 
draw the Continental army to Philadelphia, and harass it by 
much marching. 1 Consequently all the wagons were returned 
empty and the inhabitants of the city remained undisturbed. 
"We paid for a lot of salt, $22 per bushel. 

August 14. Mrs. Cochran, 2 a sister of Gen. Schuyler, 
came with her family from Esopus, anxious to procure 
lodgings, proposing to remain several months. Such appli- 
cations are frequent. 

August 23. Gens. Greene and Knox, with some officers 
visited our town to-day, but were summoned by an express 
to return to camp without delay, as the British had effected 
a landing in the Chesapeake. 

August 24. Bro. Beitel who had hauled Dr. Skinner's 
baggage and some army stores to camp, returned. We 
heard that Col. Isaac Reed, of the Fourth Virginia Battalion, 
who had lain here sick for so long a time, died, and was 
buried on the 21st inst. in Philadelphia. 

August 26. To-day there arrived 20 British officers, 
prisoners of war, on their way from Reading to Easton, 
who were shown through our large buildings. 

August 31. Bro. Beitel went with his wagon to Easton, 
to convey several British officers from thence to ISTew York. 

September 2. Before daylight this morning an express 
from Reading brought the unwelcome intelligence that, 
pursuant to an order from the Board of "War, 260 British 
prisoners, under a strong guard, would be conveyed hither 
for safe keeping. Towards evening Quartermaster Hooper, 
the Sheriff [John Jennings], and two of the county lieuten- 
ants arrived from Easton. 

September 3. Bro. Ettwein accompanied the officers while 
inspecting the buildings, with a view of selecting one for 
the accommodation of the prisoners. The large " Family- 
House" 3 on "the Square" in the centre of the town was 

1 See Marshall's " Bemembrancer," p. 121. 

2 See PENNA. MAG., Vol. III. p. 243. 

8 On its site is erected the Moravian publication office. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 403 

finally selected. Against this we protested, and as our objec- 
tions were ineffectual, it was resolved to lay our grievances 
in writing before the Board of War. This was done at 
once and sent off by an express. 

September 6. Our express returned to-day with the fol- 
lowing letter from Secretary Richard Peters : 

WAR OFFICE, September 5, 1777. 
GENTLEMEN : 

The Board have received a representation from you in 
behalf of the inhabitants of Bethlehem. They are ex- 
tremely sorry that any inconvenience should arise from the 
execution of an order of theirs relative to the prisoners to 
be stationed at Bethlehem. But the necessity of the case 
requires the measure, & the good people of your town must 
endeavor to reconcile the matter as well as they can. If 
the guards or persons employed deport themselves improp- 
erly, any grievance the inhabitants complain of on this ac- 
count will be immediately redressed ; & as soon as circum- 
stances will admit, the prisoners will be removed. 

RICHARD PETERS, Secretary. 

Accordingly the "Family-House" was cleared for the 
prisoners, and the water works 1 house for the guard. The 
present inmates were thus disposed of: Schweinitz and 
family 2 moved to the Gemein Haus; Bartow's went to 
Oberlin's store ; Capt. "Webb to "William Boehler's house, 
and old Mr. Bartow to Timothy Horsfield's. 3 Quarter 
Master Hooper detained the prisoners at Allentown until 
the houses were cleared. 

September 7 (Sunday). At noon arrived 218 British prison- 
ers, about one half Highlanders, 4 under a guard of over 100 
soldiers, and were quartered in the houses prepared for 

1 See " Historical Sketch of the Bethlehem Water- Works," Bethlehem, 
Pennsylvania, by Robert Eau. 

2 Hans Christian Alexander von Schweinitz, administrator of the 
American estates of the Moravian Church, 1770-97, and the father of 
Lewis D. von Schweinitz, the distinguished botanisj;. 

3 Horsfield's house adjoined Oberlin's store, on Market Street. 

4 Probably some of Donald McDonald's men from North Carolina. 



404 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

them. A scene of confusion ensued between the Brethren's 
House and the Sun Tavern. Heard heavy cannonading to- 
wards the southwest. 

September 13. This evening we heard that Gen. Wash- 
ington and his army had been compelled to fall back on 
Philadelphia. 

September 14 (Sunday). The British officers with their 
guard attended English preaching in the morning, and in the 
afternoon Capt. Webb preached to the soldiers in their yard. 

September 16. Baron de Kalb and three French officers 
came to visit our town. John Okely received a letter from 
David Rittenhouse, that on Gen. Washington's order the 
military stores were to be removed hither; and simultane- 
ously with the letter there came 36 laden wagons from 
French Creek. We represented that Bethlehem was no fit 
place for storing supplies, especially as there were so many 
prisoners here, but all in vain. The wagons were unloaded 
near the tile-kilns, 1 and a guard of 40 men placed. 

September 17. At 5 P.M. arrived 38 wagons with Conti- 
nental stores. 

September 18. A company of Philadelphia militia arrived 
from Easton, whither they had escorted prisoners, having 
with them eight Tories from ISTew Jersey, chained two and 
two, who were put among the other prisoners. During the 
entire day wagons laden with military stores were arriving. 
The square in front of the Brethren's House was a scene of 
wild confusion. A number of the guards recklessly fired 
off their rifles in town ; one of the bullets whistling past 
Bro. Seidel's head, who chanced to be in the garden behind 
the Brethren's House, and a second ploughing up the ground 
just before him. As Bro. Ettwein was passing up the street, 
he was ordered back by the guard, stationed at the prisoners' 
quarters. A report was current that the army is on its way 
hither. 

September 19. Nine army wagons arrived to-day. Those 
that were laden with sulphur, powder, and cartridges, were 

1 The locality of these kilns is yet pointed out on the Monocacy Creek, 
half a mile northwest of Bethlehem. 



Bethlehem during the Revolution. 405 

unloaded at the Flax Seed House, 1 and those with provisions 
and Rum, at the old dyer's house. 2 At evening we received, 
through Dr. [Hall] Jackson, 3 the following notice from the 
Director General of the Continental Hospital : 

MY D'R SIR: 

It gives me pain to he obliged hy order of Congress to send 
my sick & wounded Soldiers to your peaceahle village but 
so it is. Your large buildings must be appropriated to their 
use. We will want room for 2000 at Bethlehem, Easton, 
Northampton, &c., & you may expect them on Saturday or 
Sunday. I send Dr. Jackson before them that you may 
have time to order your affairs in the best manner. These are 
dreadful times, consequences of unnatural wars. I am truly 
concerned for your Society and wish sincerely this stroke 
could be averted, but 'tis impossible. I beg Mr. Basse's as- 
sistance love and compliments to all friends from my d'r Sir, 
Your affectionate 

humble serv't, 

W. SHIPPEN, 

Trenton, Sep. 18, 1777. D. G. 

Seeing ourselves under the necessity of relieving the dis- 
tress of the country, we gave orders for the vacation of the 
Single Brethren's House, 4 and its inmates to be distributed 
in Nazareth, and the adjacent settlements of Christian's 
Spring and Gnadenthal. 5 

1 In the present water-works building, built 1765-66. It was origi- 
nally a combination of mills, there being works for grinding flaxseed 
and pressing oil, for hulling barley, spelt, and millet, for splitting peas, 
for stamping and rubbing hemp, for grinding oat- and buckwheat-meal 
and bark for the tannery. A snuff-mill was subsequently inserted. 

a Still standing to the west of Luckenbach's mill, on Water Street. 

3 See " American Medical Biography," p. 311. 

4 The large stone centre building with its double hip-roof and belve- 
dere of the seminary for young ladies, facing Main Street, and what 
the diarist calls " the Square," was the principal building used at two 
different times for hospital purposes during the war for independence. 
It was originally erected for the use of the single men of the congrega- 
tion, in 1747-48. 

6 Gnadenthal i.e., Vale of Grace was located one mile west of 



406 Bethlehem during the Revolution. 

September 20. The Brethren's House was vacated. Dr. 
[William] Brown 1 arrived and inspected the house. Late 
in the evening came Col. [Richard Henry] Lee and [Benja- 
min] Harrison, from Virginia; [Cornelius] Harnett from 
North Carolina ; and [William] Duer, all Delegates to Con- 
gress, who had fled from Philadelphia in consequence of the 
success of the British arms. 

September 21 (Sunday). Our friend and protector Henry 
Laurens, 2 of South Carolina, with many other notables ar- 
rived. They attended our English service. Towards even- 
ing the sick and wounded from Bristol began to arrive, and 
the influx of strangers became greater, so that the Sun 
Tavern could not hold them. Among others arrived Gen. 
[William] Woodford, 8 Col. Armstrong, and the young Mar- 
quis de La Fayette, 4 with a suite of French officers. The 
last named gentleman had been disabled by a wound re- 
ceived in the Battle of the Brandy wine, and has come here 
for medical treatment. 

Nazareth. In 1837 the farm was sold to the commissioners of Northamp- 
ton County, who subsequently erected the county poor-house on the site. 

1 See Toner's " Medical Men of the Revolution," p. 81. 

2 In 1760, while John Ettwein was in the South looking after the in- 
terests of his church, he became acquainted with Henry Laurens, and 
was a frequent guest at his house, near Charleston, South Carolina. 
This acquaintance ripened into a warm friendship, which death alone 
severed. Throughout the negotiations between the government and the 
Moravians regarding the Test Act, Laurens was the adviser of his friend. 
Henry Laurens's " Letter Book," in the library of the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania, contains numerous letters to Mr. Ettwein. 

* In 1775 he was appointed colonel of the Second Virginia Regiment, 
and in the battle of Brandy wine was commanding the First Virginia 
Brigade when wounded. 

4 La Fayette was first given quarters in the Sun Tavern, but his nurses, 
Mrs. Barbara Boeckel and her daughter Liesel, found them so inconveni- 
ent that he was removed to their house and given two rooms. The house 
of George Frederick Boeckel was located on the east side of Main Street, 
and was the first house south of the Sun Tavern at the date of this 
diary. On its site stands the confectionery store of A. H. Rauch & 
Son, No. 42 Main Street. 

(To be concluded.) 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 407 



A NARRATIVE OF THE TRANSACTIONS, IMPRISON- 
MENT, AND SUFFERINGS OF JOHN CONNOLLY, AN 
AMERICAN LOYALIST AND LIEUT.-COL. IN HIS 
MAJESTY'S SERVICE. 

(Continued from page 324.) 

It was evident, on consulting with Lord Dunmore, and 
informing him of the plan I had concerted, and the confed- 
eracy I had formed, that when his Lordship was reinforced 
with supplies from Britain, a co-operative body of troops 
from Canada, and the western frontiers of Virginia, with 
Indian auxiliaries, would be ready to act at the time thai 
Sir William Howe would draw their principal attention to 
the northward. This would not only be productive of the 
restitution of the royal authority of this colony, but have a 
general tendency to promote the success of his Majesty's 
arms, and the like happy effects universally. His Lordship 
therefore dispatched me to General Gage at Boston, to lay 
before his Excellency the projected scheme, and to desire his 
concurrence and co-operation. But as Lord Dunmore had 
promised the Indian Chiefs, when in their country, that he 
would certainly meet them in person the ensuing spring, at 
Fort Pitt, finally to adjust all differences; and as the re- 
bellion had rendered it impossible to keep his promise, he 
was solicitous to transmit an apology to a Chief of the 
Delawares, intimating in some measure the cause of this 
disappointment. This speech his Lordship gave to my 
charge, and desired me to transmit to a Mr. Gibson, of Pitts- 
burgh, that he might interpret it to the Chief. I had reason 
to suspect Lord Dunmore reposed too much confidence in 
this Gentleman, but as he had lately been with his Lord- 
ship on business, and as his Lordship seemed persuaded he 
was worthy of being trusted, I gave up suspicions that 
afterwards appeared to be but too well founded. Ideas of 



408 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

former intimacy and juvenile friendship arose in my mind, 
for we had been long acquainted, and I felt an anxiety to 
preserve him from measures, which I deemed destructive to 
both his interest and honour. When therefore I sent him 
the speech, I likewise enclosed the following letter : 

PORTSMOUTH, Aug. 9, 1775. 
DEAR SIR. 

I am safely arrived here, and am happy, to the greatest 
degree, in having so fortunately escaped the narrow inspec- 
tion of my enemies, the enemies to their country, to good 
order, and to government. I should esteem myself defec- 
tive in point of friendship towards you, should I neglect to 
caution you to avoid an over zealous exertion of what is 
now ridiculously called patriotic spirit : but, on the contrary, 
to deport yourself with that moderation for which you have 
always been remarkable, and which must, in this instance, 
tend to your honour and advantage. 

You may be assured from me, Sir, that nothing but the 
greatest unanimity now prevails at home ; that the inno- 
vating spirit amongst us here is looked upon as ungener- 
ous and undutiful ; that the utmost exertions of the powers 
of government, if necessary, will be used to convince the 
infatuated people of their folly. I could, I assure you, Sir, 
give you such convincing proofs of what I assert, and from 
which every reasonable person may conclude the effects, 
that nothing but madness could operate upon a man so far 
as to overlook his duty to the present constitution, and to 
form unwarrantable associations with enthusiasts, whose ill- 
timed folly must draw upon them inevitable destruction. 
His Lordship desires you to present his hand to Capt. 
White-Eyes, and to assure him that he is very sorry he had 
not the pleasure of seeing him at the treaty, or that the sit- 
uation of affairs prevented him from coming down. Believe 
me, dear Sir, that I have no motive in writing my sentiments 
thus to you, farther than to endeavour to steer you clear of 
the misfortunes which I am confident must involve, but 
unhappily, too many. 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 409 

I have sent you an address from the People of Great- 
Britain to the People of America ; and I desire you to con- 
sider it attentively, which will, I flatter myself, convince you 
of the idleness of many declamations, and of the absurdity 
of an intended slavery. Give my love to George, and tell 
him he shall hear from me, and I hope to his advantage. 
Interpret the inclosed speech to Capt. White-Eyes from his 
Lordship ; he prevailed upon to shun the popular error, and 
judge for yourself; act as a good subject, and expect the 
rewards due to your services. 
I am, dear Sir, 

Your sincere friend and servant, 

JOHN CONNOLLY. 
To JOHN GIBSON, ESQUIRE, 

near Fort Dunmore. 

To a mind impressed with the slightest sense of rectitude, 
and that has ever once conceived the meaning of the word 
honour, it seems impossible that any man can be base enough 
to betray a private confidential correspondence, more espe- 
cially where the intention was indisputably benevolent and 
friendly. This dishonourable act, however, was Mr. Gib- 
son's : he laid my letter before the county committee, to 
which I am to attribute my succeeding misfortunes, and a 
five years' captivity. Many other letters of mine were sent, 
at the same time, and by the same conveyance, to persons 
who afterwards accepted offices of high trust under the Re- 
publican government^ yet none, either then or since, ever 
divulged my opinions. This gentleman, for his treacherous 
display of patriotism, was honoured with a consequential mili- 
tary command ; and I have frequently had the mortification 
to see him enjoy the warm sun-shine of freedom and favour, 
from the window of an inhospitable prison. But to return. 

It was agreed that I should go to Boston, for which voyage 
a small schooner was provided and manned from the Otter 
Sloop, and I set out for head quarters, charged with Lord 
Dunmore's dispatches to the commander in chief, where I 
arrived after a voyage of ten days. 



410 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist 

Secret and expeditious as I had hitherto been, ray arrival 
at Boston was soon known to General Washington. The 
inhabitants, by permission, were daily going in and out of 
town ; and some of them had so far corrupted my servant, 
as to obtain from him such intelligence as he could give. 
He was an Englishman, had lived with Lord Dunmore, and 
had acquaintance in General "Washington's family, to whom, 
some short time after, he eloped, where he reported a strange 
mixture of truth and falsehood, relative to my past proceed- 
ings and future intentions. 

When my propositions were laid before General Gage, 
[as] he was well acquainted with American affairs, and saw 
the advantages that were likely to result from their being 
put in execution : they met, therefore, with his entire ap- 
probation. But as General Arnold (then in the American 
service) had already began an expedition against Canada by 
the Kennebec River, and other obstacles intervened, I could 
not immediately proceed to Quebec, as was at first intended, 
so it was thought most expedient I should return to Vir- 
ginia, taking with me his Excellency's instructions to the 
officers commanding at Illinois and Detroit, as well as to 
the deputy superintendent of Indian affairs. 

After experiencing several of those tedious delays always 
inseparable from sea voyages, and calling on board the Asia, 
lying at New York, agreeable to the directions of Lord Dun- 
more, to enquire for dispatches from England, I arrived once 
more at Portsmouth, and rejoined his Lordship on the 12th 
of October. A short fit of sickness, occasioned by excessive 
fatigue and anxiety, for I had travelled this year upwards 
of four thousand miles, and always upon affairs that lay 
heavy on the mind, held me in a suspense that, while it 
lasted, made illness doubly irksome. As soon, however, as 
I was able, I consulted with his Lordship upon my plan and 
future proceedings ; and on the 5th of November, 1775, a 
commission of Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant under his 
Lordship's sign manual, as his Majesty's representative, was 
given me, with full power and authority to raise a battalion 
of men, and as many independent companies as I could. 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 411 

The deputy superintendent of Indian affairs was directed to 
make such expences in that department, as I might judge 
requisite for his Majesty's service ; and the officer com- 
manding a detachment of the eighteenth regiment at the 
Illinois, was ordered to join me at Detroit, by the Onabache 
communication. The commanding officer at Detroit, like- 
wise, was desired to give every encouragement to the Cana- 
dians of his district, to embody themselves for the expedi- 
tion under my orders; and every other matter was so 
arranged, as to give the fairest prospect of success. These 
dispositions were made conformable to appearances and 
probabilities. Early the next spring, we had the strongest 
reason to hope, that a formidable body of British troops 
would take the field ; that the combined force of the enemy 
must be drawn to the northward, and that I should have an 
opportunity of marching from Pittsburgh, with the detach- 
ment of the eighteenth regiment, the new-raised corps, the 
Indian auxiliaries, so as to form a junction with Lord Dun- 
more at Alexandria. By this means the communication 
between the southern and northern governments would 
have been interrupted, and a favourable turn indisputably 
given to his Majesty's affairs in the southern Provinces. 

To put these designs into action, the service required I 
should first go to Detroit, to gain which there were several 
routes. But as this garrison lay at least seven hundred 
miles distant in the straightest possible direction, and as the 
circuitous roads were not only very tedious, but liable to 
other objections, I determined to go the shortest way 
through Maryland. In this my knowledge of the country 
and the people, made me so far justifiable, that I should 
undoubtedly have succeeded, and passed safe, had it not 
been for an accident (before alluded to) of which I could 
not then possibly have any foresight. My instructions and 
commission were concealed in the sticks of my servant's 
mail pillion, artfully contrived for that purpose, and in the 
night of the 13th of November, 1775, 1 took my leave of 
Lord Dunmore, and set off in company with Lieutenant 
Allen Cameron, and Dr. John Smyth. These Gentlemen 



412 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist 

were both staunch loyalists, men of abilities, and very 
agreeable to me. Mr. Cameron was from Scotland, and 
well acquainted with the Indians and Indian affairs, having 
acted as agent under the honourable John Stuart, superin- 
tendent general of the department. He had suffered much 
abuse for his unshaken loyalty, previous to his coming into 
Virginia, and had refused the republican offers of military 
rank in South Carolina with disdain. He had come with 
dispatches from Governor Lord "William Campbell, of South 
Carolina, Tonyn of East Florida, and the honourable John 
Stuart, and intended to serve in a corps of Highland emi- 
grants, then raising at Boston, and since the eighty-fourth 
regiment. His loyalty, courage and good conduct, were so 
well established, that Lord Dunmore thought him a proper 
person to accompany me, and gave him a lieutenant's com- 
mission, leaving it with me to advance him to a company, 
if I thought good, on raising the corps, which from the 
experience I afterwards had of his worth and estimable quali- 
ties, I should certainly have done. Dr. Smyth was a Gen- 
tleman, who had resided in Maryland, but his nonconformity 
to the temper of the times, had made him obnoxious to the 
republican party. Incapable of temporizing he was on his 
way to West Florida, to escape the turbulence of faction, and 
act agreeably to his principles. Observing him to be a man 
of quick penetration, firm loyalty, and ready to serve his 
Majesty at all hazards, intimately acquainted too with the 
lower parts of Maryland, through which I intended to pass, 
I solicited him to accompany me likewise, designing to make 
him surgeon to the regiment. 

We began our unfortunate journey by the way of the 
Potomac River, intending to land on the Maryland side near 
Port Tobacco, and by a feint, leave the Pittsburgh road, and 
proceed by a private route to a place called the Standing 
Stone, which was beyond the influence of county committees, 
and from whence to Detroit is not above seven days jour- 
ney. This, however, was prevented by a furious north-west 
wind, that drove us up the river St. Mary's, where we landed 
and took the road like ordinary travellers. We proceeded 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 413 

on, unmolested, till the evening of the 19th, when we were 
on the very border of the frontier, and almost out of danger. 
We stopped for the night at a public house about five miles 
beyond Hager's Town, the landlord of which knew me. 
From him we learnt, that although it was known I had been 
on board with Lord Dunmore, yet it was supposed I should 
return quietly to Pittsburgh, as soon as I had settled my own 
personal concerns ; neither was it known that I had been to 
Boston. The misfortune that hung over my head was the 
effect, not of temerity, but unsuspected private treachery, 
and the manner in which this happened was as follows : 

Some short time before we came to our inn in the even- 
ing, a young man met us, that had formerly been a private 
under my command at Pittsburgh, and saluted me as he 
passed, by the title of major. This gave some uneasiness 
to the gentlemen with me, who wished to have him secured ; 
but as I could not pass through the country without the 
probability of being known by many, and as any violence, 
or even art, used with the man, were likely rather to pro- 
duce than avoid the effects they feared ; beside, that there 
was not really any probable danger, I thought it by far more 
prudent to suffer him to pass unnoticed. About ten o'clock 
the same night, this man went to a beer-house in Hager's 
Town, and mixed with some officers of the Minute-men (a 
species of the Volunteer Militia) where hearing some per- 
son in company enquire who those gentlemen were that 
passed through the town in the evening, he replied, that one 
of them was Major Connolly. Unfortunately for me a copy 
of my letter to Mr. Gibson, with Lord Dunmore's speech to 
the Delaware Chief, had been sent, only two days before, to 
the Colonel of the Minute-Men, who had spoken of it as a 
demonstration of my Tory principles to the officers then 
present ; they, therefore, immediately informed their Colonel 
of my having passed through the town, and he, with as much 
expedition, sent a body of his men after us, to oblige us to 
return, that we might be examined before the committee. 
About two o'clock in the morning they suddenly broke into 
the room where we lay, and made us prisoners. We were 



414 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

conducted to Hager's Town, kept in separate houses during 
the next day and night, and suffered that kind of disturbance 
and abuse which might be expected from undisciplined sol- 
diers, and a clamorous rabble, at such a crisis. The day 
following, the committee being assembled, my letter was 
produced, as a testimony of my political principles being 
repugnant to their own ; and the speech of Lord Dunmore 
commented upon, as designed to influence the Indians to 
act against them, in case of hostilities with Great Britain. 
To which I answered, the sentiments contained in my letter 
were the result of friendship for a person, with whom I had 
had a long and early acquaintance. They were not calcu- 
lated to publicly prejudice their measures ; and the person 
advised was entirely at liberty to pursue his own inclinations. 
It extended no farther than the giving a private opinion ; 
and the only person culpable was he who could so unwar- 
rantably betray a confidential letter. With respect to the 
speech, I observed, it was merely an apology from Lord 
Dunmore to the Indians ; he not being able to meet them in 
council at Pittsburgh, agreeable to his promise the preceding 
year. The heat of party resentment seemed considerably 
abated when they had heard me ; but it was nevertheless 
resolved, I should not proceed home (where they supposed 
me going) till the sense of the whole committee, assembled 
at Frederick Town, could be taken. This fatal resolution, 
carried only by a small majority, was, I foresaw, destruction 
to my hopes, as the news of my having been at Boston must 
soon get abroad. 

And now, instead of proceeding in the service to which 
my heart was devoted, the next day we were escorted back 
to Frederick Town, about thirty-five miles, in a retrograde 
direction, from where we were taken. Here, the first house 
I entered, I saw a Colonel well known to me, who had just 
returned from before Boston, and who proceeded, without 
hesitation, to inform me, that General Washington knew 
the time of my coming to, and the very day of my leaving 
Boston; and that it was generally supposed I intended 
getting into the western part of the Quebec government 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 415 

by the Mississippi. All attempts at denial were now 
idle. 

The committee were anxious to seize my papers ; but, as 
I found their search ineffectual, I told them they had been 
sent to Quebec; and, after repeated examination, my port- 
manteau was returned to my servant, without discovery. 
Yet, although Dr. Smyth and myself had several times, 
before we left Norfolk, severely scrutinized and destroyed 
every paper that might affect us, there was a manuscript 
that had been wrapt round a stick of black ball by my ser- 
vant, so soiled and besmeared, as to have escaped the search 
both of ourselves there, and the committee here, who were 
as industrious as they were suspicious. This paper, which 
contained a rough draft of propositions, supposed to have 
been laid before General Gage by me, but which really was 
not the case, was discovered in consequence of a fresh ex- 
amination demanded by a Member of Congress, who arrived 
at the committee some days after we had been taken to 
Frederick Town, and was published as my confession, 
though I repeatedly, and with truth, denied the justice of 
the supposition. 

"We were now decidedly prisoners, and it became one of 
my chief concerns lest my friends of West Augusta County 
might suffer from my misfortune. I, therefore, obtained an 
interview with the Member of Congress, and endeavoured 
to eradicate every suspicion from his mind, by introducing 
such conversation as I judged most conducive to this pur- 
pose. Among other matters, this gentleman informed me, 
that Congress seeing the consequences of civil war inevita- 
ble, had come to a determination that officers taken by 
them should be admitted to their parole, and treated with 
every lenity consistent with the public interest, as they ex- 
pected a similar indulgence would be extended to the unfor- 
tunate on their side, who should become prisoners. How 
far this resolution was adhered to, the subsequent part of 
this narrative will testify. The idea was, indeed, to me very 
renovating ; it gave me to hope, that although a prisoner 
now, and my efforts for the present impeded, I should soon 



416 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

regain my liberty, and have still the power to prove myself 
an active supporter of the constitutional government. 

We were now removed to the house of the Colonel of the 
Minute-men, and confined in a room where we had no reason 
to complain of lodging, or diet; but the clamorous gabbling 
of this raw militia was eternal and noisy beyond conception. 
They were ignorant, and stupidly turbulent; and their 
guard, which was relieved every four-and-twenty hours, 
gave a night of entertainment to themselves and visitors, and 
of tantalizing perturbation to me, whose heart was inces- 
santly panting after other scenes, and different companions. 

My servant, who was a man of great fidelity and adroit- 
ness, was not confined ; and as he had gathered some slight 
intimation that matters of consequence were in the pillion 
sticks, and observing the saddle and its appendages sus- 
pended in an adjoining shed, after having undergone a 
severe but fruitless scrutiny by the committee, he seized a 
favourable moment in the dead of night, opened the sticks, 
examined their contents by the light of a fire, and finding 
of what importance they were, destroyed them all, except 
my commission. This he sealed up, and conveyed to me, 
with a note informing me of what he had done, by means 
of a negro girl, that had before been proved to be faithful. 

Among other conjectures, on the probable operations of 
Congress, I began to reflect, that they would certainly send 
a body of men down the Ohio, to capture the small garrison 
at Kuskuskis, as they were in great want of stores and 
ordnance. I therefore wished very much to inform Captain 
Lord, who commanded at the Illinois, of his imminent dan- 
ger, and advise him to quit his post, and gain Detroit, by 
the Onabache communication, without delay. We had ob- 
served, that towards day-light, our guard frequently ex- 
hausted by their own noise and folly, were inclined to a 
momentary quiet, and as no centry were regularly relieved, 
but all were on duty at the same time, we concluded there 
was a possibility for one of my companions to effect an 
escape. But as verbal intelligence might not find immedi- 
ate credit, it was necessary I should write, and in this our 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 417 

good negro again assisted us : she procured paper, and an 
ink-horn, which she contrived to leave between the bed and 
sacking-bottom, unnoticed by the guard. Thus furnished, 
I wrote the necessary letters, and Dr. Smyth willingly Coffer- 
ing his services for this laborious undertaking, we contrived 
to unscrew the lock from the door, and towards morning, 
just as the guard were nodding in their chairs, he slipt down 
stairs unobserved. "We had scarce time to screw the lock on 
again, and lie down, before the guard entered our room, 
but seeing some of us in bed, they concluded we were all 
there, so cried all safe, and retired. This business was very 
critically effected, for the next day we were to be removed 
towards Philadelphia, pursuant to an order of Congress. 

In the morning, when it was found that Dr. Smyth had 
made his escape, we felt such consequences as might natu- 
rally be expected from vulgar and exasperated men, and 
were plentifully loaded with opprobrious epithets. 

It was on the 29 th of December, 1775, in a severely cold 
season of the year, that we set out for Philadelphia, a jour- 
ney of one hundred and sixty miles. We were escorted by 
a party of militia dragoons ; our spurs were taken off, our 
horses placed parallel like coach horses, with their heads 
tied together in a very confined manner, and a horseman, 
with a long rope attached to the intermediate cord, rode 
before, rudely conducting us in whatever direction he 
thought proper. My servant was allowed to follow with 
my portmanteau, but not having taken off his spurs, the 
populace ran violently up to him, and cut through his boot 
and stocking to tear them away. We were obliged to per- 
form a considerable journey that day, in a manner painful 
to remember ; the road was rough, the snow on the ground, 
the rivulets numerous and frozen, and a track for the horses 
obliged to be broken through them. These were only made 
wide enough for a single horse, and notwithstanding our 
entreaties to the contrary, we were obliged to enter all these 
narrow passes, with our horses abreast, the consequence of 
which was, a continual contest between the poor animals, to 
preserve the open communication, alternately forcing each 
VOL. xii. 27 



418 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

other to jump upon the firm ice, or break a larger extent in 
the struggle. Our knees were repeatedly bruised, and our 
limbs in imminent danger of being broken, by the inces- 
sant falls and warfare of the horses. Sorry am I to say, 
it rather afforded cause of merriment to our conductors, 
than any scope for the exercise of benevolence. For the 
honour of humanity, however, it should be observed, that 
our guard consisted of the lowest and most irrational of the 
inhabitants, in and near the town of Frederick, and their 
captain a common surgeon-barber. 

On the second day we reached York Town, where a com- 
mittee assembled to determine how they were to lodge us. 
Their deliberations were not of long continuance ; we were 
committed to a room in the county gaol, in which was a 
dirty straw bed, little covering ; and, notwithstanding the 
inclemency of the season, no fire ; add to which, their new 
made soldiers were so fond of fife and drum, that they en- 
tertained us all night with this music. The next morning 
was the first of January, 1776, and we were conducted from 
gaol to the tavern, where our horses were, by an officer's 
guard, and a drum beating the rogue's march. Here we 
were consigned once more to our polite friends of Frederick 
Town, who, to the no small entertainment of the populace, 
ironically and vociferously complimented us with many 
wishes of a happy new year. 

Led in this insulting manner, by a formidable guard, and 
exhibited in terrorem to all loyalists, I now too plainly saw 
the probability of my falling a political sacrifice, and that 
this parade of indignity was but the commencement of my 
sufferings. I was the first person of influence, who had 
attempted to support the Royal cause, by raising troops in 
America. That they meant to intimidate every Gentleman 
from future efforts of that nature, not only by exposing me 
as an object of contempt to one party, and of dread to the 
other, but of unrelenting persecution likewise, will I think 
be evident from the facts contained in this narrative. Let 
it, however, be always understood, both here, and in all 
other places, where I mention the rigours I sustained, that 



Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 419 

I do not mean to accuse any man, or set of men, any farther 
than a fair statement of my own case requires ; nor have I 
any view, but to shew that my sufferings were the effects of 
my unshaken loyalty, that I was, while free, an active main- 
tainer, and when imprisoned, an inflexible adherent to the 
cause I espoused ; that they were convinced of this, and 
that this was the source of the unabating severity with 
which I was treated. By the received modes of modern war, 
their conduct was certainly unjustifiable ; how far their pe- 
culiar situation may extenuate this charge, is not for me to 
determine. My purpose is only faithfully to relate what the 
interest of myself and family demands should be related. 

When we again set forward, great numbers of the inhabi- 
tants of York-Town rode with us to Wright's-Ferry, as 
well for the novelty of the sight, as to be present at an in- 
terview that was expected to take place between me and an 
uterine brother of mine, who had long been the representa- 
tive of the county in the general assembly of the Province, 
and who was of a very different political complexion. I 
know not how this meeting affected the multitude, but to 
me it conjured up a train of melancholy ideas ; my own ex- 
ample gave me a strong picture of the horrors of civil dis- 
cord, that was too dismal to behold without a shudder. My 
stay was short ; at my brother's request, I was suffered to 
walk upon the ice, across the Susquehanna, in his company, 
with the guard following in the rear. The painful remem- 
brance of the blessings of peace, and of the ravages of that 
dissention that could make the brother war against the 
brother, and the son against the father, gave sensations, 
better to be imagined than expressed. When we reached 
the opposite shore, therefore, we soon took our leave. 

This night we were lodged in the gaol at Lancaster, and 
two days more brought us to Philadelphia, where we were 
committed to the charge of the associated city militia dressed 
in uniform. About six in the evening, by an order from the 
Council of Safety, we were marched to where they sat, and 
from thence to prison, where, by the nature of the commit- 
ment, we were debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper. 



420 Narrative of John Connolly, Loyalist. 

My servant too was now involved in the severity practised 
upon me, and we were all three shut up in a dirty room, in 
which we could obtain nothing but an old pair of blankets, 
and that only in consideration of a considerable premium to 
the gaoler. In this state we continued in the depth of 
winter for ten days, without a change of linen, before we 
could get our cloaths out of the hands of the Council of 
Safety; at length they were restored, and by virtue of 
pecuniary influence, we obtained something that the keeper 
called a bed. Here we remained till the latter end of Jan- 
uary, when we were removed to a new and elegant prison, 
then lately erected, whither we were escorted with great 
formality, and again honoured with a rogue's march. Was 
this necessity, or was it illiberal faction ? if the latter, success 
will not surely wipe off the aspersion incurred by the author 
of this ungenerous treatment ; if the former, benevolence 
must lament for those who were the unfortunate victims. 
Thus Congress were determined, not only to hold me up 
as a public example of political vengeance to the loyalists, 
but to take every means possible to degrade and render me 
contemptible. 

(To be continued.) 



The Authorship of "Plain Truth." 421 



THE AUTHOKSHIP OF "PLAIN TKUTH." 

BY PAUL LEICESTER FORD. 

A few weeks after the first publication of Thomas Paine's 
" Common Sense," there was issued at Philadelphia a reply 
to it, which was greeted with great applause by those op- 
posed to American independence, and at the time was 
almost as much read and discussed as Paine's pamphlet. 
Written on the losing side of a question, its author never 
divulged his name, and the tract has passed into neglect. 
" Common Sense" gave Paine contemporary fame, and a 
place ever since in our literature. " Plain Truth" brought 
trouble to even the suspected authors, was without avail, 
and has since become to our historians and bibliographers 
as great a puzzle, on a small scale, as the letters of " Junius." 
To trace the various attempts to father it on its author, and 
to endeavor to produce the true one, is the scope of this 
article. 

Almost immediately after the publication of " Plain 
Truth," a Philadelphia mob settled on Richard Wells, a 
political writer of some local note, as the author, and com- 
pelled him, through fear of his own safety, to make a pub- 
lic denial to the effect that he was not the writer, which, as 
it was satisfactory to his contemporaries, should be so still. 

In 1792, we find under November 19, in Jefferson's 
" Ana," * as follows : " Beckley brings me the pamphlet 
written by Hamilton, before the war, in answer to i Com- 
mon Sense.' It is entitled 'Plain Truth.' Melanchthon 
Smith sends it to Beckley and in his letter says, it was not 
printed in New York by Loudon, because prevented by 
a mob, and was printed in Philadelphia, and that he has 
these facts from Loudon ;" and that Jefferson really be- 

1 Jefferson's Works, IX. 193. 



422 The Authorship of "Plain Truth." 

lieved this is shown by his own copy of the pamphlet now in 
the library of Congress, on the title of which he has neatly 
written, "By Alexander Hamilton." When, however, one 
weighs the facts that this is written in the famous " Ana," 
at least fourth hand from the origin of the statement, by 
Hamilton's great political opponent, who was ever ready to 
believe anything to his disadvantage, that the statement con- 
tains certainly two gross errors, 1 and that the style and opin- 
ions are at utter variance with the suggested author, we can 
dismiss this answer to the puzzle as simply ridiculous. 

From his own statement, that " in February last I wrote 
an answer to a pamphlet entitled f Common Sense,' " 2 the 
work was referred by Mr. William Kelby 3 and others to the 
Rev. Charles Inglis, of New York ; but this statement refers 
to another and already identified pamphlet. 4 

In 1877, Mr. Franklin Burdge, in a letter to the " Maga- 
zine of American History," 6 advanced a claim for Joseph 
Galloway as the probable author, basing the hypothesis on 
the style, the similarity of the title with one subsequently 
published by him, and the opinions and surroundings of 
Galloway ; but this evidence, in the absence of other proof, 
is of the slightest value, and I quite agree with Mr. Hilde- 
burn, that " if the dedication to his old enemy, Dickinson, 
is not sufficient, the laudatory references to the Proprietary 
Government of Pennsylvania are enough to preclude the 
slightest credence to the claim put forth for him." 6 

Mr. Hildeburn, after a careful examination of the proba- 
ble authors, gave it to George Chalmers, on the grounds 
that " the author's style, allusions to the Eastern Shore of 
Maryland (where Chalmers resided), admiration of a pro- 

1 That the pamphlet was printed before the war, and that it was to 
have been printed by Loudon. 

2 " New York Documentary History," III. 1059. 

5 " Magazine of American History," I. 693. 

4 " The True Interest of America Impartially Stated in certain Stric- 
tures on a Pamphlet intitled Common Sense. By An American. . . . 
Philadelphia: . . . MDCCLXXVI." 

6 1. 633; 11.59. 

6 " Issues of the Press of Pennsylvania," II. 245. 



The Avdhvrahip of "Plain Truth." 423 

prietary (the Maryland as well as Pennsylvania) form of 
government, and ardent Presbyterianism, all point to him as 
the author." But I think a careful study of the pamphlet 
will show that the style, which is florid and ornate, is quite 
different from Chalmers's rather labored and heavy way of 
writing, and that the author has a decided bent towards the 
Episcopal sect. It is, however, unnecessary to cite this 
negative disproof, for Chalmers left this country in 1774, 1 
and was therefore gone when the tract was published. 

It should perhaps be mentioned that in one of the printed 
catalogues of the library of Congress the pamphlet is entered 
under " Smith, "William, Chief-Justice of JSTew York," evi- 
dently an error, as I shall prove further on. 

Having now dealt with the hitherto accredited authors, it 
remains to examine the contents and opinions of the pam- 
phlet itself. The title 2 is followed by a complimentary dedi- 
cation to John Dickinson. Next is a short " Introduction," 
after which comes " Plain Truth" to page 74. Then come 
two excerpts from the newspapers, signed " Rationalis" and 
" Cato," and one from the " Journals of Congress." Lastly 
" Additions to Plain Truth." An examination of the mat- 
ter proves, I think, that the author is both a Pennsylvanian 
and Episcopalian ; that he is a warm admirer of Dickinson 3 
and General Montgomery; 4 that he dislikes Franklin 5 and the 
New Englanders; 8 that he approves of the proprietary govern- 
ment ; that he sympathizes with the colonies up to the point 
of independence ; and that he very eagerly argues the right 
of Pennsylvania in the land question between that State and 
Connecticut." 7 In the absence of other evidence, this anal- 
ysis is of slight value, but as confirmatory evidence it may 
be of use. The author's personal allusions to himself I con- 
sider in an anonymous pamphlet quite valueless, as, setting 

1 Drake's " Dictionary of American Biography." 

2 " Plain Truth ; addressed to the Inhabitants of America, Containing, 
Remarks on a late pamplet, entitled Common Sense . . . Written by 
Candidas . . . Philadelphia : Printed, and Sold, by R. Bell, in Third- 
Street. MDCCLXXVI." 

3 Dedication " Plain Truth." * Page 27, Ibid. 
5 Page 134, Ibid. 6 Page 63, Ibid. Page 43, Ibid. 



424 The Authorship of "Plain Truth." 

out to conceal his identity, he will, of course, either purposely 
misstate or omit all facts that would under ordinary cases 
serve to identify him. 

From various sources 1 it is clear that the series of essays 
written against American independence and signed " Cato," 
one of which is reprinted in " Plain Truth," were written 
by Rev. "William Smith, of Philadelphia. Thus we find the 
author of at least a part of the tract. On the title-page of 
Oliver Ellsworth's copy of " Plain Truth," now in the library 
of Congress, is noted in the handwriting of its former owner, 
"By William Smith," who, by some error, as already noted, 
appears in the printed catalogue as the chief-justice of New 
York, whereas the Rev. William Smith is clearly intended. 

Here we have two pieces of evidence, both pointing to 
the same man, and we may fairly test how far the opinions 
already cited support the evidence. William Smith was a 
Philadelphian and an Episcopal clergyman ; he agreed with 
Dickinson in both past and present politics, and was, I pre- 
sume, well acquainted with him ; he had just delivered a 
highly-eulogistic funeral sermon on General Montgomery; 
he had been opposed to Franklin in some of the bitterest of 
political fights, and now, of course, differed with him in 
opinions ; his residence and religion would naturally make 
him dislike the New Englanders ; he had been a supporter of 
the proprietary party; he had sympathized with the colonies 
up to a certain point, and, indeed, though known to hold 
Tory opinions, was not treated as one ; and he felt so great 
an interest in the Pennsylvania-Connecticut land contro- 
versy that but two years before he had written a pamphlet 
on the Pennsylvania side. 

I am aware that all this would hardly be accepted by the 
courts as evidence, but I think, in view of the fact that 
the claims of the hitherto suggested authors all seem un- 
tenable, and that all the facts here presented point to one 
man, we shall, until further proof or disproof is produced, 
be right in awarding it to the Rev. William Smith. 

1 " Life of William Smith," by Horace W. Smith. Adams's " Familiar 
Letters," 167. Hopkinson's " Miscellaneous Essays," II. 94. 



A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 425 



A MEMOIE OF GENEEAL HENEY MILLEE. 

BY HIS GRANDSON, HENRY MILLER WATTS. 

(Concluded from Vol. XI. page 345.) 

Congress, on 10th September, left it discretional with 
"Washington to abandon New York, and four days thereafter 
preparations were made to do so. The British crossed to 
the city, pursued the Americans, and forced them to the 
heights beyond Harlem River, where Colonel Hand's rifle- 
men assisted to check their farther advance. In the move- 
ments connected with the withdrawal of the Americans from 
Manhattan Island and their retreat through New Jersey, 
after the capture of Fort Washington, until the west bank 
of the Delaware was reached, Captain Miller's regiment 
bore a conspicuous part. Coryell's Ferry was reached the 
middle of December, " and so harassed had they been," 
writes Miller, " by the pursuing enemy that I had not time 
to change my clothes for two weeks ; but with fifty men I 
crossed the river to capture some straggling light-horse, 
when we unexpectedly encountered a large force of the 
enemy on the route to Burlington, and had the good fortune 
to do so just when Captain Hamilton was about to surrender 
to a superior force. We were, however, forced to recross 
the river." 

The part taken by Captain Miller in the surprise of the 
Hessians under Colonel Eahl, at Trenton, he communicated 
to his family under date of December 28. ... " Gen. Ste- 
phen's brigade entered the town and routed them. His Ex- 
cellency desired our regiment to head them, which we did. 
They formed line of battle. We advanced within sixty 
yards of them without firing a gun, but with such rapidity 
and determination as to strike terror into them. The enemy 
grounded their arms, and 919 Hessians surrendered as 



426 A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 

prisoners of war." In the attempt made by Cornwallis to 
surprise Washington, who had recrossed into New Jersey, 
where he had been joined by the troops of Cadwalader and 
Mifflin, Hand's Pennsylvania riflemen again distinguished 
themselves. Miller was in command of the advance guard, 
and in the action which ensued led the left wing of the 
regiment. At midnight Washington stealthily withdrew 
his army and marched to Princeton, where, after a sharp 
fight, he dispersed the four regiments incautiously left there 
by Cornwallis, and then retired to Morristown. The British, 
apprehending the capture of their stores at Brunswick, fell 
back on that place. By the strategy of Washington the 
movement of Cornwallis proved a failure. 

General Wilkinson (who was an eye-witness), in his 
memoirs, refers to the part borne by the subject of this 
memoir in the retreat through the Jerseys as follows : 
" Major Miller of Hand's riflemen was ordered by General 
Washington to check the rapid movements of the enemy in 
pursuit of the American army, while retreating across the 
State of New Jersey. The order was so successfully exe- 
cuted and the advance of a powerful enemy so embarrassed 
that the American troops, which afterwards gained the In- 
dependence of their Country, were preserved from an over- 
throw, which would have proved the grave of our Liberties." 
In a note he further states : " General Miller, late of Balti- 
more, was distinguished for his cool bravery, wherever he 
served. He certainly possessed the entire confidence of 
General Washington." On March 12, 1777, Captain Miller 
was promoted to major of his regiment, to rank from Sep- 
tember 28, 1776. 

Major Miller participated with his regiment in the varying 
and eventful scenes connected with the capture of Philadel- 
phia. Six days after the battle of Germantown, he wrote 
to his family from Pawling' s Mill : " We attacked the 
enemy's picket about daylight and drove them in. The 
divisions of Sullivan and Wayne immediately fell upon them 
and by a vigorous attack repulsed the enemy three times, 
and putting them to flight, pursued them upwards of two 



A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 427 

miles through Germantown, capturing their tents, baggage, 
provisions, artillery, &c. In short, they were entirely routed, 
and nothing but the following unfortunate circumstance 
prevented a complete victory, with the possession of Phila- 
delphia and Gen. Howe's army. A few of the enemy 
threw themselves into a stone house and gave several warm 
fires on our men while passing, which drew attention of too 
great a part of our army, and stopped our left from pursuing 
the enemy, in full flight before us and in the greatest con- 
fusion. The enemy had now time to rally, and advanced 
on our men engaged at this house. At the same time, a 
column of our men coming up in the rear of those at the 
house, were mistaken in the fog of the morning and the 
smoke of the action for the enemy, and threw our left into 
confusion. These circumstances, I say, prevented a com- 
plete victory, and obliged us to leave the ground to a con- 
quered foe, with the artillery, &c., which had first fallen into 
our hands : they having stabbed their horses. 

" The loss on either side I cannot tell with precision. Of 
the enemy Gen. Agnew and Gen. Grant were killed, and 
Sir William Erskine mortally wounded. We lost Gen. 
Nash and a few officers killed and wounded. Our army is 
in higher spirits than ever, being convinced from the first 
officer to the soldier, that our quitting the field must be as- 
cribed to other causes than the force of the enemy : for even 
they acknowledged that we fled from victory. We hope to 
meet them soon again, and, with the assistance of Provi- 
dence, to restore our suffering citizens to their possessions 
and homes." 

On the evacuation of Philadelphia, General Washington 
started in pursuit of Clinton, and compelled him to make 
a stand at Monmouth. In the battle which ensued, Major 
Miller took a conspicuous part. We quote the following from 
his letter dated at Brunswick, July 4, 1778 : " We joined 
the army the day preceding the engagement at Cranberry. 
The whole army moved to support the infjantry, which was 
detached to engage the enemy. The Pennsylvania division 
arrived just as the enemy appeared near the bridge, where 



428 A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 

a large swamp covered the right and left flanks. Part 
of our infantry under command of Col 8 Stewart and Liv- 
ingston, advanced over the bridge and attacked the enemy. 
These detachments behaved gallantly and acquired great 
honor, and altho' overpowered by superior numbers, did the 
enemy very considerable damage, before they retired. A 
severe cannonade then commenced, which did great execu- 
tion on both sides. As the ground would not admit of a 
general action, several detachments were ordered out. Col. 
Craig, with his and a part of the Ninth Penna. Regiment, 
advanced over the swamp and were advantageously posted 
in an orchard, and were attacked by the British grenadiers. 
After a protracted and obstinate engagement the enemy fled 
with precipitation, leaving the field covered with the dead : 
among whom were Col. Moncton and several of their prin- 
cipal officers. Lieut.-Col. Bunner of the Penna. troops was 
killed. I had the honor to fall in with this detachment, 
just as the action began. Gen. Wayne came up at the same 
time and took the command. Gen. Wayne greatly dis- 
tinguished himself and may be called the hero of the day. 
We encamped victoriously on the field strewn over with the 
dead. The fatigue of the troops and the intense heat, to- 
gether with the advantageous position of the enemy pre- 
vented us from pursuit. We intended to be after them in 
the morning; but were disappointed by their precipitate 
retreat at 12 o'clock at night. 

" Col. Morgan is on their rear. I had the misfortune of 
having two horses killed under me during the action ; the 
first by a cannon and the second by a musket ball. The 
return of the dead and buried of the enemy is 303 ; their 
wounded must be at least 600 or 700. This evening a ' feu 
de joy' will be fired by the whole army in commemoration 
of the anniversary of our Independence." 

Monmouth was the last battle of any prominence fought 
in the' Middle States, and was also the last in which Colonel 
Miller participated. At the close of the campaign of 1778, 
he had been engaged for three and one-half years in the 
military service of his country, during which time his young 



A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 429 

family had become so impoverished that he recognized the 
absolute necessity of returning to his home. On November 
21, 1778, he addressed a letter to General "Washington, in 
which he enclosed a resignation of his commission as 
lieutenant-colonel of the Second Pennsylvania Infantry, 
ranking from March 1, 1777, and in about a month sub- 
sequent received the following reply : 

HEAD QUARTERS, | December 18 

MlDDLEBROOK. j 

" SIR : 

" I have your letter of the 21 st ulto. now before me. A 
good officer cannot feel more real concern to find that his 
domestic affairs and the circumstances of his family make it 
necessary for him to leave the army, than I do myself in 
losing his services. 

" I always part reluctantly with the officer who, like you, 
has been early in the cause and borne his share of military 
danger and fatigue, and I cannot help wishing that a contin- 
uance in the army could, in any wise be made compatible 
with your domestic duties. But should you find this im- 
possible, I suppose I need not tell you that it is customary, 
in all cases of resignation, to have a certificate that there is 
no public or regimental account unsettled. 

" You will be pleased to communicate such a certificate, 
in case you take a conclusive determination to resign. 
" I am, Sir, 

" Your most humble serv* 

" GEO. WASHINGTON. 

"To LIEUT. COLONEL MILLER." 

Colonel Miller accordingly returned to his family at York, 
with the hope of relieving them from the troubles and vex- 
ations to which his long absence and the vicissitudes of war 
had reduced his estate and them. He was affectionately 
welcomed by his family and friends. York, since Congress 
held its sessions there, had become a point of attraction for 
the American and French officers, and Colonel Miller's house 
a home for hospitality. 



430 A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 

The consideration and distinction Colonel Miller earned 
in the war was substantially recognized on his return to 
private life, and his fellow-citizens continued to confer office 
on office upon him, until the exigencies of the country 
again called him to take up arms in her behalf. In October 
of 1780 he was elected high sheriff of York County, and 
performed the duties of that office for three years. At the 
annual elections for the years 1783, '84, and '85 he was re- 
turned to the Assembly to represent his county, and at the 
expiration of his last term was appointed prothonotary of 
the Courts of Common Pleas. In August of the same year 
he was commissioned judge of the County Courts. While 
engaged in the performance of his judicial duties he was 
elected a delegate to the State Constitutional Convention of 
1789-90. 

It was anticipated by himself and family that a seat upon 
the bench would give him some repose, when unfortunately 
the Indian war in the Northwest broke out, in which St. 
Clair and Harmer had been defeated. At this time Henry 
Miller commanded the first brigade of York and Lancaster 
militia, in the second division, under command of General 
Hand. In the "Whiskey Insurrection he was commissioned 
and served as quartermaster-general. On his return home 
President Washington appointed him supervisor of the reve- 
nue for the District of Pennsylvania, and he executed the 
duties of this responsible and in some measure unpopular 
office with such judgment and fairness as to free it of its 
obnoxious features. Being a stanch Federalist, he was re- 
moved from office by President Jefferson, who appointed 
Peter Muhlenberg in his place. General Miller had been a 
close adherent and admirer of Washington, Knox, Hamilton, 
and other military gentlemen, and was one of the original 
members of the Society of the Cincinnati. He looked upon 
apostasy to their principles as a personal degradation. 

In November of 1801, General Miller removed from York 
to Baltimore, where he engaged successfully in business till 
1807, when Congress passed the embargo law, which soon 
prostrated the shipping and commercial interests of the 



A Memoir of General Henry Miller. 431 

country. In the second war with Great Britain, General 
Miller again accepted a commission of brigadier-general of 
militia, and was charged with the defence of Fort McHenry 
and its dependencies. "When the British left the Chesa- 
peake the troops were discharged and he returned to private 
life. In 1813, General Miller left Baltimore and retired to 
a farm at the confluence of the Susquehanna and Juniata 
Rivers, desiring to spend the remainder of his life in tran- 
quillity, but this was denied him. The British having reap- 
peared before Baltimore, he was again called to accompany 
the Pennsylvania troops in the capacity of quartermaster- 
general. This service being performed, he returned to his 
farm, where he remained until 1821, when he was appointed 
by Governor Heister prothonotary of the courts of Perry 
County. At the expiration of his term of office he removed 
his family residence to Carlisle, where he died, April 5, 
1824, and was buried with military honors. 

His domestic circle consisted of two sons and four daugh- 
ters. His son Joseph was a lieutenant in the army, and 
died in the service, while performing his duties as quarter- 
master at Ogdensburg, during the second war with England, 
and his son William was a lieutenant in the navy, and died 
on board the frigate " L'Insurgent," Captain Murray. 

His eldest daughter, Capandana, married Colonel Camp- 
bell ; his second, Mary, married Thomas Banning, a Mary- 
land planter ; and his third, Julia Anna, married David 
Watts, Esq. His fourth daughter, Harriet, died unmarried. 
There are no descendants of these five sons and daughters 
now surviving, except the sons and daughters of David 
Watts and Julia Anna Miller. 



432 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 



EXTEACTS FEOM THE DIAEY OF HANNAH GAL- 

LENDER 

BY GEORGE VAUX. 

[Hannah Callender, afterwards the wife of Samuel Sansom, 1 was the 
only child of William and Katharine Callender who lived beyond in- 
fancy. She was born in 1737, probably in the city of Philadelphia. 
Her father, William Callender, Jr., was a native of the island of Bar- 
badoes, where he was born in 1703. His parents, William and Hannah 
Callender (who were of Scotch extraction), were members of old Quaker 
families of that island, where the Society of Friends was a large and 
influential body in early times. 

Hannah Callender's mother was Katharine Smith, daughter of Daniel 
and Mary (Murfin) Smith, emigrants who came to America in the ship 
" Shield," and settled at or near Burlington, New Jersey. 

Hannah Callender was married to Samuel Sansom, a merchant of 
Philadelphia, in 1762, and died in 1801. They had five children, of 
whom Katharine, Joseph, and Samuel died without descendants, the 
former in childhood. William was ancestor of one branch of the Vaux 
family, and from Sarah are descended branches of the Perot and Morris 
families. 

From 1758 to about the time of her marriage Hannah Callender kept 
a regular diary. It is mostly personal in its character, and the parts of 
general interest are not numerous, and are scattered at wide intervals 
from each other. The months and numerical days of the week are 
given in the diary, but she omitted the days of the month except in a 
few instances. This must be kept in mind in reading the following 
extracts.] 

1 Samuel Sansom was the son of Samuel Sansom, the elder (who emi- 
grated from England in 1732), and grandson of John Sansom, of Lon- 
don. From 1773 to 1807 he occupied the position of treasurer of the 
Philadelphia Contributionship, and was chiefly instrumental in placing 
that ancient institution upon a substantial basis. Upon his retirement, 
the company presented him with a silver waiter and pitcher, both of 
which have the device of " Hand-in -Hand" engraved upon them. The 
pitcher (which is about sixteen inches high, and has a hinged cover in 
the form of a fireman's hat) also has upon it an inscription testifying to 
the disinterested services of the recipient during a period of thirty-four 
years. These interesting relics are in possession of the writer. 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 433 

1758, 8th mo., 2d day. Anthony Benezet drank tea with 
us. Talked of some persons who had been searching for a 
place 'to dwell in where the Devil had not been, but alas ! 
he is, as heretofore, walking to and fro in the earth. 

bth day. Went to see the vault [provided for the] inter- 
ment of Tench Francis. 1 

2d day. News of Cape Breton's surrender the 26th of this 
month. 

4th day. Evening a grand illumination for Cape Breton, 
for which the Quakers paid. Broke twenty panes of glass for 
us. John Reynolds' house the windows in general. Some 
window shutters shattered to pieces. 

9^/z mo., 7th day. Concluded upon a party to Bush Hill in 
the afternoon. A fine house and gardens with statues and 
fine paintings, particularly a picture of St. Ignatius at his 
devotions, exceedingly well done. 

2d day. James Logan here, says the people at Burling- 
ton have been preparing this month past for the carnival. 

11th mo., ( 2d day. The universal topic of the town now is 
a French Frigate, that lies off the Capes and annoys the 
shipping much. Has taken from New York and this place 
twenty one vessels. 

1th day. Read the journal of Frederick Post [Moravian 
missionary] to the Ohio among the Indians, in July 1758, 
who went with his life in his hands and was in jeopardy 
every moment. 2 

12/A mo., 2d day. News of Fort Duquesne being forsaken 
by the French, who blew up most part of it with the poor 
sick and wounded English prisoners that they had in their 
possession. Oh war ! horrid war ! how does it make human 
nature act derogatory to the first principles instilled by the 
Divine dictator ! They found odds of the poor highlanders 
lying above ground with pockets not so much as picked, but 
[in them] some of their English money which they changed 
our paper for, not thinking it money till they had it in 

1 In Christ Church burial-ground, Arch and Fifth. Streets. 

2 The original manuscript of this journal is in the collection of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

VOL. XII. -28 



434 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

coin : which proved no safeguard to them against the wild 
beasts of the field who mangled their carcasses. [Our] 
army passed by the dreadful field of slaughter and the re- 
maining bones of Braddock's army, and decently interred 
them. No doubt there were those who wept there for near 
relations and friends. 

Forbes has called the Indians in to have a treaty, and has 
leave of them to repair the fort and call it by the name of 
Pittsburg. 

lih mo., 5th day. Rebecca Coleman's mother, now 80 
years of age, remembers when a child riding on boughs of 
trees cut down in the clearing of Front Street, and but two 
or three houses in the now famous City of Philadelphia. 

1759, 1st mo., 2d day. Able James and Doctor Evans 
drank tea here. Some passages of Ben : Franklin's droll 
humor related. In a letter to his sister in New England, a 
strong Presbyter, [he said] : " I am glad to hear of the re- 
duction of Cape Breton. When it was taken before it was 
taken by prayer, now by fight, and I desire you will pray 
that it may never be given up again, which was omitted 
before." Another : " Your religion leads you three stories 
high : faith, hope, and charity, but before I go any further, 
I wish I could turn the house bottom upward and put charity 
at the bottom." 

1st day. Went to meeting. Becky Jones 1 spoke. [She] 
is the daughter of a poor widow not of our persuasion 
[who] had got unhinged by Whitefield, and went nowhere 
[to worship], by which reason her daughter was left in a 
manner to do as she pleased. The Bank Meeting being hard 
by [Front Street, above Arch], she would often step in there, 

1 Kebecca Jones became an eminent minister in the Society of Friends. 
She was a devoted Christian, and possessed a remarkably well-balanced 
mind. She was prominently known in her day, and universally beloved 
and respected by her fellow-Christians of all religious denominations. 
Her conversion to Quakerism is supposed to have been largely due to the 
influence of Hannah Callender's mother. Her memoirs were published 
about forty years ago, under the editorial pen of the late William J. 
Allinson. These memoirs are rich in incidents illustrative of home life 
among Friends a century ago. 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 435 

till she began to give Friends a preference. Though her 
mother took not much care of her religion, she gave her as 
good an education other ways as her abilities would afford, 
which joined to a good natural capacity opened her under- 
standing and enlarged her ideas, till by Divine assistance, 
she became convinced of truth, and if she continues her 
integrity by the fitness and well adapting of her words, will 
be a good minister. 

4th mo., 6th day. [In company with several friends] set 
out the Jersey Road for Burlington . . . and see myself 
welcomed amidst my relations and friends in the place lam 
so obligated to the place of my mother's nativity. 

Five sons and a daughter of Doctor Richard Smith, of 
Bramham, in Yorkshire, came over early to America and 
settled at Burlington. The eldest brother, Daniel Smith, 
married Mary Murfin. They were my grandparents. Their 
children were : 

Daniel Smith, born the 2d of 2d Month, 1696 ; married 
Mary Hool. 

Robert Smith, born the 9th of the 8th Month, 1698; mar- 
ried Elizabeth Bacon. 

John Smith, born the 20th of the 8th Month, 1700 ; mar- 
ried Ann Farrel. 

Joseph Smith, born 7th Month, 1702; died the 19th of 
the 1st Month, 1713. 

Benjamin Smith, born the 8th of the 10th Month, 1704; 
married Sarah Burling. 

Samuel Smith, born the 23d of the 9th Month, 1706 ; died 
the 19th of the 7th Month, 1712. 

Mary Smith, born the 3d of the 8th Month, 1709 ; died 
the 20th of the 5th Month, 1710. 

Catharine Smith, born the 22d of the 12th Month, 1711 ; 
married William Callender. 

Taken from Daniel Smith's family Bible, 1759, 4th Month, 
the 20th, by Hannah Callender. 

5th mo., 3d day. [Still at Burlington.] Five hundred regu- 
lars passed through the town for Philadelphia. One of the 
officers lodged here. Saw the comet, but it appeared dim. 



436 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

6th day. Breakfast with Sarah Murfin, widow of my 
grandmother Smith's brother John Murfin, now an ancient 
woman. Then Nancy Murfin, agreeably enlarging the 
company, we set out for Stoney Brook meeting, about twelve 
miles. Stopped at James Clark's, a mile and a half from 
meeting, two young women his daughters going with us 
from thence to meeting. A most pleasant ride by the side 
of Stoney Brook, for the most part through fine meadow 
with the prospect of a fine high country around. [From 
meeting] we proceeded a mile and a half to Princetown. 
Dined at Homer's. Walked around the college and the 
President's house. Good buildings for so young a country, 
placed on a well chosen spot of ground, with the command 
of the country around as far as the ken of sight. There are 
several good buildings in the town, but whether the college 
will bring forth more good than hurt, time will demonstrate ; 
seeing as I thought some traces of the monster vice have 
made their appearance even in so short a time as three years. 
Being First day we found them at prayers, therefore did not 
go inside the building. It accommodates one hundred and 
fifty scholars. Thence we rode ten miles through a pleasant 
country interspersed with all the variety that completed a 
fine prospect to Trentown, and drank tea at Joseph Decou's 
[DeCou]. Molly Derry came to see me in testimony of her 
long acquaintance with my father. Betsy Bacon walked 
around the town with us to see the barracks and English 
Church, and remarked the dwellings of several families that 
I know. Rode five miles to William Murfin's and lodged 
there. 

2d day. Rode a mile to Preserve Brown's where we 
passed the morning agreeably in seeing hie mill and its 
works, attending to the fall of the water, pleasing discourse, 
fishing, &c. till two o'clock. Then we set out for Burlington, 
through Crosswicks, and pleasantly home by six o'clock. 

1st day. Richard Smith and Anna Pole came from Phila- 
delphia, and brought me a letter of permission from my 
parents to go in company with Anna to [New] York, and 
as my relations here approve of the journey I shall prepare 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Cattender. 437 

to go. I look upon myself as particularly under the care of 
Jane Burling, who is to follow the next stage day, because 
there would have been otherwise too large a company for 
convenience. [The company consisted of] Jane Burling 
and her son, Thomas Pryor, Anna and Betsy Rodman, Sea- 
man and Thomas Rodman, Richard Smith, Senior, and 
Thomas Powel and his wife. Anna [Pole] lodged with me, 
and we rose 2d day morning at 4 o'clock dressed ourselves 
by moonlight breakfasted and set out in the stage wagon for 
Shaw's. Our more particular company comprised Richard 
Smith, Senior, and James James, some sailors shipwrecked in 
the King of Prussia, a humorous old Dutchman, and an 
officer of the Jersey Blues. One of the sailors by last 
night's debauch and early rising, became the jest of brother 
tars, saying it was a rough sea and made the passengers 
sick. The country people were thick along the road going 
to the fair at Burlington. Young beaus on race horses the 
girls putting on all their airs and graces to captivate, so that 
it was hard to find out which made the deepest impression 
on the young fellows' minds, horses or women. 

By seven o'clock we arrived at Crosswicks, where we 
breakfasted at Douglas's. 1 The meeting-house at Cross- 
wicks is an ancient building, but looks well. Passed through 
Allentown. Took another passenger in, Dr. Noel. Dined 
in Cranberry at Prigmore's. Here we fell in company with 
the other stages, those from Bordentown. Took the wagon 
that goes from here to Amboy ferry. Diversity of objects 
and company filled our minds with abundance of ideas. 
Saw the wrecks of two stages occasioned by [intoxicated] 
drivers and passengers. Crossed the head of the famous 
South River, whose navigation benefits New York with 
wood. For the length of two miles saw hundreds of trees 
torn up by the roots in a violent storm of wind that hap- 
pened about two years ago. We arrived at Amboy ferry 
by six o'clock, little fatigued considering the length of the 
journey fifty miles. Our minds being absorbed with the 

1 This well-known hostlery stood at the intersection of the main street 
and Recklesstown road. 



438 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

prospect of the ocean, we could not be content in the house, 
so we walked around the shore and were delighted : but 
weary nature calling for refreshment we went to the house 
again and drank a dish of tea. The house was full of 
people, being the place for both stages. So many different 
kinds of folks, all strangers in their manners to us young 
travellers, filled our minds with a variety of ideas. Our 
officer fellow-traveller came to the door and asked where 
the ladies were. B>. Smith brought him into the room to 
us, and he very civilly bowed and wishing us well withdrew. 
Anna and I looked diligently to the landlady for clean 
sheets and pillowcases [which were furnished]. Notwith- 
standing the drinking and roaring appeared strange to us, it 
did not keep us awake all night. 

3d day morning. At five o'clock the people began to stir 
about the house, which roused us and we went and sat at 
the door. You see the small town of Amboy just opposite 
the ferry. Noted the house Governor Belcher lived in. 
Cornelius Bradford and his sister, Doctor Ogden's wife 
and children, breakfasted with us: they were going from 
York to Philadelphia and by them I sent my love to my 
parents. By this time the house began to part with some 
of its inhabitants and people whom destiny had shown to 
each other [for a short time] parted never perhaps to meet 
again. We see ships at a great distance out at sea, pursuing 
the pathless tracks of the mighty ocean. At Nine o'clock 
we took boat. Our humorous passengers the sailors, had 
intelligence of a Man of War, the Nightingale, being in 
want of hands and pressing. One o'clock they went ashore 
at Amboy, and brought some ham and cold veal aboard and 
very civilly offered us part ! This and a generous bottle in- 
spired them with fresh courage to think of the press-gang. 
We then set out and went between the islands : the shores 
are prettily diversified with country seats and cultivated 
lands. We saw the post road to York. It is a very pretty 
sail and the porpoises tumbling along add to it. The sailors 
landed first on Staten Island, where Richard Smith and all 
went ashore, and presently one of the sailors came down 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Cattender. 439 

with wine and a glass to invite us to drink. We thanked 
him for his civility, but declined the offer. We hoped they 
would have stayed there, but they all came aboard again, 
rolling stones in for ammunition, declaring it should be warm 
work if [the press-gang] did take them. This raised Anna's 
and niy fears, but the men were so comical that I told them 
I believed it took a great deal to break a sailor's heart. Very 
true miss (one replied) a merry life and a short one is their 
maxim. 

There was a poor little fellow in the boat who had run 
away from his parents (about thirteen years of age). He 
said he was youngest son of a merchant of Bristol, one Ed- 
wards. He had a great notion to go to sea and his parents 
greatly against it, but consented to let him go one voyage 
in one of their own vessels under care of the captain. This 
instead of abating increased his desire, but they were the 
more determined he should not go again. He got what 
[money] he could privately and took his passage on board 
a vessel bound for Maryland ; as some time before an elder 
brother had married and was settled there, with a design to 
find him out. But he soon found the difference between 
being a cabin passenger under the care of the captain and 
having no one to take care of him. WTien they landed at 
Charlestown, the cruel creatures stole all his clothes and 
money from him. He wandered about some time in quest 
of his brother, but could get no tidings of him and was 
reduced to misery. He hired himself on board a vessel to 
go to York, in hopes to get home, but when he came there 
the vessels for England were all gone. He then went on 
board the privateer King of Prussia, when he was cast away 
and would have perished, but for one of the sailors now in 
our boat, who touched with his youth and sad relation, took 
him under his care and brought him to Philadelphia, and 
from thence to York, and had promised him he would seek 
a passage for him home. My heart yearned and I wept over 
him, and Anna and I advised him, gave him something and 
I doubt not but he will remember us as long as he lives. The 
sailors landed on York Island some miles from town, and 



440 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Cattender. 

when we were in gunshot of the Nightingale, she fired and 
some of them came on board of us, but as there was nobody 
for them they soon left us. 

We landed at Whitehall stairs about six o'clock and 
walked up Queen Street till we came to Burling's Slip, when 
we stepped into William Hawkshurst's and found Sally well. 
She went with us a little higher up to Bateman's slip, where 
my aunt Sarah Smith and Phebe Pell live, who were very 
glad to see us and made us heartily welcome. New York 
struck us at first view and we thought it very fine, as in- 
deed the outside of the houses are, [the builders] being 
very fond of scalloping and painting. The outside of the 
houses too may generally pass as epitomes of their masters. 
They are a gay people, but we found them very polite to 
strangers. 

4th day. Walter and Thomas Franklin came and inquired 
for us : they were acquainted with Anna in Philadelphia. 
Polly Morris and Polly Burling came to see us, and we had 
an agreeable afternoon walk down the Broad Way, a fine 
broad street with rows of buttonwoods and locusts on each 
side, and for the most part good houses. The water carts 
going about the City were quite new to us. We hobbled 
home over the stone pavement, having seen enough for that 
night. 

6th day. We dined with Sally Hawkshurst, and in the 
afternoon Richard Smith and she went with us to the mil- 
liner's, Mrs. Durham's in Wall Street. From thence to 
Alexander's great shop in Broad Street. 

6th day. [In company with several friends] walked up 
along the North River, then down by the King's docks and 
the Battery home. 

1th day. 5 o'clock in the morning set out for Flushing. 
It was such a fog that in crossing the river we were out of 
sight of land. The ferry on Nassau or Long Island is 
almost a town, and the pleasantness of the road begins from 
thence. It is pretty thickly settled from thence to Jamaica, 
a little town where we breakfasted at Mashe's. It cleared 
up a fine day and was very agreeable travelling. Jamaica 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 441 

consists of one street adorned with trees, a pretty little 
town. Thence we went to Samuel Bound's [Bowne]. Flush- 
ing is fourteen miles from York, and is a pleasant place. 
There is a pretty country seat just on the brow of the hill 
belonging to a gentleman in York. We dined at Samuel 
Bound's [Bowne], thence walked along the side of a hill 
and recreated ourselves with trays-ace in the orchard : and 
there we lodged. 

1st day. Went to [Friends'] meeting. John Stowe spoke. 
Full half of the meeting was of other persuasions, who 
made a cantico of coming to the great meeting. There 
were a good many Friends from our parts there James 
Pemberton, 1 Anthony Benezet and others. After meeting 
we were introduced by Anna Rodman to her relations of the 
same name, and an invitation to dinner. It is about four 
miles and a half out of Flushing, and a most beautiful road. 
The roads around Flushing look like pleasant walks of a two 
chair width, fenced by low stone walls with trees planted 
along them or fine Prims [sic] hedge. This road to Rod- 
man's in particular is pleasant by reason of fine rising hills, 
which give a view of the bay and the country clothed at this 
time in beautiful fields of grain and pasturing. There was 
likewise a fine piece of woods so clear from brush under- 
neath and covered with grass, that it seemed to invite one 
to a cool retreat from the noontide ray. The house is close 
by, yet within a good distance from the inlet of the bay on 
which it stands. The family then consisted of the old gen- 
tleman and lady, Catharine, Caroline and Penelope their 
daughters, and John and Thomas their sons, and they live 
in a genteel manner. From the door there is a good pros- 
pect of the bay and big island, with pretty rising hills cov- 

1 James Pemberton was a prominent citizen of Philadelphia, and an 
active member of the Society of Friends. He was one of those exiled 
to Virginia during the Revolutionary war for supposed royalist sympa- 
thies. His second wife was Sarah Smith, a first cousin of Hannah Cal- 
lender, to whom he was married in March, 1768. A daughter by this 
marriage married Anthony Morris, eldest son of Captain Samuel Morris, 
and was grandmother of P. Pemberton Morris, Esq., lately deceased. 
James Pemberton died in 1809, at an advanced age. 



442 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

ered with trees. Seaman Rodman, R. Smith and Anna and 
Betsy Rodman dined there with another of their uncles. 
Afternoon we all went to Charles Hicks', a little further on 
the same inlet, a gentleman that married one of the Rod- 
mans and lives in a very genteel manner. There a shower 
of rain detained us all night. The evening considering so 
large a company was spent pleasantly. I never was of the 
opinion that numbers increased the pleasure of conversation, 
but in the select few dwells the rational pleasure. 

2d day. Charles Hicks was a Yorker. He lived with 
Walton and from him went to the Havana, Lugan and 
among the Spaniards, till he had acquired a fortune. By 

persuasion he is Church of England. Seeing Rodman 

liked her and they married. A reconciliation of friends 
followed, and now they jog on in the good old matrimonial 
way. In his person he is tall and [slim]. His face is not hand- 
some, but a large wig and hat, joined to a blue long skirted 
coat instantly makes you think of a parson. In his temper 
there is a fund of humor, which diverted me several times, 
especially in the morning his inquiry after our dreams the 
previous night. They had several pretty little girls. The 
rest of our company came and breakfasted with us. Then 
set out for Rodman's again, where we stayed till meeting 
time. Hannah Bound [Bowne] was there and Anna put 
on more youthful airs than was agreeable to me. She and 
I rode in a chair together to meeting. [After meeting] our 
own company with R. Smith returned to Samuel Bound's 
[Bowne], where we dined. Phebe and Patty Townsend 
from Oyster Bay were there. 

3d day. We parted from Samuel Bound's [Bowne] family, 
excepting Samuel and Abby Bound [Bowne], who went with 
us and went to Rockaway. It is a beautiful road, with fine 
flocks of sheep [in sight] till we come to the edge of the plains 
where we stopped to dine, and were met by the Rodmans 
[and some others]. Afternoon crossed the plains to Ham- 
stead [Hempstead]. Flocks of sheep and cattle are brought 
by their owners in the spring, marked and go to feed on the 
plains till fall, when they meet and every one takes his own. 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 443 

Hamstead is a small village, where we inquired the road to 
Rockaway, and found we had come a good deal out of our 
way, to the diversion of some of the company. We then 
followed directions, as we thought, hut it led us against a 
fence. We turned and went laughing on till we got the 
right [road] and proceeded down to Richard Cornwall's, at 
the beach (which is thirty miles from Flushing). We inquired 
the nearest way to it, which was about a mile or two. But 
going through the woods, Thomas Franklin and Caroline 
Rodman, who were partly the first and in discourse with the 
chair behind the other, overset by a stump which alarmed 
me much. But neither received any hurt. Thomas got up, 
shook himself and looked as if he had not a word to say. 
We had not gone a hundred yards further, before R. Smith 
in the foremost chair made a full stop, which jammed the 
chairs back one upon another unavoidably and threw me 
upon the fore part of the chair. I told [my companion] I 
would go no further that night, and desired him to turn 
about to the first hospitable house. 

4th day morning. We went to see a curious Indian Wig- 
wam, made of reeds wrought into mats, laid one over the 
other so compactly as to keep out the weather. The door 
was straw, hinges of the same : the fire place in the 
middle and an open place in the top: berths around the 
room for lodging, on one of which the old man, father of 
the family lay. He had almost lost the use of his limbs last 
year by hardship at Oswego. The mother was pounding 
corn on a stone worn hollow like a mortar. Milk in a conch 
shell. The rest of the things agreeable to these. They had 
three children, and thus lived these ancient tenants of the 
land! From thence went to the beach. The fine white 
sand along it is so hard, that riding makes no impression on 
it. We rode several miles sometimes in the waves, which 
seem to meet you as though they would overwhelm. There 
are beacons placed on a hill to alarm the country in case of 
an invasion. We saw some ships out at sea ; which looks of 
a green cast. The hills of Shrewsbury appeared at a vast 
distance. The riding is so fine that there are often great 



444 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

wagers won by racing. We bade adieu to one of the most 
glorious sights ray eyes ever beheld and rode through a 
pleasant country to Jamaica, where we dined. After dinner 
the company was full of mirth. J. R. inquiring how I 
liked the country, told me there was a place just by called 
Horsemanden's folly or Mount Lookout, built round the body 
of a large tree to a great height, ascended by winding stairs. 
At the top it is floored and there is a table, half a dozen may 
drink tea on comfortably. I said I had a great desire to see 
it, and run from this crazy company. We went to a chair 
and got in. It soon took wind where we were going, and 
the rest followed. Eighteen in so small a place made some of 
them fearful. The prospect was as far as the ken of sight. 
We saw the beach we had that morning been on. They look 
out for shipping here. [Leaving this place] we rode to the 
half-way house, and drank tea : from thence pleasantly to 
York ferry, from whence there is a good view of York from 
the South part, and the shipping, divers country seats on 
Long Island and about York, one built by a brewer entirely 
from the profits of yeast. We landed about seven o'clock. 

6th day morning. Walked along the North River ; the 
Jersey shore opposite is very high and rocky. I think the 
prospects of North and South rivers with the prospect from 
the fort, of the Islands, Sandy Hook at a distance, &c, form 
a finer view than I ever saw before. We went to the Mead 
Houses. [Mead is] a sort of liquor made of honey which 
is weak and has a pleasant taste. There is a row of neat 
wooden houses a little within the palisadoes called the Mead 
houses, where it is customary to drink this liquor and eat 
cakes. 

6th mo., 2d day. [In company with several others] took 
a walk to Bayard's country seat. He was so complaisant 
as to ask us in his garden. The front of the house faces 
the great road, about a quarter of a mile distant. A fine 
walk of locust trees now in full bloom perfumes the air. A 
beautiful wood on one side and a garden for both use and 
ornament on the other, from which you see the City at a 
great distance. Good out-houses the back part. They have 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Gallender. 445 

no gardens in or about New York which come up to ours of 
Philadelphia. 

6th day. [The party had] breakfast at the Glass House in 
Greenage [Greenwich], a pleasant place about three miles 
from York along the North Kiver. From thence took the 
road to Kingsbridge in view of several fine country seats to 
Morrisania. Rode through a fine Laurel swamp all in bloom 
where we gave ourselves the Palm. On many of the rising 
hills, the winding little river is seen that goes from York to 
Kingsbridge and divides the counties. The tavern is prettily 
situated at the foot of a hill, the little river meandering 
through a meadow before it. High lands of woods and 
plains with cattle grazing make a complete landscape. We 
were well entertained and a kind Dutchman that kept the 
house, would have our names down and he would send us 
some sweethearts ! We rode over the new bridge [across 
the stream] which parts York Island from the adjoining 
counties and a little way round to the old bridge, that we 
might say that we had been through York Island. From 
hence we rode to Hell Gate or Hoarnshook and drank tea. 
The house and appurtenances with the water looked so 
calm, that I was for reversing the name; but they tell 
me 'tis not so always. This is the New England channel 
for small craft. There is a spot which boils like a pool 
continually, and there have been instances of small boats 
perishing. This occasioned its name from a vulgar appre- 
hension. There was a great deal of company at the house. 
There is but one road out of York and [it passes through] 
those three places we have seen to-day. [It is] the most 
frequent ride of people from the City. We had the South 
River in view returning, so that we had been the length and 
almost the breadth of York Island. 

6th day. Went to visit Wright. The house is at the 

corner of Wall Street and Queen Street opposite the Coffee 
House and juts into the street a little ; the parlor up stairs. 

1th day. Walked up the North River to a fine high hill. 
Sat in a bower and drank some sangaree. Saw the remains 
of a battery made last war. The Palisadoes as they call 



446 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

them are stakes driven thick in the earth at some distance 
from York and reach from North to South Rivers. There 
are two gates which used to he watched, but [now] partly 
gone to ruin. The space within the palisadoes is called the 
fields, and outside the Commons : in the fields there is a hand- 
some building called a Work-house (but it is for lunatics 
also), and a neat building just finished for a jail. There is 
a college begun, but it has got into party and I doubt not 
will make no figure. 

7th day. Went to see English Churches. The old one in 
the Broadway [Trinity] is a rich Church tolerably well 
built and stands in a beautiful spot. Fine large trees before 
it compose a walk for the length of a square, which is the 
burial ground. The whole look of the street is pleasant. 
You would imagine yourself in some City in England. 
Quite still from business and not as in the midst of a great 
city. The New Church or St. George's Chapel stands in the 
upper part of the town, in the street called after it the New 
Church Street. It is a neat plain building with pretty pal- 
isadoes and trees planted round it. From the steeple there 
is a full view of York. I don't imagine it stands on above 
half the ground of Philadelphia, but the houses are very 
thick and there may be as many souls in it. The new Dutch 
Church is also a pleasant building. The method of having 
a court and planting trees around their buildings is very 
pretty. The Exchange is lately built but not well executed. 
It stands at the foot of Broad Street close by the South 
River, and at the head of Broad Street is the City Hall, 
which to meet made me think of one of the gates of London. 
Afternoon. Rode to Kilby's place at Greenwich. There is 
a most beautiful water view down the North River to Sandy 
Hook. Several vessels coming in and I believe thirty, big 
and little to be seen. The many little islands make those 
rivers beautiful. From thence to Oliver Delaney's place 
Blomandol [Bloomingdale], which is a handsome house built 
in good taste of stone, whited. About a mile beyond stopped 
at a country house, got a good drink of buttermilk and turned 
toward York across the hills and plains to the main road 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Cattender. 447 

which for three miles from York presents a fine landscape. 
A good many pretty country seats, in particular Murrey's, a 
fine brick house and the whole plantation in good order. 
We rode under the finest row of Buttonwoods I ever saw. 
The Governor, James Delancey, lives in a good house about 
a quarter of a mile from York. 

2d day. [Sundry friends] went to White Hall stairs with 
us and took boat for Watson's ferry. Crossed the ferry. In 
three quarters of an hour we went nine miles, the pleas- 
antest sail I ever had both for good wind and fine prospect. 
Nuttur [Nutting] Island, Staten Island, Long Island divers 
privateers and other vessels lying among them in short new 
beauties opening upon me every moment. After dinner we 
set out in the stage. We stopped at a house intending to 
drink tea but it looked dirty and we did not. Stopped upon 
a hill about the middle of the island for a view out to sea. 
We saw a sheep with four horns all of them at full growth. 
Looking like for rain we proceeded to the end of Staten 
Island without stopping, where we stayed that night and 
slept in our clothes for the bugs were so thick we could 
not go to bed but we were merry over our affliction. 

3d day morning. Six o'clock crossed the ferry. Break- 
fasted at the house opposite Amboy. From thence our own 
particular company which was very agreeable, set out for 
Cranberry. We dined at Prigmore's and set out again and 
got to Crosswicks by five o'clock, where we had a comfort- 
able dish of tea and concluded to stay all night. The people 
are clever and we stayed with satisfaction. 

th day morning. Starting at half past four o'clock, we 
had a most beautiful ride to Burlington by eight o'clock 
[where she remained with relatives till the day after]. 

5th day. Went to Philadelphia in three hours by water. 

6th day. Charles Norris is married to Polly Parker a 
great deal of money on both sides. 

7th mo., 5th day. Capt. Stirling lies down at Chester in a 
forty gun ship, the first that ever came so far up our river. 

Sth mo., 4th day. Father and I went to the Plantation. The 
place looks beautiful. The plot belonging to father contains 



448 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Cattender. 

60 acres, 30 of upland and 30 of meadow, which runs along 
the side of the river Delaware. Half the upland is a fine 
woods, the other orchard and garden. A little house is in 
the midst of the garden [which is] interspersed with fruit 
trees. The main garden lies along by the meadow. By three 
descents of grass steps, you are led to the bottom in a walk 
lengthways of the garden. On one side a fine cut hedge 
encloses from the meadow, the other a high green bank 
shaded with spruce, the meadows and river lying open to 
the eye, looking to the house covered with trees : honey- 
suckle on the fences, low hedges to part the flower and 
kitchen gardens, and a fine barn just at the side of the 
wood. A small space of woods around it is cleared from 
brush underneath. The whole a little romantic rural 
scene. 1 

1761, Sth mo. 26. Parents consenting Anna Pole, Betsy 
Bringhurst, H. Callender, James Bringhurst and Samuel 
Sansom, set out for Bethlehem and the country adjacent, 
intending a tour of a week or ten days in a complete light 
wagon (for a pair of horses) made by James Bringhurst. 
We rode agreeably to Germantown seven miles. Dined at 
Maconet's, observed the new college, a neat building for the 
education of youth [now the Germantown Academy]. Two 
o'clock we set off again. Found Chestnut Hill long and 
difficult. William Allen has a large stone house on the 
top. We met with a complaisant Dutchman, a wagoner, 
going through White Marsh. Passed Eowland Evans' and 
about six o'clock rode pleasantly down a fine descending 
lane to the widow Evans' (Widow of the worthy John 
Evans who now lives with her son John Evans) distance 
thirteen miles. In a little time after Anthony Benezet and 
Robert Parrish arrived from Bethlehem, having been so far 
with the friendly Indians Paponon 2 &c. on their way home. 

1 This place was known in Hannah Callender's family as " Richmond 
Seat." The present Port Richmond is the same site. 

8 Papoonhank (whose name is written variously Papoonhoal, Wam- 
poonham, Papoonhang, and Papoonham) was chief of the Minsis living 
on the Susquehanna, in the present Bradford County. He was baptized 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 449 

They brought an account that the people were apprehensive 
the Indians intended to strike a blow soon, which had set 
them in an alarm, but they thought we might safely proceed. 

8th mo. 27. Between 5 and 6 o'clock in the morning rode 
through a fine country thickly inhabited to Trostrum's, eight 
miles and breakfasted. Proceeded through a very stony 
road ten miles to Insley's, thence seven miles to Jetter's. 
Drank part of a poor dish of tea, yet it refreshed us from a 
fright we put ourselves in on the road. Now we began to 
see the mountains at a distance. In five miles we got to 
another public house, but a very poor one. Proceeded the 
other five to Bethlehem being almost night. You ride a 
little way along the banks of the Lechia [Lehigh] to a tavern 1 
opposite the town. Here we began to see the manners of 
the people, complacent mild and affable. All their build- 
ings and things for use are made strong and lasting. Crossed 
the river. The Brethren's House made a pretty illumina- 
tion. Walked a quarter of a mile to the Inn in Bethlehem. 
Passed by the stables which were struck with lightning last 
year. The house is kept by Peter Worbas during good be- 
haviour : all its profits go to the common stock. 2 Charles 
Stedman and Seaman just arrived before us from Grayam 
[Graeme] Park. We had an elegant supper and diligent 
waiters. 

8th mo. 28. Waked in the morning by one hundred cows, 
a number of them with bells, a venerable goat and two 
she goats driven in town by two sisters. This order was 
continued morning and evening during the time we stayed 
and looked very pretty. We breakfasted and set off for 

by Zeisberger, and received the name of John, and was known thereaf- 
ter as " Minsi John." He continued with the Moravian mission to his 
death. 

1 The " Crown Inn," the first public house of entertainment erected 
by the Moravians on the Lehigh River. The " Union Depot" in South 
Bethlehem covers the site. 

3 The " Sun Inn," which is still one of the prominent hostleries of 
Bethlehem. Peter Worbas, its first landlord, was one of the five who 
escaped when the mission-house at Gnadenhiitten, on the Mahoning, 
was destroyed by Indians in November of 1755. 
VOL. XII. 29 



450 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Oallender. 

Nazareth, 9 miles distant, in company with C. Stedman, 
Seaman Jones, and two waiting men. Nazareth is a fine 
farm where the widows and boys reside. In the widows' 
meeting room are two pieces of painting, the birth and 
death of our Saviour. We asked for the widow Brownfield. 1 
She came and expressed great satisfaction at seeing us. 
Then we crossed a field or two to the boys' house. This 
was built as a habitation for Count Zinzendorf a large 
spacious stone house [Nazareth Hall]. Ascending by a 
flight of steps into a large hall used for worship, the minister 
our guide played on the organ. Passed through the chil- 
dren's eating rooms [which contain] long narrow tables with 
benches covered with coarse cloth and wooden trenchers. 
They were not so clean as all the rest. Up stairs are the 
School-rooms. One room children between three and four 
years old picking cotton, so orderly and still. For any 
noise they made you might have been in an empty room. 
The next two [rooms contained children] between five and 
six years old knitting. In the fourth [room] were children 
between seven and eight years old spinning. In the fifth 
and last [room children were] employed at their books. 
Pieces of their writing were fixed on the wall to raise emu- 
lation. Fourteen children in each room. The children's 
meeting room is a large hall on the same floor adorned with 
six pieces of painting [illustrating] the life of our Saviour, 
representing him at full length. The third story is the bed 
room containing one hundred beds for one person each. 
Two brethren by turns keep nightly watch with lamps burn- 
ing. The great order, decency, decorum and convenience, is 
hardly to be expressed. "We left this pleasant place with 
due thanks to the minister, going one mile beyond to dine 
at a tavern. 2 Several Indians were at the house and things 

1 Catherine, daughter of Thomas and Catherine (maiden name Bour- 
roux) Kearney, born in New York, February, 1716, united with the Mora- 
vians in 1745. In 1747 she married John Brownfield, formerly secretary 
to General Oglethorpe. She died in April of 1798, at Bethlehem. 

* "The Rose" (from 1752 to 1770), the first house of entertainment on 
the " Barony of Nazareth." 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Cattender. 451 

carried a solemn aspect. In the war it had been a place of 
defence or retreat for the neighborhood. This last rumor 
had brought a family from twenty miles beyond and they 
themselves in much fear. After dinner [went] two miles to 
Gnadenthal. 1 Went into the meeting room [and saw] two 
pieces of painting, the birth and death of our Saviour. 
Some women kindly treated us with peaches. Got in the 
wagon and at a small distance reached Christian's Spring. 
This is the residence of the younger single brethren. Ad- 
mired their water-works milk-house and fine oxen. Went 
down steps to the spring from whence the place took its 
name. 2 Drank of the Castalian fount. Being walled in a 
sort of room and very nice gave it a romantic air. Drank 
a dish of tea in the Guardian's room opposite the single 
brethren's chambers, who pleased and diverted themselves 
by looking at us. 

Returned to Bethlehem. At the top of a hill just as you 
enter the town a prospect of the gaps in the mountains at 
a vast distance and the length of forty miles from each other. 
Supped at Worbas's. 

8th mo. 29. Rose with the cows. Lovely fine prospect. 
The bell calling the sisters to prayers. All the company 
breakfasted together in the large right hand room up one pair 
of stairs. We walked into the town. At the foot of the hill 
we met Nicholas Garrison, who introduced us with form to 
his wife. 3 Gracy [Garrison] received us with freedom. We 
had gone to school with each other. Here we parted with 
the men and had no more to do with them being delivered 

1 See p. 396. 

1 Christian's Spring was named for Christian E., a son of Count Zinzen- 
dorf. The diary of the congregation contains a record of the visit of 
this " company of Quakers from Philadelphia to view our settlement," 
and furthermore, " they were shown the tame trout in the spring, who 
were fed by hand, and would allow Bro. S. to take them from the water." 
Within the year Brother S. removed to North Carolina, and his pets 
soon after died. 

3 See "A Kegister of Members of the Moravian Church, 1727-1754," 
by Rev. Abraham Reincke, pp. 55, 56, published by the Moravian His- 
torical Society. 



452 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

to the sisters. Sister Becky Langly came there. "We went 
from hence with them to the meeting room. [Here we saw] 
nine pieces of painting of the life of our Saviour. Met sis- 
ter Miller 1 a married sister, and Sister Polly Penry. As we 
had gone to school together and I knew the history of her un- 
fortunate life [we were] greatly affected at seeing each other. 
Walked up the single sisters' walk (a quarter of a mile long) 
adorned with two rows of black cherry trees to the Monacho- 
see [Monocacy] creek. Here Becky Langly and I by free 
conversation became acquainted. She was a lace merchant's 
daughter in London, brought up at boarding school gen- 
teelly, as her agreeable person with ease grace and affability 
were convincing proofs. She had been at court several 
times with her mother, but having great cause when young 
to regret her loss. The father, Becky, and a younger sister, 
came to America and [the sisters] are placed here as an 
asylum from further storms. The good man is a citizen of 
the world and makes his home wherever it is his lot. 
Nancy Langly has not seen so much of the world as to for- 
sake it with the resolution of a philosopher. Becky and 
Polly Penry enjoy a strict friendship. Extended our walk 
along the creek to the Wash-house, Dye-house, Bleaching 
Yard, Saw-mill &c., Sister Miller and Betsy Bringhurst going 
a little before us. Sister Garrison with good humor gave us 
girls leave to step across a field to a little island belonging to 
the single brethren. On it is a neat summer house with seats 
of turf and buttonwood trees around it. The Monachosee 
[Monocacy] laves its foot. We brought little cups in our 
pockets from Philadelphia and here drank peace and tran- 
qility to each other. Walked to th e oil-mill, fullers, butchers, 
millers and milk-house. Parted with the sisters and went to 
the Inn highly delighted. After dinner Nicholas and Gracy 
Garrison came to the Inn and waited on us down to the chil- 
dren's meeting. The meeting held half an hour. [The ser- 
vice] consisted of singing, playing on the organ and a short 
sermon in German by a minister. We drank tea with the 
sisters in an outer room. They begged to be excused from 
1 Wife of Henry Miller, the German printer, of Philadelphia. 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 453 

taking us to their apartments. In the evening we were at 
the love feast. The men and women there meet altogether, 
the men on one side and the women on the other, going in 
at different doors to prevent 'communication. Brothers 
waited on the men and Sisters on the women. Two persons 
brought in large haskets with small loaves of bread, dis- 
tributing to every one, one [and to] each person a small cup 
of chocolate. Returned to the Inn and lodged. 

8th mo. 30. Ten o'clock we girls met Sister Miller, Becky, 
and Polly, at the gate leading to the women's house and 
went to meeting. The minister spoke in English. The 
minister, Hyde, 1 is their limner who executed all the 
paintings. 2 

1762, 6th mo., 2d day. -I went to Edgeley. Walked 
agreeably down to Schuylkill along its banks adorned with 
native beauty, interspersed with little dwelling houses at 
the foot of hills covered by trees. On entering one you find 
nothing but an earthen cup, a broken dish, a calabash, and a 
wooden platter. Ascending a high hill into the road by the 
Robin Hood, went to the widow Francis's place. She was 
there and behaved kindly. The house stands fine and high, 
the back is adorned by a fine prospect. Peters's House [now 
Belmont], Smith's Octagon, Baynton's House &c. and a gen- 
teel garden, with serpentine walks and low hedge. At the 
foot you descend by slopes to a lawn, in the middle [of which] 
stands a summer house [covered with] honeysuckle &c. Then 
you descend by slopes to the edge of the hill terminated by 
a fence for security, [the bank] being high and almost per- 
pendicular [with] rocks and shrubs that diversify the scene. 

In afternoon [in company with several others] set out for 

1 Valentine Haidt, a native of Dantzic, in 1714 went to Dresden to 
study painting, which he continued in the schools at Venice, Eome, and 
Paris. After uniting with the Moravians in Germany, he executed a 
series of historical paintings still extant. In 1754 he was sent to Penn- 
sylvania, where he entered the ministry of his church, and passed his 
remaining years between the pulpit and the easel. He died at Bethle- 
hem, 18th January, 1780. 

* The entries in the journal relative to the journey to Bethlehem close 
here. 



454 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

Germantown by the falls. Some mirth on the road by 
female fears. Passed Pemberton's place and the new col- 
lege. Arrived safe at Maconet's. Prom thence to a neigh- 
boring house to see some models in architecture done by an 
illiterate shoemaker, intended when put together as a repre- 
sentation of Jerusalem. ... I shall mention the houses of 
most note. The Temple of Solomon about one yard high, 
three quarters long and half a yard deep. Noble entrances 
on both fronts and sides, all different orders with their 
proper embellishments. In the balcony of the first battle* 
ment are four Priests blowing trumpets. It has a fine 
steeple and is enclosed by three courts, having twelve gates 
adorned with cherubim and angels. [There are] twelve 
magnificent towers at the corners of the courts, the whole a 
yard and a half square. 

Solomon's house in the forest, built on a high green hill 
ascended by one hundred steps, is a noble looking pleasure 
house. It joins the first battlement of the temple by a 
balcony supported by large columns. King David's Palace 
with its towers. [Then follows brief mention of models of 
thirteen other buildings in Jerusalem.] A pleasant ride 
home by Vanderin's [Van Deren's] mill without accident 
completed the tour. 

4th day. After breakfast [several friends came] and we all 
went down to Schuylkill delighted with the plain at the foot 

of the hill. Joshua has a convenient fishing boat 

locked to a tree. This tempted our inclination for a ramble 
on the other side. S. went for the key and oars and a man 
to help. He returned with the key but no oars or assistant. 
[Three of us] determined like the poor disappointed shepherd 
to trust a strong rail for a sculler. We landed safe. Bor- 
rowed at a neighboring house a sculler and calabash to bail 
the water out of the boat which came from the rain the day 
before and returned for the rest. "We marched along the 
shore to the road leading to Peters's. Going by the side of 
a limpid rill, passed a stone quarry and called to see some 
Welch people. Then went to William Peters's house 
having some acquaintance with his wife. She was at home 



Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 455 

and with her daughter Polly received us kindly in one wing 
of the house. After a while passed through a covered pas- 
sage to the large hall well furnished, the top adorned with 
instruments of music, coat of arms, crests and other orna- 
ments in stucco, its sides by paintings and statues in bronze. 
From the front of this hall you have a prospect bounded by 
the Jerseys like a blue ridge. A broad walk of English 
Cherry trees leads down to the river. The doors of the 
house opening opposite admit a prospect of the length of 
the garden over a broad gravel walk to a large handsome 
summer house on a green. From the windows a vista is 
terminated by an obelisk. On the right you enter a laby- 
rinth of hedge of low cedar and spruce. In the middle 
stands a statue of Apollo. In the garden are statues of 
Diana, Fame and Mercury with urns. We left the garden 
for a wood cut into vistas. In the midst is a Chinese tem- 
ple for a summer house. One avenue gives a fine prospect 
of the City. With a spy glass you discern the houses and 
hospital distinctly. Another avenue looks to the obelisk. 
Returned to the house and rested agreeably and departed. 
Returned pleasantly to the boat and behold Schuylkill had 
left her high and dry on land to our mortification. . . . At 
a house we learned it was half a mile to the ferry and we 
walked it cheerfully and agreeably. Baynton and Wharton's 
house at the foot of the hill is a pretty one adorned with a 
green and clumps of trees. They have a private ferry. We 
passed safely after the method of Schuylkill with a boat and 
rope. Winding around the foot of a hill covered with rocks, 
shrubs and earth we opened on a neat little hut surrounded 
with trees, inhabited by an old woman and her daughter, 
the pictures of good nature, hospitality and honest simplicity. 
A seat on their bench with a cordial draught of water intro- 
duced conversation. [Our friends] having got intelligence 
of us brought our chairs, when leaving our good hostess we 
went to Edgeley dined and took leave for town. 

7th mo., 2d day. The Queen's company are here at the 
Barracks. Their clothing is romantic green with yellow 
buttons, button holes and green caps dressed with feathers 



456 Extracts from the Diary of Hannah Callender. 

and flowers. In front of the cap is Latin Per Sylvas. The 
fife and drum make an agreeable harmony. 

5th day. [With several friends] in a couple of light wagons 
went to see the Hermit in a wood this side of Mount Holly. 
He is a person thought to have travelled along from Canada 
or the Mississippi about ten years ago, living in the woods 
ever since partly on the charity of the neighborhood and 
partly on the fruits of the earth. He talks no English and 
will give no account of himself. 



American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 457 



AMERICAN COLONIES AS PENAL SETTLEMENTS. 

BY CHAELES J. STILL^, LL.D. 

In the October number of the English Historical Review 
an attempt is made to show that the original design in the set- 
tlement of Australia was to found there a free colony rather 
than a penal establishment for the reception of English con- 
victs. On this side of the water we are not much interested 
in such a question, and we do not therefore propose to discuss 
it here. The writer of the article in the Review, how- 
ever, in explaining how it happened that Australia was se- 
lected by the English government in 1786 as a proper place 
for the confinement of those convicts whom it thought proper 
to transport as a punishment for their crimes, gives us some 
information concerning the general policy of the government 
on this subject and its history which must appear to most 
Americans strange and novel. He tells us in plain terms 
that the choice of "Botany Bay," as the place was com- 
monly called, to which those who had been convicted in 
England of the most heinous crimes were to be transported 
and confined, was forced upon the government by the revolt 
of the American colonies to which that is, to all of them 
this class of her people had been sent or, as he expresses 
it, had been " shovelled off" before the Revolution. He 
tells us, however, that for these purposes Botany Bay was 
intended as a substitute for these American colonies ; " that 
their loss at the period of the Revolution deprived the home 
country of its main outlet for the outscourings of its gaols, 
and that their revolt at once destroyed one of the subsidiary 
uses for which they had been employed/' and he gives us to 
understand that such is the general belief by referring us to 
an epigram which describes the difference between the set- 
tlement of the American colonies and of Australia as con- 



458 American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 

sisting " in the peopling of America by fugitives from the 
law, while that of Australia was due to criminals despatched 
by the law." In short, the writer of the article seems to 
think that the race which peopled the American colonies 
was infected with the same ineradicable taint of crime and 
villany for which the larger portion of the population of 
Australia its convict class during more than eighty years 
were deservedly stigmatized. All this seems, as I have 
said, strange and novel to a student of American history. 
He has heard many harsh sayings from Englishmen about 
the character of the early settlers of this country ; he re- 
members that many years ago it was gravely proposed in an 
English periodical that Americans who were supposed to be 
too curious in the search for family coats of arms in the 
Herald's office should be presented with a copy of the New- 
gate calendar as the truest record of the achievements of 
their forefathers ; but he, supposing that some knowledge of 
the general facts of American history had at last reached 
English writers, is startled to find that ignorance on this 
subject appears as great and as invincible as ever. 

In order to show to what sort of people those who settled 
the American colonies are likened, and the strange dispo- 
sition which prevails to call very different things by the 
same name, a few words on the establishment and history of 
the penal settlement of Australia may not be out of place. 
The first vessels bearing English convicts arrived in New 
South Wales in 1787. The whole number transported in 
that year and within the next few years was about twenty- 
five hundred, of whom sixty-eight were females. The whole 
number sent from 1787 to 1868 to Australia was one hundred 
and thirty-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-one (" Aus- 
tralian Dates and Men of the Time"). The number of free 
settlers who went out with the first shipment of convicts 
was very small, only eighty-four. The convicts were trans- 
ported by virtue of an act of Parliament, passed in 1784, 
which provided that those who had been adjudged guilty 
of certain offences should be transported to such places as 
the Privy Council should select. In twenty years from the 



American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 459 

first settlement it was found that the number of convicts 
and of the free population in New South Wales was about 
equal, nine thousand each. The criminals after their ar- 
rival, and always afterwards, remained under the general 
control of the agents of the home government. The larger 
portion of them, however, were assigned, as it was called, 
to the free settlers, during the term of their sentence, as do- 
mestic or agricultural servants, the government retaining 
the power of summarily punishing them for misconduct 
either by whipping or confinement in prison. Their treat- 
ment depended much on the discretion of the authorities 
and upon the humanity of their masters. The assignment 
of the convicts as servants to the settlers and their conse- 
quent distribution throughout the colony proved fatal to all 
the hopes which had been entertained that this system would 
aid in developing the resources of the colony, and gradually 
work the reformation of the convicts themselves. On the 
contrary, the result was that the contagion of their evil 
habits and dispositions spread everywhere, like some terri- 
ble and ineradicable plague, and produced for more than 
fifty years a condition of society more horrible than that 
existing in any place ruled by a civilized people. So far 
from the convicts becoming absorbed by the free population 
and becoming reformed and decent in their lives while in 
the condition of comparative freedom, their vicious propen- 
sities were only stimulated by the opportunities for indul- 
gence, and they could be kept in order only by the constant 
use of the lash and by the exercise of the strictest military 
control. There is abundant evidence of their utter depravity. 
Says McCarthy (" History of our own Times," p. 28) : 
" The convicts who had been in the hulks or prisons gener- 
ally left those homes of horror with natures so brutalized as 
to make their intrusion into any decent community an in- 
sufferable nuisance. Pent up in penal settlements by them- 
selves, the convicts turned into demons ; drafted into an 
inhabited colony they were too numerous to be wholly ab- 
sorbed by the population, and they carried their contagion 
along with them." In the report of the Select Committee 



460 American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 

of the House of Commons on Transportation, made in 1838, 
it is said with reference to the demoralization of society in 
Australia caused by the introduction of convicts into it that 
" the number of convictions for highway robbery alone in 
that colony exceeded the whole number of convictions for 
all crimes in England ; that crime had increased in New 
South Wales in a greater ratio than the population, indi- 
cating the progressive demoralization of both bond and 
free, and that more immorality prevailed in Sydney than in 
any other town of its size in the British dominions," and 
many more horrible details are given in the report by way 
of confirmation. It is to be observed that all this was oc- 
casioned not by the mere presence of convicts in the colony, 
but because vast numbers of them were distributed as ser- 
vants among the free population, and were employed by the 
government in many important positions after they were 
supposed to have reformed. The free element in the pop- 
ulation was so feeble that it could not assimilate the con- 
vict element, but, on the contrary, was every year more and 
more demoralized and brutalized by it. This was the germ 
or tap-root of all the evils which afflicted the colony and 
brought it to such a condition that the English government 
was forced at last to abandon the transportation of convicts 
to Australia. 

No such consequences followed the modified form of this 
mode of punishing offences which was adopted when it was 
determined to send offenders to the American colonies. 
Virginia was the only colony to which this class of people 
was ever sent. In the early history of that colony there 
was a great demand for laborers in the tobacco-fields, and 
the colonists welcomed a supply from whatever quarter it 
might come. In 1619, James I. issued an order that certain 
vile and dissolute persons who swarmed the streets of 
London should be arrested and sent to Virginia. The city 
companies, at the request of the Lord Mayor, voted a consid- 
erable sum towards paying the expenses of their shipment, 
and at the same time determined to send a hundred destitute 
children with them. In 1687, Judge Jeffries sent a large 



American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 461 

number of those who had been convicted of rebellion in the 
Monmouth insurrection to Virginia, but these were after- 
wards pardoned and returned from exile. The position of 
these people in Virginia was that of " conditional servitude." 
Their transportation was considered as a mitigation of their 
punishment, and they became a mere fragmentary portion 
in Virginia society, and were readily absorbed into the poor, 
but not necessarily criminal, part of the population. A 
certain sum was paid by the planters to secure the services 
of these convicts, or servants, as they were called, for a 
fixed period, the term of their sentence, and afterwards 
they were freemen. They were indentured to their masters, 
and scattered through the colony, and there is no record of 
acts of lawlessness committed by them as a class. The code 
by which they were governed was wholly different from that 
by which the slaves around them were ruled. If they had 
proved in any way dangerous to the peace and good order 
of the community we should not find such statutes as the 
following among the Virginia laws enacted between 1662 
and 1665 : " Masters shall provide for their servants compe- 
tent diet, lodging, and clothing, and in case of neglect or bad 
treatment the servant shall make complaint to the commis- 
sioner, and the case shall be tried at the next County Court." 
" Any servant who shall lay violent hands upon his master 
or mistress, being convicted thereof, shall serve them one 
year beyond the term." (Penalty for the same offence in 
case of a slave, death.) " Servants shall be permitted to 
dispose of articles brought with them and of those consigned 
to them by their friends." 

As to the character of the persons transported to Vir- 
ginia, as judged by the nature of their offences, it would 
seem that by the acts of 18 and 22 Charles II., those con- 
victed of the vast number of offences which under the 
bloody code then in force were punishable by death were 
offered the alternative of transportation " to any of His 
Majesty's domains in America, there to remain and not to 
return." An important change was made in 1717 by the 
act of 4 George I. The preamble to this act, after reciting, 



462 American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 

inter alia, that in many of his Majesty's colonies there is a 
great want of servants, etc., provides that "when any per- 
son has been convicted of any offence within the benefit of 
clergy before January 30, 1717, and is liable to be whipped 
or burned in the hand or sent to the work-house or any 
prison, or when any person shall be convicted of grand or 
petit larceny, or felonious stealing from the house or person 
of another," then the court, in lieu of the burning, etc., may 
order such offenders to be transported to the colonies for 
seven years. Those who understand the distinction between 
" clergyable and non-clergyable" crimes and remember how 
many suffered death for trivial offences under the old penal 
system, because they were unable to read, will regard this 
statute in one of its aspects as a merciful provision, intended 
to save the lives of petty criminals, and make them useful 
as laborers in the Virginia tobacco-fields. At some later 
day (I have not been able to discover when, but certainly 
after the American Revolution) a change was made in the 
law enlarging the number of crimes for which transporta- 
tion had been employed as a punishment. Thus we find 
that in 1779 one John Gyre, stated to be a man of fortune, 
was sentenced to transportation to Australia for seven years 
for stealing a few quires of note-paper (" Australian Dates 
and Men of the Time," p. 277), and many persons guilty of 
crimes both " clergyable and non-clergyable," were in like 
manner sent thither. 

In regard to the number sent here we have the valuable 
testimony taken by a committee appointed by the House of 
Commons in 1779 to determine what should be done with 
the English convicts, the colonies being in revolt, and of 
course closed against the introduction of this class of people. 
In the Journal of the House of Commons, XXXVII. p. 310, 
we find the following remarkable statement : 

Duncan Campbell, a witness before the committee, said : 
" I have been concerned for twenty years as a Contractor 
for Felons sentenced to transportation. I paid 5 per man. 
I disposed of their servitude in the Colonies. With those 
who had money their punishment was only banishment 



American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 463 

during the term of the sentence. I carried the Convicts 
only to the provinces of Virginia and Maryland. The 
males (not artificers) brought 10, Mechanics 15 to 25. 
Upon heing asked whether they could be disposed of in any 
other of the Colonies, he said !N"o. He had been unwilling 
to renew his contract after Virginia and Maryland had re- 
volted. One hundred might be disposed of in Georgia and 
the frontier of Florida, none in Canada. He had trans- 
ported on an average of seven years four hundred and 
seventy -three convicts annually." 

From the foregoing account it would appear that the 
transportation of convicts to Virginia and Maryland (for it 
seems they were sent to the latter colony also, although there 
is no American record of the fact), both in its design and 
in its results, differed from transportation to Australia, and 
that so far was the one from being a substitute for the other 
that the system adopted after the American Revolution was 
wholly a novel experiment, which proved a lamentable 
failure. 

The following points of difference in the two systems are 
noteworthy : 

1. The number sent to Virginia was very small as com- 
pared with those sent to Australia, and hence the demorali- 
zation of the free population when brought into contact with 
the convicts in the labor market was avoided. 

2. The care of the convicts was not placed in the hands of 
the agents of the home government. There is no record of 
any " servant" in Virginia being placed in public positions 
of trust and honor after the expiration of his sentence, either 
by the home or colonial government, as in New South Wales, 
nor of any riotous or lawless disposition manifested by them 
as a class. 

3. The character of those sent to Virginia, judging by 
their offences, which were all " clergyable," could not have 
been so infamous and desperate as was commonly found in 
those sent to Australia. 

4. There never was any penal settlement of convicts here, 
or settlement of any kind made up of such persons, and 



464 American Colonies as Penal Settlements. 

thus no opportunities were afforded of organizing mis- 
chief. 

The conclusion which we reach, then, is that this class of 
people exercised no discernible influence either for good or 
for evil in Virginia society. They resembled in their status 
the Redemptioners, who by their own contract were sold for 
a limited time after their arrival to those who were willing 
to pay a certain sum for their labor, which was applied 
to cover the expenses of their voyage. These Redemption- 
ers (as is well known) and their descendants became one of 
the most valuable elements in the population of the States 
in which they settled, and doubtless, could we trace the 
history of the children of the "convict servants," we should 
find that Virginia, since as well as before the Revolution, 
has had no reason to complain of them. 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 465 



JUDGE JAMES MOOEE AND MAJOE JAMES MOOEE, 
OF CHESTEE COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY W. 8. LONG, M.D. 

(Concluded from page 309.) 

Major James Moore, who was probably the second son 
of Judge Moore, was born in Chester County about 1756. 
He received a preparatory training in classical and scientific 
branches, and it is believed attended lectures at the College 
of Philadelphia. At the call to arms, in 1775, he quickly 
responded, and, on the recommendation of the Committee 
of Safety, was appointed, January 5, 1776, captain 1 of the 
Seventh Company in the Fourth Battalion, under Colonel 
Anthony Wayne. From their rendezvous at Chester, Penn- 
sylvania, on February 9, 1776, this regiment was sent to 
New York, and, with other Pennsylvania regiments under 
Colonels St. Clair and Irvine and certain New England 
troops, was placed under the command of General Sulli- 
van, and ordered by General Washington, on April 26, to 
invade Canada by way of Lake George and the Sorel. 
Only three companies of the Fourth Regiment took part in 
this disastrous campaign, as the remaining four were un- 
provided with arms, and only rejoined their comrades on 
July 12, at Fort Ticonderoga, after the retreat. 

During the march northward Colonel Wayne detached 
Captain John Lacey, of the Third Company, and placed it 
under the command of Captain Moore until July 13. This 
action of Wayne has been severely criticised by Lacey and 
his friends, and was ascribed to his arbitrariness and to an 
undue friendliness to Moore. Wayne apparently never 
gave his reasons for the temporary change of officers, while 
Lacey has preserved his record of this and subsequent 

1 " Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolution," Vol. I. 
VOL. xii. 30 



466 Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 

events in a diary or other manuscript, which has at various 
times been presented, more or less fully, to the public. 1 

At the battle of Trois Rivieres, on June 8, the Pennsyl- 
vania troops, with Maxwell's New Jersey regiment, bore 
the brunt of the attack, and were barely able to hold back 
the advancing British until our army was extricated from 
its dangerous position and commenced its rapid retreat. 
"Wayne's three companies lost more heavily than any regi- 
ment in this attack, and formed the rear-guard until they 
reached the " Camp at Sorel," where, in speaking of their 
services, their commander said, ..." Their spirited con- 
duct in bravely attacking and sustaining the fire from both 
great and small arms of an enemy more than ten times 
their number merits his highest approbation. He takes 
this opportunity of returning thanks to Captains Robinson, 
Church, and Moore ... for the part they acted that day, 
being that of gentlemen and soldiers." 2 Colonel Wayne 
covered the retreat to Ticonderoga, where they arrived on 
July 9, " without shoes or stockings and almost in rags." 
Captain Frazier writes : " The whole of them appeared in 
a miserable plight from the fatigues and sickness they had 
undergone, but, compared with the eastern troops, they were 
robust and healthy." 3 General Sullivan and Colonel Trum- 
bull, both New England men, spoke of the Pennsylvania 
regiments at the beginning of the campaign as the ilite and 
flower of the army. 4 

The term of enlistment of the men expired in January, 
1777, and those continuing in the service were transferred 
with Colonel "Wayne to the Fifth Pennsylvania Regiment. 
Captain Moore had now enlisted for the entire period of the 
war, and we will very briefly trace his services during this 

1 See " Life of General John Lacey," by Davis ; Jones's " Campaign 
for the Conquest of Canada ;" " Pennsylvania in the War of the Revo- 
lution," Vol. I. (foot-notes) p. 154. 

8 See Jones's " Campaign," etc., p. 77 ; " Pennsylvania in the War of 
the Revolution;" and Dr. Kennedy's "Letters," PENNA. MAG., Vol. 
VIII. p. 114. 

8 See Jones's " Campaign," etc., p. 107. 

* Ibid., p. 70. 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 467 

period. On May 15, 1777, the regiment joined the main 
army at Morristown, New Jersey, where it had gone into 
winter-quarters after the hattles of Trenton and Princeton. 
On September 11, Captain Moore participated in the battle 
of Brandy wine. Promoted major of the First Pennsylvania 
Regiment on September 20, 1 he was in a few hours after- 
wards involved in the horrible massacre at Paoli. German- 
town followed, where Wayne's brigade did valiant service, 
and then Valley Forge, where Major Moore's name appears 
several times 2 in General Washington's orders appointing 
officers for duty in charge of the camp. He was one of the 
eighteen higher officers of the State regiments who signed 
the "memorial" 3 to the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, 
a recapitulation of the terrible hardships endured in that 
famous camp. 

The First Pennsylvania Regiment carried off the honors 
at the battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778. 4 The charge of 
the British Grenadiers was directed against it, and they were 
handsomely repulsed (despite the opinion of General Charles 
Lee), with the loss of their colonel and their flag. I have 
no information as to whether General Wayne made use of 
this regiment or not at the storming of Stony Point on July 
16, 1779. At Arnold's treason, September 24, 1780, when 
the British were sending a force up the Hudson to capture 
West Point, General Washington sent a messenger to Gen- 
eral Greene, ordering him to send his best-disciplined troops 
to gain the defile under the Dunderberg before the enemy. 
The First Pennsylvania Regiment marched immediately, 
leaving tents standing and guards out. " Our march of 
sixteen miles was performed in four hours," says General 
Wayne, 5 " during a dark night, without a single halt or man 
left behind. When our approach was announced to the 

1 See First Regiment " Orderly Book," MS., Mercantile Library, Phila. 
a " Records of the Revolutionary War," by W. T. R. Saffell. 
3 " Pennsylvania Archives," 2d Series, Vol. III. p. 201. 
* " Sketch of Captain William Wilson," PENNA.- MAG., Vol. XI. 
p. 272. 
6 " American Historical Record," Vol. I. p. 435. 



468 Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 

general, he thought it fabulous, but when assured of his 
favorite Tenth Legion being near him, he expressed great 
satisfaction and pleasure." On December 1, 1780, 1 they 
went into winter-quarters at Morrisville, Few Jersey, and 
on January 1, 1781, occurred the revolt of the Pennsylvania 
Line. At the close of February, General "Wayne's brigade 
was sent to York, Pennsylvania, from whence they started, 
May 26, to join Lafayette in Virginia. A very interesting ac- 
count of daily events has been preserved in " The Journal of 
Lieut. Wm. Feltham," of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 
from this date to the arrival near Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, April 21, 1782, including the siege of Yorktown. 

From two letters written by Major Moore we learn that 
he had charge of a cantonment of troops at Hanover, York 
County, Pennsylvania, for some time after the departure 
of the main body from York. In one to General William 
Irvine, 2 dated August 8, 1781 (PENNA. MAG., Vol.' V. 
p. 263), he dwells strongly on the danger of Cornwallis 
ascending Chesapeake Bay, and particularly to York, to 
liberate the British prisoners confined there. Soon after 
this he rejoined the army and took part in the siege of 
Yorktown. After the surrender of Cornwallis he went 
with his regiment to South Carolina. 3 The following are 
extracts from Feltham's "Journal," December 7 (1781). 
Major Moore was left near Guilford Court-House in com- 
mand of the heavy baggage. On February 4, 1782, he 
rejoined the column at Jacksonborough, near Stono Ferry, 
with the baggage and two pieces of artillery. 

February 22, 1782. " This evening we had a very agree- 
able dance at Major Moore's Bowery. A number of ladies 
came in from the country. Amongst the number were the 
Miss Couliets, Miss Glover, Miss Williams, the Miss Ellits and 

1 Egle's " History of Pennsylvania," p. 196. 

2 See "Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. IX. p. 285. 

8 For further account of this period see " Journal of Captain John 
Davis of the First Pennsylvania Regiment," PENNA. MAG., Vol. V. p. 
290 ; " Revolutionary Services of Captain John Markland," Ibid., Vol. 
IX. p. 109; and "The Delaware Regiment in the Revolution," Ibid., 
p. 459. 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 469 

a number of others whose names I cannot recollect. Amongst 
the number was a Miss Miles who could neither speak nor 
hear, and could perform her dancing to admiration." 

March 15. ..." This evening Major Moore with a 
heavy detachment from the army went to the lines." 

From Seymour's " Journal of the Southern Expedition, 
1780-1783" (PENNA. MAG., Vol. YIL), are the following 
extracts : 

" On the Sixteenth of March we were joined by a detach- 
ment from the main army consisting of two hundred men." 

" On the seventeenth marched to the enemies lines [near 
Charleston], and sent parties to draw them out, but they 
not advancing, we returned to our encampment" [Bacon's 
Bridge]. 

"On the fourth [April, 1782] the detachment under 
Colonel Moore marched and joined the main army." 

General "Wayne, on January 1, 1782, had been sent with 
a small force to Georgia, and in five weeks the British and 
Tories, who outnumbered his force three times, were driven 
into Savannah. A detachment from his brigade was sent to 
him, and family tradition tells us that Major Moore was 
with him at the siege of that city. He was with his regi- 
ment at Ashley Hill, South Carolina, November 29, and on 
January 31, 1783, at James Island. 1 To Wayne and his 
brigade was allotted the honor of leading the army into 
Charleston, December 14, 1782, and we are told that he 
trod close on the heels of the retiring Britons. From Feb- 
ruary 1 to March 12, 1783, Major Moore was absent by orders 
of the deputy adjutant-general pro tern., and on July 31, 
with his regiment, was at the barracks at Philadelphia. 2 
About this time he became a member of the Pennsylvania 
branch of the Society of the Cincinnati. 

Major Moore was now introduced to a new sphere of 
activity, one in which, so far as I have been able to ascertain 
from the scanty official records, he acted to the satisfaction 
of those in authority over him, and yet, in carrying out 

1 Manuscript " Orderly Book" of First Pennsylvania Regiment. 
Ibid. 



470 Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 

whose orders, he was placed in opposition to the judicial 
bench of the State, was made responsible for their vacillat- 
ing proceedings, and was compelled as their agent to bear 
the dislike and to go down in history partisan at least as 
one of the oppressors of a numerous class who, under better 
legislation, became worthy citizens of the commonwealth. 

At the close of the war the troubles in the Wyoming 
Valley between claimants under land-titles from Connecti- 
cut and those under Pennsylvania jurisdiction, which had 
remained in abeyance during the conflict, broke out afresh, 
and for a time civil war on a small scale raged. We do not 
propose entering into a history of these troubles further 
than relates immediately to the subject of our sketch. 
They became so great that the Supreme Executive Council 
resolved to call for military aid to assist in settling them. 
John Dickinson, President of the State, was directed to pro- 
cure the enlistment of two companies of about one hundred 
and forty-five officers and men for this service. He selected 
Major Moore for this duty, and in a letter to him, dated 
September 26, 1783, 1 gives minute instructions for recruiting 
the men. On October 18 he wrote, " Councils fully con- 
fiding in your Integrity, Ability & Industry, commits to you 
the important charge, the Fort [Dickinson] and Post at 
Wyoming," etc. 2 Detailed directions as to supplies, route, 
conduct, etc., follow. The soldiers arrived at the fort on 
October 29, and, according to Miner, 3 were quartered on the 
inhabitants, and were insolent in their behavior to the New 
England claimants. These people petitioned Council for 
redress, and a committee from the Assembly was appointed 
to examine into it. Major Moore had not yet arrived, as 
we learn from a letter from Alexander Patterson to Presi- 
dent Dickinson, dated December 20, in which he says, " I 
am very uneasy having heard nothing of Major Moore. I 
wish he were here." 4 Moore wrote from Fort Dickinson to 
the President, December 29 ; and on June 9, 1784, writes 

1 " Pennsylvania Archives," Vol. X. p. 127. 

2 Ibid., pp. 131, 132. 

8 " History of Wyoming." * Ibid 



Judge James Moore and Major James Moore. 471 

of a petition being prepared against both civil and military 
officer